English relative pronouns THE ENGLISH RELATIVE PRONOUNS, A CRITICAL ESSAY BY ERNST ALBIN KOCK, LICENTIATE OF PHILOSOPHY. CEOS LUND 1897. HJALMAR MOLLER, UNIVERSITY BOOKSELLER N Ey LUND 1897. THE BERLING PRESS. Grammatical works chiefly consulted Dictionaries quoted . Texts . ees Chronological Table Abbreviations . Introduction (§§ 1—6) Chapter I. be etc, be. . 2... ee Table of formulas or types (§ 7). The A-types (§§ 8—23). The B-types (§§ 24--35). The C-types (§ 36). The D-types (§§ 37—-53). Chapter IJ. Demonstrative-relatives and particles Se ete. The obsolete forms (§§ 87—95). Pet, that (§§ 96—106). Se pe etc. (g§ 107—114). Pe (8§ 115—119). Swile ete., swilce (§§ 120—126). Swa (§§ 127—180). Chapter III. Interrogative-relatives . Relation and interrogation (§ 140). The who-group. Hwa, who etc. Hwa, who, (§§ 141—142). Hwet, what (§§ 148—144). Hwes, whose (§ 145). Hwem, whom (§ 146). Modern use (§ 147). pe who ete. (§ 148). Who pat, who pat ever, etc. (§ 149). Who be (§ 150). Index. The E-types (§§ 54—65) p. Vz. p. VI. p. VII. p. IX. p XX. p 1 Systematic arrangement of OE sentences containing the relative se etc., se. . bn oe eck sae SPR ABs The F-types (§§ 66—70). Various remarks on the types (§§ 71—74). Para pe (§§ 75—85). Para for bara pe (§ 86). ‘As (88 131184). p. 25. Sum (§ 185). At (§ 186). And (§ 187). But (§ 188). Adverbs (§ 1839). em lig pa Mey te SEATS BAD os Se hs pe DS; Swa hwa swa, whoso pat, etc. (§ 154). Whosoever, whosoever pat, etc. (§ 155). *Who as, *whoasever (§ 156). Whosom, whosomever, ete. (§ 157). The which-group. Loc(a) hwa, loke who pat, etc. (§ 151). Whoever, whoever pat, etc. (§ 152). Swa hwa ete. (§ 153). Hwile, which, ete. (§ 158—162). Pe which (§ 163). Which pat (§ 164). Pe which pat (§ 165). Loc(a) hwile (§ 166). Whichever (§ 167). Swa hwile etc. (§ 168). Swa hwile swa ete. (§ 169). Whichsoever (§ 170). IV Which as (§ 1708). Adverbs (§ 175). The whether-group (§§ 171--173). Chronological Table (§ 176). Prepositions governing int.-rel:s (§ 174). Chapter IV. Relative periphrases . i % p. 76, consisting of a personal pronoun preceded by Se (§ 177). Pet (§ 180). Se pe (§ 178). Swa hwa swa (§ 181). Pe (§ 179). Who, which (§ 182). Chapter V. Special survey of the relatives for the 1st and 2nd pers. aL p. 79, Ic, pw ete. (§ 183). Ic pe, bu pe, etc.; be (§ 187). Se ete. (§ 184); pat, that (§ 185). Who etc., which (§ 188). Se pe ete. (§ 186). Relative periphrases (§ 189). Chapter VI. Various remarks on relative clauses and on complexes containing relative clauses, particularly in OE and ME a oh ee pa Se owt GO ae ee p. 82, The logical value of different relative Relative complexes of the shape clauses; be te lufie, be me lufad etc. (§ 195). Conditional etc. (§ 190). be tc lufie, and pe me lufad etc. (§ 196). Indefinitely-concessive (§ 191). be tc lufie, and he me (lufad) etc. (§ 197). Relative clauses of the shape pe ic lufie, and nan me lufad etc. (§ 198). he [ic sede bet] wis ts etc. (§ 192). be tc lufie and pone geferan hatie; be [ic sede bet] he wis is ete. (§ 193). be ic lufie and fone geferan; etc. (§ 199). be [ic sede bet] oder wis is ete. (§ 194). Intricate complexes; foreign influence (§ 200). APPENGIR ja “ae, Go iy OR) ase Ge a ae a a ae a ae cep Se Rea Ey Se, Bw es es 8s Additional Notes) 4 # vA oe © wae We © he ew bm Sew e we we a we wl Spy Oh Grammatical works chiefly consulted. Axszot, E. A. A Shakespearian Grammar. London 1881. Anprrsson, H. Some Remarks on the Use of Relative Pronouns in Mod- ern English Prose. Upsala 1892. Batpwin, C. 8. The Inflections and Syntax of the Morte d’Arthur of Sir Thomas Malory. Boston U. S. A. 1894. Bock, K. Die Syntax der Pronomina und Numeralia in Kénig Alfreds Orosius. Gédtingen 1887. Conrapi, B. Darstellung der Syntax in Cynewulf’s Gedicht »Juliana». Halle 1886. ErnenkeL, E. Syntax der englischen Sprache, in Grundriss der Germa- nischen Philologie I: 907—930. Strassburg 1891. Erpmany, O. Untersuchungen tiber die Syntax der Sprache Otfrids I. Halle 1874. Grundriss, see EINENKEL. Fraume, J. Syntax der Blickling Homilies. Bonn 1885. Grimm, J. Andreas und Elene. Cassel 1840. Herret, B. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Verbums in dem angelsichsi- schen Gedichte »Crist». Leipzig-Reudnitz 1891. Heyye, M. (Socin, A.) Bedwulf. Paderborn und Mister 1888. Horz, G. On the use of the subjunctive mood in Anglo-Saxon. Ziirich 1882. Héser, J. Die syntaktischen Erscheinungen in Be Domes Dege. Halle 1888. Kuockuorr, O. Relativsatsen i den aldre fornsvenskan. Karlstad 1884. Kemper, E. Darstellung der Syntax in der sogenannten Cedmon’schen Exo- dus. Halle 1888. Kuincuarpt, H. be und die relative satzverbindung im angelsichsischen in Beitrage zur Deutschen Philologie. Halle 1880. Kocu, C. F. Historische Grammatik der Englische Sprache II. Cassel & Gottingen 1865. Leumann, A. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Genitivs in Ailfreds Orosius. Leipzig 1891. VI Maruestus, N. A. Engelsk Skolgrammatik. Stockholm 1893. Maurer, A. Die Wiederholung als Princip der Bildung von Relativsitzen in Althochdeutschen. Genf 1880. Marzner, E. Englische Grammatik II. 2. Berlin 1865. Naver, E. Tempus und Modus in Beowulf, in Anglia XI. Noack, P. Eine Geschichte der relativen Pronomina in der englischen Spra- che. Gédttingen 1882. Reeves, W. P. A Study in the Language of Scottish Prose before 1600. Baltimore 1893. Revussner, H. A. Untersuchungen tiber die Syntax in dem angelsachsischen Gedichte vom heiligen Andreas. Halle 1889. ' Scuraper, A. Das Altenglische Relativpronomen mit besonderer beriick- sichtigung der sprache Chaucer’s. Kiel 1880. Scuraper, B. Studien zur Ailfricschen Syntax. Jena 1887. Sevrarty, H. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Verbums in dem. . Gedicht von der Genesis. Leipzig 1891. Srevers, E. Angelsichsische Grammatik. Halle 1886. Smrra, W. A School Manual of English Grammar. London 1886. Sweet, H. A New English Grammar I. Oxford 1892. Tomanetz, K. Die Relativsitze bei den ahd. Uebersi&tzern des 8. u. 9. Jahrh. Wien 1879. Witrine, J. E. Die Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des Grossen I. Bonn 1894. Several mod. grammars in addition to those mentioned above. Dictionaries quoted. ASD = Bosworrn’s Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, edited and enlarged by T. N. Totter. Oxford 1882—92. Cent. = The Cent. Dictionary of the English Language. London 1889. Murray, see NED. NED = J. A. H. Murray’s New English Dictionary. Oxford 1888—97. Scumipt = Shakespeare-Lexicon. Berlin and London 1886. WessteR = Wesster’s Dictionary. London 1864. VII Texts. /Atrric = Aurric’s Homilies, ed. THorrs. London 1844—46. Andr. = Andreas, in BAP II. Aur. = Codex Aureus Inscription, in OET. ASC = The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ed. Toorpr. London 1861. A, B, etc. refer to the MSS as designated by THorrz. ASR = An Anglo-Saxon Reader, ed. Swerr. Oxford 1891. BAP = Bibliothek der angelsichsischen Poesie, ed. Witcxer. Kassel 1881 —88, Leipzig 1894—97. Be. = Aitrrep’s Bede, ed. Mitten. EETS 95, 96. London 1890—91. (Also ed. Smirn. Cambridge 1722). Beow. = Beowulf, in BAP I. BH = The Blickling Homilies, ed. Morris. EETS 58, 63, 73. London 1874—80. Bo. = Aitrrep’s Boethius, ed. Carpatr. London 1829. Byrht. = Byrhtnoth’s tod, in BAP I. CC = Cynewutr’s Crist, in BAP III. Chart. = Charters, in OKT. Cuauc. = The Student’s Chaucer, ed. Sxzar. Oxford 18095. Cp. = Aitrrep’s Gregory (Cura Pastoralis), ed. Swrer. EET'S 45, 50. London 1871—72. Crus. = Drror’s Robinson Crusoe in Srurzen-BrcKer’s Liasebok. Stockholm 1876. Cited by page. | Dan. = Daniel, in BAP II. Denk. = Denkspriiche, in BAP I. Di. = Aiurrep’s Preface to Gregory’s Dialogue, in Anglia II. Durh. = Durham Admonition, in OET. EETS = Early English Text Society’s Publications. London 1864—97. El. = Elene, in BAP II. Ex. = Exodus, in BAP II. GBAP = Bibliothek der angelsichsischen Poesie, ed. Grein. Gédttingen 1857 —58. Cassel and Gottingen 1861—64. Geb. = Gebete, in BAP II. Gen. = Genesis, in BAP TI. Gen.-Ex. = The Story of Genesis and Exodus, ed. Morris. EETS 7. London 1865 (1873). Glaub. = Glaubensbekenntnis, in BAP IT. Glor. = Gloria, in BAP II, Greg. = Die englische Gregorlegende, ed. Scutiz. Kénigsberg 1876. VITT Guth. = Guthlac, i BAP III. HB = Holy Bible. Heil. = Heiligenkalender, in BAP II. HG =The Holy Gospels in Anglo-Saxon, Northumbrian, and Old Mercian Versions, ed. Sxeat. Cambridge 1871—87. Holl. = Christi héllenfahrt etc., in BAP II. Irvine = Invine’s Alhambra, ed. Morén. Orebro 1873. Cited by page. Jounson = Sam. Jounson’s Lives of the Poets, ed. Warne & Co. London. Cited by page. Jud. = Judith, in BAP II. Jul. = Juliana, in BAP ITI. Jing. = Vom jiingsten tage, in BAP II. Klag. = Die klagen der gefallenen Engel, in BAP II. Lag. = Lagamon’s Brut, ed. Mappzn. London 1847. When B (the later text) is not added, A is meant. Le. = itrrep’s Legal Code, in Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ed. Scumien. Leipzig 1858. Lehr. = Des vaters lehren, in BAP I. Leid. = Leiden Riddle, in OET. LS = Aitrric’s Lives of Saints I, ed. Sknat. EETS 76, 82. London 1881—85. Mac. Bac. = Macautay’s Lord Bacon, ed. Lonemans, GREEN, and Co. London. — Milt. = Macautay’s Milton. Ditto. Both cited by page. Manppen, see Lag. Cited by volume and page. Mar.owse = The works of CuristopHER Martowe, ed. Dycz. London 1850. Cited by volume and page. Mart. = Martyrology Fragment, in OET. Maunp. = The Voyage and Travaile of Srr Joun Maunpeviie, ed, HALLIwELt. London 1866. Md’A = Matory’s Morte d’Arthur, ed. Sommer. London. Metr. = Aitrrep’s Metra in GBAP II. Mir. = Minton. OEH = Old English Homilies, ed. Morris. EETS 29, 34. London 1867—68., OET = The Oldest English Texts, ed. Swent. EETT 83. London 1885. Or. = AitrrED’s Orosius, ed. Sweet. EETS 79. London 1883. Orm. = The Ormulum, ed. Wuirz. Oxford 1852. Pan. = Der Panther, in BAP III. Phén. = Phénix, in BAP III. Ps. = AitFrEp’s Psalms, ed. Tuorpr. Oxford 1835. Psal. = Psalmen, in GBAP II. PsL = Psalm L, in GBAP II. Ix Red. = Rede der Seele an den Leichnam, in BAP II. Rats. = Ratsel, in BAP III. Sch. = Wunder der Schépfung, in BAP III. Seef. = Seefahrer, in BAP I. SHak. = SHAKESPEARE, Globe Edition. London 1895. So. = Ainrrep’s Augustin (Flores Soliloquiorum), in Englische Studien XVIII. Leipzig 1893. Sp. I, I1=Specimens of Harly English, ed. Morris and Skzar. Oxford 1887—89. Sp. III = Specimens of English Literature, ed. Sxear. Oxford 1887. Trgs. = Traumgesicht vom Kreuze Christi, Text B, in BAP JI. Vat. = Vater unser, in BAP II. VH = Vespasian Hymns, in OET. VP = Vespasian Psalter, in OET. Wand. = Wanderer, in BAP I. Weit. = Des singers weitfahrt, in BAP I. Wvet. = Wvetrr. Zaub. = Zauberspriiche, in BAP I. Most pieces in BAP and GBAP, further Gen.-Ex., Greg., Lag., Mart., the small pieces in OET are cited by line; Chart., Geb., LS, Ps., Sp., VH, VP, Zaub. by number or section etc. and line (or stanza), the other OK and ME works by page and line. MnE prose works are cited by volume, book, chapter, etc. (by page only when specially stated); MnE poetical works by book, canto, stanza, etc. (and line), or by act, scene, and line. I usually adhere to the spelling (and the emendations) of the ed:s. In OE quot:s I leave out the accents and many of the stops. For d, v, in GBAP, I write @, w (as in BAP). I print pet (pat, fet) also where the word is abbrev- iated. The same holds good of Sancte etc. Rough Chronological Table. 8th | till } OET; Aurrep; ASC 1—178 (save notes); el HG; BH; BAP; ASR; Aitrric; ASC 178—864 (save notes). cent. ASC 364—885, notes; Sp. I 1; 13th | Sp. I 8—4, 17 B; Orm.; OEH. Cent. 13th \ Lag. B; Sp. I 18—19, II 1—3; Grea Sp. II a 10; 14th 1 Sp. II 1190. Mavnp.; Cuavce.; Sp. HI 1. Sp. III 2—5; 15th 1 gp III 6— 10; Md’A. ar Sp. II 1121: ae III 22—28; Martowe, Spenser, Suax. 7th al Wee ‘ 18th STEELE; Appison; Crus.; Gull.; Popr; Youne; Fretp.; CHESTERFIELD; SoEnsee SHERIDAN. Abbreviations. acc. = accusative. adj. = adjective. adv. = adverb. ant. = antecedent. App. = Appendix. c. = circa, about. cent. = century; -ries. con}. = conjunction. dat. = dative. dem. = demonstrative. ed, = edited. by; edition. ex. = example. fem. = feminine. gen. = genitive. Goth. = Gothic. inst. = instrumental. int. = interrogative. Lat. = Latin. masc. = masculine. ME = Middle English (c. 1200—c. 1500). MHG = Middle High German. Lag. A; Sp. I 7—17 A; Gen.-Ex.; MnE = Modern English (from c. 1500). mod, = modern. neut. = neuter. nom. = nominative. obj. = object. obl. = oblique. OE = Old English (till c. 1200). OF = Old French. OHG = Old High German. OIcel. = Old Icelandic. pers. = person; -ns; -nal. plur. = plural. pred. compl. = predicative complement. prep. = preposition. pron. = pronoun. quot. = quotation. rel. = relative. sing. = singular. subj. = subject. sup. = superscription. By »etc.» after a nom. sing. masc. I wish expressly to point out that not that form in particular, but the whole paradigm, is kept in view. Introduction. § 1. With the force of rel. pron:s were used in the Old Teutonic Languages 1) pron:s of dem. origin, e. g. OE se, swile, 2) inflexible particles, e. g. OE pe, swa, 3) pron:s of int. origin, e. g. OE hwa,. hwile, hweeder, 4) pers. pron:s. § 2, The way in which the dem. pron:s assumed the function of rel:s may have been this (cf. EnpmMann, Maurer): A) If two parallel clauses had the same subj., originally often indicated by the verb-endings only, this subj. could be emphasized in one of the clauses. Then the verb of this clause had a tendency to move towards the front, the other verb would slide towards the rear. In proportion as the endings lost in expressiveness, pron:s and nouns were employed more frequently. A. prehistoric complex comparable to the OE wise sindun, dryhtne folgiad (with the verbs last) or sindun wise, folgiad dryhtne (with the verbs in front) would a) if the subj. of the former clause was emphasized, assume the shape represented by the OE sindun wise, dryhine folgiad, or pd sindun wise, dryhtne folgiad, or sindun wise pa, dryhine folgiad, or pa menn sindun wise, etc. b) if the subj. of the latter clause was emphasized, assume the shape represented by the OE wise sindun, folgiad dryhine, or pda, wise sindun, folgiad dryhtne, or pa menn, etc. B) In complexes like pd [menn] sindun wise, dryhtne folgiad etc., the dem. word, used more freely, was repeated emphatically to mark more distinctly the coherence of the clauses: (a) pd sindun wise, pa, dryhtne folgiad; (b) pa, wise sindun, pa folgiad dryhtne. C) The pron. to which the secondary clause was, so to say, attached, lost its stress and coalesced with the said clause: (A) sindun aise pad, dryhtne fol- giad became sindun wise, pa dryhtne folgiad; similarly pa, wise sindun, folgiad dryhine became pi wise sindun, folgiad dryhtne; (B) the complexes under B be- came pd sindun wise, pa dryhtne folgiat; pai wise sindun, pa folgiad dryhtne. 1 oe Thus in these last sentences the common subj., which had been distinctly ex- pressed only in one of the clauses and had, as it were, re-echoed in the other, originally seconded by the verb-ending, was now fully expressed in both clauses. D) When in one or both of the clauses the common idea was not subj. (nor pred. compl.), but obj. or adjunct, a similar development took place; but the transposition of the dem. into the subordinate clause was then often accompanied by transformation (change of case): (a) jdm gelicad wisdom, pam, dryhine folgiad could change into jam gelicad wisdom, pi dryhtne folgiad; (b) pa, wisdom gelicad, pa folgiad dryhtne could change into pam wisdom gelicad, pa folgiad dryhtne. The development now described is not to be understood as if, during some certain period or other, complexes of the kind in question could be formed after one model only. Ancient constructions remained amongst the newer, and the position of the verb varied. Analogies were, as is so often the case, of great consequence, § 3. The inflexible particles were used to denote relation, partly in con- nection with (original) dem:s, partly alone, partly also in connection with original int:s and with personals. Whether the rel. function of all these particles was of later date than that of the dem.-rel:s, is questionable. Cf. Tomanerz, pp. 25 —28, 36, who gives a résumé of TosiEr’s, Koupine’s, Erpmann’s, and Houz- MANN’S views on the OHG thdr and states as the result of his own inquiries, that this inflexible particle was older, and that it ceded, in the oldest High German, in proportion as the flexible ther gained ground. Cf. also Naver § 106. As to the OE pe I will, for the present, express no opinion. In treating of se, sé pe, pe in the order now indicated, I only comply with the arrangement hitherto commonly adopted; cf. Kocu § 346, Napsr § 92, § 4. The int.-rel:s were also used partly alone, partly in certain com- binations. § 5. The pers. pron:s were under certain circumstances used relatively partly alone, partly combined with words of the preceding groups. § 6. Thus there were in the Old Teutonic Languages a great variety of rel. combinations. Some groups of these I will subject to a special examination before entering on each rel. separately. The sentences containing se etc., se pe etc., and fe, which I have found in OE, from the 8th cent. till towards the end of the 12th, will be arranged after a system which may appear novel, but is not incompatible with Erpmann’s and Maurer’s views. This system is also applicable to OHG, Olcel., and so forth, thus facilitating comparisons which I hope to make on some future occasion. As regards OE alone, this systematic arrangement will help us in showing the justifiableness of certain readings of the old MSS. In this respect many editors and authors have sinned. (DIBTRICH eS in Haupt’s Zeitschr. X: 382—833, XI: 444-448, made the same complaint long ago, when treating of the number of the verb.) They have rejected as incorrect or nonsensical, or at least put down as isolated and strange, what is not isolated and what is not very strange either, in so far as a good many analogous cases can be brought forward, one throwing light on and supporting the other. I shall also have an opportunity of discussing several single passages which have been explained in a way theoretically clashing with the result of a careful survey af the whole material before me, and practically leading to inaccurate syntactical statements. Chapter I. § 7. The rel. combinations which I have found in OE before the end of the 12th cent. and which contain se etc., se pe etc., and pe, can be arranged according to the following table of formulas or types, in which A = an ant. in the nom., being either a word which can never be used as a rel., or else a word which only in another position can be used as such, a [a’'] = the same in [different] obl. case[s], D = either a dem. word in the nom. in such a position (immediately before the rel. clause) that it might be taken to be a rel., or else a rel. pron. of dem. origin likewise in the nom. d [d'] =the same in [different] obl. case[s], H =a word in the nom. by means of which an idea expressed in a pre- ceding rel. clause is expressed once more in the main clause, h = the same in an obl. case, R = an inflexible rel. particle representing a nom., r [r'] = the same representing [different] obl. case[s], . denotes that first the [remainder of the] secondary clause follows and ‘ then the [remainder of the] main clause, * denotes that the type is probable (or at least possible) but not certain on account of the pronoun’s ambiguity of form. ah es Tbe ithe Greater past of) The zel, clause is followed by [the greater part of] A B oO D E F a b a b a b 4) 4 Dt) Dy Hl Wen DR.. Be. : 2 AD ADR AR | D..H JAD..|JDR..H/ADR.. R..HJAR.. 8] 3 | AAD|AADR AD..H |ADR..H AR..H al d dR *d *dR - : Bi *D *DR R *D* DR R.. a al ad | adR *dR..h y : Bi aD aDR aR | D..hv/jaD..| DR..h|aDR.. R..h jaR.. f\\ *aaD aD..h *aR..h oT aAD AD..h ADR..h AR..h a|| *#D Dr *D “Tela r || #a 4| [al AD | ADr *D..H JAD..|*Dr.. H[PADr.. ®) sya] Aa |-Adr | Ar | *a..H [Ad../*ar..H[*Adr.. Ay, s y : *ad.. Bl AAd Ad..H Ar..H : y | *Aad *ad..H ar..H S 10 d dr r d.. 7 11 ad adr ar d..h Jad..| dr..h | adr.. ar.. e! 12 aad ad..h ar..h al d dr’ 13 Bl E a|| ad adr’ 3 i pl ad’ ad’r’ ar’ ar’. e BI aad’ ar’..h y a'r’..h Spas This table can be rendered more complete, seeing that I have left out many possible types the actuality of which I cannot prove. I have put down the un- certain types only (a) when they are alternative, so that out of two at least the one must be right, and (b) when, through proved analogues or otherwise, they appear fairly probable. In types 1—3 the idea common to the two clauses has, in both of them, such functions as are regulary expressed by the nom. In 4—6 the common idea has in the main clause a function usually expressed by an obl. case, in the rel. clause a function usually expressed by the nom. In 7--9, on the contrary, it has in the main clause a function usually expressed by the nom., in the rel. clause a function usually expressed by an obl. case. In 10—12 it has, in both clauses, such functions as are expressed by the same obl. case. In 18—15 it has functions usually expressed by different obl. cases. § 8. The A-types. In 1, 4, 7, 10, 18 the common idea is expressed only once. I will call them »semel-types». In 2, 5, 8, 11, 14 the common idea is expressed twice. I call them »bis-types». In 3, 6, 9, 12, 15 it is expressed thrice. , §9. Al. Gearo wes se him geoce gefremede Dan. 233. PA dcet gehyrde sio per heledum scead El. 709. on celcum lande ne licad pat on oprum licap Bo. 98: 26. Siddan wocan pa pees cynnes cneowrim icton Gen. 1065. It is very probable that se, seo, poet, pa in these and similar ex:s were felt as belong- ing to the latter verb, or, in other terms, that they were no longer accentuated dem:s, but unaccentuated rel:s. But as we cannot be certain in each special instance, especially not with regard to the oldest, I am not in favour of the in- sertion of commas in editions not intended for beginners. The same holds good of other doubtful cases. § 10. A 2. Dt is Andreas se me on flited Andr. 1199. pis is seo wyrt seo wip wyrm gefeaht Zaub. 4:18. pet treow sceolde.. afeallan pot er feste stod Dan. 557. pet da hildlatan holt ofgefan . . da ne-dorston wr daredum lacan Beow. 2848. § 114. A 3. det se hie him niedscylde sceolde se se hie him sealde (that he who gave it him, owed it to him as a bounden duty) Cp. 57: 7. pet hit ne sy degeud pet pet dihle wes Jing. 40. Cf. pych .. pat heo schulle habbe pere. peo pat ledep heore lyf vnwreste Sp. 1 17 A: 242. § 12. A 4, a) Ic seah..on flet beran .. rode tacn pos us to roderum up hledre rerde Rats. 56: 5. sceolde on wite .. libban swa hwa swa gebyrgde pws on pam beame geweox Gen. 483. segn eac genom, beacna beorhtost, bill cergescod . . ealdhlafordes pam (from him who) dara madma mundbora wes Beow. 2779. Treow wes getenge pam per torhtan stod leafum bihongen Rats. 57: 9. lisse EA selle, wilna wastme pam (to those who) pe wurdiad Gen. 1758. wuna pom pe agon (dwell with those who own thee) Gen. 2293. CC 141. In these ex:s the pron. is distinctly in the case required by ‘the verb in the main clause. I.do not believe that anything is »omitted», nor »attracted». Alterations into pe, pes pe, pam pe (cf. BAP notes) are unjustifiable. — There is one passage in »A Moral Ode» (Sp. I 17 A: 93) which, perhaps, should be explained as analo- gous to these. Where the earlier text (Trinity MS) has Hwat sulle we seggen oder don par cengles bed ofdradde. Hwat sulle we beren us biforen mid hwan sulle we iqueme We pe nafre god ne duden pan heuenliche deme, the later version runs We fat neuer god ne duden. pen heueneliche demep. Hwat schulle seggen oper don etc. Demep rhymes with ledep. The editors remark: »Demep for deme, judge. The arrangement of the Trinity MS. gives better sense», This explanation seems to me little satisfactory. I suggest the translation: »we that never did good to (before) Him, who judges in a heavenly way» etc. b) secgan pet sod is LS 14: 3. sue hit soelest sie for da hit begetan Chart. 38: 11. Here the forms of the pron:s are identical in both the cases re- quired (nom. and ace.). § 18. A 5. Distinctly to a: wes ..odrum swidor side rice pam der selra wes Beow. 2199. is para anra gehwam orgeate tacen pam purh wisdom woruld ealie con behabban on hrepre Sch. 9. Distinctly to B: Nu ge gehyrad heleda gewinnan, se dyssum herige mest hearma gefremede Andr. 1198. pa forlet se cyng pa hlefdian . seo wes gehalgod him to cwene ASC 817: 5. pet me Daniel dyglan swefnes sode geswde, poet cer swide odstod manegum Dan. 483. Gregorius | .. sende .. Augustinum . mid wel manegum munecum . pa Godes word .. god- spelledan ASC 34 B: 83. Not distinct: swa he pet beacen geseah, heria hild- fruma, pwt him on heofonum cer getewed weard El. 101. gesawon .. nicras licgean da on undernmeel oft bewitigad sorhfulne sid Beow. 1428. § 14. AG. du forspildes hie da da spreocad leasunge VP 5: 7. We can- not reasonably suppose hie to be anything but acc., nor the second da to be anything but nom. But the first da is ambiguous. § 15. A 7. eadig done du gecure (Beatus quem eligisti) VP 64: 5. ecadge deara forletne sind unrehtwisnisse (Beati quorum remissae sunt iniquitates) VP 31:1. These are, in the A-semel-types, the only ex:s noticed by me in which the pron. is distinctly governed by a word in the rel. clause. — sod is put ic secge ASR 16: 39. § 16. A 8 a) bid .. se hweeteadig wigge weordod se pet wicg byrd (he shall be successful and honoured in war whom that steed bears) El. 1195. hie god flymde se de (thee) cet feohtan . . sceolde (shielded) handum sinum & halegu treow seo (the holy faith which) pu wid rodora weard rihte healdest Gen. 2119. These ex:s are “fairly isolated in type A 8. Therefore various alterations and ence far-fetched translations have been made (see BAP notes). Wwttcker believes in »eine Auslassung des accus. des relat.» But these ex:s are not entirely isolated. We shall find analogous ex:s under A 14 (§ 22) and D 8 b (§ 48). — By the way, ASD states about sceolde in the last quot., that it is »without an object». This is, to say the least, not certain; cf. e. g. lines 2199, 2501, 2808 in the same piece. — b) Distinctly to f. pot is fat an .. des ic .. me onsilte LS 23: 730. Da wurdon der ameldode seofon halige men .. dera naman we awriton on dere frum-sprece LS 23: 120. ponne seo eftre Kthiopia land . . beligedt uton . ., pere is Geon noma Gen. 230. Fela halige menn .. weeron beforan us .. pam we .. geenfenlecan ne magon LS 12: 281. pis is se ilea . . god, done .. fede- ras cudon Andr. 752. Sntlce is seo feorde, pa nu. . weras EHufraten . . nemnad Gen. 233. sie him .. swe swe gyrdels mid dy aa sie bigyrded (Fiat ei sic ut zona qua semper praecingitur) VP 108: 19. Micel bip se meotudes egsa, for pon hi (reflex.) seo molde oncyrred Seef. 108. — ec) nu scined pe leoht fore gledlic ongean poet ic from gode brohte Gen. 615. sint in bocum his wundor pa he worhte, on gewritum cyded El. 826. $17. A 9. Drihten ys on his halgan temple, se Drihten se pees setl ys on heofenum Ps. 10: 4. Wiurrne puts a (!) after the second se. But compared with ase.. se se (§ 11), this se . . se foes does not seem so extraordinary. And cf. the following. — butan tweon Get bid ure det Cet we lufiad on odrum monnum Cp. 232: 12. pet hit swipor is of para biscepa.. gewyrde pet pret hie secgad Or. 126: 33. $18. A 10. hu he him .. ondwyrdan sceolde pes he hiene ascade Or. 126: 30. heelon pet hy forhelan ne mihtan Zaub. 5 A: 18. Heht pa tosomne pa heo seleste . . wiste . . to poere .. byrig cuman El. 1201, if, as I believe, the first pa is an adv. — With regard to Or. 126: 30 Bocx, p. 26, speaks of an »Attrac- tion des Relativs an sein Beziehungswort, das mit ihm nicht in gleichem Casus steht» (bes = pes pet). Leamann, p. 32, combines fees with ondwyrdan. Witt- FING, p. 399, admits the possibility of LzHmann’s view, but expresses as his own opinion that Zws is »das regelrecht von ascade abhingige relative Furwort, wihrend das hinweisende fehlt». An attraction which implies, as it were, a moving of the pron. towards the main clause, is, of course, incompatible with the theory exposed in § 2. But apart from that, there is no occasion to speak of attraction here, seeing that ascan can govern the gen. as well as ondwyrdan (Be. 568: 22, Bo. 208: 8, Ps. 48: 4, etc.). The dem. may, even from my point of view, be missing, if namely the originally dem. pws governed by ondwyrdan, has changed into an unaccentuated rel. But what I do not consider likely is that the gen. case of the pron. should be owing to ascade; and this opinion of mine is based not on any theory, but on the fact that in all the A-semel-types I have, as is already stated (§ 15) found only two complexes in which the case of the pron. is distinctly: owing to a word (verb or noun) in the subordinate 6 = clause, and both of them belong to a verbal translation. See, on the other hand, the many distinct ex:s in § 12 a, § 24. § 19. A 11. nympe ic dom wite sodan swefnes pes min sefa myndgad Dan. 144. On done eahtategdan deg .. (bid) des halgan biscepes tid . . (dé: his) modor, tere noma wees sancte Anthie Mart. 12. wut wes gongende to neata scipene, para heord him wes .. beboden Be. 342: 26. ic. . getimbru de in wege dissum dem du ingest (in via hac qua ingredieris) VP 81: 8. Meaht du ..mece gecnawan pone pin feeder .. bar Beow. 2048. he forlyst pat lytle pet he er dyde LS 12: 276. we Ebreisce e leornedon pa on fyrndagum federas:cudon™ El. 398. ic .. je .. orleg secge, worda gerynu, pa pu wendan ne miht Dan. TAT. § 20. A 12. Ale mon tiohhap him pet to selestum goode det pot he swipost lufad Bo. 190: 8. pet hit god sede pot pet hi secgad LS 15: 118. gecyd cre ft & miht pet poet Caldeas . . gefrigen habbad Dan. 328, which has been unne- cessarily altered (cf. BAP note). § 214. A 13. Ahsa pes pu wille Be. 266: 22. ne gebelge ic me nawtht wid pe. Ac fagnige pes pu cwyst So. 848: 88. se gomela gode pancode .. pes se man gesprec Beow. 1398. Denk. 2: 105. Red. 150. pct dysie fole pes hit seldnor gesihd swidor wundriad Metr. 28: 66. noldon .. hire andsware cenige secgan torngenidlan pies hio him to sohte El. 568. Hweet wille we .. forpberan pos we . arefnedon BH 25: 2. him bid lean gearo .. pws we her inne magon . . fre- mena gewinnan Gen. 486. nis woruldfeoh pe ic me agan wille, sceat ne scilling pes ic on sceotendum, feoden mera, pines ahredde Gen. 2148. de giena speow pes pu.. fremman ongunne Gen. 2811. ne magon nan god don. for pam ic pe nu scede Bo. 290: 12. be pam se apostol Paulus . . cwwd ASC 340: 30. to eacan pan him sylf geleornod hefde ASC 244 note: 5. dette he ne swigige dees fe nyt- wierde sie to sprecanne, ne det he ne sprece det he swigian sciele Cp. 88:7. wiste forworhte pa he er wlite sealde Gen. 857. — Wourine, § 304, utters concerning So. 343: 38, Bo. 290: 12, and one more passage in Aitrrep’s works: »Nur an den folgenden 3 Stellen scheint mir an wirkliche Auslassung des relativen Fiir- wortes zu denken méglich zu sein». But in pp. 17 and 249 he advances Cp. 88: 7 in proof of the verb swigian governing the acc. case. However, the three passages quoted are. perfectly analogous in the point under discussion. In all of them the case of the pron. is exclusively owing to a word (verb or prep.) in the main clause. The verb of the subordinate clause has nothing to do with it. If Wturine had duly compared those three passages, he would have found that if an omission is possible in the two, it is equally possible in the third, and that if the third proves that swigian governs the acc. case, the first and the second prove that cwedan and secgan govern the gen.! — With the experience gained of the A-semel-types in general, we know what value to attribute to Bovurerwek’s note on Gen. 857 (see BAP): ofiir Za ist besser fam zu lesen». a: ee Of course, the additional statement »Higentlich miisste es heissen: he viste pa forvorhte, pam he er vlite sealde» would still be very suitable in a class-book. § 22. A 14. To a: pot heo .. beteran wurdun.. wepen gewrixles. pes hi on welfelda . wip Hadweardes afaran plegodan ASC 206: 6. se cyng.. . pone corl .. calles benwmde pes he on Englalande hefde ASC 366: 12. Forgif pu me. .gemynd pinga gehwylees para pu me .. sendan wylle Geb. 4: 23. pe sie ealles ponc meorda & miltsa para pu me sealdest Geb. 4: 67. hwonne him lifes weard .. frecenra sitta reste ageafe pera he rume dreah Gen. 1428. — To B: leoducreft onleac pees ic lustum breac El. 1250. God forgifd.us .. west- mas . pera we sculon brucan LS 11: B57. od Donua pa ea, pere cercielme is neah Rines ofre Or. 14: 31. se Hlmihtiga Heelend . . geswutelode him .. pa to- ~ weardan onwrigennysse, be dere he awrat da boc ASR 14 A: 33. pet du . widscecest feste pone ahangnan cyning, pam du hyrdest cer El. 933. cefter rime fif Moyses. boca, dam seo godcunde cw awriten ts Be. 26: 27. far anen Frenciscen ceorles [dingan]. Hugo hatte . done seo hlefdige hefde geset to gerefan ASC 253 F: 7. pe (who) on gemynd nime pore deorestan degweortunga rode (the honouring of the day of the most precious cross) under roderum, pa se ricesda ealles ofer- wealdend earme bepeahte El. 1234. of pam eorle woc unrim peoda, pa nu cedel- ingas .. Hbrei hatad Gen. 1647. dis siondan des landes boec et wassingiellan det edelbearht cyning wullafe sealde Chart. 28: 19. gemyne wordes dines diowe dinum in don me hyht du saldes (Memento verbi tui servo tuo in quo mihi spem dedisti) VP 118: 49. § 28. A 15. I have no old ex. Cf. in his hond, His, that Hauelok was the name Sp. I 18: 727. § 24. The B-types. Here in 1, 4, 7, 10, 13 the common idea is expressed by two words (»bis-types»), in 2, 5, 8, 11, 14 by three words (»ter-types>»), § 25. B 1. fremme se pe wille Beow. 1003. Alse wel se (as well as) pe pe haued goldes fele manke Sp. I 17 B: 70. oft buton synne bid doen pette of synne cymed Be. 80: 1. Flugon da de lyfdon ladra linde Jud. 297. § 26. B2. Eart pu se Beowulf se pe wit Brecan wunne Beow. 506. To pam us lede pe leofe drihten Crist. pe pe is sod wisdom LS Notes p. 544. Kadig is heora yld seo de .. moste for Criste prowian ASR 14 B: 111. Is nu fela folca pette fyrngewritu healdan wille Lehr. 67. feormend swefad pa de beadogriman bywan sceoldon Beow. 2257. — is sod wall pette sod is So. 334: 18. pone heahan deg .. freodiap ealle pa de cunnon cristene peawas Glor. 28. Cf. § 71. § 27. B 3. hw dear se gripan on da scire . . se se pe hiene selfne hiwcudne ne ongit Gode Cp. 62: 9. § 28. B 4. se hit on his sawale nas on des. (not on his) de hit don het Chart. 39: 15. ne bysna pe be nanum pera pe yfel.don Ps. 36: 8 (§ 76 a). 2 = betux pore ie Indus & pere pe be westan hiere is Or. 10: 20. Wel bid pam pe him are seced Wand. 114. pone yloan sige God behet eallum pam de hine lufian wylladt Be. 40: 6; cf. § 71. ge wergdon pane pe cow . . lysan pohte El. 294. — Do a poette duge! Lehr. 4. Nu ge. . findap gen pa pe fyrngewritu . . cunnen El, 373. § 29. B 5. ; a) Distinctly to a. Ingild wes Ines bropur. Westseaxna cyninges . pus pe eft ferde to Sancte Petre ASC 126: 13. se wes ordfruma earmre lafe pore pe pam hedenan hyran sceolde Dan. 153. od pet hie burga gehwone abrocen hiefdon para pe pam folce to fride stodon Dan. 64 (§ 77 a). per is ar gelang fira gehwylcum pam pe hie findan cann Andr, 980. nanum odrum buton pam pam pe geclensode beod So. 334: 7. heriad .. Drihten pone de eardad on Sion Ps. 9: 11. —.In ne ge metinge mine ne cunnon pa pe me for werode wis- dom bered Dan. 142, Bourerwex altered bered into berad on account of the sup- posed plur. pa pe. Drerricn,.in Havrt’s Zeitschr. X: 332, objects to any alter- ation. So do I, but for quite another reason. Drerricu has, indeed, sufficiently proved, that in subordinate clauses with the verb in the subjunctive mood, it is not altogether rare to find a sing. verb after a plur. subj.; in other clauses it happens less. frequently. But when he adduces Gen. 204 (§ 68) and Dan. 142 in proof of the plur. rel. pa pe as subj. being followed by a verb in the sing., I cannot agree with him. Both those passages are too uncertain to be used as proofs. Concerning Gen. 204 see Wittcker in BAP, who, by the way, renders Dierricn’s argument quite wrongly. In Dan. 141—142 I decidedly prefer taking metinge mine and the following pa to be in the acc. sing. My reasons are: 1) in lines 110, 118, 126, 144 we find swefnes, in 165 swefen . . poet; no- where more than one dream is spoken of; 2) bered is in the sing.; 3) only a few lines after the passage under discussion we have a distinct ex. of type B 5a (see above), not to mention 16 and 64, where the common fara fe is used in the same construction. None of these reasons would, of course, be sufficient, if there were anything to prove the reverse. But I can find nothing. At all events the passage can hardly be built upon for the purpose for which Drerricx uses it. b) Distinctly to f.. ic bidde done waldend, se de das woruld gesceop Zaub. 1: 62. utan biddan... God de de eardian dep pa anmodan in his fceder huse Be. ed. Surru 502: 18 (Wtnrine § 294; ed. Minter: se de). Se halga sang geswutelad pa halgan prynnysse .. seo de efre wes LS 16: 217. werigra wlite minsode, pa de dy worce gefeegon Dan. 268. In the last quot. Gram alters pa into para, thus substituting type a for type f, just as Dierricu in Dan. 142 (a) practically substitutes § for a. It is true, that para pe is a very common collocation ($8 75—85). It is also true, that in such ex:s where para pe (pe representing a nom.) and pa pe (likewise in the nom.) have for ant. a noun in the gen. plur., the former seems to be.more frequent than the latter. (In my collection of ex:s Sexi tas there are 17 para pe to 8 pa pe.) But this is no reason for going against the evidence of the MS. And if we look at the B-ter-types at large, the number of distinct a-ex:s and that of distinct f-ex:s seem to be about the same. (My col- lection gives very nearly the proportion 17: 17; B 5 alone gives 14: 17; so do.the three types (5, 8, 14) together, if para pe and pa pe are left out of account, When Naver, p. 472, speaks ‘of the »seltenen fille, in denen das relative se in der konstruktion des nebensatzes steht», he has only Beow. in view.) c) gepeode .. put cdele cyn.. pot pe eft forward Klag. 21. bebead . . wundor godes prette on pam cnihtum gecyded wes Dan. 472. se dead. . asun- drad pa sibbe. pa pe er somud weron Red. A: 4. § 30. BY. An sod God is se de Iohannes wurdad ASR 14 A: 272. (par- inne bed) po pe (those to whom) oder mannes wif was lief Sp. 1.17 B: 261. § 31. B 8. Distinctly to a: pet hit is wuldres beam se de ceelmihtig god on prowode Trgs. 98. hie cwedan.. det se an were sod God se pe Martinus hyrde ~ BH 223: 1. Distinctly to B: him arn on last .. genip, pam pe se peoden self sceop nihte naman Gen. 139. se wes Hropgare helepa leofost . ., rice -rand- wiga, pone de heo .. abreat Beow. 1298. Not distinct: beod wunda onwrigene pa de on worulde wr .. men. . geworhton Red. B: 90. : § 32. B 10. ongunnon ealle .. biddan pos de he bed ASR 9: 37. donne fegniap hi pos pe hi sceamian sceolde Bo. X: 25. tydiad me pos de ic gyrne LS 23: 581. gif ge scyld on eow .. witen des de eow .. man tihd Durh. 10. dcet he sie widerwinna . . does pe he bid gesewen deow Cp. 146: 17. donne abirst der hwilum hwethwugu ut das pe he swugian sceolde Cp. 164: 16. ic geseah hwet hwugu pees pe ic et ham beporfte So.. 332: 6. dyles he mislitige dem pe he hiene cer selfne gesealde Cp. 180: 2. nefne god. sylfa .. sealde pam de he wolde .. hord openian Beow. 3055. he hefi dette he habban wolde Cp. 56: 4. se cyng him nolde agifan pot pe he . . uppon him genumen hefde ASC 367: 33, lere mon siddan furdur .. pa pe mon furdor leran wille. Cp. 6: 14. helle king: is ore-leas wid po pe he mai binden Sp. I 17 B: 220. — Wiaurine, § 281 b, re- marks concerning Bo. X: 25: »man kann hier auch an Auslassung des hinwei- senden Firwortes denken und pes pe als relatives Ftirwort zusammenziehen», This is in unison with his explanation of Or. 126: 30, § 18. That I should have but little faith in such an acceptation is, after what I have said there, only natural. The B-bis-types are even still more decidedly against it than the A-semel-types, as, amongst the former, I have not found a single instance of the pron. being di- stinctly governed by a word in the rel. clause. For ex:s like Cp. 164: 16 and So. 332: 6 (see above) do not count. Wtxrine, p. 17, uses indeed the former in proof of swigian governing the gen. case. But he himself adds: »dws kénnte allerdings auch als Gen. des hinweisenden Firwortes zu hwathwugu gehéren, , und dann wire fraglich ob de Genit. ist». Concerning So. 332: 6 he is not quite 2 AO ae consistent with himself. First, p. 26, he uses it in proof of bepurfan governing the gen. case, adding in a parenthesis: »nicht ganz sicher, da pes nur zu hw. gehéren kann» (where »nur» appears to be a slip for »auch»), Then, p. 406, he declares: »ich ziehe pes zu hweethwugu, doch kann man es auch mit pe verbin- den», The by far more probable acceptation is the one to which he gives the preference in p. 406. At any rate, in dozens of similar complexes it is the only one possible (see the fourth and fifth quot:s in § 34), whereas no instance has been found where the other is necessary. — In pa weard redemod rices deoden, unhold peoden, bam pe whte geaf (with those to whom He had given possessions) Dan. 34, Wttucxer, like Grein and Korine, alters pe into he. I find this emen- dation unnecessary; cf. Drerrich in Haupt’s Zeitschr. XI: 440. The analogous Gen. 2264 (§ 34) is left unaltered. Why not substitute, also there, a pers. pron. for de? The circumstance that in the latter passage the two clauses require dif- ferent cases of the dem.-rel., makes no essential difference (see the A-semel- types). Of. Gen. 102, Ex. 500. § 83. B. 11. Ne gelyfe ic me nu pes leohtes furdor pws pe he (0: God) him penced lange neotan Gen. 401. he awende cristes boc..to leden-sprece on pure de we leorniad LS 15: 110. ne wealdap hi peah eallra para pe hi wealdan woldon Bo. 160: 4; cf. §§ 71, 84. he hlynode uppan his breoste .on dam pe wees behyd [eall] se heofonlica wisdom LS 15: 161. byre.. pone madpum byred pone pe du mid rihte rcedan sceoldest Beow. 2056. lat pinne sefan healdan . . frean domas pa pe her..men forletdp..asigan Lehr. 74. Sweer, in his note on ASR 22: 156, says with regard to the first of these quot:s: »fes pe, by attraction, instead of the accusative». This is a statement comparable to Bocx’s remark on Or. 126: 80 (§ 18). In all probability both gelyfan and neotan here take the gen, At all events I fail to see anything that could prove the reverse, or even make it probable. § 34. B. 13. simle wilnad des de he begitan ne meg Bo. 160: 20. him pancian cefre dees pe he him forgeaf ASR 13: 80. (Agar) polian ne wolde .. ondlean pes de (retribution for that which she) wr dyde to Sarran Gen. 2264. Gif du .. ofdence hwwethugu des pe din niehsta de widerweardes gedon hebbe Cp. 348: 10. ne forholen nanuht pes de ic age Zaub. 5 C: 1. sunu Dauides . . getimbrede tempel .. most & merost para pe manna bearn . . geworhte Ex. 895 (§ 82). Weras .. wibed seltton neah pam pe. Abraham cror rerde Gen. 1888. ic geseah on dwm pe ic leran sceolde ealle .. gedohtas Cp. 154: 7. § 35. B. 14. To a: Me ece sealde sunu..on leofes stel pos pe Cain ofsloh Gen. 1114. Him wees .. gold estum geeawed.., healsbeaga mest para pe ic on foldan gefregen hwbbe Beow. 1196 (§ 88). he wyrcan ongan woh on felda pam pe deormode Diran heton Dan. 171. per ic.. beleas herum pam pe ic hefde Rats. 27: 5. To p: werum gielded gaful geara gehwam, pes pe guman Chee brucad Rats. 33: 12. welhiryle gecwwd pot he..secgan hyrde.., wide sidas, para pe gumena bearn gearwe ne wiston Beow. 878 (§ 85). sia sia heo bidende were his ondsicare, pone pe heo geseah Be 290: 17. Huet sellu ic dryhtne fore allum @a de (pro omnibus quae) he salde me VP 115: 12. § 386. The C-types. Cl. pa wes eadfynde pe him elles hiwwr gerumlicor reste rymde Beow. 138. C 2. se weard ablend pe hine beheafdode LS 1%: 129. C 4. (se engel) hefde .. gewurdod de (those who) pa yewyrhtoy ahton Dan, 444, (crist) yiemed pe his bien Sp. I 17 B: 80. Cb. Wer du gewurdod .. for pes eagum pe de esc tir. . forgeaf Gen. 2108. C 7. par-inne bed pe (those to whom) was to lef wreche men to sienche Sp. I 17 B: 254. C8. Du eart se wdela, pe on erdagum ealra femnena wyn feegere akende on Bethleem Geb. 3: 25. C10. pet du mege py bet gelyfan de (what) ic pe..vrecce Bo. 272: 21. Cll. Ine..ofsloh Eadbryht pone wpcling. pe he er utflymde ASC 73: 30. C 14. pa ferde se godspellere..to dam geleaffullum de he wr lerde LS 15: 36. § 37. The D-types. In the a-bis- and in the ter-types the idea expressed once or twice at the beginning of the complex is repeated after the rel. clause, usually by means of a pers. or dem. pron., sometimes in the shape of a noun (with adjuncts). Subordinative conj:s are repeated at the same time, coor- dinative conj:s only very seldom. Sometimes the [part of the] main clause [which follows on the rel. clause] is introduced by ponne or sira (§§ 39, 58). § 38. D1. se eardad in heofenun bismerad hie (Qui habitat in caelis inridebit eos) VP 2: 4. sie monge hefde bearn geuntrumad wes (quae multos ha- bebat filios infirmata est) VH 4: 11. nales pet ingangep on mup mannan be- smitep Be. ed. Surry 494: 33 (WiitFIne). da sivencad me gefiad (Qui tribulant me exultabunt) VP 12: 5. § 89. D2 a. se doed das ne bid he onstyred (Qui facit haec non commo- vebitur) VP 14: 5. pot leof wes.wr, hit byd lad ponne Jing. B. 243. pet per to lafe weard para Thelescisa hi hiora lond ofgeafan Or. 32: 19, where the sing. rel., referring to a multitude of individuals, is followed by a pers. pron. in the plur. (Wtxrine, § 285, térms this an »unregelmissigkeit».) da astigad sav ..hie gesegun were dryhines (Qui discendunt mare ..Ipsi viderunt opera Domini) VP 106: 28. — Se to anra dara burga geflihd, donne meg he beon orsorg Cp. 166: 19 (§ 190). § 40. D2 b. se mann se to londe foe agefe.. VIII pund Chart. 41: 68. seo herepad sio et hilde gebad .. bite irena, brosnad wfter beorne Beow. 2258. one ffl pet folc eal pet per to lafe wws para landleoda beag to Eadwearde ASC 195 A: 8. da witan pa on Lundene weeron .. gecuron Eadmund ASC 278 C: 48. § 44. D3. se se pe (thee) lufad. se pe seecd So. 334: 27. pet se mon- dryhten se eow da maimas geaf.. pet he .. gudgewedu .. forwurpe Beow. 2865. & Hdelswy@ cucn. seo wes Alfredes swustor cyninges. & heo fordferde. & hire lic ligd et Pauian. d..&.. ASC 159 D: 25. Mast al pat me likede ar nu hit me mislicad Sp. I 17 B: 13; cf. § 71. Sume da da wenad det hie ecadmode sien, hii dod .. Cp. 801: 26. Cf. He that wile non forbere .. Deth him tok Sp. I 18: 352. § 42. D4. pret on Lindese geworden wees .. we geleornodon Be. 4: 21. pt ofer si & to lafe, sellap celmessan (quod superest date eleemosynam) Be. ed. Smitn 489: 29 (Wtirine). Cf. pat ti wil is: wurch nu Sp. I 8: 94. § 43. Dba. se his ferwerne .. se him seald . . helle wite Chart. 40: 22. Se pé mast dod nu to gode and se last (0: dod) to lothe. Hider to litel and to muchel hem sal punche bode Sp. I 17 B: 61. § 44. D5 b. from temple dinum det is in Hierusalem de ofredun cyn- ingas gefe (a templo tuo quod est in H. tibi offerent reges munera) VP 67: 30. -— his stiward Willelm hatte. se wees his modrian sunu. het se cyng on rode ahon ASC 362: 35. da da usic fiedon du gesteadelades (eos qui nos oderunt confudisti) VP.43: 8. § 45. D 6. Distinctly to 6: Hufrate pa ea seo is .. irnende purh.. Babylonia burg, he hie .. on monige ea upp forlet Or. 74: 2. Distinctly to yp: se man se dis healdan wille .. se him seald . . sia hiabenlice bf{lJedsung Chart. 40: 20. Cf. And he dat dise lettres wrot, God him helpe weli mot Sp. I 15: 2527. pat he pat pis wryt wrot. his saule beo per atholde Sp. 1 17 A: 390. Not distinct: ealle pa ding pa weron widinne mynstre & widuten. eall he scolde hem betecen ASC 3881: 14. Cf. peo pat cristene weren: derfliche droh ham to deade (those who were Christians, [those] he cruelly dragged to death) Sp. I 8 A: 3. § 46. D 7. forhwon ponne pit wiif. pat heo clene mode of gecynde prowat, sceal hire in uncleennesse geteled beon? Be. 80: 20. pet he on Normandig gewun- nen hiefde. syddan on sibbe . . wunode ASC 367: 21. § 47. D8a. pet hie triumphan heton, pet wes .. Or. 70: 22. § 48. D8 b. Distinctly to a: det se monn se higon (to whom the monks) londes unnen to brucanne da ilcan wisan leste on swesendum Chart. 42: 15. Dis- tinetly to £: mon sibbe minre in dem tc gehyhte (homo pacis meae in quo spe- rabam) . . gemonigfaldade wid me gescrencednisse VP 40: 10. geheftednis da gedegladon (captio quam occultaverunt) gegriped hie VP 34: 8. — Not distinct: pet feoh pet hi hefdon der on heora seodum. leg eac mid pam halgum LS 23: 261. Possibly to y: godas da hie ne cudun niowinga cwomun to dem (deos quos non noverunt novi recentes venerunt) VH 7: 33. 2 16 $49. D9. newyrgendras. pera mud bid .. mid .. wyrigunge afylled. ne reaferas. nabbad hi nefre godes rice LS 17: 42. — put pet we wyrd hatap. pet vip Godes weorc Bo. 886: 7. eall pt he forsceamode .., pwt bid ponne . open Jiing. B: 140; cf. § 71. stan done wideurun timbrende des geworden is in heafud hwommes (Lapidem quem reprobaverunt aedificantes hic factus est caput anguli) VP 117: 22. § 50. D 10. done du sloge hie oehtende werun (quem tu percussisti ipsi persecuti sunt) VP 68: 27. pet ic be .. Cudbyrhte wrat . .. sume ic wrest noi of pam gewritun Be. 4: 28. cyderas unrehte da ic nysse frugnon mec (testes iniqui que ignorabam interrogabant me) VP 34: 11. 8 51. Dilla. pot ic eow.. wr sede pet ilce tc eow nu secge LS 23: 449. pa du .. geceose pa du togedre gesomna Be. 66: 26. § 52. D 11 b. in wege dissum on dem ic ymbgongu ahydfdjun girene me (In via hac qua ambulabam absconderunt laqueos mihi) VP 141: 4. tungan da ne wiste geherde (Linguam quam non noverat andivit) VP 80: 6. pret feoh pot hi wr lefdon hi mid heom ... hefdon LS 28: 218. 8 538. D 12. pet pet we .. agylton, pet we nu. . behreowsiad ASR 14 A: 200. al pat we gieued for godes luue al we hit sulen eft finden Sp. I 17 B:- 58; cf. § 71. Cf. Hall pet pa beon (bees) dragen toward swa frett pa drane ASC 878: 28. § 54. The E-types. — E 1. sede hwider faran wille . singe his paternoster LS 17: 96. Nales patte ingonged in mud monnan besmilted Be. 80: 8. da pe cristes synd cwylmiad heora flesc LS 17: 61. § 55. E 2 a. se -casere .. bead pet ..se pe hi ameldode pet se were mycelre. inede wyrde LS 28: 51. De pe wille fullice anweald agan . he sceal tilian. . . Bo. 164: 21. eall pet pe Gode wes lad. . eall pet wees gewunelic on pisan lande ASC 364: 37; cf. § 71. pa de. . wuniad in wuldre, da pee wuriiad Dan. 366, § 56. E 2 bx Hdelnod munuc . se pe was: decanus et Cristes cyrean . weard . . to biscope gehalgod ASC 286 D: 17. det mod dette wilnat fore odre bion lind him selfwm Cp. 54: 14. § 57. E 3. se se pe wolde pot hicne mon sende, he geseah wr hiene clen- sian Cp, 48: 24. Seo ilce burg Babylonia seo de mest woes .., seo is nu lest Or. 74: 22. Ure icldran da pe das stowa wr hioldon, hie lufedon wisdom Cp. 4: 14. — Great is the redundancy in: And he da ure helend se pe unborenum cildum lif syld . . he sylf .. pas seofon halgon pe on dam sereefe slepon he hi aavehte da of. dem slepe LS 23: 429, § 58 E 4. se pe (to him who) him hyrswm beon aolde, buton tweon he gehet ecne gefean Be. 58: 6. — dette ofer seo c&: to lafe, sellad wimesse Be. 66: 13, da de fordgad of weolerum minum ic ne do to bismere (quae procedunt de eRe labiis meis: non faciam irrita) VP 88: 35. pa pe (those shtps which) per stel- wyrde weron binnan Lundenbyrig gebrohton ASC 174: 6. § 59. E 5 a Se pe God ne ongit, ne ongit God hine Cp. 28: 3. se pe (=any one=all) pat nolde, he bebead poet mon pa ealle sloge Or. 248: 25; cf. Or. 32: 19 (§ 39) and § 190. Cf. pe pat mest dop nv to gode . and te pe leste to lape. Hyper to lutel and to muchel . schal punchen heom efft] bape Sp. I 17 A: 62. — & pette telwierdes on him sie, det hie det telen Cp. 194: 24. ahne da de dec fiodon god ic fiode hie (Nonne qui te oderunt Deus oderam illos) VP 138: 21. po pe.stiden hem ne cunnen ich hem wille tache Sp. I 17 B: 305. § 60. E 5 b. wit poem pa de in odre wisan don woldon, he wes . . on- berned Be. 346: 19. § 64. E 6. Ac se se pe unwerlice .. hiewd . ., him bid nieddearf det he fleo Cp. 166: 16. § 62. E.8a. pa de hi tu cudan .., pa eft . . geedniwode weron Be. 466: 21. Cf. vppen pan pe hit faled t he (he on whom the lot falls) scal uaren of londe Lag. A: 18859, which distinctly belongs to f; cf. Be. ed. Smrra 472: 33° (§ 68). § 68. E 8 b. feorheaceno cynn da de flod wecced . . inc hyrad eall Gen. 204, if wecced means »procreat», or, at any rate, flod is the subj.; cf. § 29 a. § 64. Ella. pewtte seo sawl . ..prowiende wes, pet se lichoma-. . fore- tacnode Be. 216: 15. § 65. E 11 b. us pam pe God swa micle heanesse .. forgifen hafad, is seo meste dearf .. Di. 68: 6. dat pette odre men unaliefedes dod he sceal wepan Cp. 60: 16. sumu da pe ic sylf ongitan mihte . ., ic toycte Be. 4: 81. § 66. The F-types. — F 1. pe nan ne heafde stearf of hungor ASC 876: 23, ow EF 2a. pe muchel folged his iwil him selfen he biswicad Sp. I 17 B: 14. ag F 2b. sum heden mann pe him swydost onwann awedde.LS 22: 181. F 38. pet pa halgan weras, pe gode weorc beeodon, pet hi wurdfulle weron ASR 18: 8. Cf. pa odre cristenan pe der ge-hydde weron pa hi swilce yrmda ge-hyrdén . hi biterlice ... heofodon LS 238: 64. : § 67. F 4. eac swa some pe hire on wurdon atydrede, tionleg nimed (like- wise those who were created in it, i. e. in the world, destructive fire seizes) El. 1277. . F 5 a. pe mugen and nelled pider cume hit hem mai ofpunche Sp. I 17 B: 374, F 5 b. ofer israhela folc pe on god belyfde nes nan eordlic cynincg LS 18: 5. ealle pa cyngas pe on pyssum iglande weron he gewylde ASC 199: 24, F 6. Da gimeleasan menn pe .. swa geendodon, heora gemynd is forgiten ASR 18: 12. det suc (hjwele mon de mine gemynd . . doe, donne afierr du from pes monnes husum (c)lce untrymnesse Mart, 47. pet ilce gepanc and seo sylfe ea i carfulnyss pe ,heom amang pam niht-slepe woes on heora heortan . eall pa hi awacodon hi pet sylfe gepohton LS 23: 441. — Das land & ealla pa odre pe lm ‘into pe mynstre . pa cwede ic scyr ASC 220 note: 24. § 68. F 8b. se steorra pe hi . . gesawon glad him beforan ASR 14 B: 26. F 9. Distinctly to B: se casere pe du embe axast . he wes gefyrn worulde LS 23: 727. Cf. Cirus, Persa cyning, pe we er beforan scegdon, pa hwile de Sabini & Romane wunnon on poem westdele, Ja hwile wonn he. . on Scippie Or. 72: 22. Distinctly to y: ic bidde; pot to eallum de dis ylce ster becyme . ., pat hi. . Be. ed. Smrru 472: 33 (Wtirina); cf. § 118 C. Not distinct: Al pe blisse pe me us bihat al hit sal ben god one Sp. I 17 B: 368. § 69. F1l1b. ymb min lond peichebbe..isminwilla.. det... Chart. 41: 3. F 12. poet mere mynster pe Afelstan .. wr let getimbrian . poet hig be- rypian ASC 324 C: 24. § 70. F 14 b. far pare sarnesse de he hefde far pes cinges ungeleauon . he hefde gemynt eal pis land farletan ASC 41 F: 9. F 15. To f: On ealre pore race pe we habbad awend witodlice on Englise, on pam mann meg gehiran hu . . ASR 13: 247. To y: det dem Gode, pe wit somod on eordan deowdon — det wit eac somod moton to heofenum beran his gife Be. 872: 9. datte dem monnum de we for gedylde hwet forberan sculon, dat we hie sculon eac milde mode lufian Cp. 222: 6. dette se lareow des yfles pe he stieran sceolde . . det he hit donne nat Cp. Q42: 2, Various remarks on the Types. § 71. In fore allum da de (pro omnibus quae) he salde me VP 115: 12 it is certain that eallum is the ant, of. the following pron. In Dlissien alle ta (omnes qui) gehyhtad in de VP 5: 12, on an niht forbernde..eall pet peer inne © was ASC 345: 42, we are inclined to take alle, eall to be ant:s. In mid eallum pam pe he begytan mihte ASC 332: 2 we should, but for our experience of the a-types, unhesitatingly declare eallum to be an adjunct to pam, this word being the ant. of pe. In eall pet pe Gode wes lad..eall pet wees gewunelic on pisan . lande ASC 364: 37, it is certain that the second eail, and probable that the first - eall, qualifies the following pron. Thus it is often hard to decide whether a complex belongs under type 1 or type 2, under type 4 or type 5, and so forth. Cf. Tomanetz, p. 5, who is inclined always to consider the OHG al etc. a qua- lification of the following pron. — Also sume pa, sume pa pe, etc., can sometimes be understood in different ways. . § 72. Decidedly to the B-bis-types belong complexes like the following, although they do not seem to have been thoroughly analyzed and understood ie 3 2243 = by some authors. pa gebudon him Perse pet hie hefden IIT winter sibbe wip hie, se pe pot wolde, & se pe pet nolde, pet hie wolden pa mid gefeohte gesecan Or. 94: 24, pet eall mancynn da pe gelyfad on god is gebletsod on his gs LS 16: 27. LS 13: 285; 16: 111. ASC 278: 6. The ant. of a non-restrictive clause has exactly the same ar as the rel. The ant. of a restrictive clause expresses by itself no definite idea. Now, in the above quot:s, hie and se pe have not the same sphere, nor have manncynn and pa pe. On the other hand, hie is not used like a dem. pron. which only together with the rel. clause expresses a definite idea. It is a pers. pron. and refers to exactly the same individuals as the preceding him. In the same way manncynn by itself expresses quite a definite idea. Hence we must conclude that hie and manncynn are no ant:s at all. Gramatically se pe and pa pe are parallel to hie and manncynn, and logically they imply restrictions or modifications of the ideas expressed. by those words. The sense is >that the Persians would have peace with those amongst them who wanted it» or >with them, if they wanted it» (§ 190), and »that (not the whole mankind but) out of mankind those who be- lieve in God are blessed etc.» To speak here of »Unregelmassigkeit in der Zahl» seems to me somewhat superficial (WtnrIne § 288). We can very well say even to day: »they can come in — any one who likes». Cf. pus may men se, wha-so can, What pe condicions er af an ald man Sp. II 10: 804. Cf. also § 142 B Note, § 153. § 73. In He heefde eahta & cahtatig coortana, pot we nu truman hatad Or. 240: 32, and Romane curon III hund cempena & siex, pet sceolde to anwige gangan Or. 72: 15, the connection of the rel. with the preceding words is rather loose. I translate: »he had 88 cohorts (or) what we now call bands» (cf. Bocx, p. 26, who wants to »erginzen» an ping, an wiht, or some similar expression; in OE an ping in such a position would be very odd, and an wiht, of course, is quite out of the question), »the Romans selected 306 warriors, what (= as much as, as great a number as) was to go into single combat.» — Cf. gesetton hir(r)an ladteow.. pone de hie ’tictatores’ heton Or. 70: 1, »they oppointed a higher leader, one of the kind that they called dictators.» § 74. As a matter of course there are sentences, particularly in transla- tions and poetry, in which the word-order is such that we scarcely know to which type to refer them. Besides, the line drawn between types A, B, C and D, E, F (§ 7) is somewhat floating. But this is of no practical consequence. The object of the »types» was to assist us in surveying the various rel. combi- nations in an easy, natural, and fruitful manner. And to this object, I believe, they have answered. We have brought together what really belongs together, and, by force of facts and analogies, rejected guesses and such theories as are built on isolated ex:s. And it must he well noticed that this result is, at — 19 — least for the greater part, entirely independent of the correctness or faultiness of the whole theory set forth in § ‘2. Para be. § 75. In connection with the types I will enter on a minute examination of the frequent collocation para pe. This para pe has often been misunder- stood, as Fox and Carpatz’s translation of Bo. 158: 17 (§ 76b) and Scumip’s translation of Le. 68: 2 (§ 78) sufficiently exemplify. Wttrine, § 303, gives a long list of persons, who have dealt with its peculiarities. Then he sets forth his own opinion. But no one seems to me to have made the necessary distinc- tions. Grimm and others give merely ex:s. Horz sacrifices everything to his theory of the subjunctive mood. Conran and Kempr sweepingly declare that they connect para with the preceding clause. Rerussner and Sryrarru only speak of attraction of the verb to the preceding sing. B. Scuraprr says that para is »meistens ein durchaus miissiger, zuweilen sogar sinnloser zusatz, wes- halb sich das pradikat auf cle bezieht.» Hoxrsurr, in Anglia VIII: 30, has sadly forgotten that the number of the verb is not dependent on the obj. of the clause. He says he has collected 2 + 6 »Beispiele,» and this WtLFIne inno- cently repeats. But what interest is there in knowing that the verb is in the sing. in a clause where the subj. is pu or egesa? — or that it is in the plur. where the subject is we? Herre, p. 14, makes a similar mistake. In short, the different circumstances under which para pe is used, have been more or less ‘ignored. Hence the apparent lawlessness even where there is some law. For my own part 1) I distinguish, of course, between such complexes in which (para) pe is subject, and such in which it is not. 2) I distinguish between such complexes in which para, or the word in the gen. plur. by which it is preceded, is connected with a non-plur. expression like cle (ele man etc.), hwile, gehwtle, wghwilec, manig, sum, oder, cenig, nenig, nan, hwa?, gehwa, fela, na ma, a sing. superlative, a rel. pron. (§ 90), the negative ne (nefre mann etc.), — and such complexes in which fara (fe), or the word in the gen. plur. by which it is preceded, either is connected with a plur. expression like manige (manige menn etc.), a plur. cardinal number, or else is governed by a verb or prep., or is an objective or possessive gen. In the former complexes the verb of the rel. clause is in the sing. or in the plur., in the latter invariably in the plur. 3) I consider that in the former complexes the use of number was originally owing, not to para going with the main or with the subordinate clause (Wtirine p. 417), but to the peculiar force and. accentuation of the word in each special case, and that afterwards analogies, as usual, played an important part. X 529 What Tomean is this, If, in an expression like eadig is ele para pe... the dem, para was felt as the word to which the rel. clause was joined, then this para was, originally, accentuated, and the verb, in concord with its ant... was put in the plur.: cadig is ale para cweach of those: all those), pe wise sind Likewise: eadig is ale para manna cach of those mon; all sueh men), pe ote, or, with Parad repeated (§ 2 B): cadig is ele para manna, para wach of those men, of those, 1 say), pe ote., which, if fara lost its stress and coateseed with the rel. clause (§ 2 C), became: eadig is ule para manna, para pe wise sind (typo B5a,s§ 29 a). — If, on tho other hand, in eadig is cele para pe... the sing. cele camo to be felt as the principal idea and as ant. then para, losing its stress, became more or less superfluous, und the verb of the rel. chinse was naturally put in the sing: cadig is cele para (each of them, each one), pe iris ix: cadig is ele para manna (each one amongst mon; each man), fe ote, The super fluous Par easily shded over, unaltered, into the rel. clause, also there, appa- rently, an idle appendage: cadiy is ale, para pe wis is, — By analogy this pare pe, having become stereotype, was used freely, in the sense of se, se pe, etc., when the main clause contained an cele, decile ete.: cadig ix cele para neue, para pe avis is. Looked on wm this light, the sing, number of the verbs in the passages quoted by Wturine under »Kinzclheiten 3,5 p. 419, is not »besondors nutfatlends, (WULFING says namely: »Besonders anffallond ist die Verwendung der Minzahl beim Zeitworte des Relativsatzes dann, wenn au Para oi Hauptawort im Genitiv gehért.») Quite on the contrary, male para manne pe hine silfne ongut he ongyt pat... So. 3b: 42, the sing. naturally appoars also in hive silfne and he. What could, even from the point of view of modern syntactical analysis, appear strange in «ele pera sealmda (overy one of the psalns; overy psalin) pe sica geciwweden byd, pat he sy agder ge Dauides seadme ge Dauides saucy, lene dera. he saneg.. Ps. +: sup.? And sontences like (i wenab pat dara ate sie Qod. de hiora willan filyep Bo. Bld: By, and cele parc inoste cristendome onfon se pe ivolde Or, 268: 20, seem quite to settle the matter, Examples. I. (para) pe is subj. 1. pura (pe), or the word in the gon. pha. by which it is precodod., is connected with a non-plur. expression like cele, $76. A. para is preceded by ele ote. a) para is (accouttated) ant. the verb of the rol. clause is in the plur, (type B 4 a). Godes iregas syndonw. .rihticisnes ale pura pe his a secad Ps. 2h: 8. me bysnd pe be nan pera po yfel don Ps. BG: 8. Ps. BO: QL. 7 2 ot b) ule ete. is ant.; the verb of the rel. clause is in the sing. (If we eli- minate fara in the following ex:s, we get types C 1, 2, 5, F 2 b, 3, 5 b.) swa ded ele pera pe pysne sealm sincgd Ps. 2: sup. ztlce dara de hiene selfne upahefed, he wicra gehiened Cp. 298: 14. wlene para pe hio geacsian myhte beet kynekynnes wees, hio to hyre gespon Or. 80: 29 (§ 192 B). Or. 248: 23. Cp. 74: 12; 172: 9; 298: 12; 324: 22; 358: 14; 427: 16. Bo. 52: 20; 142: 22; 150: 26; 226: 6; 254: 15; 346: 10. So. 332: 6; 346: 21; 348: 26; 353: 35. Ps. 6: sup. etc. Gen. 1522, 1531. — wle mon wat para de nu leofop pat.. Bo. 158: 17. ele wyrd biop god.dara pe riht & nytwyrpe biop Bo. 360: 8, where I cannot be- lieve biop to be anything but sing.; cf. Wiurine p. 417. Bo. 232: 4; 360: 14; 362: 38. So. 341: 2. Ps. 40: sup. for para gylta hwylcum para pe wr geypped nere Le. 74: 6. Da gyt eghwylcum eorla drthten para pe mid Beowulfe brimlade teah, on pore medu- bence Iinapdum gesealde Beow. 1051; for NapErR’s successive opinions of this passage see loc. cit. § 104. — Das leasan spell. lerap gehwilcne man . para pe wil- nap . helle piostra . to flionne .. pet he . . Bo. 264: 20. swa he manegum ded para pe purh oferhyd up astiged Dan, 495. — manig esne dara pe unricran hlaford hefa@ So. 351: 24. for oderne mann para pe geswenced byd Ps. 30: sup. gecnawan . . sumne para pe him er cud wes LS 23: 687. — Getec menu sumne mann para pe de gescelegost pince Bo. 48: 24. . hwaeder he geseo wnigne pra pe hine sece Ps. 13: 8. hweper pu wfre ge- hyrdest fat he angum para . pe wr us were . eallunga furhwunode Bo. 158: 12. Andr. 379. — Ne wes .. «nig biscop .. para pe rihtlice gehalgad were Be. 246: 20. Bo. 188: 1. j nan wr pe nes . para pe auht odie nauht worhte Bo. 198: 23. So. 336: 28. Ps. 9: 11; 24: 2; 33: 22. — Nis nan gesceaft gesceapen pura pe ne wilnige pet hit. . Bo. 188: 138. Ne mag ic nane ciwica wuht ongitan dara pe wite hwet hit wille Bo, 232: 2. Hwa sceal donne dara pe hal c: god ondgiet hwbbe, Gode wndoncfull beon Cp. 260: 22. Hwa is nu dera de geeceadwis sie, & to dwm gleaw sie tet he swelces hweet tocnawan cunne, dette nyte dette .. Cp. 411: 25. Swa wod.. geocrostne sid in godes wite dara pe eft lifigende leode begete Dan. 618. Kala! pu mere middangeardes seo cleneste cwen ofer eorpan para be gewurde to widan feore CC 277. nes para pe hig gehwlde (nec erat qui salvos faceret) Ps. 17: 39. § 77. B. The word in the gen. plur. by which para (pe) is preceded, is governed by cele ete. a) The word in the gen. plur. is ant.; the verb of the rel. clause is regu- larly in the plur. (type B 5 a). se wimihtiga . . lif eac gesceop cynna gehwyleum 2 ns bara de cwice hwyrfap Beow. 98. Nord-Denum stod atelic egesa anra gehwyl- cum para pe of wealle wop gehyrdon Beow. 785. Beow. 9387. El. 1287. CC 1068. — Myrce ne wyrndon heardes handplegan helepa nanum . para de mid Anlafe . . land gesohtan ASC 202 B: 37. — od pet hie burga gehwone abrocen hefdon para pe pam folce to fride stodon Dan. 64. — heora na ma ne lifde para pe Alexandres folgeras woeron Or. 152: 15. — eall sio giogud pe nu is on Angel kynne friora monna para pe pa speda hebben Cp. 6: 10. — In gelacna pu hy, lifes ealdor; forpan du edest miht ealra leca dera pe gewurde side odde wyde Geb. 1: 7, where the superlative is adverbial, it is necessary to consider ealra leca as ant., and the verb ought to be gewurden. This only exception, however, amongst hundreds of ex:s matters little, seeing that in any kind of subordinate clause, particularly when the verb is in the subjunctive mood, we will find, occasionally, the verb in the sing., although a subj. in the plur. pre- cedes (cf. § 29 a). Here the singular du and the form edest have, by analogy, facilitated the incongruity; cf. b. : b) dlc etc. is ant.; the verb of the rel. clause is in the sing. (If we eli- minate para, we obtain types C 2, 5.) scinon . . wundorsiona fela secga gehwylcum para pe on swyle starad Beow. 996. Andr. 1152. Gen. 1281, 1337. pet hie eghwylcne elideodigra dy- dan him to mose metepearfendum para pe pot ealand utan sohte Andr. 28. No his lifgedal sarlic puhte secga cenegum para pe tirleases trode sceawode Beow. 843. neefre hit cet hilde ne swac manna cengum para pe hit mid mundum bewand, se de gryresidas gegan dorste Beow. 1461. nes se folccyning, ymbesitten- dra cenig dara pe mec gudwinum gretan dorste Beow. 2734. Rriecer (Lesebuch, Giessen 1861) found this last passage so peculiar that he supposed a lacuna. Witicxer (BAP), Heynz, and others put a comma after dara. HEyYNE says in the glossary: »cwnig .. Mit dem Artikel: nds se folecyning . . enig kein Volks- kénig». I have no faith in this. By placing the comma after se folccyning in- stead of after dara (the MS has, as usual, no stop at all), and by translating »there was not the king, [not] any one amongst the neighbours, that dared etc.», it seems to me as though we should obtain a simple smoothly-flowing sentence with the usual parallel terms (se folccyning and ymbesittendra cenig) and with cenig, a8 in the preceding quot:s, governing the gen. pet hie oft fela folca feore gesceodon heriges helmum para pe him hold ne wes Dan. 16, hefdon hy forhealden helm Scylfinga, pone selestan scecyninga para de in Swiorice sine brytnade Beow. 2383. Beow. 1407, 1686, 2130. El. 974, 1225. Ex. 365. CC 894. Cf. The fable is, indeed, one of the worst, that was ever constructed Mac. Goldsmith (NapEr p. 475 foot-note). — 23 — Nefre mon ealra lifigendra .. pon wurdlicor wigsit ateah para pe wid swa miclum megne geresde Gen. 2095. c) Sing. and plur. occur in guddead fornam .. fyra gehwylene, leoda minra, para de pis lif ofgeaf, gesawon seledream Beow. 2251; perhaps gesawon sele- dream is a main clause (NapEr § 104). 2. para (pe), or the word in the gen. plur. by which it is preceded, is connected with a plur. expression like manige, or is governed by a verb or prep., or is an objective or a possessive gen.; the verb of the rel. clause is in the plur. § 78. A. para is preceded by manige etc. (If para is ant., we have type B 4 a; if manige is ant. and we eliminate para, we get types C 2, 5). Swe sindon wel monige dara pe (either: many of those who; many such persons as; or rather: many who) gewundiad hiora mod mid dem weorcum disses flasc- lican lifes, da pe meahton ..ryht gestion Cp. 68: 5. Monige beod deah [blide] & eac unblide dara pe . . nahweeder dod Cp. 186: 23. Ic. . awritan het monege para fe ure foregengan heoldon pa pe me licodon, and manege para pe (many, which) me ne licodon, tc awearp Le. 68: 2. manigum on andan para pe dryhines ce dyrnan woldon Kl. 970; if manigum is sing., this quot. belongs under § 76 a. & ecac monige para pe to Hamtune hierdon ASC 190: 27. § 79. B. The word in the gen. plur. by which para (pe) is preceded, is governed by manige. (If the word in the gen. plur. is ant., we have type B 5 a; if manige is ant. and para is eliminated, we obtain types C 2, F 2.) monige para brodra pes ylcan mynstres para pe in odrum husum weron, segdon pet heo. . Be, 174: 14. hwi synt swa manige minra feonda' para pe me swencad Ps, 3: 1. § 80. C. pura is governed by a prep., or is possessive gen. (type B 4). he fleah wid para pe per becftan weron Or. 190: 3. — be minra magan dagon . ¢& para de him efter fyligdan ASC 66 note: 7. Be. 162: 4 (cf. § 71). § 81. D. The word in the gen. by which para (pe) is preceded, is governed by a verb, or is an objective or a possessive gen. (type B5 a). Gemunad eowerra foregengena dara pe eow bodedon Godes word Cp. 204: 15. Habbe ic pe awer benumen pinra gifena para pe pe from me comon Bo. 30: 14. — fore genered- nisse heora freonda para de of weorulde geleordon Be. 330: 20. — se wes .. cumena ardegen para de pet mynster sohton Be. 378: 11. Ps. 84: 3. Heitl. 200, Gen. 2016. Guth. 126, 239, 388. Il. (para) pe is not subject. 1. para (pe) or the word in the gen. plur. by which it is preceded, is con- nected with lc, manige etc., or governed by some other word in the main clause, — 4 — § 82 A. para is preceded by elec, manige etc. (If para is ant., we have type B 13a; if elec, manige etc. is ant., and we eliminate para, we obtain types C 8, 11, 14). elene para de ic ma lufige.. Ic hine lufige swa mycele ma... So. 337: 36. ys .. for leten cele good to us para pe we habbat So. 335: 39. gyf se. . hlaford de hwile spel segd para de pu nefre wr ne geherdest So. 351: 27. ut aledde.. wigan eghwiiene para pe he.. findan mihte Ex. 189. Be. 162: 18. nenig wes .. betera .. para fe wif odde wer ..cendan El. 508. se selesta.. para pe we. . efre gefrunen Guth. 1334. Ex. 395. Gen. 1059 (cf. § 71). — Lig ealle forswealg, gesta gifrost, bara de por guid fornam Beow. 1123. Manige syndon.. para pe du gehweorfest Andr. 974. pa mildestan para pe men witen Jul. 207. In he mest gepah para pe ic.. gefregen hebbe Weit. 17, where para is owing to the adverbial superlative mest, it seems necessary to consider fara as ant. — In pu cefst ceac manige freond para pe du genoh wel truwast So. 351: 25, the rel. possibly represents a dat. (type C 14, if para is eliminated). Wwurine, without reserve, declares this to be the case. But truwan can also govern the gen.; see for instance Cp. 46: 2, Beow. 669, 2953; similarly getruwan Beow. 2322. (Beow. 2540 cannot be ta- ken into consideration, as strengo is no distinct form. Hryne has been rather unfortunate in his statements concerning this passage; cf. pp. 263 a and 271 b in his glossary.) § 83. B. The word in the gen. plur. by which para (pe) is preceded, is go- verned by elc, manige etc., or by an adj., or is an objective gen. (type B 14 a). he hrape wolde Grendle forgyldan gudresa fela dara pe he geworhte Beow. 1578. Beow. 1196. Trgs. 86 (§ 178). El. 1013. Gen. 1298, 2573. Ex. 376, 520. Dan. 698. CC 526. In Hefde se goda Geata leoda cempan gecorone para pe he cenoste findan mihte Beow. 206 (omitted by Naver, § 103), I consider Jeoda a kind of partitive gen., although not, as usual, governed by @ic, a superlative, or such like, but by the whole expression cempan gecorone. — pet du ma ne sie minra gylta para pe ic gefremede .., gemyndig El. 817. — on wradra gield para pe forhealdene of hleo sende Gen. 102. Hafa arna fanc para wegan ‘pe pu unc bude Gen. 2485. Gen. 2820. 2. § 84. The gen. is required in both clauses (type B 11). ne wealdap hi peah eallra para pe hi wealdan woldon Bo, 160: 4; cf. § 71. he.. fand.. XVIII. & CCC. eac peodenheoldra para pe he wiste pet meahte wel ceghwyle on fyrd wegan fealwe linde Gen. 2043 (§ 192 A a). 3. § 85. para pe is governed by a word in the subordinate clause (type B 14 f). welhwyle gecwoed pot he.. secgan hyrde.., uncupes fela, Welsinges gewin, wide sidas, para pe gumena bearn gearwe ne wiston Beow. 878. ponne heo.. L ane a pa ungeleafsuman, para pe heo furdum gereorde ne cupon, gesecan scolde. Be. 56: 5. For So. 351: 25 cf. § 82 end. § 86. Para in constructions where we should have expected para pe (or pete, pone, etc.), occurs in pes nis man nan tweo fet cecl (= ele) pincg para hys (= para fe ts) hwer hwugu is So. 348: 35; Wes he under hiofenum hear- perc merost para we an folcum gefrugen hebben PsL: 5. It may be in analogy with se Ze and se, pem pe and poem, etc. (which were used promiscuously, §§ 108, 88, etc.), that fara has here taken the place of the fuller expression. In Héliand 4413 we find the same peculiarity. Chapter II. § 87. Se etc. — Regular inflection in West-Saxon: Mase. Fem, Neut. Sing. | Nom. || se* seo? pat} Gen. || Des * pere® —* Dat. || Dem ® — == Ace. || pone? pa’ —3§ Inst. || Py®, pon’? AO Plur. | Nom. |} —*® —§ —§ Gen, || para"! _ 11 i Dat. || —® —° —é Ace, || —° — —* Later forms: pan*, pane’, pene’, po*, peo*, etc. Probably pe, when repre- senting a nom. sing. masc., is not always the inflexible particle (§ 115), but a form which is in reference to se what pe pe (§ 111) and peo (§ 94) are in refe- rence to se fe and seo. 4 de DG. ae The forms se, seo, pes, pere, para, pone were fairly common from the 8th till the 11th cent.; fy and pon were rare (as pron:s). All of them almost dis- appeared in the course of the 12th cent., being replaced by other forms of the same rel. (pet §§ 98, 99; fa § 94) or by other rel:s. fem and pa, which occupied 5— places in the old paradigm, lingered on a little longer, the latter even widening its range. pcet (that) alone survived. g 88. Examples. gebete pone cefwerdelsan (the damage) se (whosoever) pet fyr ontent Le. 62: 6. Geset pa wid sylfne se da scecce genes (i. e. Beowulf) Beow. 1977. Se ded his wille mast he sal habbe werest mede Sp. 1 17 B: 221. siexta wes Oswald se efter him ricsode ASC 112: 29. suelc man se disses landes bruce, agebe dis fiah Chart. 39: 13. Se wifmon se hyre bearn afedan ne mcege, genime heo sylf hyre .. Zaub. 7: 15. fered forst on gemang se bya fyrnum ceald Gen. 809. belocun wip pam lapan se me lyfes eht Zaub. 8: 39. fat se were his aldre scyldig se dees onsoce Dan. 451. na. . manega dagas acan.se ne geendad nefre LS 12: 81. — Sweet, in his glossary to OKT, omits Chart. 39:13 (see above), but mentions the analogous Chart. 39: 9 under swe, p. 600. In the same charter, line 14, occurs indeed swilc man sue. But in Chart. 41 we find again sweelc monn se 28, swelcum se 40, and sweelc monn se de 31. SweeEr quotes also these three passages under sue, but marks them with an interrogation. How he explains a »sweele monn swee de» I do not know. To me there seems to be no hindrance whatever for taking se to mean se and nothing else. After swilc occur all man- ner of rel:s; see § 123. Likewise after sara hwa (§ 158), and swa havile (§ 168) we occasionally find pe or se pe instead of the usual swa. pA det gehyrde sio per heledwm scead (i. e. Elene) El. 709. After hiere feng to dem rice Pentesilia sio .. swipe mere geweard Or. 48: 2. ASC 873: 20. in what», »as for as», »for aught» (cf. § 112 App., § 106 A), and in various other significations. pus syndon haten .. feder & modur, pees we ge- fregen habbad purh modgemynd, Maria cd: Ioseph Andry.‘ 687. Gen. 680. : § 93. pone in He gesette treo bec . . An ys Parabole . . Oper ys gecweden Ecclesiastes .. Seo fpridde ys gecweden Cantica Canticorum, pet segd on Englisc ‘ealra sanga fyrmest’, pone he sang be Criste ASR 18: 350 is owing to sanga (othe foremost song»). Pewne agrees in gender with the pred. compl. of the rel. clause in pette fulwihttiid eces drihtnes to us cymed, pene »twelfta deg» tir- eadige . . hatad Heil. 18; cf. ASR 13: 295 (§ 91). § 94. pa is apparently used, possibly by mistake, for pwt (or neut. pe) in Hu iedelice God geendade pet micle gewin mid hiora twegea fielle pa Maximus & his ealdormon heefdon up ahefen mid monigum peodum Or. 294: 6; cf. Bock p. 26, Wire § 284 d. In ot det ic secge earm dinne cneorisse alre da toword is (Donec adnuntiem bracchium tuum generationi omni quae ventura est) VP 70: 18, we should have expected seo. From the 12th cent. inclusive pa (po, pea, peo) was frequently employed in place of the obsolescent se, seo, Zone, some- times also for pat (or pe). God elmihtig . pa eall digelnesse sed & wat . he seod pat man... ASC 376: 20. He ded him selua freomas pa helped his freondene Lag. 675. for his fader saules pa hine ford browhte .. & for his moder saules pa hine to monne iber Lag. 68, 65. pa luwede he a maide .. peo was Lauine ee OO Se mawe Lag. 257. to geniwianne done geleauan . ta Sanctus Gregorius us sende ASC 97 F: 12. pu... scalt habben to lauerds min alre beste pein . peo ich mat winden Lag. 2999. on pa tun pa wees tenn ploges oder twelfe (=pet .. on or pe..on; cf. § 106 D, § 119 D) gangende ASC 380: 24. — It has a vague function in flarinnan settan pas ylcan hades menn pa he dyder .. sende. & pa he syif wes (and that he himself belonged to) ASC 244 note: 17; cf. § 99. § 95. In a few instances I suspect attempts at using obl. cases of the rel. se adjectively. pur he onfeng beah and sige eces lifes, pone ylcan sige.(the crown and trophy of eternal life, which trophy) God behet eallum pam de hine lufian wyllat Be. 40: 6. — tc. . wende pot hit hel were be dam tintregum unarcef- nendlicum ic oft scecgan herde Be. 426: 2. The Lat. has: »de cujus tormentis intolerabilibus narrare sepius audivi». Murrier translates: »of which intolerable torments I had often heard stories». Wit.rine, § 286 b, calls the passage »ei- gentiimlich», but offers no explanation. he becom to poem heahsetle pore rode on poem upstige (in which ascent; Morris: in the ascent of which) eall wre lif he getremede BH 9: 86, Frame, p. 30, speaks of »Attraktion des Relativs an den Kasus des Beziehungswortes». What he really means is all the more difficult to make out, as he, under the said heading, huddles together four ex:s, all of which are of totally different kinds. — Her efne on-gind pera eadigra seofon slepera drowung . dara haligra naman (the names of which saints) scinad on heofenum LS 23: 1. Setton him pa cenne wicnere . . gesceadne. des eadigan nama wees malchus se goda LS 23: 217. § 96. pt (that) was common in the 8th cent., it was very common in the 12th and 13th cent., and it is common still. But its sphere has changed in course of time. — Being, originally, the nom. and acc. neut. sing. of a flexible pron., it was regularly used in OE A) without an ant. in the sense of »id quod». on celewm lande- ne licad pet on oprum licap Bo. 98: 25. secgan pit sod is LS 14: 3. — Later ex:s: Do nu pat pu er of spake Sp. I 19: 535. pat holt man hadde gret wonder. pat (at what) heo was Sp. ID 1 B: 75: a tre Turned vp pat es down (with what is down turned up, 1. e. upside down) Sp. II 10: 673. make . . testament . . of that is in my stronge chest Sp. III 2: 618. That we have sayd is of very trouth Sp. III 12: 14. I earn that I eat Saax. As you III 2: 77. B) with a neut. sing. ant. (noun, adj. used substantively, pron.); cf. § 116 Note 1. put wif wel gedyrstgade pot Drihtnes hregel . . gehran Be. ed. Surrx 494: 19 (Wturine). ponne todwlad hi his feoh put per to lafe bid Or. 20: 28. him com swyle weder agean put tobeot calle da scipan ASC 261 F: 10.. pet lytle pot he erede he erede mid horsan Or. 18: 15. Onsend Higelace . . bea- duscruda betst poet mine breost wered Beow. 453. News pet ponne meetost me- genfultuma pet him..lah dyle Hrodgares Beow. 1456. he ongit . . eall det hie oe ae innan dencead Cp. 154: 11; cf. § 71. ponne ic ymbe swelc smealicost pence. pet ic nu. . ongiten habbe Bo. 40: 21. Ne we sodlice swyle ne gefrugnan . . efre gelimpan, pet du in sundurgiefe siwylce befenge CC 80. The difficult passage weolde pone god pet pet he is . pet ic hate God swa swa ealle gesceafta hatap Bo, 246: 22 might possibly be rendered thus: »Good, therefore, caused what he is (i. e. the supreme personal Good created what was good). This (Good) I call God, as all creatures do». Cf. Witirine § 275 Anmerk. — ME and mod. ex:s: Ancre ne ouh nout to habben no ping pet drawe utward hire heorte Sp. I 9: 187. we wote not what it is that God hath promysed Sp. III 16: 41. and that that 1 did, I was set on to do’t by Sir Toby Suax. T. Night V 1: 188. that that Isay, is this SrreLe Spect. (Kocu p. 258); cf. § 161 A b. His behaviour is such that would not shame the best education Fretpine (MAtzNER p. 493). in anything that befalls them Jounson 25. admiration of all that is great Mac. Bac. 28. — In four of the above ex:s the rel. is preceded by swilc, such. For the usual corre- latives of swilc, such, see § 128. Note. Not only Beow. 453, 1456 (see above), but also Beow. 2616, 2704, are quoted by Naver, § 95, under the heading »Kein beziehungsworte im hauptsatze». C) referring to a whole clause or to a verb (with its obj., pred. compl., or adverbial adjunct) or to an adj. (used as such); often in parenthetical clauses. on pa gerad poet hi gecuron hyre cynecynn aa on fa wif healfe . poet hy heoldon swa lange syppan ASC 5: 8. Weron heo feower gebrodor . ., ealle Godes sacerdas, pet seldon gemeted bid, mere & gode Be. 232: 28, —- Later ex:s: he .. ziaf mtht . . his hesne to fulfordie . pat non odre lage ne mihte Sp. 1 1: 118. ne ich ne seh him neuer pat me sare forfunched Sp. I 8: 88. vnnepe eni mon . mizte is bowe bende, pat he wolde him-sulf vp is fot . ridinge wel vaste Sp. II 1: 411. drawynge his cote-armure with his teethe after hym .. And that more meruaitle was, holdynge in his hande aboue the water, certayne lettres Sp. III 18: 112. § 97. pet (in the nom. or acc.) with a masc., fem., or plur. ant. occurs, although only exceptionally, as early as the 9th cent. Without an ant. in the sense of »is qui> I have found it only once in OK (for ME and MnE see § 101). From the 9th, 10th and 11th cent. I adduce A) (is quir) gif me teala penap hindeweardre pot bip hlaford min Rats. 22: 15. B) (masc. sing.) Woes he se dridda cyning in Ongolpeode cyningum pot allum sudmegtum weold Be. 108: 27. Done Nazareniscan Helend det wes afandon wer betwux eow on megenum . ., done ge beswicon Cp. 448: 5. pet scell ceglewra mann . . findan on ferde, pet fram fruman cunne eall pa earfedo Andr. 1485. nis gedeglad mud min from de det du dydes in degulnisse (Non est occultatum os meum abs te quod fecisti in occulto) VP 138: 15. heora peo- sl = was . . hie benoman heora heafodstedes pet hie Capitoliam heton Or. 86: 30. pu scealt gefastnian done streng on gode . pat det scyp healdan sceal pines modes So. 339: 34. swa wynlic wes his westm on heofonum pt him com from weroda drihtne Gen. 255, where I look on westm as a masc.; Sweet, in ASR, calls it a »smn» (subst. masc. and neut.), but seems to base this statement only on this very passage. — In the ex. from VP fat corresponds to a Lat. quod, and although, in many cases, the translation is as independent of its original, as can be expected in an interlinear version, it is not improbable, that the same trans- lator would have used pone in original English composition. Cf. VP 182: 2 (C). C) (fem. sing.) swe swe smiring in heafde det astag in beard (Sicut un- guentum in capite quod discendit in barbam) VP 182: 2. dct hi magon eac be disse bisene ongietan det (Cotton MSS: pe) him is to gecueden Cp. 189: 21. Babilone burh . . geseah . . heah hlifigan, pet se heretyma werede geworhte Dan. 603. and eac da getacnunga poet Adam getacnude ASR 13: 129. pa fundon hie opre flocrade pet rad ut wid Lygtunes ASC 188: 8. in pore cyrce . pet cer hefde standen .. forutan .. riht ASC 347: 2. — As analogous to the passages quoted I explain also fyrendearfe ongeat, pet hie wr drugon aldarlease lange hwile Beow. 15, which Hrynz, p. 163 b, renders by »(Gott) hatte die schlimme Not angesehen, (hatte angesehen) dass sie lange eines Herrschers bar gelebt hatten», whereas Sievers and others alter pwt into pa; cf. Naver § 134 b. D) (plur.) Wyrpigre wrace hie forwurdon da. . poet pa heora synna sceol- don hreowsian Or. 256: 12. aris nu and wirce us godas pet faron beforan us (qui nos praecedant) Exod. ed. Grin 32: 1 (B. ScorapeEr). gangap & findap gen pa pe fyrngewritu .. selest cunnen.., poet me &sware .. secgan cunnen El. 875. El. 409. (Cf. El. 317.) Note 1. In heht him swelcra ma brengan be dere bysene peet he his bis- cepum sendan meahte Cp. 8: 15, I connect the rel. neither with swelcra (Swxet, in his ed. p. 483, says that »d@et stands for a plural relative») nor with bysene (the other alternative offered by Wuturine, § 285), but with the sing. ma; ef. mid py eower ma is Be. 102: 3; nes a fela manna pe smeade ymbe pa bote ASR 16: 10; Is nu fela folca pette fyrngewritu healdan wille Lehr. 67. — Be. 314: 32 (ed. Smrru 587: 5) is too contestable to be placed under C; cf. Wizrine § 284 b. Note 2. In sentences like swe hwyle mon swa det sio pet des londes bruce . . panne geselle he . . Chart. 45: 21, pot is seo lufe embe pot he wite gode So. 841: 382, nis hit Petrus, poet der cnucad Afric I 518: 1 (B. ScurapeEr), the form of the rel. is, in my opinion, owing to the preceding neut. pron., even though another conception might appear more natural to a mod. reader, and notwithstanding ex:s like Andr. 1199 (§ 10). Cf. § 186 Note. — In this context — 32 _ I mention also Pet weron fieftiene hund pusend monna pet binnan poem for- wurdon Or. 128: 23. Note 8. If I were to accept WticKkEr’s and Hrynz’s emendation of Beow. 766, I should, differently from Hrynz, consider pet in 767 a rel. pron. But cf. Naver § 52, ASD p. 423 b. Note 4. In cases like ofdwt heora riht cyning Wihtred, poet wees (id est) Ecgbyrhtes sunu, wes in rice gestrongad Be. 360: 14, per weron tia cwena, put weron gesweostor, Anthiopa & Orithia Or. 46: 36, poet may be dem. Note 5. When cet, in sentences like those quoted below, followed on an inde- finite, negative, or int. expression, it was perhaps originally a con). (cf. ERpMaNN §§ 272, 274), which gradually was identified with the rel. For KiincHarpt’s, Loumann’s, Bocx’s, and Wizrine’s different opinions, see Wi.rine § 284 a, § 287). gif hwyle (any one) sy pot de..alyse Be. ed. Surrn 514: 2 (WtuFine). ne woes cefre cenig cyning ne ealdorman pet ma heora landa ute amerde Ib. 499: 22 (WiiFinc), pet der nan to lafe ne weard pet hit to Rome gebodode Or. 206: 9. ASC 264: 27; 302: 13. Cf. Nenig forbum wes, pet he ewisemod eft sidade Guth. 896, possibly belonging under § 180. Note 6. When jet was placed like the Lat. »ut» and »quin» in »Nemo (quis) est tam sapiens ut (= qui) omnia sciat», »Nemo (quis) est quin (= qui+ a negative) sciat», it was, I believe, originally a conj. But the more the lib- erty of omitting pers. pron:s was reduced, the more distinctly pwt was felt as a rel. ne twene ic pet enig man si swa dysig pad pos wene So. 340: 11. Nis nu nan wis man pot nyte bette god & yfel biop simle ungepwere betwux him Bo. 294; 16. Mis neenig swa snotor ne swa creftig ne pes sua gleaw nympe god seolfa, pat asecgan mege swegles leoman Klag. 351. Nes nan pes stronglic stan gefestnod.., pet mihte pam miclan megne withabban Holl. 154. hwa is swa heard heort poet ne meg wepan swylces ungelimpes ASC 354: 2. pat nan ne beo ..swa umoitti. pat word talie Lag. 787. Nis nawer nan so wis mons pat me ne mai bi-swiken Lag. 754. nis of ow non so kene, pat durre abide mine onsene Sp. I. 16: 1706. Ne pat pe king ..so hardi nere, Ne non atte parlement. pat knif ne suerd bere Sp. IT 1: 112. In world nis non so wyter mon pat al hire bounte telle con Sp. II 4: 80. Sp. II 9: 162. on folde no flesch styryed, pat pe flod nade al freten (which the flood had not altogether consumed; or: but the flood had consumed it all) Sp. Il 13: 404. Md’A 712: 20 (Barpwiw § 104 a). Who is so firm that cannot be seduced? Suax. Cesar I 2: 316. Suax. Rich. 3 III 6: 11. Other ex:s in Marzner p. 528. — Cf. nis nan sia eald man pe hi nu. . mage gebencan LS 28: 708. Ne was non so wis man .. de kude vn-don dis dremes bond Sp. I 15: 2114. nis par nan swa god. pa (= se, § 94) act habbe iswid! pat us is selest to don Lag. 917. I haue none soo hyghe a thynge whiche were worthy to susteyne soo hyhe a suerd Md’A 698: 10 (Batpwin). There was no man so 2.) Or sanguine who did not apprehend some ill consequence Swirt (MArzneR p. 528). Breathes there the mon, with soul so dead, Who never to himself hath suid .. Score Last. M. 6: 2. Cf. 132 C. Note 7. In clauses where the constituent parts are all expressed without the aid of pet, we must consider it a conj., unless, in some single case, in OE or ME, we should think of the possibility of a rel. periphrase (pat le = qui, etc., § 180). nis nan para ide pe rihte sehitt pod he pe ne finde So. 336: 29. nauede Belin nan cnihtes pet he nes pere god kimppe Lag. 5661. Wot ic dor non dat he ne biued Sp. 1 15: 2280. ther nas king ne prince in al that londe, That he nas glad, if that he grace fonde Cuauc. 536: 3521. Wher see ye oon, that he ne hath laft his leef Cuauc. 875: 1260. ther is neither busk nor hay In May, that it nil shrouded been Cuave. 2: 55. A. Scuraper, p. 11, places these three last ex:s, as well as Cuauc. 374: 1124 (see below), on a par with Cuauc. 419: 44 (§ 180). In this he follows Marzner, of whose ex:s in p. 527 (d, last paragraph) I refer only about half the number to § 180. — Awa bid medtrum, det ic ne sie eac for his dingum sioc? Odde hia bid gescended, det me fordem ne scamige Cp. 164: 4, 5. nis par nan swa lath pat we nabbet his freond: ifelled Lag. 987. No ping nabben heo pet hore dame hit nute Sp. I 9: 247. per nas so heymon non . pat him enes wip-sede, pat me ne ssolde him take anon Sp. II 1: 394. Ther nas .. coupe of gold..That Dido ne hath hit Eneas y-sent Cuauc. 874: 1124. No. metal ever falls into his hands that he does not make the most of it Jerrouy (MArz- NER p. 482). — Was noght a temple or-quar in tun, pat par ne fel sum idel dun Sp. II 7: 418. § 98. In the 12th cent. the usage mentioned in § 97 grew more and more common. fhe him sceawede gan on ald mon pet.. deoflen ledden abuten Sp. I 3 A: 49. alse pe tadde ded in pere eorde pet neure ne mei itimien to eten hire fulle Sp. I 3.B: 111. par sulle ben deflen swo fele pat willed us forwreien Sp. I 17B: 97. Out of the few pages in Sp. I alone, I have noted down about 25 ex:s from the 12th cent. — ME and mod. ex:s: heo is lufsumere, pet is... untiffed widuten Sp. 1 9: 187. wo sehal ws seme (who shall reconcile us) pat kunne and wille rigt us deme Sp. I 16: 188. swich worp bold gif pu fligst, pat wile fleo zif pu niswicst Sp. I 16: 406. Fox that ye been, god yeve your herte care Cuauc, 269: 1565. like apes that mow and chatter Snax. Temp. Il 2: 9. the Hottentots..put them that were wounded out of thetr misery Marryar Mission 24. better fitted than any man that England has ever produecd Mac. Bac. 51. — For pat immediately after other rel:s see §§ 103, 149, 164, 172, etc. Note 1. In gif me gemed wurse ei ping ileaned oder biteih[t] to ivitene, pen he wene pet hit ouh Sp. 1.9: 18, the editors take pet to be a con). and tran- slate: »if any one keeps anything lent or entrusted (to his care) worse than he ~ oO oes thinks it ought to be kept.» I translate: ».. worse than he expects who owns it.» (IVene can hardly be said here of the borrower or care-taker, and the owner -has not been mentioned before.) Note 2. Noack says, in p. 20, when speaking of the 12th cent.: »es ist sehr auffallend, was den Gebrauch von dt betrifft, dass dieses Pronomen nur allein, wenn es dem indefiniten all folgt, in dieser Zeit gefunden wird; sobald aber ail mit einem Substantiv verbunden ist, folgt in den meisten Fallen pe». Then two ex:s follow, out of which the one contains neither pet nor pe. In the 12th cent. ex:s for Pat which I have collected from ASC and Sp. I, numbering about 130, the ant. is 75 times a noun (in the sing. or in the plur., denoting persons or things, with or without a preceding all), in 23 cases it is all, in 8 pot, in 6 some other pron., in the rest there is no ant. Noack might have said, that »gewdhnlich dieses Pronomen, niemals fe, in dieser Zeit gefunden wird, wenn das Relativum dem indefiniten all folgt»; cf. § 116 B. § 99. In the 12th cent. the form fet, as far as the rel. treated of here was used at all, took up the functions of the obsolescent datives. It also com- menced to be used as a makeshift to express the gen. relation, which indeed, whilst the forms pws, pere, pura were still in use (§ 92), was indicated by these forms in the highly cultivated language, but often also by the inflexible. pe (§ 117 C, D). Even yet the rel. that is used in careless speech to denote relation in a vague fashion, corresponding to the gen. or some other obl. case of a flexible pron. or to a prepositional phrase. Betfage . . bitocned holie chirche. pat men noten inne here muites wike (B. significat ecclesiam in qua bucce funguntur officio suo) Sp. 14 A: 49. poet weron rachenteges pet (of which) twa . . men hadden onoh to beron onne ASC 382: 30. — ME and mod. ex:s: par-inne beop peo. pat (to whom) her wes leof . poure men to swenche Sp. I 17 A: 246. in his hond, His, that Hauelok was the name (= older pwm wes nama H.) Sp. I 18: 727. Now haue I tolde pe what treupe is . pat (than which) no tresour is betere Sp. II 15 I: 184. Our Emperour .. A doghter hath that, sin the world bigan . ., Nas never sich another as ts she (anacoluthon) CHauc. 478: 157. We saw a house that (of which) the storm had taken the roof (whose roof the s. had t.) clean «iay (Mod.). Cf. § 94 end, § 180. — Note. Noack, p. 26, when speaking of Orm’s and Lagamon’s time, says that »fe und pat nur Nominat. oder Accus. ausdriicken kénnen». § 100. Sometimes pat represents two different cases; cf. § 117 E, F. pavr- inne beop .. peo pat ae myhte vuele do. and (those who could not do evil, but to whom) was hit leof to. benche Sp. I A 1%: 248. § 101. In the 138th cent. pat was almost (§ 87 end) the only surviving form and commoner than any other rel. Often during the 13th and 14th cent., and sometimes later, it was employed without an ant. also in the sense of >is qui», veum qui», ete. gif... hit walle me tunne: pat (is qui) i-scop mone c sunne Lag. a a 21090. penne wile wene pet pine wise ne con! pat pe pine wise irel lyke Sp. L 14: 232. [vos pyne poliep per. pat (ii qui) were mete-nypinges here Sp. 1 17 A: 226, Biuolr] hin sag he stonde Pat (eos qui) driuen him of londe And pat his fader slog Sp. I 19: 880, 881. his sun for him was sett again, Or his neist pat was fere (or he who was his nearest relative) Sp. II 7: 37. these ben that (11 qui) ben sown on a stoon Sp. I 17 A 4: 16. thow to lowe that (eum qui) loweth not the is but grete foly MdVA 237: 17 (Batpwiy). Plead for him that (whoever) will, L an resolv’d Martowr 2: 188. Woe, that too late repents Sax. Lear I 4: 279. There are that dare Suax. H 8 V 1: 40. JWho risk the most, that take wrong means, or right? Pore Man 4: 86. Hundsome is that handsome does. Proverb. . ‘ Note. When speaking of a time during which fat was used to express almost every possible relation, and was the most common rel. that ever existed, Noack, p. 24, in a separate paragraph, gives the information: »pat bezieht sich auf Substantiva, wenn ein gewisser Nachdruck auf sie gelegt werden soll». Cf. his own statement p. 27. § 102. fret (that) could formerly be governed by a preceding prep. (A); more frequently, however, the prep. followed, usually placed before the verb or, if after the verb, at least before the obj. (B). When pot had no ant. and the governing prep. was required by a word in a preceding main clause, there was, of course, no choice (A end). When pct had no ant. and the prep. was required by a word in the ’rel. clause, the prep. was usually placed behind (ex. under B). Now-a-days that can be governed only by following words, and the prep. is placed after both the verb and the obj. (C) — Examples: A) pcet is seo lufe embe put he wite gode So. 341: 32. ASC 844 A: 13. no ping for pat he bie umvcurdere gode Sp. 1 4 B: 88. toward this Contree, of that I have spoke Maunp. 181: 17. Note. When treating of Early ME, Noack, p. 26, says it is »nothwendig, wenn ein Verb einen obliquen Casus verlangt, dass die Praposition in Verbindung mit dem Verbum bleibt». — Nabbed hie no ping for- gieten of pat hie her iselen Sp. 1 17 B: 98. To make an ende of pat sche gan Sp. II 20: 287. make .. testament .. of that is in my stronge chest Sp. III 2: 618. Cease to lament for that thow canst not help Suax. Gent. III 1: 241. B) an treow poet mege XXX swina under gestandan ASR 11: 70. gif he torngemot purhteon mihte pret he eotena bearn inne gemunde Beow. 1141, which I understand differently from Hryne. bi-tache me ..ane.. burh . pat ich mai inne ligge’ Lag. 14181. Do nu pat pu er of spake Sp. I 19: 535. in pe sacre- ment also . pat sopfast god on is Sp. Tl 1: 822. — Betfage . . bitocned holie chirche . pat men noten inne here mutes wike Sp. 1 4 A: 49. pui fand nan.., pat pai cuth ask at pair gesting Sp. IL 7: 374. —~ Bb C) pur wes .. fleohnet .., pet se bealofullu mihte wlitan purh Jud. 48. halden his hus pat godes tresur is in Sp. I 7: 192. to that place that thou cam fro Sp. III 4: 173. there are other Trojans that thow dreamest not of Suax. 1 H 401: 7%. from the enemies that I apprehended danger from Crus. 91. filthy champagne it is, too, that my brother poisons us with Taacx. Van. Fair 11. The man that [ spoke of (Maruesivs). § 108. Very seldom the rel. fat was followed by the same redundant pat, which, during the 13th—15th cent., was common after whu (§ 149), which (§ 164), etc. fro the Lond of Galilee, of that that IT have spoke Maunp. 122: 22. § 104. A. Schrader, pp. 32—37, endeavours, by the aid of the scanty materials at his disposal, to make certain distinctions regarding the use of pat and which in ME. Aspor, § 259, states how that, who, and which are employed in SHak.’s works. For the mod. use of that — as well as for the use of the other rel:s — there is a vast number of rules in the still vaster number of grammars and es- says. Many of these rules are so arbitrary, or even so positively wrong, that it seems hardly worth while to parade them here -— it would be something like reviewing an army of cripples. The employment of the rel:s can only in part be regulated by strict grammatical rules. If we peruse some thirty or forty thousand pages of mod. English literature and struggle through, in addition, the collection of curiosities stored up in the various mod. grammars, we shall find ex:s almost for everything. To avoid pedantry and arbitrary rule-making on the one side and lawlessness on the other, we should base our rules only on (1) the actual common usage in written and spoken English, regulated by the requirements of (2) distinctness and (3) euphony. In the following rules I only state what I consider best, but I do not consider everything else wrong. Mod, usage, in some cases, is more tensible than sensible, and about distinctness ‘and euphony opinions and tastes differ. $105. That in MnE is used 7 A) regularly when the ant. is a) an expression denoting both persons and things, and the clause is re- strictive. These are the men and the swords that will save us from haughty in- truders. Did you see the bicycle and the man that were carted off this morning — the one with a broken wheel, the other with a broken rib? — If after a similar expression we cannot use a restrictive clause, we had better use no rel. clause at all. It is evident that subtle combinations can be contrived, where sensible rules seem to leave us in the lurch. We can suppose like Noack, p. 70, that words denoting both persons and things had to be made the ant:s of a non- restrictive (descriptive, progressive) rel. clause. But such suppositions are prac- tically of no value. A passable writer would certainly not compose anything so clumsy as John and his bicycle, that were both in a good condition, arrived here lust night, as long as John and his bicycle, both in a good condition, cte., or some other turn, would render him the same service. No wonder, therefore, that AnpERSsson (p. 18) has found no ex. in the whole literature he has perused. Nor have I. , b) who? (in which case the clause is always restrictive). Who that has a groat to spare, would keep it in his purse? ¢) a word governed by the prep. which is required by the predicate in the rel. clause (in which case this clause always forms an indispensable part of the complex), ‘This occurs in periphrases like Jt is of the priests that we are speaking. Full of zeal! No — it is of mischief that they ure full. That may * here be called a conjunctive adv.; cf. § 106 E. ad) a word without any article, and the rel. is used as a pred. compl., in sentences like Fool that I am to expect such a thing! B) in preference to wo when the ant. is e) a superlative, or a noun-word qualified by a superlative, denoting persons, and the clause is restrictive. He was the yreatest strategist that ever lived, C) in preference to which when the ant. is f) a superlative, or a noun-word qualified by a superlative, denoting things, and the clause is restrictive. A three-penny-bit is the most that can be expected from him. There is the finest cathedral that you could wish so see. g) a neut. indefinite or int. pron. which can also be used adjectively (all; niuch, little, what?), and the clause is restrictive. J remember all that your father said. h) a noun-word denoting persons, preceded by the definite article (or a dem. pron.) and used, with the force of an adj., as a pred. compl., and the rel., having the same function, introduces a restrictive clause. He is no longer the man that he used to be. D) about as often as whv in the case mentioned in § 147 C. E) about as often as which in the cases mentioned in § 161 C. F) less frequently than who in the cases mentioned in § 147 B, less fre- quently than which in the cases mentioned in § 161 B. G) seldom in other cases. — N. B. In the above rules (and in §§ 147, 161, etc.) »a word», »a superlative», »persons», etc., is short for »a word (or words)», »a super- lative (or superlatives)», »persons (or a person)», etc.; »persons» includes also animals when represented as sentient individuals, and so forth. § 106. Appendix. Out of the manifold applications of pet (that) as an adv. or a conj. I will here mention a few, which seem most closely connected with the use of the word as a pron. — It was and is still employed A) instead of older pws (§ 92 App.) and pws pe (§ 112 App.) in the sense of »according to what», >as far as», »for aught», etc.; mostly after negatives, oe. ne ich neuer pat ich wite nes wit him icnucen Sp. 1 8: 88. ad riche nan, that under mone Was the trewest that he wende (for aught he fancied) Sp. I 18: 374. Ne seg he nowhar walke Adulf his felawe pat he cupe knowe Sp. I 19: 1102. Not that I know Suax. Hamlet II 2: 155. B) to express time (»in, on, at, during which», »when», »while»; for- merly also: »after (that)», >from the time when», »since»). a) wos seo tid cu- men put pur fege men feallan sceoldon Byrht. 105. Andr. 108, 115. pa weeron gefyide..dagas.. pet he pa wederburg wunian sceolde Andr. 1697. efne nu is se tima. put du forlete pine ydelnysse LS. 22: 213. Nu hit is vmbe seoue zeres ‘ pat (since) fu weren here Lag. 50386. Hit wes umbe while’ pat com pe ilke tinve. pat izgarked wes pa burh Lag. 14260. pe hwule det (as long as) ich liwie Sp. I 11: 12. To ger ben nu dat (since) derde is cwmen Sp. I 15: 2345. Vil o dai pat he ferde To wude Sp. I 19: 948. i is longe tyme passed, that ther was no generalle passage..over the see Sp. I 14 A: 81. since Pythagoras’ time, that I was an Lfrish rat Suax. As you III 2: 187. The first night that I came hither CownEy in Jounson 8. any time that we are not in great want Marryat Ch. of New F. 4. — b) with the noun expressive of time preceded by a prep. which might be repeated in the subordinate clause. On dat dat dat (on which) dom sal ben Sp. I 12: 285. in the instant that (in which) I met with you Suax. Errors IV 1: 9. At the time that I was born Marryar (MATZNER p. 435). — e) with a negative in both clauses; cf. § 97 Note 6. feawa daga weron pot der neeron (but there were; on which there were not) gehelede. huru dry untrume LS 21: 146. him ne ssolde no day abide, Pat he ne hurde (but he heard; without his hearing; on which he heard no) masse Sp. II 1: 282. There was scarcely a moment that he did not ask for this or that or the other (Mod.). C) to express reason or manner. This is the reason that I sent for thee Martowe 1: 337. I do not like the way that he does it (Mod.). D) to express place or other circumstances, when the ant. has the same function. That then often represents a prepositional phrase, the prep. before the ant. being only tacitly repeated in the rel. clause. fe same Mesure pat (with which) ge Meten.. ze schul be weyen per-with Sp. II 15 I: 151. now T con .. Merci be-seche Of al pat Ichaue I-had . envye (0: of) in myn herte Sp. II 15 E: 53; cf. § 71. he.. wielded the pen with the same calmness that he did the sword (AnDERSSon p. 11). they all belonged to the same ship thut I did Marryar Pet. 8. 4. In all the countries that I have been (Mod.). E) as the combining element in periphrases like Nis pwt feor heonon mil- gemeurces, pt se mere standed Beow. 1862. It was at the opera that they met (Mod.). Of. § 105 ¢. Bg — § 107. Se pe etc. -— For the inflection of se see § 87; fe is inflexible. As nom. sing. masc. occurs also fe fe. It is often doubtful whether sv ete. is to be considered as ant. or as forming part of the rel.; cf. Chapt. I. The forms se pe (sepe), seo pe, pette, (pet po, pws pe, pwere pe, para pe, pone pe were fairly common from the 8th till the 11th cent. Then they gradu- ally disappeared, usually replaced by pat or pe; sv pe was still in use at the end of the 12th cent. The inst. forms were very rare, if, indeed, they were used at all. pe pe was never very common, but remained with pem pe and pa pe till about the middle of the 13th cent. § 108. Examples. Gcep eft se pe (whoever) mot Beow. 603. Gebletsod is se de coin on Godes nandn ASR 14 A: 41. ie com sepe nu niwan com LS 21: 380. Se pe last wot he seid ofte mast Sp. 1 17 B: 112. to pam tungerefan, se pe his ealdormonn wes ASR 10: 53. siwrele monn se de to minum erfe foe, donne gedele he cwlcum Chart. 41: 31; cf. the remark on Chart. 39: 13 in § 88. ne mihton oncna- wan poet cynebearn (i, e. Christ) se de acenned weard Andr. 566. se hwita heli hafelan werede se pe meregrundas mengan scolde Beow. 1449. pam Hlmihti- gum to wurdmynte, se pe leofat .. a butan ende ASR 14 B: 217. Eft he cwad se de wit hine sprecende wes Be. 342: 381. pet pu. . his bebodu healde, se te pe. . generede Be. 132: 28. sua chucelc sede pissum cniehte onfoced, mec onfoad;: and suahua sete mec onfoadt .. Luke ed. Bourerwex 9: 48 (Kocw § 3538); cf. S$ 153, 168. Fregn pa fromlice seo pe forht ne wes . ., hwonan his cyme were Jul. 258. pa weard hire swustor sexburh gehadod .. seo de er wes cwen LS 20: 72. Seo tlee burg Babylonia seo de mest wes .., seo is nu lest Or. 74: 22. Ha- diy is heora yld seo de .. moste for Criste prowian ASR 14 B: 111, For pette see §§ 118—114. ongunnon calle . . biddan pws de he bed ASR 9: 87. Ingild wes Ines bropur . Westseaxna cyninges . pes pe eft ferde to Sancte Petre ASC 126: 13. Ne gelyfe ic me nu pos leohtes furor pes pe he (i. e. God) him penced lange neotan Gen. 401. se wes ordfruma earmre lafe pere pe pam hwdenan hyran sceolde Dan, 153. he mucende cristes boc .. to leden-spreece on pere de we leorniad LS 15: 110. For para pe see §§ 75—85. . (Lucifer) nolde wurdian pone pe hine geworhte ASR 13: 79. se wees Hrop- gare helepa leofost .., pone de heo on reste abreat Beow. 1298. corla drihten . . pone enne heht golde forgyldan pone de Grendel . . acwealde Beow. 1054. dyles he mislicige dem pe he hiene cer selfne gesealde Cp. 130: 2. rppen pan pe hit faleds he seal waren of londe Lag. 18859. nyle . . helpan des folees mid tem pe (with that wherewith) he his healp Cp. 44: 5. po pe vutreimnesse a AY deden pan pe he solden ben holde Sp. 1 17 B: 269. him arn on last . . genip, pam pe se peoden self sceop nihte naman Gen. 1389. us pam pe God swa micle heanesse . . forgifen hafad, is seo imeste dearf Di. 68: 6. po pe ferden biforen him . and do pe after him comen . remden lude stefne Sp. I 4: 80. peo pe havep bile i-hoked . . Alle heo beop of mine kundrede Sp. 1 16: 1675. forpon pe pet munecas weron pa pe hider coman Be. 158: 31. pa de utgongad of mute, pa seondan pe pone monnan besmited Be. 80: 9. ic de beteece, Drihten! pine bearn da de pin geladung . . de gestrynde ASR 14 A: 314. Uyrimas mec ni auefiun . . ta di goelu godueb .. fraetuath Leid. A: 10. Heht pa wigena weard pa iisestan snude to sionode pa pe snyttro creft . . ge- frigen heefdon El. 154. pe (who) al pis heom haued isend pa pe ligged inne sicile sunne Sp. I 3 B: 42. pet hie. . da ne screncen da pe gad on ryhtne weg Cp. 58: 19. gefiad feldas & alle da de (omnia quae) in him sind VP 95: 12; ef. § 71. — For the sing. fa pe I have found only the contestable Dan. 142 (§ 29 a). Note. In se anda da pe he hefde to his breter . ., se anda weard to side des brodorsleges Cp. 234: 6, quoted by Wizrine, § 287, under the heading »Das Geschlecht des relativen Fiirwortes stimmt nicht mit dem Geschlechte des Wortes tiberein, auf das es sich bezieht», I do not believe that @a is any pron. at all, but a particle. Cf. pet folc pa. pet on cam scipon weron . fercodon ‘eft to Lundene ASC 260: 28. Se cniht pa Stacteus, de of deade aras, samod mid pam gebrodrum astrehte hine to LIohannes fotsicadum ASR 14: 187. he da ure helend se pe... lif syl@ . . he hi awehte da of dam slepe LS 23: 429, Da nietenu donne pe he geseah . . getacnad donne mon hat ryhllices . . getenced Cp. 154: 23. For pe pe see § 111. § 109. Prep:s which governed pam pe, pre pe, etc., regularly preceded. vppen pan pe hit faleds he scal waren of londe Lag. 18859 (§ 62). he hlynode uppan his breoste . on fam pe wees behyd [eall] se heofonlica wisdom LS 15: 161. forewes .. Myrcna meghe & Middelengla & Lindesfarena, in eallumn dam de (in quibus cunctis) Wulfhere .. rices anweald hefde Be. ed. Smira 570: 25; Wuirine, § 281 d, gives the correct translation, marked with a (?), but misunderstands the construction, thinking that dam is ant., and that de alone »vertritt den Instrumentalis emes relativen Fiirwortes». he awende cristes boc to leden-sprece on pere te we leorniad LS 15: 110. pancigende . . pam halgan were . purh pone de hi wurdon onlihte LS 22: 97, § 110. Se pe is used for seo pe (cf. § 91) in forhwon ponne se pe blodryne prowadt monadadle, ne alefad hire in Drihines cirican gongan? Be. 78: 16. Grend- les modor ides aglecwif yrmpe gemunde se pe weeteregesan wunian scolde Beow. 1260. Sona. peet onfunde se de (reterring to Grendel’s mother) floda begong .. Oeheolid Beow. 1497, op pet hine yldo benam inegenes aynnum, se pe oft Sie ree manegum scod Beow. 1887. nu seo hand liged se pe eow welharylera riina dohte Beow. 1344. Beow. 2685. Cf. NapErR § 99 a. § 141. pe pe. Both in this collocation and as definite article fe is found in the place of se even as early as in AiLrRED’s writings. Smvers’ note to § 337 »Fiir se, steht in sehr spiiten texten 6fter seo wie im fem. Noch spater tritt pe, peo fiir se, seo ein» is therefore not quite correct. Cf. Witrine § 147. 4, also se and the in Heliand. De pe wille fullice anweald agan . he sceal tilian .. Bo. 164: 21. pepe godes milche sec@ iwis he mai hes finden Sp. I 17 B: 219. Sp. I 17 B: 134; A: 62. Alse wel se (as well as) fe pe haued goldes fele manke Sp. I 17 B: 70. Sp. 117 B: 66. utan biddan .. God de de eardian dep pa anmodan in his fe- der huse Be. ed. SuirH 502: 18 (Witrine). To pam us lede pe leofe drihten Crist. pe pe is sod wisdom and sawle lif pe de mid his ece feder . . leofwd and rized LS Notes p. 544. Alle godes lages hie fulled fe newe and pe ealde pe pe pos two luues halt Sp. I 17 B: 314. Note. Framms, § 60. 4, quotes fin mildheortnes is mid eallum pom cynne pe pe him ondredap BH 159: 8 under the heading »Verdoppelung der Partikel pe fin- det sich». Wiitrine, § 294, states: »Verdoppelt wird pe selten». He refers to Fiamme, and quotes Be. ed. Smiru 502: 18, Bo. 164: 21 (see above), and pead pu ful rade ne meege beo cuman to pam de de pu wilnast So. 842: 7. Neither Framme nor Wturtne have understood this pe pe, nor have they attempted any explanation. As we have already seen, it is not the particle pe that is »ver- doppelt» in Be. and Bo. And in BH and So. the second pe is not the particle, but the acc. and dat. of fu, the sense being: »Thy mercy is with all the gene- ration which feareth Thee» (cf. Dol bip se pe him his dryhten ne ondredep Seef. 106; pin mildheortnes, mihtig drihten, . . standed . . ofer ealle pa pe ondre- dad him Psal. 102: 16), and: »although thou mayst not have come full fast to that which (for thyself) thou desirest» (cf. wilnad him sumere rot-hivile Ps. 14: sup.). The order of the words pe fe pu makes no difficulty; cf. des (te. . de man tihd Durh. 10. Hie pa Loecedemonic lustlice pere sibbe hirsumedan for pem lytlan ege pe him mon gebead Or. 94: 27. For such »Verdoppelungen» I could give dozens of ex:s. § 112. pis pe, pere, pe, para pe were very seldom used as possessive gen:s One ex. is given in § 85. When the rel. pes etc. in such a function was sup- ported by a following fe, this fe could be placed after the noun which the gen. qualified; cf. § 145 Bb. Guman gledmode god wurdedon, under pes fedme pe (under whose protection) geflymed weard frecne fyres heto Dan. 261. Appendix. pws pe, or pws before pe, was often used adverbially; for one of its many significations cf. § 92 App. dera oder wes, pres pe (»secundum quod») hie gewislicost gewitan meahton, idese onlicnes Beow. 1850. he . . georne des pe (in what; as far as) he mihte earmum mannum celmyssan delde LS 23: 6 ay ae 223. As an adverbial gen. it is, in my opinion, easily explained also in pat pet we wyrd hatap . pet bip Godes weorce pe he wlce deg wyrch . egper ge pes pe (in what) we geseop . ge pes pe us ungesewenlic bip, where Wirrine, § 293, boldly declares: »pes pe statt pot pe findet sich Bo. 336: 9», and in swidost ealle hys speda hy forspendad mid pan langan legere pws deadan mannes inne, and pws pe (by what) hy be pem wegum alecgad Or. 21: 9, of which Sweer, in ASR, p. 193, remarks that »pws pe is loosely dependent on legere in the pre- ceding line», an explanation which I do not understand and, in consequence, cannot possibly accept. — To pes pe has probably a local signification (»to the place where») in Beow. 714, 1967, 2410. Very doubtful is Beow. 1585; see NapER § 114; otherwise Hryne p. 273 a. § 113. pctte (Act fe) was properly neut. sing. and was used accordingly; cf. § 96. , A) oft buton synne bid doen prette of synne cymed Be. 80: 1. Do a pette duge! Lehr. 4. & dette telwierdes on him sie, det hie det telen Cp. 194: 24; cf. § 90. call pet pe Gode wes lad. . eall pet wees gewunelic on pisan lande ASC 364: 87; cf. § 71. fat non man ne don odere . buton pat pe he wolde pat me dedfe] him Sp. I 1: 84. B) Ono nu pet wiif wel gepyrsigade potte Drihines hregle .. gehran Be. 78: 27. det mod dette wilnad fore odre bion lihd him selfwm Cp. 54: 14. we deet hyrdon heled eahtian. .. pwtte in dagum gelamp Maximianes Jul. 2. Cp. 60: 16 (cf. § 90). Is nu fela folca pette fyrngewritu healdan iille Lehr. 67. pet ge nanuht mid eow nabbad fastes ne stronges prette purhwunigean mage Or. 74: 28, C) wntrum ongon purh his gebed pa frecenisse pees fyres onweg adrifan, peite wer seo trume hond strongra monna .. don ne meahte Be. 118: 10. sirelce sibbe .., patie twa peoda cr habban ne mehton, ne, dette lesse wees, twa ge- megba Or. 108: 2. Or, 128: 18. he. . sette his halie lage . and pat pe more is . ztaf miht and strencpe . . his hesne to fulfordie Sp. I 1: 112. § 114. But petie also occurs with a fem. or plur. ant. (cf. § 97). self scede pet seo ded his nere .., potte ealre worolde swelce sibbe bringan mehte, pette twa peoda cer habban ne mehton Or. 106: 34; 108: 1. fer ealle-da halgan Godes ciricean pote her on weorolde gehalgode sien Durh. 8. . Note. For. petite in the following quot:s cf. § 97 Notes 5 and 6. gif hwyle sy, pette pec . . alyse Be. 128: 26. wende pet nan nere potte pet fer- elt. . anginnan dorste Or. 188: 7. Nenig manna is . ., heleda cynnes, tette areccan meg odde rim wite, hu .. Andr. 546. hwa is poet @e cunne orionc clene nymite ece god? Klag. 17. Or. 42: 6; 50: 18. — det neenig mon seo to don gedyrstig dette das halgan beoc aselle Aur. 16. ac pet nis nan man pette su- A = mes eacan ne purfe Bo. 182: 19. Hwa is nu dra de gesceadwis sie... dette nyte dette .. Cp. 411: 26. § 115. Be. — This inflexible rel. was common from the 8th till the 12th cent., yielded during the former half of the 13th cent. to pat (and other pron:s), and almost disappeared towards the close of the same cent. In the ear- lier text of Lag. it is common, in the later it is rare; in Orm. from the East Midland it does. not occur at all. It is remarkable that it is not to be found in VP and VH (except immediately after other pron:s, § 107 etc.). §$ 116. pe was used A) without an ant.; ft then meant >is qui», »eos qui», »i1 quibus», etc., only very seldom »id quod», which was regularly expressed by pat (§ 96 A), pet pet (§ 96 B), pette (§ 118 A). fa wes eadfynde pe (is qui) him elles hwer gerumlicor reste rymde Beow. 188. her .. syndon pe (ii qui) pine deorlingas beon sceoldon LS. 23: 147. (Crist) giemed pe (eos qui) his bien Sp. I 17 B: 80. par-inne bet pe (ii quibus) was to lef wreche men to swenche Sp. I 17 B: 254, pe him seolue for-yet . . He schal cumen on vuele stude Sp. I 17 A: 26. I have found only about 35 ex:s of this kind. — pet du mege py bet gelyfan de (id quod) ic pe . . recce Bo. 272: 21. ic sprece pe he me het Aiurric I 462: 32 (B. ScuravER). pa seondan pe (those things are what) pone monnan besmited Be. 80: 10. B) with an ant. which, in the majority of cases, was either se etc. or a word qualified by se etc. (A rough count of a thousand ex:s has given the proportion 3: 2; ef. Srevers § 340 Anm.). I have found no ex. where the ant. of pe is eall or a whole clause.’ od he ofslog pone aldormon pe him lengest wunode ASC 82: 7. Nis cenig nu eorl..to pos swide gleaw, pe pot asecgan mege CC 221; cf. § 97 Note 6. suce (hjwelc mon de mine gemynd on eordan doe, donne afierr du from des mon- nes husum (e@ice untrymnesse Mart. 47; cf. § 168. An woruld-cynincg ..ne mcg beon wurdful cynincg buton he hebbe pa gepincde pe him gebyriad. and swylce pening-men. pe peawfcestnysse him gebeodon LS. Pref.: 62, where I, like ASD, render swylce by »such» (SKEAT: »>as it were); ef. § 123. peos wimmen pe pus liuied Sp. 13 B: 117. eal sio giogud pe nu is on Angel kynne friora monna Cp. 6: 10; cf. § 90. se del pe per aweg com wurdon on fleame generede ASC 170: 18. On messe bok the prest on stnges Sp. I 18: 391. wes pet gewin to swyd.., pe on da leode becom Beow. 192. — pone godan forlet, pe him me- nigne oft mear gesealde Byrht. 188. pet hie mosten pa deadan bebyrgean pe heora folces ofslagen weron Or. 100: 7; cf. § 90. ge ileowed a pene wurse! pe godd seolf moariede Lag. 13946. fram pa forme man to pa latst pe wlujrd et pes wlujrides ende Sp. I 1: 88. from poem prim scipum to pem odrum prim pe.. AAR beebbade weron ASC 176: 29. — God schilde hise sowle..de made it Sp. I 16: 2526. Zot se on eorpan leg, pe his peoden.. gerwehte Byrht. 158. Hic wt is dinga he biterre sie..? Cp. 164: 1. swa ded monna gehwile, pe. . winnan ongynned Gen. 298. nes a fela manna pe smeade ymbe fa bote ASR 16: 10. der nes na ma pe manful. nere gemet LS. 13: 210; cf. § 97 Note 6. nis hare nan pe ne feared Sp. I 7: 19. — For hwo pe, whoever, see § 150; for fe referring to the lst and 2nd pers. see § 187. Note 1. Noack, p. 10, says: »Im Angelsachsischen finden wir nun die folgen- den verschiedenen Combinationen des Demonstrativs in relativischem Gebrauch: Mase. se, se pe, pe, Fem. seo, seo pe, pe, Neutr. pdt, pdt fe (contrahirt in pdtte, selten vorkommend), pdt (selten ~e).» It is true that the neut. fe was less com- mon than the masc., fem., and plur. fe, and this because masc., fem., and plur. words were commoner than neut. It is also correct that without an ant., in the, sense of »id quod», pe was very rare. But on the whole the neut. pe, compared with pt, cannot exactly be called »selten». In my collection of ex:s from the 8th — 11th cent., Pet occurs with a neut. sing. ant. 216 times (the ant. being 119 times a noun, 76 timés eali, 12 times a pron., 9 times an adj.), not counting 35 instances of pet pet. In the sense of »id quod» it occurs 77 times. In the same collection fe occurs with a neut. sing. ant. 229 times (the ant. being 198 times a noun, 31 times a pron.), not counting 30 instances of pot pe, potte. In the sense of »id quod» I have’ found it only three times. Note 2. Noack, p. 13, states further concerning pe during the 8th — 11th cent.: »pe bezieht sich auf Substantiva, hauptsachlich auf Collectiva — auf de- monstrative, interrogative und indefinite Pronomina und auf Superlative.» P. 14 he mentions also pers. pron:s. In a thousand ex:s, which I looked through for the purpose, I found 67 collectives. In other respects as well Noacx’s »statements» should be compared with the above ex:s. Note 3. In hu mihte efre enig mara beon pe cefre God on eallum his life lufode ponne se pe neefre fram westenne ne gewat BH 169: 8, I consider (the first) pe a rel. pron. (»who», practically = »out of those who»). Morris translates: »how might any one be greater than he who always loved God all his life, and who etc.» Framme, p. 29, inserts »ponne se». § 117. pe, used as rel. pron., not governed by any prep., represented a sing. or plur. A) nom. or acc, Ex:s in § 116, B) dat. poem cyninge.., pe he wr Aipira rice geseald hefde Or. 118: 28. Her synd eac pa cnihtas . pe ic cydde mine digolnysse LS 2: 242. eadig bit pet folc, pe celmihtig wile drihten god dema weordan Psal. 148: 19. hie pa weron swipe sleande pe hi fylstan sceoldon Or. 158: 27. dam lifigendan drihtne pe he on life folgode Aiurric II 298: 7 (B. Scuraver). be pam deore pe he gelicost 9h were Bo. XIV: 4. — The dat. and gen. were expressed more distinctly by an y-type-arrangement (§ 70) or by adding a pers. pron. (§ 179). C) gen. Gepance pe. . calra pera wynna, fe ic on worulde gebad Byrht. 174. ne tweode pos leanes pe heo lange gyrnde Jud. 347. pes wynsuman bred pe du wundrast pearle . neft nan angin LS 4: 40. Ne bid pe nenigra gad worolde wilna, pe ic geweald heebbe Beow. 950, —- his seo heahe godnes . de he full is Bo. 212: 22. — under poem twem consulum pe oder wees haten Fauius Or. 186: 33. | D) doubtful case (possessive gen., dat., inst.), when expressing relation in a vague fashion (cf. § 99). of dam mere de Truso standed in stade Or. 20: 9. to poem iglande, pe monn pet folc Mandras heett Or. 1384: 5. of pam mupan, pe seo ea wees hatenu Eginense Or. 184: 1. Gifer hatte se wyrm pe pa eaglas beod needle scearpran Red. 119. Monge sindon . . unrimu cynn, he we cepelu ne magon .. areccan ne rim witan Pan. 2. he fealh pere ilcan niht of bem bendum pe hiene mon on deeg gebende Or. 236: 13; cf. § 119 A. ’ E) obl. case and at the same time anom. jam freondum pe ic lufige . and (whom I love and who) me lufad So. 336:.38. Wizrtne, p. 404, says it is »auf- fallend» that pe is not repeated. However such complexes are not very rare. Further ex:s: da de (those songs which) hi iu cudan & mid langre gymeleasnesse ealdian ongunnon Be. 466: 21. (par-inne bed) po pe was oder mannes ping leuere pan hit solde And waren al to gradi Sp. I 17 B: 267, 268. Of: He axede what [hi] isogte Oper to londe brogte Sp. I 19: 39. F) obl. case and at the same time another obl. case. pos .. pe (by that which) da fremdan to cernad, and nimad Or. 21: 10. G) imst.; see § 119. . § 118. pe could be followed, not preceded, by prep:s. — A) pat he pone deg forlure . pe he noht to gode on ne gedyde ASC 12: 8. nyhst pem tune de se deada man on lid Or. 20: 38. buton pam anum poste pe pot halige dust on ahangen wes ASR 15: 192. we pe pas selac ..-brohton . ., pe pu her to locast Beow. 1654. to pwre ylcan eordan pe pu of come LS 12: 25. pet he him gebycge pot ece lif pe we embe sprecad LS 12: 123. Note. Hzyne looks on to in Beow. 1654 as an adv. Naver, § 108 b, does the same, but asks »Oder ist der satz als prépositioneller relativsatz aufzufassen? pe wire dann dativ». A comparison with the other ex:s in A and B makes me reply to NapER’s question in the affirmative. Even where the same particle is used before the rel. and the verb, like in Or. 1: 6 (§ 89 end), I remain sceptical with regard to the so called’ »uneigentliche verbalkomposition». Expressions like’ the German »an einen anliegen>, »mit einem mitspielen», may offer a tempting analogue. But the ex:s from Mavunp, and Wvyct. in § 174 will, perhaps, serve as an antidote, AR os B) In the following ex:s the ant. is governed by the same prep. as the rel. He wes swyde spedig man on pum whtum pe heora speda on beod, pet is, on wildrum Or. 18: 8. on dam fetelse, pe hyre foregenga . . hyra begea nest . . byder on ledde Jud. 127. ich wille, that thow suere . . On the belles that men ringes, On messe bok the prest on singes Sp. I 18: 891. C) In sentences of the y-types (cf. § 68) the prep. which was required by the predicate of the rel. clause, was placed before the ant, ic bidde, pat to eallum de dis ylce stwr (= pet ealle de dis ylce ster to) becyme . ., pot hi. . Be, ed. Smirn 472: 33 (Wiirine). A comparison with Tomanerz p. 17, lines 33—40, is not without interest. Cf. also § 105 e. § 119. Appendix. Out of the various applications of fe as an adv. or a conj., I here mention a few. Some of them are so closely connected with the use of the word as a pron., that it is difficult to draw the boundary-line. It was employed : A) to express time; cf. § 106 B. pct hit hebdbe min wiif da hwile de hia hit mid clennisse gehaldan wile Chart..41: 9. pas geares pe Crist acenned wees ASR 14 B: 69. on ewfenne pore neahte, pe he of worulde gongende wees Be, _ 846: 28. od done first pe hie wel cunnen Englisc gewrit arcedan Cp. 6: 12. by ylean dag(e) (pe) hi hine to pem ade beran wyllat Or. 20: 27. pere tide ys .. neah gedrungen, pe we. . sculon losian somod Jud. 288. of dam dege pe da halgan slepon . to dam dege pe hi eft awocon LS 23: 487, 488. pot wes pos preottedan geares pe (after that) he rice onfeng ASC 364: 27. ASC 370: 5. Sp. I 4 ©: 19. —In the following ex:s the noun expressive of time is preceded by a prep. which might be repeated in the subordinate clause. in pore tide, pe odre men (= pe odre men in) slepon Be. 128: 18. Be. 76: 21. on dam dagum pe das . pinge gewurdon LS 23: 414. ASR 15: 123. Aiurric I 414: 7 (B. Scurapver p. 52). — In some instances this pe has, in my opinion, been misunderstood. The opening line of ASC py geare pe wes agan fram Cristes acennesse cccc . wintra & XCIIII . uuintra is rendered by Thorpe: »In the year that was past from the birth of Christ CCCC . XCIV.» It means: »In the year when 494 years had passed from the birth of Christ». Of. ASC 50: 22; 51 F: 11; 232 G: 1; LS 23: 486. — Of the. first pe in binnan six dagum pe se soda God pa gesceafta gesceop pe he.gescippan wolde, gesceawode se an engel .., hu feger he silf wes ASR 13: 72, Swenr re- marks: »fe .. is here used loosely in the sense of ’from the time when’», But Lucifer, it was believed, fell before the elapse of the six days during which God made all creatures. Man was created on the sixth day to take the fallen angels’ placé; see lines 94—96. B) to express means or manner. Heo pa fcehde wrec, pe (through or in which) pu gystran niht Grendel cwealdest Beow. 1334. pet ys sio fehdo and se feondscipe , ., des de ic wen hafo, pe (with which) us secead to Sweona leode we A Beow. 3001. So I explain also pet we ure agen lif forletan sceolan for poem ungemetlican feondscipe pe wre ehtende sindon (with which they persecute us) Or. 80: 36, a passage which Bock, p. 29, construes quite differently. for prere micclan merde pe he hine gemedegode ASR 13: 82. for dere strengde pe he oferswidde jone strangan deofol AXirric II 268: 19 (B. ScurapeR). pat him ne schal beo wone. nowht of his wille. pe hine her on worlde. wfujrpie penchep (whereby He initends to honour Himself here in this world) Sp. I 14: 59, if Mor- Ris’ emendation and translation are correct. Several ex:s in B and C allow of dif- ferent interpretations. — mid dem witum pe he hit swide hreedlice (= pe he hit swide hredlice mid) wree Cp. 88: 21. Aduirric I 176: 27; 242: 82 (B. Scurapger p. 52). LS 23: 358, Beow. 2468 (cf. note in BAP). Cp. 44: 5 (§ 108 middle). efter pere bisene pe gio Trogia burg barn Bo. 88: 7. pa com crist syif him to . on pere ylcan gelicnysse pe he leofode on worulde LS.15: 74. purh pos sylfes hond . pe ic cer onsended wees Red. 56. C) to express consequence or purpose. diet he ierne . . from dara undeawa celcum to odrum de (through which; by which means; so that thus) dead mcege ingan on des monnes mod Cp. 383: 9. Ic . . wgwearde heold, pe (through which; so that by this means; in order that thus; in order that) on land Dena ladra nenig .. scedpan ne meahte Beow. 242. pa were .. abruden into pesternesse . pe hi sturfe hungre Sp. I 1: 32. Mid almyhtyes godes luue . vie we vs werie, Wip peos wrecche worldes luue . pe heo vs ne derye Sp. I 17 A: 332, D) to express place or other circumstances, when the ant. had the same syntactical function; cf. § 106 D. preo (0: scipu) aswton on da healfe pees deo- pes de da Deniscan scipu (=de da D. scipu on) aseten weron ASC 176: 23. Sto- pon..on pa dune up de dryhten cer ahangen wes El. 717. he gehleop pone eoh, fe ahte his hiaford, on pam gerwdum, pe hit riht ne wees (on those trap- pings on which it was not right, 0: for him to leap) Byrht. 190. Aiurrre II 508: 18 (B. Scuraper p. 52). we comon to pam earde pe ge us heton faran Numeri ed. Grern 13: 28 (B. ScHrapER). Cf. ne pearft du no tweogan ymbe pet pe du cer (= pe du er ymbe) tweodest Bo. 238: 14. Cf. also To knowe a sooth of that (of that of which) thow art in doute Cuauc. 317: 1295. to whome (to the one to whom) I shold be imoost debonair shall I be most felon Md’A 694: 18 (Batpwiy). Note. Noack, p. 15, says: »Die Praposition, die in dem Hauptsatze angewandt wurde und noch in dem Nebensatze fortwirkt, behalt ihre Kraft in dem lezteren ohne wiederholt zu werden». B. Scuraper, § 78, frames the rule better: »Die prapo- sition in dem mit fe eingeleiteten relativsatze bleibt weg, wenn sie aus dem haupt- satze erginzt werden kann». Wi.rine, § 300, says: »Ist die Praposition im Haupt- satze und im Nebensatze dieselbe, so wird sie in diesem vor pe nicht wiederholt». . Wttrine has been unfortunate in the choice of expressions. I suppose he means: »Ist die Praposition im Hauptsatze diejenige, die auch im Nebensatze passt, so wird ie BE sie in diesem nach pe nicht wiederholt», But not even so does the rule hold good. The prep. can be repeated. See the three ex:s in § 118 B. The first of them is quoted from Aitrren’s writings, of which Wvturine treats. § 120. Swile etc.; swilee. — Regular inflection of swile in West-Saxon: Masc. Fem, Neut. Sing. | Nom. swile' et 1 Gen, || swilces? | swilerc? 24 Dat. |] sweleum* | —? — 4 Ace. || swilene® | swilee® —} Inst. || — ° —* Plur. | Nom. || — § 5 = < nar Full Gen, || swilera’ | —’ —' Dat. || — * — ie Ace, || --° —§ —* The inflexible switice can often not be distinguished from the identical form of swile. We can look on swilc, when used in a general sense (§ 121 b), either as an equivalent to the Goth. swaleiks, or as a contraction of swa and hwile (Goth. swe and hwileiks, § 168); cf. sweder for swa hwoeder (§ 172). For the way in which the dem. swilc became a rel., cf. § 2. — ME forms: swuic etc. Swile etc. and swilce were used with the force of rel. pron:s from the 8th till the 183th cent, § 1214. A. Swilc(e) etc. was used without an ant. in the sense of a) »such (a one) as» etc. sy gecoren swilce wurpe beo ASC 67 note: 6. — When placed like a pred. compl., it had about the same force as a mod. com- parative conj. (cf. Lat. »talis .. qualis» with Germ. »solch .. wie»); cf. §§ 126, 130, 184. Swelc det folc bid, swele bid se sacerd Cp. 132: 6. Dan. 350. ne aron nu. . goldgiefan swylce iu waron Seef. 83. Beow. 2459. ich wulle beon iwil del! swule him is Brutael Lag. 18957, ; ‘b) »whoever», »whatever». Godfremmendra swylcum gifepe bid, Lat pone hilderes hal gediged! Beow. 299. to scypon feredon eal ingesteald eordcyninges, swylee hie cet Finnes ham findan meahton sigla, searogimma Beow. 1156: (other- wise Naver § 112). us eac gehyr holdum mode swilce we pe daga (quocunque ° die . .), dryhten, cigen Psal. 19; cf. § 90. — Perhaps Beow. 72 (§ 122) should — 49 — be translated: »divide all . ., whatever God gave to him» (eall not being ant.; ef. e. g. § 153). § 122. B. Swiic(e) etc. also referred to nouns, pron:s, etc., not preceded by swilc; it then meant »such (a one) as», »of the kind that», »which», etc. Cnihtas wurdon .. forhwerfde to sumum diore swelcum he eror . . gelicost wes Metr. 26: 87. hweeder he. . pa stafas mid him awritene hefde, be swylcum men leas spel secgad Be. 3828: 7. heofite da his ende gebidenne on. eordan unsweslicne swylene he cr cefter worhte Jud. 65. ledde ponan micele herehupe. swiice nan man cr ne begeat ASC 822 D: 27. man sceal niman VII lytle ofletan swylce man mid ofrad Zaub. 6: 1. eall gedelan geongum and ealdum swyle him god sealde Beow. 72; cf. § 121 b. He somenede ford! swule nes neuere eer on erde Lag. 4153. Or. 202: 4. Beow. 1797, 2869. El. 32. Dan. 66. ASC 254 C: 29; D: 31. Note. Noack, p. 17, says: »Svylc allem kann auch relativisch gebraucht werden, in den meisten Fallen sich beziehend auf eal». I have found one eall to each half dozen other ant:s. — Although I have passed over in silence several of Noacx’s faulty and rambling remarks, some of them so entirely de- ‘stitute of logical precision, that they cannot even be corrected, I have probably said too much of him as it is. For the future I promise to.leave Mr Noack in peace, merely stating, once for all, that his work throughout contains more »Ge- schichten» than »Geschichte». § 123. C. Swilce) etc. usually referred to a noun qualified by the dem. swile, or to swile without any noun; swilc (. .) swilc meant »such (. .) as»; cf. § 132. gelde swelc neat swelc peron befealle Le. 60: 33. mid suilce godcunde gode suilce iow cynlic dynce Chart. 37: 42. pat him mon sweicne wrenc to dyde swelcne hie cr ne gesawon Or. 156: 8. be-hate sivile wite swile he us be- hate LS 23: 459. pa weard..swyle tacen. . gesewen swylce nan mann cer ne geseh ASC 386: 8. — pet heo.. woldon ..swyle of pam lande gelestan swyle man dyde toforan ASC 330 D: 26. selle him twa swyle swylce (twice as much as; twice that which) man cet him nime Zaub. 1: 45. — In the above ex:s the rel. swile etc. is subj. or obj. In the following it is placed like a pred. compl.; cf. 121 a. hu fela per swelcerra manna were swelce he wes Or. 68: 26. hine _. ongytan swicene swile. he is So. 342: 24. Or. 84: 27. So. 346: 7. Beow. 1329. — It has a double function in ne wees his drohtod per swylce he .. er gemette Beow. 756. After the dem. swile (such) occur not only swilc, swa (§ 128 A), as (§ 132 A), and swm (§ 185), but also se (§ 88), Pat (§ 96 B), se pe (§ 108), pe (§ 116 B), who ete. (§ 142 B etc.), hwile, which (§§ 158, 159). Note. In Hi on biorg dydon beg and siglu, eall swylce hyrsta swylce on horde er nidhydige men genumen hefdon Beow. 3165, Hrynn, p. 169 b, ren- 7 — 50 — ders call swylce hyrsta by »ganz so wie auch Zierrate>, thus ascribing to swylce the same meaning as it has in eac swilce, ge swilce. To me it seems natural to look on it as a dem. adj. So in GBAP, ASD, Naver § 112. And what does Heryvye himself mean by his »eall swylce . . swylce», p. 267 b? § 124. Prep:s either preceded or followed; ex:s in § 122. § 125. The rel. swilc is an adjectival adjunct in Mid swelce hregle he in- code, mid swelce gange he ut Le. 58: 20. § 126. Appendix. Ex:s for adverbial or conjunctive use; cf. § 134. on swelce healfe swelce hie ponne winnende beon woldan Or. 106: 12. ic woes swelce hie Cp. 100: 7. ic wes suele hie Cp. 101: 6. Swile mihte campdom beon . swilce (that) man der mihte geseon . pet hi god inweardlice lufedon LS 23: 87. Swelce (as if) hie cweden Cp. 4: 18. swile (as if) he leie on bedde Lag. 1216. § 127. Swa (so). — This particle had sometimes the force of a rel. pron. Comparatively seldom it was used as an ordinary rel.; cf. § 181. be stwre meda (the meads by the Stour) sue derto limpad Chart. 28: 14. pot se celmihtiga eordan worhte, wlitebeorhtne wang, swa water bebuged Beow. 93. Beod godes streamas gode weetere frste gefylde, panan feorhnere findad foldbuend, swa him feegere oft gegearewadest, god lifigende! Psal. 64: 10. Her Hadmund .. Myrce geeode . . swa Dor scadep ASC 208: 30. si sterre was seauinge of his beringe, swo apierde te po prie kinges Sp. I 18: 6. po ilke pinges so (the very things which;- the same things as) bieth bitere to po wrichede flessce Sp. 1.13: 66. dis devel is mikel wit wil and magt, so wicches haven in here craft Rel. Ant. (Marzner p. 495). Note. Beow. 93 (see above) is not quite certain. Contestable is also Beow. 2608. With regard to Beow. 1396 I follow Heyns. In the two ex:s from BH given by Frame § 62, it is, in my opinion, a comparative conj. In many other instances swa allows of different interpretations. Cf. Gremn in GBAP IV, Hevyg, Naver §§ 51, 111. § 128. More commonly it was employed as the special correlative of A) swilc; cf. § 128. suile man swe (such a man as; the man who; whatever man; whoever; if any one, § 190) hit awege donne se hit on his sawale Chart. 39:14. pa wigan . . gestrudan gestreona under stanhlidum, swile eall swa (all that which) pa eorlas agan sceoldon Dan. 62. Sculon wit ..brucan swylera yrmda, swa du unc her er scrife Red. B: 103. pa com per heofonlic leoht . ofer ealle pa meniu . swilc swa hi cer ne gesawon LS 29: 263. Hwites seaites swile swa (as much as; the quantity which) mwge mid feower fingrum geniman Leechdoms (ASD p. 956 b). to eall swilcre gehyrsumnisse swa he cr his fader dyde ASC 859: 18. to biten! swule deor swa him liked Lag., 20127. Alle hevie sennen, and swilche odre so pe apostle her nemde Rel. Ant. (MArznzr p. 494). — his hed wes swule swa beod gold wir Lag. A: 7048; cf. § 121 a. easie eee B) swa; cf. § 182 D. ne de hreowan pearf.. ealles swa mycles swa du me sealdest Red. 152. ahengen per swa fela pefas swa neefre er ne weeron ASC 876: 17. § 129. For the use of swa (so) after hwa, hwilc, hweeder, see §§ 154, 169, 172, etc. — Prep:s could only follow. Swilche wigeles, swo ich ar embe spac (MAtznER p. 494). § 130. Appendix. Ex:s for adverbial and conjunctive use; cf. § 184. Se wolde habban swilene hlisan swa Benedictus Aitrric II 162: 18 (ASD). ne bip he call swa he er wes Bo. 230: 24. Dyn maegen ys swa mere .. swa (that) pet cenig ne wat Geb, 3: 82. Beow. 1048 (oso . . that»; otherwise HEyne p. 265 a, Naver § 111). § 181. As. — This particle, formed of eal + swa (= alse, als, ase) has been used with the force of a rel. pron. since the end of the 12th cent. As an ordinary rel. (= mod. that, who, which) it is found in standard English up to the 18th cent. ide wildernesse ase ge god inne . ., beod swuche bestes Sp. I 9: 1. a (on) Sein Calixtes day As vel in pulke zere .in a Saterday Sp. IL 1:192. Huere foreward wes to fon So (as much as) pe furmest heuede ydon, Ase pe erst vnder- toc Sp. 11 4'0: 12. The firste Soudan was Zarocon, that was of Mede, (as was Fadre to Sahaladyn) Maunp. 36: 9. But that as syre launcelot dyd was of his grete gentylnes Md’A 215: 16 (Batpwin). those as sleep and think not on their sins Suax. M. Wifes V 5: 57. That prodigious Size as we see in many Places Goutp (NED). — In the speech of the lower classes this usage is still common. It’s he as lives in the great stone house Lamplighter (NED). ‘ere’s a cove as ea- pects hopera-singers for a porters wages! Tit-Bits 791: 189 ¢ (1896). Note. Bazpwin, § 110, says of Md’A 215: 16 (see above): »That as is very rare. It is used in the sense of ’that that’ or ’what’ .. The appended as has the same force as the appended that, and is so used in Chaucer to make relative adverbs (’ther as’), but not to make relative pronouns». I see no necessity for explaining that as in such a way. That can be simply a dem. and the ant. of as. § 182. Formerly more common, and still current, is the use of the word as the special correlative of swile (such), same, so, as. — It has the full force of a rel. pron. in complete clauses | A) after swile (such), when this word is qualitatively indifferent in itself and only points to a certain quality or circumstance expressed in the as-clause, which quality or circumstance constitutes an essential difference between the individual things or persons in question and other individuals of the same class. Such (. .) as might then be replaced by >the (that, those, a, an) . . that (who, which)», »what», »the kind of man that», »the one who», »of the kind that», ete. Ho nimed al swuch hou (hue) alse ho per on uint Lamb. Hom. (NED). Wipp all swille Re rime alls her iss sett Orm. Dedic. 101. good let oc du hem bi-se, Alswile als hem bi-hu[fjik bee Gen.-Ex. 4108. folie it was to truste To such op, as was ido . mid strengpe (compulsion) Sp. II 1 A: 22. to beginne Suche ping as semep impossible Sp. II 20: 201. god .. prouyth suche as he loueth Sp. III 10: 178. such moderacion as I speake of, or some such other as wyser men can better dewise Sp. III 17 C: 285. they lent unto them such things as they required HB Exod. 12: 36. a scene of silent life, such, perhaps, as was never heard of in the world before Crus. 94. Appoint to office such men as deserve public con- fidence Wusster. he gave the officers such a dinner as the Duke of York might have sat down to Tuacx. Van. Fair 24. neither his principles nor his spirit were such as could be trusted Mac. Bac. 88. — In the above ex:s as is subj. or obj. In the two following it. is placed like a pred. compl.; cf. § 121 a. suche an archier as men say that ye bee Sp. III 10: 103. He is such as he ever was (Mod.). B) after same. The same (. .) as might then be replaced by »the same (iden- tical) . . that (who, which)» or by »the kind of . . which», »of the kind that», etc. so that it have the same grace .. in the latyne, as it hath in the hebrue Sp. III 16: 174. That samyn sound as thay beystis hed blawen Compl. Scot. (NED). Bees like the same odours as we do Luspock (NED). until . . a Dock trust was brought about for London, the same as prevailed in Liverpool Times Anpersson p. 25). This powder is not the same as I got last time (Mod.) — He was the same to his superiours as he was to his inferiours Marryat (ANDERS- son p. 25). C) after a noun-word and an adj. preceded by so, in a clause of an indefi- nite, negative or int. nature; cf. § 77 Note 6. There is hardly any man so happy as would wish to live for ever (Mod.). § 188. For the use of as after who, which, whether, see §§ 156, 1707, 172. — Prep:s can only follow; ex:s above. § 1384. Appendix. A) As can be used adverbially; particularly a) like that in § 106 B. the Doom schalle ben on Estre Day, suche tyme as oure Lord aroos Maunp. 114: 28. The same moment as you arrived (Mod.). — b) like that in § 106 D. Vp an hey hul, as mony roches (= pat mony roches vpe) were Ros. or Guouc. (MATzNER p. 495). upon the Weye as (on which) Men gon toward . . Caldee Mavnn. 40: 31. A City of that importance as (of which) Cassovia was Mem. Count Teckely (NED). —- In such a way as he did it (Mod.). The payments .. will be made . on the same principles as (on which) the Parliamentary grants for main roads have been hitherto distributed Times (ANDERSSON p. 25). whether . . the police force in the overcrowded districts .. was in the same numerical propor- tion ..as it was in less populated . . districts Ib. — Murray, p. 479, section bt ee 24, mentions this usage only after that and such. His second ex. must be owing to some inadvertence, B) Even though the use of as in ex:s like those in §§ 131, 182 A may ori- ginate in an ellipsis (Murray, p. 479, section 23), we are scarcely any longer conscious thereof. In god .. prouyth suche as he loueth (§ 182 A) it seems no more elliptical to have as after suche than to have whom after those. And, of course, in the last ex:s in § 131 we are still less tempted to think of any ellipsis. Quite different are: at Troye, whan Pirrus brak the wal .. Nas herd swich tendre weping for pitee As (as that which) in the chambre was for hir departinge Cuauc. 479: 293. these be no swiche tydinges As (as those which) I mene of Cuauc, 345: 1895. towe such captaynes as (as those who) slayne wear thear . . shall newer be non Sp. III 7%: 120. Such a Passion as (as that which) I have had is never well cured Srentu (NED). In these ex:s a comparison and an ellipsis are easily noticed. And such is not qualitatively indifferent (§ 182 A). It expresses by itself a certain quality or circumstance, which the hearer or read- er is supposed to know already, or which will be explained afterwards, but which is not contained in the as-clause. We will consider the two sentences: (1) Two such houses as are built on the top of each other, I never saw before; (2) Now I have been down at the sea. Two such houses as are built there, I never saw before. They are etc. If we will speak of any comparison at all in the former ex. (viz. between the two houses in question and other houses), this comparison is based on the fact mentioned in the rel. clause. But in the latter ex. there is a distinct comparison, and the reason why I compare the two houses with other houses is not that they are built near the sea, but that they have some peculiar quality or other, which is only alluded to by such, and which we expect to hear more about in the continuation. The rel. clause denotes only which houses are unique, not in what respect they are so. The sentence Such houses as are built there, cannot resist the violence of the elements involves, when cited separately? an ambiguity, which either must disappear when the sentenee is heard or seen in its context, or else should be avoided by the use of distinct expressions, e. g. Houses which etc., or, if the frailty of the houses is not owing to their locality, Such houses as those [are] which etc., or Houses like those which etc. Murray and others make no distinction between the use of as in ex:s like those in § 182 A and its use in ex:s like those in this §. Whether or not, in the latter, as should be said to act as a rel. pron., may be a question of a phraseo- logical and conventional nature. It must also be admitted that it is often difficult to say, whether the as-clause expresses a comparison or not, e. eo. in 0 griffoun . ts more strong thanne VIII. lyouns, of suche lyouns: as ben o this half; and .. strongere than an .c. egles suche as we han amonges us Sp. II 14 C: oo Se 126. However, in the quot:s from Cuavc. and STEELE (see above), I call as a conj. (conjunctive adv.). C) The same holds good of as in several other applications, some of which are not expressly mentioned in NED. a) wnethe scholde ony Countree have so moche peple with in him, as (as what) lay slayn in that Vale Maunp. 283: 15. so gret ordinance May no man tellen .. As (as that which) was arrayed for so heigh a cause Cuauc. 479: 252. proffre hym londes and goodes as moche as ye thynke best Sp. III 8 III: 68. that amonge so many euyllis as (as those are which) thou haste done: thou mayst haue grace to haue doon one good dede Sp. III 9: 192. so many necessary things as will supply my wants Crus. 97. the mechanic was not content with so careless a mode of induction as served the purpose of the phi- losopher Mac. Bac. 127. This is as much as I can tolerate (Mod.). In the last sentence, for instance, it seems quite natural to say that as is a rel. pron. and the obj. of tolerate. But in the analogous This is more than I can tolerate (cf. Or. 86: 5), no one thinks of calling than a rel. Both sentences express a com- parison between »this» and »what I can tolerate». The real rel. and obj. is what. This rel. is omitted, but can easily be inserted in the latter sentence. In the former it seems superfluous, because as, in a kind of fashion, fills its place: — b) Of a slightly different nature is The..stakes.. were as heavy as I could well lift Crus. 96. — e) among other such as himselfe Sp. IIT 17 C: 200. such con- siderations as these Mac. Milt. 36. He is the same as ever (Mod.). — He is not so strong as he was (Mod.). — ich wolle beon evereideal! ase him is Bricahel Lag. B: 18957. — d) As is practically equivalent to >that it», »that he», in that (0. horse) muste be as grete as myght holde within it a thousand knyghtes armed Sp. III 9: 68. The one so like the other As could not be distinguished Suax. Errors I 1: 58. — e) they brake the walle . . in suche wyse as (that) hyt entryd with in the town Sp. HI 9: 126. TI feel such sharp dissension in my breast .. as I am sick Suax. 1H 6 V 5: 86. there was hail... very grievous, such as there was none like it HB Exod. 9: 24. D) In ex:s like If they had any thing as that remained on their part, quoted by Murray, p. 479, section 24 b, as may be a conj., in which case the ex. be- longs under section 12. Cf. pat he gettede him reue to beonne as pat (as being the thing which?) he igirnd hefde Sp. I 8 A: 28. bisohte him zeorne pat he hire geue him . & he hire walde menskin wid al pat he mahte. As pe ping i pe world pat he meast luwuede Sp. I 8 B: 26. § 135. Sum. — This word, of Scandinavian origin, occurs in the northern dialects in the same sense as swa and as. all swille summ pe lape gast . . wennde, Swille durste sho shewenn off Christ 9053. Cf. § 157. eee es § 186. At. — This word is not unfrequently found in ME as a rel. pron. For derivation see NED; cf. Rerves p. 90. Outtake me. . ut ere filyhand me fra pa EEPsalt. (NED). he .. for to cristny men, zef alle men ileaue, At felle (He gave all men who fell permission to christen men) Sp. IT 6: 82. Thai slew the veddir at that bar Sp. II 16: 152. Grete costages and expences at I haue hadd now of late Eart Satispury (NED). That at I sey it shall be sure Car- penter’s Tools (NED). — It is still used in the northern dialect. To onything ‘at's richt, Gibbie wants nae perswaudin’ Macponatp (NED). § 187. And. — It is well known that ok in Olcel. and und(e) in MHG were used as rel:s. In OE and ME there is a tendency to use and in a similar way. However, in the dictionaries which I have consulted, there is not, the slightest intimation of the fact. Just as se etc. could give up its dem. nature and slide over into the sub- ordinate clause (§ 2 C), likewise and, when a preceding parallel clause assumed a leading position, would sink, as it were, from a co-ordinative to a subordinative word. In Se mon se pe boc-land hebbe, and him his megas leafden, ponne setton we, pot he.. Le. 94: 6, we have two rel. clauses, which, if fully ex- pressed, would be se pe boc-land heebbe and poem his mcegas boc-land leafden. Instead of pem is used him (§ 197) and the common obj. boc-land is expressed only once, not even replaced by a pron. in the latter clause. Similarly, the idea common to the different clauses is expressed only once in the following quot:s Nu seg@ us seo boc pet God siddan afedde ealne pone here mid heofonlicum mete, and him celce deg com edniwe of heofenum ASR 18: 238. per wunied in-ne fage neddren . and beored atter under heore tunge. Blake tadden and habbed atter uppon heore heorte Sp. I 3 B: 88—89. po stod on old stoc par bi-side par po ule song hire tide, And was mid ivi al bi-growe Sp. I 16: 27. But he, that starf for our redempcioun And bond Sathan (and yit lyth ther he lay) So be thy . . champioun Cuauc. 484: 634. I do not mean to say, that and in these sentences is anything but a conj. Certainly it can be rendered simply by »and», and a pron. can be inserted in the translation. here just as well as in innumerable other cases. But these complexes show how and would sometimes occupy a position where the step from parataxis to hypotaxis was not very wide, so that the original co-ordinative conj. could, by degrees, be conceived as the bearer, in the latter clause, of the common idea. In the following sentences and appears more or less distinctly as a rel. pron. Her pelburg cuen towearp Tantun . & Ine wr timbrede ASC 72 A: 12, where C also has d&, but B fe, D and E pone. & him eall Aingelcyn to ge- cyrde & butan Deeniscra manna heefinede wes ASC 157 D: 14, where A, C, E have pet, B has pe. for pe wrake-domes of Menelaus quene.and Elene was thoten .. for hire weoren.. hund pousunt deade Lag. 78, where the inserted a6 se clause might have been pa (= seo) Elene was thoten or, of course, aS in so many instances, simply Elene was ihoten. Tuorpn and Mappen conscientiously print é, and, but express their doubts concerning the correctness of the MSS by a pe? pa? in the margin or the foot-notes. — In the kyng . . charged‘theym, in ony wyse & they myght, take a traytyse for a monthe day Sp. III 8 A: 66, & very likely means »if»; but it is not altogether impossible that it means >that» (§ 106 C). § 188. But. — This word was originally a negative particle. In sentences like he fond no gate nor dore but it was open Md’A 710: 27 (Batpwin § 361), it expresses alone what tbe particle and the negative together express in the quot:s in § 97 Note 7. When the idea common to the main and the subordi- nate clause had no representative in the latter, the conj. was in exactly the same position as is usually occupied by a rel. pron., and thus it received, as it were, a rel. tinge. So did that, as, and and (as we have already seen), when occurring under similar circumstances. But whilst that im such a position (§ 97 Note 6) was drawn into the sphere of the genuine rel:s by the powerful analogy of a word which expressed relation under the most different circumstances, the conj. but, having no such support, and acting as a quasi-rel. only under the restrictions imposed by its own specific nature, was always to remain outside that sphere. With respect to its conjunctive-rel. force it stands, I should say, nearly on a level with as in § 184 Ca. As for and (§ 187) we have already seen, how the rel. part played by this word, has been entirely forgotten. (Than in phrases like the one given in § 134 Ca has, through its own peculiar meaning, been entirely kept from every association with the rel. words.) As a conj. but appears also in phrases like He found no gate but that (what, which) he opened; There is not one but that (who, what) could do it. Ex:s in Cent. and NED. Cf. § 143 Ab. Ex:s for the quasi-rel. use: I haue no thynge do but I wille auowe M@’A 250: 2 (Baupwiy). there’s not a man I meet but doth salute me Suax. Errors IV 3: 1. who's so gross That seeth not this palpable devise? Yet who’s so blind, but says he sees it not? Suax. Rich. 3 IIL 6: 12. What mother but loves her children? (Matuxsius). Plenty of quot:s in Scumipt and NED. § 139. Appendix.to Chapt. II. For the dem.-rel. adv:s which can express place, I will give a few ex:s. A) on done dic, der esne done weg fordealf Chart. 20: 5. he gewicode.. ber per he..rymet heefde ASC 164: 21. Weard mapelode der on wicge set ff = ombeht unforht Beow. 286. Hwearf pa hredlice, peer Hrodgar swt Beow. 356. da heo ..geseon meahte morporbealo maga per heo cer nueste heold worolde wynne Beow. 1079; cf. Naper ¢ 113. 1. ga per he wille! Beow. 1394. Nemnad leoda bearn.. fone monap..Iulius mond. por se geonga gewat ASC 226 B: 32. per faure citees wern set.nov is a see called Sp. Il 13: 1015. she saugh the blood Sprad al the grene aboute ther she stood Sp. III 8 B: 1276. — Oswig.. rad emid werode to per his brodor heafod stod ASR 15: 188. — in quarterne. par nadres ..weron inne ASC 882: 27. ledde ford mid him per he fundode to ASR 15: 186. enne.. feld. per he mihte wel sprede! on his feire hude Lag. 14208. in to helle pine per neuer éft ne cumed of bote Sp. I 38 B: 51. per is frequently to be found after rel. pron:s. Naprr, § 93, mentions Beow. 2199 (§ 18) and 2238 (se an da gen leoda dugude se der lengest hwearf,. . wiscte pes yldan), under the heading »Das relativ gebrauchte se differen- ziert durch angefiigtes pwr, eimmal pa; vgl, Erpmann § 228, Kurmnenarpr s. 13 ff.» Swzrr, in ASR p. 288 b, says that Pwr is sometimes »pleonastic (often with rel. prn.)» and quotes ASR 4: 143 (= Or. 20: 28, § 96 B) and 8: 105 (= ASC 170: 18). I have before me over a hundred other ex:s with per after a rel., but in no single instance do I feel inclined to declare unreservedly, that per is entirely »pleonastic», or that it is used for the sole purpose of distinguishing the rel. se etc. from the dem. To me it seems as though per had always re- tained at least some part of its original local (or temporal) signification. When Naver, in proof of his »emmal pa» after the »relativ gebrauchte se», adduces Beow. 488 (ahte ic holdra py les, deorre dugude, pe pa dead fornam), he appears somewhat absent-minded. To the interpretations of this passage given by Naprer and Heynz, I will add the following: »I owned the less of faithful men, of dear attendants, in proportion as death took those away». In a similar way I would render pe. . dv hyne in Beow. 1486, concerning which pas- sage Hxyne contradicts himself; see his glossary pp. 248 b, 274 b, 275 a. Cf. also NapER § 47. B) he eft onhwearf wodan gewittes, pwr pe he er wide ber herewosan hige Dan. 628. — per as murdes sonde is .. farlac is fleme Sp. I 7: 203. forth she gooth and touched hym ful softe, Ther as he lay Sp. IIL 3 B: 1285. C) der sidfet is dider (illic iter est quo) i¢ oteawu him haelu godes Vp. 49: 23. — pet. schal bringen him pider as he schal al pis . . ifinden Sp. I 7: 194. D) Her Ida feng to rice. panon Norpan-hymbra cyn onwoc ASC 28: 22. pa heafod men ..hi.. into heora castelan gelogodan . panon hi manige gedre- cednissa . . gedydon ASC 367: 7. — to Iudea lande panon pe hi aledde weron ASR 138: 396. Chapter III. § 140. When treating of the rel:s of int. origin we must, theoretically, have a fixed boundary line between relation and interrogation, even though, practically, this line be hard to tracein some instances. On the one hand MArzyeER, Zuriza, A. Scnraper, and others, in spite of sentences like those quoted in § 143 A, doubt or deny the existence of a rel. what in OE. On the other hand Cent. terms wo in Adrawep goure suerdes. & loke wo may do best Sp. II 1 A: 127 a rel. pron. In both cases I do the reverse. My rule is this. I look on who etc., when introducing a subordinate clause, as a rel. (1) never when the word of which the subordinate clause is depen- dent, involves question, doubt, uncertainty, curiosity, (2) sometimes when it in- volves narration, utterance, perception, remembrance, knowledge, (3) always when it has some other signification. Further, with regard to 2, I make the following distinction. The sentence I let A. know what B. had told may mean (a) >I in- formed A. that B. had told such a thing» (B. being expressly mentioned as the one who used the words, so that these were of importance not exactly of themselves but as being uttered by B.). My information may have been given in reply to the question: »What did B. tell?» or »Did B. say anything?» But the same sentence may also mean (b) >I told A. the same thing that B. had told me» (B. never being mentioned as my authority, so that the thing told, not its source, was the sole matter of interest). My words, then, were preceded by no question at all, or possibly by »what news?» or such lke. Similarly, I know what B. recited may mean (a) »I know that B. recited such a piece», (b) »I know (I could recite) the same piece that B. recited». Now, in the former case I call what an int., in the latter a rel. pron. In following this rule I hardly run the risk of getting too many rel:s, pos- sibly of getting too few. For that (cf. French ce qui) was used occasionally where the mod. language would require what, e. g. pat holi man hadde gret wonder . pat heo was Sp. II 1 B: 75, and as we are little inclined ever to term that an int., and what could possibly have been employed here with the same force as pat, we may, by following the above rule, leave out of consideration what, perhaps, should be considered as rel:s; cf. § 148 Aa Note. But even if we disregard such doubtful cases, and others where the context is not so clear that we can make any nice distinctions, we still have enough to prove that who and what were used relatively in OE, at the same time as we must discard many ex:s for the rel. use given by various essayists, grammarians, and lexico- graphers. Although some of those authors who, by all means, want to banish the rel. what into ME, quote both the Bible and Cicero in support of their views (cf. A. ScurapEeR, pp. 20—21). I cannot admit that nwfdon hwet hi = 59 .= wton (§ 143 Aa) should imply interrogation, doubt, or such like. Huweet is there an indefinite pron. used relatively, i. e. it is a general rel, The negative and the pron. form together an equivalent to a negative pron. + a rel. (»nothing that»), The Lindisf. and Rushw. MSS have pette and det poet. Besides I do not know from where Zuprrza has got his »Nec habebant quid manducarent». The Vulgate has quod, and in classical Lat. we should certainly find the same. § 1414. Hwa (who) etc. — Inflection: OE ME MnE Mase. | hwa hwa, who who Nom. ‘veut, || hwcet hwat, what what Gen. | hwes hwas, whose whose Dat. hwem, hwam |hwam, whom whom : Mase. || hwone = dat. = dat, Acc — Neut. || = nom. = nom. = nom. Some other ME forms: h(w)o, wo, qw(hja, qu(hjo; hwet, wat, whatt, quat; whos quhois; hwan, hwom(e), wam, wan, quihjam. — The ME and MnE forms were and are used also as plur:s. Not. unfrequently who is found for whom, and vice versa; see for instance Scumipr p. 1364, Kocu p. 271. . § 142. The nom. masc. hwa (who) occurs A) without an ant.; only denoting persons. — a) as a general rel.; in the oldest ex. it is preceded by a negative. Nah hwa (anyone who) sweord wege Beow. 2252 Hwo may pider cume and nule . hit schal him sore of-pinche Sp. I 17: 366. quho there-In fell Came no more vp agane Sp. III 4: 162. Quha ser- wit hir, full gret frendschipe thai fand Sp. III 6: 288. Let it be who it is Sax. Cesar I 3: 80. Bliss is the same in subject or in king, In who obtain defence, or who defend Porn Man 4: 59. Who venerate themselves the world despise Youna Night Th. 2: 355. Who is contented with little is happy (Maruesius). — Note. In peah pe hwa wille her on life habban gode dagas . he ne meeg hi her findan peah pe he sy welig LS 12: 82, the indefinite pron. hwa is, in my opinion, not used relatively. I translate: »Even though a man» etc. Sxxar’s ed. has: »Never- theless whoso will» etc. b) seldom as a definite rel., i. e. relating to certain individuals. There be who can relate his domestic life to the exactness of a diary Miur. (Cent.) There be who say..That.. Byron (Maraner p. 532). — 60 — B) seldom in ME, but often afterwards, with an ant.; the ant. denotes a) usually persons (animals). hwam mai he luue trewliche hwa ne luues his broder OEH 275: 19. He nadde bote a dogter ho mygte ys eir be Ros. or Guouc. (Cent.). blipe was eche a barn. ho best migt him plese Sp. II 12: 188. As wyze wo (like a man who) hym withinne . werp to hym seluen Sp. II 13: 284 (cf. And I awoik as wy that wes in weir Sp. II 11 B: 50). Theng- lysshmen who were in thre batayls Sp. IIT 15 B: 1. the tender boy, who blush’d and pouted Suax. Venus 33. To beasts, whom God.. Created mute Mitr. Par. L. 9: 556. Such..who..condemn the whole Fretp. (Marzner p. 493). It is the two or three who have paid, and have nothing to show for their money, who are noisy Mac. Bac. 84. A mirror for the yellow-billed ducks, who are seizing the opportunity of getting a drink Exior (Cent.). Note. A. ScurapEr, p. 15, says that hwa in OEH (see above) is used »mit indefiniter bedeutung>. Morris and Skxar expressly state that ho in Sp. II is >not used as a simple relative», I will not quibble on phraseology, but I must clear my own position. The three sentences (1) se wis is, (he) folgad dryhtne, (2) se man se wis is, (he) folgad dryhtne, (3) he folgad dryhtne se wis is, express (or at least can express) exactly the same thought: »any one who (every one who; whoever) is wise, follows the Lord». But in the first ex. se, placed at the opening of the sentence, is the sole or the chief bearer of the general idea (pany one»). I-«therefore call it a general rel. In the second ex., on the other hand, the general idea is expressed by se man (=any man), and s¢ is »general» only in the sense of being a representative of the word which expresses the general idea. It means »who» or >that», not »whoever». And whenever this is the case, both se and who are what I call »simple» rel:s, quite independently of the nature of the ant. Therefore there seems to me to be no doubt about Sp. II 18: 284. But the quot. from OEH is of a different kind. In the last of the three ex:s given by me in this Note (he folgad dryhtne se wis is) it is prob- able, but not quite certain, that he is ant. Provided that it refers to no spe- cial individual, it is ant. only if it means »every man», »any man», in which case sé is a »simple» rel., meaning »who» or »that». This rel. is then entirely void of independent signification; it adds nothing to, nor modifies in any way, the idea expressed by the preceding pron. (It is the whole clause that adds what is required to express a definite idea.) But if se should convey in itself a shade of thought not yet expressed by the preceding pron., i. e. if it should be the chief bearer of the general idea and mean »any one» (as swa hwa swa does in Gen. 438, § 154), then he is rather comparable to he in the first of my ex:s (se wis is he folgad dryhtne), where he, of course, is not ant., only a dispensable repetition of the idea expressed in the rel. clause. Now, in OEH, hwa may still be the principal expression for the general idea, he being dispensable:.»whom may (he) sasG la love whoever loveth not his brother?» And Sp. II 12 may be comparable to the sentences explained in § 72, where the rel. clauses, having no ants, only imply’ modifications of the ideas expressed by the preceding noun-words. Never- theless, as we have some unquestionable early instances of who as a simple rel., I am quite as much inclined to look on these doubtful sentences in a mod. light. In any case, they are of great interest as showing the gradual transition from old to mod. usage. b) comparatively seldom things. Men seyn over the walle stonde Grete en- gynes who were nigh honde Cuave. 48: 4194. Fanning the hairs, who wave like feather’d wings Suax. Venus 306. Note. Sxzat in Cuavc., substitutes whiche for who. Both the authorities (Glasgow MS and Tuynnu’s ed. of 1532) have who. § 148. The nom. and acc. neut. hweet (what) occurs substantively A) without an ant. a) usually in the sense of »id quod», or »quod quod», »quodcunque»; in the oldest ex:s only after negatives. Gif he nebbe hwet (anything that) he selle, sie he self beboht Le. 60: 24. nefdon hwet hi ton (nec haberent quod man- ducarent) HG Mark. 8: 1. Mark 8: 2. pct elec man hwet his hade to belumpe . folgade ASC 355: 4. ne make ge nawt don me bute hwet he wule Leauien ow Sp.18: A 107, where B has pat. jo fond heo what heo wolde Sp. 119: 1177, where an int. what would imply that »she only then knew her own mind». Axe thou of me what thou wolt Sp. IL 17 A 6: 22. as al pe world may wite .. bi what. schal be seid . . in. pe ije partie. of pis present book Sp. III 5 A: 41. what follows more she murders with a kiss Suax. Venus 54. , come what (whatever) will SHax 1H4 I 2: 162. in favour of what is called the Great Rebellion Mac. Milt. 31. to prove what is in itself so improbable Mac. Bac. 18. — Note. In the mod. sentence snow you have heard what the clothes signify», corresponding to part of nu ze habbed therd of pis putte pe bitacninge . . and pet pe rapes bitacned. and hwat pa clades bi-tacned Sp. I 3 B: 84, what would certainly be understood as an int., the sense being »now you have heard that the clothes signify sucha thing», rather than »now you have heard that which the clothes signify». Nevertheless hwat in the old sentence might have had the force of a rel.; cf. § 140. Morris supposes pet to be an error for wet, although he admits that »pet often means what». I do not know, whether Morris has any special reason for this supposition. The circumstance that fet and hwat are used im- mediately after each’ other in the identical sense, is not of the smallest conse- quence. ~- The same A. Scuraper who denies »das vorkommen von hwvcet als relativ im Ags. tiberhaupt» (p. 21), and therefore thinks it cannot be rel. in Gif he nebbe hwet he selle and nefdon hwet hi eton (see above), the same A, ScHraDER unhesitatingly declares that what has the »bedeutung von id quod» in GO ee uss birrp itt purrhsekenn, To lokenn whatt itt lerepbp uss Orm. 11401. And cf. his ex:s p. 22 bottom. ‘ b) im the sense of »[the] one that», »the (+ noun) which», »such [a] (+ noun) as», etc. a very commendable quality, and what (one that) 1 am far from being angry with you for Frevp. (MArzyner p. 531). Sophia was left with no other company than what (the company which) attend the closest state-prisoner Frep, Tom J. 16:2. I’m thinking Captain Lawton will count the noses of what (those who) are left before they see their whale-boats Cooper (MATZzNER p. 535). Like making what (such verses as) are called at school nonsense verses Scorr (Ib.). even what (those [blessings] which) we justly account our chief blessings, were not without alloy Mac. Hist. of E. (Ib.). — What after a negative + but has a vague syn- tactical value, although the whole idiom is logically distinct. We can hardly translate what by itself quite adequately; we must take but and what at once (= who . . not, which . . not, etc.). [Cf. the varying, earlier and later, expressions: There was scarcely a man (thing) but 1) perished, 2) that perished, 3) he (it) perished, 4) that he, 5) who (which) perished, 6) what perished, 7) what he (t) perished.| Ex:s: draw no swords but what are sanctified SHax.2 H41V 4: 4. scarce a farmer’s daughter .. but what had found him successful Goutpsm. Vicar 3. There are few madmen but what are observed to be afraid of the strait waist- coat Bentuam (Cent.) B) referring to a neut. pron., less frequently to a noun, or to a masc. or fem. pron. pe fifte zife iss shed & skill .. purrh whatt mann underrstanndepp wel Orm. 5536. nu icc wile shcewen guw all patt whatt itt bitacnepp Orm. 1115. And fret all pet of hwat heo shulde uord bringen hire cwike briddes Ancr. Riwle (A. ScurapER p. 22). Jt is I, drede you noght, What was wont with you to gone Town. Myst. (Marzner p. 524). Hyi undergete an welle, of wat pe kyng ofte dronc Ros. or Guove. (Kocu p. 267). The matter what other men wrote Ascuam Scholem. (Cent.). I fear nothing What can be said against me SHax. H8 V1: 126. That what is .. proper in one company may be .. improper in another CHESTERFIELD (Cent.). — Note. In gif he pet eal gemon hweet wit to willan . . wmbor-wesendum wer arna gefremedon Beow. 1186, hwet may be int. — Half is decidedly no ant. in the mod. He does not know half what I know (ANDERSSON p. 9). Cf. pat. . pat ich iseh .. ne con ich half tellen Sp. I 7: 189. gief we serueden god half pat we dod for erninges Sp. I 17 B: 323. We ne haue . no mete, Haluendel that we moun ete Sp. I 18: 460. C) referring to a whole clause etc.; cf. § 96 C. For oxe . . shedepp hise clawwess, Dpurhh whatt he tacnepp skill & shed Orm. 1226. Orm. 2831. — Why deny, what every body knew to be the truth, that a powerful faction at court had long sought to effect the ruin of the prisoner? Mac. Bac. 40. that the taking of =p <= presents ivas usual, and, hat he seems to consider the same thing, not discredit- able Ib. 75. § 144. What occurs also adjectively A) in connection with no other rel. word. thei may geven hem to what man thet wole Maunn. 179: 14. In what mesure gee meten it shal be meten to you Sp. II 17 A 4: 24. of what texte the graye frere proveth that oure lady was without originall sinne, of the scane shall. . Sp. III 16: 848. T made thee miserable what time I threw the people's suffrages on him Suax. Titus IV 3: 19. What little wind there was blew me towards the land Crus, 84. the entertainer provides what fare he pleases Freuy. Tom J. 1: 1. Now a merchant may wear what boots he pleases. THack. Snobs 138. B) with a rel. after the noun-word which it qualifies. every man takethe what part that him lykethe Maunp. 179: 18. tt ward on eches mud wat mete se he mest luuede Sp. I 4 B: 106. pe kyng . . grantede al his bone, Of what binge so he wolde bidde Sp. II 1 B: 38; cf. § 191. what god soe’er it be Suax. Titus V 1: 82; cf. g 191. What thing soever I command you, observe to do it HB Deut. 12: 32. perform what business soever he sends ASD p. 576 a. § 145. The gen. hires (irhose) occurs A) seldom without an ant., in a general or a definite sense; only denoting persons. . a) in connection with no other rel. Go .. ethereal messenger, Sent from whose sovran goodness I adore Mur. Par. L. 8: 647. Vengeance is his, or whose (his whom) ve sole appoints Ib. 6: 808. In whose service you are, serve him well (Mod.). b) with a rel. after the noun-word which it qualifies. whose tongue soeer speaks false, Not truly speaks Suax. John IV 3: 91. B) with an ant., denoting persons or things. It could formerly be not only possessive and objective, but also partitive. When possessive and referring to persons it can no longer be replaced by of whom, of which. It is found a) in connection with no other rel. All patt gho .. herrde off Cristy Whas moderr Zho wass wurrpenn Orm. 8425, With leaves aye lasting they be reward- ed after here degre, whose lusty green may not appaired be Flower and Leat (A. Scuraver p. 17). lusty may .. Had maid the birdis to begyn thatir houris .. Quhois armony to heir it wes delyt Sp. WI 11: 1. What have I to give you back whose worth may counterpoise this .. gift? SHax. Ado IV 1: 29. loaden with heavy news, whose worst was that .. Mortimer .. Was .. taken Suax. HIV 111: 88. the merit of such, whose modesty .. would have suppressed it Appison (MAraner p. 494); cf. § 123. « rising hill, whose front . . was steep Crus. 90. a person whose society we like Mac, Bac. 5. b) with a rel. after the noun-word which it qualifies; cf. § 112. he myghte more auayle the .. in whos seruyse that thow arte sette Md’A 710: 19 (BaLpwiy). Be ae § 146. The dat. hwem (whom), used also as acc., occurs A) without an ant.; in a general or a definite sense a) in the masc. Her iss whamm zuw birrp follghenn Orm. 12888. vt (for vp?) wan pat lot falleps he mot neod wende Lag. B: 18859. pe hy knawe pe. . and huam pe (Thou) zentest Sp. II 9: 178. he . . gan to preyse and lakken whom him leste Cuauc. 208: 189. Md’A 694: 18 (§ 119 D end). whom we raise we will make fast Sax. 2 H 61 4: 24. fiwing our eyes on whom (on those on whom) our care was fixed Suax. Errors I 1: 85. on whom we send, The weight of all. . relies Mir. Par. L. 2: 415. I like whom you like (Mod.). b) in the neut. pet hi nefdon na on hwam hi fengon ASC 3652: 38. B) with a noun-word ant. denoting a) persons. buton wel feawe of wam his lefe moder wes istriened Sp. I 1: 110. ter wass hemm bitwenenn An swille, whamm pezgz ne cnewen nohht Orm. 10370. hwet is he pes were pat tu art to iweddet . . for hwam pu letest lutel of pat tu sehuldest luuien Sp. I 8: 82. sith thou art that same To whom I seche for my medicyne Cuauc. 80: 78. she was a creature of whom the name should endure -Chaucer’s Dream 820 (A. Scurapzr p. 18); cf. § 145 end. Fortune the goddesse, vnto quham In hye Gude hope .. has led me Sp. III 4: 158. I haue purueid me of a maide, whom I loue more than you Sp. III 10: 146. Hector .. Whome franckly thus .. I spake vnto Sp. III 19 A: 357. he whom. . I lov’d Suax. Temp. I 2: 68. the sons of heaven and earth, compared with whom Jupiter himself was a stripling. Mac. Milt. 25. He whom itt removed was a captive Ib. 42. b) things. on Oct .. Sancti Iohannis .. wes seo mycele eordbyfung on Lumbardige . for hwan manega mynstras . . gefeollon ASC 371: 33. He makede pane kalender, bi wam geop al pe ger Lag. B. 7219. Ydolatrie dus was boren, for quuam mani man is for-loren Gen.-Ex. 696. To wende agen to pe lond.. fram wan he er com Sp. II 1: 238. she was .. cleer as [is] the mone-light, Ageyn whom alle the sterres semen But smale candels Cuauc. 11: 1011. the flowre of the lyly, tr whome vyrgynyte is sygnefyed Md’A 715: 29. those vertues in whome semeth to be a mutuall concorde Exyot Govern. (Cent.) His burning eyen, whom bloody strakes did staine Spenser Faer. Qu. II 4: 15. C) referring to a whole clause. he wid pone cyng geworhte . for hwan hine se cyng ealles benemde ASC 367: 10. -Algate he hap misdon, porw whom he is in my prisoun Hampote (A. ScHRADER p. 18). § 147. In MnE who, whom, with an ant. is used A) regularly when the ant. denotes persons, and the rel. clause is entirely progressive (decriptive). I gave it to John, who gave it to his cousin, and his cousin gave it — to me. B) in preference to that for the sake of distinctness or euphony in sentences where the nature of the ant. and of the rel. clause would otherwise allow of 05; either pron. (C), e. g. He hated all who had had anything to do with it. This is the man who told me that our house had been sacked by the rabble, and who laughed when he said it, I mean that boasting brother of yours, who, after all, did less than all the rest. 1 prefer those who have not quite so much to say for themselves. Cf. AnpERsson pp. 27, 11, 18—19. C) about as often as that when the ant.:is a noun-word denoting persons and not qualified by a superlative, the rel. clause is restrictive, or at least of a certain importance for the understanding of the main clause (thus not of an altogether progressive nature), and the rel. is not used as a pred. compl.; but cf. B. The individual who (or that) arrived yesterday, makes more noise than half a dozen troopers. I will stay with the gentlemen whilst he who (or that) is a wholesale lady-killer, cuts a dash in the drawing-room. D) less frequently than that in the case mentioned in § 105 B. E) seldom in other cases; for that mentioned in § 105 b cf. ANDERSSON pp. 23—24; for the case mentioned in § 105 h cf. AnpERSson pp. 7—8. § 148. Be who etc. After the pattern of which, the which (§ 163), the definite article was occasionally placed before (who,) whose, whom. I hadde a lord, to whom I wedded was, The whos myn herte al was Cuauc. 312: 976. How ye han ferd .. The’ whos wel-fare .. god encresse Cuavc. 317: 1859. your mistress from the whom .. There's no disjunction to be made Suax. Wint. T. IV 4: 539. § 149. Who pat, who pat ever, etc. During the 13th—15th cent. pat (that) was often attached to’rel. pron:s (as well as to int. pron:s, to adv:s and conj:s), apparently without modifying their significations (cf. on the other hand A. Scuraper p. 15, Liypner in Jahrb. f. rom. u. engl. Lit. u. Spr. N. Folge II). A) Who that etc. occurs. a) without an ant. againes kinde Gad hwa pat swuche kinsemon ne luued OEH 275: 14. alle hii slogen..bote wo pat par fleh Lag B: 5209. who pat entrep per . He his sauff Sp. II 6: 6. who that were not deed .., there they slewe theym Sp. III 8 B: 90. he badde the lordes.. come after who that wold Md’A 267: 38 (Baupwin); ‘cf. § 72. — Him ne dret nagt to do zenne, huct thet hit by Ayenb. of Inwyt (Cent.); cf. § 191. Ther every man cryeth and clatereth what that him lyketh Cuauc. 509: 2258. ~b) with an ant. telle..of moche other thing what that then was Ros. oF Brunye (Cent.). And al is payed, what that he hath spent Cuauc. 874: 1125. Sik lay the gode man, whos that the place is Cuauc. 589: 1768. That eny herte shulde slepy be, in whom that Love his firy dart wol smyte Cuk. and Night. (A. ScHRraDER p. 18).. The hye god, on whom that we bileve Cuavc. 580: 1178. La Bell Pucell.. Whome that I toke Hawzs (Cent.). B) What that ewer is found in Md’A (Batpwin § 64) and has the same meaning as whatever, whatever pat (§ 152). 9 — 66 — § 150. Who pe occurs in Hiwo pe enes cumep per . vt may he neuer penne wende Sp. I 17 A: 142. § 151. Loc(a) hwa, loke who bat, etc. The imperative of locian (loken) was sometimes prefixed to hwa ete., hwile etc., hwweder etc., with the same force as the suffixed -ever; cf. Grundriss 1: 921. Loca hia ut gange, licge he ofslagen Joshua 2: 19 (ASD p. 645 a). Loca hwa dere mihte age, he mot gehefine man alysan Wutirsvan 294: 32 (Ib.). Loke who that is most pacient in love, He is at his avantage al above Cuavuc. 638: 771. — Hlystan loca hwet da lareowas twcan Wuurstan 294: 26 (ASD p. 645 a). Don loc hwet we magon Wuursran 141: 28 (Ib.). — Bide me loca hwes pu wille LS 18: 278. § 152. Whoever etc., formerly also whoever pat etc. (cf. § 149), occur only as general rel:s. ; A) Substantival use. Hwa efre penne ilokie wel penne sunne-det.. beo heo dal-neominde of heofene riches blisse. Sp. I 8 A: 109. touch her whoever dare SHak. Shrew III 2: 235. They .. were but too ready to believe that whoever had incurred his displeasure had deserved it Mac. Hist. of E. (Maraner p. 532).— What euere thou schalt ave, I schal gyue to thee Sp. IL 17 A 6: 23. he wil auenged be Ful cruelly, what ewere that befalle Sp. IIL 3 B: 1087; of. § 191. he strikes whate’ er is in his way Suax. Venus 623. From the Duke Comes all — whate’er we hope, whate’er we have Cotzrtpen (MArzNEeR p. 535). he.. expunged whatever was favourable Mac. Bac. 102. — he was wont to leewe to hem oon bounden, whom euere thei axiden Wycu. (Cent.). y dare putte pis into iugement of whom euer hap seen pe pilgrimage Sp. IIT 5 B: 88. that whomever I take or kill his arms I shall quietly possess Swirr (Cent.). B) Whatever is also used adjectively a) in connection with no other rel. word. a man, that seyde to me, alle thinges what euer thingis I haue done Wvcu. (Noack p, 47). Petrucio means but well, whatever fortune stays him from his word Suax. Shrew III 2: 23; ef. § 191. Whatever ornaments she wears are of massive gold Mac. Milt. 16. —- elliptically; see § 191. b) with a rel. after the noun-word which it qualifies. I have accidentally no quot. at hand; but cf. § 144 B, § 155 B b. § 153. Swa hwa, »quisquis, quicunque>, is quoted in ASD p. 576 a, from fkurric’s Grammar 18. Swa hwet occurs twice in VP, both times after all, which, however, is not an ant. in the usual sense; cf. § 72, § 142 Ba Note. ail swe hwet walde dyde (omnia quaecumque voluit fecit) 113 B: 3. 134: 6, — Usually swa hwa was followed by swa (§ 154). In Luke ed. Bovrerwek 9: 48 occurs suchua sede (§ 108); the corresponding passage in HG Lindisf. MS has the hyper-literal sede sua chile, sede sua hua = qui-cunque. — 67 — § 154. Swa hwa swa, whoso bat, etc., A) Swa hwa swa etc. is the oldest form of the MnE whoso etc. Formerly pat could be attached to whoso etc.; ct. § 149. swa hia swa wille sawan westmbeere land. atio wrest of pa pornas Bo. 122: 4. swa hwa siwa ponne creftig bip. he bip wis Bo. 282: 10. Sittan, lete ic hine wit me sylfne, swa hwa swa pet secgan cymed Gen. 4388. Swa hwa siwa ure gife.. wansiad : wansie him seo heofentice iateward on heofenrice ASC 53 note: 9. hwa swa halt pis... bode. pa wurde he efre wuniende mid God ASC 58 note: 25. Wua sua bare his byrthen gold & silure. durste nan man sei to him naht bute god ASC 381: 37. Hwo se seid pat hie bed hol him self wot his smierte Sp. 1 17 B: 114. whase dop hiss are o pe tibi propitiatur Orm. 1042. pann he dop, whase laghepp himm Orm. 10788. ligge ine ham’ hwoso liked Sp. 19: 166. Who-so lifes, pai sall se pat..Sp. ID 11 A: 118. who-so that it findeth, certes he findeth a greet tresour Cuauc. 512: 2352. pat of pe peple who so wolde mygte rede fer-in Sp. III 5 B: 114. whoso please To stop affliction, let him take his haste Suax. Timon V 1: 212. Whoso sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed HB Gen. 9: 6. — he mid dede gefylde swa hwet swa he mid worde lerde Be. 94: 21. -swe hwet swe nu on us unnyttes sie Cp. 252: 21; cf. § 90. nam pa.. swilee litles hat (such little things). swa hwat swa he mihte ASC 845: 13, don all whattse his wille were Orm, 2384. what se (whatever, i. e. whoever) hefde richedom: he hine: makede wrcacche mon Lag. 6555. do wid me Quat-so @i wille..be Sp. I 15: 2334. I you lowed .. And euer shal, what so befalle Sp. III 10: 131; c& § 191. Thus sang they all... With whatso in that Psalm is after written LonaFELLow (Cent.). — swa hws swa his irsung willap . donne gehet him pos his reccelest Bo. 290: 7: — pot hi scoldon cesen hem cercebiscop to Cantwara- byrig swa hwam swa swa hi woldon ASC 374: 15 (here and 374: 18 sia is used thrice; cf. sww gelwrede biscopas..swe swu nu..sindon Cp. 8: 3, and the OHG so wer soso). he mat wham swa he wules wurdcipe bitachen Lag. 18384. hwam se heo biseched fore! is sikerliche iborhen Sp. I 7: 128. So hit is .. to hwamso is idel Sp. I 9: 86. like aspis sting, that .. does wound whomso she wils SpenseR Faer. Qu. V 12: 36. Note. A. ScuraveEr. p. 30, calls whoso etc., with regard to whosoever etc., odie verkiirzten formen». The term is misleading. Similar inaccuracies fre- quently meet. B) Sia (so) could be separated from the preceding hwa (who) etc., partic- ularly by a partitive gen. (§ 90) or an adv. swa hwa ponne swa pes wyrpe bip.., ponne: bid he.. Bo. 14: 22. hie forleosad swe hwet odres godes sicw on him ongieten bid Cp. 234: 12. what after so befatle, This entremes is dressed for you alle Cxauc. 110: 664. = $8 = § 155. Whosoever, whosoever Pat, etc, . A) Substantival use. nowe cristes cors on his crowne .. who-so-euer ther-to says nay Sp. TI 7: 41. whosoever is of a willing heart, let him bring it HB Exod. 35: 5. whosoe’er gainsays King Edward's right, By this I challenge him Snax. 8H6 IV 7: 74. against whosoever shall aspire to be prince Burwur (MAtz- NER p. 533). — Mai nogt longe me ben for-holen Quat-so-euere on londe wurd stolen Sp. I 15: 23382. Ne semed it [as] that she of him roughte, Nor of his peyne, or what-so-ever he thoughte Cuauc. 213: 497. what-soewer I sayd to you . . I wyl not ..goo Sp. III 10: 161; cf. 191. whatsoever comes athwart his affection, ranges evenly with mine SHax. Ado II 2:6. whatsoever. Adam called every living creature that was the name thereof HB Gen. 2: 19. — Whose soever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them HB John 20: 23. Cf. § 145 Ab. — whom soever that I commaunde to ben slayn, that anon he be slayn Maunp. 254: 19. under the control of whomsoever should be elected BuLwEeR eae p. 533). B) Whatsoever is used also as an adj. a) in connection with no other rel. word. what-so-ever opinions every man fyndeth with his doctoure, that is his Gospell Sp. III 16: 834. by whatsoever kind of punishment he werebereavedManpvren 2:505. Marauding thieves -to be de- stroyed by whatsoever method possible Academy (Cent.).. Cf. § 191. b) with a rel. after the noun-word which it qualifies. As if that whatsoever god who leads him Were stlily crept into his human powers Snax. Cor. II 1: 235. Till whatsoever star that guides my moving Points on me. graciously Snax. Sonn. 26: 9. ; § 156. Of *who as, *who as ever, occurs the neut. in: I do bequeathe to thee. . what as Bradford holds of me in chief Old Plays (Cent.). guat-als-euer he askes the, Gif him, Sp. II 8 B: 141. § 157. Compounds with sum (som) occur in the northern dialects; cf. § 135. Godes peoww, whasumm itt iss Orm. 5564; cf. § 191. But what-som-ever wo they fele, They wol not pleyne, but concele Cuavc. 51: 5041. whom someuer Md@’A (Batpwiy). whosomever you take him to be Suax. Troil. II 1: 70 (in old ed:s). Cf. Grundriss 1: 922. § 158. Hwile (which). — This pron. was inflected like a strong adj.; ef. § 120. ME forms: whiich(e), w(h)ulc(h), w(hjoch(e), (h)wych(e), whych, which(e), qu(hjilk(is), ete. The simple hwile occurs as a rel. once in AitFRED’s works: Hit is. scondlic . ymb swele to sprecanne hwelc hit pa wos Or. 48: 4. .I have found no other ex. in OE. In the 13th cent. it began to be used a little more frequently. A cent. later it was common. 8h § 159. As a substantival rel. it occurs A) without an ant.; cf. § 143 A. to chese of eche contre, wuch hym were leuest to habbe Ros. or Guouc. (Kocu p. 268). Al Albanackes folk! folle to grunde . bote woch (what; those who) him hudde‘ in wode Lag. B: 2167. — Which of zou pat is most . most schal ye werche Sp. III 1 A: 260, B) referring to a noun-word denoting a) persons. he hafde many wimmen: bi-hafd to his bedde. bi woche he hadde . . fwenti sones Lag. B: 2686. men. of huychen pe zennes perinne byep ywryte Sp. II 9: 48; cf. § 145. As he which was of hih prudence Sp. Il 20: 17. I found out one, Which went in a long gown Sp. III 8 A: 6.. a bischop whos name was G..& which lijp now buried in pe chirche of seint poul Sp. III 5 B: 95. Md’A 698: 10 (§ 97 Note 6 end). all those friends which I thought buried Suax. Sonn..-31: 4. It was only those who had gained the deck which we had to con- tend with. Marryat Pet. S. 3: 10. 1 will . . return by the fitting messenger which he has sent, insult for insult Kinestny (AnpERsson p. 10). Cf. § 147 A. b) things. bread and oder meten, Quilke ben wune de kinges to eten Sp. I 15: 2080. He bad anon pe cofre vnelose, Which was fulfild wip straw Sp. II 20: 105. no ping ts expresseli spoken of in scripture, which is not pere . : openti named Sp. III 5 A: 101. . youre soules (which they care for as the foxe doeth for the gysse) Sp. TI 16: 384. Yet hath he.. begg’d for that which thou unask’d shalt have Suax. Venus 102. by such sin, For which the pardoner himself is in Suax. Meas. IV 2: 112. But that which comforted me more still was, that . .. Crus. 88. Nothing is impossible which does not involve a contradiction Mac. Bac. 37. C) referring to a whole clause etc.; cf. § 96 C. Bright was the sonne as in that someres day, For which the constable and his wyf . . han y-take the righte way Toward the see Cuauc. 483: 555. myne annuitee . . Is alle behynde, I may not paide be; Which causeth me to live[n] in langour Sp. III 2: 627. And these thinges he so handled (which was no great maistry) with reasons probable. . Sp. Til :17 A: 18. We did think to reprehend her, Which cunning love did wittily ‘prevent Sax. Venus 471. I am a wise fellow, and, which is more, an officer Snax. Ado IV 2: 83. I... slept secure in the night, which otherwise I could ‘not have done Crus. 91. When the Doctor took liberties, which was not seldom the case Mac. Hist. of E. (MArznur p. 520). § 160. Adjectively it occurs A) referring to no preceding idea a) in the sense of »whatever», »whichever». a) in connection with no other rel. Whule riche mon per at-flehé in to castle he abeh Lag. 5209, Lag. B: 23235. setten frids to whulchen ane uirste, pe king .. wolde iseon pas dugede Lag. 15165. Lead me which way you please Knowies (MAirzner. p. 530). — f) with a rel. after the noun-word which it qualifies. pat git ne lestan wel hwilc wrende, swahe.. — 7 — sendedt Gen. 555. pat hwilc man swa haued behaten to faren.to Rome. . cwme to pat mynstre ASC 58 note: 17. al his men slowen .. buten wuhle wricche sw G cwics cuahte to holde Lag. 8860. mid wulches cunnes wites swa he bi-wwiued weore Lag. 22131. Bi wile weie so he wile To dele nider wenden Sp. I 12: 5. — On hwiche tyme so ewer pe mon. of-pinchep his mysdede.. . milce he schal y-mete Sp. 117 A: 182. From which side soever you approach this mountain (MarnEstvs). b) in the sense of »such»; with a rel. after the noun-word which it qualifies. But which a congregacioun Of folk, as I saugh rome aboute . . Nas never seen CuHauc. 346: 2084. B) referring to a preceding idea. Lecherie . spusbreche. Roberie . . and alle opre euele deden. purh wyche pinkes man ofserueth pet fer of helle Sp. I 13: 124. pe hord of wirtues .. Vor huych hord.. he wakep Sp. II 9: 15. every man taketh a sondry doctoure which doctours are as sondry .. Sp. Ill 16: 828. A dozen years, within which space she died Suax. Temp. I 2: 279. the parrot would sing songs and: repeat bon-mots .. and laugh ..; all which proceedings the owl. considered as a grievous invasion of his dignity Irvine 70. -§ 161. In MnE-the substantival which is used -A) regularly when the ant. is a) a noun-word denoting things, and the rel. clause is entirely progressive (descriptive). He found an ammonite, which is a kind of fossil shell. b) that; ex:s in § 159 B b. c) a word allowing of both which and that, but the rel. is governed by a prep. which cannot be placed behind. The whole period during which all these ‘changes took place. d) a noun-word used as a pred. compl., and the rel., having the same function, introduces a non-restrictive clause. He is a sailor, which I should also like to be. He was the greatest strategist — which Napoleon was not. If the ant. denotes things, the ex. falls also under a. e) a whole clause etc., and the rel. clause is not restrictive; see § 159 C. B) in preference to that like in § 147 B. He picked up the skein she had let fall for that very purpose and which turned out to be an exellent fishing-line. He hated houses, he said, which, although just completed, had to be everlastingly patched and plastered. These notes are sweeter than those which human voices can warble. C) about as often as that when the ant. is a noun-word: (or clause etc.) denoting things, and the rel. clause is restrictive. Such were the days which (or that) he spent there. Then he heard: the same »Peace be unto your which (or that) the other disciples had heard before. D) less frequently than that in the cases mentioned in § 105 C. E) seldom in other cases. _ § 162. Appendix. Adverbially, like that in § 106 D, occurs which in To her, the relations and duties of common humanity shone with none of the aful and divine meaning which they did in the eyes of the converted Jew Kinasiry (AnpERSSON p. 11). ANpgRsson remarks: »This construction must be imputed to mere carelessness; it ought to be: which they had.» Evidently which they did means »that they did», i. e. »with which they shone». § 163. Be which was probably formed in analogy with the OF lequel. It was employed fairly often during the 14th—17th cent., in the same sense as which. Later it occurs only as an archaism. of a lofe pe whych Pers aft] pe pore man drofe Sp. Il 5: 5658. He knew pe names wel of tho The which agein him grucche so Sp. IL 20: 48. Than the second batayle . . came to socour . ., the whiche was tyme Sp. III 15 B: 114. such, as drunke her life, the which them nurst Spenser Faer. Qu. I 1: 26. the party ‘gainst the which he doth contrive Suax. Merch. IV 1: 3852. ’Twas a foolish guest The which to gain and keep he sacrificed all rest Byron (Noack p. 56). — I hadde Lettres ..In the whiche Lettres he comanded . . to lete me seen alle the places Maunp. 82: 6. Anthenor wente to the preest pat kepte the palladyum, the whiche preest had .to name Thoant Sp. III 9: 138. Let gentleness my strong enforcement be: In the which hope, I blush, and hide my sword Suax. As you II 7: 119. -$ 164. Which pat; cf. § 149. Al Albanakes folcé folden i-scohten . buten while pat per at-wond Lag. 2167. Lauerd, in pi telde wha sal wone? .. Whilke pat (he that) incomes wemiles Sp. IL.2 XIV: 3. — He which that hath the shortest shal biginne Cuave, 429: 836. he fond a narow passage, Which that he took Sp. III 38 B: 1153. he told hym of the aduentures .. whiche that he knewe Md’A 715: 18 (Batpwiy). | $ 165. Be which pat; cf. §§ 168, 164. thei zelden tribute . . to the Queen of Amazoine, the whiche that maketh hem to ben kept in cloos Sp. II 14 C: 62. the excellence Of love, ayeins the which that no man may .. maken resistence Cuauc. 261: 989. ; § 166. Loc(a) hwile; cf. § 151. It occurs adjectively in Loca hwyle cristen man sy ungesibsum Wutrsran (ASD p. 645 a). ‘§ 167. Whichever; cf. § 152. Peace or war — you shall have whichever you prefer (Mod.). — Whichever road you take, it will conduct you to town Wesster; cf. § 191. on whichever border there was then no force ASD p. 572 a. § 168. Swa hwile, »queque, quodquod, quecunque», is quoted in ASD p. 576 a, from Aiurric’s Grammar 18; cf. § 120. In VP it occurs once substantively: alle deode swe hwelce du dydes cumat (Omnes gentes quascumque fecisti ve- nient) 85: 9; four times adjectively: in swe hwelcum dege (in quacunque die) ic gecegu dec geher mec 137: 8, 55: 10; 101: 3 bis. -—- Usually swa havile was followed by sea (§ 169), seldom by other rel:s: se pe (§ 108), Pe (§ 116). 25 FP ae § 169. Swa hwile swa etc. — A) his barna sue hwele sye- lifes sie afgefe det feoh Chart. 88: 10. pider urnon swa hwele swa ponne gearo wearp ASC 84: 1. swa hwile swa .. gemete (whatever I have found), eal . . ic awrat Be. 482: 28. swa hwilce swa he geseah . . donne cyrde he to pam Be. 160: 18. — wule swa hafuede pat wracche lif! girde Ardures grid Lag. 23236. wulene swa ich mat here ifon! i pan stude he beod fordon Lag. 11786. cure wulene swa he swat (for smat?): per ford rihtes he iwat Lag. 15302. Hwych so pe mon soweps al swuch he schal-mowe Sp. I 14: 82. B) Swa was often separated. from the. preceding hwilc etc.; cf. § 154 B. swa hwylene hiora swa.him se tan ceteawde, ponne gecuran hio done him to heretogan Be. 416: 5. swe hwele donne swe .. underdieded bid, him bid for- boden .. Cp. 72: 16. efne swa hwylcum manna swa him gemet duhte Beow. 3057. purh swa hwelces bene swa he geheled sy, pisses geleafa . . seo lefed God onfenge Be. 98: 31; cf, § 145 Bb. C) Swa hwile eon ceghwilc) was also used adicctively: the noun-word which it qualified bemg followed by the correlative swa. swehwyle mon swa det sto pet des londes bruce Chart. 45: 20. sue eihwelc mon swe dis lond hebbe Chart. 40: 9. pet hit him gearo were . swa hwelce dege swa hie hit habban wolden ASC. 142: 33. See further in § 160 Aaf. § 170. Whichsoever is not used very often, ee in solemn language. as well to. do good, as evil, whichsoever he will Carpate 373. Thou shalt have Whichsoever thou choosest (Mod.). — Whichsoever way you turn your eyes, you see nothing but. . distress Juntus (Kocu p. 265); cf. § 160 Aaf end. § 170°. Which as..— The rel. as was occasionally attached to rel:s (as well as to adv:s and conj:s). Which as had exactly the same meaning as which pat (§ 164). be smale stones, Whiche as sche ches out Sp. II 20: 184. With al the worthy Chooce of his housholde, which as he knewe most manful Sp. III 3 B: 1092. § 171. Hweder etc. — This pron. was inflected like a strong adj.; cf. § 120. Mase. Fem. Neut. Sing. | Nom. || hweeder ' al Gen. ||hwedres? |hweder(r)e*| —~? Dat, || hwedrum* | — 3 a4 Ace. |. hwederne * a Inst. ee Of the nom. and acc. fem. and of the inst. I have found no instances. In OE it occurs relatively only in certain combinations; in ME it is rare. .§ 172. As a substantival rel. it was employed A) alone. He bed hym chese, weper he wolde Ros. or Grove. (A. Scura- DER p. 28). B) followed by pat. Now chees your-seluven whether that yow lyketh Cuavc. B81: 1227. C) preceded by loc. loc hweder pera gebrodra oderne oferbide . were yrfe- weard ealles Englalandes ASC 365: 87. . D) preceded by swa; the two words were often contracted into sweder. Swader uncer leng were Cod. Dipl. (ASD p. 943 a). Do sweeper pu wille Bo. 334: 10. Beon swoeder hig beon, swa sacerdhades swa clerichades Bened. Rule (ASD p. 943 a). par man us tyhhad on deg twegen eardas, drihtnes are odde deofles peowet, swa hwader we geearniad her on life Vat. 3:99. — Hweedres donne dara yfela is betere cer to tilianne, buton swedres sweder frecenlicre is? Cp. 457: 22. — Appendix. It is used adverbially in deah we spirian..swa mid les worda swa mid ma.sweper (in whichever way of the two; according as) we hit gereccan magon Bo. 258: 19. E) preceded and followed by swa; contraction as in D. — a) selle mon.. mittan fulne huniges, odda tuegen unines, sue hwaeder suae mon donne begeotan maege Chart. 37: 22. wid dan de min wiif per benuge innganges swe mid minum lice swe sioddan yferran dogre, swe hweder swe hire liofre sie Chart. 41: 23. hi magon don swa god swa yfel sweeper swa hi willan Bo. 874: 3. dydon swa hweper swa hy dydon (they might do the one thing or the other) Bo. 164: 1: Chart. 45: 27. Bo. 232: 17. LS 17: 256. — b) with swe hwceder and swe separ- ated by a partitive gen. suc hueder hiora suc leng lifes were foe to londe Chart. 34: 10. F) followed by as. whether as hym lyst hym self Md’A 230: 15 (Batpwry). Note. A. ScurapER, p. 28, says: »Wether. Ausser diesen interrogativ- relativen ftihrt Kocu .. auch wether als solches auf und belegt es mit den beispielen . .» (here follow those given under A and B). »Man kénnte bei diesen beispielen zweifelhaft werden, ob wether hier interrogativ oder relativ zu fassen sei. Im Ags. wurde wether ausschliesslich interrogativ gebraucht, und auch im Ae. war dieser gebrauch noch ganz allgemein. Da aber im Ae. derartige zweifelhafte falle nur sehr wenige sich finden und auch bei Cuavcer nur dies eine beispiel vorkommt, so erscheint es uns nattirlicher auch fir diese beiden fille, wether interrogativ und nicht relativ zu fassen. Im Lat. wiirde hier ohne zweifel der conjunctiv zu setzen sein.» — To what I have said in § 140 I only add two quot:s, short, but eloquent in their shortness. Ahsa 10 eS A pies pu wille Be. 266: 22. utrum placet, sumite! (the famous declaration of war against the Carthaginians, Livius XXI 18: 18). § 178. Swa hweeder (whether) was also used adjectively. bi swahwaperré efes swa hit ponne fierdleas wes ASC 164: 27. on swa hwepere hond..swa him gemet pince Beow. 688. that whether party had the vyctory, soo to ende Md’A 4638: 6 (BaLpwiy). § 174. The int-rel:s are more frequently preceded, than followed, by prep:s. To the mod. what applies the rule for fat without an ant., § 102. Sel- dom we find constructions like with what his valour did enrich his wit (= what .. with), His wit set down to make his valour live Suax. Rich. 3 IIT 1: 85. In ME a prep. was sometimes placed both before and after the rel.; cf. § 89 end; § 118 A Note. This Heroude, of whiche I have spoken offe, was Heroude Asca- lonite Maunp. 89: 82. the Cros, in the whiche Dysmas..was honged onne Maunp. 10: 8. The ston, with the whiche the sepulere was covered with Wvcu. (A. ScHRaDER p. 24). § 175. Appendix. For the int.-rel. adv:s which can express place, a few ex:s will be given. A) Ic nebbe hwer (1 have no place where) ic mage ealle mine waestmas gegaderian AXirric II 104: 16 (ASD). Da neefde he nan setl, hwer he sitian mihte ASR 13: 88. Sp. I 10: 14. In these three passages wer follows on a neg- ative; cf. § 142 A a, § 143 Aa. pu hafdes hwer pu mthtes wrihe pine banes Sp. 1 10: 15. ich wene beo dead. vare ware ich ewere vare Lag. B: 14185. In pat siquar (= sid quar, Germ. »Zeit wo») pai come to tun Sp. II 7: 875. I shalle the brynge wher thowe shalte haue A yerls wagis Sp. III 7: 69. his wealth doth warrant a liberal dower, Where (whereas) Reignier sooner will receive than give Suax. 1 H 6 V 5: 47. Stay where you are (Mod.). — Ridand thar come, ner by quhar wallace wass, The lorde persye Sp. III 6: 378. I come from where he lives (Mod.). — Compound rel. adv:s like the mod. wherein, whereof, came into use at the beginning of the 13th cent. Cf.: peo pet..ei ping dude hwar- duruh no childe ne schulde beon of hire istreoned Sp. I 9: 24. ne hafdes in al pis world hwer-wid pat blisfule blodi bodi pu mihtes hule Sp. I 10: 18. B) to the place Quhar that his V men sian was Sp. II 16: 32. Where that his lords desire him to have borne His bruised helmet.. Before him..: he forbids it SHax. H 5 V Chor.: 17. — het hi faran loc whar hi woldon ASC 244 note: 41. — swa hwer swa he wes he wurdode cefre God ASR 15: 98. whers itt iss itt harrdnepp.. pe..heorrte Orm. 1574. hwer-se-eauer pe gast wule, pe bodi is anan-riht. Sp. 1 7: 180. He can go where(so)ever he likes (Mod.). — This king... pat..cofre vndede, Where as pet sthen gret richesse Sp. IT 20: 109. he... bounced in, whereas he stood Suax. Pilgr. 83. — % — C) God yef vs vre ende god. hwider pat he vs lende Sp. 117 A: 122. Whidir euere zee schulen entre in-to an hous, dwelle ge there Sp. IL 17 A VI: 10. — de folgian swa hwider swa du ferst (follow Thee whithersoever Thou goest) LS 16: 156. Se swote smul ham folhed hwider se ha wended Sp. I 7: 127. — went on is way .whider as him liked Sp. IT 12: 104. — Wheder-warde so pe water . wafte, hit rebounde Sp. II 13: 422. D) Da neefde he hwanon he his wer aguide Dipl. Angl. (ASD p. 572 b); cf. A beginning. those dead regions whence the cold winds blow (Mod.). § 176. Rough Chronological Table. to munien his ikunde! whone he icomen weore Lag. 2034. In —1ll1th 12th 13th 14th—15th 16th— ee ta Patt oe that? that se pe etc. [se Be ete. [bam fe, pa pe, Be pe] be be Be] swile etc. [swile ete.] [swile ete.] swe swa [so] [alse] als as as thwa etc.?] thwa 7] hwa who?, * who ete. hwam etc. hwam etc. whom etc.* [hwile ete.] [hwile etc.] hwile ete. which* aiace swa hwa swa ete. (swa) hwa swa etc. hwa so etc. whoso etc, [whoso etc.] hwa (so) ever ete. who(sojever etc. who(so)ever etc. swa hwilé swa etc. (swa) hwile swa ete. hwile so etc. whichso [whichso] hwile (so) ever etc.| which(so)ever which(so)ever swa hweder swa ete. | (swa) hweder swa etc. | hweper (as) whether ber bar- par there [hwer?] (hwer?] hwar where where 1 also pleonastic. * general-negative. ° usually general, ‘ also preceded by be (the). a6 as Chapter IV. § 177. Combinations of dem.-rel:s and pers. pron:s like a p (se his) | pees his |= cujus se him | poem him| = cui (se hine) | pone hine | = quem occur in OE, but not very often. (Expanded A-types.) For the Ist pers. see § 189 A. eadig wer des is noma dryhtnes hyht his (cujus est nomen Domini spes ejus) VP 39: 5. VP 145: 5. Cudbyrht.. pes his lif. . mid healicum tacnum . openade (cujus vita sublimis . . patebat indiciis) Be. 374: 17. eadig folc des is dryhten god heara (cujus est Dominus Deus eorum) VP 143: 15. swe swe cester dere delniomenis hire in det ilce (ut civitas cujus participatio ejus in id ipsum) VP 121: 3. eadigu diod dere is dryhten god heara VP 32: 12; cf. 1438: 15 (above). ne sind gespreocu ne word deara ne biod geherde stefne heara (quorum non audientur voces eorum) VP 18: 4. — Kadig bid se pe in his eple gepihd, earm se him (is he whom) his frynd geswicad Denk. 2: 87. Denk. 2: 38. pet is se Abraham se him engla god naman niwan asceop Ex. 380. These three sentences would, but for him, belong to Aa-types. — pa se wis oncneow, pet he Marmedonia mcgde hefde side gesohte, swa him sylf bebead pam him fore gescreaf feder mancynnes Andry. 846 (see the note in BAP). munt in dem wel gelicad is gode eardian in him (in quo bene placitum est Deo habitare in eo) VP 67: 17. bearn in dem nis geleafa in him (in quibus non est fides in ipsis) VH 7: 40. Cf. munt sion in dem eardas in don ilcan (in quo habitas in id ipso) VP 73: 2. — Iorius tid, des wdelan weres, done Datianus . . mid unasecgendlicum witum hine dreade det he Cris[t]e widsoce Marr. 40. § 178. Occasionally we find in OE combinations like se he pes his poem ue | him pone hine. (Expanded B- or E-types.) For the 1st pers. see § 189 B. pa cristenan men. ., pa pe hi er .. on... screfum hi (themselves) hyddon Be. 42: 4. — se.. bid siwenigge se pe his ondgit bid. . scinende Cp. 66: 24. Klag. 283. se bid eac eallinga healede se pe eal his mod biod aflowen . . Cp. 72: 12, — hwy forcwid donne se pe him God swelce creftas gift Cp. 42: 7. se bip leo- fast londbuendum se pe him god syled gumena rice to gehealdenne Weit. 133. Psal. 111: 1. se bid swide eadig sede him Drihten .. forgifed Be. 376: 23, where Wotrine, § 290, for some reason or other, puts a (!) after him. pet se se pe him er gepuhte pet him nan se wiphabban ne mehte, pet he .. Or. 84: 12. Eadige beod pa pe him beod heora unrihtwisnesse forgifene Ps. 31: 1. Bo. 310: 6. — der gelyfan sceal dryhtnes dome se pe hine dead nimed Beow. 441. Psal. 64: 4. BAP II p. 566. hwees onlicnesse heefde Assael da buton dara pe hiera hatheortnes hie swide hreedlice on forspild gelet Cp. 294: 19. ic helan meg eghwylene anra para pe him bid egesa to me Trgs. 86. se Wisdom lerde pone pe he wolde westmbereland sawan . pet he atuhge of cerest pa pornas Bo. VIII: 20. § 179. Fairly common in OE were combinations of pe (not immediately preceded by se etc.) and pers. pron:s like pe he = qui pe his = cujus pe him = cui pe hine = quem; is quem pe. . with him = quocum. (Expanded C-types.) For the Ist and 2nd pers. see § 189 C. licet swide monig det he-cwfest lareow sie, pe he wilnad micle worldare habban Cp. 26: 5. Nis nan gesceaft de he tiohhige pet hio scyle winnan wip hire scippendes willan Bo. 250: 27, where he apparently is used for heo; cf. Wi1- Fine § 296 a. de ma pe habraham wolde pam welegan arian pe he (= hi) hys cegnes kinnes weron So. 355: 28. Chalisten pone Philosofum he ofslog, his emnscolere, de hi cetgedere gelwrede weeron Or. 132: 1, where the ant. seems to consist of the obj. and the subj. of the clause; other explanations, however, are possible. Doubtful are also Beow. 2638, 2641; cf. Naver § 47. — eadig byd se wer pe his to-hopa byd to swylewm Drihtne Ps. 89:4. Hwet se god were .., pe pis his beacen wes El. 162. Be. 278: 22. Or. 152: 19. ASC 154: 16; 266 D: 23. seo pruh..monegum monna, pe heora eagan sargedon . ., weard to helo Be. 322: 28.° Be. 442: 5. BH 107: 28. deara saula de haer beforan hiora namon auuritene stondon Chart. 37: 48. Be. 110: 16. Or. 72: 9; 80: 19. Ps. 82: 11. — Seuerus.. pe him se onweald cer geseald wes Or. 282: 5. Bo. 160: 11. BH 195: 7. Seef. 18. Hadig bid pot folc .., pe him swa on foldan fegre limped Psal. 143: 19. nis nu cwicra nan, pe ic him modsefan minne durre sweotule asecgan Wand. 10. Or. 118: 30. par bed pe hadene men pe waren lage- leasé, pe [hem] nes naht of godes bode Sp. 1 17 B: 296. Bo. 310: 15; 314: 11. Ps. 31: sup. Phin, 656. BH 47: 7; 145: 81. pam treowum de him gecynde bip up heah to standanne Bo. 188: 3. — ic gehwam wille porto tecan pe hiene his lyst ma to witanne Or. 102: 25. Psal. 117: 22 (A. ScuraprEr’s translation, p. 10, is utterly wrong). licgad westryhte .. beorgas pe pa landleode hi hatad Par- coadras Or. 14: 9. Note. I see no necessity for altering pa into pe in Beow. 1291. — pam witgum pe god self durht hi spec to hys folce So. 352: 5. § 180. Combinations like pet he = qui were very rare as long as pet was still but a form of a flexible pron. (§ 87); they became more frequent in proportion as pe yielded to pat (§ 115). That. . his as a substitute for the gen. of a rel. is used even to-day, and not only by »ignorant people» (Batpwin p. 80 foot-note), but occasionally, in careless con- versation, by persons who will write a letter without a mistake and play Beetho- ven’s sonatas at sight. .Cf. § 99. — For the 2nd pers. see § 189 D. per is..an megd pet hi magon cyle gewyrcan Or. 21:18. par pry weeron on pes peodnes byrig eorlas Israela, poet hie a noldon hyra peodnes dom pafigan onginnan Dan. 189. Ich y-zezg .. pe innumerable uelagrede of pe holy martires, mid blisse .. y-corouned . pet be pe pinen of pise time, huyche hi beren to po bdlisse, pet wes ysseawed ine ham: hy come perto. Sp. II 9: 143. A Knight ther was, and that a worthy man, That fro the tyme that he first bigan To ryden out, he loved chivalrye Cuauc 419: 44. here is a worshipfull knyght sir Lamorak de galys that for me he shalle be lord of this countreye Md’A 334: 1 (Batpwin). — Note. The two other passages which Batpwin, § 113, quotes as analogous to 334: 1, seem to me to be a different kind: Now tourne we vnto sire Trystram that vpon a daye he took a lytel Barget Md’A 3830: 24. Md’A 407: 20. Cf. the opening lines of several other chapters and paragraphs, e. g. Now turn we again unto Sir Palomides, how Sir Dinadan comforted him in all that ever he might vol. 2, chapt. 101 (quoted from the ed. of 1634, the only one at hand). Return we unto King Mark, that when he was escaped from Sir Sadoke, he rode unto the Castle of Tintagill vol. 2, chapt. 1837. — For sentences in which that he, separated by no word, is preceded by a word of a negative force and followed by a negat- ive, see § 97 Note 7. Al were they sore y-hurt, and namely oon, That with a spere was thirled his brest-boon Cuavuc. 452: 2710. this wyf, That .. Hir grete bountee doubleth hir renoun Cuauc. 865 B: 521. Ther slepeth ay this god unmerie With his slepy thousand sones That alway for to slepe hir wone is Cuauc. 327: 76. it was hir owhen child pat in his armes anigt she went Greg. 748. there came a man that sire Tristram .. had slayne his broder Md’A 327: 10 (Batpwin). hit is not thy parte to disprayse thy pryncesse that thou arte under theire obeyssaunce Ib. 358: 14. I remember hearing: That was the same postman that I used to ride =p =, on his bicycle afterwards. — Cf. Of oon, &%he knoweth not his condicioun Cuauc. 479: 271, where the rel. is omitted. ‘Hit rest .. On pe mounte of mararach. of armene hillis. Dat oper-wayeg on ebrv. hit hat pe thanes Sp. II 13: 448. Clowdeg . . kesten vp torres, pat pe pik pundes-prast . pirled hem ofte Sp. II 18: 952. I saugh to-day a cors y-born to chirche That now, on Monday last, I saugh him wirche Cuauc,. 461: 34380. that was she that Breunys saunce pyte took that sheld from her Md’A 345: 11 (Banpwiy). Cf. per ys a welle pat non streem eornep par-fram noper per-to Sp. II 18 A: 110. § 181. Swa hwa.. swa his (= cujusvis) occurs in swe hwa donne swe his lif to bisene bid . . geset, ne sceal he . . Cp. 192: 20. — Note. For collocations like swa he=qui, I have found no ex. which I consider certain. Cf. NapEr § 111. § 182. Int.-rel:s were occasionally combined with pers. pron:s either for the sake of expressing case or quite pleonastically; cf. § 189 E. agentylwoman whiche we and this castel is hers Md’A 705: 13 (Batpwin). A schepherde, whos ben not the scheep his owne John 10: 12 (Kocu p. 265). Cf. He seemd.. to . . nourish . vengeance in his bitter mind. Who, when the shamed shield .. He spide . .; bur- ning all with rage, He to him lept Spenser Faer. Qu. I 4: 39, where Who equals »And he». Such periods are common in the works of Spenser and of several other Early MnE writers. Cf. § 200 end. Chapter V. Rel:s referring to the 1st and 2nd pers. have been partly exemplified in the preceding chapters, but will here be specially surveyed. § 183. Pers. pron:s of the 1st and 2nd pers. occur in the oldest trans- lations, corresponding to the Lat. gui. Ic eom Drihten pin God, Ic pe ut-geledde (qui eduxi te) of Agypta londe Le. 58: 2. se us dorh fulwiht forgefe forgefenisse we earun numene (qui tenebamur) mid bendum gebundne VH 13: 9. du sites ofer drymseld du (qui) doomes efennisse VP 9: 5. du eard du gesettes me (tu es qui restituisti mihi) erfeweardnisse mine VP 15: 5. In VH and VP there are about 20 more instances. For pe (acc. of pu) co-ordinated with a preceding rel. and thus corresponding to a mod. rel., see § 197 B. a 8h) § 184. Se, pone, pa occur abot 10 times in VP and VH as rel:s for the Ist and 2nd pers. ic sodlice eam dryhten god din se utaledde [de] of eordan [Aegypti] VP 80: 11; cf. Le. 58: 2 (§ 183). gewundra mildheor[tjnisse dine se hale gedoest (qui salvos facis) da gehyhtendan in dec VP 16: 7. cyning ece.. du were cr weorulde..done acennedne of femnan forhtad ylc sawul dorh done usic arisan.. we gelefad se us .. forgefe forgefenisse (Rex aeterne . . qui eras ante saecula.. Quem editum ex virgine pavescit omnis anima per quem nos resur- gere ..credimus Qui nobis .. donasti indulgentiam) VH 13: 8—10. da ondredadt dryhten bledsiad dryhten (Qui: timetis Dominum benedicite Dominum) VP 134: 20. ongeotad das alle da ofergeoteliad dryhten (intelligite haec omnes qui obli- viscimini Dominuim) VP 49: 22. Note. Srevers, § 340 Anm., says: »se, seo, det kann sich nattirlich nur auf eine dritte person zuriickbeziehen.» § 185. pat referring to the 1st or 2nd pers. has been commonly used since the beginning of the 13th cent. Namm I nohht Godes sune, patt cumenn amm to manne Orm. 10282. tu pat al pe world fore mihte .. diveres was .. to hoker lahter Sp. I 10: 112. We pat ofte mys-dop. we mowen vs sore adrede Sp. I 17 A: 206. Ouer us pat bi him stonde Sp. I 19: 512. Blisses to Lauerd with alle your might, Alle his aungels, pat ere bright Sp. IL 2 CII: 46. tel me pis ilke, How I may saue my soule. pat seint art I-holde Sp. Il 15 I: 82. Milk-livered man! That bear’st a cheek for blows Suax. Lear IV 2:51. To think of your going and attacking me, that have always been a friend to you! DickENs (ANDERSSON p. 16). — seldom with the verb in the 8rd pers.: Myn heritage I crawe of pe, pat ts my heued P. Langt. Chron. (Koc p. 261). O Lord, that lends me life SHax. 2 H 61 1: 19. Mirr. Par. L. 1: 129. § 186. Se pe etc., employed like se etc. in § 184 was a little more com- mon. we da de lifgad we bledsiad dryhten VP 113 B: 18. us pam pe God swa micle heanesse.. forgifen hafad, is seo moste dearf.. Di. 68: 6. pu eart se de me gerihtwisast Ps. 4: 1. Ps. 21: 8. Hart pu se Beowulf, se pe wid Brecan wunne Beow. 506. nyllad syngian da de cweodad in heortum eowrum (nolite peccare qui dicitis in cordibus vestris) VP 4: 5. werlice dod & sie gestrongad heorte eower alle da de gehyhtad in dryhtne VP 30: 25. There are about 10 more instances in VP. — Cf. Eala! pu .. riht cuning, se pe locan healded CC 19. Note. Wwurinc, § 297 calls Ps. 4: 1 and the analogous 21: 8 »eigentiimlich.» But previously, in p. 404, he quotes pu eart se Drihten pe gebletsast . . rihtwise Ps. 5: 13 without any such remark. I am inclined to suspect that Beow. 506 ‘has escaped his notice. We not unfrequently find the verb agreeing in person with the subj. of the main clause even where it would seem natural to us to have it entirely dependent, in this respect, on the pred. compl., as it is, for in- stance, in pet ic swydun eom se de wundra wyrcd (that I am S. who wor- oe pes keth miracles) LS 21: 295. Cf. § 97 Note 2, § 188 Note. — Although, in Drihten pu pe us manast pet we wacian .. pu pe us sealdest pet gepyld pet we . poet pe us lerdesd pet we... du pe oferswiddest donne dead. . So. 334: 42, pet pe would not be anything entirely unique (cf. § 114), I am inclined, like Wuurine, to consider it a mistake for pu pe, particularly as the whole passage swarms with pet's, pu’s, and pe’s. § 187. What degree of rel. force can be ascribed to the pers. pron:s in § 188, is questionable; certain it is, however, that ic, fu never reached the same stage as sé, which, with: equal facility, was employed both as a rel. and as a dem. pron. The aid of fe was more strongly required. pe occurs A) immediately after a pers. pron in the same case; tc pe, pu pe, we pe, ge pe a) not referring to any preceding word. petite we pe his limo sindon, leorndon cet him Cp. 32: 22. We pe swo ofte misdod we mugen us . . ofdrade Sp. 117 B: 210. pu pe pyrstende were . ., drync nu pine fylle Or. 76: 33. b) referring to a preceding pers. pron., or to a noun in the vocative, or to the implied subj. of an imperative. Ic eom gabriel ic pe stande beforan gode (ego sum gabrihel qui adsto ante deum) HG Corpus MS Luke 1: 19. dw sitst on dam hean setle, pu de symle demst swide rihte Ps. 9:4. te pe bidde pe drihten pu pe cart riht lif So. 334: 15. mid hwan sulle we iqueme We pe nafre god ne duden Sp. 1 17 B: 96. ge sind earmingas gewordene, ge de weron mere ASR 14: 127. Ne gedrwfde ic na israhel . ac gedrefdest du sylf . and pines foeder hiwreden .ge pe forleten god LS 18: 90. — eala min Drihten, pu pe ealle gesceafta ofersihst Bo. 12: 14. — Dod eow clene ge pe berad Godes fatu Cp. 76: 2. B) after a pers. pron. which does not go immediately before or is not in the same case, or after a noun in the vocative. Ic Saxvulf. pe.. nu eam biscop . te gife hi min curs ASC 59 note: 20. Gif pu pat geredest, pe her ricost eart Byrht. 86. Ps. 5: 13 (§ 186 Note). swa swa we hine ageaton . pe him on locodan ASC 354: 88. leorniad, ge domeras, pe ofer eordan demad Ps. 2: 10. — To-geines pe (thee) . pe isist men, speked Seinte Pauel Sp. I 9: 182. — Almihtig feder up on rodore, pe da sciran gesceaft sceope & worhtest .., ic pe .. gecenne Glaub. 8. hlaford of mihte pe halst hefenen primsettles Sp. I 1: 40. C) with a subsequent ic, fu etc.; see § 189 C. § 188. Ex:s for the int.-rel:s. A) me, poru wam he hap of pe maistrie Ros. or Guouc. (Kocu-p. 265). Thee whom God’ chees to moder Cuauc. 80: 108. How ye han ferd and doon, whyl ye be there. The whos wel-fare . . god encresse Cuauc. 817: 1859. git nocht incressis thy curage to indyt, Quhois hairt sum tyme hes glaid and blisfull bene Sp. III 11 A: 4. in care of thee .. who Art ignorant of what thou art Srax. Temp. I 2: 1%. do tell me, who am thy friend Frew. Tom J. 8: 12. Ye crags upon whose extreme edge I stand Byron Manfr. 1:2. Dear fool, you hid it passing 11 a asks well, but IL whom you would hide it from, knew more than you (Mod.). — It is I, drede you noght, What was wont with you to gone Town. Myst. (Maraner p. 524), Wher thou ert not the Egipcian which mouedist a noyse Wvrcou. (Kocn p. 262); cf. HB Acts 21: 38. Infortunat ascendent tortuous, Of which the lord is . . falle Cuauc. 479: 303. I... am doghter to the kyng . ., which ..me delyte.. this gardyn to visyte Sp. II] 8 B: 1308. we which walke in the brode daye Sp. TII 16: 19. Ow Father which art in heaven HB. Thou tyrant (0: beauty) which leav’st no man free CowtEy in Jounson 16. Note. Kocu found »die Beziehung» in the quot..from Wvct. (see above) »ganz unerwartet>, Of a similar nature is If thow beest he; but O how . . chang’d From him, who .. Cloth’d with transcendent brightness didst outshine Myriads Mir. Par. L. 1: 85. Cf. § 186 Note. § 189. Pers. (possessive) pron:s of the Ist and 2nd pers. occur also in com- binations like those in Chapt. IV. A) Se mec = (ego) quem; cf. § 177. Ic eom se dema se mec dryhten heht snude gesecgan pot ge . . Guth. 675. B) Se pe ic=(ego) qui; cf. § 178. ic am gabrihel sede ic tostondo fore gode HG Lindisf. MS Luke 1: 19. C) pe ic = (ego) qui; fe pu = (tu) qui; pe pe = (tu) quem; cf. § 179. pet ic, @e be syndrigum megpum .. geornlice ic tylode to awritanne, poetic .. (that I, who etc.) Be. ed. Surrn 472: 37 (WtiFiIne). hwanon pu cumen sy . pe pu pus eald feoh gemettest LS 23: 587. gu pe pe lufad wall So. 334: 4. D) That .. yours = (tu) cujus; cf. § 180. ye are the same knyghte that I lodged ones in your Castel Md’A 266: 15 (Batpwin); cf. § 186 Note. E) Which we = (nos) qui; cf. § 182. that we thankful should be, Which we of taste and feeling are SHax. LLL IV 2: 30. Chapter VI. Various remarks on rel. clauses and on complexes containing rel.. clauses, particularly in OE and ME. § 190. A main clause expresses a fact, an action, a circumstance, etc.; a rel. clause expresses another fact, action, circumstance, and so-forth. The mutual logical relation of the two facts, actions, etc., can, according to the laws of the framing and conceiving intellect, and independently of the particular syntactical form, be of very different nature. A rel. clause may express an independent fact and be equivalent to a co-ordinate clause; see for instance § 147 A. It is cS then called progressive, descriptive, non-restrictive. It may denote a quality and be equivalent to an adjectival adjunct, e. g. A man who is good = A good man. It may also express consequence, purpose, cause, reason, supposition, con- dition, concession, etc. Thus, for instance, the complex He who is ill cannot go out may mean (a) »the sick person (in question) cannot go out (for some reason or other)»; »he (the individual in question) cannot go out, seeing that (because) he is ill»; (c) »if (supposing) a person (anyone) is ill, then the consequence for him is that he must stay in». — We will first pay special attention to such complexes in which the rel. clause is expressive of supposition or condition. A) se pe frione forstele . ., swelte se deade Le. 60: 5, »he who steals a free man, [he] shall die», »if any one steals a free man, [then] he shall die». — Se (if anyone) to anra dara burga geflihd, donne meg he beon orsorg Cp. 166: 20. se mon se pe (if a man) boc-land hebbe . ., ponne setton we, pet he.. Le. 94: 6. swa hwa swa (if any man). . his mod went to dem yflum .. and he hi neefre forletan ne dencd, donne forlyst he eall his crran good ASR 9: 59. Chart. 39: 14 (§ 128). Here the main clauses have assumed the shape usual after if-clauses, the whole complexes thus forming apparent anacoluthons; cf. § 87. — Similar are: pe pet (Gf a person) ne warned oder of his vuel oder of his lure, nis hit slouh zemeleste . .? Sp. I 9: 12. Sp. I 9: 28. Ancre pet (if a nun) naued nout neih hond hire uode, beod bisie two wummen Sp. I 9: 236. who-so (if any one) hap more panne I. pat angrip myn herte Sp. II 15 V: 97. who euere schulen not resseyue .. you, ge goynge out fro thennes shake awey the powdre fro zoure feet Sp. 1 17 A 6: 11. Bot who pat wole of wondres hiere . ., such merueile herde neuere man Sp. II 20: 288. Quha sperd (if any one asked), scho said . . Sp. IIT 6: 282. B) Somewhat loosely connected are the rel. clauses in: Leidon pa Godes curs ..& al cristenes folces . pe (if any one; on whomsoever) ant ping undyde poet por wes gedon ASC 53 note: 28, He sette . . is londes . to ferme (let his lands on lease) wel vaste, Wo-so (as soon as any one; to whomsoever) mest bode peruore Sp. II 1 A: 451. Beow. 1135 can be explained in a similar way; but cf. Naver § 100 end. — Ther was sorwe, wo-so it sawe! (9: any one would have been as sorrowful, if he had been there) Sp. I 18: 473. in the sterres . . Is writen, god wot, who-so coude (09: if we only could) it rede, The deeth of every man Cnauc. 478: 195. C) Common were expressions like as who says, »as though any one should say». Bote schome ouer schomes poledes tu hwen pu wes henged bituhhe tua peofes. As hwa se seie . He pis is mare pen peof . And for-pi as hare meister he henges ham bituhhen Sp. 110: 54. Note. Morris and Sxear seem to have passed over this passage rather lightly. In the notes they give the translation »as one may say». But of He nothing is said, neither in the notes nor in the glossarial index. Ze, Do they think it is the pers. pron.? I take it to be an interjection denoting surprise or ridicule; cf. OE ha! — And Crist . . said, ’foles, qui er ye fered?’ Als qua saifdj], ’Godd es in this schip .. Sp. II 8 B: 13. In creeping soft as who shoulde steale Chaucer’s Dream (A. ScHRADER p. 16). Sche was, as who seip (280 to say»), a goddesse Sp. II 20: 281. As who should say Snax. Rich. 2V 4: 8. § 191. A clause introduced by a general rel. often implies that a thing, circumstance, etc., real or assumed, independently of its nature or its degree of actuality, is, or should be, of no consequence with regard to what is expressed in the main clause. Such »indefinitely-concessive» expressions had originally a shape which in MnE would appear like: Be he whoever he be, I will not yield. I will defend him, be it against whomsoever it be. I love him, may he have done whatever he may have done. I will hear nothing, be it whatever tt be. — But these fuller expressions were gradually reduced in a way exemplified by Whoever he be, I will not yield. Iwill defend him against whomsoever tt be. I love him, whatever he may have done. I will hear nothing whatever it be. — They could be rendered still more elliptical: Whoever, I will not yield. I will defend him against whomsoever. I will hear nothing whatever. — Examples: A) heora eapmetto me mihton nauht forstandan . ne huru heora ofermetia . dydon swa hweper swa hy dydon Bo. 164: 1. Bened. Rule (§ 172 D). simle him wolde pet fylgean .. weron hi on swelcum lande swelce hi weron Bo. 154: 24. be-hate swyle wite swile he us behate . we nan pinge ne beon ofdreedde LS 28: 459. Let come what come may, ..I shall have had my day TENNYson (Cent.). , B) Ne misleue non god, hwat so bitide Sp. I 9: 816. horn the schal pe fecche Wham so hit [ewere] recche Sp. I 19: 352. he wold .. wayte hire sum wicked torn . what bi-tidde after Sp. II 12: 148. in despit, who that was lief or loth, A sterne pas .. he goth Sp. Ill 3 B: 1071. he wil auenged be. .. what euere that befalle Sp. II 3 B: 1087. in lyke wyse .. Ye wolde answere, who- so-euer it were Sp. IIT 10: 124. take no repulse, whatever she doth say Snax. Gent. III 1: 100. JI will be content, whichever course you follow (Mod.). C) a) I will .. procure the same for him against whomsoever EssEx in Mac. Bac. 29. he’s one o’ the soundest judgments in Troy, whosoever, and a proper man of person Suax. Troil. I 2: 208. If not Achilles, sir, What is your name? .. If not Achilles, nothing . . Therefore Achilles: But, whate’er, know this Ib. IV 5: 77. He counts it lawfull in the bookes of whomsoever to reject that which .. Mitr. (Cent.). — b) quasi-attributively. you shall find in all other respects whatsoever no comparison between them Essex in Mac. Bac. 29. — Now only after no, none, nothing, any, etc. let me not find you before me — 8 — again upon any complaint whatsoever Suax. Meas, II 1: 261. He said nothing whatever (Mod.). § 192. The rel. could be separated from the finite verb or the prep. to which it, logically belonged, by a clause which contained a verb expressive of utterance, perception, remembrance, knowledge, belief, wish, etc., and followed by the conj. pet (e. g. ic sede put; me puhte pot). Under certain circumstances (see under A) such an arrangement can still be used. A) The rel. is the obj., adverbial adjunct, or pred. compl. of the verb in the pet-clause. — MnE often omits the conj. a) The verb in the inserted clause is transitive and active. Hardedon Bryttas binnan pam dice.., pe we gemynegodon pet Seuerus .. het. pwyrs ofer poet ealond gedician (quod Severum trans insulam fecisse commemoraverimus) Be. 44: 7. pes drys pe mon seede pot heo hie wid forlege Or. 126: 25. Ic.. cude sumne brodar done ic wolde det ic nefre cude Be. 442: 9, da prowunga . purh da he er wende pet he hi acyrran meahte Be. 40: 20. pat pe he wolde pat me dede him Sp. I 1: 84. pet we nollep pet me do to ous Sp. II 9: 87. det he swelc sie.., nes swele swelc-his selfes gesceadwisnes sceolde ongietan deet he were Cp. 110: 12. EHahtige he‘ hine selfne on his inngedonce suelcne suelcne he ondrott det he sie Cp. 119: 8. she hath this empryse y-take on honde, Which ye shal heren that I shal devyse Cuauc. 480: 349. suche an archier.as men say that ye bee Sp. III 10: 103. — Note. Wuot.rine, § 270, puts a (!) after the sec- ‘ond swelene in Cp. 119: 8. I do not:consider this form at all extraordinary. The acc. case may be owing solely to the verb of the main clause (type A 5 a, § 13), or partly to the transitive verb of the inserted clause (cf. § 193). The other reading (.. ingedonce swilcne he..)is no more >eigentiimlich» than the ex:s in § 12 a (type A 4a). Quite as little do I feel inclined, with regard to pu ne mage pone wisdom..geseon swilcne swilcne he ys So. 347: 26, unreservedly to declare that the latter swilcne is »hier natiirlich nur Schreibfehler». . b) The verb in the inserted clause is intransitive or passive. Da ongunnon heo..deofolgildum peowian pe monnum puhte pet heo..forleten hefde Be. 112: 4. da tieglan.., de him beboden was det hi scolden da ceastre Hierusalem on awritan Cp. 161: 138. Wes por ..untrumra monnd hus, in pem heora peaw woes, pot heo pa untrumran .. inledon sceoldon Be. 346: 26. pat he gesawe ane .. byrgenne, swelce *hiera peaw was pet mon ricum monnum..worhte Or. 202: 4. The conj. is omitted in To bete.pulke robberie . pat him pogte he adde ydo Sp. II 1: 274. =e B) The rel. is the subj. of the verb in the pcet-clause. — MnE would either omit pot (that) or replace pe by »about whom», »concerning which», etc., in which case a pers. pron. must be added in the ¢hat-clause, or, finally, have recourse to some freer version (e. g. acc. with infinitive, a parenthetical clause like »[as] they say»; cf. Kocu p. 271). Donne wes Biise Kastengla biscop, pe we sceegdon pette in poem .. seonode were Be. 280: 12. him pa from bugan pe hie betst getriew- don poet him sceolde sige gefeohtan Or. 82: 25. be pam monnum de wit cer cweedon pot unc puhte pet weron wildiorum gelicran donne monnum Bo. 318: 11. elene para pe hio geacsian myhte pot kynekynnes wees Or. 30:19. pa namen hi pa men pe hi wenden pet ani god hefden. ASC 382: 21. Luue is .. Cristes fur pe he wule pet blasie in vre heorte Sp. I 9: 288. he gemette da graman gydena de folcisce menn hatad Parcas, da hi secgad det on nanum menn nyton nane are ASR 9: 31. he dede sende After a fishere that he wende That wolde al his wille do Sp. I 18: 524. Cf. Kocu § 359. 4; § 360. 4. ~ Note. Concerning those of the above ex:s which are taken from /ML- FRED’s writings and in which the rel. is pe, Wwturine, § 302 c, says: »Man kénnte sagen, dass in diesen Fallen die relative Partikel fe zur Verbindung gentige, aber sie gehért doch wohl zunichst als Objekt zu dem den pet-Satz regierenden Zeitworte, und deshalb ist anzunehmen, dass das persénliche Fiir- wort, das ja in einigen Fallen noch steht.., hier ausgefallen ist.» It is hard to understand how Wturtne can look on pe in Be. 112: 4 (the first quot. under Ab) as the »Object zu dem den pet-Satz regierenden Zeitworte», as this »Zeit- wort» happens to be the intransitive Puhte, which, of course, except its indirect obj. monnum, can have no obj. at all. No doubt Winrine means »Objekt oder Subjekt». Even though it is not exactly tempting, in this ex. and in Cp. 161: 13 (not mentioned by Wttrine) to make pe, which represents a plur., the subj. of a sing. verb., I will leave the difference in number out of consideration (cf. § 29 a). But in Cp. 161: 13 and Or. 126: 25 (the second ex. under Aa) etc., if Wiirine’s theory were true, the prep. on, wid, etc., would govern >fallen . out» pers. pron:s. Be. 44: 7 corresponds in its present shape more closely to the Lat. original than it would do, if a pers. pron. (hine) were placed after we gemynegodon pet. And (to take a couple of ex:s, which, though quite analogous, are not given by Wizrine on account of their different rel:s) Jurh da in Be. 40: 20 (Aa) can, of course, be neither subj. nor obj., governed, as itis, by a prep. and evidently dependent on acyrran. And how could done in Be. 442: 9 be the obj. of wolde? He did not wish the brother (!); he knew him, although he wished he had not done so. The sentence forlet he Marius poet feesten & for to oprum, por he geascade pet Geoweorpan goldhord wees Or. 230: 4, where the rel. 'is an adv., would convey the meaning that Marius had reached the other fort before hearing anything about Jugurtha’s treasure. But it was this very treasure that == BF = brought him thither! How closely the rel. could be connected with the,verb in the pet-clause is proved by sentences like mid his unmetum weorode, poem he gealp, pet him nowiht widstandan meahte Be. 154: 16 (cf. 193 A). Cf. the mod. ex:s given by Kocu p. 272. Finally it may be pointed out that in Dpyder he cwed pot man ne mihte geseglian Or. 19: 12, a complex which has no rel. at all, but is, in other respects, quite analogous to those above, it will be impossible even for Wtxirine to connect pyder with cwed. — Thus I believe to have proved that we must give up the »falling-out» theory altogether. § 198. Although I consider that in all the quot:s in § 192, or at least in most of them, the rel. was felt as going with a word in the pet-clause, I readily acknowledge that, on account of the position of the rel. immediately before the verb which governed the said clause, there was a tendency to connect it is with this verb. Quite distinct are sentences like Hefde se ealwalda engelcynna . . tyne getrymede, poem he getruwode (whom he trusted) wel, pot hie his giongorscipe fyligan wolden Gen. 248. Yours; whom in constancy you think stands so safe Snax. Cymb. I 4: 187. John IV 2: 165. In the following quot:s, where the pet- clause has a pron. of its own, denoting the same persons etc. as the rel., the syntactical value of the rel. is somewhat ambiguous. In MnE we are inclined to render it by »about whom», »concerning which», etc., or else to make use of some construction mentioned in § 192. In the quot:s under A we might also render de . . him by »whom», that . . them by »which» (cf. $§ 179, 180). A) The pers. pron. in the pet-clause is not subj. mid his unmetum weo- rudum, te he gealp pat him nowiht wipstandan mihte Be. ed. Smitrx 524: 8 (Wtz- Fina); cf. above. Cf. one was a wolf, one a .. leopard, and the other were creat- ures that we knew not what to call them Dxror Capt. Singl., which passage. Batpwin, p. 30, brings into connection with the rel. periphrases (§ 180). B) The pron. in the feet-clause is subj. pa men, pe he onget pet heo on Cristes geleafan gelerde weeron Be. 222: 20. him coman cerendracan ge of mo- negum peodum, pe nan mon Alexandres geferscipes ne wende pet man his naman wiste Or. 136: 9, which passage Wt.rine appears to have altogether misunder- stood: he prints his in spaced type and puts a (!) after it. Be. 62: 4. Bo. 298: 13. Or. 126: 23. § 194. In he ongan mid Creca scipun pe mon »dulmunus» heett, pe mon sega pot on an scip mege on pusend manna, the rel. is followed by the kind of clause mentioned in §§ 192, 198. But here fe does not go with the verb of the peet-clause, nor is it governed by a prep. in the said clause. It may either be considered as representing a partitive gen. (cf. § 117 C end), separated from the governing an scip (»on one ship of which» = »on one of which [ships]»), or else as belonging to seegd (»concerning which»; cf. § 193). Similar is Gen, 2043 (§ 84). — 88 — Note. Wutrine, § 302, says that scipun is »dargestellt» in the pcet-clause »durch Wiederholung seiner selbst», This is not quite exact, as scipun and an scip are logically two different ideas, the latter having a smaller sphere than the former. It would have been right enough if the clause had been pat on pa scipw etc. (In all the quot:s in § 198 the rel. and the pers. pron. refer to exactly the same idea.) -§ 195. When, in OE or ME, two rel. clauses had the same ant., there was usually no .conj. between them. fram pam brodrum pes mynstres de hi sylf astemnedon de L .. is nemned Be. 4: 17—18. on an igland pet is ute on pore see. pet is Meresig haten ASC ‘172: 10—11. Done Nazareniscan Helend det wes. afandon wer betwux eow.., done ge beswicon Cp. 448: 5. Sy wuldor. . pam wel-willendan scyppende pe his halgan mersad .. mid wundrum . sede a rixad on .ecnysse. LS 21: 497—498. to an pat ichulle .. to halden ant. . luuien . pe is unlich .. alle worldlich men Sp. I 8: 76—77. hwet is he pes were pat tu art to iweddet . pat tu hauest wid-uten me pine luue ileneft] for hwam pu letest lutel of pat tu schuldest luuien Sp. I 8: 81—83. tyraunts pat men ofte i pe whilk er bisy .. To nuye men Sp. IL 10: 1232—3. The mighty giaunt . behold, Whose huge body was more than five carte-lode, Wihaeh lay there ai that was almost colde Sp. III 12: 24. § 196. Less frequent were rel. clauses united by a co-ordinative conj. pa beod eadge pe heora wonnesse forletne beod & para pe synna bewrigene beod Be. 442: 5—6. pet hit were swydun se de hine lerde mid pere halgan lare . and pone de he geseah on deere cyrcan LS 21: 389-90. ewertle wisle] man, de wot quor-of man-kin bi-gan, And de of adames gilte muned Sp. I 15: 2408—9. sumtyme was a bischop whos name was G.. & which lijp now buried in pe chirche of seint poul Sp. III 5 B: 95. § 197. ‘When a clause, complete (A, B) or incomplete (C, D), and contain- ing a pron. referring to the same idea which was indicated by a preceding rel., was joined to a rel. clause by means of and, ac, ne, or some other co-ordi- native conj., the said pron. was usually not rel. (as in § 196), but pers. Mod. usage, in such cases, would require, or at any rate prefer, two complete co-or- dinate rel. clauses or, where admissible, a clause or expression subordinated to the rel. clause, or else, if the two pron:s had the same syntactical function (A, C), leave out the latter pron. altogether. A) sancte Iorius tid, dws wdelan weres, done D.. se casere seofon gear mid .. witum hine dreade det he Cris[te] widsoce, & he nefre hine ofersuidan meahte (whom D. punished .. but [whom he] could never conquer) Mart. 40. — g9 — Se pe frione forstele and he hine bebycgge (he who steals a free man and [who] sells him) . ., swelte se deade Le. 60: 5. lease witegan . pa de cumad to eow on secape gelicnysse . and hi (and [who]; or: although they) synd wip-innan rea- figende wulfas LS 15: 121—122. pet tu pa .. merida mage geseon pe god. . mancynne geupe.and he hi (and [which he]) on pines anwealdes timan hefd geswutelod LS 23: 795—796. pureh je holi word pe ure helende .. seide mid his holi mud! and efter him prest hem seid (and [which] the priest says after him) atte swimesse turned pe bred to fleis and pe win to blod Sp. I 4 B: 883—84. he pat me ene seruep so, Ant he (and [who]) eft bidde mo, He shal me fynde vnfeyn Sp. II 3: 189—190 (unless Ant means »if»). See now .. how dere he agenboght us, for the grete love that he hadde to us, and wee nevere deserved it to him (and {(which] we never deserved from Him; or: although we never deserved it from Him) Sp. IT 14: 483—44. B) Tantulus se cyning, de on disse worulde . . gifre wes, ond him (and whom) der det ilce yfel fyligde . ., he gestilde ASR 9: 40. Sp. 14 A: 79—80. swa hwaswa.. his mod went to dem yflum .. ond hi donne fullfremed, ond hi him donne fullice liciad, and he hi neefre forletan ne dencd, donne forlyst he eall his erran good (whoever .. and whom.. and who. .; if any one..and.. him . and he. .) ASR 9: 59—62. ic pe bydde driten du pe cart se hehstan wysdom. and purh pe (and through whom) sint wyse calle pa pe wyse sint. Ic pe bidde pe drihten pu pe wart riht lif. and purh pe lybbad wall pa pe lybbad So. 334: 13--15. Note. Wotrine, § 297, seems uncertain about purh pe. However pu pe (inflexible) ..and purh pe (acc. of pu), in the 2nd pers., is perfectly analogous to he pe. . and purh hine, in the 3rd, and to ic pe . . and purh me, in the Ist. — TIonas, se pe dreo niht wes widinnan pam hwale, and se wel hine (and whom the whale) aber to Ninivea birig, and seo ded (which deed) getacnode ures Drihtenes dead, pe leg on birgene swa langun feece, ac he (but [who]) aras of deade ASR 18: 472—475. ASR 18: 366—369. Wa pam pe. . cweedap pet hit god sede pot pet hi secgad and god hi ne sende (and whom God did not send; or: although God did not send them) LS 15: 118. Sp. IT 12: 321. armheorted is pe man. pe swidere reowed his sinne . and he hem forlet (whom his sins grieve sorely and who abandons them) Sp. I 4 B: 42—3. Lere me to som man . my erede for to lerne, Pat lyuep in lel lijf . and louep no synne, And glosep nougt pe godspell. but halt Godes hestes, And neper money ne mede . ne may him nougt letten But werchen (and whom neither money nor reward can prevent from work- ing) .. Sp. IIT 1: 344346. Sp. 117 A: 257—258. C) se goldhord pe pu gemettest and hine (and [which you]) lange bedyrn- dest LS 23: 608. LS 28: 361—662. D) donne ann ic his minra swestar suna, swelcum se hit gedian wile & him gifede bid (who is willing to accept [?] it and to whom it is granted) Chart. 41: 40. 12 — 90 — ge knigtes .., pat bep . of so noble dede, Dat nere neuere ouercome . ne Zoure elderne nabemo (and whose ancestors were never conquered either; or: [not] any more than your ancestors), Vnder-stondep .. Sp. II 1: 101. pe dyeuel, a-ye huam and his (and against whose) kachereles fe.. uader.. his hous..wolde loky Sp. II 9: 18. Cf. Wes per in neaweste untrumra monna hus, in peem heora peaw wees, pet heo pa untrumran..inicedon sceoldon, & (in order to) him per cetsomme pegnian Be. 346: 26--27. thurgh syn, pat pat war wyth fild, and har- dend parin (and wherein they were hardened) Sp. II 10: 2341. § 198. A complete clause containing no pron. referring to the same idea which was indicated by the rel. in a preceding clause, was often co-ordinated with that clause. Mod. usage would prefer a conjunctional clause, subordinated to the rel. clause, or else two co-ordinate rel. clauses. al this werld es bot a se, That bremli bares on banc wit bale, And (and where) gret fisches etes the smale Sp. II 8 B: 40—42. owt of pe buschys . pat were blowed grene & leued ful louely . pat lent grete schade, & briddes ful bremely . on pe bowes singe (whilst birds full loudly on the branches sing; or: and where birds etc.; or: and on whose branches birds full loudly sing) Sp. II 12: 21—23. Cf. pet he . . fleogan meahte .. per geworht stondat Adam c& Eve on eordrice mid welan bewunden, d& (whereas) we synd aworpene hider on pas deopan dalo Gen. 418—420. § 199. A phrase forming no complete clause, and containing no pron. that referred to the same idea which was indicated by the rel. in a preceding clause, could also be attached to some part of that clause; A) to the verb, in which case mod. usage would require a participle or a conjunctional clause subordinated to the rel. clause, or else two complete co-ordinate rel. clauses. pa swa earme wif..hefdon gegan pone creeftgestan del & pa hwatestan men eailles pises middangeardes, pet wes Asiam & Europe, pa hie forneah mid ealle aweston & ealda ceastra & ealde byrig towurpon (de- molishing old castles and old towns) Or. 48: 7—8. pet wes..Hanmundes laf, suna Ohteres, pam cet seecce weard.. Weohstan bana meces ecgum, and his magum cetber (bearing away to his relatives; or: whereafter he bore away etc.; or: and from whom he bore away etc.) brunfagne helm Beow. 2612—14. Fela halige menn..wceron beforan us.. pam we.. geefenlecan ne magon . ne da ping gefyllan ge hi gefremodon on life (not being able to accomplish the things which they performed in life; or: as we cannot accomplish etc.; or: and whose performances in life we cannot accomplish) LS 12: 281—282. pe crisme clod. pe pe prest biwinded pat child mide .and pus seid (saying thus). Underfo shrud .. Sp. I 4 B: 35. forte breoke pis hus efter pis tresor . pat godd bohte med his dead . ant lette lif (giving his life; or: when he gave his life; or: and for which he etc.) 0 rode‘ is moni peof a-buten Sp. I 7: 31—2 Sp. I 9: 77—8; 10: 94. aoe ae B) to the rel., im which case we shoyld use as well as or some similar expression. vnnepe eni mon. migte is bowe bende, pat he wolde him-sulf.. ri- dinge wel vaste Ligtliche & ssete also . (as,well as shoot) mid bowe & arblaste Sp. II 1 A: 411—412. On pam ylean timan com eac sum bisceop .. to Westseaxena kyninge, Cynegyls gehaten, se wes da git heden and (as well as) eall West- sexena land ASR 15: 102, where I suppose se to be rel. § 200. The rel. was often separated from its ant. by several words, even by whole ¢lauses. Whether or not such an arrangement impaired the distinct- ness, depended, of course, on the circumstances. Twa bec synd gesette efter cyrcli- cum peawum bdbetwux pisum bocum pe gebiriad to Godes lofe, Machabeorum geha- tene ASR 13: 533, where I suppose bec to be the ant. Da feng Neron to rice cefter Claudie . se cet nyston forlet Brytene egland for his uncafscipe ASC 11: 17, where Tuorre’s translation is misleading. Peet cele man Inveet his hade to belumpe folgade . se pe wolde ASC 355: 4. knigtes of bigonde se . & oper men al-so, He aef londes in Engelond . pat ligtliche come perto Sp. IL 1 A: 256. — he hafde ane hudes bigite to his neode . of ane wilde bules pe wes wunder ane strong Lag. 14210, where the strength of the hide seems to be of more consequence than the strength of the bull. By the way it may be remarked that neither Map- DEN nor Morris and Skat seem to me to have grasped the exact force of ane. The former translates the rel. clause: »that was woudrously strong.» The latter, Sp. Ip. 312, render it by: »which was a wonderfully strong (one)». I believe that ane here means runiquely,> »beyond comparison»; cf. the OE an, ana, the Olcel. einn, einna. There are in Lag. about a dozen similar passages. The later text usually avoids the expression, substituting wunderliche for wunder ane and so forth. To the rel. clause in mid wines pe wes wunder ane god Lag. 14300 corresponds in the later text ne mighte non be richere. This, I think, gives the exact meaning af ane. — For hit was pe forme-foster. pat pe folde bred, pe apel auncetereg sunez . pat adam watg called, To wham god hade geuen . alle pat gayn were Sp. II 18: 259, which I, quite differently from Morris and Sxexart, translate: »For it was the first offspring which the earth bred, the sons of the noble ancestor called Adam, to whom (referring to »sons») God etc.» Cf. Cent. — The intricate nature of many rel. complexes is due to foreign influence. CuaucER writes for instance: Love, a-yeins the which who-so defendeth Him-selfen most, him alder-lest avayleth 214: 603. {[Surrey, the translator of the Aineid: The teares berayne my chekeszof deadly hewe: The whiche as sone as sobbyng sighes (alas) Vpsupped haue, thus I my plaint renewe Sp. III 19 F: 43. SPENSER was partic- =!) ularly fond of rel. combinations. In Suax. we find: Forty days longer we do respite you: If by which time our secret be undone, This mercy shows we'll joy in such @ son Peric. I 1: 117; ete. Than whom, than which, etc. is a Latinism. The old servile translations of the Scripture etc. have been exemplified in the preceding chapters, e. g. in § 197. The omission of the rel. will not be treated of here. If circumstances al- low, it will be the object of a special investigation. \ * zi ~ Appendix. List of passages where I have expressed opinions differing from those of the authors whose works I have consulted, or where I have made additions to, or corrections in, their statements. ,ANDERSSON 1. ASD 7. Barpwin 51, 78. Bock 7, 18. BovrEerweEk 8, 10. Cent. 58. Dierricu 10. FrammMe 29, 41, 44. Gren 10, 12. Hotrsvuer 19. Herrey 19. Heyne 22, 24, 31, 32, 35, 45, 49, ol, 57, 78. Koneine 12. Mappen 91. Morris 44. The figures refer to pages in the present essay. Morris and Sxgrar 6, 33, 60, 61,83, 91 bis. Murray 52, 53. MArzner 83, 58. Naver 24, 51, 97. Noack 34 bis, 35 bis, 36, 44 bis, 49. RizGer 22. Scraper, A. 33, 58, 60, 61, 67, 73, 78. Stevers 31, 41, 80. Sxear 59, 61; cf. Morris and Sxezar. Sweer 12, 26, 81 bis, 42, 46, 57. ‘THorPe 46, 91. Witcxer 7, 10, 12, 22. Wttrine 7 bis, 8, 11, 18, 19—20, 24, 28, 31, 40 bis, 41, 42, 45, 47 —48, 80, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89. Zourirza 58—d9, Facile est inventis addere. ~ tv ‘go td P. Pp. Py WW 4 bottom. 9, § 25. 13, § 39 end. 14, § 41 line 2. 15, § 50 last line. 16, § 59 line 5. 18, § 72 end. 21, line 22. 24, § 84 end. 26, § 88 line 17. 33, Note 7 line 17. . 41. § 112 first line. . 48, § 121 a. . SL top. . 54, last line. . 55, § 186 line 2. . 56, § 138 line 15. 61, line 8 from below. 68, § 158. 80, § 186 Note. * Additional Notes. For consistency’s sake I ought to have marked aad’ (type A 15 f) with an asterisk, as the only ex. given in § 23 is from the 13th cent. Add the following quot.: Fregn pa fromlice seo pe forht ne was .. hwonan his cyme were Jul. 258. Read: Cp. 166: 20. Read: gudgewedu. Read: quae. — § 52 line 3: audivit. Read: det. Read: § 142 B a Note. Read: hweder. Read: (§ 194). Strike out the comma after (§ 153). Strike out the full stop after No. > Add a full stop and the following quot.: Pa beod eadge pe heora won- nesse forletne beod & para Je synna bewrigenne beot Be. 442: 6. In the last quot. substitute { for! On account of the re-arrangement of § 132, reference ought to have been made to § 184 C a. The whole section B ought to have been placed in § 130. Read: Orm. 9053. The word me appears as though it were in spaced type, which might be misleading. — § 137, line 13. Add a full stop after »quotis». Strike out the comma after »word». — Line 18. Read: As a particle. — In this and the following line that ought to be in spaced type. Read: Morris and Skear suppose . . Read: Hwile (which) etc. Read: Witrinc. Small errors which have arisen after the reading of the last proof-sheets and which are not mis- leading, are not corrected here.