a

Cornell University Library
Ithaca, New York

 

 

 
52.W33

“imi ni
JUSTIN,

CORNELIUS NEPOS,

AND

EUTROPIUS,

‘
LITERALLY TRANSLATED, WITH NOTES AND A GENERAL INDEX.

BY THB

t

REV. JOHN SELBY WATSON, M.A.,

HEAD MASTER OF THE PROPRIETARY GRAMMAR SCHOOL, STOCKWELL.

CY |

HEN ar ry
LONDON:
: HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.
' 1853.

D
PREFACE.

Tuis volume contains Versions of Justin, Cornelius
Nepos, and Eutropius.

Justin has been translated from the text of Wetzel;
Cornelius Nepos from that of Bos, as re-edited by Fischer ;
and Eutropius from that of Tszchucke.

Each of the authors has been rendered in a style as
easy as was consistent with a faithful adherence to the
sense.

Notes on points of history, and on peculiarities in the
text, have been given wherever they seemed to be required.
Remarks on the authors are prefixed, and a copious Index

added.
NOTICE OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS

or

JUSTIN.

As Justin is not properly an author, but an abridger, we shall
first give our attention to the writer whom he abridged.

All that is certainly known’ of the personal history of
Trogus Pompeius is, that he was a Roman by birth ;* that his
ancestors were of the Vocontii, a people of Italy; that his
grandfather, Trogus Pompeius, was presented with the right
of citizenship by Pompey during the war with Sertorius; that
his uncle was an officer of cavalry under Pompey, in the war
with Mithridates; and that his father served in the army
under Julius Cesar, and was afterwards his private secretary.t
Trogus himself must, therefore, have flourished under Au-
gustus. The last event that he appears to have recorded is
the restordtion of the Roman standards by the Parthians.

He wrote a history in forty-four books, which he entitled
Historia Philippice, because, as is supposed, his chief design
in writing it was to relate the origin, progress, decline, and
extinction of the Macedonian monarchy, and especially the
achievements of Philip and his son. But he allowed himself,
like Herodotus and other historians, to indulge in such large
digressions and excursions, that it was regarded by many as a
Universal History, and is represented, in some manuscripts,

* Just. xiii. 1. f Just. xliii. fin.
b2
6 NOTICE OF

as containing totius mundi origines et terre situs, a character
to which it had no right.

The first six books comprised the period antecedent to .
Philip, in which an account was given of the Assyrians, Per-
sians, Egyptians, Scythians, Athenians, and Lacedemonians ;
the history of Macedonia was commenced in the seventh book,
and continued, in combination with other matters, to the over-
throw of Andriscus, the Pseudo-Philippus, in the thirty-third.
The prologi, or arguments, which we have of all the books,
similar to the epitomes of the lost books of Livy, were first
published by Bongarsius.

He seems to have taken his materials from the Greek his-
torians.* His title appears to have been suggested by the
Philippica of Theopompus, a voluminous work, of which Ste-
phanus de Urbibust cites the fifty-seventh book.

Whatever speeches he inserted were in the oblique form, for
he blamed Livy and Sallust for giving long direct speeches
in their histories.{ He is praised by Justin for his eloquence ;
‘vir prisce eloquentia ;§ and Vopiscus|| ranks his style with
those of Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus.

A treatise of Trogus, de Animalibus, is mentioned by Chari-
sius,§ and Trogus is quoted as an authority by Pliny in several
passages of his Natural History; and this Trogus is generally
supposed to be the same as Trogus the historian.

A writer named Trogus is also twice cited by Priscian, in
his fifth and sixth books, but whether he is the Trogus of
Justin, is uncertain.

* See Heeren de Trog. Pomp. Fontibus et Auctoritate, a to
Frotscher's edition.

¢ In Meooaria.

$ Just. xxviii. 3.°

§ Just. Pref.

|| Life of Probus,

I. p. 79.
JUSTIN. Y

The epitome that Justin made of the large work of Trogus,
has often been supposed the cause that the original was lost.

Who or what Justin was, we are left in ignorance; we
know not even what name he had besides Justinus, for though
one manuscript entitles him Justinus Frontinus, and another
M. Junianus Justinus, the other manuscripts give him only
one name.

From the words Imperator Antonine, which occur in the
preface in the editions of Aldus and others, he has been often
said}to have lived in the reign of that emperor; but those
words are now generally thought to have been interpolated by
some, who, like Isidore aud Jornandes, confounded him with
Justin Martyr.* From an expression in the eighth book,
where Greece is said to be etiam nunc et viribus et dignitate
orbis terrarum princeps, it has been conjectured that he
flourished under the Eastern;emperors ; but such conjecture is
groundless, for the words merely refer to the period of which
the author is writing, and may be, indeed, not Justin’s, but
Trogus’s.

His style, however, in which occur the words adunare, im-
possibilis, presumtio, opinio for “ report,” and other words and
phrases of inferior Latinity, show that he must have lived
some considerable time after the Augustan age. Such phrase-
ology could not have been found in the pages of Trogus. But
Justin could not have been later than the beginning of the
fifth century, as he is mentioned by St. Jerome.t

That he was not a Christian, is proved, as Vossius remarks,
by the ignorance which he manifests of the Jewish Scrip-
tures;{ for he could not, assuredly, have copied Trogus’s
vagaries without bestowing some correction upon them. He
has been censured for not making a more regular abridgment

* See the note on that passage of the Preface.

+ Procem. in Daniel.
t Just. xxxvi. 1, 2.
8 NOTICE OF JUSTIN.

‘of his author’s work, but without justice ; for he intended only
to extract or abbreviate such portions as he thought more
likely than others to please the general reader.

His composition is animated, and in general correct, but
not of the highest order of merit. His peculiarities of phrase-
ology are carefully specified by Wetzel in his prolegomena,
though he has omitted to remark his constant use of the con-
junction quasi in his narratives and descriptions.

It is observed by Dr. Robertson,* that “we cannot rely on
Justin’s evidence, unless when it is confirmed by the tes.
timony of other ancient authors.” The remark ought rather
to be transferred to Trogus, whom Justin seems faithfully to
have followed, and who seems, indeed, to have been a writer
of sufficient credulity, as his account of Habis, in his forty-
fourth book, may serve to show. But there is no historian, as
Vopiscust says, that does not tell something false, and Livy,
Sallust, Tacitus, and Trogus, alike exhibit passages not proof
against strict examination.

The best editions of Justin are those of Bongarsius, Paris,
1581; of Grevius, Lugd. Bat., 1683, which has been several
times reprinted ; of Hearne, Oxon, 1708 ;of Gronovius, Lugd.
Bat. 1719, 1760; of Fischer, Lips. 1757; and of Wetzel,
Lips. 1806, reprinted in Lemaire’s Bibliothéque Classique,
1823.

‘The oldest English Version is that of Arthur Goldinge,
1564, and the next that of Robert Codrington, 1654, both of
whom had but an imperfect knowledge of the language of
their author. There have since appeared translations by
Thomas Brown, 1712; by Nicolas Bayley, 1732; by Clarke,
1732 ; and by Turnbull, 1746, the last being the most readable
performance, but not always faithful to the sense.

* Disquisition on Anc. India, note 12.
+ Life of Aurelian, prope init.
NOTICE OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS

oF

CORNELIUS NEPOS.:

CornELius Nepos is generally supposed to have been born
at Hostilia,* a village in the neighbourhood of Verona, a town
included in Cisalpine Gaul. Hence Ausonius,} speaking of
Catullus’s { dedication of his poems to Cornelius Nepos, says
that Gaul supplied the personage to whom the dedication was
addressed. Pliny the elder § calls him Padi accola, Hostilia
being at no great distance from the Po.

He enjoyed the intirnate friendship, not only of Catullus,
but of Cicero || and Atticus.{1 In Eusebius’s Chronicon he is
placed in the fourth year of the reign of Augustus, which
Vossius supposed to be the time when he first began to attract
attention by his writings. Pliny** says that he died in the
reign of Augustus. No other particulars concerning his per-
sonal history have reached us.

* Voss. de Hist. Lat. Prolegomena to Van Staveren’s edition by
Bardili, note, p. xeviii.
+ Auson. 471, 9.
+ Catull. i. 3.
§ HN. iii, 22.
|| Cic. ad Att. xvi. 5; A. Gell. xv. 28.
7 Vit. Att. v 18.
** HN, ix. 39; x. 23,
10 NOTICE OF

From various passages in ancient authors we find that he
wrote the following works.

1. Chronica, to which Catullus appears to allude in his
dedication to Nepos :—

Ausus es unus Italorum
Omne evum tribus explicare chartis,
Doctis, Jupiter! et laboriosis.

Ausonius also mentions the work in his sixteenth Epistle, to
Probus, and Aulus Gellius in the twenty-first chapter of his
seventeenth book.* The tres charte of Catullus are sup-
posed to indicate that the work was in three books.

2. Exemplorum libri, of which Charisius cites the second.
book, and Aulus Gelliust the fifth. It is thought to have
been @ work of the same nature as the subsequent compilation
of Valerius Maximus.

8. De Viris Illustribus, from which Gellius ¢ gives an anec-
dote respecting Cato. But this may be merely another desig-
nation of the preceding work, or of the Lives.

4. De Vité Ciceronis, of which Gellius § corrects an error in
the first book, respecting the age at which Cicero pleaded his
first cause,

5. Epistole ad Ciceronem. Lactantius|| gives an extract ~
from one of them. But it is not certain that they were ever
published in a volume by themselves.

6. The younger Pliny, in one of his epistles, speaks of verses
made by Cornelius Nepos, but itis equally uncertain whether
they were a separate publication.

7. A work De Historicis, mentioned in the third chapter of
the Life of Dion.

8. A larger Life of Cato, which is mentioned at the end of
the existing short Life, as having been written at the request

* See also Solinus, i. 7; xliv. 1. + vii. 18.
t ix. 8. § xv. 28, || Instit. Div. iii, 15,
CORNELIUS NEPOS. 11

of Atticus ; but this may have been included in one of the collec-
tions above mentioned. In the Guelferbytanus Codex, in-
deed, the shorter Life is said to be extracted E libro Cornelti
Nepotis de Latinis Historicis.

9, The Eacellentium Imperatorum Vite appeared in the reign
of Theodosius I. as the work of Aimilius Probus, a grammarian,
who presented it to that emperor with a dedication in bad
Latin verse, in which he openly claims to himself the author-
ship of it.

Vade liber noster, fato meliore, memento,

Quum leget hec Dominus, te sciat esse meum.
* * * *

Si rogat auctorem, paullatim detege nostrum
Tunc Domino nomen; me sciat esse Probum.

He says that the work was the joint production of his
mother or father (some copies have genetricis and others gentto-
ris), his grandfather, and himself. The editio princeps accord-
ingly, and some subsequent editions, containing the first twenty-
three lives, from Miltiades to Hannibal, with the dedication to
Atticus prefixed, were published in thename of Amilius Probus,
and nobody seems at first to have doubted that they were
produced as stated in the verses. But suspicions could not but
at length arise. Who was the Atticus to whom the preface
was addressed? Or why should Probus have addressed his
preface to any Atticus, and not to Theodosius to whom he
dedicated the book? Atticus is also mentioned in the Life of
Hannibal as being dead, and having left writings; was this i
the same Atticus, addressed as living in the preface, and
spoken of as dead in the body of the work?

At length Peter Cornerus discovered, in a manuscript
containing Cicero’s Letters to Atticus, the biographies of Cato
and Atticus, and added them to the other Lives, publishing
them all under the name of A‘milius Probus, in defiance of
12 NOTICE OF

internal evidence, as the writer of those pieces speaks of him-
self as a contemporary and friend of Atticus; and in defiance
also of the inscription at the head of the manuscript, which de-
clared them to be E libro posteriore Cornelii Nepotis.

At last Dionysius Lambinus, undertaking an edition in 1569,
affixed to it a dissertation and commentary, in which he endea-
voured to prove that the Lives, exhibiting matter and style
greatly at variance with the, age of Theodosius, were not the
production of Aimilius Probus, but wholly Nepos’s own. The
authority of Lambinus was such, that none ventured to question
his decision, until Barthius, observing that there were certain
solecisms and other peculiarities in the Lives which forbade
them to be attributed entirely to a writer of the Augustan age,
suggested that they were partly the work of Nepos and partly
that of Probus, Probus having probably abridged the original
performances, and introduced occasionally some matter and phra-
seology of hisown. This supposition will account for the strange
observations in the Preface, and in the Life of Epaminondas, on
the manners of the Greeks, and for many of the inaccuracies,
singular constructions, and abruptnesses of transition, of which
it cannot be supposed that such a writer as Cornelius Nepos
would have been guilty.

This opinion has now been adopted by most critics. The
reader will find the question amply discussed by Rinckius, in a
dissertation prefixed to the edition of Roth, Basil, 1841, enti-
tled Aimilius Probus de Excellentibus Ducibus Exterarum
Gentium,zet Cornelii Nepotis que supersunt. The chief histo-
rical inaccuracies in the lives are briefly but judiciously noticed
by Mr. Barker in his edition of Lempriere.

That the Life of Atticus is wholly the work of Cornelius
Nepos, has been generally acknowledged. As to the Life
of Cato, it may have been first abridged by Nepos himself, and
afterwards again by Probus. If Nepos wrote a dedication to
CORNELIUS NEPOS. 13

Atticus, as we may suppose that he did, and was also the au-
thor of the Life of Hannibal, we must conclude that that Life
was not contained in the first edition of the work, but was
added to it after Atticus’s death.

Of the biography of Atticus, part was published while Atticus
was alive, and part after his decease.*

From the conclusion of the Life of Hannibal, it appears that
Nepos intended also to write biographies of eminent Roman
commanders, that their actions might be compared with those
of the Greeks. Whether this work was completed, we have no
means of knowing, but from some passages of Plutarch, who
cites Nepos for facts in the Lives of Lucullus and Marcellus,
we may suppose that at least some part of it was written. ©

There are many good editions of Cornelius Nepos, but the
text has perhaps never, on the whole, been presented in a better
state than it is given in the edition of Bos, as re- redited by
Fischer, Leipsic, 1806.

Two or three English translations have preceded that which
is now offered to the public, but none of them good. Clarke’s
is the most faithful, but the English resembles that of the rest
of his versions. Sir Matthew Hale translated the Life of Atti
cus, with Moral and Political Observations, published in 1677.

* Att. c. 18,
NOLICE OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS

oF

EUTROPIUS.

a.

e

From Eutropius* himself we learn that he served under
Julian, and attended him in his expedition to the east. From
Georgius Codinus, de Originibus Constantinopolitanis,+ we
find that he had previously been secretary, émorodoyedoos, to
Constantine the Great. He was alive in the age of Valen-
tinian and Valens; to the latter of whom he dedicates his
book. This is all that is known of his personal history.

When or where he was born, it is useless "to attempt to dis-
cover. Suidas calls him “IrwAts cogsorjs, which we may
translate, an Italian eminent writer ; but Suidas, as Fabricius
and others have observed, may merely have called him so
because he wrote in Latin. The authors of the Histoire
Littéraire de la- France} wished to prove, from Symmachus,
that he was the countryman of Ausonius, and born near
Bourdeaux; and Vinetus, from his name and other suppo-
sitions, would make him a Greek; but none of the arguments
in favour of either hypothesis deserve the least regard. Like
Justin, he has but one name; for though he is called Flavius

* Lib.x.c.16. + Ed. Par. fol. p. 9; Test. Vet. apud Verheyk,
+ Tom. i. p. 220; Tzschucke, Prolegom. in Eutrop. p. iii, v.
NOTICE OF EUTROPIUS. 15

Eutropius by Sigonius and Boniface, the Flavius rests on no
sufficient authority.*

Some, as Vossius observes, have sought to demonstrate
from Gennadiust that he was-a disciple of Augustin.” But
Augustin did not flourish till the end of the fourth and begin-
ning of the fifth century, at which period Eutropius must
either have been dead or extremely old. Others have en-
deavoured to make him a Christian from what is said of
Julian, nimius insectator religionis Christiane,{ but the word -
nimius is wanting in the best manuscripts, and, if it were
found in all, would be of little weight.

It seems, indeed, tolerably evident, that Eutropius must have
been, not a Christian, but a heathen. “He takes no notice,” says
Vossius, ‘“ of the ten persecutions, and in his notice of Jovian §
Plaiuly advocates dishonest dealings.” But direct evidence of
his heathenism is given by Nicephorus Gregoras,|| one of the
Byzantine historians, in an oration on the character of Con-
stantine the Great, in which it is observed, that what Eutropius
says in favour of Constantine is peculiarly deserving of atten-
tion, as proceeding from a writer who must have had some
feeling against him ‘in consequence of being of a different
religion, di re rd ris Oonoxsius dnowdvyroy, and also of being
a contemporary and partizan of Julian, di vd qAsmieirny xal
aigsorirny “TovAscvou yévecbas. Nicephorus also calls him a
Greek or Gentile, "EAAqv ual dAAoDUAOY bonaxeiag Tedpiuos, and
speaks in such a way as to leave no doubt that the historian
Kutropius is meant.

According to Suidas, he wrote other things besides his
epitome, but what they were is unknown. A Eutropius is
cited by Priscian as an authority for the sound of the letter a,

* Tzschucke, p. viii. + De Ilustribus Ecclesice Scriptoribus.

+ Eutrop. x. 16. § Eutrop. x. 17.

|| Test. Vet. apud Verheyk.
16 NOTICE OF EUTROPIUS.

but no intimation is given that he was the ‘compiler of the
history. Whether he executed the work in a loftier style,
which he promises at the end of his epitome, is uncertain.

. As a historian, he is guilty of some errors as to facts and
chronology, which are minutely particularized by Tzschucke,*
but is faithful on the whole, except that he omits, or colours
too favourably, some of the transactions that are dishonour-
able to Rome.

His style is correct and sufficiently polished, but exhibits
some words, as medietas, dubietas, and some expressions, that
are of the lower age of the Latin language. But when we
consider how late he lived, we may rather commend him for
having so few of such peculiarities, than blame him for those
that occur.

His text was in a very corrupt state, until Ignatius, in 1516,
and Schonhovius, in 1546, exerted themselves to clear it_from
the foreign matter that had been attached to it by Paulus
Diaconus and others. The best editions now are those of -
Havercamp, 1729; Verheyk, 1762, 1793; and Tzschucke,
1796, 1804. Grosse also has since published a useful edition.

Eutropius was twice translated into Greek, by Capito
Lycius,t whose version is lost, and by Pseanius, whose per-
formance survives in a nearly complete state, and is printed in
the editions of Cellarius and Verheyk. Who Peanius was,
we do not know; Sylburgius first gave the translation to the
press in 1590. It sometimes deviates from the sense, but is
in general faithful.

Eutropius has been translated into English by Nicolas
Hayward, 1564; by Clarke, 1722, a version that has been
several times reprinted, and by Thomas, 1'760. None of these
performances deserve any particular notice.

* P. xxvi. seqg. t Suidas v. Karirwy,
JUSTIN’S
HISTORY OF THE WORLD,

EXTRACTED FROM

TROGUS POMPEIUS.

PREFACE.

ArtER many Romans,* men even of consular dignity, had
* committed the acts of their countrymen to writing in Greek,
a foreign language,t Trogus Pompeius, a man of eloquence
equal to that of the ancients,t whether prompted by a. desire
to emulate their glory, or charmed by the variety and novelty
of the undertaking, composed the history of Greece, and of
the whole world, in the Latin tongue, in order that, as our
actions might he read in Greek, so those of the Greeks might
be read in our language; attempting a work that demanded
extraordinary resolution and labour. For when, to most
authors who write the history only of particular princes or
nations, their task appears an affair of arduous effort, must
not Trogus Pompeius, in attempting the whole world, seem to
have acted with a boldness like that of Hercules, since in his
books are contained the actions of all ages, monarchs, nations,
and people? All that the historians of Greece had under-
taken separately, according to what was suitable to ‘each,
Trogus Pompeius, omitting only what was useless, has put

* Among these were Aulus Albinus, consul a.v.c. 602, Cic. Brut. c.
21; Aul. Gell. xi. 8; Lucius Cincius, mentioned by Dionys, Halicarn. i.
6; Caius Julius a senator, Liv. Epit. liii.; Lucius Lucullus, consul
a.0.0, 679, Cic. Acad. ii, 1; and Cicero, who sent an account of his
consulship (a.v.c. 690) written in Greek to his friend Atticus; Ep. ad
Att, i 19.— Wetzel.

+ Greco peregrinoque sermone.] Greek, and therefore foreign, not
Latin.— Wetzel.

t+ Vir prisce edoquentie.] More literally, “A man of ancient elo-
quence.”

B
2 JUSTIN’S PREFACE.

together in one narration, everything being assigned to its
proper period, and arranged in the regular order of events.
From these forty-four volumes therefore (for such was the num-
ber that he published), I have extracted, during the leisure
that I enjoyed in the city, whatever was most worthy of being
known; and, rejecting such parts as were neither attractive
for the pleasure of reading, nor necessary by way of example,
have formed, as it were, a small collection of flowers, that
those who are acquainted with the history of Greece might
have something to refresh their memories, and those who are
strangers to it something for their instruction. This work I
have sent to you, * not so much that it may add to your know-
ledge, as that it may receive your correction ; and that, at the
same time, the account of my leisure, of which Cato thinks
that an account must be given, may stand fair with you. For
your approbation is sufficient for me for the present, with the
expectation of receiving from posterity, when the malice of
detraction has died away, an ample testimony to my diligence.

* Ad te.| In the editions before that of Bongarsius, 1581, the words
Marce Antonine followed te, but as they did not ‘appear in the manu-
scripts which Bongarsius consulted, he omitted them. They are
generally supposed to have been inserted by some editor or editors,
who confounded Justin the historian with Justin Martyr, who lived in
the reign of Antoninus. At what time Justin the historian lived is
uncertain. See the biographical notice prefixed. But Pontanus and
Isaac Vossius argued for the words being retained; and Scheffer,
observing that the oldest editions, and that of Bongarsius himself,
based on at least eight manuscripts, have Quod ad te non coynoscendi
magis quam emendands causa transmisi, would read, Quod ad te non tam
cognoscend?, Marce Antonine Cesar, quam emendandi, dc., supposing
mages to be a corruption of M. A. C., the first letters of the emperor's
names,
BOOK I.

The monarchy of the Assyrians, Ninus, I.—Semiramis, I1.—Sardana-
palus, III—The monarchy of the Medes; Astyages, IV.—The
youth of Cyrus, V.—He becomes king, VI.—His victory over
Croesus; Candaules and’ Gyges, VIL—Expedition of ‘Cyrus
against the Scythians; his death, VIII.—Cambyses ; the Magi;
Otanes, IX.—Darius, the son of Hystaspes, X.

I. Orieinatty, * the government of nations and tribes was
in the hands of kings ;+ whom it was not their flattery of the
people, but their discretion, as commended by the prudent, that
elevated to the height of this dignity. The people were not
then bound by any laws; the wills of their princes were instead
of laws. It was their custom to defend, rather than advance,t
the boundaries of their empire. The dominions of each were
confined within his own country.

The first of all princes, who, from an extravagant desire of
ruling, changed this old and, as it were, hereditary custom,
was Ninus, king of the Assyrians. It was he who first made
war upon his neighbours, and subdued the nations, as yet too
barbarous to resist him, as far as the frontiers of Libya.
Sesostris,§ king of Egypt, and Tanaus,|| king of Scythia,
were indeed prior to him in time; the one of whom advanced
into Pontus, and the other as far as Egypt; but these princes
engaged in distant wars, not in struggles with their neigh-

* Principio rerwm.] “In the beginning of things,” i.e. as soon as
there was any government at all.

+ Penes reges.] See Sallust, Cat. i. 2; Cig. Leg. 2, 11, de Off. ii. 12;
Arist. Polit. i.

+t See Sall. Cat. 2; Tacit. Ann. iii. 26; Ov. Met.i. 89,

§ Justin, ii. 3, makes Sesostris fifteen hundred years older than
Ninus ; but the truth is that his age and actions are equally involved
in obscurity, though Usher says that he was the son of the Amenophis
who perished in the Red Sea, and that, consequently, he began his
reign A.M. 25138. But Reitz, on Herod. ii. 102, fixes his death in a.m.
2718, eighty-seven years before the taking of Troy. Marsham, again,
in his Can. Chr. p. 22, follows Josephus (Ant. viii 4) in placing him
much later, and in making him the same with Shishak, who took
Jerusalem and plundered the temple, a.m. 3018, two hundred and
thirteen years after Troy wastaken. Diodorus Siculus, who speaks of
his actions, i, 53—58, settles nothing certain concerning his age.—
Wetzel. :

|| Herodotus, iv. 5, calls the first king of Scythia Targitaus.

B 2
4 JUSTIN. [B.I. C.IT.

bours; they did not seek dominion for themselves, but glory
for their people, and, content with victory, declined to govern
those whom they subdued. But Ninus established the great-
ness of his acquired dominion by immediately possessing
himself of the conquered countries.* Overcoming, accord-
ingly, the nearest people, and advancing, fortified with an
accession of strength, against others, while each successive
victory became the instrument of one to follow, he subjugated
the nations of the whole'east. His last war was with Zoro-
aster,t king of the Bactrians, who is said to have been the
first that invented magic arts, and to. have investigated, with
great attention, the origin of the world and the motions of the
stars. After killing Zoroaster, Ninus himself: died, leaving a
son called Ninyas, still a minor, and a wife, whose name was
Semiramis.{

TI. Semiramis, not daring to entrust the government to a
youth, or openly to take it upon herself (as so many great
nations would scarcely submit to one man, much less to
a woman), pretended that she was the son of Ninus instead of
his wife, a male instead of a female. The stature of both
mother and son was low, their voice alike weak, and the cast
of their features similar. She accordingly clad her arms and
legs in long garments, and decked her head with a turban ;
and, that she might not appear to conceal any thing by this
new dress, she ordered her subjects also to wear the same
apparel ; a fashion which the whole nation has since retained.
Having thus dissembled her sex at the commencement of her

* Continud possessione.] His establishment of his power over the
, countries was immediately consequent on his subjugation of them.

+ By Diodorus, ii. 6, he is called Oxyartes. See also Plin. H. N.
xxx. 1; August. De Civ. Dei. xxi, 14.— Wetzel. Concerning the age
of Zoroaster all is uncertainty ; such is the difference of opinions
about it. Agathias and others think that he must have lived at a later
date, about the commencement of the Persian empire. See Marsham
in Canon. Aigypt. ad Sec, ix.—Gronovius. It has not yet been shown
that Zoroaster the king and Zoroaster the Magus were the same person.

+ See Diodorus, xi.4; Plutarch in Amator.; lian. Var. Hist. vii.
1; Polyzen. Stratag. vii, “Conon apud Photium, Narr. ix. states, that
Semiramis was not the wife but the daughter of Ninus or Ninyas, and
says, eam ignaram cum filio concubuisse, and afterwards, re cognita,
married him; after which occurrence it was lawful among the Persians
for sons commiscert matribus.”—Vossius. To the concubitus cum eguo
Pliny alludes, H. N. viii. 64.
B.C. 2144—896.] SARDANAPALUS,: 5

reign, she 'was believed to be a male. She afterwards per-
formed many noble actions; and when she thought envy was
overcome by the greatness of them, she acknowledged who she
was, and whom she had personated. Nor did this confession
detract from her authority as a sovereign, but increased the
admiration of her, since she, being a woman, surpassed, not
only women, but men, in heroism.

It was she that built Babylon,* and constructed round the
city a wall of burnt brick ; bitumen, a substance which every-
where oozes from the ground in those parts, being spread
between the bricks instead of mortar.t Many other famous
acts, too, were performed by this queen; for, not content with
preserving the territories acquired by her husband, she added
Kthiopia also to her empire; and she even made war upon
India, into which no prince,t except her and Alexander the
Great, ever penetrated. At last, conceiving a criminal passion
for her son, she was killed by him, after holding the kingdom
two and forty years from the death of Ninus.

Her son Ninyas, content with the empire acquired by his
parents, laid aside the pursuits of war, and, as if he had changed
sexes with his mother, was seldom seen by men, but grew old
in the company of his women. His successors too, following
his example, gave answers to their people through their

ministers. The Assyrians, who were afterwards called Syrians,
held their empire thirteen hundred years.

III. The last king that reigned over them was Sardanapa-
lus, a man more effeminate thana woman. One of his satraps,
named Arbaces, governor of the Medes, having, with great
difficulty and after much solicitation, obtained admission to
visit him, found him, among crowds of concubines, and in the
dress of a woman, spinning purple wool with a distaff, and

* Concerning the real builder of Babylon, see Strab. xvi. init. ;
Diod. Sie. ii. 17; Q. Curt. v. 1, 42; Euseb. Chron. init.; Jerome on
‘Hos. c. xi.; Herod. i. 184.; Amm. Marcell. xxii. 20.— Lemaire.

+ Arene vice.] Understand sand mixed with lime.—Berneccerus.
But the signification of arena is not always confined to that of sand ;
it sometimes means carth or mud. Thus Virgil, Georg. i. 105, has malé
pinguis arene ; and, speaking of the Nile, says, Viridem gyptwm
nigrdé fecundat arend. Diibner’s edition has arenati vice, 1 know not
on what authority.

+ Nemo.] Justin has forgotten the expeditions of Hercules and
Bacchus.—Lemaire.- : '
6 JUSTIN. [B.L. CH.IV.

distributing tasks to girls, but surpassing all the women in the
effeminacy of his person and the wantonness of his looks. At
that sight, feeling indignant that so many men should be
subject to one so much of a woman, and that those who bore
swords and arms should obey one that handled wool, he pro-
ceeded to his companions, and told them what he had seen,
protesting that he could not submit to a prince who had rather
be a woman thanaman. <A conspiracy was consequently formed,
and war raised against Sardanapalus; who, hearing of what
had occurred, and acting, not like a man that would defend
his kingdom, but as women are wont to do under fear of
death, first looked about for a hiding-place, but afterwards
marched into the field with a few ill-disciplined troops. Being
conquered in battle, he withdrew into his palace, and,
having raised and set fire to a pile of combustibles, threw
himself and his riches into the flames, in this respect only
acting like a man. After him Arbaces, who was the occasion
of his death, and who had been governor of the Medes, was
made king, and transferred the empire from the Assyrians to
the Medes.

IV. After several kings, the crown, by order of succession,
descended to Astyages. This prince, in a dream, saw a
vine spring from the wonib of his only daughter, with the
branches of which all Asia was overshadowed. The sooth-
sayers being consulted concerning the vision, replied, that he
would have a grandson by that daughter, whose greatness was
foreshown, and the loss of Astyages’s kingdom portended.
Alarmed at this answer, he gave his daughter in marriage, not
to an eminent man, nor to one of his own subjects (lest
nobility on the father or mother’s side should rouse the spirit
of his grandson), but to Cambyses, a man of mean fortune,
and of the race of the Persians, which was at that time
obscure. But. not having, even thus, got rid of his fear of
the dream, he sent for his daughter, while she was pregnant,
that her child might be put to death under the very eye of
-his grandfather. The infant, as soon as it was born, was given
to Harpagus, a friend of the king’s and in his secrets, to be
killed. Harpagus, fearing that if the crown, on the death of
the king (as Astyages had no male issue), should devolve upon

his daughter, she might exact from the agent, for the murder,

of her child, that revenge which she could not inflict on her
B.C. 561.] CYRUS. 7

father, gave the infant to ‘the herdsman of the king’s cattle to
be exposed. The herdsman, by chance, had a son born at the
same time ; and his wife, hearing of the exposure of the royal.
infant, entreated, with the utmost earnestness, that the child
might be brought and shown to her. The herdsman, over-
come by her solicitations, went back into the wood, and found
a dog by the infant, giving it her teats, and protecting it from
the beasts and birds of prey. Being moved with pity, with
which he saw even a dog moved, he carried the child to the
cattle-folds, the dog vigilantly following him. When the
woman took the babe into her hands, it smiled upon her as if
it knew her ; and there appeared so much vivacity in it, with
a certain sweetness in its smile as it clung to her, that the wife
at once entreated the herdsman to expose her own child
instead of the othér, and to allow her to bring up the royal
infant, whether to his own fortune or to her hopes.* Thns
the lot of the children being changed, the one was brought
up as the shepherd’s son, and the other exposed as the king’s
grandson. The nurse had afterwards the name of Spaco ; for
so the Persians call a dog.
V. The boy after a time, while he was among the shepherds,’
~received the name of Cyrus. Subsequently, being chosen by
lot king among his play-fellows, and having boldly scourged.
such of them.as were disobedient to him, a complaint was
‘made to the king by the parents of the boys, who were angry.
that free-born youths should be lashed with servile stripes by
the king’s slave. Astyages having sent for the boy and
questioned him, and the boy replying, without any change of
countenance, that ‘he had acted as a king,” was struck with
his high spirit, and reminded of his dream and its interpre-
tation. In consequence, as both the resemblance of his
features, the time of his exposure, and the confession of the
herdsman, concurred exactly, he acknowledged him as his
grandson. And since he seemed to have had his dream
accomplished, by the boy’s exercise of rule among the shep-
herds, he subdued his feelings of animosity; but with regard
to him only; for, being incensed with his friend Harpagus, he,
in revenge for the preservation of his grandson, killed his son,

* Sive fortune ipsius sive sper sue puerum nutrire.] She hoped that
the child would be restored to the regal station or fortune in which it
had been born.—Lemaire.
8 JUSTIN. [B.I. CH. VI

and gave him to his father to eat. Harpagus, dissembling
his resentment for the present, deferred showing his malice
towards the king, until a proper time for vengeance should
occur.

Some time having elapsed, and Cyrus being grown up,
Harpagus, prompted by his resentment for the loss of his
child, wrote him an account how he had been banished to the
Persians by his grandfather; how his grandfather had ordered
him to be killed when he was an infant; how he had been
saved by his kindness ; how he himself had incurred the king’s
displeasure, and how he had lost his son. He exhorted him
to raise an army, and march directly to seize the throne,
promising that the Medes should join him. This letter,
because it could not be conveyed openly, as the king’s guards
occupied all the roads, was enclosed in the body of a hare, of
which the bowels had been taken out; and the hare was com-
mitted to a trusty slave, to be carried into Persia to Cyrus.
Nets were also given him, that the plot might be concealed
under the appearance of a hunting expedition.

VI. Cyrus, after reading the letter, was exhorted in a dream.
to make the same attempt; but was also admonished to take.
the first man that he should meet on the following day, as
a companion in his enterprize. Commencing his journey
from the country, accordingly, before it was light, he met a
slave named Scebaris, coming from the slave-house of a certain
Mede. Having questioned him as to his birth-place, and
hearing that he was born in Persia, he knocked off his fetters,
took him with him as his companion, and returned to Per-
sepolis. Here, having called the people together, he ordered
them all to attend him with axes, and to cut down a wood
that skirted each side of the road. When they had thoroughly
accomplished this, he invited them on the following day to
a feast prepared for them. Then, as soon as he saw them
exhilarated with the banquet, he asked them, “if an offer
were made them, which sort of life they would choose, a life of
labour like that of yesterday, or of feasting like the present ?”
As they all exclaimed, “A life of feasting like the present,”
he told them that, “as long as they obeyed the Medes, they
must lead a life like the drudgery of yesterday ; but, if they
would follow him, a life like the present entertainment.” Ail
expressing their joy, he made war upon the Medes.
B.C. 550.] DEFEAT OF ASTYAGES. 9

Astyages, forgetting his treatment of Harpagus, entrusted
him with the management of the war. Harpagus immediately
delivered up the forces, which he had received from Astyages,
to Cyrus, and took revenge for the king’s cruelty by a
treacherous desertion of him. Astyages, hearing of this
occurrence, and collecting troops from all quarters, marched
against the Persians in person. Having vigorously renewed
the contest, he posted part of his army, while his men were
fighting, in their rear, and ordered that those who turned back
should be driven on the enemy with the point of the sword ;
telling them that, ‘‘unless they conquered, they would find men
in their rear not less stout than those in their front; and they
were therefore to consider whether they would penetrate the
one body by fleeing, or the other body by fighting.” In
consequence of this obligation to fight, great spirit and vigour
was infused-into his army. As the Persian troops, therefore,
were driven back, and were gradually retiring, their mothers
and wives ran to meet them, and besought them to return to
the field. While they hesitated, they took up their garments,
and showed them the secret parts of their persons, asking
them, “if they would shrink back into the wombs of their
mothers or their wives.” Checked with this reproach, they
returned to the battle, and, making a vigorous assault,
compelled those from whom they had fled to flee in their turn.
In this battle Astyages was taken prisoner ; from whom Cyrus
took nothing but his kingdom, and, acting towards him the
part rather of a grandson than of a conqueror, made him ruler
of the powerful nation of the Hyrcanians ; for to the Medes he
was unwilling to return. Such was the termination of the
empire of the Medes, who had ruled three hundred and fifty,

ears.
: VII. In the beginning of his reign, Cyrus appointed
’ Scebaris (his companion in his undertakings, whom, in
conformity with his dream, he had released from the slave-
house, and made a sharer in all his enterprises), governor of
Persia, and gave him his sister in marriage. But several
cities, which had been tributary to the Medes, thinking that
their condition was changed by this change in the government,
revolted from Cyrus; a revolt which was the occasion and
source of many wars against him. When he had at length,
however, reduced most of them to submission, and was carrying
10 JUSTIN. [B.1. CH. VII:

on war against the Babylonians, Croesus, king of Lydia, whose
power and riches were at that time extraordinary, came to the
aid of that people, but, being soon defeated and abandoned,
fled back to his kingdom. Cyrus, after his victory, as soon as
he had settled affairs in Babylonia, transferred the war into
Lydia, where he easily routed the army of Croesus, already
dispirited by the event of the former battle. Croesus himself
was taken prisoner. But in proportion to the smallness of the
danger in the battle, was the greatness of the clemency shown
by Cyrus on his victory. To Croesus was granted his life,
part of his hereditary possessions, and the city Barene,* in
which he lived, though not the life of a king, yet one scarcely
inferior to royal dignity. This lenity was of no less advantage
to the conqueror than to the conquered; for when it was
known that war was made upon Creesus, auxiliaries flocked to
him from the whole of Greece,t as if to extinguish a
conflagration that threatened them all: so popular was Creesus
in all the Greek cities; and Cyrus would have incurred a
heavy war with Greece, if he had resolved on any severe
treatment of Croesus.

Some time after, when Cyrus was engaged in other wars, the
Lydians rebelled, and, being a second time conquered, their
arms and horses were taken from them, and they were compelled
to keep taverns, to turn their thoughts to amusements, and’
open houses of pleasure. Thus a nation, formerly powerful
through its industry, and brave in the field, was rendered
effeminate by ease and luxury, and lost its ancient spirit; and
those whom their wars had proved invincible till the time of
Cyrus, idleness and sloth overpowered when they had fallen
into dissoluteness of manners.

The Lydians had many kings before Croesus, remarkable for
various turns of fate; but none to be compared, in singularity

* This word has been received into the text instdad of the old
Barce (which was a city of Cyrene, into which country the arms of
Cyrus had not yet penetrated), on the conjecture of Bongarsius and
authority of Ctesias, who states that this city, situated near Ecbatana,
was given to Croesus.— Wetzel. ;

+ £x universd Grecid.| This is not true. Croesus having asked aid
of the Athenians and Lacedemonians by advice of the Delphic oracle,
the Lacedzemonians were proceeding to assist him, but having heard,
at the commencement of their march, of his defeat, they went back.
Herod i. 58, 69, 70, 77, 82, 152.— Wetzel.
BO. 696 —528.] MURDER OF CANDAULES—CYRUS. 11

of fortune, to Candaules. This prince used to speak of his wife,
on whom he doated for her extreme beauty, to every body, for
he was not content with the quiet consciousness of his happiness,
unless he also published the secrets of his married life ; just as
if silence concerning her beauty had been a detraction from it.
At last, to gain credit to his representations, he showed her
undressed to his confidant, Gyges; an act by which he both
rendered his friend, who was thus tempted to corrupt his wife,
his enemy, and alienated his wife from him, by transferring, as
“it were, her love to another; for, soon after, the murder of
Candaules was stipulated as the condition of her marriage with
Gyges, and the wife, making her husband's blood her dowry,
bestowed at once his kingdom and herself on her paramour.
VIII. Cyrus, after subduing Asia,* and reducing the whole
of the east under his power, made war upon the Scythians.
At that time, the Scythians were ruled by a queen named
Tomyris, who, not alarmed like a woman at the approach of an
enemy, suffered them to pass the river Araxes, though she
might have hindered them from passing it; thinking that it
would be easier for her to fight within the limits of her kingdom,
and that escape would be harder for the enemy from the
obstruction of the river. Cyrus accordingly, having carried his
troops across, and advanced some distance into Scythia, pitched
his camp. On the day following, having quitted his camp ‘in
pretended alarm, and as if in full flight, he left behind him
abundance of wine, and such things as were proper for a feast.
The news of this event being brought to the queen, she
despatched her son, a very young man, with a third part of her
army, in pursuit of him. When they reached the camp of
Cyrus, the youth, inexperienced in military matters, seeming to
think he was come to feast and not to fight, paid no attention
to the enemy, but allowed his barbarians, who were unused to
wine, to overload themselves with it; so that the Scythians
were overcome with wine before they were subdued by the
enemy ; for Cyrus, learning what had happened, and returning
in- the night, fell upon them unawares,f and killed all the
Scythians together with the queen’s son.

* That is, the kingdom of Lydia, which included almost all Asia
Minor. Herod. i. 28.— Wetzel.

+ Securos.] I have adopted securos from Aldus, instead of the
other reading saucios, for which Freinshemius happily conjectured.
12 JUSTIN. [B.I. CH.IX.

But Tompris, after losing so great an army, and, what she
still more lamented, her only son, did not pour forth her
sorrow for her loss in tears, but turned her thoughts to the
solace of revenge, and entrapped her enemies, exulting in
their recent victory, by a deception and stratagem similar
to theirown. For, counterfeiting timidity on account of the
damage which she had received, and taking to flight, she
allured Cyrus into a narrow defile, where, placing an ambush
on the hills, she slew two hundred thousand of the Persians
with their king himself; a triumph in which this also was
remarkable, that not a man to tell of such a massacre survived.
The queen ordered the head of Cyrus to be cut off and thrown
into a vessel full of human blood, adding this exclamation
against his cruelty, ‘‘ Satiate thyself with blood for which thou
hast thirsted, and of which thou hast always been insatiable.”
Cyrus reigned thirty years, and was a man wonderfully dis-
tinguished, not only in the beginning of his reign, but during
the whole course of his life.

IX. He was succeeded by his son Cambyses, who added
Egypt to his father's dominions, but, disgusted at the super-
stitions of the Egyptians, ordered the temples of Apis and the
other gods to be demolished. He also sent an army to destroy
the celebrated temple of Ammou; which army was over-
whelmed with tempests and heaps of sand, and utterly
annihilated. Afterwards he learned in a dream that his
brother Smerdis was to be king. Alarmed at this vision, he
did not scruple to add fratricide * to sacrilege ; nor was it to
be expected, indeed, that he, who, in contempt of religion,
had braved the gods themselves, would spare his own relations.
To execute this cruel service, he selected from his confidants
a man named Prexaspes, one of the Magi. But in the mean
time, he himself, being severely hurt in the thigh by his sword,
which had started out of its sheath,} died of the wound, and

sopitos. Though it should be observed that Justin, xxiv. 8, has mero
saucius,— Wetzel.

* Parricidium,] See Festus in voce Parrici, and note on Sall. Cat.
e. 14, Bohn’s Cl. Library. :

+ Sponte evaginate.| Justin seems to think that there was something
miraculous in the unsheathing of the sword. Herodotus, ili, 64, says
the sword fell from the sheath. by accident, the cap at the end of the
sheath having dropped off; observing, however, that the occurrence
— Se ee

B.C. 521.) PSEUDO-SMERDIS. 138

paid the penalty whether of the fratricide which he had
intended, or of the sacrilege which he had perpetrated. The
Magus, receiving intelligence of this event, despatched his
commission before the report of the king’s death was spread
abroad, and, having killed Smerdis, to whom the kingdom
belonged, set up in his room his own brother Orospastes, who
closely resembled him in features and persoh, and, no one
suspecting any imposture in the case, Orospastes was declared
king instead of Smerdis. This transaction was the more
easily kept secret, as, among the Persians, the person of
the king is concealed from public view, under pretext of
keeping his majesty inviolate. The Magi,* to-gain the favour
of the people, granted a remission of the taxes, and an im-
munity from military service, for three years, that they might
secure by indulgence and bounties the kingdom which they
had gained by fraud. The imposition was first suspected by
Otanes, a man of noble birth, and extremely happy in forming
conjectures. He accordingly, by the aid of certain agents,
inquired of his daughter, who was one of the royal concubines,
whether the son of king Cyrus was now king. She replied
that “she neither knew, nor could learn from any other woman,
as all the females were shut up in separate apartmenits.”’
He then desired her to feel his head while he was asleep ; as
Cambyses had cut off both the Magus’s ears. Being then
assured by his daughter that “the king was without ears,” he
disclosed the affair to some of the Persian noblemen, and,
having persuaded them to murder the pretended king, bound
them to the commission of the deed by a-solemn oath. To
this conspiracy seven only were privy, who at once (lest if
time were allowed for change of mind, the affair should be
made public by any one) proceeded to the palace with swords
hidden under their garments. Here, having killed all that
they met, they made their way to the Magi, who indeed did
not want courage to defend themselves, for they drew their
swords and killed two of the conspirators. They were over-
powered, however, by numbers. Gobryas, having seized one
of them by the waist,and his companions hesitating to use

took place on the spot where Cambyses had previously wounded the
god Apis. :

* The rest of the Magi conspired to support the one who was made
king.
14 JUSTIN. [B.I. CH.X.

their swords, lest, as the affair was transacted in the dark,
they should stab him instead of the Magus, desired them to
thrust the weapon into the Magus even through his body ; but,
as good fortune directed, the Magus was slain, and Gobryas
escaped unhurt.

X. The Magi being slain, the glory of the noblemen, in
having recovered the kingdom, was indeed great, but proved
far greater in this, that when they.came to debate about the
disposal of it, they were able to act in concert. . They were
go equal in merit and nobility of birth, that their very equality
would have rendered it hard for the people to make a selection
from them. They themselves, therefore, contrived a method
by which they might refer the judgment respecting them to
religion* and fortune, and agreed that, on an appointed day,
they should all bring their horses early in the morning before
the palace, and that he whose horse should neigh first, on
the rising of the sun,{ should be king. For the Persians
believe the sun to be the only god, and regard horses as
sacred to the god. Among the conspirators was Darius the
son of Hystaspes, to whom, when he. felt anxious about his
chance of the kingdom, his groom said that, “if that matter
was the only obstacle to his success, there would not be the
least difficulty about it.” The groom then took the horse, in
the night! before the appointed day, to the place agreed upon,
and there let him cover a mare, thinking that from the pleasure
of the leap would result what actually came to pass. On the
next day, accordingly, when they were all met at the appointed
hour, the horse of Darius, recognizing the place, set up a
neigh from desire for the mare, and, while the other horses
were silent, was the first to give a fortunate signal for his
master. Such was the moderation of the other nobles, that
when they heard the omen, they immediately leaped from their
horses, and saluted Darius as king. The whole people too,
following the judgment of their chiefs, acknowledged him as
their ruler. Thus the kingdom of the Persians, recovered by

moe To the gods, who might signify their will by omens.
— Wetzel,

+ Inter solis ortwm.] The old editions have ante solis ortum, but
inter, which Bongarsius took from his manuscripts, agrees better with
the account of Herodotus, who has idouv dvaréAdovrog, and dpa rq

nrig aviovrt. Inter ortum solis is equivalent to dum sol oritur. —
Vorstius,
BC. 521.] DARIUS HYSTASPES.  - 15

the valour of seven of its noblest men, was by so easy a mode
of decision conferred upon one of them. It is incredible
that they should have resigned, with so much patience, their
pretensions to a kingdom, for which, in order to recover it
from the Magi, they had not hesitated to expose their lives.
However, besides possessing gracefulness of person, and merit
deserving of such an empire, Darius was related to the
preceding kings ; and, in the beginning of his reign, he took
to wife the daughter of Cyrus, in order to strengthen his
kingdom by a royal marriage, so that it might not so much
seem transferred to a stranger, as to be restored to Cyrus's
family.

Some time after, when the Assyrians had revolted and
seized upon Babylon, and the capture of the city proved
difficult, so that the king was in great anxiety about it,
Zopyrus, one of the assassins of the Magi, caused himself to
be mangled with stripes, in his own house, over his whole
body, and his nose, ears, and lips to be cut off, and in this
condition presented himself unexpectedly before the king;
when he privately informed Darius, who was astonished, and
inquired the cause and author of so dire an outrage, with what
object he had done it, and, having settled his plan of action
for the future, set out for Babylon in the character of a
deserter. There he showed the people his lacerated body ;
complained of the barbarity of the king, by whom, in the
competition for the throne, he had been defeated, not by*
merit but by fortune, not by the judgment of men but by
the neighing of a horse; and bade them form an opinion,
from his treatment of his friends, what was to be apprehended
by his enemies; exhorting them not to trust to their walls
more than to their arms, and to allow him, whose resentment
was fresher, to carry on the war in common with them. The
nobleness and bravery of the man was known to them all;'
nor did they doubt of his sincerity, of which they had the
wounds on his person, and the marks of his ill-usage, as
proofs. He was therefore chosen general by the suffrages of
all; and, having received a small body of men, and the
Persians, once or twice, purposely retreating from the field, he
fought some successful battles. At last he betrayed the whole
army, with which he had been entrusted, to Darius, and
brought the city under his power. Some time after, Darius
16 JUSTIN. [B.1L. CH. 1.

made war upon the Scythians, as shall be related in the
following book.

’

BOOK II.

Account of the Scythians and their actions, I, II., I1I—The Ama-
zons, IV.—The war of the Scythians with their slaves; the
expeditions of Darius against the Scythians and Ionians, V.—
The Athenians, and Solon, VI., VIJ.—Pisistratus, VIIT.—Hippias,
being exiled, brings the Persians against Greece; the battle of
Marathon ; Miltiades, IX.—The sons of Darius; Xerxes invades
Greece, X.—Leonidas at Thermopyle, XI.—The battle of Salamis,
XII.—Mardonius; the flight of Xerxes, XII].—The battle of
Plater, XIV.—The walls of Athens; Pausanias; Aristides ;
Cimon, XV.

I. In narrating the acts of the Scythians, which were very
great and glorious, we must commence from their origin ;
for they had a rise not less illustrious than their empire; nor
were they more famous for the government of their men than
for the brave actions of their women. As the men were
founders of the Parthians and Bactrians, the women settled
the kingdom of the Amazons; so that to those who compare
the deeds of their males and females, it is difficult to decide

which of the sexes was more distinguished.

"The nation of the Scythians was always regarded as very
ancient ; though there was long a dispute between them and
the Egyptians concerning the antiquity of their respective
races; the Egyptians alleging that, “In the beginning of
things, when some countries were parched with the excessive
heat of the sun, and others frozen with extremity of cold, so
that, in their early condition, they were not only unable to
produce human beings, but were incapable even of receiving
and supporting such as came from other parts (before coverings
for the body were found out against heat and cold, or the incon-
veniences of countries corrected by artificial remedies), Egypt
was always so temperate, that neither the cold in winter nor
the sun's heat in summer, incommoded its inhabitants ;
and its soil so fertile, that no land was ever more productive of
food for the use of man; and that, consequently, men must
EGYPT AND SCYTHIA. 17

reasonably be considered to have been first produced in that
country,* where they could most easily be nourished.”

The Scythians, on the other hand, thought that the tem.
perateness of the air was no argument of antiquity; “because
Nature, when she first distributed to different countries degrees
of heat and cold, immediately produced in them animals fitted
to endure the several climates, and generated also numerous
sorts of trees and herbs, happily varied according to the con-
dition of the places in which they grew; and that, as the
Scythians have a sharper air than the Egyptians, so are their
bodies and constitutious in proportion more hardy. But that
if the world, which is now distinguished into parts of a different
nature, was once uniform throughout; whether a deluge of
waters originally kept the earth buried under it; or whether
fire, which also produced the world,} had possession of all the
parts of it, the Scythians, under either supposition as to the
primordial state of things, had the advantage as to origin.
For if fire was at first predominant over all things, and, being
gradually extinguished, gave place to the earth, no part of it
would be sooner separated from the fire, by the severity of
winter cold, than the northern, since even now no part is more
frozen with cold; but Egypt and all the east must have been
the latest to cool, as being now burnt up with the parching
heat of the sun. But if originally all the earth were sunk
under water, assuredly the highest parts would be first
uncovered when the waters decreased, and the water must
have remained longest in the lowest grounds; while the
sooner any portion of the earth was dry, the sooner it must
have begun to produce animals; but Scythia was so much
higher than all other countries, that all the rivers which rise
in it run down into the Meotis, and then into the Pontic and
Egyptian seas; whereas Egypt, (which, though it had been
fenced by the care and expense of so many princes and gene-
rations, and furnished with such strong mounds against the
violence of the encroaching waters, and though it had been
intersected also by so many canals, the waters being kept
out by the one, and retained by the other, was yet unin-

* On the supposition that men sprung out of the ground. See
Lueretius, v. 803; Ovid. Met. i. 80; Diod. Sic. i, 10, :
+ Tgnis, qui et mundum genwit.| This was the opinion of Heraclitus
and some other philosophers. See Lucretius, i. 636,
Cc
18 JUSTIN. [BIL CH.IL

habitable, unless the Nile were excluded,*) could not be
thought to have been the most anciently peopled; t being
a land, which, whether from the accessions of soil col-
lected by its kings, or those from the Nile, bringing mud with
it, must appear to have been the most recently formed of all
lands.” The Egyptians being confounded with these argu-
ments, the Scythians were always accounted the more ancient.

II. Scythia, which stretches towards the east, is bounded on
one side by the Pontus Euxinus; on the other, by the
Rhipean Mountains; at the back,t by Asia § and the river
Phasis. It extends to a vast distance, both in length and
breadth. The people have no landmarks, for they neither
cultivate the soil, nor have they any house, dwelling, or settled
place of abode, but are always engaged in feeding herds and
flocks, and wandering through uncultivated deserts. They
carry their wives and children with them in waggons,|| which,
as they are covered with hides against the rain and cold, they
use instead of houses. Justice is observed among them, more
from the temper of the people, than from the influence of
laws. No crime in their opinion is more heinous than theft;
for, among people that keep their flocks and herds without
fence or shelter in the woods, what would be safe, if stealing
were permitted? Gold and silver they despise, as much as
other men covet them. They live on milk and honey. The
use of wool and clothes is unknown among them, although
they are pinched by perpetual cold; they wear, however, the
skins of wild animals, great and small.{| Such abstemiousness

* Nisi excluso Nilo.] Excluded from theland, or confined to its
channel.— Wetzel.

+ Hominum vetustate ultimam.] “The farthest back in the antiquity
of its inhabitants.”

+ A tergo.] i.e. towards the west.

§ Asia Minor.— Wetzel.

|| In plaustris.] See Hor. Od. iii. 24, 9,

{ Ferinis aut murinis.] By mures is to be understood small animals
in general, as cats, weasels, badgers, rabbits, hares, foxes. Thus
Hesychius says that the ciuwp is a pud¢ dypiov eidoc among the
Parthians, the skin of which they use for garments. So Ammianus
Marcellinus, xxxi. 2, says of the Huns, that they wear garments
ex pellibus silvestrium murium consarcinatis.— Wetzel. By mus Ponticus,
Plin. H. N. x. 78, is generally understood the ermine or squirrel.
Seneca, Ep. 90, says, that the Scythians wear skins vulpium ac muri-
wm, See also Plin. H. N. xxx. 6.
B.C. 1300.] SESOSTRIS. 19

has caused justice to be observed among them, as they covet
nothing belonging to their neighbours; for it is only where
riches are of use, that the desire of them prevails. And
would that other men had like temperance, and like freedom
from desire for the goods of others! There would then
assuredly be fewer wars in all ages and countries, and the sword
would not destroy more than the natural course of destiny.
And it appears extremely wonderful, that nature should grant
that to them which the Greeks cannot attain by long instruc-
tion from their wise men and the precepts of their philo-
sophers ; and that cultivated morals should have the disadvan-
tage in a comparison with those of unpolished barbarians. So
much better effect has the igriorance of vice in the one people
than the knowledge of virtue in the other.

III. They thrice* aspired to the supreme command in Asia;
while they themselves remained always either unmolested or
uneonquered by any foreign power. Darius, king of the Per-
sians, they forced to quit Scythia in disgraceful flight. They
slew Cyrus with his whole army. They cut off in like manner
Zopyrion, a general of Alexander the Great, with all his
forces. Of the arms of the Romans they have heard,” but
never felt them. They founded the Parthian and Bactrian
powers. They are a nation hardy in toils and warfare; their
strength of body is extraordinary; they take possession of
nothing which they fear to lose, and covet, when they are
conquerors, nothing but glory.

“The first that proclaimed war against the Scythians was
Sesostris, king of Egypt, previously sending messengers ft to
announce conditions on which they might become his subjects.
But the Scythians, who were already apprized by their neigh-
pours of the king’s approach, made answer to the deputies,
that the prince of so rich a people had been foolish in com-
mencing a war with a poor one (for war was more to be
dreaded by himself at home), as the result of the contest was
uncertain, prizes of victory there were none, and the ill con-
sequences of defeat were apparent; and that the Scythians,

* One expedition only is mentioned by Herodotus.— Wetzel.

+ Lenonibus.] Messenger, mediator, or conciliator, seems to have
been the primary meaning of the word Zeno. Priscian derives it from
lenio. Maxima lena mora est, says Ovid; and vox sua lena fuit,
A. Am. iii. 316.

c2
20 JUSTIN. [B.IL. CH.IV.

therefore, would not wait till he came to them, since there was
so much more to be desired in the hands of the enemy, but
would proceed of their own accord to seek the spoil.” Nor
were their deeds slower than their words; aud the king,
hearing that they were advancing with such speed, took to flight,*
and leaving behind him his army and all his military stores,
returned in consternation to his own kingdom. The morasses
prevented the Scythians from invading Egypt; in their
retreat from which they subdued Asia, and made it tributary,
imposing, however, only a moderate tribute, rather as a token
of their power over it, than as a recompence for their victory.
After spending fifteen years in the reduction of Asia, they
were called home by the importunity of their wives, who sent
them word that “ unless their husbands returned, they would
seek issue from their neighbours, and not suffer the race of the
Scythians to fail of posterity through the fault of their
women.’ Asia was tributary to them for fifteen hundred
years; and it was Ninus, king of Assyria, that put a stop to
the payment of the tribute.

IV. Among the Scythians, in the meantime, two youths +
of royal extraction, Ylinos and Scolopitus, being driven from
their country by a faction of the nobility, took with them a
numerous band of young men, and found a settlement on the
coast of Cappadocia, near the river Thermodon, occupying the
Themiscyrian plains that border on it. Here, making it their
practice for several years to rob their neighbours, they were at
last, by a combination of the surrounding people, cut to pieces
in an ambuscade. Their wives, when'they found that to exile
was added the loss of their husbands, took arms themselves,
and maintained their position, repelling the attacks of their
enemies at first, and afterwards assailing them in return.
They relinquished all thoughts of marrying with their neigh-
bours, saying that it would be slavery, not matrimony. Ven-
turing to set an example "mimitated through all generations,
they established their government without the aid of men, and

* Herodotus, on the contrary, with Diodorus Siculus, and Diczar-
chus, say, that the Scythians were put to flight by Sesostris, who con-
quered every nation that he attacked.— Wetzel.

+ Herodotus, iv. 110, 117, gives a different account; and another
is given by Diod. Siculus, ii. 45. Compare Orosius, i. 15; Ammian.
Marcellinus, lib. xxii. 5 Eustath. on Dionysius; Strabo, lib. ii. says
mauch on this subject, deeming all the accounts fabulous.—Lemaire.
THE AMAZONS. Q1

soon maintained their power in defiance of them. And that
none of their females might seem more fortunate than others,
they put to death all the men who had remained at home.
They also took revenge for their husbands that were killed in
war, by a great slaughter of their neighbours.

Having thus secured peace by means of their arms, they
proceeded, in order that their race might not fail, to form con-
nexions with the men of the adjacent nations.. If any male
children were born, they put them to death. The girls they
bred up to the same mode of life with themselves, not con-
signing them to idleness, or working in wool, but training
them to arms, the management of horses, and hunting ;
burning their right breasts in infancy, that their use of the
bow might not be obstructed by them; and hence they were.
called Amazons.* They had two queens, Marpesia and Lam-
pedo, who, dividing their forces into two bodies (after they
were grown famous for their power), conducted their wars, and
defended their borders separately and by turns. And that a
reason for their success might not be wanting, they spread a
report that they were the daughters of Mars.

After subduing the greater’ part of Europe, they possessed
themselves also of some cities in Asia. Having then founded
Ephesus and several other towns there, they sent a detach
meut of their army home, laden with a vast quantity of spoil.
The rest, who remained to secure their power in Asia, were
cut to pieces, together with their queen Marpesia, by a com-
bination of the barbarous tribes. Orithya, the daughter of
Marpesia, succeeded to the government in her room, and has
attracted extraordinary admiration, not only for her eminent
skill in war, but for having preserved her virginity to the end
of her life. So much was added by her valour and conduct to
the fame and glory of the Amazons, that the king, for whom
Hercules was bound to perform twelve labours, ordered him,
as if it were a thing impossible, to bring him the arms of the
queen of the Amazons. Hercules, accordingly, having pro-
ceeded thither with nine ships of war, the principal young
men of Greece accompanying him; attacked the Amazons
unawares. ‘Two sisters at this time held the government,
Antiope and Orithya; but Orithya was engaged in a war

* From 4 privative, and paZéc, breast.
+ Asia Minor.
22 JUSTIN. [8.1L CH. IV.

abroad. When Hercules, therefore, landed on the coast of
the Amazons, there was but a small number of them there
with their queen Antiope, free from all apprehension of hos-
tilities. Hence it happened that a few only, roused by the
sudden alarm, took up arms, and these afforded an easy con-
quest to the enemy. Many were slain, and many taken
prisoners; among the latter were two sisters of Antiope,
Menalippe being taken by Hercules, and Hippolyte by The-
seus. Theseus, having received his prisoner as his share of
the spoil, took her to wife, and had by her his son Hippolytus..
Hercules, after his victory, restored his captive Menalippe to
her sister, receiving the arms of the queen as a recompence ;
and having thus executed what was imposed on him, he returned
to the king.

But Orithya, when she found that war had been made upon
her sister, and that the assailant wasa chief of the Athenians,
exhorted her followers to revenge the affront, saying that the
“coast of the Pontus, and Asia, had been conquered in vain,
if they were still exposed, not merely to the wars, but to the
marauding invasions, of the Greeks.” She then solicited aid
from Sagillus, king of Scythia; representing to him “their
Scythian descent, the loss of their husbands, their obligation to
take arms, and their reasons for making war ;” adding, ‘that
they had proved by their valour, that the Scythians must be
thought to have women not less spirited than their men.”
Sagillus, alive to the glory of his nation, sent his son Panasa-
goras, with a numerous body of cavalry, to their aid. But
some disagreement having occurred before the battle, they
were deserted by their auxiliaries, and worsted in the conflict
by the Athenians. They had, however, the camp of their
allies as a place of refuge, under whose protection they
returned to their kingdom unmolested by other nations.

After Orithya, Penthesilea occupied the throne, of whose
valour there were seen great proofs among the bravest heroes
in the Trojan war, when she led an auxiliary force thither.
against the Greeks. But Penthesilea being at last killed, and
her army destroyed, a few only of the Amazons, who had
remained at home in their own country, established a power
that continued (defending itself with difficulty against its
neighbours), to the time of Alexander the Great. Their
queen Minithya, or Thalestris, after obtaining from Alexander
B.C, 512.] DARIUS INVADES SCYTHIA, 23

the enjoyment of his society for thirteen days, in order to
have issue by him, returned into her kingdom, and soon after
died, together with the whole name of the Amazons.

V. The Scythians, in their Asiatic expedition, having been
absent from their wives and children eight years, were met on
their return home by a war raised by their slaves. For their
wives, weary of waiting so long for their husbands, and think-
ing that they were not detained by war, but had perished in
the field, married their slaves that had been left at home
to take care of the cattle ; who, taking up arms, repelled their
masters, returning with victory, from the borders of their
country, as if they had been strangers. Success against them
being uncertain, the Scythians were advised to change their
method! of attack, remembering that they were not to fight
with soldiers, but with slaves, who were to be conquered,
not by means of arms, but of magisterial authority; that
whips, not weapons, were to be used in the field; and that,
swords being laid aside, rods and scourges, and other instru-
ments of terror to slaves, were to be provided. This sugges-
tion being approved, and all being equipped as was prescribed,
the Scythians, as soon as they drew near the enemy, held
out scourges towards them unexpectedly, and struck them
such terror, that they conquered with the dread of stripes
those whom they could not conquer with the sword, and who
took to flight, not as defeated enemies, but as fugitive
slaves. As many as could be taken, paid the penalty for their
rebellion on the cross. The women too, conscious of their
ill conduct, put an end to their lives partly by the sword and
partly by hanging.

After this occurrence, there was peace among the Scythians
till the time of king Jancyrus, on whom Darius, king of
Persia, as was said above, made war, because he could not
obtain his daughter in marriage. Darius, having entered
Scythia with seven* hundred thousand armed men, and the
enemy allowing him no opportunity of fighting, dreading lest,
if the bridge over the Ister were broken down, his retreat
should be cut off, hurried back in alarm, with the loss of
eighty thousand men; which loss, however, out of so vast a
number, was scarcely accounted a disaster. Darius afterwards
subdued Asia and Macedonia, and defeated the Ionians in a
fight at sea. Then, learning that the Athenians had given
a4 JUSTIN. [B.I. CH. VI.

aid to the Ionians against him, he turned all his warlike fury
upon them. ;
VI. Since we have now come to the wars of the Athenians,
which were carried on, not only beyond expectation as to what
could be done, but even beyond belief as to what was done,
the efforts of that people having been successful beyond their
hopes, the origin of their city must be briefly set forth; for
they did not, like other nations, rise to eminence from a mean
commencement, but are the only people that can boast,
not only of their rise, but also of their birth. It was
not a concourse of foreigners, or a rabble of people collected
from different parts, that raised their city, but men who
were born on the same ground which they inhabit; and the
country which is their place of abode, was also their birth-
place. It was they who first taught* the art of working
in wool, and the use of oil and wine. They also showed men,
who had previously fed on acorns, how to plough and sow.
Literature and eloquence, it is certain, and the state of civil
discipline which we enjoy, had Athens as their temple.
Before Deucalion’s time, they had a king named Cecrops,
whom, as all antiquity is full of fables, they represented to
have been of both sexes, because he was the first to join male
and female in marriage. To him succeeded Cranaus, whose
daughter Atthis gave name to the country. After him
reigned Amphictyon, who first consecrated the city to Minerva,
and gave it the name of Athens. In his days, a deluge
swept away the greater part of the inhabitants of Greece.
Those only escaped, whom a refuge on the mountains pro-
tected, or who went off in ships to Deucalion, king of Thessaly,
by whom, from this circumstance, the human race is said to
have been restored. The crown then descended, in the
course of succession, to Erectheus, in whose reign the sowing
of corn was commenced by Triptolemus at Elensis; in
commemoration of which benefit the nights sacred to the
mysteries of Ceres were appointed. Aigeus also, the father of
Theseus, was king of, Athens, from whom Medea divorcing
herself, on account of the adult age of her step-son, returned
to Colchis with her son Medus, whom she had had by A&geus.
After Aigeus reigned Theseus, and after Theseus his son

* See, on the praise of Athens, Lucret. vi. 1; lian. Var. Hist. iii.
88; Strabo, lib, xix.; Thucyd. lib. i.; Diod. Sic. lib. i,
B.C. 1091.] DEATH OF CODRUS. 25

Demophoon, who afforded aid to the Greeks against the Tro-
jans. Between the Athenians and Dorians there had been
animosities of long standing, which the Dorians, intending to
revenge in war, consulted the oracle about the event of
the contest. The answer was, that the “ Dorians would
have the advantage, if they did not kill the king of the
Athenians.” When they came into the field, the Doric
soldiers were charged above all things to take care not to
attack the king. At that time the king of the Athenians was
Codrus, who, learning the answer of the god and the direc-
tions of the enemy, laid aside his royal dress, and entered the
camp of the enemy in rags, with a bundle of sticks on his
back. Here, among a crowd of people that stood in his way,
he was killed by a soldier whom he had purposely wounded
with a pruning knife. His body being recognized as that of
the king, the Dorians went off without coming to battle ;
and thus the Athenians, through the bravery of a prince who
submitted to death for the safety of hisecountry, were relieved
from war.

VII. After Codrus ‘there was no king at Athens; a cir-
cumstance which is attributed to the respect paid to his
memory. The government of the state was placed in the
hands of magistrates elected annually. At this period the
people had no laws, for the wills of their princes had always
been received instead of laws. Solon, a man of emitient
integrity, was in consequence chosen to found the state, as it
were afresh, by the establishment of laws. This man acted
with such judicious moderation between the commons and the
senate (though whatever he proposed in favour of one
class, seemed likely to displease the other), that he received
equal thanks from both parties. Among many illustrious acts
of Solon, the following is eminently worthy of record. A war
had been carried on between the Athenians and Megarians,
concerning their respective claims to the island of Salamis,
almost to the utter destruction of both. After many defeats,
it was made a capital offence at Athens to propose a law for
the recovery of the ‘island. Solon, anxious lest he should
injure his country by keeping silence, or himself by expressing
his opinion, pretended to be suddenly seized with maduess,
under cover of which he might not only say, but do, what was
prohibited. In a strange garb, like an insane person, he rushed
26 JUSTIN. [B.1L. CH. VIIL

forth into the public streets, where, having collected a crowd
about him, he began, that he might the better conceal his
design, to urge the people in verse (which he was unaccus-
tomed to make), to do what was forbidden, and! produced such
an effect on the minds of all, that war was instantly decreed
against the Megarians; and the enemy being defeated, the
island became subject to the Athenians.

VIII. After a time, the Megarians, cherishing the remem-
brance of the war made upon them by the Athenians, and
fearing that they might be said to have taken up arms to no
purpose, went on board a fleet with a design to seize the
Athenian matrons as they were celebrating the Eleusinian
mysteries during the night. Their intention becoming known,
Pisistratus, the Athenian general, placed a body of young
men in ambush to receive them, directing the matrons, at the
same time, to continue the celebration of the sacred rites with
their usual cries and noise, even while the enemy were ap-
proaching, in order that they might not know that their coming
was expected; and thus attacking the Megarians unawares,
just as they were leaving their ships, he put them all to the
sword. Immediately after, having taken some women with
his men on board the fleet which he had seized, to appear
like captured matrons of the Athenians, he set sail for Megara.
The Megarians, seeing ships of their own build approaching,
apparently with the desired prey on board, went out to the
harbour to meet them. Pisistratus cut them to pieces, and
almost succeeded in taking their city. Thus the Megarians,
having their own stratagem turned against them, afforded their
enemies a triumph.

But Pisistratus, as if he had conquered for himself and not
for his country, possessed himself of the sovereign authority
by a subtle contrivance. Having undergone a voluntary
scourging in his own house, he ran out, with his body lace-
rated, into the open street, and, having summoned an as-
sembly of the people, showed them his wounds, complaining of
the cruelty of the great men of the city, from whom he
pretended to have received this treatment. Tears were joined
to his words, and the credulous mob was easily inflamed by
a calumnious speech, in which he affirmed that he had
incurred the hatred of the senate by showing his love for the
common people. He thus obtained a guard for the protection
B.C. 489.] BATTLE OF MARATHON. Q7

of his person, by the aid of which he got the sovereign power
into his hands, and reigned thirty-three years.

IX. After his death Diocles,* one of his sons, having
offered violence to a maiden, was slain by her brother. His
other son, whose name was Hippias, taking upon him the
authority of his father, ordered the murderer of his brother
to be apprehended; who, being forced by torture to name
those that were privy to the murder, named all the intimate
friends of the tyrant. These being put to death, and Hippias
asking him ‘“ whether any of the guilty still survived,” he
replied, that ‘‘ there was no one surviving whom he should
more rejoice to see die than the tyrant himself.” By which
answer he proved himself superior to the tyrant, after having
avenged, too, the violated honour of his sister.

The city being animated, through his spirited conduct, with
a, desire for liberty, Hippias was at last deprived of his power,
and driven into exile. Setting out for Persia, he offered him-
self as a leader to Darius against his own country; Darius
being then, as has been said before, ready to make war on
the Athenians. The Athenians, hearing of Darius’s approach,
requested assistance from the Lacedemonians, who were then
in alliance with them. But finding that they delayed at home
four days, in consequence of some religious scruple, they did
not wait for their help, but, having mustered ten thousand of
their own citizens, and a thousand auxiliaries from Platex,
went out to battle in the plain of Marathon, against six
hundred thousand of the enemy. Miltiades was both their
general in the field, and the person who advised them not to
wait for assistance, being possessed with such confidence of
success, that he thought there was more trust to be placed in
expedition than in their allies. Great, therefore, was their
spirit as they proceeded to battle ; so that, though there were a
thousand paces between the two armies, they came full speed
upon the enemy before their arrows were discharged. Nor
did the result fall short of their daring; for such was the
courage with which they fought, that you might have supposed
there were men on one side and a herd of cattle on the other.
The Persians, utterly defeated, fled to their ships, of which
many were sunk and many taken. In this battle, the bravery
of every individual was such, that it was difficult to determine

* All other historians call him Hipparchus. See Thucyd. i. 20.
28 JUSTIN. : [B.IL. OH. X.

to whom the highest praise was due. Amongst others, how-
ever, the heroism of Themistocles, then a young man, was
greatly distinguished; in whom, even then, appeared a genius
indicative of his future eminence as a general. The merit of
Cynegirus, too, an Athenian soldier, has met with great com-
mendation from historians; for, after having slain a great
number in the battle, and having chased the fleeing enemy to
their ships, he seized a crowded vessel with his right hand,
and would not let it go till he had lost his hand; and even
then, when his right hand was cut off, he took hold of the
ship with his left, and having lost this hand also, he at last
seized the ship with his teeth. So undaunted was his spirit,
that ueither being weary with killing so many, nor dis-
heartened with the loss of his hands, he fought to the last,
maimed as he was, with his teeth, like a wild beast. The
Persians lost two thousand men in the battle or by shipwreck.
Hippias also, the Athenian tyrant, who was the promoter and
encourager of the war, was killed on the occasion; the gods,
the avengers of his country, inflicting on him the penalty of
his perfidy.

X. Some time after, Darius, when he was going to renew
the war, died in the midst of his preparations for it, leaving
behind him several sons, some born before his accession to
the crown, and others after it. Artemenes, the eldest of them,
claimed the kingdom by the law of primogeniture, a law which
he said that both order of birth and nature herself had pre-
scribed to all nations. Xerxes, however, alleged, that the
dispute was not so much about the order as the good fortune
of their birth; for that “‘ Artemenes was born jfirst indeed to
Darius, but while he was in a private station; that he himself
was born to him first after he was king; and that, conse-
quently, such of his brothers as were born before him might
claim the private estate which Darius then possessed, but
could have no claim to the kingdom; he himself being the
first-born whom his father, when king, had bred up to succeed
him on the throne.* In addition to this,” he said, ‘ Arte-
menes was sprung, not only from a father but from a mother
in a private condition, and from a maternal grandfather of
similar station; but he himself was both sprung from a

_ = Inregnum.] Wetzel, with ‘most editors, has tn regno, but in regnum
is much more to the purpose.
BC. 485.] XERXES SUCCEEDS DARIUS. 29

mother who was a queen, and had never known his father
except as a king; he had also for his maternal grandfather
king Cyrus, not the heir, but the founder of so great an em-
pire; and even if their father had left both brothers with equal
claims, yet he himself ought to have the advantage in right of
his mother and grandfather.” The settlement of the contro-
versy they left, with mutual consent, to their uncle Arta-
phernes, as the fittest judge of their family differences} who,
having heard their pleas in his own house, decided in favour
of Xerxes. But the contest was conducted in so brotherly a
way, that neither did he who gained the cause show any
unseemly triumph, nor did he who lost it express dissatisfac-
tion; and, during the very time of the contention, they sent
presents to one another, and gave such entertainments, as
showed not only mutual confidence, but pleasure in each
other’s society. The judgment, too, was pronounced without
witnesses, and heard without a murmur. So much more con-
tentedly did brothers then share the greatest kingdoms, than
they now divide the smallest estates !

Xerxes then proceeded, during five years, with his prepa-
rations for the war against Greece, which his father had
commenced. As soon as Demaratus, king of the Lacedemo-
nians, who was then an exile at the court of Xerxes, under-
stood his intentions, he, feeling more regard for his country,
notwithstanding his banishment, than for the king in return
for his favours, sent full intelligence of the matter to the
niagistrates of the Lacedemonians, that they might not be
surprised by an unexpected attack; writing the account on
wooden tablets, and hiding the writing with wax spread over
it; taking care, however, not merely that writing without
a cover might not give proof against him, but that too fresh
wax might not betray the contrivance. These tablets he
committed to a trusty slave, who was ordered to deliver them.
into the hands of the authorities at Sparta. When they were
received, the object of them was long a matter of inquiry,
because the magistrates could see nothing written on them, and
yet could not imagine that they were sent to no purpose ; and
they thought the matter must be momentous in proportion to its
mysteriousness. While the men were still engaged in conjec-
ture, the sister of king Leonidas surmised the writer's intention.
The wax being accordingly scraped off, the account of the
8Q. JUSTIN. [B.IL CH XI

warlike preparations appeared. Xerxes had already armed
seven hundred thousand men of his own kingdom, and three
hundred thousand of his auxiliaries; so that there was some
ground for the assertion that rivers were drunk up by his
army, and that all Greece could scarcely contain it. He is
also said to have had a fleet of twelve hundred ships. But
for this vast army a general was wanting; for if you contem-
plate its king, you could not commend his capacity as a leader,
however you might extol his wealth, of which there was such
abundance in his realm, that, while rivers were drained by his
forces, his treasury was still unexhausted. He was always seen
foremost in flight, and hindmost in battle; he was a coward
in danger, and when danger was away, a boaster ; and, in fine,
before he made trial of war, elated with confidence in his
strength (as if he had been lord of nature itself), he levelled
mountains, filled ‘up valleys, covered some seas with bridges,
and contracted others, for the convenience of navigation, into
shorter channels.

XI. In proportion to the terror of his entrance into
Greece, was the shame and dishonour of his retreat from it.
Leonidas, king of the Spartans, having occupied the straits
of Thermopyle with four thousand men, Xerxes, in contempt
of so small a number, ordered such of the Persians as had lost
relatives in the battle of Marathon, to commence an attack
upon them; who, while they endeavoured to avenge their
friends, were the first to be slaughtered, and a useless multi-
tude taking their place, the havoc became still greater. For
three days was*the struggle maintained, to the grief and
indignation of the Persians. On the fourth, it being told
Leonidas that the summit of the mountain was occupied by
twenty thousand of the enemy, he exhorted the allies “to
retire, and reserve themselves to their country for better
times ;” saying, that “he himself would try his fortune with
the Spartans ; that he ought to care more for his country than
for his life, and that others should be preserved for the
defence of Greece.” On hearing the king’s resolution, the
rest retired, the Lacedemonians alone remaining.

At the beginning of the war, when the Spartans consulted
the oracle at Delphi, they had received the answer, that
“either the king or their city must fall.” King Leonidas,
accordingly, when he proceeded to battle, had so fixed the
B.C. 479.) XERXES’ INVASION OF GREECE. 31

resolution of his men, that they felt they must go to the field
with minds prepared for death. He had posted himself in a
narrow pass, too, that he might either conquer more gloriously
with a few, or fall with less damage to his country. The
allies being therefore sent away, he exhorted his Spartans “to
remember that, however they struggled, they must expect to
perish ; to take care not to show more resolution to stay than
to fight ;” adding that, ‘they must not wait till they were
surrounded by the enemy, but when night afforded them
opportunity, must surprise them in security and at their ease ;
8s conquerors could die nowhere more honourably than in the
camp of the foe.” There was no difficulty in stimulating men
determined to die.. They immediately seized their arms, and
six hundred men rushed into the camp of five hundred thou-
sand, making directly for the king’s tent, and resolving either
to die with him, or, if they should be overpowered, at least in
his quarters. An alarm spread through the whole Persian
army. The Spartans being unable to find the king, marched
uncontrolled through the whole camp, killing and overthrow-
ing all that stood in their way, like men who knew that they
fought, not with the hope of victory, but to avenge their own
deaths. The contest was protracted from the beginning of
the night through the greater part of the following day. At
last, not conquered, but exhausted with conquering, they fell
amidst vast heaps of slaughtered enemies. ‘Xerxes, having
thus met ,with two defeats by land, resolved next to try his
fortune by sea.

XII. Themistocles, the general of the Athenians, having
discovered that the Ionians, on whose account they had under-
taken this war with the Persians, were come to the assistance
of the king with a fleet, resolved to draw them over to his
own side. Being unable to find any opportunity of speaking
with them, he caused placards to be fixed, and inscriptions to
be written, on the rocks where they were to land, to the follow-
ing effect; “‘ What madness possesses you, O Jonians? What
evil are you going to do? Do you intend to make war on
those who were formerly your founders, and lately your
avengers? Did we build your cities that a people might
arise from them to destroy ours? Was it not Darius’s
reason * for attacking us before, and is it not now that of

* Quid? sit non hee et Dario prius, et nunc Xeraes, belli causa
32 JUSTIN, [B.II, CH. XIE

Xerxes, that we did not desert you when you rebelled against
them? But pass over from your place of confinement *
to our camp; or, if this course is unsafe, withdraw when
the battle begins; keep back your vessels with your oars,
and retire from the engagement.” Before this encounter at
sea, Xerxes had sent four thousand armed men to plunder the
temple of Apollo, as if he had been at war, not with the
Greeks only, but with the immortal gods; but the whole of
this detachment was destroyed by a storm of rain and thunder,
that he might be convinced how feeble human strength is
‘against the powers of heaven. Afterwards he burnt Thespie,
Plate, and Athens, all abandoned by their inhabitants; vent-
ing his rage on the buildings by fire, since he could not
destroy the people by the sword. For the Athenians, after
the battle of Marathon, because Themistocles forewarned
them that their victory would not be the termination of the
war, but the cause of a greater one, had built two hundred
ships; and when, at the approach of Xerxes, he consulted
the oracle at Delphi, they were answered, that “they must
provide for their safety with wooden walls.” Themistocles,
thinking that defence with shipping was meant, persuaded
them all, that ‘‘ the citizens, not the walls, constituted their
country ; that a city consisted, not of its buildings, but of its
inhabitants; that it would be better for them, therefore, to
trust their safety to their ships than to their city ; and that
the god was the adviser of this course.” The counsel being
approved, they committed their wives and children, with their
most valuable property, to certain islands out of the way ;+
while the men went in arms on board the ships. Other cities
also followed the example of the Athenians. But when the whole
fleet of the allies was assembled, ready for an engagement,

nobiscum foret, de.] I have not attempted to translate the commence-
ment of this sentence literally. Some editions have a note of interro-
gation after guid, and others not, and some have quod st ; but, as
‘Scheffer says, no one of these readings is satisfactory. Lemaire
plausibly conjectures Quasi non hec, &e.

* Em isté obsidione.] They being hemmed in by the Persian fleet
like enemies, — Wetzel.

+ Abditis insulis.] He calls the islands abditw because they were
situated in the innermost recess of the [Saronic] gulf.— Vossius.
We may suppose Salamis and Aigina to be meant.—Vorstius, See
Corn. Nep. Them. 2, 8; Herod. viii. 41,
B.C. 479.] DEFEAT OF XERXES. 33

and had posted itself in the narrow strait of Salamis, that it
might not be overwhelmed by superior numbers, a dissension
arose among the leading men of the different cities, who were
disposed to relinquish the plan of a general war, and go off
each to defend his own country. Themistocles, fearing that
the strength of his countrymen would be too much weakened
‘by such desertion of their allies, sent intimation to Xerxes
by a trusty slave, that “he might now easily make himself
master of all Greece, when it was collected in one place;
but that if the several states which were inclined to go
away should once be dispersed, he would have to pursue
each of them singly with far greater trouble.” By this
stratagem he induced the king to give the signal for battle.
The Greeks, at the same time, taken by surprise by the
-enemy’s attack, proceeded to oppose them with their united
force. The king, meantime, remained on shore as a spectator
of the combat, with part of the ships near him; while Arte-
misia, queen of Halicarnassus, who had come to the assistance
of Xerxes, was fighting with the greatest gallantry among the
foremost leaders; so that you might have seen womanish
tear in a man,* and manly boldness in a woman. While the
result of the battle was still doubtful, the Ionians, according
to the admonition of Themistocles, began gradually to with-
draw from the contest ; and their desertion broke the courage
of the rest. The Persians, as they were considering in which
direction they might flee, suffered a repulse, and were soon
after utterly defeated, and put to flight. In the confusion,
many ships were taken, and many sunk; but the greater
number, fearing the king’s cruelty not less than the enemy,
went off to their respective homes.

XIII. While Xerxes was confounded at his disaster, and
doubtful what course to pursue, Mardonius addressed him,
advising him “to return home to his kingdom, lest fame,
carrying the news of his defeat, and exaggerating every thing
according to her custom, should occasion any sedition in his
absence; and to leave with him three hundred thousand men-at-
arms, chosen from the whole army, with which force he would
either subdue Greece to the king’s glory, or, if the result should
prove unfavourable, would retire before the enemy without
dishonour to him.” Mardonius’s suggestion being approved,

* Xerxes himself,
D
34 JUSTIN. [B.II. CH. XIV.

the force which he requested was given him, and the king
prepared to return home with the rest of the army. The
Greeks, hearing of his flight, formed a design to break down
the bridge, which, as conqueror of the sea, he had made at
Abydos ; so that, his retreat being cut off, he might either be
destroyed with his army, or might be forced, by the desperate
state of his affairs, to sue for peace. But Themistocles,
fearing that the enemy, if they were stopped, might take
courage from despair, and open by their swords a passage not
to be opened by other means, and observing that “ there were
enemies enough left in Greece, and that the number ought not
to be increased by preventing their escape,” but finding that
he was unable to move his countrymen by his admonitions,
despatched the same slave as before to Xerxes, acquainting him
of the intention of the Greeks to break down the bridge, and
urging him to secure a passage by a speedy flight. Xerxes,
alarmed at the message, left his army to be conducted by his
generals, and hurried away himself, with a few attendants, to
Abydos; where, having found the bridge broken down by the
winter storms, he crossed in the utmost trepidation in a
fishing-boat. It was a sight worth contemplation for judging
of the condition of man,* so wonderful for its vicissitudes, to
see him shrinking down in a little boat, whom shortly before
the whole ocean could scarcely contain ; to behold him wanting
servants to attend him, whose armies had burdened the earth
with their numbers! Nor had the land-forces, which he had
committed to his generals, a more fortunate retreat; for to
their daily fatigue (and there is no rest to men in fear) was
added the want of provisions. A famine of several days
produced also a pestilential distemper; and so dire was the
mortality, that. the roads were filled with dead bodies; and
birds and beasts of prey, allured by the attraction of food,
followed close upon the army.

XIV. In Greece, in the meantime, Mardonius took
Olynthus by storm. He also invited the Athenians to listen

* Erat res spectaculo digna, et estimatione sortis humane, rerum varie-
tate mirande.| Such is the reading of Wetzel and Gronovius. Some
editions omit the ef. Wetzel gives this comment: “It was a spectacle
deserving of attentive contemplation, and one from which you might
judge of the lot of man; of the wonderful changeableness of which
Xerxes was an example.”
B.C. 478.] DEFEAT OF MARDONIUS. 35°

to offers of peace, and of the king’s friendship; promising to
rebuild their city, which had been burnt, in greater splendour
than before. But when he saw that they would not sell their
liberty at any rate, he set fire to what they had begun to
rebuild, and led off his army into Beotia. Thither the army
of the Greeks, which consisted of a hundred thousand men,
followed him, and there a battle was fought. But the fortune
of the king was not changed with the general; for Mardonius,
being defeated, escaped, as it were from a shipwreck, with but
a small number of followers. His camp, which was filled with
the king’s treasures, was taken’; and hence it was, on the
division of the Persian gold among them, that the charms of
wealth first attracted the Greeks. By chance, on the same day
on which the army of Mardonius was defeated, an engagement
was fought by sea near the mountain Mycale, on the coast of
Asia. Before the encounter began, and whilst the fleets stood
opposite one another, a rumour spread through both parties,
that the Greeks had gained a victory, and that the army of
Mardonius was utterly destroyed. It is said that so great was
the speed of this report, that when the battle was fought in
Beeotia in the morning, the news of the victory arrived in Asia
by noon, passing over so much sea, and so large a space of
ground, in so very short a time. When the war was over, and
they proceeded to consider the respective merits of the cities
that had been engaged in it, the bravery of the Athenians was
praised above that of any other people. Among the leaders too,
Themistocles, being pronounced the most meritorious by the
judgment of the several states, added greatly to the glory of his
country.

XV. The Athenians, then, being enriched by the spoils of
war, as well as in glory, applied themselves to rebuild their city.
Having enlarged the compass of their walls, they became an
object of suspicion to the Lacedemonians, naturally reflecting
how great power a city, when fortified, might secure to a people
for whom it had done so much when in a state of ruin. They
therefore sent ambassadors to admonish them that “ they
should not build what might prove a stronghold for the enemy,
and a place of shelter for them in a future war.” Themistocles,
seeing that envy was entertained towards the rising hopes of
his city, but not thinking it prudent to deal abruptly with the
Spartans, made answer to the ambassadors, that “deputies

D2
:
36 JUSTIN. [B.IL. CH. XV.

should be sent to Lacedzemon to confer with them about the
matter.” After thus dismissing the messengers, he exhorted
his countrymen “‘to expedite the work.” Allowing some time
to elapse, he set out, with some others, as an embassy to
Sparta ; but sometimes pretending ill health on the road, some-
times complaining of the tardiness of his colleagues, without
whom nothing could be properly done, and thus putting off
from day to day, he endeavoured to gain time for his country-
men to finish the erection of their walls: In the meanwhile,
word was brought to the Spartans that the work was advancing
at Athens with great speéd; and they accordingly sent
ambassadors a second time to ascertain the truth. Themis-
tocles then sent a letter by the hand of a slave, to the magis-
trates of the Athenians, desiring them “to take the ambas-
sadors into custody, and keep them as hostages, lest any
violent measures should be adopted against himself at Sparta.”
He then went to the public assembly of the Lacedeemonians,
and told them that ‘‘ Athens was now well fortified, and could
sustain a war, if any should be made upon it, not only with
arms, but with walls; and that their ambassadors were
detained by way of hostages at Athens, in case they should on
that account resolve on anything injurious towards himself.”
He then upbraided them severely “for seeking to increase their
power, not by their own valour, but by weakening their allies.”
Being then permitted to depart, he was received by his
countrymen as if he had triumphed over Sparta.

After this occurrence, the Spartans, that they might not
impair their strength in idleness, and that they might take
vengeance for the war which had been twice made upon
‘Greece by the Persians, proceeded to lay waste the Persian
territories. They chose Pausanias to be general of their army,
and that of their allies, who, coveting, instead of the mere
office of general, the entire sovereignty of Greece, treated
with Xerxes for a marriage with his daughter, as a reward for
betraying his country, restoring him, at the same time, his
prisoners, that the good feeling of the king might be secured
by such an obligation. He wrote also to Xerxes, “ to put to
death whatever messengers he sent to him, lest the negociation
should be betrayed by their babbling.” But Aristides, the
general of the Athenians, and his associate in the command, by
traversing the attempts of his colleague, and taking prudent
B.C. 472.] DEATH OF XERXES. 37

precautions on the occasion, defeated his treasonable designs.
Not long after, Pausanias was brought to trial and condemned.

Xerxes, when he found that this perfidious scheme was dis-
covered, made fresh preparations for war. The Greeks
nominated as their general Cimon the Athenian, the son of
Miltiades, under whose command the battle of Marathon was
' fought; a young man whose future greatness his manifestations
of affection towards his father foretold. For he redeemed the
body of his father (who had been thrown into prison on a
charge of embezzling the public money, and had died there),
taking his fetters on himself,* that it might receive the rites
of sepulture. Nor did he, in his conduct of the war, disappoint
the opinion of those who chose him; for, not falling in merit
below his father, he forced Xerxes, defeated both by land and
sea, to retreat in trepidation to his own dominions.

t

BOOK IiIi.

Death of Xerxes; Artaxerxes; Artabanus, I.—Origin of the wars
between the Athenians and Lacedemonians; Lycurgus and
the Spartan polity, Il. II.—First and second wars between
the Spartans and Messenians, IV.,;V.—Third war; commence-
ment of the Peloponnesian war, VJ.—Continuation of it;
Pericles, VII.

I, Xurxzs, king of Persia, once the terror of the nations around
him, became, after his unsuccessful conduct of the war against
Greece, an object of contempt even to his own subjects.
Artabanus, his chief officer, conceiving hopes of usurping
the throne, as the king’s authority was every day declining,
entered one evening into the palace (which from his intimacy
with Xerxes was always open to him), accompanied by his
seven stout sons, and, having put the king to death, proceeded
to remove ‘by stratagem such of the king’s sons as opposed
his wishes. Entertaining little apprehension from Artaxerxes,
who was but a boy, he pretended that the king had been slain
by Darius, who was of full age, that he might have possession
of the throne the sooner, and instigated Artaxerxes to revenge
parricide by fratricide. When they carne to Darius’s house,

* Translatis im se vinculis.| Whether this act was altogether volun-
tary is discussed by J. A. Bos on Corn, Nep. Cim. ¢. 1.
38 JUSTIN. [B.111, CH. 11.

he was found asleep, and killed as if he merely counterfeited
sleep.* But seeing that one of the king’s sons was still
uninjured by his villany, and fearing a struggle for the throne
on the part of the nobles, he took into his councils a certain
Bacabasus, who, content that the government should remain
in the present family, disclosed the whole matter to Artaxerxes,
acquainting him “by what means his father had been killed,
and how his brother had been murdered on a false suspicion
of parricide ; and, finally, how a plot was laid for himself.”
On this information, Artaxerxes, fearing the number of Arta-
banus’s sons, gave orders for the troops to be ready under
arms on the following day, as if he meant to ascertain their
strength, and their respective efficiency for the field. Arta-
banus, accordingly, presenting himself under arms among the
rest, the king, pretending that his corslet was too short for

him, desired Artabanus to make an exchange with him, and, :

while he was disarming himself, and defenceless, ran him
through with his sword, ordering his sons, at the same time,
to be apprehended. Thus this excellent youth at once took
revenge for his father’s murder, and saved himself from the
machinations of Artabanus. ‘

II. During these transactions in Persia, all Greece, under
the leadership of the Lacedemonians and Athenians, was split
into two parties, and turned their arms from foreign wars as
it were against their own bowels. Of one people were formed
two distinct bodies ; and they who had so recently served in
the same camp, were divided into two hostile armies. On
the one side, the Lacedemonians drew over to their faction
the cities that had before been common auxiliaries to both.
On the other side, the Athenians, renowned alike for their
antiquity and their exploits, relied on their own strength.
Thus the two most powerful people of Greece, made equal by
the institutions of Solon and the laws of Lycurgus, rushed
into war through envy of each other's power. ;

When Lycurgus had succeeded + Polydectes his brother,
king of the Lacedemonians, and might have secured the

_* Quasi somnum jingeret.] As if, being guilty, he had counterfeited
himself to be asleep on purpose.—Codrington’s Translation.

+ Successisset.] That is, the Spartans would have accepted him as
succeasor to his brother, had he not preferred to give the throne to his
brother’s son.
B.C. 904.] LYCURGUS. 39

kingdom for himself, he restored it, with the noblest integrity,
to Charilaus, the posthumous son of Polydectes, as soon as he
became of age; that all might see how much more the laws of
integrity prevail with good men than all the charms of power.
In the meantime, while the child was growing up, and he
had the guardianship of him, he composed laws for the Spartans,
who previously had had none. Nor was he more celebrated
for the making of these laws, than for his exemplary con-
formity to them ; for he imposed nothing by law upon others,
of the observation of which he did not first give an example
in his own conduct. He trained the people to be obedient to
those in authority, and those in authority to be just in the
exercise of their government. He enjoined frugality on all,
thinking that the toils of war would be made more endurable by a
constant observance of it. He ordered all purchases to be made,
not with money, but by exchange of commodities. The use of
gold and silver he prohibited, as being the origin of all evils.
III. He divided the administration of the government
among the several orders; to the kings he gave the power of
making war, to the magistrates the seats of justice in yearly.
succession; to the senate, the guardianship of the laws; to the
people, the power of choosing the senate, or of creating what
magistrates they pleased. The lands of the whole state he
divided ‘equally among all, that equality of possession might
leave no one more powerful than another. He ordered all to
take their meals in public, that no man might secretly indulge
in splendour or luxury. He would not allow the young people
to wear more than one dress in a year, nor any one to walk
abroad in finer garments than another, or to fare more
sumptuously, lest imitation of such practices should lead to
general luxury. He ordered boys to be carried, not into the
forum, but into the field, that they might spend their early
years, not in effeminate employments, but in hard labour and
exertion; not suffering them to put any thing under them to
sleep upon, or to live on high seasoned food, and forbidding
them to return into the city till they arrived at manhood.
He caused virgins to be married without portions, that wives,
not money, might be sought; and that husbands might govern
their wives more strictly, being influenced by no regard to
dowry. He ordained that the highest respect should be paid,
not to the rich and powerful, but to the old, according to their
40. : JUSTIN. [B.IIl. CH.IV.

degrees of seniority ; nor had old age, indeed, a more honour-
able habitation anywhere than at Sparta.

But seeing that such laws would at first be thought severe,
as the state of manners had previously been relaxed, he
represented that Apollo of Delphi was the author of them, and
that he had brought them from thence at the command of the
deity, in order that reverence for religion might overbalance
the irksomeness of compliance with them. And to secure
perpetuity to his laws, he bound the city by an oath “ to make
no change in them till he should return,” pretending that he was
going to ask the oracle at Delphi whether any thing seemed.
necessary to be added to his institutions, or changed in, them.
But he went in reality to Crete, and continued there in
voluntary exile; and, when he was dying, ordered his bones
to be thrown into the sea, lest, if they were taken back to.
Lacedemon, the Spartans might think themselves absolved
from their oath respecting alteration in bis laws.

IV. Under such a state of manners, the city acquired, in a
short time,* such a degree of strength, that, on going to war
with the Messenians for offering violence to some of their
maidens at a solemn sacrifice of that people, they bound
themselves under a severe oath not to return till they had taken
Messene, promising themselves so much either from their
strength or good fortune. This occurrence was the commence-
ment of dissension in Greece, and the origin and cause of a
civil war. But being detained in the siege of this city, con-
trary to their expectation, for ten years, and called on to return
by the complaints of their wives after so long a widowhood, and.
being afraid that by persevering in the war they might hurt,
themselves more than the Messenians (for, in Messene,
whatever men were lost in the war, were replaced by the
fruitfulness of their women, while they themselves suffered
constant Josses in battle, and could ‘have no offspring from
their wives in the absence of their husbands), they in conse-
quence selected, out of the soldiers that had come, after the.
military oath was first taken,f as recruits to the army, a

* Brevi] Not in so very short a time, for Lycurgus published his
laws 130 years before the foundation of Rome, and this war com-

menced eleven years after its foundation, ie, 141 years after the pro-
tmulgation of the laws.— Wetzel.

+ Post jusjwrandum.] That is, after the enrolment of the army,
when the soldiers took the oath of service. i
B.C. 703.) TARENTUM FOUNDED. 41

number of young men; whom they sent back to Sparta with
permission to form promiscuous connexions with all the women
of the city, thinking that conception would be more speedy
if each of the females made the experiment with several men.
Those who sprung from these unions were called Partheniz,*
as a reflection on their mothers’ violated ehastity ; and, when
they came to thirty years of age, being alarmed with the fear
of want (for not one of them had a father to whose estate he
could hope to succeed,) they chose a captain named Phalantus,
the son of Ayratus, by whose advice the Spartans had sent
home the young men to propagate, that, as they had formerly
had the father for the author of their birth, they might now
have the son as the establisher of their hopes and fortunes.
Without taking leave of their mothers, therefore, from whose
adultery they thought that they derived dishonour, they set
out to seek a place of settlement, and being tossed about
a long time, and with various mischances, they at last arrived
on the coast of Italy, where, after seizing the citadel .of the
Tarentines, and expelling the old inhabitants, they fixed their
abode. But several years after, their leader Phalantus, being
driven into} exile by a popular tumult, went to Brundusium,
whither the former inhabitants of Tarentum had retreated
after they were expelled from their city. When he was at
the point of death, he urged the exiles “to have his bones,
and last relics, bruised to dust, and privately sprinkled in the
forum of Tarentum ; for that Apollo at Delphi had signified
that by this means they might recover their city.” They,
thinking that he had revealed the destiny of his countrymen
to avenge himself, complied with his directions; but the
intention of the oracle was exactly the reverse; for it
promised the ‘Spartans, upon the performance of what he had
said, not the loss, but the perpetual possession of the city.
Thus by the subtlety of their exiled captain, and the agency
of their enemies, the possession of Tarentum was secured to
the Partheniz for ever.

V. Meantime the Messenians, who could not be conquered
by valour, were reduced ‘by stratagetn. For eighty years they
bore the severe afflictions of slaves, as frequent stripes, and
chains, and other evils of subjugation; and then, after so long an

* From sapSivoc, virgo.] It answers exactly to the German ein
Jungfraukind.—Berneccerus.
42 JUSTIN. [B.III. CH. VI.

endurance of suffering, they proceeded to resume hostilities.
The Lacedemonians, at the same time, ran to arms with the
greater ardour and unanimity, because they seemed to be
called upon to fight against their own slaves. While ill-
treatment, therefore, on the one side, and indignation on the
other, exasperated their feelings, the Lacedzmonians con-
sulted the oracle at Delphi concerning the event of the war,
and were directed to ask the Athenians for a leader to con-
duct it. The Athenians, learning the answer of the oracle,
sent, to express their contempt of the Spartans, a lame poet,
named Tyrtzus; who, being routed in three battles, reduced
the Lacedwmonians to so desperate a condition, that, to re-
cruit their army, they liberated a portion of their slaves,
promising that they should marry the widows of those who
were slain, and thus fill up, not merely the number of the
lost citizens, but their offices. The kings of Sparta, however,
lest, by contending against fortune, they should bring greater
losses on their city, would have drawn off their army, had not
Tyrteeus interposed, and recited to the soldiers, in a public
assembly, some verses of his own composition, in which he
had comprised exhortations to courage, consolations for their
losses, and counsels concerning the war. By this means he
inspired the soldiers with such resolution, that, being no
longer concerned for their lives, but merely for the rites of
sepulture, they tied on their right arms tickets, inscribed with
their names and those of their fathers, that if an unsuccessful
battle should cut them off, and their features after a time be-
come indistinct, they might be consigned to burial according
to the indication of the inscriptions. When the kings saw
the army thus animated, they took care that the state of it
should be made known to the enemy; the report, however,
raised in the Messenians no alarm, but a correspondent
ardour. Both sides accordingly encountered with such fury,
that there scarcely ever was a more bloody battle. But at last
victory fell to the Lacedeemonians. ~

VI. Some time after, the Messenians renewed the war a
third time, when the Lacedemonians, among their other
allies, called also upon the Athenians for assistance; but
afterwards, conceiving some mistrust of them, they prevented
them from joining in the war, pretending that they had no
need for their services. The Athenians, not liking this pro-
B.C, 480.] PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 43

ceeding, removed the money, which had been contributed by
the whole of Greece to defray the expense of the Persian war,
from Delos to Athens, that, if the Lacedemonians broke their
faith as allies, it might not be an object of plunder to them.
The Lacedeemonians, on the other hand, did not rest, for though
they were engaged in the war with the Messenians, they set
the people of the Peloponnesus to make war on the Athenians.
The forces of the Athenians at home were at that time incon-
siderable, as their fleet had been despatched into Egypt, so
that, engaging in battle by sea, they were quickly worsted. Soon
after, on the return of their fleet, being strengthened both by
sea and land, they renewed the war; when the Lacede-
monians, leaving the Messenians at rest, turned their full
force against the Athenians. Victory was long doubtful, and
at last both parties gave over with equal loss. The Lacede-
monians being then recalled to the war with the Messenians,
but not wishing to leave the Athenians in the meantime un-
molested, bargained with the Thebans to restore them the
supremacy of Boeotia, which they had lost in the time of the
Persian war, if they would but take up arms against the Athe-
nians. Such was the fury of the Spartans, that, though they
were involved in two wars, they did not hesitate to occasion
a third, if they might but raise up enemies against their ene-
mies. The Athenians, therefore, to meet this storm of war,
made choice of two eminent leaders, Pericles, a man of tried
courage, and Sophocles, the writer of tragedies; who, dividing —
their forces, laid waste the lands of the Spartans, and brought
many cities of Achaia* under the power of the Athenians.
VII. The Lacedemonians, being humbled by these losses,
agreed upon a peace for thirty years. But their hostile
feelings did not allow of so long a period of repose. Hence,
having broken the treaty before the fifteenth year was
ended, they laid waste the territories of Attica in violation
of their obligations towards the gods and towards men. And
lest they should seem to have desired to plunder rather than
to fight, they challenged the enemy to the field. But the
Athenians, by the advice of their. leader Pericles, deferred

* Achaie.].So the northern coast of the Peloponnesus was called.
Tauchnitz's edition and Diibner’s have Asie instead of Achaie; but
I know not whence they took it. Gronovius, and I believe all the
older editors, read Achaie.
44 JUSTIN. [B.III. CH. VII.

revenge for the spoliation of their lands to a fitter time of
exacting it, thinking it needless to hazard a battle, when they
could avenge themselves on the enemy without risk. Some
days afterwards, accordingly, they embarked in their fleet, and,’
while the Lacedemonians expected nothing of the kind, laid
waste all Sparta,* carrying off much more than they had lost ;
so that, in a comparison of their respective sufferings, the
retaliation was much greater than the injury at first received.
This expedition of Pericles was considered as greatly to his
honour; but his disregard of his private property was far
more honourable. The enemy, while they wasted the lands of
others, had left his uninjured; hopmg, by this means, either
to bring danger on him by rendering him unpopular, or dis-
honour by making him suspected of treachery. But Pericles,
foreseeing what would happen, had both foretold it to the
people, and, to escape the effects of popular odium, had made
over his lands to the state as a gift; and thus obtained the
greatest honour from that by which his ruin had been in-
tended. Some days afterwards, an engagement took place by
sea; and the Lacedemonians, being worsted, fled. Neverthe-
less they did not cease from fierce attacks on one another, by
sea or land, with various success. At last, exhausted with
disasters on both sides, they made peace for fifty years, which
however they maintained only for six; for they broke the
treaty which they had concluded on their own account, under
pretence of assisting their allies ; as if they were less guilty
of perjury by aiding their dependants, than by engaging in
open hostilities themselves.

The war was in consequence transferred into Sicily; but
before I relate its progress, it is proper to give some ac-
count of the situation of that island.

* Totam Spartam.] That is, all the neighbourhood of Sparta, all
the lands of the Spartans; as in xii. 2, we find im Troja for in agro
et Concerning this expedition, see Thucyd. ii. 1946; Diod.

ic. ii, 42.
45

BOOK IV.

Sicily ; Aitna ; Scylla and Charybdis, I—Ancient inhabitants of Sicily,
IL—Dissension between Rhegium and Himera; the Athenians
successful in Sicily at first, I1.—The Syracusans seek aid from

the Lacedzemonians ; the progress of the war, IV.—Utter defeat
of the Athenians, V.

J. Iv is said that Sicily was formerly joined to Italy by a
narrow pass,* and was torn off, as it were, from the larger body,
by the violence of the upper sea,t which impels itself in that
direction with the whole force of its waters. The soil itself,
too, is light and frangible, and so perforated with caverns and
passages, that it is almost everywhere open to blasts of wind;
and the very matter of it is naturally adapted for generating
and nourishing fire, as it is said to be impregnated with
sulphur and bitumen, a circumstance which is the cause that
when air contends with fire in the subterraneous parts, the
earth frequently, and in several places, sends forth flame, or
vapour, or smoke. Hence it is that the fire of Mount A‘tna
has lasted through so many ages. And when a strong wind
passes in through the openings of the cavities, heaps of sand
are cast up.

The promontory of Italy on the side nearest to Sicily, is
called Rhegium,} because things broken off are designated by
that term in Greek. Nor is it strange that antiquity should
have been full of fables concerning these parts, in which so many
extraordinary things are found together. The sea, in the first
place, is nowhere so impetuous, pouring on with a current not
only rapid but furious, not only frightful to those who feel its
effects, but to those who view it from a distance. So fierce is
the conflict-of the waves as they meet, that you may see some
of them, put to flight as it were, sink down into the depths,
and others, as if victorious, rising up to the skies. Sometimes,
in one part, you may hear the roaring of the sea as it boils

* Angustis faucibus.] It was supposed that the two countries had
formed one tract of land, with merely-a narrow valley or defile
between them, and that the sea rushed into this valley and split them
asunder.

+ Supert maris.] The Adriatic,

From pyyvup, to break,
46 JUSTIN. [B.IV. CH, I.

up; and again, in another part, the groaning of it as it sinks
into a whirlpool. Next are to be observed the adjacent and
everlasting fires of Mount Aitna and the Aolian islands,
which burn as if their heat were nourished by the sea itself ;
nor indeed could such a quantity of fire have endured in such
narrow bounds for so many ages unless it were supported by
nourishment from the water.* Hence fables produced Scylla
and Charybdis; hence barkings were thought to have been
heard ; hence the appearances of monsters gained credit, as
the sailors, frightened at the vast whirlpools of the subsiding
waters, imagined that the waves, which the vortex of the
absorbent gulf clashes together, actually barked. The same
cause makes the fires of Mount Adtna perpetual; for the
shock of the waters forces into the depths a portion of air
hurried along with it, and then keeps it confined till, being
diffused through the pores of the earth, it kindles the matter
which nourishes the fire.

In addition, the proximity of Italy and Sicily is to be
noticed, with the heights of their respective promontories,
which are so similar, that, whatever wonder they raise in us
in the present day, they excited proportionate terror in the
ancients, who believed that whole ships were intercepted and
destroyed by the promontories closing together and opening.
Nor was this invented by the ancients to gratify the hearer
with a fabulous wonder, but occasioned by the terror and con-
sternation of those who passed by those parts; for such is the
appearance of the coasts to any one beholding them from a
distance, that you would take the passage between them for a
bay in the sea, and not a strait; and, as you draw nearer, you
would think that the promontories, which were before united,
part asunder and separate.

II. At first Sicily had the name of Trinacria;+ afterwards

* Nési humoris nutrimentis aleretwr.] Justin seems to mean nothing
more than what he expresses below, that the water carried down with
it into the earth a certain portion of air, which kindled, or at least ex-
cited, the subterraneous fires. I make this observation lest any one
should suppose that he had an idea like that of Sir Humphrey Davy,
that water, by coming in contact with certain substances beneath the
earth, might be decomposed into gases,

+ oo having rpia dxpa, three promontories, or three great angular
points,
B.C. 479.] THE CARTHAGINIANS IN SICILY. AT

it was called Sicania.* It was originally the abode of the
Cyclops ; when they became extinct, Cocalus made himself
ruler of the island. After his time the cities fell severally
under the dominion of tyrants, of whom no country was
more productive. One of them, Anaxilaus, strove to be as
just as the others were cruel, and reaped no small advantage
from his equity ; for having left, at his death, some sons very
young, and havirig committed the guardianship of them to
Micythus, a slave of tried fidelity, so great was the respect
paid to his memory among all his subjects, that they chose
rather to submit to a slave than to abandon the king’s
children ; and the noblemen of the state, forgetful of their
dignity, suffered the authority of government to be exercised
by a bondman. The Carthaginians, too, attempted to gain
the sovereignty of Sicily, and fought against the tyrants for a
long time with various success; but at length, after losing
their general Hamilcar and his army, they remained quiet for
some time in consequence of that defeat.

III. In the meantime, the people of Rhegium being
troubled with dissension, and the city being divided by
disputes into two factions, a body of veteran soldiers from
Himera, who were invited by one of the parties to their assist-
ance, having first expelled from the city those against whom
they had been called, and then put to the sword those whom
they had come to aid, took the government into their
own hands, and made prisoners of the wives and children of
their allies ; venturing upon an atrocity to which that of no
tyrant can be compared ; so that it would have been better for
the Rhegians to have been conquered than to conquer ;+ for
whether they had become slaves to their conquerors by the
laws of war,t{ or, withdrawing from their country, had been
necessitated to live in exile, yet they would not have been
butchered amidst their altars and household gods, and have
left their country, with their wives and children, a prey to
the most cruel of tyrants.

* From the Sicani, an Iberian tribe, according to Dionysius
Halicarnassensis, lib. i, The Siculi, from whom it was called Sicilia,
are said to have come into the island from Italy.— Wetzel.

+ A remark scarcely applicable to the subject. Part of the Rhe-
gians were conquered by the other part, with the aid of the people of
Himera.

t Jure captivitatis.
48 JUSTIN, (B.IV. CH. IV.

The people of Catana, also, finding themselves oppressed
by the Syracusans, and distrusting their own power to with-
stand them, requested assistance from the Athenians, who,
whether from desire of enlarging their dominions, so that
they might master all Greece and Asia, or from apprehension
of a fleet lately built by the Syracusans, and to prevent such
a force from joining the Lacedwmonians, sent Lamponius, as
general, with a naval armament into Sicily, that under
pretence of assisting the people of Catana, they might
endeavour to secure the sovereignty of the whole island.
Having succeeded in their first attempts, and made havoc
among the enemy on several occasions, they despatched
another expedition to Sicily, with a greater fleet and more
numerous army, under the command of Laches and Chariades,
But the people of Catana, whether from fear of the Athenians,
or from being weary of the war, made peace with the Syra-
cusans, and sent back the Athenian force that had come to
assist them.

IV. After a lapse of some time, however, as the articles of the
peace were not observed by the Syracusans, they sent ambassa-
dors a second time to Athens, who, arriving in a mean dress,
with long hair and beards, and every sign of distress adapted
to move pity, presented themselves in that wretched plight
before the public assembly. To their entreaties were added
tears ; and the suppliants so moved the people to compassion,
that the commanders who had withdrawn the auxiliary force
from them received a sentence of condemnation.* A powerful
fleet was then appointed to aid them ; Nicias, Alcibiades, and
Lamachus were made captains; and Sicily was revisited with
such a force as was a terror even to those to whose aid it was
sent. In a short time, Alcibiades being recalled to answer
certain charges made against him, Nicias and Lamachus fought
two successful battles by land, and, drawing lines of circum-
vallation around Syracuse, cut off all supplies from the enemy
by sea, keeping them closely blocked up in the city. The
Syracusans, being greatly reduced by these measures, sought
assistance from the Lacedemonians, by whom Gylippus alone
was sent; but he was a man equal to whole troops of aux-

* Tt is not easy to see on what ground such a sentence was pro-

nounced; for it is stated at the end of the third chapter that the
Catanians themselves sent back their Athenian auxiliaries,
B.C. 412.] THE ATHENIANS DEFEATED IN SICILY. 49

iliaries. He, having heard on his way of the declining state
of the war, and having collected some support partly from
Greece and partly from Sicily, took possession of some posts
suitable for carrying on the war. He was then conquered in
two battles, but engaging in a third, he killed Lamachus, put
the enemy to flight, and rescued his allies from the siege.
But as the Athenians transferred their warlike efforts from
the land to the sea, Gylippus sent for a fleet and army from
Lacedemon; upon intelligence of which the Athenians
themselves, too, sent out Demosthenes and Eurymedon, in the
room of their late leader, with a reinforcement to their troops.
The Peloponnesians again, by a general resolution of their
cities, sent powerful assistance to the Syracusans, and, as if
the Greek war had been transported into Sicily, the contest
was pursued on both sides with the utmost vigour.

V. In the first encounter at sea, the Athenians were
worsted, and lost their camp, with all their money, both what
was public and what belonged to private individuals. ‘When,
in addition to these disasters, they were also beaten in a
battle on land, Demosthenes began to advise that ‘ they
should quit Sicily, while their condition, though bad, was not
yet desperate; and that they should not persist in a war so
inauspiciously commenced, as there were more considerable;
and perhaps more unhappy wars, to be dreaded at home, for
which it was expedient that they should reserve the present
force of their city.” But Nicias, whether from shame at his
ill success, from fear of the resentment of his countrymen for
the disappointment of their hopes, or from the impulse of
destiny, contended for staying. The war by sea was therefore
renewed, and their thoughts turned from reflections on their
previous ill-fortune to the hopes of a successful struggle, but,
through the unskilfulness of their leaders, who attacked the
Syracusans when advantageously posted in a strait, they were
easily overcome. Their general, Kurymedon, was the first to
fall, fighting bravely in the front of the battle; and thirty
‘ships which he commanded were burnt. Demosthenes and
Nicias being also defeated, set their forces on shore, thinking
that retreat would be safer by land. Gylippus seized a
hundred and thirty ships which they had left, and then,
pursuing them as they fled, took some of them’ prisaners, and
put others to death. Demosthenes, after the loss of his troops,

E ‘
50 JUSTIN. [B.V. CH.I.

saved himself from captivity by voluntarily falling on his sword.
But Nicias, not induced, even by the example of Demosthenes,
to put himself out of the power of fortune, added to the loss of
his army the disgrace of being made prisoner.

BOOK V.

Alcibiades banished from Athens; joins the Lacedemonians, I.—
Changes sides, defeats the Lacedemonians, and returns to Athens,
II.-IV.—Defeated by Lysander, and goes into voluntary exile, V.
—Lysander defeats Conon, VI.—Athens surrenders to Lysander,
who appoints the thirty tyrants; death of Alcibiades, VII. VIII.
—Theramenes, one of the tyrants, killed; Thrasybulus over-
throws the tyrants; his act of oblivion, IX. X.—Death of
Darius; Expedition of Cyrus, and his death; Artaxerxes esta-
lished on the throne, XI.

J. Wurst the Athenians, during two years, were carrying
on the war in Sicily, with more eagerness than success,
Alcibiades, the promoter and leader of it, was accused at
Athens in his absence of having divulged the mysteries of
Ceres, which were rendered sacred by nothing more than by
their secrecy. Being recalled from the war to take his trial,
and being unwilling, either from the consciousness of guilt
or from the affront put upon him, to obey, he retired, without
offering to defend himself, to Elis. From thence, having
learned that he was not only condemned, but devoted to
destruction with execrations in the religious ceremonies of all
the priests, he betook himself to Lacedemon, where he urged
the king * of the Lacedsemonians to make war on the Athenians
‘in the midst of their distress at the unfortunate result of the
struggle in Sicily. This being done, all the powers of
Greece conspired against the Athenians, as if to extinguish
a common conflagration; such hatred had they brought upon
themselves by their desire of too great power. Darius also,
the king of Persia, not forgetting his father’s and grandfather's
hostility to that city, concluded an alliance with the Lacede-
monians through Tissaphernes, satrap of Lydia, and promised
to defray all the expense of the war. Such at least was his
pretext for meddling in the affairs of Greece, but in reality he

* Agis,
B.C. 410.] THE PERSIANS AID THE SPARTANS. 51

was afraid that the Lacedemonians, if they conquered the
Athenians, should turn their arms against himself. Who then
.can wonder that the flourishing state of Athens went to ruin,
when the whole strength of the east conspired to overwhelm
one city? Yet they did not fall with merely a faint struggle,
or without bloodshed, but fighting to the last, and sometimes
victorious, being rather worn out by changes of fortune than
.overcome by force of arms. At the commencement of the
war, too, all their allies deserted them, according to common
practice; for whatever way fortune leans, in the same direction
does the favour of mankind turn. “

TI. Alcibiades also supported the war raised against his
country, not with the services of a common soldier, but with
the abilities of a general. Having received a squadron of five
ships, he sailed directly to Asia, and, by the authority of his
name, prevailed on the cities tributary to the Athenians to
revolt from them. They knew his eminence at home; nor
did they think his influence weakened by his banishment, but
looked on him rather as a leader taken from the Athenians,*
than added to the Lacedemonians, and balanced the command
which he had gained against that which he had lost. But
among the Lacedemonians the abilities of Alcibiades Had
gained him more envy than favour; and the chief ren having
formed a plot to kill him, as their rival in glory, Alcibiades,
receiving intelligence of their design from the wife of Agis,
with whom he had an intrigue, fled to Tissaphernes, the
satrap of king Darius, with whom he quickly ingratiated
himself by his affability and obligingness of manners. He
was then in the flower of youth, and distinguisHed for personal
graces, and not less for oratory, even among the Athenians.
But he was better fitted to gain the affections of friends than
to keep them ; because the vices in his character were thrown
into the shade by the splendour of his eloquence. He suc-
ceeded in persuading Tissaphernes not to furnish such supplies

* They did not so much regard bim as a leader deprived of his
command by the Athenians, as one who had been entrusted with a
similar command by the Lacedemonians, “ Although he had lost his
appointment with the Athenians, they cogsidered that he was advanced
to equal dignity among the Lacedemonians.’—Berneccerus. “The
office of general, which he had lost on the one side, he had recovered

on the other.”—Grevius.
E 2
52 JUSTIN, [B.V. OH. IIE.

of money for the Lacedemonian fleet; “for the Tonians,”
he “said, “should be called upon to pay their share, since it
was for their deliverance, when they were paying tribute to
the Lacedsemonians, that the war was undertaken. Neither,
however,” he added, “should the Lacedemonians be too
greatly assisted; for he should remember that he was pre-
paring a way for the supremacy of others, not for his own;
and that the war was only so far to be supported, that it
might not be broken off for want of supplies, as the king
‘of Persia, while the Greeks were distracted by dissensions,
would be the arbiter of peace and war, and would vanquish
with their own arms those whom he could not overcome with
his own; but that, if the war were brought to a conclusion,
he would immediately have to fight with the conquerors.
That Greece, therefore, ought to be reduced by civil wars,
so that it might have no opportunity to engage in foreign
ones; that the strength of its two parties should be kept
equal, the weaker being constantly supported; since the
Spartans, who professed themselves the defenders of the
liberty of Greece, would not remain quiet after their present
elevation.” Such arguments were very agreeable to Tissa-
phernes; and he accordingly furnished supplies to the
Spartans but sparingly, and did not send the whole of the
king's fleet to assist them, lest he should gain them a complete
victory, or bring the other party under the necessity of aban-
doning the war.

III. Meanwhile Alcibiades boasted of this service to his
countrymen ; and when deputies from the Athenians came to
him, he promised to secure them the king’s friendship, if the
government should be transferred from the hands of the
people to those of the senate; in hopes, either that, if the
citizens could agree, he should be chosen general unanimously,
or that, if dissension arose between the two orders, he should
be invited by one of the parties to their assistance. The
Athenians, as a dangerous war hung over them, were more
solicitous about their safety than their dignity.* The govern-
ment, accordingly, was transferred, with the consent of the

* Major salutis, quim dignitatis, cura fuit.] The Athenians sub-
mittéd to the condition imposed by the king of Persia, viz, that of
transferring the government to the senate, though they might lower
their dignity by the submission. :
B.C. 410.] RETURN, OF ALCIBIADES. 53

people, to the senate. But as the nobility, with the pride
natural to their order, treated the common people cruelly, and
each arrogated to himself the exorbitant power of tyranny, the
banished Alcibiades was recalled by the army, and appointed
to the command of the fleet. Upon this, he at once sent notice
to Athens that, “he would instantly march to the city with
his army, and recover the rights of the people from the four
hundred,* unless they restored them of themselves.” The
aristocracy, alarmed at this denunciation, at first attempted to
betray the city to the Lacedemonians, but being unable to
succeed, went into exile. Alcibiades, having delivered his.
country from this intestine evil, fitted out his fleet with the
utmost care, and proceeded to carry forward the war with the.
Lacedemonians.

IV. Mindarus and Pharnabazus, the leaders of the Lacede-
monians,t were already waiting at Sestos with their fleet
drawn up. A battle being fought, the victory fell to the
Athenians. In this engagement, the greater part of the army
and almost all the enemy’s officers, were killed, and eighty
ships taken. Some days after, the Lacedzmonians, trans-
ferring the war from the sea to the land, were defeated a
second time, Weakened by these disasters, they sued for
peace, but were prevented from obtaining it by the efforts of
those to whom the war brought private advantage. In the
meantime, too, a war made upon Sicily by the Carthaginians
called home the aid sent by the Syracusans; and the Lacede-
monians, in consequence, being wholly unsupported, Alcibiades
ravaged the coast of Asia ‘with his victorious fleet, fought
several battles, and being every where victorious, recovered
the cities which had revolted, took some others, and added
them to the dominion of the Athenians. Having thus re-
established their ancient glory by sea, and united to it
reputation in war by land, he returned to Athens to gratify
the longing of his countrymen to behold him. In all these
battles two hundred ships of the enemy, and a vast quantity
of spoils, were taken. .

Upon this triumphant return of the army, the. whole multi-
tude from Athens poured forth to meet them, and gazed with

* These four hundred composed the senate, See Thucyd. viii. 67, 68.

+ Lacedemoniorum duces.] Not strictly ; Mindarus was captain of the
Lacedeemonians: Pharnabazus, a Persian satrap.
54 " JUSTIN. [B. V. CH.V.

admiration on all the soldiers, but especially on Alcibiades ;
on him the whole city turned their eyes with looks of wonder ;
they regarded him as sent down from heaven, and as victory
in person; they extolled what he had done for his country, nor
did they less admire what he had done against it in his exile,
excusing his conduct as the result of anger and provocation.
Such power indeed, strange to say, was there* in that one
man, that he was the cause of a great state being subverted
and again re-established ; victory removed herself to the side
on which he stood; and a wonderful change of fortune always
attended him. They therefore heaped upon him not only all
human, but divine honours ; they made it an object of conten-
tion, whether the contumely with which they banished him, or
the honour with which they recalled him, should be the greater:
They, by whose execrations he had been devoted, carried their
gods to meet and congratulate him; and him to whom they
had lately refused all human aid, they now desired, if they
could, to exalt to heaven; they made amends for indignities
with praises, for confiscations with gifts, for imprecations with
prayers. The unfortunate battle on the coast of Sicily} was no
longer in their mouths, but their success in Greece; { the.
fleets which he had lost were no more mentioned, but those
which he had taken; they did not speak of Syracuse, but of
Ionia and the Hellespont. Thus Alcibiades was never
received with moderate feelings on the part of his countrymen,
either when they were offended, or when they were pleased
with him.

V. During these occurrences at Athens, Lysander was
oe by the Lacedemonians to the command of their

eet and army; and Darius, king of Persia, made, in the
room of Tissaphernes, his son Cyrus governor of Ionia and
Lydia ; who, by his assistance and support, inspired the
Lacedzemonians with hopes of recovering their former position.
Their strength being therefore recruited, the Spartans, when
their approach was wholly unexpécted, surprised Alcibiades,

* Enimvero tantwm in uno viro fuisse momenti, ut, &.] In such con-
structions, says Wetzel, we must understand mirandum est, or some-
thing similar. See ii 14: Tantam fame velocitatem fuisse ; viii. 2, sub
jin, ; xiv. 5, med. '

+ See iv. 5, init.

+ In Greece, Euboea, Thrace, and Asia Minor.— Wetzel.
B.c. 407.] CONON SUCCEEDS ALCIBIADES. 55

who had gone with a hundred vessels to Asia, while he was
laying waste the country, which was in excellent condition
from a long continuance of. peace, and while, unapprehensive
of any attack, he had allowed his soldiers to disperse them-
selves under the attractions of plunder; and such was the
havoc among the scattered troops, that, the Athenians received
more injury from that single onslaught, than they had caused
the enemy in their previous battles with them. Such, too,
was the desperation of the Athenians on the occasion, that
they immediately deposed Alcibiades to make room for Conon,
thinking that they had been defeated, not by the fortune of
war, but by the treachery of their general, on whom their
former injuries had had more influence than their recent
favours, and that he had conquered in the former part of the
war, only to show the enemy what a leader they had despised,
and to make his countrymen pay:so much the dearer for their
previous victory ; for his vigour of mind and laxity of morals
made everything that was said of Alcibiades credible. Fearing
therefore the rage of the people, he went again into voluntary
exile.

VI. Conon, being put in the place of Alcibiades, and seeing
to what sort of commander he had succeeded, fitted out his
fleet with the utmost exertion; but troops were wanting to
man the vessels, as the stoutest men had been cut off in the ,
plundering of Asia. Old men, however, and boys under age,
were furnished with arms, and the number of an army was com-
pleted, but without the strength. But soldiers of an age so
unfit for war could not long protract the contest; they were
everywhere cut to pieces, or taken prisoners as they fled; and
so great was the loss in slain and captured, that not
merely the power of the Athenians, but even their very name,
seemed to be extinct. Their affairs being ruined and rendered
desperate in the contest, they were reduced to such want of
men, all of military age being lost, that they gave the freedom
of the city to foreigners, liberty to slaves, and pardon to con-
demned malefactors. With an army raised from such a mix-
ture of human beings, they who had lately been lords of
Greece could scarcely preserve their liberty. Yet they resolved
once more to try their fortune at sea; and such was their
spirit, that though they had recently despaired of safety, they
now did not despair even of victory. But it was not such a
56 JUSTIN. [B.V. CH. VIL,

soldiery that could support the Athenian name; it was not
such troops with which they had been used to conquer; nor
were there the requisite military accomplishments in those
whom prisons, not camps, had confined. Ali were in conse-
quence either taken prisoners or slain ; and the general Conon
alone surviving the battle, and dreading the resentment of his
countrymen, went off with eight ships to Evagoras, king of
Cyprus.

VII. The general of the Lacedemonians, after managing
his affairs so successfully, grew insolent towards his enemies in
their evil fortune. He sent the ships which he had taken,
laden with spoil, and decorated as in triumph, to Lacedemon.
He received at the same time voluntary tenders of submission
from cities which dread of the doubtful fortune of war had kept
in allegiance to the Athenians, Nor did he leave anything in
possession of the Athenians but their city itself.

When all this was understood at Athens, the inhabitants,
leaving their houses, ran up and down the streets in a frantic
manner, asking questions of one another, and inquiring for the
author of the news. Neither did incapacity keep the children
at home, nor infirmity the old men, nor the weakness of their
sex the women: so deeply had the feeling of such calamity
affected every age. They met together in the forum, where,
through the whole night, they bewailed the public distress.
Some wept for their lost brothers, or sons, or parents; some
for other relatives ; others for friends dearer than relatives ; all
mingling their lamentations for their country with plaints for
their private sufferings; sometimes regarding themselves,
sometimes their city, as on the brink of ruin; and deeming
the fate of those who survived more unhappy than that of the
slain. Each represented to himself a siege, a famine, and an
enemy overbearing and flushed with victory ; sometimes con-
templating in imagination the desolation and burning of the
city, and sometimes the captivity and wretched slavery of all
its inhabitants ; and thinking the former destruction of Athens,

which was attended only with * the ruin of their houses, while
their children and parents were safe, much less calamitous
than what was now to befal them; since there remained no
fleet in which, as before, they might find a refuge, and no

* Taxate sint.] Was at the expense of,
B.C. 403.] THE THIRTY TYRANTS, 57

army by whose valour they might be saved to erect a finer
city,

VIII. While the city was thus wept over and almost brought
to nothing, the enemy came upon it, pressed the inhabitants
with a siege, and distressed them with famine. They knew
that little remained of the provisions which they had laid up,
and had taken care that no new ones should be imported. The
Athenians, exhausted by their sufferings, from long endurance
of famine, and daily losses of men, sued for peace; but it
was long disputed between the Spartans and their allies
whether it should be granted or not. Many gave their opinion
that the very name of the Athenians should be blotted out,
and the city destroyed by fire; but the Spartans refused “ to
pluck out one of the two eyes of Greece,” and promised the
Athenians peace, on condition ‘‘that they should demolish the
walls * extending down to the Pirweus, and deliver up the ships
which they had left; and that the state should receive from
them thirty governors of their own citizens.” The city being
surrendered on these terms, the Lacedsemonians committed it
to Lysander to model the government of it. This year was,
rendered remarkable, not only for the reduction of Athens,
but for the death of Darius, king of Persia, and the banish-
ment of Dionysius, tyrant of Sicily.

When the form of government at Athens was changed, the
condition of the citizens was likewise altered. Thirty governors
of the state were appointed, who became absolute tyrants ; for,
at the very first, they organized for themselves a guard of
three thousand men, though, after so much slaughter, scarcely
as many citizens survived; and as if this force was too small
to overawe the city, they received also seven hundred men
from the victorious army. They then began to put to death
the citizens, intending to commence with Alcibiades, lest he
should again seize the government under pretence of deliver-
ing the city ; and hearing that he was gone to Artaxerxes king
of Persia, they despatched men in haste to stop him on his
way. By these deputies he was beset, and, as he could not
be killed openly, was burnt alive in the apartment in which
he slept.

IX. The tyrants, thus freed from the dread of an avenger,
wasted the miserable remains of the city with the sword and

* Muri brachia.] The arms of the wall.
58 JUSTIN. [B.V. CH. IX.

spoliation ; and finding that. their proceedings displeased
Theramenes, one of their own body, they put him also to
death to strike terror into the rest. In consequence a general
dispersion of the citizens took place in all directions, and
Greece was filled with Athenian fugitives. But the privilege
of flight being also taken from them (for the cities were
forbidden, by an edict of the Lacedemonians, to receive the
exiles), they all betook themselves to Argos and. Thebes,*
where they had not only. safe places of refuge, but also con-
ceived hopes of repossessing themselves of their country.
There was among the refugees a man named Thrasybulus, a
person of great bravery and of noble extraction, who, thinking
that something should be attempted, even at the utmost
hazard, for their country and the common interest, called
together the exiles, and took post at Phyle, a fort on the
borders of Attica. Some of the cities, pitying the severity
of their misfortunes, afforded them countenance ; Ismenias,
a leading man among the Thebans, though he could not
assist them publicly, yet supported .them with his private
means ; aud Lycias, the Syracusan orator,} at that time an
exile, sent five hundred soldiers, equipped at his own charge,
to the aid of the common country of eloquence. A desperate
battle ensued ; but as those on the one side fought with their
utmost efforts to regain their country, and those on the other,
with less eagerness, in support of the power of others, the
tyrants were overcome. After their defeat they fled back
into the city, which, already exhausted by their slaughters;
they despoiled also of its arms. Suspecting all the Athenians,
too, of disaffection towards them, they ordered them to remove
out of the city, and to take up their abode among the ruins of
the walls which had been demolished ; supporting their own
authority with foreign soldiers. Next they endeavoured to
corrupt Thrasybulus, by promising him a share in the govern-
ment ; but, not succeeding, they sought assistance from Lace-
demon, on the arrival of which they took the field again. In

* These cities had not obeyed the edict of the Lacedemonians, but
had resolved to receive the exiles,

+ Lysias Syracusanus orator.] He was born at Athens, but is called
a Syracusan, because he was the son of a native of Syracuse. He had
left Athens at the age of fifteen, among the colonists that went to

Thurii in Italy, and did not return to Athens till the age of forty-seven,
after the defeat of the Athenians in Sicily.
B.C. 402.] OVERTHROW OF THE TYRANTS. 59

this encounter Critias and Hippolochus, the two most cruel of
the tyrants, were killed.

X. The others being defeated, and their army, of which
the greater part consisted of Athenians, running away,
Thrasybulus called out to them with a loud voice, asking,
‘“Why they should flee from him in the midst of victory,
rather than join him as the assertor of their common liberty ?”
adding, that “ they should reflect that his army was composed
of their countrymen, not of enemies ; that he had not armed
himself to take any thing away from the conquered, but
to restore them what they had lost; and that he-was making
war, not on the city, but on the thirty tyrants.” He then
reminded them of their ties of relationship, their laws, their
common religion, and their long service as fellow soldiers in so
many wars. He conjured them, that, ‘if they themselves
could submit patiently to the yoke, they should yet take pity
on their exiled countrymen ;” he urged them “ to restore him
to his country, and to accept liberty for themselves.” By
these exhortations such an effect was produced, that when the
army came back into the city, they ordered the thirty tyrants
to retire to Eleusis, appointing ten commissioners to govern
in their room; who, however, not at all deterred ‘by the fate
of the former tyrants, entered on a similar career of cruelty.
During the course of these proceedings, news arrived at
‘Lacedemon that war had broken out at Athens, and king
Pausanias was sent to suppress it, who, touched with com-
passion for the exiled people, restored the unhappy citizens to
their country, and ordered the ten tyrants to leave the city,
and go to the rest at Eleusis. Peace was restored by these
means; but, after an interval of some days, the tyrants,
enraged at the recal of the exiles not less than at their own
expulsion (as if liberty to others was slavery to themselves),
suddenly resumed hostilities against Athens. As they were
proceeding however to a conference,* apparently with the
expectation of recovering their power, they were seized by an
ambuscade, and offered as sacrifices to peace. The people,
whom they had obliged to leave the city, were recalled; and
the state, which had been divided into several members, was

* The original stands thus: bellum Atheniensibus inferunt ; sed ad
colloquium, veluti dominationem recepturt, progressi, &e. Justin seems
here to have abridged his author a little too much.
60 JUSTIN. [B.V. CH. XI.

at length re-united into one body. And that no dissension
might arise in consequence of anything that had gone before,
the citizens were all bound by an oath that former discords
should be forgotten.

Meanwhile the Thebans and Corinthians sent ambassadors
to the Lacedemonians, to demand a share of the spoil acquired
by their common exertions in war, and at their common risk.
Their demand being refused, they did not indeed openly
resolve on war with the Lacedemonians, but tacitly conceived
such resentment towards them, that it might be seen that war
was likely to arise.

XI. About the same time died Darius, king of Persia,
leaving two sons, Artaxerxes and Cyrus. He bequeathed the
kingdom to Artaxerxes, and to Cyrus the cities over which he
had been satrap. But Cyrus thought the will of his father an
injustice, and secretly made preparations for war with his
brother. News of his intentions being brought to Artaxerxes,
he sent for him, and, when he pretended innocence, and
denied all thoughts of war, he bound him with golden fetters,*
and would have put him to death, had not his mother
interposed. Cyrus, in consequence of her intercession, being
allowed to'depart, began to prepare for war, no longer secretly,
but publicly, not with dissimulation, but with an open avowal
of it, and assembled auxiliary troops from all quarters. The
Lacedemonians, remembering that they had been vigorously.
aided by him in the war with Athens, end as if in ignorance
against whom hostilities were intended, resolved that
“assistance should be sent to Cyrus whenever his necessities
should require ;” hoping thus to secure favour with Cyrus, and
a plea for pardon with Artaxerxes if he should have the
advantage, because they had decreed nothing openly against
him. But when they came to an encounter, fortune throwing
the brothers together in the field, Artaxerxes was first wounded.
by Cyrus, but bemg rescued from danger by the speed of his
horse, Cyrus was overpowered by the king’s battalion, and
slain. Thus Artaxerxes being victorious, got possession both
of the spoil from the war with his brother, and of his brother's

* That proper respect might be paid to him as one of the royal
family. So Darius, when seized by Bessus, was bound with golden
chains, as is stated by Q. Curtius, v. 12, and by Justin, xi, 15,—Ber-
neccerus, :
B.C. 898] THE SPARTANS AT WAR WITH PERSIA. 61

army. In this battle there were ten thousand Greeks on the
side of Cyrus, who had the superiority in the wing on which
they had been posted, and, after the death of Cyrus, could
neither be reduced forcibly by the vast army of their ad-
versaries, nor captured by stratagem, but, returning through
so many wild and barbarous nations, and over such vast tracts
of land, defended themselves by their valour till they gained
the borders of their country.

BOOK VI.

The Lacedemonians aspire to conquer Asia; the command of
the Persian fleet given to Conon, —Agesilaus is general of
the Lacedzmonians; acts of Conon, II.—Battle between Conon
and Pisander; the Lacedemonians defeated, III.—Agesilaus sup-
ports the declining fortune of the Lacedzemonians, IV.—Iphicrates
and Conon; the Athenians repair their city, VimPeace proclaimed
by the king of Persia throughout Greece; the Lacedzmonians
break it, VI—The- Thebans attack the Lacedemonians; the
battle of Mantinea, VII.—Epaminondas, VITI.—State of Greece
after his death, IX. ©

Tue more the Lacedemonians got, the more,’ according to
the nature of mankind, they coveted, and, not satisfied at
their strength being doubled by the accession of the Athenian
power, they began to aspire to the dominion of all Asia. But
the greater part of it was under the government of the
Persians ; and Dercyllidas, being chosen general to conduct
the war against them, and seeing that he would be opposed to
two satraps of Artaxerxes, Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes,
supported by the strength of powerful nations, resolved to
make peace with one of them. As Tissaphernes seemed the
fitter of the two for his purpose, being more attentive to
business, and better furnished with troops (having with him
those of the late prince Cyrus), he was invited to a conference,
and induced to lay down his arms on certain conditions. This
transaction Pharnabazus made matter of accusation to their

common sovereign, acquainting him that “Tissaphernes had °

not taken arms.to repel the Lacedemonians on their invasion

of Asia, but had maintained them at the king’s charge, and:

bargained with them as to what they should put off doing in
62 JUSTIN. [B. VI. CH. IL.

the war, and what they should carry into execution, as if every
loss did not affect the interest of the one empire in general,”
adding that “ it was disgraceful that war should not be decided
by the sword, but bought off, and that the enemy should be
induced to retire, not by arms, but by money.” When by
such charges he had irritated the king against Tissaphernes,
he advised him to appoint in his place, as commander by sea,
Conon the Athenian, who, having left his country on account
of his ill success, was living in exile in Cyprus; ‘“ for though
the power of the Athenians,” he said, ‘was reduced, their
experience at sea was still left them, and that, were a choice
to be made from them all, no one could be preferred to
Conon.” Pharnabazus was accordingly furnished with five
hundred talents, and directed to set Conon over the fleet.

II. When this arrangement was publicly known, the Lace-
demonians, through their ambassadors, requested aid for their
efforts by sea from Hercynio,* king of Egypt, by whom a
hundred triremes, and six hundred thousand modiit of corn,
were despatched to them, while from their other allies a great
number of forces were also assembled. But for such an army,
and against such a leader, an efficient commander was want-
ing; and when the auxiliaries desired Agesilaus, then king of
the Lacedemonians, for their general, the Lacedemonians, in
consequence of an answer from the oracle at Delphi, were
long in doubt whether they should appoint him to the chief
command, as it was signified to them that “ there would be an
end of their power when the kingly authority should be
lame ;” and Agesilaus was lame of one foot. At last they de-
cided that “it was better for the king to halt in his gait than
for the kingdom to halt in its power ;” and when they after-
wards sent Agesilaus, with a large army into Asia, I cannot
easily tell what other two generals were ever so well matched ;
for the age, valour, conduct, and wisdom of both were nearly
equal, as was also the fame of their achievements; and
fortune, who had given them equal qualifications, had kept
the one from being conquered by the other. Great prepara-
tions for war, therefore, were made by both, and great deeds

* Called Psammitichus by Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 35.— Wetzel,

+ The modius was not quite half a peck. Its exact content was
1 gall. 7.8576 pints. See Fragments of the Hist. of Sallust; Bohn’s
Class. Library, Sallust p. 234. .
B.C. 393.] PROCEEDINGS OF CONON. 63

were performed. But a mutiny among his soldiers arose to
trouble Conon, in consequence of the king’s officers making it
a practice to defraud them of their pay; and they demanded
their arrears the more obstinately, as they anticipated that
service under so great a general would be very severe.
Conon, having long importuned the king by letters to no
purpose, went at last to him in person, but was debarred from
any interview or conference with him, because he would not
do him homage* after the manner of the Persians. He,
however, treated with him through his ministers, and com-
plained that “the wars of the richest king in the world
ended in nothing through want of pay; and that he who had
an army equal to that of the enemy, was defeated by means
of money in which he was their superior, and found inferior
to them in that article of power in which he had far the ad-
vantage of them.” He also desired that one paymaster might
be appointed for his troops, as it was evidently detrimental to
commit that office to several. Money for his soldiers was
then given him, and he returned to the fleet. Nor did he
delay to enter on action; he executed many undertakings
with resolution, many with success ; he laid waste the enemy’s
country, stormed their towns, and bore down everything
before him like a hurricane. The Lacedemonians were so
alarmed at his progress, that they resolved on recalling , Agesi-
laust from Asia to the support of his country.

III. In the meantime Pisander, who had been left governor
of his country by Agesilaus at his departure, fitted out ‘a
powerful fleet with the utmost exertion, determining to try
the fortune of war. Conon, too, on the other hand, being
then to encounter the enemy’s army for the first time, put his
troops in order with the greatest care. The. emulation
between the generals in the contest was not greater than that
between the soldiers. Conon himself, in his character of
leader, did not so much regard the interest of the Persians as
the honour of his own country ; and as, when the strength of
the Athenians was reduced, he had occasioned the utter loss

* Adorare.] See C. Nepos, Life of Conon, c. 9.

+ Justin is here in error; for it was not the proceedings of Conon
in Asia, but the war raised by, thé Corinthians, Athenians, and Argives
in Europe, that caused the recal of Agesilaus, as indeed Justin himself
says, c. 4, med.— Wetzel.
64 \ JUSTIN. [B. VI. CH.IV.

of their power, so he had a desire to be accounted its restorer,
as well as to reinstate himself in his country by a victory
from which he had been exiled through being defeated; and
this the more remarkably as he was not to fight with the aid
of the Athenians themselves, but with that of a foreign state ;
he was going to contend at the risk of the king, but to
conquer to the advantage of his country, acquiring glory by
means dissimilar from those by which the former generals of
Athens had obtained it, for they had defended their country
by defeating the Persians, but he would re-establish his coun-
try by making the Persians victorious. Pisander too, from his
relationship to Agesilaus,* was also an emulator of his virtues,
and endeavoured not to fall short of his exploits and the bril-
liancy of his renown, and not to overthrow, by the misconduct
of a moment, a power which had been gained by so many wars
through so many ages. The anxiety of all the soldiers and
sailors was similar, being not so much concerned that they
might not lose the power which they had got, as that the
Athenians might not recover their former eminence. But the
more spirited was the struggle, the more honourable was the
victory of Conon. The Lacedeemonians were routed and put
to flight; the garrison of the enemy was withdrawn from
Athens; the people were restored to their rights, and their
bondage was at an end; and several cities were reduced to
their former state of obedience.

IV. To the Athenians this event was the beginning of their
restoration to power; to the Lacedamonians it was the ter-
mination of their authority ; for, as if they had lost their spirit
with their pre-eminence, they began to be regarded with con-
tempt by their neighbours. The first people that made war
upon them, with the aid of the Athenians, were the Thebans;
a state which, by the abilities of its general, Epaminondas,
was raised from the most humble condition to the hope of
governing Greece. A battle was fought between the two
powers by land, with the same fortune on the part of the

* Pro conjunctione Agesilai.] He was Agesilaus’s wife's brother. See
Xen. Hell, iii. 4, 29.

+ The'text stands thus: Quos major sollicitudo cruciabat, non tam ne
tpsi quesitas opes amitterent, quam ne pristinas Athentenses reciperent.
Some alteration is necessary, as Berneccerus remarks, unless, as
Vorstius improbably supposes, major may be taken for magna.
B.C. 393.] WAR BETWEEN THEBES AND SPARTA, 65

Lacedemonians as they had experienced against Conon by
sea. In this encounter Lysander, under whose conduct the
Athenians had been defeated by the Lacedazemonians, was killed.
Pausanias also, the other general of the Lacedemonians,
went into exile in consequence of being accused of treachery.

The Thebans, on gaining the victory, led their whole force
against Lacedzemon, expecting that it would be easy to reduce
the city, as the Spartans were deserted by all their allies.
The Lacedemonians, dreading the event, sent for their king
Agesilaus out of Asia, where he was performing great exploits,
to defend his country; for since Lysander was slain, they had
no confidence in any other general; but, as he was tardy in
coming, they raised an army, and proceeded to meet the
enemy. Having been once conquered, however, they had
neither spirit nor strength to meet those who had recently
vanquished them. They were accordingly routed in the very
first onset. But Agesilaus came up just when the forces of
his countrymen were overthrown; and, having renewed the
contest, he, with his fresh troops, invigorated by long service,
snatched the victory from the enemy without difficulty, but
was himself severely wounded.

V. The Athenians, receiving intelligence of this event,
and fearing that if the Lacedemouians obtained another vic-
tory, they should be reduced to their former state of bondage,
assembled an army, and ordered that it should be conducted
to the aid of the Beotians by Iphicrates, a young man
only twenty years of age, but of great abilities. The conduct
of this youth was above his years, and greatly to be admired ;
nor had the Athenians ever before him, among so many and
so great leaders, a captain of greater promise, or of talents
that sooner came to maturity; and he had not only the qua-
lifications of a general, but also those of an orator.

Conon, having heard of the return of Agesilaus, came also
himself from Asia to ravage the country of the Lacede-
monians ; who, while the terrors of war raged around them,
were shut up within their walls, and reduced to the depths of
despair, After wasting the enemy's territories, Conon pro-
ceeded to Athens, where he was received with great joy on
the part of his countrymen; but he felt more sorrow at the
state of his native city, which had been burnt and laid in
ruins by the Lacedemonians, than joy at his return to it after
66: JUSTIN. [B. VI. CH. VII’

so long an absence. He accordingly repaired what had been
burnt, and rebuilt what had been demolished, from the price
of the spoil which he had taken, and with the help of the
Persian troops. Such was the fate of Athens, that having been
first burnt: by the Persians, it was restored by their labour ;
and having been afterwards wasted by the Lacedemonians, it
was re-adorned from: their spoils; and, the state of things
being reversed, it had now for allies those whom it then had
for enemies, and those for enemies with whom it had been
joined in the closest bonds of alliance.

VI. During the course of these proceedings, Artaxerxes,
king of the Persians, sent deputies into Greece, with injunc-
tions, ‘“‘ that they should all lay down their arms,” and as-
surances ‘‘ that he would treat as enemies those who should
act otherwise.” He restored to the cities their liberty and
all that belonged to them; a course which he did not adopt
from concern for the troubles of the Greeks, and for their
incessant and deadly enmities displayed in the field, but from
unwillingness that, while he was engaged in a war with Egypt
(which he had undertaken because the Egyptians had sent aid
to the Spartans against his satraps), his troops should be
obliged to stay in Greece. The Greeks, exhausted with so
much fighting, eagerly obeyed his mandate.

This year was not only remarkable for a peace being snd-
denly made throughout Greece, but for the taking of the city
of Rome at the same time by the Gauls.

But the Lacedemonians, watching an opportunity of sur-
prising the unguarded, and observing that the Arcadians were
absent from their country, stormed one of their fortresses,
and, having taken possession of it, placed a garrison® in- it.
The Arcadians in consequence, arming and equipping a- body
of troops, and calling the Thebans to their assistance, de-
manded in open war the restitution of what they had lost. In
the battle which followed, Archidamus, general of the Lacede-
monians, was: wounded, and, seeing his men cut down and
apparently defeated, sent a herald to ask the bodies of the
slain for burial ; this being a sign among the Greeks that the
victory js yielded. The Thebans, satisfied with this acknow-
ledgment, made the signal for giving quarter.

VII. After the lapse of a few days, while neither side was
offering any hostility, and while, as the Lacedemonians were
BC. 362] DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 67

engaged in other contentions with their neighbours, a truce
was observed as it were by tacit consent, the Thebans, under
the leadership of Epaminondas, conceived hopes of seizing the
city of Sparta. They accordingly proceeded thither secretly,
in the early part of the night, but failed to take the inhabitants
by surprise ; for the old men, and others of an age unfit for war,
observing the approach of the enemy, met them in arms at the
very entrance of the gates; and not more than a hundred men,
enfeebled with years, offered battle to fifteen thousand. So
rauch spirit and vigour does the sight of our country and homes
inspire; and so much more confidence is afforded by the
presence, than by the remembrance of them; for when they
considered where and for what they took their stand, they
resolved either to conquer or die. A few old men, in
consequence, held out against-an army, which, shortly before,
the flower of their troops were unable to withstand. In this
battle two generals of the enemy were killed, when, on
intelligence being received that Agesilaus was approaching, the
Thebans retreated. But there was no long -cessation of
hostilities ; for the Spartan youth, incited by the heroism and
glorious deeds of the old men, could not be prevented from
promptly engaging in the field. Just as victory inclined to the
Thebans, Epaminondas, while he was discharging the duty,
not only of a general, but of a gallant soldier, was severely
wounded. When this was known, fear fell upon one side from
deep concern, and amaze on the other from excess of joy ; and
both parties, as if by mutual agreement, retired from the field.

VIII. A few days after, Epaminondas died, and with him
fell the spirit of the Theban state. For as, when you break
off the. point of a dart, you take from the rest of the steel the
power of wounding, so when that general of the Thebans (who
was, as it were, the point of their weapon*) was taken off, the
strength of their government was so debilitated, that they
seemed not so much to have lost him as to have qll died with
him. They neither carried on any memorable war before he
became their leader, nor were they afterwards remarkable for
. their successes, but for their defeats; so that it is certain that
with him the glory of his country both rose and fell.
Whether he was more estimable as a man or a general is
undecided ; for he never sought power for himself, but’ for his

* Velut mucrone telt.] Faber and Lemaire think these words spurious.

F 2
68 JUSTIN. [B. VI. CH.IX.

country, and was so far from coveting money, that he did not
leave sufficient to pay for his funeral. Nor was he more
desirous of distinction than of wealth ; for all the appointments
that he held were conferred on him against his will, and he
filled his posts in such a manner that he seemed to add lustre
to his honours rather than to receive it from them. His
application to learning, and his knowledge of philosophy, were
such, that it seemed wonderful how a man bred up ir
literature could have so excellent a knowledge of war. The
manner of his death, too, was not at variance with his course of
life ; for when he was carried back half dead into the camp,
and had recovered his breath and voice, he asked only this
question of those that stood about him, “ whether the enemy
had taken his shield from him when he fell?” Hearing that it
was saved, he kissed it, when ‘it was brought to him, as the
sharer of his toils and glory. He afterwards inquired which
side had gained the victory, and hearing that the Thebans had
got it, observed, “It is well,” and so, as it were a
his country, expired.

IX. With his death the spirit of the Athenians itn declined.
For after he whom they were wont to emulate was gone, they
sank into sloth and effeminacy, and spent the public income,
not, as formerly, upon fleets and armies, but upon festivals, and
the celebration of games ; frequenting the theatres for the sake
of eminent actors and poets, visiting the stage oftener than the
camp, and praising men rather for being good versifiers than
good generals.* It was then that the public revenues, from
which soldiers and sailors used to be maintained, were
distributed | among the people of the city. By which means
it came to pass, that during the absence of exertion on the
part of the Greeks, the name of the Macedonians, previously
mean and obscure, rose into notice ; and Philip, who had been
kept three years as a hostage at Thebes, and had been imbued
with the virtues of Epaminondas and Pelopidas, imposed the
power of Macedonia, like a yoke of bondage, upon the necks of
Greece and Asia.

* Versificatoresque meliores, quam duces laudantes.] An obscure mode
of expression; but it seems to be equivalent to laudantes magis bonos
versificatores quam bonas duces.

“+ This was not first done at the period of which Justin is speak-
ing, but had previously been done by Pericles, to whom Aristophanes
attributes it in more than one passage.— Wetzel.
69

BOOK VII. °

Ancient state of Macedonia, I.—Family of Perdiccas, JI.— Persian
ambassadors punished at the court of Amyntas; Bubares the
Persian, III.~Family of Amyntas, IV.—Youth and education of
Philip ; commencement of his reign, V. VI.

I. Macrponta was formerly called Emathia, from the name
of king Emathion, of whose prowess the earliest proofs are
extant in those parts. As the origin of this kingdom was but
humble, so its limits were at first extremely narrow.. The
inhabitants were called Pelasgi,* the country Peonia. But
in process of time, when, through the ability of their princes
and the exertions of their subjects, they had conquered, first
of all, the neighbouring tribes, and afterwards other nations
and. peoples, their dominions extended to the utmost bounda-
ries of the east.t In the region of Paonia, which is now
a portion of Macedonia, is said. to have reigned Pelegonus,}
the father of Asteropeus, whose name we find, in the Trojan
war, among the most distinguished defenders of the city. On
the other side a king named Europus held the sovereignty in
a district called Europa.§

But Caranus,|| accompanied by a great multitude of Greeks,
having been directed by an oracle to seek a settlement in
Macedonia, and having come into Emathia, and followed
a flock of goats that were fleeing from a tempest, pos-
sessed himself of the city of Edessa, before the inhabitants,
on account of the thickness of the rain and mist, were aware
of his approach; and being reminded of the oracle, by which
he had been ordered “to seek a kingdom with goats for his
guides,” he made this city the seat of his government, and

* See Herod. i, 56; Muller’s Dorians, vol. i Append. i.; Dr. Smith’s
Classical Dict.; Mannert, vol. vii. ; Barker's Lempriere.

+ Viz. by Alexander the Great.

+ Hom. IL xxi. 141.

§ Europa is a part of Thrace by Mount Hemus, but has nothing to
do with this passage, in which Justin is speaking only of Macedonia.
In my opinion we should read Hwropia, which is a portion of Mace-
donia, in which stood the town of Europus, and where it said that
Europus, the son of Macedo, reigned.—Is. Vossius. Tanaquil Faber

agrees with him. : : ee
| He came from Argos. See Vell. Pat. i 6; Diod. Sic. vii. 17,

p. 318, ed. Didot.
70 JUSTIN, [B. VII. OH. I.

afterwards religiously took care, whithersoever he led his
troops, to keep the same goats before his standards, that he
might have those animals as leaders in his enterprises
which he had had as guides to the site of his kingdom.
He changed the name of the city, in commemoration of his
good fortune, from Hdessa to gew,* and called the inhabitants
ffigeate. Having subsequently expelled Midast+ (for he also
occupied a part of Macedonia), and driven other kings from their
territories, he established himself, as sole monarch, in the place
of them all, and was the first that, by uniting tribes of different
people, formed Macedonia as it were into one body, and laid a
solid foundation for the extension of his growing kingdom.

II. After him reigned Perdiccas, whose life was distin-
guished, and the circumstances of whose death, as if ordered
by an oracle, were worthy of record ; for when he was old and
at the point of death, he made known to his son Argeus a
place in which he wished to be buried, and directed that not
only his own bones, but those of the kings that should succeed
him, should be deposited in the same spot; signifying that,
‘as long as the relics of his posterity should be buried there,
the crown-would remain in his family;’’ and the people
believe, in consequence of this superstitious notion, that the
line came to be extinct in Alexander, because he changed the
place of sepulture. Argeus, having governed the kingdom
with moderation, and gained the love of his subjects, left his
son Philip his successor, who, being carried off by an untimely
death, made Afropus, then quite a boy, his heir.

The Macedonians had perpetual contests with the Thracians
and Illyrians, and, being hardened by their arms, as it were
by daily exercise, they struck terror into their neighbours by the
splendour of their reputation for war. The Illyrians, however,
despising the boyhood of a king under age, attacked the Mace-
donians, who, being worsted in the field, brought out their king
with them in his cradle, and, placing him behind the front
lines, renewed the fight with greater vigour, as if they had
been defeated before, because the fortune of their prince

* Sometimes written /ige, or in the singular Aigea or Alga,
from ait, a goat.

+ Justin speaks otherwise of him, xi. 7. Photius, in an extract
from Conon, (n. 186, p. 423) says, that he was instructed by Orpheus on
Mount Pieria, and thence crossed over into Mysia,
B.C. 883.] MACEDONIA—AMYNTAS, 71

‘was not with them in the battle, and would now certainly
conquer, because, from this superstitious fancy, they had con-
ceived a confidence of victory ; while compassion for the infant,
also, moved them, as, if they were overcome, they seemed likely
to transform him from a king intoa captive. Engaging in battle,
therefore, they routed the Illyrians with great slaughter, and
showed their enemies, that, in the former encounter, it was
a king, and not valour, that was wanting to the Macedonians.
To Adropus succeeded Amyntas, a prince eminently distin-
guished, both for his own personal valour, and for the excellent
abilities of ‘his son Alexander, who had from nature such
remarkable talents of every kind,* that he contended for the
prize in various species of exercises at the Olympic games.
III. About this time Darius king of Persia, having ‘been
forced to quit Scythia in dishonourable flight, but not wishing
to be thought every where contemptible from losses in war,
despatched Megabazus, with a portion of his army, to subdue
Thrace, and other kingdoms in those parts; to which
Macedonia, he thought, would fall as an unimportant addition.
Megabazus, speedily executing the king's orders, and sending
deputies to Amyntas king of Macedonia, demanded that
hostages should be given him as a pledge of future peace.
The deputies, being liberally entertained, asked Amyntas, as
their intoxication increased in the progress of a banquet,
“to add to the magnificence of his board the privileges of
friendship, by sending for his and his sons’ wives to the
feast; a practice which is deemed, among the Persians, a
pledge and bond of hospitality.” The women having entered,
and the Persians laying hands upon them too freely, Alexander,
the son of Amyntas, begged his father, from regard to his age
and dignity, to leave the banqueting-room, engaging that he
himself would moderate the frolicsome spirit of their guests.
Amyntas having withdrawn, Alexander called the women
from the apartment for a while, under pretext of having them
dressed in better style, and bringing them back with greater
attractions. But in their place he put young men, clad in
the habit of matrons, and ordered them to chastise the
insolence of the deputies with swords which they were to
carry under their garments. All of them being thus put to
death, Megabazus, not knowing what had happened, but finding

* Tanta omnium virtutum ornamenta.
72 JUSTIN. [B. VIL. CH. Vv.

that the deputies did not return, sent Bubares to Macedonia
with a detachment of his forces, as to an easy and trifling
contest ; disdaining to go himself, that he might not. be dis-
graced by an encounter with so despicable a people. But
Bubares, before he came to an engagement, fell in love with
the daughter of Amyntas, when, breaking off hostilities, he
celebrated a marriage, and, all thoughts of war being aban-.
doned, entered into bonds of affinity with the king.

IV. Soon after the departure of Bubares from Macedonia,
king Amyntas died ; but his relationship with Bubares not only
secured to his son and successor, Alexander, peace during the
reign of Darius, but also such favour with Xerxes, that, when
that monarch overspread Greece like a tempest, he conferred
upon him the sovereignty of all the country between the
mountains of Olympus and Hemus. But Alexander enlarged
his dominions not less by his own valour than through the
munificence of the Persians. The throne afterwards descended,
by the order of succession, to Amyntas, the son of his brother
Menelaus. This prince was remarkable for his application to
business, and was endowed with all the accomplishments of a
great general. By his wife Eurydice he had three sons, Alex-
ander, Perdiccas, and Philip, the father of Alexander the Great,
and one daughter, named Eurynoe; he had also by Gygea
Archelaus, Aridsus, and Menelaus. Subsequently he had for-
midable contests with the Illyrians and Olynthians. He would
have been cut off by a plot of his wife Eurydice, who, having
engaged to marry her son-in-law, had undertaken to kill her
husband, and to put the government into the hands of her
paramour, had not her daughter betrayed the intrigue and
atrocious intentions of her mother. Having escaped so many
dangers, he died at an advanced age, leaving the throne to
Alexander, the eldest of his sons.

V. Alexander, at the very beginning of his reign, purchased
peace from the Illyrians with a sum of money, giving his
brother Philip to them as a hostage. Some time after, too,
he made peace with the Thebans by giving the same hostage ;
a circumstance which afforded Philip fine opportunities of
improving his extraordinary abilities; for, being kept as a
hostage at Thebes three years, he received the first rudiments
of education* in a city distinguished for strictness of disci-

* Prima pueritie rudimenta deposuit.] He went through of (expe-
B.C. 859.) PHILIP. 73

|

' pline, and in the house of Epaminondas, an éminent philoso-

' Pe as well as commander. Not long afterwards Alexander
ell by a plot of his mother Eurydice, whom Amyntas, when
she was convicted of a conspiracy against him, had spared for
the sake of their children, little imagining that she would one
day be the destroyer of them.. Perdiccas, also, the brother of
Alexander, was taken off by similar treachery. Horrible,
indeed, was it, that children should have been deprived of life
by a mother, to gratify her lust, whom a regard for those very
children had saved from the punishment of her crimes. The
murder of Perdiccas seemed the more atrocious from the cir-
cumstance that not even the prayers of his little son could
procure him pity from his mother. Philip, for a long time,
acted, not as king, but as guardian to this infant; but, when
dangerous wars threatened, and it was too long to wait for the
co-operation of a prince who was yet a child, he was forced by
the people to take the government upon himself.

VI. When he took possession of the throne, great hopes
were formed of him by all, both on account of his abilities,
which promised that he would prove a great man, and on
account of certain old oracles respecting Macedonia,, which
had foretold that ‘‘ when one of the sons of Amyntas’ should
be king, the state of the country would be extremely flourish-
ing: ” to fulfil which expectations the wickedness of his mother
had left only him. At the commencement of his reign, when,
on the one hand, the murder of his brother, so atrociously put
to death, and the dread of treachery ; on the other, a multitude
of enemies, and the poverty of his kingdom, exhausted bya
series of wars, bore hard upon the young king’s immature age,
thinking it proper to make distinct arrangements as to the
wars, which, as if by a common conspiracy to crush Macedonia,
rose around him from different nations and several quarters at
the same time, to all of which he could not at once make
resistance, he put an end to some by offers of peace, and
bought off others, but attacked such of his enemies as seemed
easiest to be subdued, that, by a victory over them, he might
confirm the wavering minds of his soldiers, and alter any
feelings of contempt with which his adversaries might regard

rienced, got over) the earliest instruction of his boyhood.” Comp.
ix. 1. tirocindi rudimenta deponeret. Ponere is used in the same sense,
Liv. xxxi. 11,
7A JUSTIN. [B. VIL. CH. VI.

him. His first conflict was with the Athenians,* whom he
‘surprised by a stratagem, but, though he might have put them
all to the sword, he yet, from dread of a more formidable war,
allowed them to depart uninjured and without ransom. After-
wards, leading his army against the Illyrians, he killed several
thousand of his enemies, and took the famous city of Larissa.
He then fell suddenly on Thessaly (when it apprehended any
thing rather than war), not from desire of spoil, but because
he wished to add the strength of the Thessalian cavalry to his_
own troops; and he thus incorporated a force of horse and
foot in one invincible army. His undertakings having been
thus far successful, he married Olympias, daughter of Neop-
tolemus, afterwards king of the Molossians, her cousin-gerrnan
Arrybas, then king of that nation, who had brought up the
young princess, and had married her sister Troas, promoting
the union; a proceeding which proved the cause of his ruin,
and the beginning of all the evils that afterwards befel him ;
for while he hoped to strengthen his kingdom by this affinity
with Philip, he was by that monarch deprived of his crown,
and spent his old age in exile.

After these proceedings, Philip, no longer satisfied with
acting on the defensive, boldly attacked even those who gave
him no molestation. While he was besieging Methone, an
arrow, shot from the walls at him as he was passing by, struck
out his right eye; but by this wound he was neither rendered
less active in the siege, nor more resentful towards the enemy;
so that, some days after, he granted them peace on their appli-
eation for it, and was not only not severe, but even merciful,
to the conquered.

* Who had sent a fleet to Macedonia under Manteias, with the
intention of placing on the throne Argus the rival of Philip. Diod.
Bic. xvi. 2
75 Pa

BOOK VIII.

War between the Thebans and Phocians, 1—The Thebans bring
Philip against the Phocians; the Athenians take precautions
for their defence, II.—Philip harasses Greece, takes possession of
Cappadocia, destroys Olynthus; his acts in Thrace, III.—He
deceives the Athenians, Boeotians, Thessalians, and Phocians, IV.
—Oppresses the Phocians and other Greeks, V.—His machinations
to strengthen his power, VI.

I. Tue states of Greece, while each sought to gain the
sovereignty of the country for itself, lost it as a body.
Striving intemperately to ruin one another, they did not per-
ceive, till they were oppressed by another power, that what
each lost was a common loss to all; for Philip, king of Mace-
donia, looking, as from a watch-tower, for an opportunity to
attack their liberties, and fomenting their contentions by
assisting the weaker, obliged victors and vanquished alike to
submit to his royal yoke. The Thebans were the cause and
origin of this calamity, who, obtaining power, and having no
steadiness of mind to bear prosperity, insolently accused the
Lacedemonians and Phocians, when they had conquered them
in the field, before the common council of Greece,* as if they
had not been sufficiently punished by the slaughters and
depredations that they had suffered. It was laid to the charge
of the Lacedemonians, that they had seized the citadel of
Thebes during a time of truce, and to that of the Phocians,
that they had laid waste Beotia, asif the Thebans themselves,
after their conduct in the field, had left themselves any ground
for resorting to law. But as the cause was conducted accord-
ing to the will of the more powerful, the Phocians were sen-
tenced to pay such a fine as it was impossible for them to
raise, and in consequence, despoiled of their lands, children,
and wives, and reduced. to desperation, they seized, under the
leadership of one Philomelus, on the temple of Apollo at
Delphi, as if they were enraged. at the god. Being hence
enriched with gold and treasure, and hiring mercenary troops,
they made war upon the Thebans. This proceeding of the
Phocians, though all expressed detestation at the sacrilege,
brought more odium upon the Thebans, by whom they had
been reduced to such necessity, than on the Phocians them-
* The Amphictyonic council
76 JUSTIN, [B. VIII. CH. 11.

selves; and aid was in consequence despatched to them both
by the Atheniaus and Lacedemonians. In the first engage-
ment, Philomelus drove the Thebans from their camp; but
in the next he was killed, fighting in front among the thickest
of the enemy, and paid the penalty of his sacrilege by the
effusion of his impious blood. Onomarchus was made general
in his stead.

II. To oppose Onomarchus, the Thebans and Thessalians
chose as general, not one of their own people, lest they should
not be able to endure his rule if he should conquer, but
Philip, king of Macedonia, voluntarily submitting to that power
from a foreigner which they dreaded in the hands of their own
countrymen. Philip, as if he were the avenger of the sacri-
lege, not the defender of the Thebans, ordered all his soldiers
to assume crowns of laurel, and proceeded to battle as if under
the leadership of the god. The Phocians, seeing these en-
signs of the deity, and frighted with the consciousness of
guilt, threw down their arms and fled, receiving punishment
for their violation of religion by the bloodshed and slaughter
that they suffered. This affair brought incredibly great
glory to Philip in the opinion of all people, who called bim
‘the avenger of the god, and the defender of religion,” and
said that “he alone had arisen to require satisfaction for what
ought to have been punished by the combined force of the
world, and was consequently worthy to be ranked next to the
gods, as by him the majesty of the gods had been vindicated.”

The Athenians, hearing the result of the conflict, and
fearing that Philip would march into Greece, took possession
of the straits of Thermopyle, as they had done on the invasion
of the Persians, but by no means with like spirit, or in a
similar cause ; for then they fought in behalf of the liberty of
Greece, now, in behalf of public sacrilege;* then to defend the
temples of the gods from the ravages of an enemy, now, to
defend the plunderers of temples against the avengers of their
guilt, acting as advocates of a crime of which it was dishonour-
able to them that others should have been the punishers, and
utterly unmindful that, in their dangers, they had often had
recourse to this deity as a counsellor; that, under his guidance,

* Pro sacrilegio publico.] This is not just. The Athenians did not
fight. in defence of sacrilege, but merely took the side of the Phocians
to stop Philip’s progress into Greece.
B.C. 354.] PHILIP'S CONQUESTS. 77

they had entered on so many wars with success, had founded
so many cities auspiciously, and had acquired so extensive a
dominion by sea and land: and that they had never done any
thing, either of a public or private nature, without the sanction
of his authority. Strange that a people of such ability, im-
proved by every kind of learning, and formed by the most
excellent laws and institutions, should have brought such guilt
upon themselves as to leave nothing with which they could
afterwards justly upbraid barbarians.

III. Nor did Philip distinguish himself by more honourable
conduct towards his allies; for, as if he was afraid of being
surpassed by his opponents inthe guilt of sacrilege, he seized
and plundered, like an enemy, cities of which he had just
before been captain, which had fought under his auspices, and
which had congratulated him and themselves on their victories ;
he sold the wives and children of the inhabitants for slaves ;
he spared neither the temples of the gods, nor other sacred
structures, nor the tutelar gods, public or private, before
whom he had recently presented himself as a guest; so that
he seemed not so much to avenge sacrilege as to seek a license
for committing it.

In the next place, as if he had done every thing well, he
crossed over into Chalcidice,* where, conducting his wars with
equal perfidy,f and treacherously capturing or killing the
neighbouring princes, he united the whole of the province to
the kingdom of Macedonia. Afterwards, to throw a veil
over his character for dishonesty, for which he was now
deemed remarkable above other men, he sent persons through
the kingdoms and the richest of the cities, to spread a report
that king Philip was ready to contract, at a vast sum, for the
re-building of the walls, temples, and sacred edifices, in the
several towns, and to invite contractors by public criers; but
when those who were willing to undertake these works went to
Macedonia, they found themselves put off with various excuses,
and, from dread of the king's power, returned quietly to their

© Wetzel retains Cappadociam, the old reading, in his text, though
he condemns it in his note, observing that it is well known Philip
never went to Cappadocia, Gronovius suggested Chaldidice, and Tana-
quil Faber approved it son

+ Pari perfidid.] Justin, or Trogus, represents Philip's character,
through all this account of his wars, in far too unfavourable a light, -
18 - JUSTIN. [B. VIIL. CH.IV.

homes. Soon after he fell upon the Olynthians, because, after
the death of one of his brothers, they had, from pity, afforded
a refuge to two others, whom, being the sons of his step-mother,
Philip would gladly have cut off, as pretenders to a share in
the throne. For this reason he destroyed an ancient and noble
city, consigning his brothers to the death long before destined
for them, and delighting himself at the same time with a vast
quantity of booty, and the gratification of his fratricidal
inclinations. Next, as if every thing that he meditated was
lawful for him to do, he seized upon the gold mines in Thes-
saly, and the silver ones in Thrace, and, to leave no law or
right unviolated, proceeded to engage in piracy. While
such was his conduct, it happened that two brothers, princes.
of Thrace, chose him as arbitrator in their disputes, not, indeed,
from respect for his justice, but because each dreaded that he
would unite his strength to that of the other. Philip, in
accordance with his practice and disposition, came unexpectedly
upon the brothers with an army in full array, not apparently
to try.a cause, but to fight a battle, and spoiled them both of
their dominions, not like a judge, but with the perfidy and
baseness of a robber.

IV. During the course of these transactions, ambassadors
came to him from the Athenians to ask for peace. Having
listened to their request, he despatched ambassadors to Athens
with terms, and a peace was concluded there to the advan-
tage of both parties. Embassies came to him also from other
states of Greece, not from inclination for peace, but for fear of
war ; for the Thessalians and Bceotians, with reviving wrath,
entreated that he would prove himself the leader of Greece, as
he had professed to be, against the Phocians; such being the
hatred with which they were inflamed towards that people,
that they chose rather to perish themselves, than not to
destroy them, and to submit to the known cruelty of Philip,
rather than spare their enemies. On the other hand, ambas-
sadors from the Phocians (the Lacedemonians and Athenians
joining with them) endeavoured to avert the war, forbearance
from which they had thrice before purchased from Philip. It
was a shameful and miserable sight, to behold Greece, even
then the most distinguished country in the world for power
and dignity, a country that had constantly been the conqueror
of kings and nations,.and was still mistress of many cities,
B.C. 845.] PHILIP OPPRESSES PHOCIS. 79

waiting at a foreign court to ask or deprecate war; that the
champions of the world should place all their hopes on assist-
ance from another, and should be reduced, by their discords
and civil feuds, to such a condition as to flatter a power which
had lately been a humble portion of their dependencies; and
that the Thebans and Lacedemonians should especially do
this, who were formerly rivals for sovereignty, but now for the
favour of a sovereign. Philip, to’ show his importance,
assumed an air of disdain for these great cities, and delibe-
rated to which of the two he should vouchsafe his favour.
Having heard both embassies privately, he promised to the
one security from war, binding them by an oath to reveal his
answer to nobody ; to the other he engaged himself to come and
bring them assistance. He charged them both neither. to pre-
pare for war, nor to fear it. Different replies being thus given
to each, he seized, while they were all free from apprehension,
on the pass of Thermopyle.

V. The Phocians in consequence, finding themselves over-
reached by the cunning of Philip, were the first, in great
trepidation, to take arms. But there was no time to make due.
preparation for war, or to collect auxiliaries, and Philip, unless:
a surrender should be made, threatened their destruction.
Overcome, accordingly, by necessity, they submitted, stipulat-
ing only for their lives. But this stipulation was just as faith-
fully observed by Philip as his promises had been respecting
the war which they had deprecated. They were every where
put to the sword, or made prisoners; children were not left to
their parents, nor wives to their husbands, nor the statues of
the gods in the temples. The sole comfort of the wretched
people was, that as Philip had defrauded. his allies of their
share of the spoil, they saw none of their property in- the hands
of their enemies. -

On his return to his kingdom, as shepherds drive their
flocks sometimes into winter, sometimes into summer pastures,
so he transplanted people and cities hither and thither, accord-
ing to his caprice, as places appeared to him proper to be
peopled or left desolate. The aspect of things was every where
wretched, like that of a country ravaged by an enemy. There
was not, indeed, that terror of a foe, or hurrying of troops
through the cities, or seizure of property and prisoners, which
are seen during a hostile invasion; but there prevailed a sorrow
80 JUSTIN. [B. VIII. CH. VI.

and sadness not expressed in words, the people fearing that
even their very tears would be thought signs of discontent.
Their grief was augmented by the very concealment of it, sink-
ing the deeper the less they were permitted to utter it. At one
time they contemplated the sepulchres of their ancestors, at
another their old“ household gods, at another the homes
in which they had been born, and in which they had had fami-
lies; lamenting sometimes their own fate, that they had lived
to that day, and sometimes that of their children, that they
were not born after it.

VI. Some people he planted upon the frontiers of his king-
dom to oppose his enemies; others he settled at the extremities
of it. Some, whom he had taken prisoners in war, he distri-
buted among certain cities to fill up the number of inhabitants ;
and thus, out of various tribes and nations, he formed one
kingdom and people. When he had settled and put in order
the affairs of Macedonia, he reduced the Dardanians and others
of his neighbours, who were overreached by his treacherous deal-
ings. Nor did’he keep his hands even from his own relations;
for he resolved on expelling Arrybas, king of Epirus, who was
nearly related to his wife Olympias, out of his kingdom; and
he invited Alexander, a step-son of Arrybas, and brother of his
wife Olympias (a youth of remarkable beauty), into Macedonia,
in his sister's name,and engaged him, after earnestly tempting
him with hopes of his father’s throne, and pretending violent
love for him, in a criminal intercourse, thinking to find greater
submission from him, whether through shame on account of his
guilt, or through obligation for a kingdom conferred upon him.
When he was twenty years of age, accordingly, he took the
kingdom from Arrybas, and gave it to the youth, acting a base
part towards both, for he disregarded the claims of consan-
guinity in him from whom he took the kingdom, and corrupted
him to whom he gave it before he made him a king.
81

BOOK IX.

' Philip besieges Byzantium, I.—His transactions with the Scythi- °
ans; he defeats them, II—Robbed of spoil by the Triballi;
Defeats the Thebans and Athenians, III.—His treatment of them,
IV.—Settles the affairs of Greece, in order to an invasion of

. Persia, V.—Is killed by Pausanias, with the knowledge, as is

’ sepponed of Olympias and Alexander, VI. VIL—His character,
I. Wuen Philip had. once come into Greece, allured

by the plunder of a. few cities, and had formed an opinion,
from the spoil of such towns as were of less note, how
great: must be the riches of all its cities put together, he
resolved to make war upon the whole of Greece. Thinking
that it would greatly conduce to the promotion of his design, if
he could get possession of Byzantium, a noble city and sea-
port, which would be a station for his forces by land and sea,
he proceeded, as it shut its gates against him, to lay.close siege
to it. This city had been founded by Pausanias, king .of
Sparta, and held by him for seven years, but afterwards, as
the fortune of war varied, it- was regarded as at one time
belonging to the Athenians, and at another to the
Lacedzemonians; and this uncertainty of possession was the
cause that, while neither party supported it as its own, it
maintained its liberty with the greater determination. Philip,
exhausted by the length of the siege, had recourse’ to piracy
for a supply of money, and having captured a hundred and
seventy ships, and sold off the cargoes, he was enabled for a
while to relieve his craving wants. But that so great an army
might not be wasted in the siege of a single city, he marched
away with his best troops, and stormed some towns of the
Chersonese. He also sent for his son Alexander, who was then
eighteen years of age, to join him, and learn the rudiments of
war in the camp of his father. He made an expedition, too,
into Scythia, to get plunder, that, after the practice of traders,
he might make up for the expenses of one war by the profits of
another.

II. The king of the Scythians at that time was Atheas,
who, being distressed by a war with the Istrians, sought aid
‘from Philip through the people of Apollonia, on the under-
‘standing that he would adopt him for his successor on the throne
of Scythia. But in the mean time, the king of the Istrians

G
82 JUSTIN. [B.IX. CH.IT.

died, and relieved the Scythians both from the fear of war
and the want of assistance. Atheas, therefore, sending away
the Macedonians, ordered a message to be sent to Philip, that
‘he had neither sought his aid, nor proposed his adoption ; *
for the Scythians needed no protection from the Macedonians,
to whom they were superior in the field, nor did he himseif
want an heir, as he had a son living.” When Philip heard
this, he sent ambassadors to Atheas to ask him to defray at
least a portion of the expense of the siege,t that he might not
be forced to raise it for want of money; ‘‘a request,” he said,
“with which he ought the more readily to comply, as, when
he sent soldiers to his assistance, he had not even paid their
expenses on the march, to say nothing of remuneration for
their service.” Atheas, alluding to the rigour of their
climate and the barrenness of their soil, which, far from
enriching the Scythians with wealth, scarcely afforded them
sustenance, replied, that ‘“‘he had no treasury to satisfy so
great a king, and that he thought it less honourable to do
little than to refuse altogether ; but that the Scythians were to
be estimated by their valour and hardiness of body, not by
their possessions.” Philip, mocked by this message, broke up
the siege of Byzantium, and entered upon a war with the
Scythians, first sending ambassadors to lull them into security,
by telling Atheas that “ while he was besieging Byzantium, he
had vowed a statue to Hercules, which he was going to erect
at the mouth of the Ister, requesting an unobstructed passage
to pay his vow to the god, since he was coming as a friend to
the Scythians.” Atheas desired him, “if his object was
merely to fulfil his vow, to let the statue be sent to him,” pro-
mising that “it should not only be erected, but should remain
uninjured,” but refusing “ to allow an army to enter his ter-
ritories,” and adding that, “if he should set up the statue in
spite of the Scythians, he would take it down when he was
gone, and turn the brass of it into heads for arrows.” With
feelings thus irritated on both sides, a battle was fought. |
Though the Scythians were superior in courage and numbers,
they were defeated by the subtlety of Philip. Twenty thou-

* Meaning that he had given no such commission to the people of
Apollonia, who must therefore have taken it upon themselves both to
mention the adoption, as well as to request the auxiliary troops.

+ Of Byzantium.
B.C. 337. PHILIP ATTACKS THE ATHENIANS, 83

sand young men and women were taken, and a vast number of
cattle, but no gold or silver. This was the first proof which
they had of the poverty of Scythia. Twenty thousand fine
mares were sent into Macedonia to raise a breed.

II. But as Philip was returning from Scythia, the Tribal
met him, and refused to allow him a passage, unless they
received a share of the spoil. Hence arose a dispute, ana
afterwards a battle, in which Philip received so severe a wound
through the thigh, that his horse was killed by it; and while
it was generally supposed that he was dead, the booty was lost.
Thus the Scythian spoil, as if attended with a curse, had
almost proved fatal to the Macedonians.

But as soon as he recovered from his wound, he made war
upon the Athenians, of which he had long dissembled his
intention. The Thebans espoused their cause, fearing that if
the Athenians were conquered, the war, like a fire in the
neighbourhood, would spread to them. An alliance being
accordingly made between the two cities, which were just
before * at violent enmity with each other, they wearied Greece
with embassies, stating that “they thought the common
enemy should be repelled by their common strength, for that
Philip would not rest, if his first attempts succeeded, until he
had subjugated all Greece.” Some of the cities were moved
by these arguments, and joined themselves to the Athenians ;
but the dread of. a war induced some to go over to Philip. A
battle being brought on,f though the -Athenians were far
» superior in number of soldiers, they were conquered by the
valour of the Macedonians, which was invigorated by constant
service in the field. They were not, however, in defeat,
unmindful of their ancient valour ; for, falling with wounds in
front, they all covered the places which they had been charged
by their leaders to defend, with their dead bodies. This day
put an end to the glorious sovereignty and ancient liberty of
all Greece.

IV. Philip’s joy for this victory was artfully concealed. He
abstained from offering the usual sacrifices { on that day; he
did not smile at table, or mingle any diversions with the enter-

* Paullo ante.] In the Phocian war. See viii. 1, 8.— Wetzel.
+ At Cheronea in Bootia, the leaders opposed to Philip being
Chares and Lysicles. See Diodor. xvi. 85.—- Wetzel. .
+ Solita sqcra.| For having ee a victory. |
G i
84 JUSTIN, [B.1x. tH.

tainment; he had no chaplets or perfumes ; and, as far as was
in his power, he so managed his conquest that none might
think of him asa conqueror. He desired that he should not
be called king, but general of Greece; and conducted himself
with such prudence, between his own secret joy on the one
hand and the grief of the enemy on the other, that he neither
appeared to his own subjects to rejoice, nor to the vanquished
to insult them. To the Athenians, whom he had found to be
his bitterest enemies, he both sent back their ‘prisoners without
ransom, and gave up ‘the bodies of the slain for burial ;
exhorting them to convey the relics of their dead:to the sepul-
chres of their ancestors. He also sent Alexander his son
with his friend Antipater to Athens, to establish peace and
friendship with them. The Thebans, however, he compelled
to purchase their prisoners, as well as the liberty of burying
their dead. Some of the chief men of their city, too, he put
to death; others he banished, seizing upon the property of
them all. Afterwards, he reinstated in their country those
that had been unjustly banished, of whom he made three hun-
dred judges and governors of the city, before whom when the
most eminent citizens were arraigned on this very charge, that
of having banished them unjustly, they had such spirit that .
they all acknowledged their participation in the fact, and
affirmed that it was better with the state when they were con-
demned than when they were restored. A wonderful instance
of courage! They passed sentence, as far as they could, on
those who had the disposal of them for life or death, and set
‘at nought the pardon which their enemies could give them;
and, as they could not avenge themselves * by deeds, they
manifested their boldness of spirit by words.

V. War being at an end in Greece, Philip directed depu-
ties from all the states to be summoned to Corinth, to settle
the condition of affairs. Here he fixed terms of peace for the
whole of Greece, according to the merits of each city; and
chose from them all a council, to form a senate as it were for
the country. But the Lacedemonians, standing alone, showed

* Wetzel’s text has, e quam rebus nequeunt uleiset, verbis usurpant
libertatem. I follow Gronovius, who reads quoniam instead of quam.
Faber would retain quam and omit ulcisct. Wetzel’s reading cannot be
right; nor does he himself attempt to explain or justify it, but
remarks only how it may be corrected
B.6. 335. PHILIP ASSASSINATED. 85°

contempt alike for the terms and the king; regarding the
state of things, which had not been agreed upon by the cities
themselves, but forced upon them by a conqueror, as a state,
not of peace, but of slavery. The number of troops to be
furnished by each state was then determined, whether the king,
in case of being attacked, was to be supported by their united
force, or whether war was to be made on any other power
under him as their general. In all these préparations for war
it was not to be doubted that the kingdom of Persia was the
object in view. The sum of the force was two hundred
thousand infantry and fifteen thousand cavalry. Exclusive of
this number there was also the army of Macedonia, and the
adjacent barbarians of the conquered nations.

In the beginning of the next spring, he sent forward three
of his generals into that part of Asia which was under the
power of the Persians,-Parmenio, Amyntas, and Attalus, whose
sister he had recently married, having divorced Olympias, the
mother of Alexander, on suspicion of adultery.

VI. In the meantime, while the troops were assembling
from Greece, he celebrated the marriage of his daughter Cleo-
patra with Alexander, whom he had made king of Epirus.
The day was remarkable for the pomp displayed on it, suitable
to the magnificence of the two princes, him that gave his
daughter in marriage, and him that married her. Magnificent
games were also celebrated, and as Philip was going to view
them, unattended by his guards, walking between the two
Alexanders, his son and son-in-law, Pausanias, a noble Mace-
donian youth, without being suspected by any one, posting
himself in a narrow passage, killed him as he was going
through it, and caused a day appointed for joy to be over-
clouded with mourning for a death. Pausanias, in the early
part of his youth, had suffered gross violence at the hands of
Attalus, to the indignity of which was added this further
affront, that Attalus had exposed him, after bringing him to a
banquet and making him drunk, not only to insults from him-
self, but also to those of the ‘company, as if he had been a
common object for ill-treatment, and rendered him the
laughing-stock of those of his own age. Being impatient
.. under this ignominy, Pausanias had often made complaints to
Philip, but being put off with various excuses, not unattended
with ridicule, and seeing his adversary also honoured with.a
86 JUSTIN. [B.IX. CH. VIL.

general's commission, he turned his rage against Philip him-
self, and inflicted on him, as an unjust judge, that revenge
which he could not inflict on him as an adversary.*

VII. It is even believed that he was instigated to the act
by Olympias, Alexander’s mother, and that Alexander himself
was not ignorant that his father was to be killed; as Olympias
had felt no less resentment at her divorce, and the preferment
of Cleopatra to herself, than Pausanias had felt at the insults
which he had received. As for Alexander, it is said that he
feared his brother by his step-mother as a rival for the throne ;
and hence it happened that he had previously quarrelled at a
banquet, first with Attalus, and afterwards with his father him-
self, insomuch that Philip pursued him even with his drawn
sword, and was hardly prevented from killing him by the entrea-
ties of his friends, Alexander had in consequence retired with
his mother into Epirus, to take refuge with his uncle, and from
thence to the king of the Illyrians, and was with difficulty
reconciled to his father when he recalled him, and not easily
induced by the prayers of his relations to return. Olympias,
too, was instigating her brother, the king of Epirus, to go to
war with Philip, and would have prevailed upon him to do so,
had not Philip, by giving him his daughter in marriage, dis-
armed him as a son-in-law. With. these provocations to
resentment, both of them are. thought to have encouraged
Pausanias, when complaining of his insults being left unpun-
ished, to so atrocious a deed. Olympias, it is certain, had
horses prepared for the escape of the assassin; and, when she
heard that the king was dead, hastening to the funeral under
the appearance of respect, she put a crown of gold, the same
night that she arrived, on the head of Pausanias,+ as he was
hanging on a cross; an act which no one but she would have dared
to do, as long as the son of Philip was alive. A few days after,
she burnt the body of the assassin, when it had been taken down,
upon the remains of her husband, and made him a tomb in the
same place; she also provided that yearly sacrifices should be per-
formed to his manes, possessing the people with a superstitious
notion for the purpose. Next she forced Cleopatra, for whose
sake she had been divorced from Philip, to hang herself, hay-

* He could not call Philip to account in single combat.

+ He had been apprehended, as he was making his escape, by
Perdiccas, and killed. Diod. Sic, xvi. 94.
B.C. 335. PHILIP'S CHARACTER. 87

ing first killed her daughter in her lap, and enjoyed the sight
of her suffering this vengeance, to which she’had hastened by
procuring the death of her husband.* Last of all she conse-
crated the sword, with which the king had been killed, to
Apollo, under the name of Myrtale,t which was Olympias’s
own name when a child. And all these things were done so
publicly, that she seems to have been afraid lest it should not
be evident enough that the deed was promoted by her.

VIII. Philip died at the age of forty-seven, after having
reigned twenty-five years. He had, by a dancing girl of
Larissa, a son named Arideus, who reigned after Alexander.
He had also many others by several wives,{ as is not unusual
with princes, some of whom died a natural death, and others
by the sword. As a king, he was more inclined to display in
war, than in entertainments; and his greatest riches were
means for military operations. He was better at getting
wealth than keeping it, and, in consequence, was always poor
amidst his daily spoliations. Clemency and perfidy were
equally valued by him; and no road to victory was, in his
opinion, dishonourable. He was equally pleasing and trea-
cherous in his address, promising more than he could perform.
He was well qualified either for serious conversation or for
jesting.. He maintained friendships more with a view to
interest than good faith. It was a common practice with him
to pretend kindness where he hated, and to counterfeit dislike
where he loved; to sow dissension among friends, and try to
gain favour from both sides. With such a disposition, his
eloquence was very great, his language full of point and studied
effect ; so that neither did his facility fall short of his art, nor
his invention of his facility, nor his art of his invention.

To Philip succeeded his son Alexander, a prince greater
than his father, both in his virtues and his vices. Hach of the
two had a different mode of conquering; the one prosecuted
his wars with open force, the other with subtlety ; the one de-
lighted in deceiving his enemigs, the other in boldly repulsing
them. The one was more prudent in council, the other more
noble in feeling. The father would dissemble his resentment,

* Parricidio.] See note on Sall. Cat.’e, 14.

+ Sub nomine Myrtales.| Putting an inscription on it, “ Myrtale
(dedicates this) to Apollo.”

$ Ex vartis matrimoniis.
88 JUSTIN. [ B.X. CHI.

and often subdue ‘it; when the son was provoked, there was
neither delay nor bounds to his vengeance. They were both
too fond of wine, but the ill effects of their intoxication were
totally different ; the father would rush from a banquet to face
the enemy, cope with him, and rashly expose himself to dan-
gers; the son vented his rage, not.upon his enemies, but his
friends. A battle often sent away Philip wounded ; Alexander
often left a banquet* stained with the blood of his companions.
The one wished to reign with his friends, the other to reign
over them. The one preferred to be loved, the other to be
feared. To literature both gave equal attention. The father
had more cunning, the son more honour. Philip was more
staid in his words, Alexander in his actions. The son felt
readier and nobler impulses to spare the conquered ; the father
showed no mercy even to his allies. The father was more
inclined to frugality, the son to luxury. By the same course by
which the father laid the foundations of the empire of the world,
the son consummated the glory of conquering the whole world.

BOOK X.

The sons of Artaxerxes conspire against him, and are put to death, L—
Causes of the conspiracy, II.—Darius Ochus; Darius Codomannus;
end of the Persian monarchy, ITI.

I. Anraxerxes,} king of Persia, had a hundred and fifteen
sons by his concubines, but only three begotten in lawful wed-
lock, Darius, Aviarathes, and Ochus. Of these the father,
from paternal fondness, made Darius king during his own life-
time, contrary to the usage of the Persians, among whom the
king is changed only by death; for he thought nothing taken
from himself that he conferred upon his son, and expected
greater enjoyment from having progeny, if he saw the insignia
of royalty adorning his son while he lived. But Darius, after
such an extraordinary proof of his father’s affection, conceived
the design of killing him. Hé would have been bad enough,
if he had meditated the parricide alone, but he became so

* Convivio frequenter excessit.] “ As in the cases of Clitus, Parmenio,
Philotas.”— Wetzel. But of these only Clitus was killed at a banquet;
Frequenter is an absurd exaggeration.

¢ Artaxerxes Mnemon.
B.C. 865. ARTAXERXES MNEMON. 89

much the worse, by enticing fifty of his brothers to a participa-
tion in his crime, and making them parricides in intention as
well as himself. It was certainly a kind of prodigy, that,
among so great a number, the assassination should not only
have been plotted, but concealed, and that of fifty children
there should not have been found one, whom either respect for
their father’s dignity, or reverence for an old man, or gratitude
for paternal kindness, could deter from so horrible a purpose.
Was the name of father so contemptible among so many sons,
that he who should have been secured even against enemies by
their protection, should be beset by their treason, and find it
easier to defend himself against his foes than his children ?

II. The cause of the intended parricide was even more
atrocious than the crime itself; for after Cyrus was killed in
the war against his brother, of which mention has been pre-
viously * made, Artaxerxes had married Aspasia,+ the concu-
bine of Cyrus; and Darius had required that his father should
resign her to him as he had resigned the kingdom. Artax-
erxes, from fondness from his children, said at first that he would
do so, but afterwards, from a change of mind, and in order
plausibly to refuse what he had inconsiderately promised,
made her a priestess of the sun, an office which obliged her
to perpetual chastity. The young Darius, being incensed, at
this proceeding, broke out at first into reproaches against his
father, and subsequently entered into this conspiracy with his
brothers. But while he was meditating destruction for his
father, he was discovered and apprehended with his associates,
and paid the penalty of his guilt to the gods who avenge
paternal authority. The wives of them all, too, together with
their children, were put to death, that no memorial of such
execrable wickedness might be left. Soon after Artaxerxes died
of a disease contracted by grief, having been happier as a king
than as a father.

III. Possession of the throne was given to Ochus, who,
dreading a similar conspiracy, filled the palace with the blood
and dead bodies of his kinsmen and the nobility, being touched
with compassion neither for consanguinity, nor sex, nor age,
lest, apparently, he should be thought less wicked than his
brothers that had meditated parricide. ,

* Book v. c. 11.
+ Concerning whom see Elian. Var. Hist. xii. 1,
90 JUSTIN. [B. XL CH.I.

Having thus, as it were, purified his kingdom, he made war
upon the Cardusii; in the course of which one Codomannus.*
followed by applause from all the Persians, engaged with
one of the enemy that offered himself for single combat, and,
having killed his antagonist, regained the victory for his
fellow soldiers, as well as the glory which they had almost
lost. For this honourablé service Codomannus was made
governor of Armenia. Some time after, on the death of

’ Ochus, he was. chosen king by the people from regard to his

former merits, and, that nothing might be wanting to his
royal dignity, honoured with the name of Darius. He main-
tained a long war, with various success, but’with great efforts,
against Alexander the Great. But being at last overcome by
Alexander, and slaint by his relations, he terminated. his life
and the kingdom of the Persians together.

 

BOOK XI.

Commencement of Alexander’s reign ; he prepares to invade Persia, I. II.
—Suppresses the seeds of revolt in Greece; destroys Thebes ;
banishes the Athenian orators, III. I1V.—Sets. out for Persia, V.—
Battle of the Granicus, VI.—The Gordian knot, VII.—Alexander
and his physician Philippus, VIII. Battle of Issus, IX.—Alex-
ander becomes luxurious; takes Tyre, X.—Visits the oracle of
Jupiter Ammon, XI.—Refuses peace to Darius, XII.—Battle of
Arbela and its consequences, XIII, XIV.—Death of Darius Codo-

mannus, XV.

I. In the army of Philip there were various nations, and
after his death different feelings prevailed among them. Some,
oppressed with an unjust yoke, were excited with hopes of
recovering their liberty; others, from dislike of going to war
in a distant country, rejoiced that the expedition was broken
off; others grieved that the torch, kindled at the daughter's
nuptials, should have been applied to the funeral pile of the
father. It was no small fear, too, that ‘possessed his friends
on so sudden a change, contemplating at one time Asia that

* Codomannus quidam.] Codomannus was not so obscure, that it
was necessary to speak of him as quidam, for his father was Arsames,
and his mother Sisygambis, the brother and sister of king Ochus,—
Wetzel.

t See Book xi. c. 15.
B.C. 835. ALEXANDER SUCCEEDS PHILIP. 91

had been provoked, at another Europe* that was not yet paci-
fied, at another the Illyrians, Thracians, Dardanians, and
other barbarous nations, who were of wavering faith and per-
fidious dispositions, and whom, if they should all rebel at once,
it would be utterly impossible to resist.

To all these apprehensions the succession of Alexander
was a relief, who, in a public assembly, so effectually soothed
and encouraged the people, as to remove all uneasiness from
those that were afraid, and to fill every one with favourable
expectations. He was now twenty years old; at which age he
gave great promise of what he would be, but with such
modesty, that it was evident he reserved the further proofs of
his ability for the time of action. He granted the Macedonians
relief from all burdens, except that of service in war; by
which conduct he gained such popularity with his subjects,
that they said they had changed only the person, not the
virtues, of their king.

II. His first care was about his father’s funeral, when he
caused all who had been privy to his murder to be put to death at
his burial-place. The only one that he spared was Alexander
Lyncestest his brother, preserving in him the man who had first
acknowledged his royal authority, for he had been the first to
salute him king. His brother Caranus,} a rival for the throne,
as being the son of his step-mother, he ordered to be slain.

In the beginning of his reign he put down many tribes that
were revolting, and quelled some seditions in their birth.
Encouraged by his success, he marched with haste into
Greece, where, after his father’s example, having summoned
the states to meet at Corinth, he was appointed general in his
room. He then turned his attention to the war with Persia,
of which a commencement had been made by Philip; but, as
he was engaged in preparations for it, he received intelligence
that “the Thebans and Athenians had gone over from his
side to that of the Persians, and that the author of the de-
fection was the orator Demosthenes, who had been bribed by

* That is, Greece.

+ So called from Lyncestis, 2 region bordering on Macedonia, the
inhabitants of which are called Avyxnora: by Thucydides, Concerning
this Alexander, see Quint. Curt. vil. 1; Diod. Sic, xvii. 32, 80; Arrian.
i 25; Justin, xi 7; xii, 14.— Wetzel.

t Caranum fratrem, &e.] Only his half-brother ; he was the son of
Cleopatra, ix. 5, 7.
92 JUSTIN. [B. XI. CH. 111.

the Persians with a large sum of money, and who had asserted
that the whole army of the Macedonians, with their king, had
been cut off by the Triballi, producing the author of the infor-
mation before an assembly of the people, a man who said, that
he had been wounded in the battle in which the king had
fallen. In consequence of which statement,” it was added,
‘the feelings of almost. all the cities were changed, and the
garrisons of the Macedonians besieged.” ‘Fo repress these
commotions, he marched upon Greece with an army in full
array, and with such expedition, that they could scarcely believe
they saw him of whose approach they were so little aware.
III. In the course of his march he had exhorted the
Thessalians to peace, reminding them of the kindnesses*
shown them by his father Philip, and of his mother’s con-
nexion with them by the family of the Hacide.t The Thessa-
lians gladly listening to such an address, he was chosen, like
his father, captain-general of the whole nation, and they
resigned into his hand all their customs and public revenues.
The Athenians, as they had been the first to rebel, were also
the first to repent of their rebellion, turning their contempt
for their enemy into admiration of him, and extolling the
youth of Alexander, which they had previously despised, above
the merits of old generals. Sending ambassadors, therefore,
they deprecated war.; and Alexander, listening to their en-
treaties, and severely reproving them for their conduct, laid
aside hostilities against them. He then directed his march
towards Thebes, intending to show similar indulgence, if he
found similar penitence. But the Thebans had recourse, not
to prayers or intreaties, but to arms, and, being conquered,
suffered the severest hardships of the most wretched state of
subjugation. It being debated in a council of war' whether
the city should be destroyed, the Phocians, Platasans, Thes-
pians, and Orchomenians, who were the allies of Alexander
and sharers in his victory, dwelt upon the destruction of their
own cities and the cruelty of the Thebans, urging against

* See vii. 6.

+ The Alacidee were the descendants of ®Aacus, the father of
Peleus, and grandfather of Achilles, whose son Pyrrhus is said to
have been the first of the kings of Epirus, from whom Olympias,
Alexander’s mother, was descended.— Wetzel. She was the daughter
of Neoptolemus, king of the Molossi. See vii. 6, ’
B.C. 334. THEBES DESTROYED. 93

them not only their present, but former, defection to the
Persians, to the prejudice of the common liberty of Greece ;
‘‘on which account,” they said, “ they were an object of gene-
ral hatred, as was manifest from the fact that all the Greeks
had bound themselves by an oath to demolish Thebes as soon
as they had conquered the Persians.” They brought forward
also the fabulous accounts of their old crimes, with which they
had filled every theatre, to make them odious not only for
their recent perfidy, but for their ancient infamy.

IV. Cleadas, one of those who had been taken prisoners,
being permitted to speak in their behalf, said, that ‘ they had
not revolted from the king, whom they understood to be killed,
but from the king’s heirs ; that what had been done in the
matter was the fault, not of treachery, but of credulity ;* for
which, however, they had already suffered severely by the loss
of the flower of their soldiery ; that there was left them only
a multitude of old men and women, equally weak and harm-
less, but who had been so harassed by contumelies and
insults, that they had never endured anything more grievous ;
and that he did not now intercede for his countrymen, of
whom so few survived, but for their unoffending natal soil,
and for a city which had given birth, not only to men, but to
gods.” He endeavoured to work upon the king, too, from
his superstitious regard for Hercules, who had been born at
Thebes, and from whom the family of the Avacidee was descended,
and from the reflection that the youth of his father Philip had
been spent at Thebes; and he conjured him “ to spare a city
which adored some of his ancestors, who had been born in it,
as gods, and saw others who had been brought up in it,
princes of the highest dignity.” But resentment was more
powerful than entreaty. The city was in consequence de-
molished, the lands divided among the conquerors, and the
prisoners publicly sold, their price being settled: not for the
profit of those who bought them, but according ta the hatred
of their enemies.t Their fate seemed to the Athenians

* Oredulitatis.] Tauchnitz’s edition has crudelitatis, by an error,
apparently of the press.

+ That is, Hercules and Bacchus.— Wetzel.

if Quorum pretium non ex ementiwm commodo, sed ex inimicorum odio
extenditur.] “The greatness of the price asked for them,” says
Berneccerus, “was in proportion to the eagerness with which they
were bought by their enemies.” If any one of the purchasers wished

.
94 JUSTIN. [B. XI. CH. Vv.

deserving of pity ; and they therefore, though contrary to the
king’s prohibition, opened their gates for the reception of the
exiles. At this proceeding Alexander was so displeased, that
when they deprecated war by a second embassy, he forbore
from hostilities only on condition that their orators and
leaders, through confidence in whom they had so often re-
belled, should be delivered up to him. The Athenians prepar-
ing to comply, lest they should be compelled to abide a war, the
matter ended in this arrangement, that the orators should
be retained and the generals banished; when the latter im-
mediately went: over to Darius, and formed no inconsiderable
addition to the strength of the Persians.

VY. When he set out to the Persian war, he put to death all,
his step-mother’s relations* whom Philip had advanced to
any high dignity, or appointed to any command. Nor did
he spare such of his own kinsmen as seemed qualified to fill
the throne, lest any occasion for rebellion should be left in
Macedonia during his absence ; and of the tributary princes
he took such as were distinguished for ability to the war with
him, leaving the less able at home for the defence of his
dominions. Having then assembled his troops, he put them
on shipboard, where, excited with incredible animation at the
sight of Asia, he erected altars to the twelve gods to offer
prayers for success in the war. He divided all his private
property, which he had in Macedonia and the rest of Europe,
among his friends, saying, ‘that for himself Asia was suf-
ficient.” Before any ship left the shore, he offered sacrifices,
praying for ‘victory in that war, in which he had been chosen
the avenger of Greece so often assailed by the. Persians,
to whom,” he said, ‘‘a reign sufficiently long had been granted,
a reign that had now reached maturity, and it was time that
others, who would conduct themselves better, should take their
place.” Nor were the anticipations of the army different from
those of the prince; for all the soldiers, unmindful of their
wives and children, and of the length of the expedition from
home, contemplated the Persian gold, and the wealth of the
whole east, as already their own prey, thinking neither of the
war nor its perils, but of riches only. When they arrived at
to get an old enemy into his power to torture him asa slave, he offered

a high price for him.
* Among whom was Attalus. Compare ch, ii. init.— Wetzel.
B.C. 333. ALEXANDER INVADES PERSIA. 95

the continent of Asia, Alexander first of all threw a dart into
the enemy’s country, and leaped on the shore in full armour,
like one dancing the tripudium.* He then proceeded to offer
sacrifices, praying that “‘ those countries might not unwillingly
receive him as their king.” He also sacrificed at Troy, at the
tombs of the heroes who had fallen in the Trojan war.,

VI. Marching forward in quest of the enemy, he kept the
soldiers from ravaging Asia, telling them that “ they ought to
spare their own property, and not destroy what they came to
possess.” “His army consisted of thirty-two thousand infantry,
and four thousand five hundred cavalry, with a hundred and
eighty-two ships. Whether, with this small force, it is more
wonderful that he conquered the world, or that he dared to
attempt its conquest, is difficult to determine. When he
selected his troops for so hazardous a warfare, he did not
choose robust young men, or men in the flower of their age,
but veterans, most of whom had even passed their term of
service, and who had fought under his father and his uncles ; f
so that he might be thought to have chosen, not soldiers, but
masters in war. No one was made an officer{ who was not
sixty years of age; so that he who saw the captains assembled
at head-quarters,§ would have declared that he saw the senate
of some ancient republic, None, on the field of battle,
thought of flight, but every one of victory ; none trusted in his
feet, but every one in his arms.

King Darius, on the other hand, from confidence in his
strength, abstained from all artifice in his operations ; observ-

* Tripudiantt similis.| The tripudium was a sort of dance in which
the performers beat the earth with their feet in measured tread.
Cicero, de Div. ii. 34, supposes the derivation to be from terra and
pawire: terripavium, terripudium, tripudium. Cicero, indeed, is
here speaking of the corn that fell from the beaks of the sacred
chickens when they were feeding; and Turnebus and others accordingly
suppose that his derivation is confined to that signification of the
word, and that the dance is derived from ter and pes; agreeably to
Horace’s Gaudet invisam pepulisse fossor ter pede terram, Od. iii, 18, 15,
and Ovid’s Et viridem celeri ter pede pulsat humum, Fast. vi. 329.
Compare Lucret. v. 1393, segg. i

+ aTadec Alexander and Perdiccas against the Ilyrians.— Wetzel.

+ Ordines ducit.] A phrase borrowed from the military affairs of
the Romans, among whom ordines ducere meant “to be a centurion.”

§ Principia castrorum.] See note on Florus, iii. 10, Bohn’s Classical

Library.
96 JUSTIN. [B. XI. CH. vIT.

ing that “clandestine measures were fit only for a stolen
victory ;” he did not attempt to repel the enemy from his
frontiers, but admitted them into the heart of his kingdom,
thinking it more honourable to drive war out of his kingdom
than not to give it entrance. The first engagement, in conse-
quence, was ‘fought on the plains of Adrastia.* The Persian
army consisted of six hundred thousand men, who were con-
quered not less by the valour of the Macedonians than by the
conduct of Alexander, and took to flight. The slaughter
among the Persians was great. Of the army of Alexander
there fell only nine foot-soldiers, and a hundred and twenty
horse, whom the king buried sumptuously as an encourage-
ment to the rest, honouring them also With equestrian statues,
and granting privileges to their relatives. After this victory
the greater part of Asia came over to his side. He had also
several encounters with Darius’s lieutenants, whom he con-
quered, not so much by his arms, as by the terror of his
name.

VII. During the course of these proceedings, he. was
acquainted, on the information of a certain prisoner, that a
conspiracy was forming against him by Alexander Lyncestes,
the son-in-law of Antipater, who had been made governor of
Macedonia. Fearing, therefore, that, if he were put to death,
some disturbance might arise in Macedonia, he only kept him
in prison.t

He soon after marched to a city called Gordium, which is
situated between the Greater and Lesser Phrygia, and which
he earnestly desired to take, not so much for the sake of
plunder, as because he had heard that in that city, in the
temple of Jupiter, was deposited the yoke of Gordius’s car;
the knot of which, if any one should loose, the oracles of old
had predicted that he should rule all Asia. The cause and
origin of the matter was as follows. When Gordius was
ploughing, in these parts, with oxen that he had _ hired,t
birds of every kind began to fly about him. Going to consult
the augurs of the next town on the occurrence, he met at the

* Campis Adrastie.) Through which flows the river Granicus, from
which the battle is generally named.

t He was, however, afterwards put to death. See xii. 14, init.
. £ Bubus conductis.] It is specified that they were hired, to denote
his. poverty.
B.C. 832.] GORDIUS. ALEXANDER’S ILLNESS. 97

gate a virgin of remarkable beauty, and asked her “ which of
the augurs he had best consult.” When she, having heard his
reason for consulting them, and knowing something of the
art from the instruction of her parents, replied, that “a king-
dom was portended to him,” and offered to become his wife
and the sharer of his expectations. So fair a match seemed
the chief felicity of a throne. After his marriage a civil war
arose among the Phrygians; and when they consulted the
oracles how their discord might be terminated, the oracles
replied that «a king was required to settle their disputes.”
Inquiring a second time as to the person of the king, they
were directed to regard him as their king whom they should
first observe, on their return, going to the temple of Jupiter
on a car. The person who presented himself to them was
Gordius, and they at once saluted him king. He dedicated
the car, in which he was riding when the throne was offered
him, “to kingly majesty,” and it was,placed in the temple of
Jupiter. After him reigned his son Midas, who, having been
instructed by Orpheus in sacred rites, filled all Phrygia with
ceremonies of religion, by which he was better protected,
during his whole life, than by arms. Alexander, having taken
the city, and gone to the temple of Jupiter, requested to see
the yoke of Gordius’s car, and, when it was shown him, not
being able to find the ends of the cords, which were hidden
within the knots, he put a forced interpretation on the oracle,
and cut the cords with his sword; and thus, when the invo-
lutions were opened out, discovered the ends concealed in
them.

VIII. While he was thus engaged, intelligence was brought
him that Darius was approaching with a vast army. Fearing
the defiles, he crossed Mount Taurus with the utmost expedition,
advancing, in one of his forced marches, five hundred stadia.*
Arriving at Tarsus, and being charmed with the pleasant-
ness of the river Cydnus, which flows through the midst of the
city, he threw off his armour, and, covered as he was with
dust and sweat, plunged himself into the water, which was
then excessively cold; when, on a sudden, such a numbness
seized his nerves, that his voice was lost, and not only was
there no hope of saving his life, but not even a means of

* About fifty-seven miles and a half, the Greek stadium being equal
to 606 feet 9 inches. See Dr. Smith’s Classical Dict: sud voc.

it 7
98 JUSTIN. [B. XI. CH. Ix.

delaying death could be found. One of his physicians, named
Philippus, was the only person that promised a cure; but a
letter from Parmenio, which arrived the day before from
Cappadocia, rendered him an object of suspicion; for Par-
menio, knowing nothing of Alexander's illness, had written
to caution him against trusting Philippus, as he had been
bribed by Darius with a large sum of money. Alexander,
however, thought it better to trust the doubtful faith of the
physician, than to perish of certain disease. Taking the cup
from Philippus, therefore, he gave him Parmenio’s letter to
read, and, as he drank, fixed his eyes upon the physician’s
countenance while he was reading. Seeing him unmoved, he
became more cheerful, and recovered his health on the fourth
day after.

IX. Meantime Darius advanced to battle with four hundred
thousand foot and a hundred thousand horse. So vast a mul-
titude of enemies caused some distrust in Alexander, when he
contemplated the smallness of his own army; but he called
to mind, at the same time, how much he had already done,
and how powerful people he had overthrown, with that very
moderate force. His hopes, therefore, prevailing over his ap-
prehensions, and thinking it more hazardous to defer the
contest, lest dismay should fall upon his men, he rode round
among his troops, and addressed those of each nation in an
appropriate speech. He excited the Illyrians and Thracians
by describing the enemy’s wealth and treasures, and the
Greeks by putting them in mind of their wars of old, and
their deadly hatred towards the Persians. He reminded the
Macedonians at one time of their conquests in Europe, and at
another of their desire to subdue Asia, boasting that no troops
in the world had been found a match for them, and assuring
them that this battle would put an end to their labours and
crown their glory. In the course of these proceedings he
caused the army occasionally to halt, that they-might. by such
stoppages, accustom themselves to endure the sight of so great
a, multitude. Nor was Darius less active in drawing up his
forces. Rejecting the services of his officers, he rode himself
through the whole army, encouraged the several divisions, and
put them in mind of the ancient glory of the Persians, and the
perpetual possession of empire vouchsafed them by the im-
mortal gods. Soon after a battle was fought with great spirit.
B.C.-332.] BATTLE OF ISSUS. 99

Both kings were wounded in it. The result remained doubt-
* ful until Darius fled, when there ensued a great slaughter of
the Persians, of whom there fell sixty-one thousand infantry
and ten thousand horse, and forty thousand were taken
prisoners. On the side of the Macedonians were killed a
hundred and thirty foot and a hundred and fifty horse. In
the camp of the Persians was found abundance of gold and
‘other treasures; and among the captives taken in it were the
mother and wife, who was also the sister, of Darius, and two’
of his daughters. When Alexander came to see and console
them, they threw themselves, at the sight of his armed attend-
ants, into one another’s arms, and uttered mournful cries, as
if expecting to die immediately. Afterwards, falling at the
feet of Alexander, they begged, not that they might ‘live, but
that their death might be delayed till they should bury the
body of Darius. Alexander, touched with the respectful con-
cern of the princesses for Darius, assured them that the king
was still alive, and removed their apprehensions of death ;
directing, at the same time, that they should be treated as
royal personages, and giving the daughters hopes of husbands
suitable to the dignity of their father.

X. As he afterwards contemplated the wealth and display
of Darius, he was seized with admiration of such magnificence.
Hence it was that he first began to indulge in luxurious and
-splendid banquets, and fell in love with ‘his captive Barsine
for her beauty, by whom he had afterwards a son that he
called Hercules. Not forgetting, however, that Darius was
still alive, he despatched Parmenio to seize the Persian fleet,
and commissioned some others of his friends to secure the
cities of Asia, which, on hearing the report of the victory, had
immediately submitted to the conqueror, the satraps of Darius
surrendering themselves with a vast quantity of treasure. He
next marched into Syria, where he was met by several princes
of the east with fillets on their heads.* Of these, according
to their respective deserts, he received some into alliance ;
others he deprived of their thrones, and put new kings in
their places. Above the rest Abdolonymus, appointed ‘by
Alexander king of Sidon, stood pre-eminent; a man whom,
when he was living a life of poverty, being accustomed to
draw water, and water gardens for hire, Alexander made

* Cum infulis.] Denoting that they were suppliants.
. H2 :
100 JUSTIN, [B.XI. CH. XI.

a king, setting aside the nobles; lest they should regard his
favour as shown to their birth, and not as proceeding from the
kindness of the giver.

The city of Tyre sending Alexander, by the hands of a
deputation, a golden crown of great value, as a token of con-
gratulation, he received their present kindly, and told them
that ‘‘ he intended to visit Tyre to pay his vows to Hercules.”
The deputies replying that ‘‘hé would do that better at Old
Tyre,* and in the more ancient temple ;” he was so provoked
with them, because they evidently deprecated his visit, that he
threatened their city with destruction. Bringing up his army,
soon after, to the island, he was met with a hostile resistance,
the Tyrians, from reliance on Carthage, being not less deter-
mined than himself. The example of Dido had stimulated
the Tyrians; for that queen, after founding Carthage, had
secured the empire over the third part of the world ;} and
they thought it would be dishonourable if their women should
show more courage in acquiring dominion than they in de-
fending their liberty. They removed to Carthage, therefore,
such as were unfit for war, and sent at once for assistance, but
were, not long afterwards, reduced by treachery.f

XI. Alexander next got possession of Rhodes and Cilicia§$
without an effort. He then went to the temple of Jupiter
Ammon, to consult the oracle about the event of his future
proceedings, and his own parentage. For his mother Olym-
pias had confessed to her husband Philip, that ‘ she had con-
ceived Alexander, not by him, but by a serpent of extraordinary
size.” Philip, too, towards the end of his life, had publicly
declared that «‘ Alexander was not his son;” and he accord-
ingly divorced: Olympias, as having been guilty of adultery.
Alexander, therefore, anxious to obtain the honour of divine
paternity, and to clear his mother from infamy, instructed the
priests, by messengers whom he sent before him, what answers

* Tyro vetere.] Which had been besieged for thirteen years, and at
last taken by Nebuchadnezzar, B.c. 590. The new city of Tyre had
been built on an island.— Weizel.

+ Not she herself, but her successors, extended their dominion over
a great part of Africa.

t Or rather, after being besieged seven months, they were forced to
surrender, See Diod. Sic. xvii. 40—47; Q. Curt. iv. 2—4. Compare
also Justin, xviii. 3, sub jin.— Wetzel.

§ Isaac Vossius conjectures Syria, as Cilicia had been already taken.
B.C. 330.] DARIUS WRITES TO ALEXANDER. 101

he wished to receive. The priests, as soon as he entered the
temple, saluted him as the son of Ammon. Alexander, pleased
with the god’s adoption of him, directed that he should be re-
garded as his son. He then inquired “ whether he had taken
vengeance on all that had been concerned in the assassination
of his father.” He was answered that “his father could
neither be assassinated, nor could die; but that vengeance for
Philip’s death had been fully exacted.” On putting a third
question, he was told that “« success’ in all his wars, and do-
minion over the world, was granted him.” A response was
also given by the oracle to his attendants, that “ they should
reverence Alexander as a god, and not as a king.” Hence it
‘was that his haughtiness was so much increased, and a strange
arrogance arose in his mind, the agreeableness of demeanour, :
which he had contracted from the philosophy of the Greeks and
the habits of the Macedonians, being entirely laid aside. On
his return from the temple of Ammon he founded Alexandria,
and desired that that colony of the Macedonians might be
considered the metropolis of Egypt.
XII. Darius, having fled to Babylon, entreated Alexander,
in a letter, “‘ to give him permission to redeem his prisoners,”’
offering a large sum for their ransom. But Alexander demanded
his whole kingdom, and not a sum of money, as the price of
their release. Some time after, another letter from, Darius
was brought to Alexander, in which one of his daughters was
offered him in marriage, and a portion of his kingdom.
Alexander replied that ‘‘ what was offered was his own,” and
desired him ‘<to come to him as a suppliant, and to leave the
disposal of his kingdom to his conqueror.” All hopes of peace
being thus lost, Darius resumed. hostilities, and proceeded to.
meet Alexander with four hundred thousand infantry and a
hundred thousand cavalry. On his march he was informed
that “his wife had died of a miscarriage, and that Alexander
had mourned for her death, and attended her funeral ; acting,
in that respect, not from love, but merely from kindness of
feeling ; as Darius’s wife had been visited by him but once,
though he had often gone to console his mother and her
little daughters.”
_ Darius now considered himself indeed overcome, since, after
losing so many battles, he was surpassed by his enemy even
in kindnesses, and declared that it was a consolation to him,
102 JUSTIN. [B. XI. CH. XIII.

since he could not conquer, to be conquered by such an
enemy. He therefore wrote a third letter to Alexander,
thanking him for not having acted as an enemy towards his
family, and offering him a larger portion of his kingdom, even
as far as the river Euphrates, another of his daughters in
marriage, and thirty thousand talents for the other prisoners.
To this Alexander replied, that “thanks were needless from
an enemy; that nothing had been done by him to flatter
Darius, or to gain the means of mollifying him, with a view
either to the doubtful results,of war, or to conditions of peace ;
but that he had acted from a certain greatness of mind, by
. which he had learned to fight against the forces of his ene-
mies, not to take advantage of their misfortunes;” and he
promised at the same time, that ‘he would comply with the
wishes of Darius, if he would be content to be second to him,
and not his equal; but that the universe could not ;be
governed by two suns, nor could the earth with safety have
two sovereigns; and that he must consequently either prepare
to surrender on that day, or to fight on the next, and must
promise himself no better success than he had already
experienced.”

XIII. On the next day they drew up their armies; when,
on a sudden, before they came to battle, a deep sleep fell on
Alexander, who was wearied with making arrangements.
Nothing but the presence of the king being wanting, in order
to commence the engagement, he was awakened, though with
difficulty, by Parmenio, and as those about him asked the
reason of his sleeping in the midst of danger, when he was
sparing of sleep even in time of security, he answered that
‘he had been relieved from great concern, and that his repose
was occasioned by-sudden freedom from apprehension, since
he should now engage with the forces of Darius in a body;
whereas he had dreaded, if the Persians should divide their
army, that the war would be greatly protracted.” Before the
battle commenced, each army was an object of admiration to
its antagonists. The Macedonians admired the host of men
opposed to them, their stature, and the beauty of their
armour. The Persians were amazed that so many thousands
of their countrymen had been defeated by so small a force.
Nor did the kings forbear to ride round among their troops.
Darius told his men, that “if a division of the enemy were
B.C. 330.] BATTLE OF ARBELA. 108

made, scarcely one man would fall to ten® of his own armed
followers.” Alexander exhorted the Macedonians “ not to be
alarmed at the numbers of the enemy, their stature, or the
strangeness of their complexion.” He bade them remember
only that “ they were now fighting for the third time with the
same adversaries; and not to imagine that they had been
rendered braver by defeat, as they would bring into the field
with them the sad recollection of former disasters, and of the
blood shed in the two previous engagements ;” adding, that
‘‘Darius had the greater number of human beings, but he
himself the greater number of men.” He admonished them
‘to despise an army glittering with gold and silver, in which
they would find more spoil than danger, since victory was to
be a not by splendour of arms, but by the power of the
sword.”

XIV. Soon after, the battle was begun. The Mace-
donians rushed upon the swords presented to them, with
contempt for an enemy whom they had so often defeated.
The Persians, on the other hand, were desirous to die rather
than be conquered. Seldom has there been so much blood
shed in a battle. Darius, when he saw his army repulsed,
wished himself to die, but was compelled by his officers to
flee. Some advising that the bridge over the Cydnus should
be broken down, in order to stop the advance of the enemy,
he said that “‘ he would not provide for his safety in such a
way as to expose so many thousands of his followers to the
foe ; and that the road which was open to himself, ought also
to be open to others.” Alexander, meanwhile, made the most
hazardous efforts; where he saw the enemy thickest, and
fighting most desperately, there he always threw himself, ,
desiring that the peril should be his, and not his soldiers’.
By this battle he gained the dominion over Asia, in the fifth
year after his accession to the throne. His victory was so
decisive, that after it none ventured to rebel against him ; and
the Persians, after a supremacy of so many years, patiently.

* Very similar to what is said by Agamemnon, I]. ii, of the com-
parative numbers of the Greeks and Trojans :
So small their numbers, that if wars were ceas’d,'
And Greece triumphant held a gen’ral feast,
All rank’d by tens; whole decads, when they dine,
Must want a Trojan slave to pour the wine.—Pope,
104 JUSTIN. [B XL. CH. XV.

submitted to the yoke of servitude. After rewarding his
soldiers, and allowing them to recruit their strength for
thirty-four days, he took account of the spoil. He afterwards
found forty thousand talents in the city of Susa, Next he
took Persepolis, the metropolis of the kingdom of Persia, a
city which had been eminent for many years, and which was
filled with the spoils of the world, as was now first seen at its
destruction. In the course of these proceedings, about eight
hundred Greeks met Alexander, men who had been punished
in captivity by mutilation of their bodies, and who entreated
that, ‘as he had delivered Greece, he would also release them
from the cruelty of their enemies.” Permission was given to
them to go home, but they preferred receiving portions of
land in Persia, lest, instead of causing joy to their parents by
their return, they should merely shock them by the horrid
spectacle which they presented.

XV. Meanwhile, to gain the favour of the conqueror, Darius
was confined in golden fetters* and chains in a village of the
Parthians named Thara; the immortal gods, I suppose,
ordaining that the empire of the Persians should have its
termination in the country of those who were to succeed them
in dominion.t Alexander, hastening his march, arrived there
on the following day, when he found that Darius had been con-
veyed from the place in the night, in a covered vehicle.
Directing his army to follow him, he pursued the flying
prince with six thousand cavalry. On his march he had several
severe encounters, and advanced many miles without finding
any traces of Darius. But while he was allowing the horses
time to rest, one of the soldiers, going to a neighbouring
spring, found Darius in the vehicle, wounded in several
places, but still alive. One of the Persian captives being
brought forward, the dying prince, knowing from his voice
that he was his countryman, said that ‘he had at least this
comfort in his present sufferings, that he should speak to one
who could understand him, and that he should not utter his
last words in vain.” He then desired that the following
message should be given to Alexander: that “‘ he died with-
out having done him any acts of kindness, but a debtor to him

* See note on vi. 11.

+ The Parthians, revolting from the Syrians, founded a new empire,
B.C. 255. See xli. 4.— Wetzel.
 

B.C. 829.] DEATH OF DARIUS. 105

for the greatest, since he had found his feelings towards his

mother and children to be those of a prince, not of a foe; that
he had been more happy in his enemy than in his relations,

for by his enemy life had been granted to his mother and

children, but taken from himself by his relatives, to whom he

had given both life and kingdoms ; and that such a requital

must therefore be made them as his conqueror should please.

For himself, that he made the only return to Alexander which

he could at the point of death, by praying. to the gods above

and below, and the powers that protected kings, that the

empire of the world might fall to his lot. That he desired

the favour of a decent rather than a magnificent funeral ; and,

as to avenging his death, it was not. his cause alone that was

concerned, but precedent, and the common cause of all kings,

which it would be both dishonourable and dangerous for him

to neglect; since, in regard to vengeance, the interests of
justice were affected, and, in regard to precedent, those of the

general safety. To this effect he gave him his right hand,

as the only pledge of a king’s faith to be conveyed to Alex-:
ander.” Then, stretching out his hand, he expired.

When this intelligence was communicated to Alexander, he
went to see the body of the dead monarch, and contemplated,
with tears a death so unsuitable to his dignity. He also
directed his corpse to be buried as that of a king, and his
relics to be conveyed to the sepulchres of his ancestors.

BOOK XII.

Greece resumes hostilities in Alexander’s absence, L—Expedition of
Alexander, king of Epirus, into Italy; Scythia invaded, IL—
Alexander's luxury ; Thalestris ; Alexander assumes the Persian
dress, III.—Effects of his conduct on his troops; his mode of
conciliating them, [V.—Parmenio and Philotas put to death;
further conquests of Alexander; Bessus delivered up to justice,
V.—Death of Clitus; Alexander’s grief, VI.— Alexander's pride ;
his march to the east; his ardour to surpass Bacchus and
Hercules, VIL—Overcomes Porus, VIII.—His danger among the
Sygambri; reaches the mouth of the Indus; marries Statira, IX.
X.—His munificence; he suppresses a mutiny ; death of Hephzxs-

‘ tion, XI. XII.—Alexander poisoned by the contrivance of Anti-
pater, XIII. XIV.—His death, XV.—His eulogy, XVI.

. I. ALEXANDER interred the. soldiers, whom he had. lost in
the pursuit of Darius, at great expense, and distributed thir-
106 . JUSTIN. TB. XI, CH. II.
teen thousand talents among the rest that attended him in
that expedition. Of the horses, the greater part were killed
by the heat; and those that survived were rendered unfit for
service. All the treasure, amounting to a hundred and ninety
thousand talents, was conveyed to Ecbatana, and Parmenio
was entrusted with the charge of it. In the midst of these
proceedings, letters from Antipater in Macedonia were brought
to Alexander, in which the war of Agis king of Sparta in
Greece, that of Alexander king of Epirus in Italy, and that of
Zopyrion his own lieutenant-general in Scythia, were commu-
nicated. At this news he was affected with various emotions,
but felt more joy at learning the deaths of two rival kings,
than sorrow at the loss of Zopyrion and his army.

After the departure of Alexander from Macedonia, almost
all Greece, as if to take advantage of the opportunity for
recovering their liberty, had risen in arms, yielding, in that
respect, to the influence of the Lacedemonians, who alone
had rejected peace from Philip and Alexander, and had
seorned the terms on which it was offered. The leader in this
insurrection was Agis, king of the Lacedemonians, but Anti-
pater, assembling an army, suppressed the commotion in its
infancy. The slaughter, however, was great on both sides;
for king Agis, when he saw his men taking to flight, dismissed
his guards, and, that he might seem inferior to Alexander in
fortune only, not’ in valour, made such a havoc among the
enemy, that he sometimes drove whole troops before him. At
last, overpowered by numbers, he fell superior to all in glory.

II. Alexander, too, the king of Epirus, having been invited

into Italy by the Tarentines, who desired his assistance against:

the Bruttians, had gone thither as eagerly as if, in a division
of the world, the east had fallen by lot to Alexander, the son
of his sister Olympias, and the west to himself, and as if he
was likely to have not less to do in Italy, Africa, and Sicily,
than Alexander in Asia and Persia. To this was added, that
as the oracle at Delphi had forewarned Alexander the Great
against treachery in Macedonia, so that of Jupiter at Dodona
had admonished the other Alexander ‘“‘ to beware of the city
Pandosia and the river Acheron ;” and as both these were in
Epirus, and he was ignorant that they were also to be found
in Italy, he had the more eagerly fixed on this foreign expe-

dition, in hope of escaping the dangers signified in the warn- .
B.C. 830.) DEATH OF ALEXANDER OF EPIRUS. 107

ing. On his arrival in Italy, his first contest was with the
Apulians ; but when he learned the destiny appointed to their
‘city, he soon concluded a peace and alliance with their king.
The chief city of the Apulians, at that time, was Brundusium,
which a party of Altolians that followed Diomede, a leader
rendered famous and honourable by his achievements at Troy,
had founded ; but being expelled by the Apulians, and having
recourse to some oracle, they received for answer that ‘ they
would possess for ever the place which they had sought to re-
cover.” On this ground they demanded of the Apulians that
their city should be restored, threatening them with war unless
the demand should be complied with. But the oracle be-
coming known to the Apulians, they put the ambassadors to
death, and buried them in the city, that they might have a
perpetual abode there; and, having thus given the oracle a ful-
filment, they long kept possession of the city. Alexander,
hearing of this occurrence, and having great respect for the
oracles of antiquity, made an end of hostilities with the
Apulians,

He engaged also in war with the Bruttians and Lucanians,
and captured several cities; and he formed treaties and alli-
ances with the Metapontines, Pediculans, and Romans. But
the Bruttians and Lucanians, having collected reinforcements
from their neighbours, renewed the war with fresh vigour ;
when the king was slain near the city Pandosia and the river
Acheron, not knowing the name of the fatal place before he
fell in it, and understanding, as he was expiring, that the
death, for fear of which he had fled from his country, had not
been to be dreaded in his country. The Thurians ransomed
his body at the public expense, and buried it.

During these events in Italy, Zopyrion, who had been left
governor of Pontus by Alexander the Great, thinking that, if he
did not attempt something, he should be stigmatized as indo-
lent, collected a force of thirty thousand men, and made war
upon the Scythians. But being cut off, with his whole army,
he paid the penalty for a rash attack upon an innocent people.

III. When these occurrences were reported to Alexander,
who was then in Parthia, he assumed a show of grief on ac-
count of his relationship to Alexander, and caused the army to
mourn for three days. But while all his men were expecting,
as if the war had been ended, to return to their country, and
‘108 JUSTIN. [B. XII. CH. IV.

were embracing in imagination their wives and children, he
called.a general assembly of the troops; in which he told
them that “ nothing had been done in so many glorious bat-
tles, if the barbarians more to the eastward should be left
unmolested ; that he had not sought the body, but the throne,
of Darius; and that those who had revolted from his govern-
ment must be punished.” Having, by this speech, revived the
spirits of his soldiers for new exertions, he subdued Hyrcania
and the Mardians. Here Thalestris, or Minithya, queen of
the Amazons, came to meet him, having travelled for twenty-
five days, with three hundred women in her train, and through
extremely populous nations, in order to have issue by him.
Her. appearance and arrival was a cause of astonishment to all,
both from her dress, which was an unusual one for women,
and from the object of her visit. To gratify her, thirteen days’
rest was allowed by the king; and when she thought herself
pregnant, she took her leave.

Soon after, Alexander assumed the attire of the Persian
monarchs, as well as the diadem, which was unknown to the
kings of Macedonia, as if he gave himself up to the customs
of those whom he had conquered. And lest such innovations
should be viewed with dislike, if adopted by himself alone,
he desired his friends also to wear the long robe of gold and,
purple. That he might imitate the luxury too, as well as
the dress of the Persians, he spent his nights among troops
of the king’s concubines of eminent beauty and birth. To
these extravagances he added vast magnificence in feasting ;
and lest his entertainments should seem jejune and parsi-
monious,* he accompanied his banquets, according to the osten-
tation of the eastern monarchs, with games; being utterly
unmindful that power is accustomed to be lost, not gained,
by such practices. ,

IV. During the course of these proceedings, there arose
throughout the camp a general indignation ‘that he had so
degenerated from his father Philip as to abjure the very name
of his country, and to adopt the manners of the Persians,

* Luxuria destructa.] Grevius, not knowing what to make of
destructa, conjectures restricta. Wetzel explains the words thus:
“Lest, as the empire of the Persians was destroyed, the luxury of the
Persians should seem also to be destroyed.” I incline to think with
Grevius that the word is corrupt.
B,C. 327.] ALEXANDER'S PRIDE AND CRUELTY. 109

whom, from the effect of such manners, he had overcome.
But that he might not appear to be the only person who
yielded to the vices of those whom he had conquered in the
field, he permitted his soldiers also, if they had formed a
connexion with any of the female captives, to marry them ;
thinking that they would feel less desire to return to their
country, when they had some appearance of a house and home
in the camp, and that the fatigues of war would be relieved
by the agreeable society of their wives. He saw, too, that
Macedonia would be less drained to supply the army, if the
sons, as recruits, should succeed their veteran fathers, and
serve within the ramparts within which they were born, and
would be likely to show more courage, if they passed, not oniy
their earliest’ days: of service, but also théir infancy, in the
camp. This custom was also continued under Alexander's
successors. Maintenance -was provided for the boys, and
arms and horses were given them when they grew up; and
rewards were assigned to the fathers in proportion to the
number of their children. If the fathers of any of them were
killed, the orphans notwithstanding received their father’s
pay ; and their childhood was a sort of military service in
various expeditions. Inured from their earliest years to toils
. and dangers, they formed an invincible army; they looked
upon their camp as their country, and upon a battle as a
prelude to victory. ;

V. Alexander, meanwhile, began to show a passionate
temper towards those about him, not with a princely severity,
but with the vindictiveness of an enemy. What most in- .
censed him was, that reflections were cast upon him in the
common talk of the soldiers, for having cast off the
customs of his father Philip and of his country. For this
offence, Parmenio, an old man, next to the king in rank, and
his son Philotas, were put to death; an examination by
torture having been previously held on both of them. At
this instance of cruelty, all the soldiers, throughout the camp,
began to express their displeasure, being concerned for the
fate of the innocent old general and his son, and saying, at
times, that “they must expect nothing better for themselves,”
These murmurs coming to the knowledge of Alexander, he,
fearing that such reports would be carried to Macedonia, and
that the glory of his victories would be sullied by the stain of
° 110 JUSTIN. [B. XIj CH. VL.

cruelty, pretended that he was going to send home some of
his friends to give an account of his successes. He ex-
horted his soldiers to write to their relatives, as they would now
have fewer opportunities on account of the scene of warfare be-
ing further from home. The packets of letters, as they were
given in, he commanded to be privately brought to him, and
having learned from them what every one thought of him, he put
all those, who had given unfavourable opinions of his conduct,
‘Into one regiment, with an intention either to destroy them, or to
distribute them in colonies in the most distant parts of the earth.

He then subdued the Drance, the Evergete, the Paryme,
the Parapammeni, the Adaspii, and other nations that dwelt at
the foot of Mount Caucasus.

In the meantime Bessus, one of the former friends of
Darius, who had not only betrayed his sovereign, but put him
to death, was brought to Alexander in chains, who, that he
might be punished for his treachery, delivered him to the
brother of Darius to be tortured, considering not so much that
Darius had been his enemy, as that he had been the friend of
the man by whom he had been killed.

That he might leave his name to these parts, he founded
the city of Alexandria on the river Tanais, completing a wall six
miles in circuit in seventeen days, and transplanting into it
the inhabitants of three cities that had been built by Cyrus.
He also built twelve cities in the territories of the Bactrians
and Sogdians, and distributed among them such of the
soldiers as he had found mutinous.

VI. After these proceedings, he invited his friends on some
particular day, to a banquet, where mention being made, when
they were intoxicated, of the great things achieved by’ Philip,
he began to prefer himself to his father, and to extol the vast-
ness of his own exploits to the skies, the greater part of the
company agreeing with him; and when Clitus, one of the
older guests, trusting to his hold on the king’s friendship, in
which he held the principal place, defended the memory of
Philip, and praised his acts, he so provoked Alexander, that
he snatched a weapon from one of the guards, and slew him
with it in the midst of the guests. Exulting at the murder,
too, he scoffed at the dead man for his defence of Philip, and
his commendation of his mode of warfare. But when his
mind, satiated with the bloodshed, grew calm, and reflection
B.C. 327.] ALEXANDER KILLS CLITUS. lil

took the place of passion, he began, as he contemplated at
one time the character of the dead, and at another the occasion
.of his death, to feel the deepest sorrow for the deed : grieving
that he had listened to his father’s praises with more anger
than he ought to have listened to insults on his memory, and
that an old and blameless friend had been slain by him at a
feast and carousal. Driven, therefore, to repentance, with the
same vehemence with which he had before been impelled to
resentment, he determined to die. Bursting into tears, he
embraced the dead man, laid his hand on his wounds, and
confessed his madness to him as if he could hear; then,
snatching up a weapon, he pointed it against his breast, and
would have committed suicide, had not his friends interposed.
His resolution to die continued even for several days after ;
for to his other causes of sorrow was added the remembrance
of his nurse, the sister of Clitus, on whose account, though she
was far away, he was greatly ashamed of his conduct, lament-
ing that so base a return should be made her for rearing him ;
and that, in the maturity of life and conquest, he should have
requited her, in whose arms he had spent his infancy, with
bloodshed instead of kindness. He reflected, too, what re-
marks and odium he must have occasioned, as well in his own
army as among the conquered nations; what fear and dislike
of himself among his other friends; and how dismal and sad
he had rendered his entertainment, appearing not less to be
dreaded at a feast than when armed in the field of battle.
Parmenio and Philotas, his cousin Amyntas, his murdered
stepmother and brothers, with Attalus, Eurylochus, Pausanias,
and other slaughtered nobles of Macedonia, presented them-
selves to his imagination. He in consequence persisted in
abstaining from food for four days, until he was drawn from
this purpose by the prayers of the whole army, who conjured
-him “not to lament the death of one, so far as to ruin them
all; since, after bringing them into the remotest part of the
barbariaus’ country, he would leave them amidst hostile
nations exasperated by war.” The entreaties of Callisthenes
the philosopher had great effect upon him, a man who was
intimate with him from having been his fellow-student
under Aristotle, and who had been subsequently sent for,
by the king himself, to record his acts for the perusal of
posterity.
112 JUSTIN. [B.XII. CH. VII.

VII. Soon after, he gave orders that he should not be
approached with mere salutation, but with adoration ;* a point
of Persian pride to which he had hesitated to advance at first,
lest the assumption of everything at once should excite too
strong a feeling against him. Among those who refused to
obey, the most resolute was Callisthenes; but his opposition
proved fatal, both to himself and to several other eminent
Macedonians, who were all put to death on the pretence that
they were engaged in a conspiracy. The custom of saluting
their king was however retained by the Macedonians, adora-
tion being set aside.}

He then marched into India, that he might have his empire
bounded by the ocean, and the extreme parts of the east.
That the equipments of his army might be suitable to the
glory of the expedition, he mounted the trappings of the
horses, and the arms of the soldiers, with silver, and called a
body of his men, from having silver shields, Argyraspides.t
On arriving at, the city Nysa, he ordered the inhabitants, who,
from their confidence in being protected by their worship of
Bacchus, the founder of their city, made no resistance, to be
spared ; rejoicing that he had not only followed the god’s mili-
tary achievements, but also his footsteps. He then led his
army to view the sacred mountain, which was clad with the
adornments of nature, the vine and ivy, as beautifully as if it
had been tilled by art, and decked by the labour of the culti-
vator. But the troops, as they approached the hill, were
impelled, by a sudden commotion in their minds, to utter
devout cries to the god, and ran frantically up and down, to
the amazement of the king, but without suffering any harm ;
whence he might understand that, by sparing the town, he
had not so much secured its safety, as that of his own army.

He next proceeded to the Dedalian mountains,§ and the
dominions of Queen Cleophis; who, after surrendering to
Alexander, recovered her throne from him by admitting him

* That is, with a kind of prostration, See Corn. Nep. Con. c. 3;
Justin, vi. 2. Ipooxuview roy Baciiéia mpoorimrovrac, Herod. vii
136 ; see also i. 134. On the question about paying adoration to
Alexander, see Arrian, iv. 1].

+ Eaxplosd.] Scheffer conjectures expulsd, which Lemaire approves.

t From dpyveos, silver, and dozic, a shield.

§ Montes Deedaios.] Quintus Curtius, viii. 10, has Regio que Dedala
vocatur; but there is no allusion to the name in any other author.
B.C. 326. ] PORUS DEFEATED. 118

to her bed; saving by her charms what she had been unable
to secure by her valour. A son whom she had by him, she
named Alexander; and he-afterwards sat upon the throue of
the Indians. Queen Cleophis, for allowing her chastity to be
Neri was thenceforward called by the Indians the royal
arlot. : ,

Having arrived, in his course through India, at a rock of
extraordinary ruggedness and altitude, to which many people
had fled for refuge, he learned that Hercules had been hin-
dered from taking it by an earthquake. Seized with a desire,
in consequence, to go beyond the exploits of Hercules, he
made himself master of the rock with the utmost exertion
and peril, and received submission from all the tribes of that
part of the country.

VIII. There was one of the kings of India, named Porus,
equally distinguished for strength of body and vigour of mind,
who, hearing of the fame of Alexander, had been for some
time before preparing for war against his arrival. Coming to
battle with him, accordingly, he directed his soldiers to attack
the rest of the Macedonians, but desired that their king should
be reserved as an antagonist for himself. Nor did Alexander
decline the contest; but his horse being wounded in the first
shock, he fell headlong to the ground, and was saved by his
guards gathering round him. Porus, covered with a number
of wounds, was made prisoner, and was so grieved at being
defeated, that when his life was granted him by the enemy,
he would neither take food nor suffer his wounds to be
dressed, and was scarcely at last prevailed upon to con-
sent to live. Alexander, from respect to his valour, sent
him back in safety to his kingdom. Here he founded two
cities, one called Niczea, and the other, from the name of his
horse, Bucephale.

He then overthrew the Adreste, the Gesteani, the Preside,
and the Gangaride, with great slaughter among their troops.
When he had reached the Cuphites, where the enemy awaited
him with two thousand cavalry, the whole army, wearied not
less with the number of their victories than with their toils in
the field, besought him with tears that ‘he would at length
make an end of war, and think on his country and his return;
considering the years of his soldiers, whose remainder of life
would scarcely suffice for their journey home.” One pointed

I
414 JUSTIN, [B. XI. CH.IX.

to his hoary hairs, another to his wounds, another to his body
worn out with an age, another to his person disfigured with
scars,* saying “‘ that they were the only men who had endured
unintermitted service under two kings, Philip and Alexander ;”
and conjuring him in conclusion that ‘‘ he should restore their
remains at least to the sepulchres of their fathers, since they
failed not in zeal but in age; and that, if he would not spare
his soldiers, he should yet spare himself, and not wear out his
good fortune by pressing it too far.” Moved with these
reasonable supplications, he ordered a camp to be formed, as if
to mark the termination of his conquests, of greater size than
usual, by the works of which the enemy might be astonished,
and an admiration of himself be left to posterity. No task
did the soldiers execute with more alacrity. After great
slaughter of the enemy, they returned to this camp with
mutual congratulations.

IX. From hence Alexander proceeded to the river Acesines,
and sailed down it into the ocean, In his way he received the
submission of the Hiacensane + and the Silei, whom Hercules
settled ; next he sailed to the Ambri and Sigambri,t who met
him with eighty thousand foot and sixty thousand horse.
Gaining the victory in a battle, he led his army against their
city ; and supposing, as he looked from the wall, which he had
been the first to mount, that the place was destitute of
defenders, he leaped down into the area of the city without a
single attendant. The enemy, seeing him alone, gathered
round upon him with a shout, to try if by taking one life they
could put an end to war in the world, and exact vengeance for
the defeats of so many nations. Alexander withstood them
with equal spirit, fighting alone against thousands. It is,
indeed, incredible, that ueither the multitude of enemies, nor
the thick showers of javelins, nor the loud outcries of his
assailants, could in the least alarm him; and that he alone
should have spread havoc and terror among so many thousands.
But seeing that he was likely to be overpowered by numbers,

* Cicatricibus exhausta.] Exhausta cannot surely have been Justin’s
word. Faber conjectures distincta.
+ Bongarsius Sony Hepes Acesine, as taking their name from the
neighbouring river.
t+ For Ambros et Shonindves Fabricius, from Arrian, and Curtius, ix.
4, proposes Mallos et Oxydracas, which some editors have adopted.
B.C. 824.] ALEXANDER RETURNS TO BABYLON. 115

he fixed himself against the trunk of a tree that stood by the
wall, by the help of which he long resisted a host, when, his
danger being known, his friends leaped down to him, many of
whom were slain, and the battle continued doubtful, till the-
whole army, making’a breach in the wall, came to his aid.
Being wounded in the struggle by an arrow, and likely to
faint through loss of blood, he placed his knee on the ground,
and fought till he had killed the man by whom he had been
wounded. The curing of the wound caused him more suffer-
ing than the wound itself.

X. Being at length restored to health, after there had been
great despair of it, he sent Polysperchon with the army to
Babylon, while he himself, with a select band of followers, went
on board the fleet, and sailed along the shore of the ocean.
When he came to the city of king Ambiger, the inhabitants,
hearing that he was invincible to the sword, tipped their arrows
with poison; and thus repulsing the enemy from their walls
with wounds doubly fatal, they killed a great number of them.
Ptolemy, with many others, being wounded, and seeming to
be at the point of death, a herb was shown to the king in a
dream as a cure for poison; this being taken in a drink, he
was freed from danger, and the greater part of the army were
saved by the same remedy. Taking the city afterwards by
storm, and returning to the fleet, he made oblations to the
ocean, praying for a prosperous return to his country; and
having thus, as it were, driven his chariot round the goal, and
fixed the boundaries of his empire, as far as either the deserts
would suffer him to proceed by land, or the sea was navigable,
he sailed up the mouth of the river Indus with the tide. There
he built the city Barce, in memory of the exploits achieved by
him, and erected altars, leaving one of his friends as governor
of the Indians on the coast. As he intended to march from
thence by land, and as the parts in the middle of his route
were said to be dry, he ordered wells to be made in suitable
places, from which he got abundance of fresh water, and so
returned to Babylon. Hither many of the conquered people
sent deputations to accuse their governors, whom Alexander,
without any regard to his former friendship for them, com-
manded to be put to death in the sight of the deputies.

Soon after he married Statira, the daughter of king Darius ;
but, at the same time, he gave the noblest virgins, chosen from

12
116 JUSTIN. [B. XII. CH. XII.

all the conquered natives, as wives to the chiefs of the Mace-
donians ; in order that the impropriety of the king’s conduct*
might be rendered less glaring by the practice becoming
general.

XI. He next assembled the army, and promised that “‘ he
would pay all their debts at his own expense,” so that they
might carry home their spoil and prizes undiminished. This
munificence was highly prized, not only for the sum given, but
for the character of the gift, and was received not more,thank-
fully by the debtors than by the creditors, exaction being as
troublesome to the one as payment to the other. Twenty
thousand talents were expended in this largess. Discharging
some of the veterans, he recruited the army with younger
soldiers.’ But those that were retained, murmuring at the dis-
charge of the older men, demanded that they themselves should
be released likewise ; desiring that ‘“ their years, not of life,
but of service, should be counted,” and thinking it reasonable
that ‘‘ those who had been enlisted in the service together,
should together be set free from the service.” Nor did they
address the king only with entreaties, but also with reproaches,
bidding him “carry on his wars alone, with the aid of his
father Ammon, since he looked with disdain on his soldiers.”
Alexander, on the other hand, sometimes upbraided his men,
and sometimes charged them in gentle terms, ‘ not to tarnish
their glorious services by mutiny.” At last, when he could
produce no effect by words, he leaped unarmed from his tri-
bunal among the armed multitude, to lay hands on the authors
of the mutiny; and not a man daring to oppose him, he led
thirteen of them, whom he had seized with his own hand, to
punishment. Such submission to death did the fear of their
king produce in the men; or such courage in inflicting
punishment had his knowledge of military discipline given the
king.

XII. He then addressed himself, in a public speech, to the
auxiliary troops of the Persians apart from the Macedonians.
He extolled their constant fidelity, as well as to himself as
to their former kings; he mentioned the kindnesses which he
had shown them, saying that ‘‘he had never treated them as

* Crimen regis.| Crimen, in this place, has not the ordinary signifi-
eetien of crime, but means simply opprobriwm, a reproach, dishonour.
‘—faoer,
B.C. 324. ] DEATH OF HEPHASTION. 117

a conquered people, but always as sharers in his successes ;
that he had gone over to the usages of their nation, not they
to those of his; and that he had mingled the conquerors with
the conquered by matrimonial connexions. And now,” he
added, “ he would entrust the guardianship of his person, not
to the Macedonians only, but also to them.” Accordingly, he
enrolled a thousand of their young men among his body-
guard; and at the same time incorporated into his army a
portion of the auxiliaries, trained after the discipline of the
Macedonians. At this proceeding the Macedonians were
much dissatisfied, exclaiming that ‘‘their enemies were put
into their places by their king ;” and at length they all went
to Alexander in a body, beseeching him with tears “to content
himself rather with punishing than ill-treating them.” By
this modest forbearance they produced such an effect upon
him, that he released eleven thousand veterans more. Of
his own friends, too, were sent away the old men, Polysperchon,
Clitus, Gorgias, Polydamas, Amadas, and Antigenes. Of
those that were sent home Craterus was appointed leader, and
commissioned to take the government of Macedonia in the
room of Antipater, whom he sent for, with a body of recruits,
to supply the place of Craterus. Pay was allowed to those
that went home, as if they had been still in the service. In
the course of those proceedings, Hephestion, one of his
friends, died; a man who was a great favourite with Alex-
ander, at first on account of his personal qualities in youth,
and afterwards from his servility. Alexander mourned
for him longer than became his dignity as a king, built a
monument for him that cost twelve thousand talents, and
gave orders that he should be worshipped as a god.

XIII. As he was returning to Babylon, from the distant
shores of the ocean, he was acquainted that embassies from
the Carthaginians, and other states of Africa, as well as
from the Spains, Sicily, Gaul, and Sardinia, and some also
from Italy, were waiting his arrival at that city. So power-
fully had the terror of his name diffused itself through the
world, that all nations were ready to bow to him as their
destined monarch. When he was hastening to Babylon,
therefore, to hold an assembly, as it were, of the states of the
world, one of the Magi warned him ‘not to enter the city,”
for that the “place would be fatal to him.” He accordingly
118: JUSTIN. [B.XIL CH. XIV.

avoided Babylon, and turned aside to Borsippa, a city on the
other side of the Euphrates, that had been for some time
uninhabited. Here again he was persuaded by Anaxarchus
the philosopher, to slight the predictions of the Magi as
fallacious and uncertain ; observing that, ‘if things were fixed
by fate, they were unknown to mortals, and, if they
were dependent on the course of nature, were unchangeable.”
Returning, therefore, to Babylon, and. allowing himself several
days for rest, he renewed, in his usual manner, the entertain-
ments which had been for some time discontinued, resigning
himself wholly to mirth, and joining in his cups the night to the
day. As he was returning, on one occasion, from a banquet,
Medius, a Thessalian, proposing to renew their revelling,
invited him and his attendants to his house. Taking up a
cup, he suddenly uttered a groan while he was drinking, as if
he had been stabbed with a dagger, and being carried half
dead from the table, he was excruciated with such torture that
he called for a sword to put an end to it, and felt pain at the
touch of his attendants as if he were all over wounds. His
friends reported that the cause of his disease was excess in
drinking, but in reality it was a conspiracy, the infamy of
which the power of his successors threw into the shade.

XIV. The author of this conspiracy was Antipater, who,
seeing that* his dearest friends were put to death, that
Alexander Lyncestes, his son-in-law, was cut off, and that he
himself, after his important services in Greece, was not so
much liked by the king as envied by him, and was also
persecuted with various charges by his mother Olympias;
reflecting, ‘too, on the severe penalties inflicted, a few days
before, on the governors of the conquered nations, and hence
imagining that he was sent for from Macedonia, not to share
in the war, but to suffer punishment, secretly, in order to be
beforehand with Alexander, furnished his son Cassander with
poison, who, with his brothers Philippus and Iollas, was
accustomed to attend on the king at table. The strength of
this poison was so great, that it could be contained neither in
brass, nor iron, nor shell, nor could be conveyed in any other
way than in the hoof of a horse. Cassander had been warned

* Tn the original there is no grammatical construction. Either the

text has been mutilated, or Justin commenced his sentence in one
way, and proceeded with it in another.
B.C. 323. ] DEATH OF ALEXANDER, 119

to trust nobody but the Thessalian and his brothers ; and hence
it was that the banquet was prepared and renewed in the house
of the Thessalian. Philippus and Jollas, who used to taste and
mix the king’s drink, had the poison ready in cold water,
which they put into the drink after it had been tasted.

XV. On the fourth day, Alexander, finding that death was
inevitable, observed that “he perceived the approach of the
fate of his family, for the most of the Alacide had died under
thirty years of age.”* He then pacified the soldiers, who
were making a tumult, from suspecting that the king was the
victim of a conspiracy, and, after being carried to the highest
part of the city, admitted them to his presence, and gave
them his right hand to kiss. While they all wept, he not only
did not shed atear, but showed not the least token of sorrow ;
so that he even comforted some who grieved immoderately,
and gave others messages to their parents; and his soul was
as undaunted at meeting death, as it had formerly been at
meeting an enemy. When the soldiers were gone, he asked
his friends that stood about him, ‘“ whether they thought they
should find a king like him?” All continuing silent, he said
that, “although he did not know that, he knew, and could
foretel, and almost saw with his eyes, how much blood Mace-
donia would shed in the disputes that would follow his death,
and with what slaughters, and what quantities of gore, she
would perform his obsequies.” At last he ordered his body to
be buried in the temple of Jupiter Ammon. When his

‘friends saw him dying, they asked him ‘‘ whom he would ap-
point as the successor to his throne?” He replied, “The
most worthy.’ Such was his nobleness of spirit, that though
he left a son named Hercules,ft a brother called Arideus,t
and his wife Roxane § with child, yet, forgetting his relations,
he named only “the most worthy” as his successor; as
though it were unlawful for any but a brave man to succeed a
brave man, or for the power of so great an empire to be left to
any but approved governors. But as if, by this reply, he had

* Intra trigesimum annum.] Yet he himself had passed his thirtieth
year. However intra will not bear any other signification.

{ Son of Barsine. See xi 10; xiii 2; xiv. 6. ,

+ See ix. 8, imit.; xiii. 2; xiv. 5.

§ Daughter of Oxyartes, king of the Bactrians, Diod. Sic. xviii. 3.
She afterwards gave birth to Alexander gus, Comp. Q, Curt. x, 3, 13;
Justin, xiii. 2, 6; xv. 2.
120 JUSTIN. [B-XIL. CH. XVI.

sounded the signal for battle among his friends, or had thrown
the apple of discord amongst them, they all rose in emulation
against each other, and tried to gain the favour of the army by
secretly paying court to the common soldiers. On the sixth
day from the commencement of his illness, being unable to
speak, he took his ring from his finger, and gave it to Perdiccas;
an act which tranquillized the growing dissension among his
friends; for though Perdiccas was not expressly named_his
successor, he seemed intended to be so in Alexander's
judgment.

XVI. Alexander, when he died, was thirty-three years and
one month old. He was a man endowed with powers of mind
far beyond ordinary human capacity. His mother Olympias,
the night in which she conceived him, dreamed that she was
entwined with a huge serpent; nor was she deceived by her
dream; for she certainly bore in her womb a conception
superior to mortality; and though her descent from the
Zéacide, a family of the remotest antiquity, and the royal dig-
nity of her father, brother, husband, and indeed of all her
ancestors, conferred sufficient splendour upon her, yet by no
one’s influence was she rendered more illustrious than that of
her son. Some omens of his future greatness appeared at his
birth. Two eagles sat the whole of the day on which he was
born on the top of his father’s palace, giving indication of his
double empire over Europe and Asia. The very same day,
too, his father received the news of two victories, one in the
war with the Illyrians, the other in the Olympic games, to
which he had sent some four-horse chariots ; an omen which
portended to the child the conquest of the world. As a boy,
he was ably instructed in elementary learning ; and, when his
boyhood was past, he improved himself, for five years, under
his famous instructor Aristotle.* On taking possession of
the throne, he gave orders that he should be styled “ King of
all the earth and of the world ;” and he inspired his soldiers
with such confidence in him, that, when he was present, they

* Sub Aristotele doctore inclyto [omniwm philosophorwm]. The words
in brackets, condemned by Faber, Scheffer, and Wetzel, I have
omitted in the translation. They are unsatisfactory, both as
regards sense and construction; for if we connect them with doctore,
we make Justin say what was not true; and if with iclyto, we give
that adjective a government to which it has no right. ,
B.C, 823.] MOURNING FOR ALEXANDER. 121

feared the arms of no enemy, though they themselves were
unarmed. He, in consequence, never engaged with any enemy
whom he did not conquer, besieged no city that he did not
take, and invaded no nation that he did not subjugate. He
was overcome at last, not by the prowess of any enemy, but

by a conspiracy of those whom he trusted, and the treachery
of his own subjects.

BOOK XIII.

Feelings of the Macedonians on the death of Alexander, I-
Opinions of the generals about a successor, I1—Mutiny among
the infantry, III.— Arideeus chosen king; the generals divide the
provinces among them, IV.—The tolians and Athenians fight
for the liberty of Greece; the services of Demosthenes, V.—
Perdiccas defeats the Cappadocians ; goes to war with Antigonus ;
conduct of Ptolemy, VI—Account of Cyrene, VII—Ptolemy
goes to war with Perdiccas; acts of Eumenes, VIII.

I. Wuen Alexander was thus cut off in the flower of his
age, and at the height of his successes, a mournful silence
prevailed among all people throughout Babylon. But the
conquered nations could not give credit to the report of his
death, because, as they had believed him to be invincible,
they had also conceived that he was immortal, reflecting how
frequently he had been snatched from imminent destruction,
and how often, when he was given up for lost, he had suddenly
presented himself to his soldiers, not only safe, but victorious.
‘As soon, however, as the report of his death was confirmed,
all the barbarous nations, whom he had shortly before subdued,
lamented for him, not as an enemy, but as a father. The
mother, too, of King Darius, who, though she had been
reduced, after the death of her son, from the summit of royal
‘dignity to the state of a captive, had, till that day, through the
kindness of the conqueror, never felt weary of life, com-
mitted suicide when she heard of the death of Alexander ;
not that she felt more for an enemy* than she had felt for
cher son, but because she had experienced the attention of a
son from him whom she had feared as an enemy. The
Macedonians, on the other hand, did not mourn for him as a

* She survived the death of Darius, and killed herself on that of
Alexander.
122 JUSTIN. [B. XIII. CHIL.

countryman, and a prince of such eminence, but rejoiced at
his death as at that of an enemy, execrating his excessive
severity and the perpetual hardships of war to which he
exposed them. The chiefs,, moreover, were looking to
sovereignty and offices of command; the common soldiers to
the treasury and heaps of gold, as a prize unexpectedly pre-
sented to their grasp; the one meditating on the possibility
of seizing the throne, the other on the means of securing
wealth and plenty; for there were in the treasury fifty
thousand talents, while the annual tribute produced thirty
thousand. Nor did the friends of Alexander look to the
throne without reason ; for they were men of such ability and
authority, that each of them might have been taken for a king.
Such was the personal gracefulness, the commanding stature,
and the eminent powers of body and mind, apparent in all of
them, that whoever did not know them, would have thought
that they had been selected, not from one nation, but from
the whole earth. Never before, indeed, did Macedonia, or
any other country, abound with such a multitude of distin-
guished men; whom Philip first, and afterwards Alexander,
had selected with such skill, that they seemed to have been
chosen, not so much to attend them to war, as to succeed
them on the throne. Who then can wonder, that the world
was conquered by such officers, when the army of the
Macedonians appeared to be commanded, not by generals, but
by princes ?—men who would never have found antagonists to
cope with them, if they had not quarrelled with one another ;
while Macedonia would have had many Alexanders instead of
one, had not Fortune inspired them with mutual emulation for
their mutual destruction.

II. But, when Alexander was taken off, their feelings of
security were not in proportion to their exultation; for they
were all competitors for the same dignity; nor did they fear
one another * more than the soldiery, whose licence was less
controllable, and whose favour was more uncertain. Their
very equality inflamed their discord, no one being so far
superior to the rest, that any other would submit to him.

* The text stands thus in Wetzel’s and Gronovius’s editions: nec
minds milites invicem se timebant. Vorstius and Scheffer advocate the
other reading, gudm invicem se, which, as giving much better sense, I
have followed.
B.C. 823. ] ARIDEUS PROCLAIMED KING.. 123

They therefore met in the palace under arms to settle the
present state of affairs. Perdiccas gave his opinion that
“they ought to wait till Roxane was delivered, who was now
eight months gone with child by Alexander; and that, if she
brought forth a boy, he should be appointed his father’s suc-
cessor.” Meleager argued that “their proceedings should not be
suspended for the result of an uncertain birth; nor ought they
to wait till kings were born, when they might choose from such
as were already born; for if they wished for a boy, there was
at Pergamus a son of Alexander by Barsine, named Hercules ;
or, if they would rather have a man, there was then in the
camp Arideeus, a brother of Alexander, a person of courteous
manners, and acceptable to every body, not only on his own
acvount, but on that of his father Philip. But that Roxane
was of Persian origin, and that it was unlawful that kings
should be chosen for the Macedonians from the blood of those
whose kingdoms they had overthrown; a choice to which
Alexander himself would not have consented, who, indeed,
when he was dying, made no mention of Roxane’s issue.”
Ptolemy objected to Arideus as king, “ not only on account of
the meanness of his mother (he being the son of a courtezan
of Larissa), but because of the extraordinary weakness with
which he was affected, lest, while he had the name of king,
another should exercise the authority ;” and said that “it
would be better for them to choose from those who were next
in merit to the king, and who could govern the provinces and
be entrusted with the conduct of wars, than to be subjected to
the tyranny of unworthy men under the authority of a king.”
The opinion of Perdiccas was adopted with the consent of all ;
and it was.resolved to wait for, the delivery of Roxane; and,
if a boy should be born, they appointed Leonatus, Perdiccas,
Craterus, and Antipater, his guardians, to whom they at once
took an oath of obedience. ‘

III. When the cavalry had also taken the oath, the
infantry, indignant that no share in the deliberation had
been granted to them, proclaimed Arideus, the brother of
Alexander, king, chose him guards from their own body, and
appointed that he should be called Philip, after the name of
his father. These proceedings being reported to the cavalry,’
they despatched two of their officers, Attalus and Meleager,
to quell the excitement ; but they, hoping for power for them-
124 JUSTIN. [B. XIII. CH.IV.

selves by flattering the multitude, neglected their commission,
aud took part with the soldiers. The insurrection soon
gathered strength, when it once began to have a head and
regular management. The infantry rushed in a body, under
arms, to the palace, with a resolution to cut the cavalry
to pieces; but the cavalry, hearing of their approach, retreated
in haste from the city, and after pitching their camp, began to
threaten the infantry in return. Nor did the animosity of
the chiefs, meanwhile, abate. Attalus despatched some of his
men to assassinate Perdiccas, the leader of the opposite party,
but, as he was armed, the assassins durst not go near him,
though he freely invited them to approach; and such was
the resolution of Perdiccas, that he went of his own ac-
cord to the infantry, and, summoning them to an assembly,
represented to them the atrocity of their conduct; admonish-
ing them “to consider against whom they had taken arms ;
that they were not Persians, but Macedonians ; not enemies,
but their own countrymen; most of them their kinsmen, but
certainly all of them their fellow soldiers, sharers of the same
camp and of the same dangers; that they would present a
striking spectacle to their enemies, who would rejoice at the
mutual slaughter of those by whose arms they grieved at
having been conquered ; and that they would atone with their
own blood to the manes of their slaughtered adversaries.”

IV. Perdiccas having enforced these arguments with elo-
quence peculiar to himself, produced such an effect upon the
infantry, that his admonitions were obeyed, and he was
unanimously chosen general. The cavalry, soon after, being
reconciled with the infantry, agreed to have Arideus for
their king. A portion of the empire was reserved for Alexan-
der’s son, if a son should be born. These proceedings they
conducted with the body of Alexander placed in the midst of
them, that his majesty might be witness to their resolutions.
Such an arrangement being made, Antipater was appointed
governor of Macedonia and Greece; the charge of the royal
treasure was given to Craterus; the management of the camp,
the army, and the war, to Meleager and Perdiccas; and king
Arideus was commissioned to convey the body of Alexander to
the temple of Jupiter Ammon. Perdiccas, who was still
enraged at the authors of the late disturbance, suddenly gave
notice, without the knowledge of his colleague, that there
"B.C, 822.] DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE. 125

. would be a lustration of the camp on the following day on
account of the king’s death. Having drawn up the troops
under arms in the field, he, with the general consent, gave
‘orders, as he passed along, that the offenders, selected from
each company, should be secretly given up to punishment.
On his return, he divided the provinces among the chief men,
in order both to remove his rivals out of the way, and to make
the gift ofa prefectship appear a favour from himself. In the
first place Egypt, with part of Africa and Arabia, fell by lot to
Ptolemy, whom Alexander, for his merit, had raised from the
condition of a common soldier; and Cleomenes, who had built
Alexandria,* was directed to put the province into his hands.
Laomedon of Mitylene was allotted Syria, which bordered on
Ptolemy’s province; Philotas, Cilicia; and Philo, Illyria.
Atropatus was set over the Greater Media; the father-in-law of
Perdiceas over the Less. Susiana was assigned to Scynus,
and the Greater Phrygia to Antigonus, the son of Philip.
Nearchus received Lycia and Pamphylia; Cassander, Caria ;
and Menander, Lydia. The Lesser Phrygia fell to Leonatus;
Thrace, and the coasts of the Pontic sea, to Lysimachus ;
Cappadocia and Paphlagonia were given to Kumenes, The
chief command of the camp fell to Seleucus the son of Anti-
ochus. Cassander, the son of Antipater, was made commander
of the king’s guards and attendants. In Ulterior Bactriana,
and the countries of India, the present governors were allowed
to retain their office. The region between the rivers Hydas-
pes and Indus, Taxiles received. To the colonies settled in
India, Python, the son of Agenor, was sent. Of Paropa-
misia, and the borders of mount Caucasus, Extarches had the
command. The Arachosians and Gedrosians were assigned to
Sibyrtius; the Drance and Arci to Stasanor. Amyntas was
allotted the Bactrians, Scytheus the Sogdians, Nicanor the
Parthians, Philippus the Hyrcanians, Phrataphernes the
Armenians, Tleptolemus the Persians, Peucestes the Baby-
onians, Archon the Pelasgians, Arcesilaus, Mesopotamia.
When this allotment, like a gift from the fates, was made to

* Cleomenes had indeed authority in Africa and Europe, but it
was only over the revenues ; and it was not he that built Alexandria,
but Dinocrates. Hence I conjecture that there is some deficiency
in the text.—Scheffer. See Val. Max. i. 5; Q. Curt. iv. 8, 9; Plin. ‘
H. N. vii. 38, -
126 JUSTIN. [B.XIIL. CH. V.

each, it was to many of them a great occasion for improving
their fortunes; for not long after, as if they had divided king-
doms, not governments, among themselves, they became
princes instead of prefects, and not only secured great power
to themselves, but bequeathed it to their descendants.

V. While these transactions were passing in the east, the
Athenians and Attolians proceeded with all their might to
prosecute the war which they had begun in the life of Alexander.
The cause of the war was, that Alexander, on his return from
India, had written certain letters to Greece, according to which
the exiles from all the states, except such as had been convicted
of murder, were to be recalled. These letters, being read
before all Greece, assembled at the Olympic games,* had
excited a great commotion ; because many had been banished,
not by legal authority, but by a faction of the leading men,
who were afraid that, if they were recalled, they would become
more powerful in their states than themselves. Many states
therefore at once expressed open discontent, and said that
their liberty must be secured by force of arms. The leaders
among them all, however, were the Athenians and AXtolians.

This being reported to Alexander, he gave orders that a
thousand ships of war should be raised among his allies, with
which he might carry on war in the west ; and he intended to
make an expedition, with a powerful force, to level Athens with
the ground. The Athenians, in consequence, collecting an
army of thirty thousand men and two hundred ships, went
to war with Antipater, to whom the government of Greece had
been assigned; and when he declined to come to battle, and
sheltered himself within the walls of Heraclea, they besieged
him there. At that time Demosthenes, the Athenian orator,
who had been banished from his country on the charge of
taking gold from Harpalus (a man who had fled from Alex-
ander’s severity), bribing him to prevail on the city + to go to
war with Alexander, happened then to be living in exile at
Megara, and learning that Hyperides was sent as an ambassa-
dor by the Athenians to persuade the Peloponnesians to join

* In mercatw Olympiaco.] “For at those games,” says Pythagoras in
Cicero, Tusc. Quiest. v. 3, “ alit corporibus exercitatis gloriam ea nobili-
tatem corone petunt ; alii emendt aut vendendi queestu et lucro ducun-
tur.” — Wetzel.

+ We must read qud civitatem impelleret, with Freinshemius,
Vorstius, and Lemaire.
B.C. 822.] ANTIPATER—PERDICCAS. 127

in the war, followed him, and, by his eloquence, brought over
Sicyon, Argos, Corinth, and other states, to the Athenian
interest. For this service a ship was sent for him by the
Athenians, and he was recalled from banishment. Meanwhile
Leosthenes, the general of the Athenians, was killed, while he
was besieging Antipater, by a dart hurled at him from the
wall as he was passing by. This occurrence gave so much
encouragement to Antipater, that he ventured to break down
the Athenian rampart. He then sought assistance from
Leonatus, who was soon reported to be approaching with his
army ; but the Athenians met him in battle array, and he was
severely wounded in an action of the cavalry, and died.
Antipater, though he saw his auxiliaries defeated, was yet
rejoiced at the death of Leonatus, congratulating himself that
his rival was taken off, and his force added to his own. Taking
Leonatus’s, army under his command, therefore, and thinking
himself a match for the enemy, even ina regular battle, he
immediately released himself from the siege, and marched
away to Macedonia. The forces of the Gieeks, too, having
driven the enemy* from the territory of Greece, went off to
their several cities.

VI. Perdiccas, in the meantime, making war. upon Ariara-
thes, king of the Cappadocians, defeated him in a pitched
battle, but got no other reward for his efforts but wounds and
perils ; for the enemy, retreating from the field into the city,
killed each his own wife and children, and set fire to his house
and all that he possessed ; throwing their slaves too into the
flames, and afterwards themselves, that the victorious enemy
might enjoy nothing belonging to them but the sight of the
conflagration that they had kindled. Soon after, that he
might secure royal support to his present power, he turned
his thoughts to a marriage with Cleopatra, sister of Alexander
the Great, and formerly wife of the other Alexander,t
her mother Olympias showing no dislike to the match. But
he wished first to outwit Antipater, by pretending a desire for
an alliance with him, and therefore made a feint of asking his
daughter in marriage, the more easily to procure from him
young recruits from Macedonia. Antipater, however, seeing

* Pulso hoste.] The word pulso is inconsistent with what is said just

above, that the enemy “marched away,” concessit, of their own accord.
+ Alexander of Epirus. Seeix.6.
128 JUSTIN. [B. XIII. CH. VI.

through his deceit, he courted two wives at once, but obtained
neither.

Afterwards a war arose between Antigonus and Perdiccas ;
Craterus and Antipater (who, having made peace with the
Athenians, had appointed Polysperchon to govern Greece and
Macedonia) lent their aid to Antigonus. Perdiccas, as the
aspect of affairs was unfavourable, called Arideus, and Alex-
ander the Great's son,* then in Cappadocia (the charge of
both of whom had been committed to him), to a consultation
concerning the management of the war. Some were of
opinion that it should be transferred to Macedonia, to the very
head and metropolis of the kingdom, where Olympias, the »
mother of Alexander, was, who would be no small support to
their party, while the good will of their countrymen would be
with them, from respect to the names of Alexander and
Philip; but it seemed more to the purpose to begin with
Egypt, lest, while they were gone into Macedonia, Asia should
be seized by Ptolemy. Paphlagonia, Caria, Lycia, and
Phrygia were assigned to Eumenes, in addition to the provinces
which he had already received; and he was directed to wait
in those parts for Craterus and Antipater, Alcetas, the brother
of Perdiccas, and Neoptolemus being appointed to support
him with their forces. The command of the fleet was given
to Clitus. Cilicia, being taken from Philotas, was given to
Philoxenus. Perdiccas himself set out for Egypt with a large
army. Thus Macedonia, while its commanders separated into
two parties, was armed against its own vitals, and turned the
sword from warring against the enemy to the effusion of civil
blood, being ready, like people in a fit of madness, to hack her
own hands and limbs. But Ptolemy, by his wise exertions in
Egypt, was acquiring great power; he had secured the favour
of the Egyptians by his extraordinary prudence; he had
attached the neighbouring princes by acts of kindness and
courtesy ; he had extended the boundaries of his kingdom by
getting possession of the city Cyrene, and was grown so great
that he did not fear his enemies so much as he was feared by
them.

VII. Cyrene was founded by Aristssus, who, from being
tongue-tied, was also called Battus. His father Grinus, king of

* His posthumous son by Roxane, called Alexander Agus, See xii.
15, xiii. 2,
B.C. 764.]’ »«- BATTUS FOUNDS CYRENE. 129

the isle of Thera, having gone to the oracle at Delphi, to
implore the god to remove the ignominy of his son, who was
grown up but could not speak, received an answer by which his
son Battus was directed ‘to go to Africa, and found the city
of Cyrene, where he would gain the use of his tongue.” This
response appearing but a jest, by reason of the paucity of inha-
bitants in the island of Thera, from which a colony was desired
to go to build a city in a country of such vast extent as Africa,
the matter was neglected. Some time after, the Therans, as
being guilty of disobedience, were forced by a pestilence to
comply with the god’s directions. But the number of the
colonists was so extremely small that they scarcely filled one
ship. Arriving in Africa, they dislodged the inhabitants from
a hill named Cyras, and took possession of it for themselves,
on account both of the pleasantness of the situation and the
abundance of springs in it. Here Battus, their leader, the
strings of his tongue being loosed, began to speak; which
circumstance, as one part of the god's promises was fulfilled,
gave them encouragement to entertain the further hope of
building a city. Pitching their camp, accordingly, they
received information of an old tradition, that Cyrene, a maiden
of extraordinary beauty, was carried off by Apollo from Pelion,
a mountain in Thessaly, and brought to that very mountain
on which they had seized a hill, where, becoming pregnant by
the god, she brought forth four sons, Nomius, Aristeus,
Authocus, and Argeus; and that a party being sent by her
father Hypseus, king of Thessaly, to seek for the damsel,
were so attracted by the charms of the place, that they settled
there with her. Of her four sons, it was said that three,
when they grew up, returned to Thessaly, and inherited théir
grandfather’s kingdom; and that the fourth, Aristeus, reigned
over a great part of Arcadia, and taught mankind the
management of bees and honey, and the art of making cheese,
and was the first that observed the solstitial risings of Sirius.*
On hearing this account, Battus built the city in obedience

* Solstitiales ortus sideris.] Aristeus first observed the risings of
Sirius or the dog-star, and taught the Ceans to watch them and.
sacrifice to it. This is the general account, and that Justin may agres
with it, I think that we should read solstitialis ortus sideris. By solsti-
tiale sidus, I think that Sirius is meant, because it rises soon after the
solatice.—Salmasius.

K
180 JUSTIN. [B. XIII. CH. Vir.

to the oracle, calling it Cyrene,* from the name ‘of the
maiden.

VIII. Ptolemy, having increased his strength from the
forces of this city, made preparations for war against the
coming of Perdiccas. But the hatred which Perdiccas had
incurred by his arrogance did him more injury than the power
of the enemy; for his allies, detesting ‘his overbearingness,
went over in troops to Antipater. Neoptolemus, too, who had
been left to support Eumenes, intended not only to desert
himself, but also to betray the force of his party; when
Eumenes, understanding his design, thought it a matter of
necessity to engage the traitor in the field. Neoptolemus,
being worsted, fled to Antipater and Polysperchon, and per-
suaded them to surprise Eumenes, by marching without inter-
mission, while he was full of joy for his victory, and freed
from apprehension by his own flight. But this project did
not escape Eumenes; the plot was in consequence turned
upon the contrivers of it; and they who expected to attack
him unguarded, were attacked themselves when they were on
their march, and wearied with watching through the previous
night. In this battle, Polysperchon was killed.+ Neoptolemus,
too, engaging hand to hand with Eumenes, and maintaining a
long struggle with him, in which both were wounded more than
once, was at last overpowered and fell. | Humenes, therefore,
being victorious in two successive battles, supported in some
degree the spirits of his party, which had been cast. down by
the desertion of their allies. At last, however, Perdiccas
being killed,t Humenes was declared an enemy by the army,
together with Pitho, Illyrius, and Alcetas, the brother of Per-
diccas; and the conduct of the war against them was com-
mitted to Antigonus.

* The word agnito, which Faber, ‘Scheffer, and Lemaire unite in
condemning, I have not translated.

+ This is a mistake, for Justin, xiv. 5, speaks of him as being alive.
Bongarsius and others have supposed that Justin wrote Craterus
instead of Polysperchon, but it seems to be otherwise, for Orosius
(iii. 23), who follows Justin, has the same account of Polysperchon’s
death, That it was Craterus who was killed, and not Polysperchon,
appears from Corn. Nep. Eum. ec. 4. See also Plut. Hum. ¢. 9; Diod.
Sic. xviii. 38.

+ By his own cavalry, when he wanted to cross the Nile; Diod. Sic.
xviii. 33—37.— Wetzel.
131

s

BOOK XIV.

Conduct of Eumenes in the war with Antigonus, I—Being unsuccess-
ful, he flees to the Argyraspides, II,—They, being defeated, resolve
to deliver Eumenes to Antigonus, II].—Eumenes addresses the
army; he and the Argyraspides fall into the power of Anti-

“ gonus, [V.— Proceedings of Cassander and Olympias, V.—Death
of Olympias, VI.

I. WxHen Eumenes found that Perdiccas was slain, that he
himself was declared an enemy by the Macedonians, and that
the conduct of the war against him was committed to Anti-
gonus, he at once made known the state of affairs to his
troops, lest report should either exaggerate matters, or alarm
the minds of the men with the unexpected nature of the
events ; designing at the same time to learn how they were
affected towards him, and to take his measures according to
the feeling expressed by them as a body. He boldly gave
notice, however, that “if any one of them felt dismayed at
the news, he had full liberty to depart.” By this declaration
he so strongly attached them to his side, that they all imme-
diately exhorted him to prosecute the war, and protested that
‘they would annul the decrees of the Macedonians with their
swords.” Having then led his army into Aitolia,* he exacted
contributions from the different cities, and plundered, like an
enemy, such as refused to pay. Next he went to Sardis, to
Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander the Great, that with her
influence he might encourage his captains and chief officers,
who would think that the royal authority was on that side on
which the sister of Alexander stood. Such veneration was
there for the greatness of Alexander, that the influence of his
sacred name was sought even by means of women.

When he returned to his camp, letters were found scattered
through it, in which great rewards were offered to any that
should bring the head of Eumenes to Antigonus. This
coming to his knowledge, Eumenes, assembling his men, first
offered them his congratulatious that “none had been found

* So stands the name in Wetzel’s text, and in most others, except
that of Tauchnitz, which has olia, the conjecture of Glareanus.
But Isaac Vossius’ conjectures iulane, from a passage of Ptolemy,
who gives that name to a part of Armenia Minor, lying to the north-east
of Cappadocia. Vossius’s suggestion is approved by Vorstius and Faber.

K 2
132 JUSTIN. [B. XIV. CH. O.

among them who preferred the expectation of a reward stained
with blood to the obligation of his military oath.” He then
craftily added that these letters had been forged by himself to
sound their feelings; but that his life was in the hands of
them all; and that-neither Antigonus nor any other general
would be willing to conquer by such means as would afford
the worst of examples against himself.” By acting thus, he
both preserved for the present the attachment of such as were
wavering, and made it likely that if anything similar should
happen in future, the soldiers would think that they were not
tampered with by the enemy, but sounded by their own general.
All of them in consequence zealously offered him their services:
for the guard of his person.

II. In the meantime Antigonus came up with his army,
and having pitched his camp, offered battle on the following
day. Nor did Eumenes delay to engage with him; but,
being defeated, he fled to a fortress, where, when he saw that
he must submit to the hazard of a siege, he dismissed the
greater part of his army, lest he should either be delivered to
the enemy by consent of the multitude, or the sufferings of the
siege should be aggravated by too great a number. He then
sent a deputation to Antipater, who was the only general that
seemed a match for the power of Antigonus, to entreat his aid ;
and Antigonus, hearing that succour was despatched by him to
Eumenes, gave up the siege. Eumenes was thus for a time,
indeed, relieved from fear of death ; but, as so great a portion

. of his army was sent away, he had no great hope of ultimate
safety. After taking everything into consideration, therefore,
he thought it best to apply to the Argyraspides of Alexander
the Great, a body of men that had never yet been conquered, and
radiant with the glory of so many victories. But the Argyras-
pides disdained all leaders in comparison with Alexander, and
thought service under other generals dishonourable to the
memory of so great a monarch. Humenes had, therefore, to
address them with flattery; he spoke to each of them in the
language of a suppliait, calling them his “ fellow-soldiers,”
his ‘‘ patrons,” or his ‘‘ companions in the dangers and exploits
of the east;” sometimes styling them “his refuge for pro-
tection, and his only security;”’ saying that “they were
the only troops by whose valour the east had been subdued ;
the only troops’ that had gone beyond the achievements of
B.C. 315.] EUMENES, 133

Bacchus and the monuments of Hercules; that by them
Alexander had become great, by them had attained divine
honours and immortal glory;” and he begged them “to
receive him, not so much in the character of a general, as in
that of a fellow-soldier, and to allow him to be one of their
body.” Being received on these terms, he gradually suc-
ceeded, first by giving them hints individually, and afterwards
by gently correcting whatever was done amiss, in gaining the
sole command. Nothing could be done in the camp without
him; nothing managed without the aid of his judgment.

III. At length, when it was announced that Antigonus was
approaching with his army, he obliged them to march into the
field; where, slighting the orders of their general, they were
defeated by the bravery of the enemy. In this battle they
lost, with their wives and children, not only their glory from
80 many wars, but also the booty obtained in their long service.
But Eumenes, who was the cause of their disaster,* and had
no other hope of safety remaining, encouraged them after their
repulse, assuring them that “they had the superiority in courage,
as five thousand of the enemy had been slain by them; and
that if they persevered in the war, their enemies would gladly
sue for peace; ” adding, that ‘‘the losses, by which they esti-
mated their defeat, were two thousand women, and a few chil-
dren and slaves, which they might better recover by conquering,
than by yielding the victory.” The Argyraspides, on the other
hand, declared that ‘‘ they would neither attempt a retreat,
after the loss of their property and wives, nor would they war
against their own children,’’+ and pursued him with reproaches
‘for having involved them, when they were returning home
after so. many years of completed service, and with the fruits
of so many enterprises, and when on the point of being
disbanded, in fresh efforts and vast: struggles in the field; for

having deluded them, when they were recalled, as it were,
from their own hearths, and from the very threshold of their
country, with vain promises; and for not allowing them, after
having lost all the. gains of their fortunate service, to support
quietly under their defeat the burden of a poor and unhappy

* Auctor cladis.] Inasmuch as he had impelled them to take the
field.— Wetzel.

+ The Argyraspides were veterans, and some of them, doubtless, had
sons in the army to which they were now opposed,
134 JUSTIN. [B. XIV. CH.IV.

old age.” Immediately after, without the knowledge of their
leaders,* they sent deputies to Antigonus, requesting that ‘‘ he
would order what was theirs ¢ to be restored to them.’ Anti-
gonus promised that ‘“‘ he would restore what they asked, if
they would deliver up Eumenes to him.” Hearing of this
reply, Eumenes, with a few others, attempted to flee, but
being brought back, and finding his condition desperate, he
requested, as a great crowd gathered around him, to be allowed
to address the army for the last time.

IV. Being desired by them all to speak, and silence being
made, and his chains loosed, he held out his hand, fettered as
he was, and said, ‘‘Soldiers, ye behold the dress and equip-
ments of your general, which it is not any one of the enemy
that has put upon me; for that would be even a consolation
to me; but it is you that have made me of a conqueror con-
quered, and of a general a prisoner. Four times { within the
present year have you bound yourselves by oath to obey me;
but on that point I shall say nothing, for reproaches do not
become the unfortunate. One favour only I entreat, that, if
the performance of Antigonus’s promises depends on my life,
you would allow me to die among yourselves; for to him it
signifies nothing how or where I fall, and I shall be delivered
from an ignominious end. If I obtain this request, I release
you from the oath by which you have so often devoted your-
selves tome. Or if you are ashamed to offer violence to me
at my entreaty, give me a sword, and permit your general to
do for you,§ without the obligation of an oath, that which you
haye taken an oath to do for your general.” Not being able,
however, to obtain his request, he changed his tone of entreaty
to that of anger, and exclaimed, “May the gods, then, the
avengers of perjury, look down in judgment upon you, ye
accursed wretches, and bring upon you such deaths as you have
brought upon your leaders, It was you, the same who now
stand before me, that were lately sprinkled with the blood of

* Eumenes, and those who adhered to him; those few with whom
he afterwards attempted to escape.

{ Their wives, children, and money.
. £ Quater.] Three times, says Cornelius Nepos in his life of Eu-
menes.—Bongarsius. Perhaps we should here read qui, ter.—Ber-
neccerus.

§ Namely, to die.
BC. 815.7. DEATH OF EUMENES. 135

Perdiccas, and that planned a similar end for Antipater. You
would even have killed Alexander himself, if it had been pos-
sible for him to fall by a mortal hand: * what was next to it,+
you harassed him with your mutinies. I, the last victim of
your perfidy, now pronounce on you these curses and impreca-
tions ; may you live your whole lives in poverty, far from your
country, in this camp where you are exiled ; and may your own
arms, by which you have killed more generals of your own than
of your enemies, sink you in utter destruction.” Then, full of
indignation, he began to walk before his guards towards the
camp of Antigonus. The army followed, surrendering their
general, and being themselves made prisoners; and, leading up
a triumph over themselves to the camp of their conqueror,
resigned to him, together with their own persons, all their
honour gained under king Alexander,t and the palms and
laurels of so long a warfare; and, that nothing might be
wanting to the procession, the elephants and auxiliaries of the
east§ brought up the rear. This single victory was so far more
glorious to Antigonus than so many other victories had been to
Alexander, that whereas Alexander subdued the east, Auti-
gonus defeated those by whom the east had been subdued.
These conquerors of the world, then, Autigonus distributed
among his army, restoring to them what he had taken in the
victory; and directed that Eumenes, whom, from regard to
their former friendship, he did not allow to come into his pre-
sence, should be committed to the care of a guard.

V. In the meantime Eurydice, the wife of king Aridzus,
when she learned that Polysperchon was returning from Greece
into Macedonia, and that Olympias was sent for by him, being
prompted by a womanish emulation, and taking advantage of
her husband’s weakness, whose duties she took upon herself,
wrote in the king’s name to Polysperchon, desiring him “ to
deliver up the army to Cassander, on whom the king had con-
ferred the government of the kingdom.” She made a similar

* This is quite at variance with Justin’s account of Alexander's
death.

¢ All the editions, I believe, have quod maximum erat ; I follow.
the conjecture of Freinshemius (ad Flor. ii. 6, 8), guod proximum erat.

t Omnia auspicia regis Alexandri.} Commoda preliis felicibus,
duce rege, parta.— Wetzel. : :

§ Aucilia Orientalia.] The Persian soldiers that had been in Alex-
ander’s army. —
186 JUSTIN. [B. XIV. CH. VI.

communication to Antigonus, in a letter which she wrote to him
in Asia. Cassander, attached to her by such a favour, managed
everything according to the will of that ambitious woman.
Marching into Greece, he made war upon several cities; by
the calamities of which, as by a fire in the neighbourhood, the
Spartans were alarmed, and, distrusting their power in arms,
enclosed their city (which they had always defended, not with
walls, but with their swords) with works of defence, in disre-
gard both of the predictions of the oracles, and of the ancient
glory of their forefathers. Strange, that they should have so
far degenerated from their ancestors, that, when the valour of
the citizens had been for many ages a wall to the city, the
citizens could not now think themselves secure unless they had
walls to shelter them. But during the course of these pro-
ceedings, the disturbed state of Macedonia obliged Cassander
to return home from Greece; for Olympias, the mother of
Alexander the Great, coming from Epirus to Macedonia, with
Macides, king of the Molossians, attending her, and being
forbidden to enter the country by Eurydice and king Aridzus,
the Macedonians being moved, either by respect for the
memory of her husband, or the greatness of her son, or by the
indignity with which she was treated, went over to Olympias,
by whose order both Eurydice and the king were put to death,
he having held the kingdom six years since the decease of
Alexander.

VI. But neither did Olympias reign long; for having com-
mitted great slaughter among the nobility throughout the
country, like a furious woman rather than a queen, she turned
the favour with which she was regarded into hatred. Hearing,
therefore, of theapproach of Cassander, and distrusting the Mace-
donians, she retired, with her daughter-in-law Roxane, and her
grandson Hercules, to the city of Pydna. Deidamia, the daugh-
ter of king AXacides, and Thessalonice, her step-daughter, ren-
dered illustrious by the name of Philip, who was her father, and
many others, wives of the leading men, a retinue showy rather
than serviceable, attended her on her journey. When the
news of her retreat was brought to Cassander, he marched
immediately, with the utmost expedition, to Pydna, and laid
siege to the city. Olympias,- distressed with famine and
the sword, and the wearisomeness of a long siege, surrendered
herself to the conqueror, stipulating only for life. But Cas-
Bo. 315.] OLYMPIAS KILLED. 187

sander, on summoning the people to an assembly, to inquire
‘what they would wish to be done with Olympias,” induced
the parents of those whom she had killed to put on mourn-
ing apparel, and expose her cruelties; when the Mace-
donians, exasperated by their statements, decreed, without
regard to her former majesty, that she should be put to death ;
utterly unmindful that, by the labours of her son and her hus-
band, they had not only lived in security among their neigh-
bours, but had attained to vast power, and even to the conquest
of the world. Olympias, seeing armed men advancing towards
her, bent upon her destruction, went voluntarily to meet them,
dressed in her regal apparel, and leaning on two of her maids.
The executioners, on beholding her, struck with the recollection
of her former royal dignity,* and with the names of so many of
their kings, that occurred to their memory in connexion with
her, stood still, until others were sent by Cassander to despatch
her; she, at the same time, not shrinking from the sword or
the blow, or crying out like a woman, but submitting to death
like the bravest of men, and suitably to the glory of her
ancient race, so that you might have perceived the soul of
Alexander in his dying mother. As she was expiring, too, she
is said to have settled her hair,t and to have covered her feet
with her robe, that nothing unseemly might appear about her.

After these events, Cassander married Thessalonice, the
daughter of king Arideus, and sent the son of Alexander,t
with his mother, to the citadel of Amphipolis, to be kept under
guard.

* Fortund majestatis prioris.

+ Wetzel’s text has, Insuper expirans capillis et veste crura contextsse
fertur. Some manuscripts, as Grevius and Scheffer state, have comp-
sisse insuper expirans capillos et veste crwra, &c., which I have followed ;
for as Greevius and others ask, how could she cover her feet with her
hair? Scheffer conjectures cooperuisse capillis os ; Grevius, papillas
veste et crwra contexisse ; but both these attempts are inferior to the
reading compsisse, &c.

» f Alexander Agus, with his mother Roxane.
138

BOOK XV.

War of Antigonus against his opponents; defeat of his son Demetrius,
I—Cruelty of Cassander towards the family of Alexander the
Great ; successes of Antigonus, IJ.—Acts of Lysimachus, III.—
Account of Seleucus ; of Sandrocottus; death of Antigonus, IV.

I. Prrpiccas and his brother, with Eumenes and
Polysperchon, and other leaders of the opposite party, being
killed, the contention among the successors of Alexander
seemed to be at an end; when, on a sudden, a dispute arose
among the conquerors themselves; for Ptolemy, Cassander,
and Lysimachus, demanding that “the money taken amongst
the spoil, and the provinces, should be divided,” Antigonus
said that “he would admit no partners in the advantages of a
war of which he alone had undergone the perils.” And that
he might seem to engage in an honourable contest with his
confederates, he gave out that “his object was to avenge the
death of Olympias, who had been murdered by Cassander, and
to release the son of Alexander, his king, with his mother,
from their confinement at Amphipolis.” On hearing this
news, Ptolemy and Cassander, forming an alliance with
Lysimachus and Seleucus, made vigorous preparations for war
by land and sea. Ptolemy had possession of Egypt, with the
greater part of Africa, Cyprus, and Pheenicia. Macedonia and
Greece were subject to Cassander. Antigonus had taken
possession of Asia and the eastern countries.

Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, was defeated in the first
engagement by Ptolemy, at Gamala.* In this action, the
renown gained by Ptolemy for his moderation was greater
than that which he obtained from the victory itself; for he let
the friends of Demetrius depart, not only with their baggage,
but with presents in addition; and he restored Demetrius
himself all his private property, together with his family,
making, at the same time, this honourable declaration, that
“he had not engaged in the war for plunder, but for the
maintenance of his own character, being indignant that when
the leaders of the opposite faction were conquered, Antigonus
claimed the fruits of their common victory for himself.”

II. During these transactions, Cassander, returning from

* Near Gaza. Diod. Sio. xix. 84.— Wetzel.
B.C. 806. ] CASSANDER—PTOLEMY. 139

Apollonia, fell in with the Antariat,* who, having abandoned
their country on account of the vast number of frogs and mice
that infested it, were seeking a settlement. Fearing that
they might possess themselves of Macedonia, he made a
compact with them, received them as allies, and assigned
them lands at the extremity of the country. Afterwards, lest
Hercules, the son of Alexander, who had nearly completed
his fourteenth year, should be called to the throne of
Macedonia through the influence of his father’s name, he
sent secret orders that he should be put to death, together
with his mother Barsine, and that their bodies should be
privately buried in the earth lest the murder should be
betrayed by a regular funeral} As if, too, he had previously
incurred but small guilt, first in the case of the king himself,t
and afterwards in that of his mother Olympias and her son,
he cut off his other son, and his mother Roxane, with
similar treachery; as though he could not obtain the throne
of Macedonia, to which he aspired, otherwise than by crime.
Ptolemy meanwhile engaged a second time with Demetrius
at sea;§ and, having lost his fleet, and left the victory to the
enemy, fled back to Egypt, whither Demetrius sent
Leontiscus, the son of Ptolemy, his brother Menelaus, and
his friends, with all their baggage, being induced to this act: by
like kindness previously shown|| to himself; and that it
-might appear that they were stimulated, not by hatred, but by
desire of glory and honour, they vied with one another, even
amidst war itself, in kindnesses and services. So much more

* Wetzel, in his text, has the old reading Abderitas, but expresses
himself, in his notes, in favour of Freinshemius’s conjecture, Antari-
atas, from Diodor. Sic. xx. 19, and Athen. viii. 2; which Grevius
adopted. The Antariate bordered on Dardania and Ponia. See
Strabo, lib. xix. The inhabitants of the island of Gyarus are also
said by Pliny, H. N. viii. 43, to have been driven from their country
by mice ; also those of Troas, x. 85.
ine Sepulturd.| That is, by burning the bodies on a funeral pile.—

etzel,

t See xii. 14,

§ Cum Demetrio navali pralio iteratd congreditur.] “There was,” says
Scheffer, “no previous battle by sea, as is apparent from Diod. Sic. lib,
xix.; and the adverb iteratd is, therefore, to be referred, not to pratio,
-but to congreditur. He had engaged with Demetrius previously by
land ; he now engages him a second time by sea.”

l| See c. 1, sub jin.
140 JUSTIN. [B. XV. CH.1II.

honourably were wars then conducted than private friend-
ships are now maintained ! * :

Antigonus, being elated with this victory, gave orders that
he himself, as well as his son Demetrius, should be styled
king by the people. Ptolemy also, that he might not
appear of less authority among his subjects, was called king
by his army. Cassander and Lysimachus, too, when they
heard of these proceedings, assumed regal dignity themselves.
They all abstained, however, from taking the insignia of
royalty, as long as any sons of their king survived. Such
forbearance was there in them, that, though they had the
power, they yet contentedly remained without the distinction
of kings, while Alexander had a proper heir. But Ptolemy
and Cassander, and the other leaders of the opposite faction,
perceiving that they were individually weakened by Antigonus,
while each regarded the war, not as the common concern of all,
but as merely affecting himself, and all were unwilling to give
assistance to one another, as if victory would be only for one,
and not for all of them, appointed, after encouraging each
other by letters, a time and place for an interview, and
prepared for the contest with united strength. Cassander,
being unable to join in it, because of a war near home,
despatched Lysimachus to the support of his allies with a large
force.

III. Lysimachus was of a noble family in Macedonia, but
was exalted far above any nobility of birth by the proofs which
he had given of personal merit, which was so great, that he
excelled all those by whom the east was conquered, in great-
ness of mind, in philosophy, and in reputation for prowess.
For when Alexander the Great, in his anger, had pretended
that Callisthenes the philosopher, for his opposition to the
Persian mode of doing obeisance, was concerned in a plot that
had been formed against him, and, by cruelly mangling all his
limbs, and cutting off his ears, nose, and lips, had rendered
him a shocking and miserable spectacle, and had had him car-
ried about, also, shut up in a cage with a dog, for a terror to
others, Lysimachus, who was accustomed to listen to Callis-
thenes, and to receive precepts of virtue from him, took pity

* A foolish observation. Did Justin or Trogus suppose that friend-

ships were better observed in the days of Cassander and Demetrius
than in his own ?- .
B.C, 806.) LYSIMACHUS—SELEUCUS. 141

on so great a man, undergoing punishment, not for any crime,
but for freedom of speech,* and furnished him with poison to
relieve him from his misery. At this act Alexander was so
displeased, that he ordered Lysimachus to be exposed to a
fierce lion; but when the beast, furious at the sight of him,
had made a spring towards him, Lysimachus plunged his
hand, wrapped in his cloak, into the lion’s mouth, and, seizing
fast hold of his tongue, killed him. This exploit being related
to the king, his wonder at it ended in pleasure, and he
regarded Lysimachus with more affection than before, on
account of his extraordinary bravery. Jiysimachus, likewise,
endured the ill-treatment of the king with magnanimity, as
that of a parent. At last, when all recollection of this affair
was effaced from the king’s mind, Lysimachus was his only
attendant in an excursion through vast heaps of sand, when
he was in pursuit of some flying enemies, and had left’ his
guards behind him in consequence of the swiftness of his
horse. His brother Philip,t having previously attempted to
do him the same service, had expired in the king’s arms.
Alexander, however, as he alighted from his horse, happened
to wound Lysimachus in the forehead with the point of his
spear, so severely that the blood could not by any means be
stopped, till the king, taking off his diadem, placed it on his
head by way of closing the wound; an act which was the first
omen of royal dignity to Lysimachus. And after the death of
Alexander, when the provinces were divided among his suc-
cessors, the most warlike nations were assigned to Lysimachus
as the bravest of them all; so far, by general consent, had he
the pre-eminence over the rest in military merit.

IV. Before the war with Antigonus was commenced by
Ptolemy and his allies, Seleucus, on a sudden, leaving the
Greater Asia,{ came forward as a fresh enemy to Antigonus.
The merit of Seleucus was well known, and-his birth had
been attended with extraordinary circumstances. His mother
Laodice, being married to Antiochus, a man of eminence
among Philip's generals, seemed to herself, in a dream, to
have conceived from a union with Apollo, and, after becoming

* Libertatis.] Libertas pro lbertate loquendi. Sic sepe et aliii—
Vorstius.

+ The brother of Lysimachus. See Q. Curt. viii. 2, 35.

t.In opposition to Asia Minor. Lae, ©
142 JUSTIN. [B.XV OH.IV.

pregnant, to have received from him, as a reward for her com-
pliance, a ring, on the stone of which was engraved an anchor,
and which she was desired to give to the child that she should
bring forth. A ring similarly engraved, which was found the
next day in the bed, and the figure of an anchor, which was
visible on the thigh of Seleucus when he was born, made this
dream extremely remarkable. This ring Laodice gave to
Seleucus, when he was going with Alexander to the Persian
war, informing him, at the same time, of his paternity. After
the death of Alexander, having secured dominion in the east,
he built a city, where be established a memorial of his two-
fold origin ; for he called the city Antioch from the name of
his father Antiochus, and consecrated the plains near the city
to Apollo. This mark of his paternity continued also among
his descendants; for his sons and grandsons had an anchor
on their thigh, as a natural proof of their extraction.

After the division of the Macedonian empire among the
followers of Alexander, he carried on several wars in the east.
He first took Babylon, and then, his strength being increased
by this success, subdued the Bactrians. He next made an
expedition into India, which, after the death of Alexander, had
shaken, as it were, the yoke of servitude from its neck, and
put his governors to death. The author of this liberation was
Sandrocottus, who afterwards, however, turned their semblance
‘of liberty into slavery ; for, making himself king, he oppressed
the people whom he had delivered from a foreign power, with
a cruel tyranny. This man was of mean origin, but was
stimulated to aspire to regal power by supernatural encourage-
ment; for, having offended Alexander by his boldness of
speech, and orders being given to kill him, he saved himself
by swiftness of foot; and while he was lying asleep, after his
fatigue, a lion of great size having come up to him, licked off
with his tongue the sweat that was running from him, and
atter gently waking him, left him. Being first prompted by
this prodigy to conceive hopes of royal dignity, he drew
together a band of robbers, and solicited the Indians to sup-
port his new sovereignty. Some time after, as he was going
to war with the generals of Alexander, a wild elephant of
great bulk presented itself before him of its own accord, and,
as if tamed down to gentleness,* took him on its back, and

* Veluti domitd mansu:tudine stands in Wetsel’s text, and I believe

;
{
BC. 300.] DEATH OF ANTIGONUS. 148

became his guide in the war, and conspicuous in fields of battle.
Sandrocottus, having thus acquired a throne, was in possession
of India, when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his
future greatness ; who, after making a league with him, and
settling his affairs in the east, proceeded to join in the war
against Antigonus. As soon as the forces, therefore, of all
the confederates were united, a battle was fought,* in which
Antigonus was slain, and his son Demetrius put to flight.
But the allied generals, after thus terminating the war with
the enemy, turned their arms again upon each other, and, as
they could not agree about the spoil, were divided into two
parties. Seleucus joined Demetrius, and Ptolemy Lysimachus.
Cassander dying, Philip, his son, succeeded him. Thus new
wars arose, as it were, from a fresh source, for Macedonia.

BOOK XVI.

Antipater, son of Cassander, puts his mother to death; Demetrius
Poliorcetes becomes master of Macedonia, I. Demetrius is driven
from Macedonia; deaths of Antipater and Cassander, IJ.—War
between Pyrrhus and Lysimachus ; account of the city Heraclea,
. in Pontus, I11—Tyranny of Clearchus there, ITV.—Death of
;  Clearchus ; subsequent condition of Heraclea, V.

I. Arrer the deaths, in rapid succession, of Cassander and
Philip, queen Thessalonice, the wife of Cassander, was soon
killed by her son Antipater, though she conjured him by the
bosom of a mother to spare her life. The cause of this
matricide was that, in the division of the kingdom between the
brothers, she seemed to have favoured Alexander. This deed
appeared the more atrocious to every one, as there was no proof
of injustice on the part of the mother; although, indeed, in a
case of matricide, no reason can be alleged sufficient to justify
the crime. Alexander, in consequence, resolving to go to war

in all others. Scheffer asks whether there is mansuetudo not domiia.
Diibner, the editor of a small edition with French notes (Par. 18mo,
1847), says that Cuper, de Elephantis, p. 47, proposes to read domitus
ad mansuetudinem.

* At Ipsus in Phrygia.

+ Philip died in the same year with Cassander, B.c. 297. Concern-
ing Thessalonice, see xiv. 6, and Diod. Sic. xxi. Fragm. 10.— Wetzel. |
144 JUSTIN. [B. XVI. CH.L..

with his brother, to avenge his mother’s death, solicited aid
from Demetrius; and Demetrius, in hopes of seizing the throne
of Macedonia, made no delay in complying with his request.
Lysimachus, alarmed at his approach, persuaded Antipater,
his son-in-law, rather to be reconciled to his brother than to
allow his father’s enemy to enter Macedonia. Demetrius,
therefore, finding that a reconciliation was commenced between
the brothers, removed Alexander by treachery, and, having
seized on the throne of Macedonia, called an assembly of the
army, to defend himself before them for the murder. He
alleged that “ his life had been first attempted by Alexander,
and that he had not contrived treachery, but prevented it; and
that he himself was the more rightful king of Macedonia, both
from experience attendant on greater age, and from other con-
siderations ; for that his father * had been a follower of king
Philip, and of Alexander the Great, in the whole of their wars,
and afterwards an attendant on the children of Alexander,
and a leader in the punishment of the revolters. That Anti-
pater, on the other hand, the grandfather of these young men,
had always been more cruel as the governor of the kingdom
than the kings themselves; and that Cassander, their father,
had been the extirpator of the king’s family, sparing neither
women nor children, and not resting till he had cut off the
whole of the royal house. That vengeance for these crimes,
as he could not exact it from Cassander himself, had been
inflicted on his children; and that accordingly Philip and
Alexander, if the dead have any knowledge of human affairs,
would not wish the murderers of them and their issue, but
their avengers, to fill the throne of Macedonia.” The people
being pacified by these arguments, he was saluted king of
Macedonia. Lysimachus, too, being pressed with a war with
Doricetes, king of Thrace, and not wishing to have to fight
with Demetrius at the same time, made peace with him,
resigning into his hands the other half of Macedonia, which
had fallen to the share of his son-in-law Antipater.
II. When Demetrius, therefore, supported by the whole
strength of Macedonia, was preparing to invade Asia, Ptolemy,
Seleucus, and Lysimachus, having experienced in the former
contest how great the power of unanimity was, formed an
alliance a second time, and having joined their forces, carried
* Antigonus.
B.C. 292.] PYRRHUS—DEMETRIUS. 145

the war against Demetrius, into Europe. With these leaders
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, united himself, as a friend and
sharer in the war, hoping that Demetrius might lose Mace-
donia not less easily than he had obtained it. Nor were his
expectations vain; for he himself, having corrupted Deme-
trius’s army, and put him to flight, seized on the throne of
Macedonia. ,

During the course of these transactions, Lysimachus put to
death his son-in-law Antipater, who complained that he ‘had
been deprived of the throne of Macedonia by the treachery of
his father-in-law, and put his daughter Eurydice, who had
joined with him in his complaints, into prison; and thus the
whole house of Cassander made atonement to Alexander the
Great, whether for killing himself or destroying his offspring,
partly by violent deaths, partly by other sufferings, and
partly by shedding the blood of one another.

Demetrius, surrounded by so many armies, preferred, when
he might have fallen honourably, to make an ignominious
surrender to Seleucus. At the termination of the war died
Ptolemy, after having attained great glory by his military
exploits. Contrary to the custom among nations, he had
resigned his kingdom, before his illness, to the youngest of
his sons, and had stated his reasons for that proceeding to the
people, who showed themselves no less indulgent in accepting
the son for their king‘than the father had proved himself in
delivering the kingdom to him. Among other instances of
mutual affection between the father and the son, the following
had procured the young man favour from the people, that the
father, having publicly resigned the throne to him, had done
duty as a private soldier among his guards, thinking it more
honour to be the father of a king than to possess any kingdom
whatsoever.

IIT. But the evil of discord, constantly arising among
equals, had produced a war between Lysimachus and King
Pyrrhus, who had just before been allies against Demetrius.
Lysimachus, gaining the advantage, had expelled Pyrrhus, and
made himself master of Macedonia. He then made war on
Thrace, and afterwards on Heraclea, a city of which the
origin and the subsequent fortunes were objects of wonder;
for when the Beotians were suffering from a pestilence, the
oracle at Delphi had told them, that “they must plant a

L
146 JUSTIN. [B. XVI. CH. IV.

colony in the country of Pontus, dedicated to Hercules.
But as, through dread of a long and dangerous voyage,
and all the people preferring death in their own country, the
matter was neglected, the Phocians made war upon them ;
and after suffering from unsuccessful struggles with that
people, they had recourse to the oracle a second time. The
answer which they received was, that ‘“ what was a remedy
for the pestilence would also be a remedy for the war.’
Raising therefore a body of colonists, and sailing to Pontus,
they built the city Heraclea ; and as they had been led to that
settlement by the guidance of fate, they soon acquired great
power. In process of time the city had many wars with its
neighbours, and many dissensions among its own people.
Among other noble acts that they performed, the following
is one of the most remarkable. When the Athenians were at
the height of power, and, after the overthrow of the Persians,
had imposed a tax on Greece and Asia for the support of a
fleet, and when all were promptly contributing to the main-
tenance of their safety, the Heracleans alone, from friendship
for the kings of Persia, refused to pay. Lamachus was
accordingly despatched by the Athenians with an army to
exact from them what was withheld; but leaving his ships on
the coast, and going to ravage the lands of the Heracleans, he
lost his fleet, with the greater part of his army, by shipwreck,
in a tempest that came on suddenly. As he was not able,
therefore, to return by sea, from having lost his ships, and
did not dare, with sé small a body of men, to return by land
through so many warlike nations, the Heracleans, thinking
this a more honourable opportunity for kindness than for
revenge, sent the invaders away with a supply of provisions
and troops to protect them ; deeming the devastation of their
lands no loss, if they could but make those their friends who
had formerly been their enemies.

IV. Among many other evils they endured also that of
tyranny; for when, on the populace violently clamouring for
an abolition of debts, and a division of the lands of the rich,
the subject was long discussed in the senate, and no settle-
ment of it was devised, they at last sought assistance
against the commons, who were grown riotous by too long
idleness, from Timotheus general of the Athenians, and
afterwards from Epaminondas general of the Thebans. As
‘B.C. ABOUT 550.] HERACLEA. 147

both, however, refused their request, they had recourse to
Clearchus, whom they themselves had exiled ; such being the
urgency of their distresses, that they recalled to the guardian-
ship of his country him whom they had forbidden to enter
his country. But Clearchus, being rendered more desperate
by his banishment, and regarding the dissension among the
people as a means of securing to himself the government, first
sought a secret interview with Mithridates,* the enemy of his
‘countrymen, and made a league with him on the understanding
that when he was re-established in his country, he should, on
betraying the city into his hands, be made lieutenant-governor
of it. But the treachery which he had conceived against his
countrymen, he afterwards turned against Mithridates himself;
for on returning from banishment, to be as it were the arbiter
of the disputes in the city, he, at the time appointed for
delivering the town to Mithridates, made Mithridates himself
prisoner, with a party of his friends, and released him from
captivity only on the receipt of a large sum of money.
And as, in this case, he suddenly changed himself from a
friend into‘an enemy, so, in regard to his countrymen, he
soon, from a supporter of the senate’s cause, became a patron
of the common people, and not only inflamed the populace
against those who had conferred his power upon him, and by
whom he had been recalled into his country and established
in the citadel, but even exercised upon his benefactors the
most atrocious inflictions of tyrannic cruelty. Summoning
the people to an assembly, he declared that “he would no
longer support the senate in their proceedings against the
populace, but would even interpose his authority, if they
persisted in their former severities; and that, if the people
thought themselves able to chetk the tyranny of the senate,
he would retire with his soldiers, and take no further part in
their dissensions ; but that, if they distrusted their ability to
make resistance, he would not be wanting to aid them in
taking revenge. They might therefore,” he added, ‘ deter-
mine among themselves; they might bid him withdraw, if
they pleased, or might request him to stay as a sharer in the
popular cause.” The people, induced by these fair speeches,
conferred on him the supreme authority, and, while they
were incensed at the power of the senate, surrendered them-
* King of Pontus, father ‘ the Great Mithridates.
L
148 JUSTIN. [B. XVI. CH. V.

selves, with their wives and children, as slaves ‘to the power of
a single tyrant. Clearchus then apprehended sixty senators
(the rest had taken flight), and threw them into prison.
The people rejoiced that the senate was overthrown, and
especially that it had fallen by means of a leader among the
senators, and that, by a reverse of fortune, their support was
turned to their destruction. Clearchus, by threatening all his
prisoners with death, made the price offered for their ransom
the higher; and, after receiving from them large sums of
money, as if he would secretly withdraw them from the
violence threatened by the people, despoiled* those of their
lives whom he had previously despoiled of their fortunes.

V. Learning, soon after, that war was prepared against
him by those who had made their escape (several cities being
moved by pity to espouse their cause), he gave freedom to their
slaves; and that no affliction might be wanting to distress the
most honourable families, he obliged their wives and daughters
to marry their slaves, threatening death to such as refused,
that he might thus render the slaves more attached to himself,
and less reconcileable to their masters. But such marriages
were more intolerable to the women than immediate death ;
and many, in consequence, killed themselves before the nuptial
rites were celebrated, and many in the midst of them, first
killing their new husbands, and delivering themselves from
dishonourable sufferings by a spirit of noble virtue. A battle
was then fought, in which the tyrant, being victorious, dragged
such of the senators as he took prisoners before the faces of
their countrymen in triumph. Returning into the city, he
threw some into prison, stretched others on the rack, and put
others to death; and not a place in the city was unvisited
by the tyrant’s cruelty. Arrogance was added to severity,
insolence to inhumanity. From a course of continued good
fortune, he sometimes forgot that he was a man, sometimes
called himself the son of Jupiter. When he appeared in
public, a golden eagle, as a token of his parentage, was carried
before him; he wore a purple robe, buskins like kings in
tragedies, anda crown of gold. His son he named Ceraunos,* to
mock the gods, not only with false statements, but with impious
names. Two noble youths, Chion and Leonides, incensed
that he should dare to commit such outrages,.and desiring to

* Kepavyée, thunder.
HERACLEA—LYSIMACHIA. 149

deliver their country, formed a conspiracy to put him to death.
They were ,disciples of Plato the philosopher, and being
desirous to exhibit to their country the virtue in which they
were daily instructed by the precepts of their master, placed
fifty of their relations, as if they were their attendants, in am-
bush ; while they themselves, in the character of men who had
a dispute to be settled, went into the citadel to the tyrant.*
Gaining admission, as being well known, the tyrant, while he
was listening attentively to the one that spoke first, was killed
by the other. But as their accomplices were too late in
coming to their support, they were overpowered by the guards;
and hence it happened that though the tyrant was killed, their
country was not liberated. Satyrus, the brother of Clearchus,
made himself tyrant in a similar way; and for many years,
with various successive changes, the Heracleans continued
under the yoke of tyrants.

BOOK XVII.

Fall of Lysimachia; Lysimachus kills his son; Seleucus declares war
against him, .—Death of Lysimachus; Seleucus killed by Ptolemy
Ceraunus; Pyrrhus prepares to invade Italy, Il—History of
Epirus, II.

I. Apout the same time there was an earthquake in the
regions round the Hellespont and the Chersonese;} but the
chief effect of it was, that the city of Lysimachia, founded two
and twenty years before by king Lysimachus, was sunk in ruins;
a prodigy which portended disasters to Lysimachus and his
family, destruction to his kingdom, and calamity to the disturbed
provinces. Nor was fulfilment wanting to these omens ; for,
in a short time after, conceiving towards his son Agathocles
(whom he had appointed to succeed him on the throne, and
through whose exertions he had managed several wars with
success), a hatred unnatural in him not only as a father but

* Ad tyrannum.] The words veluti ad regem, which follow tyrannum,
and which Wetzel condemns as a gloss, are omitted from the translation.
He also condemns the preceding veluti clientes ; but for this I see no
necessity.

+ The Chersonesus Taurica ; now the Crimea,
150 JUSTIN. [B. XVIL. CH. II.

as a man, he took him off by poison, using as his agent in the
affair his step-mother Arsinoé. This was the first commence-
ment of his calantities, the prelude to approaching ruin;
for executions of several great men were added to the. murder
of his son, who were put to death for expressing concern at
the young prince’s fate; and, in consequence, both. those
about the court who escaped this cruelty, and those who were
in command of the troops, began at once to desert to Seleucus,
and incite him to make war upon Lysimachus; an enterprise
to which he was already inclined from a desire to emulate his
glory. This was the last contest between the fellow soldiers
of Alexander; and the two combatants were reserved, as it
were, for an example of the influence of fortune. Lysimachus
was seventy-four years old; Seleucus seventy-seven. But at
this age they both had the fire of youth, and an insatiable
desire of power; for though they alone possessed the whole
world,* they yet thought themselves confined within narrow
limits, and measured their course of life, not by their length of
years, but by the extent to which they carried their dominion.

IT. In this war, Lysimachus (who had previously lost, by
various chances of fortune, fifteen children) died, with no
small bravery, and crowned the ruin of his family. Seleucus,
overjoyed at such a triumph, and what he thought greater
than the triumph, that he alone survived of all Alexander's
staff,| the conqueror of conquerors, boasted that ‘“ this was
not the work of man, but a favour from the gods,” little think-
ing that he himself was shortly after to be an instance of
human instability ; for in the course of about seven months,
he was treacherously surprised by Ptolemy,t whose sister
Lysimachus had married, and put to death, losing the king-
dom of Macedonia, which he had taken from Lysimachus,
together with his life.

Ptolemy, being ambitious to please his subjects, both for
the honour of the memory of the great Ptolemy his father,

* Orbem terrarwm duo soli tenerent.] A great exaggeration. Selevcus
_had Upper Asia and Syria; Lysimachus Thrace, Greece, Macedonia,
and several provinces of Asia Minor. The dominions of Ptolemy
Philadelphus were therefore much more extensive.— Wetzel.

+ De cohorte Alexandri.

{ Ptolemy Ceraunus, the eldest son of Ptolemy Lagus, and brother
of Ptolemy Philadelphus; xvi. 2. His: mother’s name was Eurydice ;
that of Philadelphus’s mother Berenice, Pausan. i. 6, 8.— Wetzel.
B.C, 282.] PTOLEMY CERAUNUS—PYRRHUS. 151

and for the sake of palliating the revenge which he had taken
on behalf of Lysimachus, resolved, in the first place, to con-
ciliate the sons of Lysimachus, and sought a marriage with their
mother Arsinoé, his sister,* promising to adopt the young men,
so that, when he should succeed to the throne of their father,
they might not venture, through respect for their mother, or
the influence of the name of father, to attempt anything
against him. He solicited, too, by letter, the friendship of
his brother the king of Egypt, professing that ‘he laid aside
all feelings of resentment at being deprived of his father’s
kingdom, and that he would no longer ask that from a brother
which he had more honourably obtained from his father’s
enemy.”+ He also in every way flattered Nicomedes,{ that
as he was about to have a war with Antigonus, the son of De-
metrius, and Antiochus the son of Seleucus, he might not
come upon him as a third enemy. Nor was Pyrrhus of Epirus,
neglected by him, a king who would be of great assistance to
whichsoever side he attached himself, and who, while he
desired to spoil them one by one, sought the favour of all.
On going to assist the Tarentines, therefore, against the
Romans, he desired of Antigonus the loan of vessels to trans-
port his army into Italy; of Antiochus, who was better provided
with wealth than with men, a sum of money; and of Ptolemy,
some troops of Macedonian soldiers. Ptolemy, who had no
excuse for holding back for want of forces, supplied him with
five thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, and fifty ele-
phants, but for not more than two years’ service. In return
for this favour, Pyrrhus, after marrying the daughter of
Ptolemy, appointed him guardian of his kingdom in his
absence ; lest, on carrying the flower of his army into Italy,
he should leave his dominions a prey to his enemies.

III. But since I have come to speak of Epirus,§ a few

* The sister of Ptolemy. See the Index.

+ Seleucus, the enemy of Ptolemy Lagus, xv. 4.

t+ Wetzel retains Eument in his text, though Gronovius had seen
that the passage must be thus read: Ommnique arte adulatur Nicomedi,
ne cum Antigono Demetrii, Antiocho Seleuci filiis bellum habituro, tertius
stbi hostis accederet. This emendatiou is approved by Grevius, Vors-
tius, Scheffer, and Faber. The Antigonus here mentioned is Antigonus
Gonmatas, and the Antiochus Antiochus Soter, the successor of Se-
leucus.

§ He had, however, mentioned it before, as Wetzel observes, xvi. 2.
152 JUSTIN. [B. XVIL CH. IIL

particulars should be premised concerning the rise of that
kingdom. The first regal power in this country was that of
the Molossi. Afterwards Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, having
been deprived of his father’s dominions* during his absence in
the Trojan war, settled in these parts; the inhabitants of
which were first called Pyrrhide, and afterwards Hpirots.
This Pyrrhus, going to the temple of Jupiter at Dodona to
consult the oracle, seized there by force Lanassa, the grand-
daughter of Hercules, and by a marriage with her had eight
children. Of his daughters he gave some in marriage to the
neighbouring princes, and by means of these alliances
acquired great power. He gave to Helenus,} the son of King
Priam, for his eminent services, the kingdom of the Chaonians,
and Andromache the widow of Hector in marriage, after she
had been his own wife, he having received her at the division
of the Trojan spoil. Shortly after he was slain at Delphi, at
the very altar of Apollo, by the treachery of Orestes the son of
Agamemnon. His successor was his son Pielus. The throne
afterwards passed in regular descent to Arrybas, over whom, as
he was an orphan, and the only survivor of a noble family,
guardians were publicly appointed, the concern of all being so
much the greater to preserve and educate him. He was also
sent to Athens for the sake of instruction; and, as he was more
learned than his predecessors, so he became more popular with
his subjects. He was the first, accordingly, that established
laws, a senate, annual magistrates, and a regular form of
government; and as a settlement was found for the people by
Pyrrhus, so a more civilized way of life was introduced by
Arrybas. A son of this king was Neoptolemus, the father of
Olympias (mother of Alexander the great), and of Alexander,
who occupied the throne of Epirus after him, and died in
Italy in a war with the Bruttii. On the death of Alexander
his brother A®acides became king, who, by wearying his
people with constant wars against the Macedonians, incurred

* Phthia in Thessaly.

+ The words atque ita, which precede Heleno in the text, are not
expressed in the translation ; for the giving of the kingdom and the
wife to Helenus could hardly have been consequent on the marriages
of Pyrrhus’s daughters by Lanassa; or Andromache must have been
te” when Helenus took her. On this subject, see Virg. Ain.
ili, 204,
B.C. 280.] PYRRHUS INVADES ITALY. 153

their dislike, and was in consequence driven into exile, leaving
his little son Pyrrhus, about two years old, in the kingdom.
The child, too, being sought for by the populace to be put to
death, through their hatred to the father, was concealed and
carried off into Illyricum, and delivered to Beroé, who was the
wife of king Glaucias, and of the family of the AMacide, to be
brought up. This king, moved either by pity for the boy's
misfortunes, or by his infantine caresses, protected him for a
long time against Cassander, king of Macedonia, (who
demanded him with menaces of war,) having the kindness also
to adopt him for his better security. The Epirots, being
moved by these acts, and turning their hatred into pity,
brought him back, when he was. eleven years old, into the
kingdom, appointing him guardians to keep the throne for him
till he became of age. When he grew up he engaged in
many wars, and, by a train of success, attained such eminence
as a leader, that he was the only man who was thought capable
of defending the Tarentines against the Romans.

 

BOOK XVIII.

War of Pyrrhus with the Romans, .—The Romans refuse aid from
Carthage; make peace with Pyrrhus; send an embassy to Ptolemy
Philadelphus; Cineas; Pyrrhus retires to Sicily, Il1—Account of
Tyre; rise of Strato, III.—Dido leaves Tyre, [V.—Founds Car-
thage ; its prosperity, V.—Iarbas ; death of Dido; human sacri-
fices at Carthage, VI.—Disasters of the Carthaginians in Sardinia;
mutiny of the army; Malchus; Carthalo, VII.

I. Pyrruvs, king of Epirus, therefore, being solicited by a
second embassy from the Tarentines, to which were added the.
entreaties of the Samnites and Lucanians, who likewise needed
assistance against the Romans, was induced to comply, not so
much by the prayers of the suitors, as by the hope of making .
himself master of Italy, and promised to come to them with
an army. When his thoughts, indeed, were once directed to
that enterprise, the examples of his predecessors began to
impel him violently towards it, in order that he might not
appear inferior to his uncle Alexander, whom the Taren-
tines had had for a defender against the Bruttii, or to have less
spirit than Alexander the Great, who had subduéd the east in
154 JUSTIN. [B.XVIIL. CH.IT-

so distant an expedition from his native country. Having left
his son Ptolemy, therefore, who was but fifteen years old, as
guardian of his kingdom, he landed his army in the harbour
of Tarentum, taking with him his two younger sons, Alexander
and Helenus, as a comfort to him in so long a voyage. The
Roman consul, Valerius Levinus, hearing of his arrival, and
hastening to come to battle with him before the forces of his
allies were assembled, led forth his army into the field. Nor
did the king, although he was inferior in number of forces,
hesitate to engage. But as the Romans were getting the
advantage, the appearance of the elephants, previously unknown
to them, made them at first stand amazed, and afterwards
quit the field; and the strange monsters of the Macedonians*
at once conquered the conquerors. The triumph of the enemy,
however, was not bloodless ; for Pyrrhus himself was severely
wounded, and a great number of his soldiers killed; and he
had more glory from his victory than pleasure. Many cities
of Italy, moved by the result of this battle, surrendered to
Pyrrhus; among others also Locri, betraying the Roman
garrison, revolted to him. Of the prisoners, Pyrrhus sent
back two hundred to Rome without ransom, that the Romans,
after experiencing his valour, might experience also his
generosity. Some days after, when the forces of his allies
had come up, he fought a second battle with the Romans, of
which the event was similar to that of the former.

Il. In the meantime, Mago, general of the Carthaginians,
being sent to the aid of the Romans with a hundred and
twenty ships, went to the senate, saying that “the Cartha-
ginians were much concerned that they should be distressed
by war in Italy from a foreign prince; and that for this reason
he had been despatched to assist them; that, as they were
attacked by a foreign enemy, they might be supported by
foreign aid.” The thanks of the senate were given to the
Carthaginians, and the succours sent back. But Mago, with
the cunning of a Carthaginian, went privately, a few days
after, to Pyrrhus, as if to be a peace-maker from the people
of Carthage, but in reality to discover the king's views with
regard to Sicily, to which island it was reported that he was

* As having been sent to Pyrrhus by Ptolemy Ceraunus, king of
Macedonia, xvii. 2.
B.C. 274.] PYRRHUS QUITS ITALY. 155

sent for; since the Carthaginians had the same reason* for
sending assistance to the Romans, namely that Pyrrhus might
be detained by a war with that people in Italy, and prevented
from crossing over into Sicily. During the course of these
transactions, Fabricius Luscinus, being commissioned by the
senate of Rome, had made peace with Pyrrhus. To ratify the
treaty, Cineas was sent to Rome by Pyrrhus with valuable
presents, but found nobody’s house open for their reception.
To this instance of Roman incorruptibility, another, very
similar, happened about the same time. Certain ambassadors, ..
who were sent by the senate into Egypt, having refused some
costly presents offered them by Ptolemy, and being invited
to supper some days after, golden crowns were sent to them,
which, from respect to the king, they accepted, but placed
them the next day on the king’s statues. Cineas, bringing
word that “the treaty with the Romans was broken off by
Appius Claudius,” and being asked by Pyrrhus ‘what sort
of city Rome was,” replied that “it appeared to him a city
of kings.” Soon after, ambassadors from the Sicilians arrived,
to offer Pyrrhus the dominion of the whole island, which was
harassed by constant wars with the Carthaginians. Leaving
his son Alexander, therefore, at Locri, and securing the cities
of his allies with strong garrisons, Pyrrhus transported his
army into Sicily. ,

III. Since I come to speak of the Carthaginians, a short
account shall be given of their origin, tracing back, to some
extent, the history of the Tyrians, whose misfortunes were
much to be pitied. The nation of the Tyrians was founded
by the Pheenicians, who, suffering from an earthquake, and
abandoning their country, settled at first near the Syrian lake,
and afterwards on the coast near the sea, where they built a
city, which, from the abundance of fish, they named Sidon,
for so the Pheenicians call a fish in their language. Many
years after, their city being stormed by the king of the

* Nam Romanis eadem causa mittendi auxilit Carthaginiensibus futt,
&c.] Berneccerus and Vorstius think that this passage requires correc-
tion. Scheffer supposes that some words are lost, as there is nothing
to which eadem can be referred.

+ Assyrium stagnum.] Assyriwm for Syrium.—Glareanus. He means
the lake of -Gennesaret.—Bongarsius: with whom Berneccerus and
Faber agree.
156 JUSTIN. [B.XVIIL. CH. IIL

Ascalonians,* sailing away to the place where Tyre stands,
they built that city the year before the fall of Troy.
Here, harassed for a long time, and in various ways, by
attacks from the Persians, they resisted, indeed, successfully,
but, as their strength was exhausted, they suffered the most
cruel treatment from their slaves, who were then extraordi-
narily numerous. These traitors, having entered into a
conspiracy, killed their masters and all the free people of the
city, and thus, becoming masters of the place, took possession
of the houses of their owners, assumed the government,
appropriated wives to themselves, and begot, what they them-
selves were not, freemen. Out of so many thousands of
slaves, there was one who was moved to compassion by the
mild disposition of his aged master and the hard fortune of
his little son, and looked upon them, not with savage fierce-
ness, but with humanity, affection, and pity. He put them
out of the way, therefore, as if they had been killed; and
when the slaves came to deliberate about the condition of
their government, and had resolved that a king should be
elected from their own body, and that he should be preferred,
as most acceptable to the gods, who should first see the rising
sun, he mentioned the matter to Strato (for that was the
name of his master), who was then in concealment. Being
instructed by him, and proceeding with the rest, about the
middle of the night, to a certain plain, he alone, when they
were all looking towards the east, kept his eye directed
towards the west. This at first seemed madness to the others,
to look in the west for the rising sun; but when day began
to advance, and the rising luminary to shine on the highest
eminences of the city, he, while all the rest were watching to
see the sun itself, was the first to point out to them the sun-
shine on the loftiest pinnacle of the town. This thought
seemed above the wit of a slave ; and when they asked him who
had put it into his head, he confessed that it was his master.
It was then seen how far the abilities of freemen surpass
those of slaves, who, though they may be first in viciousness,
are not first in wisdom. The old man and’ his son were
therefore spared ; and the slaves, thinking that they had been
preserved by the interposition of some deity, made Strato
king. After his death, the throne descended to his son, and

* Ascaloniorum.] Inhabitants of Ascalon, between Azotus and Gaza.
DIDO LEAVES TYRE. 157

subsequently to his grandsons. This atrocity of these slaves
was much noticed, and was a terrible example to the whole
world. Aiexander the Great, when he was prosecuting his.
wars, some time after, in the east, having taking the city,
crucified, as an avenger of the general safety, and in memory
of the former massacre, all those who survived the siege;
preserving from injury only the family of Strato, and restoring
the throne* to his descendants ; and sending to the island, at
the same time, inhabitants that were free-born and guiltless,
that, as the race of slaves was extirpated, an entirely new
generation might be established in the city.

1V. The Tyrians, being thus settled under the auspices of
Alexander, quickly grew powerful by frugality'and industry.

Before the massacre of the masters by the slaves, when they
abounded in wealth and population, they sent a portion of their
youth into Africa, and founded Utica. Meanwhile their king
died at Tyre, appointing his son Pygmalion and his daughter
Elissa, a maiden of extraordinary beauty, his heirs. But
the people gave the throne to Pygmalion, who was quite a boy.
Elissa married Acerbas,f her uncle, who was priest of
Hercules, a dignity next to that of the king. Acerbas had
great but concealed riches, having laid up his gold, for fear
of the king, not in his house, but in the earth; a fact of which,
though people had no certain knowledge of it, report was not
silent. Pygmalion, excited by the account, and forgetful of
the laws of humanity, murdered his uncle, who was also
his brother-in-law, without the least regard to netural
affection. Elissa long entertained a hatred to her brother for
his crime, but at last, dissembling her detestation, and
assuming mild looks for the time, she secretly contrived a
mode of flight, admitting into her confidence some of the
leading men of the city, in whom she saw that there was a
similar hatred of the king, and an equal desire to escape.
She then addressed her brother in such a way as to deceive
him; pretending that “she had a desire to remove to his
house, in order that the home of her husband might no
longer revive in her, when she was desirous to forget him, the
oppressive recollection of her sorrows, and that the sad

* Tt does not appear how they were deprived of it.
+ Called by Virgil Sicheus. Servius thinks that the real name was
Sicharbas, which Faber would insert in Justin’s text.
158 JUSTIN. [B. XVIII. CH.V.

remembrances of him might no more present themselves to
her eyes.” To these words of his sister, Pygmalion was no
unwilling listener, thinking that with her the gold of Acerbas
would come to him. But Elissa put the attendants, who were
sent by the king to assist in her removal, on board some vessels
in the early part of the evening, and sailing out into the deep,
made them throw some loads of sand, put up in sacks, as if it
was money, into the sea. Then, with tears and mournful
ejaculations, she invoked Acerbas, entreating that ‘“ he would
favourably receive his wealth which he had left behind him,
and accept that as an offering to his shade, which he had found
to be the cause of his death.” Next she addressed the attend-
ants, and said that “death had long been desired by her, but
as for them, cruel torments and a direful end awaited them,
for having disappointed the tyrant’s avarice of those treasures,
in the hopes of obtaining which he had committed fratricide.”
Having thus struck terror into them all, she took them with
her as companions of her flight. Some bodies of senators, too,
who were ready against that night, came to join her, and
having offered a sacrifice to Hercules, whose priest Acerbas
had been, proceeded to seek a settlement in exile.

V. Their first landing place was the isle of Cyprus, where
the priest of Jupiter, with his wife and children, offered him-
self to Elissa, at the instigation of the gods, as her com-
panion ard the sharer of her fortunes, stipulating for the per-
petual honour of the priesthood for himself and his descend-
ants. The -stipulation was received as a manifest omen of
good fortune. It was a custom among the Cyprians to send
their daughters, on-stated days before their marriage, to the
sea-shore, to prostitute themselves, and thus procure money for
their marriage portions, and to pay, at the same time, offerings
to Venus for the preservation of their chastity in time to come.
Of these Elissa ordered about eighty to be seized and taken
on board, that her men might have wives, and her city a
population. During the course of these transactions, Pygma-
lion, having heard of his sister's flight, and preparing to
pursue her with unfeeling hostility, was scarcely induced by
the prayers of his mother and the menaces of the gods to
remain quiet; the inspired augurs warning him that “he
would not escape with impunity, if he interrupted the founding
of a city that was to become the most prosperous in the
B.C. 825.] CARTHAGE FOUNDED. 159

world.” By this means some respite was given to the fugitives ;
and Elissa, arriving in a gulf of Africa, attached the inhabit-
ants of the coast, who rejoiced at the arrival of foreigners, and
the opportunity of bartering commodities with them, to her
interest. Having then bargained for a piece of ground, as
much as could be covered * with an ox-hide, where she might
refresh her companions, wearied with their long voyage, until
she could conveniently resume her progress, she ‘directed the
hide to be cut into the thinnest possible strips, and thus
acquired a greater portion of ground than she had apparently
demanded; whence the place had afterwards the name of
Byrsa. The people of the neighbourhood subsequently
gathering about her, bringing, in hopes of gain, many articles
to the strangers for sale, and gradually fixing their abodes
there, some resemblance of a city arose from the concourse.
Ambassadors from the people of Utica, too, brought them
presents as relatives, and exhorted them “ to build a city where
they had chanced to obtain a settlement.” An inclination to
detain the strangers was felt also by the Africans; and,
accordingly, with the consent of all, Carthage was founded,
an annual tribute being fixed for the ground which it was to
occupy. At the commencement of digging the foundations an
ox’s head was found, which was an omen that the city would
be wealthy, indeed, but laborious and always enslaved. It was
therefore removed to another place, where the head of a horse
was found, which, indicating that the people would be warlike
and powerful, portended an auspicious site. In a short time,
as the surrounding people came together at the report, the
inhabitants became numerous, and the city itself extensive.

VL. When the power of the Carthaginians, from success in
their proceedings, had risen to some height, Hiarbas, king of
the Maxitani,{ desiring an interview with ten of the chief men
of Carthage, demanded Elissa in marriage, denouncing war in
case of arefusal. The deputies, fearing to report this message
to the queen, acted towards her with Carthaginian artifice,

* Tegi posset.] Justin misapplies this word. A better account is
given by Appian, de Bell. Pun. init: “Ocov Biooa raipou mepihaBy :
and Livy says, Quantwm loci bovis tergo amplecti potuerint. Virgil also,
Zn. i. 372: Taurino quantum possent circeumdare tergo.—Berneccerus.
Scheffer thinks that we should read cing?.

+ Four old editions have Mauwritant; two manuscripts Mawri.—
Weitzel.
160 JUSTIN. [B.XVIIL. CH. VIL

saying that “the king asked for some person to teach him and
his Africans a more civilized way of life, but who could be
found that would leave his relations and go to barbarians, and
people that were living like wild beasts?” Being then
reproached by the queen, ‘in case they refused a hard life for
the benefit of their country, to which, should circumstances
require, their life itself was due,” they disclosed the king’s
message, saying that “she herself, if she wished her city to be
secure, must do what she required of others.” Being caught
by this subtlety, she at last said (after calling for a long time
with many tears and mournful lamentations on the name of
her husband Acerbas), that ‘‘she would go whither the fate of
her city called her.” Taking three months for the accomplish-
ment of her resolution, and having raised a funeral pile at the
extremity of the city, she sacrificed many victims, as if she
would appease the shade of her husband, and make her
offerings to him before her marriage ; and then, taking a sword,
she ascended the pile, and, looking towards the people, said,
that ‘she would go to her husband as they had desired
her,” and put an end to her life with the sword. As long
as Carthage remained unconquered, she was worshipped as
a goddess. This city was founded seventy-two years* before
Rome; but while the bravery of its inhabitants made it famous
in war, it was internally disturbed with various troubles,
arising from civil differences. Being afflicted, among other
calamities, with a pestilence, they adopted a cruel religious
ceremony, an execrable abomination, as a remedy for it; for
they immolated human beings as victims, and brought children
(whose age excites pity even in enemies) to the altars,
entreating favour of the gods by shedding the blood of those for
whose life the gods are generally wont to be entreated.

VII. In consequence of the gods, therefore, being rendered

* There is a strange variety of opinions among authors as to the
time when this city was founded. Some make it thirty years prior to
the Trojan war, as Philistas in Eusebius, or fifty, as Appian, both of
whom deny that Dido was the founder of it; some say that it was
founded after Troy was taken, but before the building of Rome; but
do not agree as to the number of years. Vell. Paterculus, i. 6, makes
it fifty-sex years older than Rome; Livy, Epit. li, says that it stood
seven hundred years, and was destroyed s.v.c. 607; a calculation
whith makes it ninety-three years older than Rome.—Lemaire. Seo
also Bongarsius and Berneccerus.
B.C. ABOUT 450.} MALCHUS THE CARTHAGINIAN, 161

adverse by such atrocities, after they had long fought unsuc-
cessfully. in Sicily, and had transferred the war into Sardinia,
they were defeated in a great battle with the loss of the greater
part of their army ; a disaster for which they sentenced their
general Malchus,* under whose conduct they had both con-
quered a part of Sicily and achieved great exploits against the
Africans, to remain in exile with the portion of his army that
survived. The soldiers, indignant at this sentence, sent depu-
ties to Carthage, to beg, in the first place, permission for them
to return, and pardon for their ill success in the field ; and, in
the second place, to announce that.“ what they could not ob-
tain by entreaty, they would obtain by force of arms.” The
prayers and threats of the deputies being alike slighted, the
troops, after some days, went on board ship, and came under
‘arms to the city, when they called gods and men to witness
that ‘‘ they were not come to overthrow, but to recover their
country ; and that they would show their countrymen that it
was not valour, but fortune, that had failed them in the pre-
ceding war.” By stopping the supplies, and besieging the city,
they reduced the Carthaginians to the greatest despair. At
this time Cartalo, the son of Malchus the exiled general,
returning by. his father’s camp from Tyre (whither he. had
been sent by the Carthaginians, to carry the tenth of the
plunder of Sicily, which his father had taken, to Hercules),
and being desired by his father to wait on him, replied that
“he would discharge his religious duties to the public,t before
those of merely private obligation.” His father, though he
was indignant at his conduct, was nevertheless afraid , to
obstruct him in the performance of his religious offices. Some
days after, Cartalo, having obtained leave of absence from the
people, and returning to his father, presented himself before
all the people, dressed in the purple and fillets of his sacer-
dotal dignity, when his father took him aside, and said,
“ Hast thou dared, most unnatural wretch, to appear before
so many of thy miserable countrymen, thus arrayed in purple
and gold, and to enter, with all the marks of peaceful pros-
perity about thee, and exulting as it were in triumph, into

* Wetzel has the name Maleus in his text, but favours Malchus, a
conjecture of Is. Vossius, in his note.
+ Publicee religionis oficia.] The public payment of his vows for hig
safe return.— Wetzel.
M
162 JUSTIN. [B. XVII. CH. 1.

this sad and mournful camp? Couldst thou display thyself
nowhere else to thy fellow creatures? Was no place fitter
for it than where the misery of thy father, and the distress of
his unhappy banishment, were to be seen? I have to add,
too, that when thou wast summoned a short time ago, thou
proudly despisedst, I do not say thy father, but certainly the
general of thy countrymen. And what else dost thou exhibit
in that purple and those crowns, but the titles of my victo-
ries ? Since thou, therefore, acknowledgest nothing in thy
father but the name of an exile, I also will assume the charac-
ter, not of a father, but of a general, and will make such an
example of thee, that no one may hereafter dare to sport with
the miseries and sorrows of a parent.” He accordingly ordered
him to be nailed, in all his finery, on a high cross within view
of the city. A few days after he took Carthage, and assem-
bling the people, complained of the injustice of his banish-
ment, pleaded necessity as his excuse for making war upon
them, and added that “being content with his victory, and
the punishment of the authors of their country’s misery,* he
granted a free pardon for his unjust banishment to all the
rest.” Having accordingly put ten senators to death, he left
the city to the government of its laws. But being accused
himself, shortly after, of aspiring to be king, he paid the
penalty of his twofold cruelty to his son and his country. He
was succeeded, as commander-in-chief, by Mago, by whose
exertions the power of Carthage, the extent of its territories,
and its military glory, was much increased.

* Auctoribus miserorum civiwm is the reading of all the texts, but
cannot be right. Faber conjectures auctoribus miseriarum civilium,
which I have adopted. Vorstius proposed méserie civiwm ; and
Vossius observes that “ doctissimus Peyraredus” read misertwm civium,
which Vossius himself approved, but which certainly cannot be
adopted unless further changes are made in the context.
163

BOOK XIX.

Hasdrubal and Hamilcar, sons of Mago; Hasdrubal dies in Sardinia ;
war of the Carthaginians in Sicily, 1—The Carthaginians defeated
in Sicily ; Himilco succeeds Hamilcar; pestilence in the army, IL.
—Return of Himilco to Carthage; his speech, and death, IIL

I. Maco, the general of the Carthaginians, after having
been the first, by regulating their military discipline, to lay
the foundations of the Punic power, and after establishing the
strength of the state, not less by his skill in the art of war
than by his personal prowess, died, leaving behind him two
sons, Hasdrubal and Hamilcar, who, pursuing the honourable
course of their father, were heirs to his greatness as well as to
his name. Under their generalship war was made upon
Sardinia; and a contest was also maintained against the
Africans, who. demanded tribute for many years for the ground
on which the city stood. But as the cause of the Africans
was the more just, their fortune was likewise superior, and the
struggle with them was ended—not by exertions in the field—by
the payment of a sum of money. In Sardinia Hasdrubal was
severely wounded, and died there, leaving the command to his
brother Hamilear; and not only the mourning throughout his
country, but the fact that he had held eleven dictatorships and
enjoyed four triumphs,* rendered his death an object of
general notice. The courage of the enemy, too, was raised by
it, as if the power of the Carthaginians had expired with their
general. The people of Sicily, therefore, applying, in conse-
quence of the perpetual depredations of the Carthaginians, to
Leonidas, the brother of the king of Sparta, for aid, a
grievous war broke out, which continued, with various success,
for a long period.

During the course of these transactions, ambassadors came
to Carthage from Darius king of Persia, bringing an edict, by
which the Carthaginians were forbidden to offer human sacri-
fices, and to eat dog’s flesh, and were commanded to burn the

* He calls a Carthaginian office by a Roman name. Suffetes was the
Punic word for their two chief magistrates. As for triumphal pro-
cessions, the Africans, according to Servius, fin, iv. 37, were the first
people that had them, long before they were introduced at Rome.

M 2
164 JUSTIN, [B. XIX. CH. II.

bodies of the dead rather than bury them in the earth;* and
requesting, at the same time, assistance against Greece, on
which Darius was about to make war.t The Carthaginians
declined giving him aid, on account of their continual wars
with their neighbours, but, that they might not appear uncom-
pliant in every thing, willingly submitted to the decree.

TI. Hamilcar, meanwhile, was killed in battle in Sicily,
leaving three sons, Himilco, Hanno, and Gisco. Hasdrubal
also had the same number of sons, Hannibal, Hasdrubal, and
Sappho.t By these the affairs of the Carthaginians were
managed at this period. War was made upon the Moors, a
contest was maintained with the Numidians, and the Africans
were compelled to remit the tribute paid for the building of
the city. At length, however, as so numerous a family of
commanders was dangerous to the liberty of the state, since
they themselves managed and decided every thing, a hundred
judges were chosen out of the senate, who were to demand of
the generals, when they returned from war, an account of
their proceedings, in order that, under this control, they
might exercise their command§ in war with a regard to the
judicature and laws at home.

* Mortuorumgue corpora cremare potius quam terra obruere, & rege
jubebantur.] As the Persians did not burn, but bury, the bodies
of the dead, thinking that fire was polluted by corpses, Frein-
shemius, on Curt. ii. 18, 15, would reject the words @ rege ju-
bebantur, and make the infinitives cremare and obruere depend on
prohibebantur, which precedes ; so that the sense may be, “they.were
forbidden to burn the dead rather than bury them in the earth ;” that
is, they were commanded to bury rather than burn them. Whoever
thinks this construction harsh, may perhaps be better pleased with the
correction of Gronovius, mortuorwmque corpora cremare [prohibe-
bantur] gue potius terra obruere & rege jubebantwr.—Lemaire, But
Gronovius’s construction is not less harsh than that of Freinshemius.
Kirchmann, de Fun. Rom. i. 2, would make cremare and obruere
change places ; an alteration which Berneccerus and Vorstius approve.
But perhaps Justin or Trogus merely made a mistake.

+ He was prevented by death. See ii. 10.

+ A name that does not occur in any other author. It is perhaps
corrupt. In one manuscript it was written Sapho. Should we read
Psapho? This ‘certainly is a Punic name. See the “ Proverbs” of
Apostolius and the “ Apophthegms” of Arsenius.—Vossius. Vossius’s
emendation is approved by Greevius, Scheffer, Faber, and Wetzel.

§ Imperia agitarent.] I read agitarent with Bongarsius, Berneccerus,
Vorstius, and Faber, not cogitarent, which is in the oldest editions.
The alteration, says Bongarsius, was made by G. Major.
B.C. 405.] HIMILCO. 165

In Sicily, Himilco succeeded as general in the room of
Hamilcar, but, after fighting several successful battles, both
by land and sea, and taking many towns, he suddenly lost his
army by the influence of a pestilential constellation.* When
the news of this arrived at Carthage, the country wag over-
whelmed with grief, and all places rung with lamentations, as
if the city had been taken by an enemy; private houses were
closed, the temples of the gods were shut, all religious cere-
monies were intermitted, and all private business suspended.
They all then crowded to the harbour, and inquired of the few
that came out of their ships, survivors of the calamity,
respecting their relatives. But when, after wavering hope,
dread attended with suspense, and uncertain apprehensions of
bereavement, the loss of their relatives became known to the
unhappy inquirers, the groans of mourners, and the cries and
sorrowful lamentations of unhappy mothers, were heard along
the whole shore.

III. In this state of things, the bereaved general came out
of his ship, ungirt, and in a mean dress like that of a slave, at
sight of whom the troops of mourners gathered into one body.
He, lifting up his hands to heaven, sometimes bewailed his
own lot, sometimes the misfortune of the state, and sometimes
complained of “the gods, who had deprived him of such
honours obtained in the field, and the glory of so many
victories, who, after he had taken so many cities, and had
defeated the enemy by land and sea, had destroyed his
victorious army, not by war, but by a pestilence. Yet he
brought,” he said, “this important consolation to his country-
men, that though the enemy might rejoice at their ill-success,
they could assume no glory from it, as they could neither say
that those who had died were slain by them, nor that those
who had returned had been put to flight. That the plunder
which they had taken in their deserted camp was not what
they could exhibit as the ‘spoils of a conquered: enemy, but
what they had seized, as falling to them for want of owners,
through the accidental deaths of its possessors. That, as far
as the enemy was concerned, they had come off conquerors ; as

* Pestilentis sideris.| The disease was thought to have been an
infliction from heaven on the Carthaginians, because they had
plundered the temples of Ceres and Proserpine. See Diod. Sic. xiv,
70—72,
166 JUSTIN. [B.XX. CH.1L

to the pestilence, they were certainly conquered ; but that, for
himself, he took nothing more to heart than that he could not
die among the brave, and was reserved, not to enjoy life, but
to be the sport of calamity. However, as he had brought the

wretched remains of his army to Carthage, he would follow his - -

fellow soldiers, and prove to his country that he had not
prolonged his life to that day because he was desirous to live,
but that he might not desert by his death, and abandon to the
army of the enemy, those whom the horrible disease had
spared.” When he had walked, with such lamentations,
through the city, and had arrived at the entrance to his own
house, he dismissed the crowd that followed him, as if it were
the last time that he should speak to them, and then, locking
his door and admitting no one, not even his sons, to his
presence, he put an end to his life.

*

BOOK XX.

Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, makes an expedition fo Magna Gracia;
Greek origin of many people of Italy, 1— Of Metapontum; Crotona;
Loeri, I —War between Crotona and Locri, III.—Pythagoras at
Crotona; his death, IV.—Dionysius attacks Crotona ; embassy of
the Gauls to him; settlements of the Gauls in Italy ; Dionysius
recalled to Sicily ; his death, V.

I. Drowysrvs, after expelling the Carthaginians from Sicily,
and making himself master of the whole island, thinking that
peace might be dangerous to his power, and idleness in so
great an army fatal to it, transported his forces into Italy;
with a wish, at the same time, that the strength of his soldiers
might be invigorated by constant employment, and his
dominions enlarged. His first contest was with the Greeks,
who occupied the nearest parts of the coast on the Italian sea ;
and, having conquered them, he attacked their neighbours,
looking’ wpon all of Grecian origin who were inhabitants of
Italy, as his enemies; and these settlers had then spread, not
merely through a part of Italy, but through almost the whole of
it. Many Italian cities, indeed, after so long a lapse of time,
still exhibit some traces of Greek manners; for the Etrurians,
who occupy the shore of the Tuscan sea, came from Lydia;
and Troy, after it was taken and overthrown, sent thither the
Veneti (whom we see on the coast of the Adriatic), under the
GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN ITALY. 167

leadership of Antenor. Adria, too, which is near the
Illyrian sea, and which gave name also to the Adriatic, is a
Greek city; and Diomede, being driven by shipwreck, after
the destruction of Troy, into those parts, built Arpi. Pise,
likewise, in Liguria, had Grecian founders; and Tarquinii, in
Etruria, as well as Spina in Umbria, has its origin from the
Thessalians ; Perusia was founded by the Acheans. Need I
mention Cere?* Or the people of Latium, who were settled
by Aineas? Are not the Falisci, are not Nola and Abella,
colonies of the Chalcidians? What is all the country of
Campania? What are the Bruttii+ and Sabines? What are
the Samnites?{ What are the Tarentines,§ whom we under-
stand to have come from Lacedemon, and to have been called
Spurii? The city of Thurii they say that Philoctetes built;
and his monument is seen there to this day, as well as the
arrows of Hercules, on which the fate of Troy depended, laid
up in the temple of Apollo.

II. The people of Metapontum, too, show in their temple
of Minerva, the iron tools with which Epeus, by whom their
city was founded, built the Trojan horse. Hence all that part
of Italy was called Greater Greece.|| But soon after they
were settled, the Metapontines, joining with the Sybarites
and Crotonians, formed a design to drive the rest of the
Greeks from Italy. Capturing,-in the first place, the city
Siris, they slew, as they were storming it, fifty young men
that were embracing the statue of Minerva, and the priest of
the goddess dressed in his robes, between the very altars.
Suffering, on this account, from pestilence and civil discord,
the Crotonians, first of all, consulted the oracle at Delphi,
and answer was made to them, that “there would be an end
of their troubles, if they appeased the offended deity of
Minerva, and the manes of the slain.” After they had begun,
accordingly, to make statues of proper size for the young men,
and especially for Minerva, the Metapontines, learning what
the oracle was, and thinking it expedient to anticipate them

* It is said by Strabo to have been settled by the Pelasgi.

+ They are said to have sprung from the Lucanians, xxiii. 1, and on
the coast of Lucania were many Greek towns.

t I know not why he intimates that either of these peoples were of
Greek origin. Strabo regards the Sabines as autechthones of Italy.

§ See iti. 4.
|| Major Grecia, or more commonly Magna Grecia, Great Greece.
168 JUSTIN, ’ [B.XX. CH.III.
in pacifying the manes of the goddess, erected to the young
men smaller images of stone, and propitiated the goddess
with offerings of bread.* The plague was thus ended in both
places, one people showing their zeal by their magnificence,
and the other by their expedition. After they had recovered
their health, the Crotonians were not long disposed to be
quiet ; and being indignant that, at the siege of Siris, assist-
ance had been sent against them by the Locrians, they made
war on that people. The Locrians, seized with alarm, had
recourse to the Spartans, begging their assistance with humble
‘entreaties. But the Spartans, disliking so distant an expedi-
tion, told them “to ask assistance from Castor and Pollux.”
This answer, from a city in alliance with them, the deputies
did not despise, but going into the nearest temple, and
offering sacrifice, they implored aid from those gods. The
signs from the victims appearing favourable, and their request,
as they supposed, being granted, they were no less rejoiced
than if they were to carry the gods with them ; and, spreading
couches’ for them in the vessel, and setting out with happy
omens, they brought their countrymen comfort though not
assistance. .

III. This affair becoming known, the Crotonians themselves
also sent deputies to the oracle at Delphi, asking the way to
victory and a prosperous termination of the war. The answer
given was, that “the enemies: must be conquered by vows,
before: they could be conquered by arms.” They accordingly
vowed the tenth of the spoil to Apollo, but the Locrians,
getting information of this vow, and the god’s answer, vowed
a ninth part, keeping the matter however secret, that they
might not be outdone in vows. When they came into the
field; therefore, and a hundred and twenty thousand Croto-
nians stood in arms against them, the Locrians, contemplating
the smallness of their own force (for they had only fifteen
thousand men), and abandoning all hope of victory, devoted
themselves to certain death; and such courage, arising out of
despair, was felt by each, that they thought they would be as
conquerors, if they did not fall without avenging themselves,
But while they sought only to die with honour, they had the
good fortune to gain the victory; nor was there any other

* Panificiis.) We might, with Ostertagius, read pannéficits (cloths or
garments), which were more appropriate to Minerva.— Wetzel.
oa

B.c. 540.] . PYTHAGORAS. 169

cause of their success but their desperation. While the
Locrians were fighting, an eagle constantly attended on
their army, and continued flying about them till they were
conquerors. On the wings, also, were seen two young men
fighting in armour different from that of the rest, of an
extraordinary stature, on white horses and in scarlet cloaks ;
nor were they visible longer than the battle lasted. The

. incredible swiftness of the report of the battle made this

wonderful appearance more remarkable; for on the same
day on which it was fought in Italy, the victory was published
at Corinth, Athens, and Lacedemon.

IV. After this event the Crotonians ceased to exercise their
valour; or to care for distinction in the field. They hated the
arms which they had unsuccessfully taken up, and would have
abandoned their former way of life. for one of luxury, had not
Pythagoras arisen among them.. This philosopher was born
at Samos, the son of Demaratus, a rich merchant, and after
being greatly advanced in wisdom, went first to Egypt, and
afterwards to Babylon, to learn the motions of the stars and
study the origin of the universe, and acquired very great
knowledge. Returning from thence, he went to.Crete and
Lacedemon, to instruct himself in the laws of Minos and
Lycurgus, which at that time were in high repute. Furnished
with all these attainments, he, came to Crotona, and, by his
influence, recalled the people, when they were giving them-
selves up to luxury, to the observance of frugality. He used
daily to recommend virtue, and to enumerate the ill effects
of luxury, and the misfortunes of states that had been ruined
by its, pestilential influence; and he thus produced in the
people such a love of temperance, that it was at length thought
incredible that any of them should be extravagant. He
frequently gave instruction to the women apart from the
men, and to the children apart from their parents. He
impressed on the female sex the observance of chastity, and
submission to their husbands; on the rising generation, modesty
and devotion to learning. Through his whole course of
instruction he exhorted all to love temperance, as the mother
of every virtue; and he produced such an effect upon them by
the constancy of ‘his lectures, that the women laid aside their
vestments embroidered with gold, and other ornaments and
distinctions, as instruments of luxury, and, bringing them
170 JUSTIN. [B.XX. CH.V.

into the temple of Juno, consecrated them to the goddess,
declaring that modesty, and not fine apparel, was the true
adornment ‘of their sex. How much he gained upon -the
young men, his victory over the stubborn minds of the
women may serve to indicate. Three hundred of the young
men, however, being united by an oath of fraternity, and
living apart from the other citizens, drew the attention of the
city upon them, as if they met for some secret conspiracy ;
and the people, when they were all collected in one building,
proceeded to burn them in it. In the tumult about sixty.
lost their lives; the rest went into exile.

Pythagoras, after living twenty years at Crotona, removed
to Metapontum, where he died; and such was the admiration
of the people for his character, that they made a temple of his
house, and worshipped him as a god.

V. Dionysius the tyrant, who, we have said, had trans-
ported an army from Sicily into Italy, and made war upon the
Greeks there, proceeded, after taking Locri by storm, to
attack the Crotonians, who, in consequence of their losses in
the former war, were scarcely recovering their strength in a
long peace. With their small force, however, they resisted
the great army of Dionysius more valantly than they had
before, with so many thousands, resisted the smaller number
of the Locrians. So much spirit has weakness in withstand-
ing insolent power; and so much more sure, at times, is au
unexpected than an expected victory. But as Dionysius was
prosecuting the war, ambassadors from the Gauls, who had
burned Rome some months before,* came to him to desire an
alliance and friendship with him; observing that “ their
country lay in the midst of his enemies, and could be of great
service to him, either by supporting him in the field, or by
annoying his enemies in the rear when they were engaged
with him.” The embassy was well received, by Dionysius,
who, having made an alliance with them, and being reinforced
with assistance from Gaul, renewed the war as it were afresh.

The causes of the Gauls’ coming into Italy, in quest of new
settlements, were civil discords and perpetual contentions at
home; and when, from impatience of those feuds, they had

* Ante menses.] Asa number seems to be wanting, Scheffer would

read ante menses sex, taking the last word from Florus, i. 13. Vossius
would read ante mensem. But the longer period seems the more eligible..,
B.O. 367.] DIONYSIUS THE ELDER DIES. 171

sought refuge in Italy, they expelled the Tuscans from their
country, and founded Milan,* Como, Brescia, Verona, Ber-
gamo, Trent, and Vicenza. The Tuscans, too, when they
were driven from their old settlements, betook themselves,
under a captain named Rhetus, towards the Alps, where they
founded the nation of Rhetia, so named from their leader.

An invasion of Sicily by the Carthaginians obliged Dio-
nysius to return thither; for that people, having recruited
their army, had resumed the war, which they had broken off
in consequence of the plague; with increased spirit. The
leader in the expedition was Hanno the Carthaginian, whose
enemy Juniatus, the most powerful of the Carthaginians at
that time, having, from hatred to him, given friendly notice
‘to Dionysius, in a letter written in Greek, of the approach of
the army and the inactivity of its leader, was found, through
the letter being intercepted, guilty of treason; and a decree of
the senate was made, “ that no Carthaginian should thence-
forward study the Greek literature or language, so that no one
might be able to speak with the enemy, or write to him, with-
out an interpreter.” Not long after, Dionysius, whom a little
before neither Sicily nor Italy could hold, being reduced anc
weakened by continual wars, was at last killed by a conspiracy
among his own subjects.

BOOK XXI.

Dionysius the younger becomes tyrant of Syracuse, —His cruelties}
is expelled from Syracuse, and received at Locri, II.— His conduct
there; is driven from the place, and regains the government at
Syracuse, II—Usurpation of Hanno at Carthage; his death, IV.
—Dionysius is again driven from Syracuse, and leads a mean life
at Corinth, V.—The Carthaginians are alarmed at the conquests
of Alexander the Great; the unjust execution of Hamilcar, VI.

I. Wxew Dionysius the tyrant was cut off in Sicily, the army
elected in his room Dionysius the eldest of his sons, both in
accordance with the law of nature, and because they thought
the power would be more secure, if it continued in the
hands of one son, than if it were divided among several.

* T have given the modern names. The ancient were Mediolanum,
Comum, Brixia, Verona, Bergomum, Tridentum, Vicentia.

x
172 JUSTIN. [B.XXI. CH.IL.

Dionysius, at the commencement of his reign, was eager to
remove the uncles of his brothers,* as being his rivals in the
government, and as having encouraged the young.men to ask
for a division of power. But concealing his inclinations for a
while, he applied himself first to gain the favour of his sub-
jects, as being likely to cause the atrocity, which he had
resolved on committing, to be regarded with more indulgence,
if he previously made himself popular. He therefore released
three thousand prisoners from the gaols, remitted the people
the taxes for three years, and’ sought the affection of all by
whatever blandishments he could ,use.. Then, proceeding to
execute his determination, he put to death, not only the rela-
tives of his brothers, but his brothers themselves; so that he
left to those, to whom he owed a share of power, not even a
share of life, and commenced cruelty upon his kindred before
he exercised it upon strangers.

II. When his rivals were removed, he fell into indolence,
and contracted, from excessive indulgence at table, great cor-
pulence of body, and a disease in his eyes, so that he could
not bear the sunshine, or dust, or even the brightness of ordi-
nary daylight. Suspecting that, for these weaknesses, he
was despised by his subjects, he proceeded to inflict cruel-
ties upon them; not filling the gaols, like his father, with
prisoners, but the whole city with dead bodies. Hence he
became not more contemptible than hateful to every one.
The Syracusans, in consequence, resolving to rebel against
him, he long hesitated whether he should lay down the govern-
ment or oppose them in arms; but he was compelled by the
soldiery, who hoped for plunder from sacking the city, to
march into the field. Being defeated, and trying his fortune
again with no better success, he sent deputies to the people of
Syracuse, with promises that “he would resign the govern-
ment, if they would send persons to him with whom he might
settle terms of peace.” Some of the principal citizens being
_ * Avunculos fratrwm suorwm.] Among these was Dion, who was not
the uncle of Dionysius himself, but of his brothers ; for Dionysius the
elder had Hipparinus and Nyseus by Aristomache, the sister of Dion,
and Dionysius by another wife named Doris. See Corn. Nep. Vit.
Dion. ¢. i.; Diod. Sic. xvi. 6; Plutarch. Dion. c. 3. Dion had wished
to ask Dionysius the elder, when he was on his death-bed, to bequeath

his ‘sister's sons a share of the kingdom. Corn. Nep. Dion. c. 2.—
Wetzel.
B.C. 367.} DIONYSIUS THE YOUNGER. 178

accordingly sent for that purpose, he put them in close con-
finement, and then, when all were off their guard, having no
fear of hostilities, he despatched his army to devastate the
city. A contest, in consequence, which was long doubtful,
took place in the town itself, but the townsmen overpowering
the soldiery by their numbers, Dionysius was obliged to retire,
and fearing that he should be besieged in the citadel, fled
away secretly, with all his king-like paraphernalia, to Italy.
Being received, in his exile, by his allies the Locrians, he took
possession of the citadel as if he were their rightful sovereign,
and exercised his usual outrages upon them. He ordered the
wives of the principal men to be seized and violated; he took
away maidens on the point of marriage, polluted them, and
then restored them to their betrothed husbands; and as for
the wealthiest men, he either banished them or put them to
death, and confiscated their property.

ITI. In process of time, when a pretext for plunder was
wanting, he over-reached the whole city by an artful stratagem.
The Locrians, being harassed in war by Leophron the tyrant
of Rhegium, had vowed, if they were victorious, to prostitute
their maidens on the festal day of Venus; and as, on neglect-
ing to perform the vow, they were unsuccessful in another war
with the Lucanians, Dionysius called them to an assembly,
and advised them “to send their wives and daughters, as
richly dressed as possible, to the temple of Venus; out of
whom a hundred, chosen by lot, should fulfil the public vow,
and, for religion’s sake, offer themselves for prostitution during
the space of a month, the men previously taking an oath not
to touch any one of them; and, in order that this should
be no detriment to the women who released the state from
its vow, they should make a decree, that no other maiden
should be married till these were provided with husbands.”
This proposal, by which regard was shown both to their super-
stitious observances and to the honour of their virgins, being
received with approbation, the whole of the women, in most
expensive dresses, assembled in the temple of Venus, when
Dionysius, sending in his soldiers, took off their finery, and
made the ornaments of the matrons a spoil for himself. The
husbands of some of them too, who were of the richer class, he
put to death; others he tortured to make them discover their
husbands’ wealth. After reigning in this manner for six years,
W74 . JUSTIN, [B. XXI. CH.IV.

he was driven from Locri by a conspiracy of the people, and
returned to Sicily ; where, while all, after so long an interval
of peace, were free from apprehension, he possessed himself of
Syracuse by surprise.

IV. While this affair occurred in’Sicily, Hanno, a leading
man among the Carthaginians, in Africa, employed his power,
which surpassed that of the government, to secure the sove-
reignty for himself, and endeavoured to establish himself as
king by killing the senate. For the execution of this atrocity
he fixed on the day of his daughter's marriage, in order that
his nefarious plot might be the better concealed in the pomp
of religious ceremonies. He accordingly prepared a banquet
for the common people in the public porticoes, and another for

he senate in his own house, so that, by poisoning the cups,
he might take off the senate privately and without witnesses,
and then more easily seize the government, when none were
left to prevent him.* The plot being disclosed to the magis-
trates by his agents, his destructive intentions were frustrated,
but not punished, lest the matter, if publicly known, should
occasion more trouble, in the case of so powerful a man, than
the mere design of it had caused. Satisfied, therefore, with
putting a stop to it, they merely set bounds by a decree to the
expenses of marriage entertainments, and ordered the decree
to be obeyed, not by him alone, but universally, that nothing
personal to him, but the general correction of an abuse, might
seem to be intended. Prevented by this measure, he, for a
second attempt, raised the slaves, and appointing another day
for the massacre of the senate, but finding himself again be-
trayed, he threw himself, for fear of being brought to trial,
into a strong fortress with a body of twenty thousand armed
slaves. Here, while he was soliciting the Africans, and the
king of the Moors, to join him, he was captured, and after
being scourged, having his eyes put out, and his arms and legs
broken, as if atonement was to be exacted from every limb, he
was put to death in the sight of the people, and his body,
mangled with stripes, was nailed to a cross. All his children
and relations, too, though guiltless, were delivered to the exe-
cutioner, that no member of so nefarious a family might sur-
vive either to imitate his villainy, or to revenge his death.

* Orbamque rempublicam—invaderet.| Orbam, destitute of defenders
pr supporters.
~

BC. 842.] DIONYSIUS AT CORINTH, 175

V. Dionysius, in the meantime, being re-established in
Syracuse, and becoming every day more oppressive and cruel
‘to the people, was assailed by a new band of conspirators.
Laying down the government, therefore, he delivered up the
city and army to the Syracusans, and, being allowed to take
his private property with him, went to live in exile at Corinth ;
where, looking on the lowest station as the safest, he humbled
himself to the very meanest condition of life. He was not
content with strolling about the streets, but would even stand
drinking in them; he was not satisfied with being seen in
taverns and impure houses, but would sit in them for whole
days. He would dispute with the most abandoned fellows
about the merest trifles, walk about in rags and dirt, and
afford laughter to others more readily than he would laugh at
them. - He would stand in the shambles, devouring with his
eyes what he was not able to purchase ; he would wrangle with
the dealers before the ediles, and do everything in such a
manner * as to appear an object of contempt rather than of
fear. At last he assumed the profession of a schoolmaster,
and taught children in the open streets, either that he might
coutinually be seen in publict by those who feared him, or
might be more readily despised by those who did not fear him;
for though he had still plenty of the vices peculiar to tyrants,
yet his present conduct was an affectation of vices,t and not
the effect of nature, and he adopted it rather from cunning
than from having lost the self-respect becoming a sovereign,
having experienced how ‘odious the names of tyrants are, even
when they are deprived of power. He strove, therefore, to
diminish the odium incurred from his past by the contempti-
bleness of his present life, not looking to honourable but to
safe practices. Yet amidst all these arts of dissimulation, he
was accused of aspiring to the sovereignty, and was left at
liberty only because he was despised.

VI. During these proceedings, the Carthaginians, alarmed
at the rapid successes of Alexander the Great, and fearing
that he might tesolve to annex Africa to his Persian empire,

* Omnia ita facere.] Wetzel injudiciously reads ista.

+ He never thought that he made himself sufficiently contemptible,
because he never thought himself sufficiently safe.—Scheffer.

+ Simulatio vitiorwm.] Referring to his general conduct, not to his
assumption of the character of a schoolmaster.
176 JUSTIN. (B. XXII. CH.E

sent Hamilcar, surnamed Rhodanus, a man remarkable for
wit and eloquence beyond others, to sound his intentions ; for,
indeed, the capture of Tyre, their own parent city, and the
founding of Alexandria, as a rival to Carthage, on the confines
of Africa and Egypt, as well as the good.fortune of the king,
whose ambition and success seemed to know no limit, raised
their apprehensions to an extreme height.. Hamilcar, obtain-
ing access to the king through the favour of Parmenio, repre-
sented himself to Alexander as having been banished from his
country, and as having fled to him for refuge, offering, at the
same time, to serve as a soldier in the expedition against Car-
thage. Having thus ascertained his views, he sent a full
account of them to his countrymen, inscribed on wooden
tablets, with blank wax spread over the writing. The Cartha-
ginians, however, when he returned home after the death of
Alexander, put him to death, not only ungratefully but cruelly,
on pretence that he had offered to sell their city to the king.

BOOK XXII.

Rise of Agathocles in Sicily, —Becomes master of Syracuse by the
aid of Hamilcar, I.—His wars in Sicily, I1I.—The Carthaginians
besiege Syracuse; Agathocles carries the war against them into
Africa, TV.—His speech to his army, promising them the plunder
of Carthage, V.—Superstition of the soldiers; Agathocles burns-
his, ships, defeats the Carthaginians, and lays waste the country,
VI. VIl.—Returns to Sicily, and drives the Carthaginians from
it; his farther proceedings, VIII.

I. Acaruocrss,* tyrant of Sicily, who attained greatness
equal to that of the elder Dionysius, rose to royal dignity from
the lowest and meanest origin. He was born in Sicily, his
father being a potter, and spent a youth not more honourable
than his birth; for, being remarkable for beauty and graceful-
ness of person, he supported himself a considerable time by
submitting to the infamous lust of others. When he had

* All that took place in Sicily from the year B.c. 342 to B.o. 316,
is omitted by Justin. During that period Timoleon, whom Justin
does not even name, expelled the Carthaginians from Sicily, and gave
liberty to the whole island. See Plutarch, Cornelius Nepos, and
Diodorus Siculus, lib. xvi.

X
BC. 316.] AGATHOCLES. 177

passed the years of puberty, he transferred his services from
men to women. Having thus become infamous with both
sexes, he next changed his way of life for that of a robber.
* Some time after, having gone to Syracuse and been received
as a citizen among the other inhabitants, he was long without
credit, appearing to have as little of property to lose as he had
of character to blacken, At last, enlisting in the army as a
common soldier, he showed himself ready for every kind of
audacity, his life being then not less distinguished by restless-
ness than it had previously been by infamy. He was noted
for activity in the field, and for eloquence in making harangues.
In a short time, aceordingly, he became a centurion, and soon
after a tribune. In his first campaign against the people of
A&tna,* he gave the Syracusans great proofs of what he could
do; in the next, against the Campanians, he excited such hopes
of himself throughout the army, that he was chosen to fill the
place of the deceased general, Damascon, whose wife, after the
death of her husband, he married, having previously had a
criminal connection with her. And, not content that from
being poor he was suddenly made rich, he engaged in piracy
against his own country. He was saved from death by his
companions, who, when apprehended and put to the torture,
denied his guilt. Twice: he attempted to make himself
sovereign of Syracuse, and twice he was driven into exile.

II. By the Murgantines, with whom he took refuge in his
banishment, he was first, from hatred to the Syracusans, made
pretor, and afterwards general-in-chief. In the war which he
conducted for them, he both took the city of the Leontines, and
proceeded to besiege his native city, Syracuse ; when Hamilcar,
general of the Carthaginians, being entreated to aid it, laid
aside his hatred as an enemy, and sent a body of troops
thither. Thus, at one and the same time, Syracuse was both
defended by an enemy with the love of a citizen, and attacked
by a citizen with the hatred of an enemy. But Agathocles,
seeing that the city was defended with more vigour than it was
assailed, entreated Hamilcar, through his deputies, to under-
take the settlement of a peace between him and the
Syracusans, promising him particular services in return for
the favour. Hamilcar, induced by such hopes, and by dread of

* Adversus Ztneos.| Alina was a town atthe foot of Mount Atna,
not far from Catana. :
N
178 JUSTIN. (B. XXII. CH.III.

his power, made an alliance with him, on condition that what-
ever assistance he furnished Agathocles against the Syracusans,
he himself should receive as much for the augmentation of his
power at home. Not only peace, in consequence, was procured
for Agathocles, but he was also appointed praetor at Syracuse ;
and he then swore to Hamilcar that he would be faithful to the
Carthaginians, the [sacred] fires, at the same time, being set
forth, and touched by him.* Some time after, having’received
from Hamilcar five thousand African troops, he put to death
the most powerful of the leading citizens ; and then, as if
intending to re-model the constitution, he ordered the people
to be summoned to an assembly in the theatre, convoking the
senate, in the meantime, in the Gymnasium, as though he
designed to make some previous arrangements with them.
His measures being thus taken, he sent his troops to surround
the people, ‘and caused the senate to be massacred, and, when
he had finished the slaughter of them, cut off the richest and
boldest of the commoners.

III. These things being done, he made choice of troops,
and embodied a regular army; with which he suddenly
attacked several of the neighbouring cities when they were
under no apprehersion of hostilities. He also disgracefully
harassed, with the connivance of Hamilcar, certain allies of
the Carthaginians, who, in consequence, sent complaints to
Carthage, not so much against Agathocles as against Hamil-
car, accusing ‘‘ the former, indeed, as an oppressor and tyrant,
but the latter as a traitor, by whom the possessions of their
allies, under a settled compact, were betrayed to the bitterest of
enemies; for as, at first, Syracuse (a city always hostile to the
Carthaginians, and a competitor with Carthage for the

* The text of Wetzel, with the older editions, has expositis ignibus
cereis tactisque, “ ignes cerei” being interpreted “lighted waxen tapers.”
But it may be doubted whether those two words will fairly bear that
sense. Many other editions have ignibus Cereris, » conjecture of
Sebisius, which Berneccerus, Scheffer, and Faber approve, because
Ceres was worshipped in Sicily, and because Juvenal, Sat. xiv., has
Vendet perjuria summa Exigud, Cereris tangens aramque pedemque. I
am better pleased with a conjecture of Peyraredus, expositis ignibus
sacris, tactisque, and have translated the passage accordingly. Nic.
Heinsius would read Tunc Hamilcari aris rex positis insigni ceremontd,
tactisque, &c.; Grevius, Tunc Hamilcari aris positis, et ignibus Cereris,

tactisque, &c., on the supposition that aris might have been absorbed,
as it were, by the preceding Hamilcari.
B.C, 809.] AGATHOCLES INVADES AFRICA. 179

dominion of Sicily) was delivered to Agathocles as a bond of
union with Hamilcar, so, at the present time, the cities of the
allies of Carthage were given up to thé same tyrant under.
pretence of making peace. They warned them, therefore,
that these proceedings would shortly come home to themselves,
and that they would feel what mischief they had brought,* not
more upon Sicily than upon Africa itself.” At these complaints
the senate was incensed against Hamilcar, but as he was in
command of the army, they gave their votes concerning him
secretly, and caused their several’ opinions, before they were
openly read, to be put in an urn, and sealed up, until the
other Hamilcar, the son of Gisco, should returmm from
Sicily. But the death of Hamilcar prevented all effects from
these subtle contrivances and suppressed judgments,} and
he, whom his fellow citizens had unjustly condemned unheard,
was freed from danger of punishment by the kindness of
destiny. The proceeding furnished Agathocles with a pretext
for making war on the Carthaginians. His first engagement
was with Hamilcar, the son of Gisco, by whom he was
defeated, and retired to Syracuse to prepare himself for war
with fresh vigour. But the result of his second encounter
was the same as that of the first. _

IV. The victorious Carthaginians, in consequence, having
invested Syracuse with a close siege, Agathocles, perceiving
that he was neither a match for them in the field, nor provided
for enduring a blockade, and being deserted, moreover, by
his allies, who were disgusted at his cruelties, resolved to
transfer the war into Africa; a resolution formed with wonder-
ful audacity, that he should make war on the city of a people
for whom he was not a match in his own city ; that he who could
not defend his own country should invade that of others; and
that one who had been conquered should brave his conquerors.
Nor was the secrecy of his plan less striking than the con-
trivance of it. Stating merely to the people, that “he had
found out a way to victory, and that they had only to prepare
their minds to endure a short siege, or that, if any of
them were dissatisfied with their present circumstances, he gave
them full liberty to depart,” he proceeded, after one thousand

* Namely, by sending out Hamilcar.
+ Sententias mauditas.] Justin means the secret votes, of which he

had just spoken, and which were sealed up in an urn.— Vorstius.
N 2
180 JUSTIN. (B.XXIL CH.V.

six hundred had left him, to furnish the rest with provisions
and money for the necessities of a blockade, taking away with
him only fifty talents for present use, and intending to get
further supplies rather from his enemies than his friends. He
then obliged all the slaves that were of age for war, after
receiving their freedom, to take the military oath, and put
them and the greater part of the soldiers, on ship-board, sup-
posing that, as the condition of both was made equal, there
would be a mutual emulation in bravery between them.

V. In the seventh year of his réign, therefore, accompanied
by his two grown-up sons, Archagathus and Heraclides, he
directed his course towards Africa, not one of his men knowing
whither he was sailing ; but while they all supposed that they
were going to Italy or Sardinia for plunder, he landed his
army on the coast of Africa, and then for the first time made
known his intentions to them all. He reminded them in
what condition Syracuse was, “for which there was no other
remedy but that they should inflict on the enemy the distresses
that they themselves were suffering. Wars,” he said, “ were
conducted in one way at home and in another abroad; at
home, a people’s only support was what the resources of their
country supplied; but abroad, the enemy might be beaten by
their own strength, while their allies fell off, and from hatred
of their long tyranny, looked about for foreign aid. To this
was added, that the cities and fortresses of Africa were not
secured with walls, or situate on eminences, but lay in level
plains without any fortifications, and might all be induced,
by the fear of destruction, to join in the war against Carthage.
A greater war, in consequence, would blaze forth against the
Carthaginians from Africa itself than from Sicily, as the
forces of the whole region would combine against a city
greater in name than in power, and he himself would thus
gain from the country the strength which he had not brought
into it. Nor would victory be only in a small degree pro-
moted by the sudden terror of the Carthaginians, who,
astonished at such daring on the part of their enemies, would
be in utter consternation. Besides, there would be the
burning of country houses, the plundering of fortresses and
towns that offered resistance, and siege laid to Carthage
itself; from all which disasters they would learn that wars
were practicable not only for them against others, but for
B.C, 309.] AGATHOCLES IN AFRICA. 181

others against them. By these means the Carthaginians
might not only be conquered, but Sicily might be delivered
from them; for they would not continue to besiege Syracuse,
when they were suffering from a siege of their own city.
Nowhere else, therefore, could war be found more easy, or
plunder more abundant, for, if Carthage were taken, all Africa
and Sicily would be the prize of the victors. The glory, too,
of so honourable an enterprise, would be so celebrated through
all ages, that it could never be buried in oblivion; for it
would be said that they were the only men in the world who
had carried abroad against their enemies a war which they
could not withstand at home: who, when defeated, had pur-
sued their conquerors, and besieged the besiegers of their own
city. They ought all accordingly, to prosecute, with equal
courage and cheerfulness, an enterprise, than which none
could offer them a more noble reward if they were victorious,
or greater honour to their memory if they were conquered.”

VI. By these exhortations the courage of the soldiers was
excited; but the superstitious influence of an omen had spread
some dismay among them; for the sun had been eclipsed*
during their voyage. But with regard to this phenomenon
Agathocles was at no less pains to satisfy them than he had
been with regard to the war; alleging that, “if it had hap-
pened before they set out, he should have thought it a portent
unfavourable to their departure, but since it had occurred after
they had set sail, its signification was directed against those
to whom they were going. Besides,” he said, “‘ the eclipses
of the heavenly bodies always presaged a change in the present
state of things, and it was therefore certain that an alteration
was foretold in the flourishing condition of the Carthaginians
and in their own adverse circumstances.” Having thus
pacified his soldiers, he ordered all the ships, with the consent
of the army, to be set on fire, in order that, the means of
flight being taken away, they might understand that they must
either conquer or die. |

While they were devastating the country wherever they went,
and laying farm-houses and fortresses in ashes, Hanno
advanced to meet them with thirty thousand Carthaginians

*In the third year of the 117th olympiad, Bc. 309, on the
15th of August, at two in the afternoon, according to the calculations
of astronomers.— Wetzel.
182 JUSTIN. [B. XXI. CH. VII.

When they came toa battle, two thousand of the Sicilians,
and three thousand of the Carthaginians, with their general
himself, were left on the field. By this victory ‘the spirits
of the Sicilians were elated, and those of the Carthaginians
depressed. Agathocles, taking advantage of his success, ,
‘stormed several towns and forts, took a vast quantity of
plunder, and killed many thousands of the enemy. He then
pitched his camp at the distance of five miles from Carthage,
that they might view from the walls of the city the destruc-
tion of their most valuable possessions, the devastation of their
lands, and the burning of their houses. At the same time a
great rumour of the destruction of the Carthaginian army,
and of the capture of their cities, was spread through all
Africa, and astonishment fell upon every one, wondering how
so sudden a war could have surprised so great an empire,
especially from an enemy already conquered. This wonder
was gradually changed into a contempt for the Carthaginians ;
and not long after, not only the populace of Africa, but
the most eminent cities, out of fondness for change, revolted to
Agathocles, and furnished the victorious army with corn and
money.

VII. To these disasters of the Carthaginians, and as if to
crown their evil fortune, was added the destruction of their
army and its general in Sicily. For after the departure of
Agathocles from the island, the Carthaginians, prosecuting the
siege of Syracuse with less vigour, were reported to have been
utterly cut off by Antander, the brother of Agathocles. The
fortune of the Carthaginians, therefore, being similar at home
and abroad, not only their tributary towns, but even princes
that were in alliance with them, began to fall off, estimating
the obligations of confederacy not by the standard of honour
but by that of fortune. Among these was Opheltas, king of
Cyrene, who, grasping, with extravagant hopes, at the do-
minion of all Africa, made an alliance with Agathocles
through ambassadors, arranging that, when the Carthaginians
were subdued, the government of Sicily should fall to Aga-
thocles, and that of Africa to himself. But when he came,
accordingly, with a numerous army, to take a share in the war,
Agathocles, after throwing him off his guard by the affability
of his address and the abjectness of his flattery, and after they
had supped together several times, and he had been adopted
B.C. 809—300.] BOMILCAR—AGATHOCLES. 183

by Opheltas as a son, put him to death, and taking the com-
mand of his forces, defeated the Carthaginians, who were
renewing the war with all their might, in a second great
battle, but with much loss to both armies. At this result of
the contest, such despair was felt by the Carthaginians, that,
had not a mutiny occurred among the troops of Agathocles,
Bomilcar, the Carthaginian general,* would have gone over to
him with his army. For this treachery he was nailed to a
cross by the Carthaginians in the middle of the forum, that
the place which had formerly been the distinguished scene of
his honours might also bear testimony to his punishment.
Bomilcar, however, bore the cruelty of his countrymen with
such fortitude, that from his cross, as if he had been on a
judgment-seat, he inveighed against the injustice of the Car-
thaginians, upbraiding them sometimes with “ having cut off
Hanno,t on a false charge of aspiring to sovereignty ;” some-+
times with “having banished the innocent Gisco;"t and
sometimes with “ having secretly condemned his uncle Ha-
milcar,§ merely because he wished to make Agathocles their
ally. rather than their enemy.” After uttering these charges
with a loud voice, in a numerous assembly of the people, he
expired.

VITI. Agathocles, meanwhile, having overcome all oppo-
sition in Africa, left the command of. his army to his son
Archagathus, and went back to Sicily, thinking that all he
had done in Africa was as nothing, if Syracuse was still to be
besieged ; for after the death of Hamilcar, the son of Gisco, a
fresh army had been sent thither by the Carthaginians.
Immediately on his arrival, all the. cities of Sicily, having
previously heard of his achievements in Africa, unanimously
submitted to him; and being thus enabled to drive the Car-
thaginians from Sicily, he made himself master of the whole
island. Returning afterwards to Africa, he was received by
his army in a state of mutiny; for the discharge of their
arrears of pay had been deferred by the son till the arrival of
his father. Summoning them, therefore, to a general assem-

* Bomilcar, rex Penorwm.] He was one of the suffetes, See the first
note on xix. 1.

+ See xxi. 4. .

+ Concerning his banishment nothing has been said before.— Wetzel.
® § See the 2nd and 3rd chapters of this book.
184 JUSTIN. [B. XXII, CH, VILE

bly, he proceeded to pacify them with soothing words, saying
that “ pay was not to be asked of him, but to be taken from
the enemy; that they must gain a common victory, and com-
mon spoil; and that they must continue to support him for a
short time, till what remained of the war was finished, as they
were certain that the capture of Carthage would satisfy all their
desires.” The mutiny being thus allayed, he led the army,
after an interval of some days, against the camp of the enemy,
but commencing an engagement too rashly, lost the greater
part of his force. Retreating to his camp, therefore, and find-
ing the odium of his rash engagement affecting his character,
and dreading, at the same time, a revival of the former mur-
murs at his failure in paying the arrears, he fled from his
camp at midnight, attended only by his son Archagathus.
When the soldiers heard of his departure, they were in no less
consternation than if they had been captured by the enemy,
exclaiming that ‘‘ they had been twice deserted by their leader
in the midst of the enemy’s country, and that the care of their
lives had been abandoned by him by whom not even their
burial should have been neglected.” As they were going to
pursue Agathocles, they were met by some Numidians, and
returned to the camp, but not without having seized and
brought back Archagathus, who, through mistaking his way in
the night, had been separated from his father. Agathocles,
with the ships in which he had returned from Sicily, and the
men that he had left to guard them, arrived safe at Syracuse ;
affording a signal instance of dishonourable conduct, a prince
deserting his army, and a father abandoning his children.

In Africa, meanwhile, after the flight of Agathocles, his
soldiers, making a capitulation with the enemy, and putting
to death the sons of Agathocles, surrendered themselves to the
Carthaginians. Archagathus, when he was going to be killed
by Arcesilaus, a former friend of his father, asked him “ what
he thought Agathocles would do to the children of him by
whom he was rendered childless?” Arcesilaus replied, that
“he felt no concern, since he knew that his children would
certainly survive those of Agathocles.” Some time after, the
Carthaginians sent new commanders into Sicily, to terminate
what remained of the war there, and Agathocles made peace
with them on equal terms.
185

BOOK XXIII.

Agathocles goes to war with the Bruttii in Italy ; some account of that
people, I—Agathocles returns to Sicily, and dies; Sicily again
occupied by the Carthaginians, Il.—Acts of Pyrrhus, king of

. Epirus, in Sicily and Italy, I1I.—History and character of Hiero,

I. Acatuoctss, sovereign of Sicily, having concluded a peace
with the Carthaginians, reduced, by force of arms, a part of
the cities which, presuming upon their strength, had thrown
off their allegiance to him. Then, as if he were confined
within too narrow limits in an island (a part of the dominion
of which, even when he first began to rise, he could scarcely
have hoped to obtain), he proceeded, after the example of
Dionysius,* who had subdued many cities of Italy, to cross
over into that country. His first enemies there were the
Bruttii, who, at that period, seem to have been the bravest
and most powerful people of the country, and to have been
extremely ready to attack their neighbours; for they had
driven the inhabitants of many of the Greek cities from Italy,
and had conquered in war the Lucanians their founders, and
made peace with them on equal terms; such being the fierce-
ness of their nature, that they had no respect even for those
to whom they owed their origin.

The Lucanians were accustomed to breed up their children
with the same kind of education as the Spartans; for, from
their earliest boyhood, they were kept in the wilds among the
shepherds, without any slaves to attend them, and even with-
out clothes} to wear or to sleep upon, that, from their first
years, they might be accustomed to hardiness‘and spare diet,
having no intercourse with the city. Their food was what
they took in hunting, and their drink milk or water. Thus
were they prepared for the toils of war.

Fifty of these people, who, at first, used to plunder the
lands of their neighbours, but who, as numbers flocked to join

* See xx. 1.

+ Sine veste.] J. G. Greevius thinks it possible that we ought to read
und veste, in conformity with what Justin, iii. 3, says of the Spartans:
Juvenibus non amplius und veste uti toto anno permisit. Or sine veste
may, as Scheffer suggests, be taken for without any outer garment, as
he was called nudus among the Romans who was clad only with the
tunica, :
186 JUSTIN. [B. XXIIL. CH. 1.

them, increased in strength, and were tempted by hopes of
greater booty, disturbed the whole of the neighbouring coun-
try ; and Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, beg wearied with
complaints from his allies, had sent six hundred Africans to
put a stop to their ravages. But the marauders, having seized
a fort which the Africans had built, and which was betrayed
into their hands by a woman named Bruttia, proceeded to
build a city there for the shepherds, who, at the report of a
new settlement, came in numbers to join them; and, from
the name of the woman, they called themselves Bruttii.

Their first war was with the Lucanians, from whom they
sprung. Encouraged by a victory over them, and making
peace on equal terms, they subdued the rest of their neigh-
bours by force of arms, and acquired, in a short time, such
extraordinary strength, that they were thought formidable
even by princes. After some time, Alexander, king of Epi-
rus,* coming into Italy with a great army to the aid of the
Greek cities, was cut off by them with all his force ; and their
natural fierceness, increased by this success, was for a long
time terrible to all around them. At last Agathoclés, being
importuned to come over, set sail, with the hope of enlarging
his dominions, from Sicily to Italy.

II. At the first news of his arrival, the Bruttii, alarmed at
his name, sent ambassadors to solicit alliance and friendship
with him. Agathocles, inviting them to an entertainment,
that they might not see his army shipped over, and ap-
pointing the next day for giving them) audience, went off
immediately after the banquet in a vessel, and left them in the
lurch. But what followed this deceit was unhappy for him;
for the violence of a disease} which he contracted obliged him
a few days after to return to Sicily. Being affected by the
distemper through his whole body, and a pestilential humour
spreading through all his nerves and joints, he was tormented,
as it were, by an intestine war among all his members. As
his life was despaired of, a contention arose between his son
and grandson, each claiming the right of succession to his

* See xii. 1, 2; xviii. 1, 2.

+ Occasioned by poison prepared for him and his son Agathocles by
Menon, who wished to secure for Archagathus (son of that Archaga-
thus who was killed in Africa, xxii. 8) the succession to his grand-
father’s throne. See Diod. Sic. xxi. fragm. 19.— Wetzel.
B.C. 293.] DEATH OF AGATHOCLES. 187

power as if he were already dead; and the grandson, after
killing the son, got possession of the supreme dignity. Aga-
thocles, therefore, when the pain of his disease and his anxiety
of mind were grown intolerable, the one being increased by
the severity of the other, resolved on embarking his wife
Texena, and two infant sons* that he had by her, with all his
treasure, and servants, and regal furniture (in which no king
at that time was richer), and sending her back to Egypt, from
whence he had received her, fearing that they would find the
usurper of his power their enemy. His wife, however, long
entreated that she might not be separated from her sick
husband, that the affliction of her departure might not be
added to the atrocities of his grandson, and that she might not
be made to appear as cruel in forsaking her husband as he in
attacking his grandfather ; saying that, ‘‘ by marrying him, she
not only engaged to share his good fortune, but all his fortune;
nor would she unwillingly purchase, with the hazard of her own
life, the privilege of receiving her husband’s last breath, and of
performing, with all the care of conjugal duty and affection,
the last offices at his funeral, which, when she was gone, no one
would take upon himself to discharge.” The little children,
at parting, embraced and clung to their father with doleful
lamentations ; while the wife, who was to see her husband no
more, could not desist from kissing him. Nor were the tears
of the old man less moving ; the children wept for their dying
father, the father for his banished children. They bewailed
the forlorn condition of their parent, a sick-old man; he
lamented that his offspring, born to the prospect of a throne,
should be left in want. At the same time the whole palace
resounded with the cries of those who were witnesses to so
cruel a separation, The necessity for departure, however, at
length put a stop to their weeping, and the death of the prince -
followed the leave-taking of his children.
’ During these occurrences, the Carthaginians, learning the
state of affairs in Sicily, and thinking that an opportunity was
afforded them of securing the whole island, crossed over to it
with a great force, and reduced several cities.

III. At this time, too, Pyrrhus was engaged in a war with the
Romans, and, being entreated by the Sicilians, as has been said,

* Lest his grandson should put them to death.
188 JUSTIN. [B.XXIIL. CH. IV.
to come to their assistance,* and crossing, in consequence, over to
Syracuse, and taking several cities, received the title of king of
Sicily as well as of Epirus. lated by this success, he destined
for his son Helenus the kingdom of Sicily, as an inheritance
from his grandfather (for he was the son of Agathocles’s
daughter), and to Alexander that of Italy. He then fought
many successful battles with the Carthaginians; but, after a
time, ambassadors came to him from his Italian allies,
announcing that “they could no longer withstand the Romans,
and that, unless he gave them assistance, they must submit.”
Alarmed at this danger from another “quarter, and uncertain
what to do, or whither first to direct his efforts, he took time,
while he was in suspense between the two, for consideration.
As the Carthaginians threatened him on one side, and the
Romans on the other, it seemed hazardous not to transport a
force into Italy, and more hazardous to withdraw troops from
Sicily, lest the one should be lost by not receiving assistance,
or the other by being deserted. In this conflict of perils,
the safer determination seemed to be, to bring the struggle to
an end, by exerting his utmost strength in Sicily, and then,
after having subdued the Carthaginians, to carry his victorious
army into Italy. He therefore fought a battle; but, though
he had the advantage, yet, as he quitted Sicily, he seemed
to flee as one defeated; and his allies, in consequence,
revolted from him, and he lost his dominion in Sicily as
speedily and easily as he had obtained it.

Experiencing no better success in Italy, he returned to
Epirus. His fortune, indeed, good and ‘bad, was wonderful
for the examples which it gave of both. For as, at first, his
good fortune, when his attempts succeeded even beyond his
wishes, had procured him empire in Italy and Sicily, and so
many victories over the Romans; so now his adverse fortune,
overthrowing all that he had raised, as if to afford an illustra-
tion of human instability, added to his failure in Sicily the
destruction of his fleet at sea, loss of honour in a battle with
the Romans, and an ignominious retreat out of Italy.

IV. When Pyrrhus had withdrawn from Sicily, Hiero was
made governor of it ; and such was the prudence he displayed
in his office, that, by the unanimous consent of all the cities,

* Seo xviii. 2.
B.C. 478—467.] HIERO—HIS CHARACTER. 189

he was first made general against the Carthaginians, and soon
after king. The fortune of Hiero, in his infancy, had been

as it were a presage of his future dignity. He was the son of
“ Hierocles, a man of high rank, whose descent was traced from

eeeee

Gelo an ancient prince of Sicily. His extraction on the
mother’s side, however, was so mean as to be even dishonour-
able; for he was the child of a female slave, and was in
consequence exposed by his father as a disgrace to his family.
But, when he was thus left destitute of human aid, bees for
several days fed him with honey, which was heaped round
him as he lay. Hence his father, admonished by a com-
munication from the soothsayers, who signified that sovereign
power was foreboded to the infant, took him home again, and
brought him up most carefully with the hope that he would
attain the promised honour. As he was learning his lesson
at school, too, among his equals in age,’a wolf, that suddenly
appeared in the midst of the boys, snatched from him his
book. And when he was grown up, and commencing his first
campaign, an eagle settled on his shield, and an owl upon his
spear; a prodigy which indicated that he would be prudent
in counsel, active in the field, and a king. He fought
frequently, moreover, with persons that challenged him, and
always gained the victory; and he was presented by king
Pyrrhus with many military gifts. The handsomeness of his
person was remarkable, and his bodily strength wonderful.
He was affable in his address, just in his dealings, moderate
in command ; so that nothing kingly seemed wanting to him
but a kingdom.
190

BOOK XXIV.

Disturbances in Greece; war between Sparta and the Atolians; end
of disputes between the pretenders to the throne of Macedonia,
I—Marriage of Ptolemy and Arsinoé, and its consequences, II.
I1.—Irruption of the Gauls into Macedonia; incaution of Ptole-
my, 1V.—Defeat and death of Ptolemy; rise of Sosthenes, V.
—The Gauls march to Delphi; description of Delphi, VI —The
Gauls halt in sight of Delphi, and are cut off by the Greeks, VIL
VUL

I. Durine the course of these proceedings in Sicily, the
kings, Ptolemy Ceraunus* and Antigonus, quarrelling and
going to war with one another in Greece, almost all the cities
of that country, under the Spartans as leaders, encouraged as
it were by the opportunity thus offered to entertain hopes of
recovering their liberty, and sending to each other ambassadors
by whom leagues might be formed to unite them, broke out
into hostilities; and, that they might not seem to commence
war with Antigonus, under whose dominion they were, they
attacked his allies the A¢tolians, making it a pretext for war
with them, that they had taken possession of the Cirrhean
plain, which by the unanimous consent of Greece had been
dedicated to Apollo. For their general in this war they
selected Areus, who, drawing together an army, laid waste the
towns and corn-fields lying in the plain, and burnt whatever
he was unable to carry off. When the shepherds of the
Astolians beheld this destruction from their mountains, about
five hundred of them assembling together, attacked the
enemy as they were dispersed, and knew not what was the
number of their assailants (for the sudden alarm, and the
smoke of the fires, prevented them from ascertaining), and
having killed about nine thousand} of the depredators, put
the rest to flight. And when the Spartans afterwards renewed
the war, many of the states refused them their support,
thinking that they sought dominion for themselves, and not
liberty for Greece.

In the meautime the war between the princes that contended

* He had made himself king of Macedonia after the death of
Lysimachus, xvii. 2; and hence Antiochus and Antigonus Gonnatas
became his enemies, 2b.

+ A large number to be killed by five hundred. But the editions
do not vary.
B.C, 278.] PTOLEMY CERAUNUS. 191

for the throne of Macedonia was concluded, for Ptolemy,
having routed Antigonus and made himself master of the
whole country, arranged a peace with Antiochus, and contracted
an affinity with Pyrrhus by giving him his daughter in
marriage.

Ii. Having thus freed himself from the fear of foreign
enemies, he turned his impious and unprincipled mind to the
perpetration of wickedness at home, and contrived a plot
against his sister Arsinoé,* to deprive her sons of life, and
herself of the possession of the city of Cassandrea. His first
stratagem was to pretend love to his sister, and to seek her
hand in marriage, for he was unable to come at his sister's sons,
whose throne he had usurped, otherwise than by counterfeiting.
affection for their mother. But the criminal intentions of
Ptolemy were understood by his sister. As she expressed
distrust of him, therefore, he assured her that “he wished to
share the kingdom with her children, against: whom he had not
taken arms because he wished to wrest the kingdom from
them, but that he might have it in his power to present them
with a portion of it. She might therefore send a person to
receive an oath from him, in whose presence he would bind
himself, before the gods of their country, by whatever
execrations she pleased.” Arsinoé, not knowing what to do,
was afraid that if she sent any one, she would be deceived by
a false oath, and that, if she did not send, she would provoke
her brother’s fury and cruelty. Fearing, therefore, less for
herself than her children, whom she thought she might protect
by the marriage, she sent Dion, one of her friends, to him.
Ptolemy, after conducting him into the most sacred temple of
Jupiter, held in high veneration from of old among the Mace-
donians, took hold of the altar, and, touching the images. and
couches of the gods, vowed, with unheard-of and most solemn
imprecations, that ‘‘ he sought a marriage with his sister in
true sincerity, and that he would give her the title of Queen,
nor would, to her dishonour, have any other wife, or any other
children than her sons.” Arsinoé, being thus filled with hope,
and relieved from apprehensions, held a conference with her
brother in person, and as his looks and flattering glances
promised no less sincerity than his oath, she agreed to marry

* The widow of Lysimachus ; see xvii. 2, and c. 8 of this book.
192 JUSTIN, {B.XXIV. CH.IV.

him, though her son Lysimachus* exclaimed that ‘‘ there was
treachery at the bottom.”

III. The nuptials were celebrated with. great magnificence
and general rejoicings. Ptolemy, before the assémbled army,
placed a diadem on his sister’s head, and saluted her with the
title of Queen. Arsinoé, overjoyed at the name, as having
regained what she had lost by the death of Lysimachus her
former husband, invited Ptolemy to her city Cassandrea; to
get possession of which city the plot was laid. Going thither
before her husband, she appointed a festival in the city against
his arrival, ordering the houses, temples, and all other places,
to be magnificently decorated, altars and victims to be every-
where kept in readiness, and her sons, Lysimachus who was
sixteen years old, and Philip three years younger, both remark-
able for their comeliness, to go to meet him with crowns on
their heads. Ptolemy, to conceal his treachery, caressing
them with eagerness, and beyond the warmth of real affection,
persisted for a long time in kissing them. But as soon as he
arrived at the gate, he ordered the citadel to be seized, and
the boys to be slain. They, fleeing to their mother, were slain
upon her lap, as she was embracing them; while Arsinoé ex-
claimed, “‘ What monstrous crime had she committed,+ either in
marrying or since her marriage?” She several times offered
herself to the assassins in the room of her children, and, em-
bracing them, covered their bodies with her own, endeavouring
to receive the wounds intended for them. At last, deprived
even of the dead bodies of her sons, she was dragged out of
the city, with her garments torn and her hair dishevelled, and
with only two attendants, and went to live in exile in
Samothracia ; sorrowing the more, that she was not allowed to
die with her children. But the crimes of Ptolemy were not
unpunished ; for soon after (the immortal gods inflicting
vengeance on him for so many perjuries, and such cruel
murders), he was driven from his throne and taken prisoner by
the Gauls, and lost his life, as he had merited, by the sword.

IV. The Gauls, when the land that had produced them was
unable, from their excessive increase of population, to contain
them, sent out three hundred thousand men, as a sacred. spring,t

* Most other editions have Ptolemeus.

+ Sc. To deserve such punishment.
£ Velut ver sacrwm.] To vow a sacred spring was customary among
B.C. 278.] PTOLEMY CERAUNUS. 193

to seek new settlements, Of these adventurers part settled
in Italy, and took and burnt the city of Rome; and part
penetrated into the remotest parts of Illyricwm under the
direction of a flight of birds (for the Gauls are skilled in
augury beyond other nations), making their way amidst great
slaughter of the barbarous tribes, and fixed their abode in
Pannonia. They were a savage, bold, and, warlike nation,
and were the first after Hercules (to whom that undertaking
procured great admiration for his valour, and a belief in his
immortality), to pass the unconquered heights of the Alps,
and places uninhabitable from excess of cold.. After
having subdued the Pannonians, they carried on various wars
with their neighbours for many years. Success encouraging
them, they betook themselves, in separate bands, some to
Greece, and some to Macedonia, laying waste all before them
With the sword. Such indeed was the terror of the Gallic
name, that even kings, before they were attacked, purchased
peace from them with large sums of money, Ptolemy alone,
the king of Macedonia, heard of the approach of the Gauls
without alarm, and, hurried on by the wadness that distracted
him for his unnatural crimes, went out to meet them with a
few undisciplined troops, as if wars could be despatched with
as little difficulty as murders, An embassy from the Dar-.
danians, offering him twenty thousand armed men for his
assistance, he spurned, adding insulting language, and saying
that ‘‘the Macedonians were in a sad condition, if, after
having subdued the whole east without assistance, they now
required aid from the Dardanians to defend their country ;
and that he had for soldiers the sons of those who had served
under Alexander the Great, and had been victorious throughout

the Italians; for when in great peril they used to vow that they would
sacrifice whatever animals should be born in their country in the
following spring. But as it seemed cruel to sacrifice children, they
allowed them to grow up,.and then threw a veil over them, and con-
ducted them beyond the boundaries of the country. Festus, sub “ver
sacrum ;” see also sub “Mamertius.” This custom was not confined
to the Italians, but prevailed, says Dionys. Halicar. i. 5, “ aniong many
people, Greek and barbarian.” It seems to have been not uncommon
among the Romans; Liv. xxii. 9; xxxiv. 44. See also Plin. H. N.
iii. 18. Ver sacrum, it should be observed, is an emendation of
Pithceus (Adversar. i. 6) for peregrinatwm, concerning the justice of
which no editor has doubted, though Wetzel has thought proper to
retain peregrinatum in his text.

0
194 JUSTIN. (B. XXIV. CH.V.

the world.” This answer being repeated to the Dardanian
prince, he observed that ‘the famous kingdom of Macedonia
would soon fall a sacrifice to the rashness of a raw youth.”*

V. The Gauls, under the command of Belgius, sent depu-
ties to Ptolemy to sound the disposition of the Macedonians,
offermg him peace if he liked to purchase it; but Ptolemy
boasted to his courtiers that the Gauls sued for peace from
fear of war. Nor was his manner less vaunting before the
ambassadors than before his own adherents, saying that “he
would grant peace only on condition that they would give their
chiefs as hostages, and deliver up their arms; for he would
put no trust in them until they were disarmed.” The de-
puties bringing back this answer, the Gauls laughed, and
exclaimed throughout their camp, that ‘‘he would soon see
whether they had offered peace from regard for themselves
or for him.” Some days after a battle was fought, and the
Macedonians were defeated and cut to pieces. Ptolemy, after
receiving several wounds, was taken, and his head, cut off and
stuck on a lance, was carried round the whole army to strike
terror into the enemy. Flight saved a few of the Macedo-
nians ; the rest were either taken or slain.

When the news of this event was spread through all Mace-
donia, the gates of the city were shut, and all places filled with
mourning. Sometimes they lamented their bereavement, from
the loss of their children ; sometimes they were seized with
dread, lest their cities should be destroyed ; and at other times
they called on the names of their kings, Alexander and Philip,
as deities, to protect them ; saying that “ under them they were
not only secure, but conquerors of the world ;” and begging
that “they would guard their country, whose fame they had
yaised to heaven by the glory of their exploits, and give

“assistance to the afflicted, whom the insanity and rashness of
Ptolemy had ruined.” While all were thus in despair, Sosthenes,
one of the Macedonian. chiefs, thinking that nothing would be
effected by prayers, assembled such as were of age for war,
repulsed the Gauls in the midst of their exultation at their
victory, and saved Macedonia from devastation. For these

* Immaturi juvenis.] Although Ptolemy was rash, he could not be
called immaturus, for he was the eldest son of Ptolemy Lagides, who
died at a great age, B.c. 283. Diod. Siculus, however, xii. fragm. 8,
agrees in opinion with Justin respecting this king.— Wetzel.
B.C. 278.] BRENNUS AT DELPHI. 195

great services, he, though of humble extraction, was chosen,
before many nobles that aspired to the throne of Macedonia.
But though he was saluted as king by the army, he made the
soldiers take an oath to him, not as king, but as general.

VI. In the meantime Brennus, under whose command a
part of the Gauls had made an irruption into Greece, having
heard of the success of their countrymen, who, under the
leadership of Belgius, had defeated the Macedonians, and
being indignant that so rich a booty, consisting of the spoils
of the east, had been so lightly abandoned, assembled an army
of a hundred and fifty thousand foot and fifteen thousand
horse, and suddenly invaded Macedonia. As he was laying
waste the fields and villages, Sosthenes met him with his
army of Macedonians in full array, but being few in number,
and in some consternation, they were easily overcome by
the more numerous and powerful Gauls; and the defeated
Macedonians retiring within the walls of their cities, the
victorius Brennus, meeting with no opposition, ravaged the
lands throughout the whole of Macedonia. oon after, as if
the spoils of mortals were too mean for him; he turned his
thoughts to the temples of the immortal gods, saying, with a
profane jest, that ‘the gods, being rich, ought to be liberal to
men.” He suddenly, therefore; directed his march towards
Delphi, regarding plunder more than religion, and caring for
gold more than for the wrath of the deities, “ who,” he said,
“stood in no need of riches, as being accustomed rather to
bestow them on mortals.’’

The temple of Apollé at Delphi is situate* on Mount Par-
nassus, on a rock steep on all sides. A concourse of people,
who, collecting from the parts around, through venerationt for
the majesty of the god, settled onthe rock, formed a city
there. Thus, not walls, but precipices, not defences formed
by the hand, but by nature, protect the temple and the city;
so that it is utterly uncertain whether the strength of the

* Concerning the temple of Apollo at Delphi, see Pausan. x. 6;
Diod. Sic. xvii 26, the former of whom places this expedition of the
Gauls into Greece in Olymp. 125, 2, or B.c. 278. See also the
“Travels of Anacharsis,” vol. lii— Weizel.

+ Ad afirmationem majestatis is in the text of Wetzel, but he
observes that admératione, the reading of Aldus, and ad admirationem,
thatfof the Junta, are “not less good.” I have adopted the latter,
which is sanctioned by Vorstius eo

Oo
‘196 JUSTIN. [B. XXIV. CH. VIL.

‘place, or the influence of the deity residing in it, attracts
more admiration. The central part of the rock falls back in
the shape of an amphitheatre; and, in consequence, if ever
shouts are raised, or if the noise of trumpets is mingled with
them, the sound, from the rocks echoing and re-echoing to one
another, is heard many times repeated, and louder than it was
‘made at first. This effect, on those who are ignorant of its
cause, and are struck with wonder at it; produces a greater awe
of the power of the god. In the winding of the rock, about
half way up the hill, there-is a small plain, and in it a
deep fissure in the ground,-which is open for giving oracles;
‘for a cold exhalation, driven upwards by some force, as it were
‘by a wind, produces’ in the minds of the priestesses a certain
‘madness, and compels them, filled with the influence of the
god, to give'answers to such as consult them. Hence many
rich presents of kings and nations are to be seen there, which,
‘by their magnificence, testify the grateful feelings of those
that have paid their vows, and their belief in the oracles given
by the deity.

VII. Brennus, when he came within sight of the temple,
deliberated for some time, whether he should at once make an
attempt upon it, or should allow his soldiers, wearied with their
‘march, a night to refresh themselves. Two of the captains,
‘Emanus and Thessalorus, who had joined him for a share in
the booty, advised that “no delay should be made,” while the
‘enemy were unprovided for defence, and the alarm at their
coming still fresh ; that in the interval of a night, the courage
of the enemy would perhaps revive, and assistance come to
them; and that the approaches, which were now open, might
‘be blocked up.” But the common soldiers, when, after a long
endurance of scarcity, they found a country abounding with
wine and other provisions, had dispersed themselves over the
fields, rejoicing as much at the plenty as if they had gained '
a victory, and leaving their standards deserted, wandered about
to seize on everything like conquerors. This conduct gave
some respite to the Delphians. At the first report that the
Gauls were approaching, the country people are said to have
been prohibited by the oracle from carrying away their corn
and wine from their houses. The salutariness of this prohibi-
tion was not understood, until, through this abundance of wine
and other provisions being thrown in the way of the Gauls, as
B.C. 278.] BRENNUS OVERTHROWN. ‘197

a stop to their progress, reinforcements from their neighbours
had time to collect. The Delphians, accordingly, supported
by the strength of their allies, secured their city before the
Gauls, who clung to the wine-skins, on which they had seized,
could be recalled to their standards. Brennus had sixty-five
thousand infantry, selected from his whole army; of the Del-
phians there were not more than four thousand ; in utter con-
tempt of whom, Brennus, to rouse the courage of his men,
pointed to the vast quantity of spoil before them, declaring .
that the statues, and four-horse chariots, of which a great.
number were visible at a distance, were made of solid gold,
aud would prove greater prizes when they came to be weighed
than they were in appearance.

VIII. The Gauls, animated by these assertions, and dis-
ordered, at the same time,. with the wine which they had
drunk the day before, rushed to battle without any fear of
danger. The Delphians, on the other hand, placing more
confidence in the god than in their own strength, resisted
the enemy with contempt, and,- from the top of the hill,
repelled the Gauls as they climbed up, partly with pieces of
rock, and partly with their weapons. Amidst this contest
between the two, the priests of all the temples,* as well as the
priestesses themselves, with their hair loose, and with their.
decorations and fillets, rushed, trembling and frantic, into the
front ranks of the combatants, exclaiming that “the god was
come; that they had seen him leap down” into his temple
through the opening roof; that, while they were all humbly
imploring aid of the deity, a youth of extraordinary beauty, far
above that of mortals, and two armed virgins, coming from
the neighbouring temples of Diana and Minerva, met them;
that they had not only perceived them with their eyes, but
had heard also the sound of a bow and the rattling of arms ;”
and they therefore conjured them with the strongest entreaties,
‘not to delay, when the gods were leading them on, to spread
slaughter among the enemy, and to share the victory with
the powers of heaven.” Incited by these exhortations, they
all rushed eagerly to the field of battle, where they themselves
also soon perceived the presence of the divinity; for a part of
the mountain, broken off by an earthquake, overwhelmed 4

* Universorum templorum.] Those of Apollo, Diana, and Minerva,
as appears from what follows,
198 JUSTIN. [B.XXV. CH.I.

host of the Gauls, and some of the densest bodies of the
enemy were scattered abroad, not without wounds, and fell to
the earth. A tempest then followed, which destroyed, with
hail and cold, those that were suffering from bodily injuries.
The general Brennus himself, unable to endure the pain of
his wounds, ended his life with his dagger. The other gene-
ral,* after punishing the advisers of the war,f made off from
Greece -with all expedition, accompanied with ten thousand
wounded men. But neither was fortune more favourable to
those who fled; for in their terror, they passed no night under
shelter, and no day without hardship and danger; and con-
tinual rains, snow congealed by the frost, famine, fatigue, and,
what was the greatest evil, the constant want of sleep, con-
sumed the wretched remains of the unfortunate army. The
nations and people:too, through whom they marched, pursued
their stragglers, as if to spoil them. Hence it happened that,
of so great an army, which a little before, presuming on its
strength, contended even against the gods, not a man was leftt

to be a memorial of its destruction. . :

 

BOOK XXyV.

The Gauls, who had been left behind by Brennus, proceed to attack
Antigonus Gonnatas, I—Massacre of the Gauls; their valour;
Gallogreecia, II.—Pyrrhus. king of Epirus, expels Antigonus from
Macedonia, III.—Pyrrhus goes to war with the Spartans, IV.—Is
killed at Argos; his character, V.

I. AFTER peace was made between the two kings, Antigonus
and Antiochus, a new enemy suddenly started up against
Antigonus ag he was returning to Macedonia. The Gauls,
who had been left behind by their general Brennus, when he
marched into Greece, to defend the borders of their country, :
armed fifteen thousand foot and three thousand horse (that
they alone might not seem idle), and having routed the forces
of the Gete and Triballi, and preparing to invade Macedonia,
sent ambassadors to Antigonus to offer him peace if he would pay

* Alter ex ducibus.] That is, the other of the two generals; we are
not told his name.

t Punitis belli auctoribus.] Those who had persuaded and impelled
the Gauls to this attack on Delphi— Wetzel.

{ This is contradicted by Justin himself, xxxii, 3.—Dubner,
B.C. 276.] ANTIGONUS GONNATAS. 199

for it, and to play the part of spies, at the same time, in his
camp. Antigonus, with royal munificence, invited them to
a banquet, and entertained them with a sumptuous display
of luxuries. But the Gauls were so struck with the vast
quantity of gold and silver set before them, and so
tempted with the richness of such a spoil, that they re-
turned more inclined to war than they had come. The king
had also ordered his elephants to be shown them, as monsters
unknown to those barbarians, and his ships laden with stores
to be displayed ; little thinking that he was thus exciting the
cupidity of those to seize his treasures, whom he sought to
strike with terror by the ostentation of his strength. The
ambassadors, returning to their countrymen, and exaggerating
every thing excessively, set forth at once the wealth and un-
suspiciousness of the king; saying that ‘‘ his camp was filled
with‘gold and silver, but secured neither by rampart nor trench,
and that the Macedonians, as if they had sufficient protec-
tion in their wealth, neglected all military duties, apparently
thinking that, as they had plenty of gold, they had no use for
steel.”

II. By this statement, the desires of a covetous people were
sufficiently stimulated to take possession of such spoil. The
example of Belgius, too, had its influence with them, who, a
little before, had cut to pieces the army of the Macedonians
and their king. Being all of one mind, therefore, they attacked
the king’s camp by night; but he, foreseeing the storm that
threatened him, had given notice to his soldiers to remove all
their baggage, and to conceal themselves noiselessly in a neigh-
bouring wood; and the camp was only saved because it was
deserted. The Gauls, when they found it destitute not only of de-
fenders, but of sentinels, suspecting that there was not a flight,
but some stratagem on the part of the enemy, were for some
time afraid to enter the gates. At last, leaving the defences
entire and untouched, and more like men come to explore than
to plunder, they took possession of the camp ; and then, carry-
ing off what they found, they directed their course towards
the coast. Here, as they were incautiously plundering the
vessels, and fearing no attack, they were cut down by the
sailors, and a part of the army that had fled thither with their
wives and children; and such was the slaughter among them
that the report of this victory procured Antigonus peace, not
200 JUSTIN. — [B.XXV. CHI.

only from the Gauls, but from his other barbarous neigh-
bours,

The nation of the Gauls, however, was at that time so
prolific, that they filled all Asia as with one swarm. The
kings of the east then carried on no wars without a mercenary
army of Gauls; nor, if they were driven from their thrones,
did they seek protection with any other people than the Gauls.
Such indeed was the terror of the Gallic name, and the unvaried
good fortune of their arms, that princes thought they could
neither maintain their power in security, nor recover it. if
lost, without the assistance of Gallic valour. Hence, being
called by the king of Bithynia to his aid, and having gained
him the victory over his enemies, they shated his kingdom with
him, and called their part of it Gallogrecia.

III. During these transactions in Asia, Pyrrhus, having
been defeated by the Carthaginians in a sea-fight on the coast
of Sicily, sent ambassadors to Antigonus king of Macedonia,
to ask for a supply of troops, saying that, “unless he sent him
some, he should be obliged to return to his kingdom, and to
seek that enlargement of his dominions from ‘him,* which he
had wished to gain from the Romans.” The ambassadors
bringing word that his request was refused, he pretended to
be suddenly obliged to depart, but concealed his reasons for
doing so. Meanwhile he directed his allies to prepare for war,
and committed the citadel of Tarentum to the guardianship of
his son-Helenus and his friend Milo. Returning to Epirus,
he immediately invaded Macedonia; Antigonus met him with
an army, but was defeated in battle, and put to flight. Pyrrhus
then allowed the Macedonians to surrender on terms ; and as
if, by the acquisition of Macedonia, he had made up for his
loss of Sicily and Italy, he sent for his son and his friend,
whom he had left at Tarentum. Antigonus, divesting himself
at once of all the marks of royalty, repaired with a few horse-
men, that attended him in his flight, to Thessalonica, there to
watch what would follow on the loss of his throne, and to renew
the war with a hired army of Gauls. But being utterly de-
feated, a second time, by Ptolemy the son of Pyrrhus, he fled

* De ipso.) He signified that if Antigonus did not send him succour
he should be obliged to return home, and that he would then make
war on Antigonus, with a view to that enlargement of his dominions
which he had wished to make at the cost of the Romans.—Lemaire,
B.C. 269.) PYRRHUS AT ARGOS. 201

with only seven followers, and no longer indulged hopes of
- recovering his kingdom, but sought only hiding places for safety
and solitary ways for flight.

IV. Pyrrhus, being raised to such a height of royal power,
and not content with what had once been the object of his
wishes, began to contemplate the subjugation of Greece and
Asia. He had no greater delight in ruling than in warfare; nor
was any power able to withstand him, wheresoever he directed
his attack. But irresistible as he was deemed in conquering
kingdoms, he also easily lost those which he subdued and ac-
quired, so much better did he manage to gain dominion than
to keep it.

Having led his army into the Peloponnesus,* he was met by.
embassies from the Athenians, Achwans, and Messenians;
and all Greece, indeed, struck with admiration at his name,
and at the glory of his achievements against the Romans and
Carthaginians, was eagerly looking for his arrival. His first
contest was with the Spartans, in which, being resisted with
greater spirit by the women than by the men, he lost his son
Ptolemy and the flower of his army ; for, when, he proceeded
to attack the city, such a number of women assembled to de-
fend their birth-place, that he retreated, overcome not more
by bravery on their part than by shame on his own.

As for his son Ptolemy, he is said to have been so brave and
enterprising that he took the city of Corcyrat with only sixty
men. In a naval engagement, too, he is reported to have
leaped from a boat, with seven men, into a fifty-oared galley,
and to have taken and kept possession of it. At the attack
on Sparta he rode into the very middle of the city, and was
there slain in a crowd that gathered around him. When his
body was carried to his father, he exclaimed, it is said, “ that
he had not been killed so soon as he had feared, or his own
rashness deserved.” :

V. Pyrrhus, on being repulsed by the Spartans, marched to
Argos, where, while he was endeavouring to capture Antigonus,

* Cherroneson.] The old reading was Cherroneso, which was con-
sidered as a dative, and is still retained in some modern editions.
J. F. Gronovius altered it to Cherroneson, the preposition in being
understood.

+ The chief town of the island of Corcyra. See Pausanias in Att.
c. ii. 6, where the attack on this island is mentioned.
202 JUSTIN. (B.XXVI. CH.1.

who was shut up in the city, and was fighting furiously among
the thickest of the assailants, he was struck with a stone from
the walls, and killed. His head was carried to Antigonus,
who, using his victory with moderation, sent back his ‘son
Helenus, who surrendered to him with several Epirots, into
his own country, and gave him the bones of his father, not
ee yet received the rites of burial, to carry home with

m.

It is pretty generally stated by authors, that no king, either
of that or the former age, was to be compared to Pyrrhus;
and that there has seldom been seen, either among princes, or
other illustrious men, a man of more upright life or of stricter
justice; and that he had such knowledge of the military art,
that though he fought against such great princes as Lysi-
machus, Demetrius, and Antigonus, he was never conquered.
In his wars too with the Illyrians, Sicilians, Romans, and
Carthaginians, he never came off inferior, but generally vic-
torious; and he rendered his country, which was before but
mean and obscure, renowned throughout the world by the
fame of his exploits and the glory of his name,

 

BOOK XXVI.

The Peloponnesus given up to Antigonus; Aristotimus, tyrant of Elis,
killed by Hellanicus, 1.—Antigonus defeats the Gauls; Alexander,
king of Epirus, drives him from Macedonia; Demetrius, the son
of Antigonus, recovers it, and expels Alexander from Epirus, II.
—Alexander re-established on his throne; death of Magas, king of
Cyrene; death of Demetrius, ITT.

I. Arrer the death of Pyrrhus, there were great warlike
commotions, not only in Macedonia, but in Asia and Greece;
for the Pelopounesians were betrayed into the power of Anti-
gonus; and while partly concern, partly exultation, prevailed
variously among the inhabitants, as any city had either ex-
pected aid from Pyrrhus or conceived apprehensions of him,
they either entered into alliance with Antigonus, or, impelled
by mutual animosity, plunged into hostilities with one another.
Amidst these tumults in the disturbed provinces, the sove-
reignty over the city of the Epeans* was usurped by an emi-

* Epiorum urbs.} Called by the Greeks “Ezreot, from Epeus, a king
B.C. 271.] ' ARISTOTIMUS. 208

nent man named Aristotimus; and when many of the leading
persons had been slain by him, and more driven into banish-
ment, and the Atitolians sent ambassadors to ask him “ to
give up the wives and children of the exiles,” he at first
refused, but afterwards, as if relenting, he gave all the married
women leave to go to their husbands, and fixed a day for their
departure. They, as being about to spend their lives in
banishment with their hushands, were going to carry all their
most valuable property with them; but, when they assembled
at one of the gates of the city, intending to go forth in a body,
they were despoiled of all that they had, and confined in the
public prison, the irifants having been first killed in the arms
of their mothers, and the young women carried off for vio-
lation. The people being all amazed at such cruel tyranny,
Hellanicus, the chief of them, an old man and without chil-
dren, and consequently having no fear either for life or
offspring, assembléd the most faithful of his friends in his
house, and encouraged them to attempt the delivery of their
country. But as they hesitated to remove a public evil at
their own private risk, and demanded time for deliberation,
Hellanicus, calling for his attendants, ordered the doors to be
locked, and a message to be carried to the tyrant, requesting
him “ to send officers to seize a band of conspirators in Hel-
lanicus’s house ;” and he told all of them, with reproaches,
that “since he could not be the deliverer of his country, he
would at least take revenge for the abandonment of its cause.”
Being thus placed between two perils, they chose the more
honourable course, and conspired to kill the tyrant; and thus
Aristotimus was cut off in the fifth month after he had usurped
the government.

II. In the meantime Antigonus, being harassed with wars,
of varied aspect, from the Spartans and King Ptolemy, and per-
ceiving that a new enemy, an army from Gallogrecia, was
coming upon him, left a few troops as a semblance of a camp,
to amuse his other assailants, and proceeded with all the rest
of his force against the Gauls; who, becoming aware of his
approach, as they were preparing for battle, sacrificed victims

of Elis, contemporary with Pelops, Hom. Odyss. xiii. 275; xv. 297; so
that the Epeans, in this passage, are only the Eleans under their old
name.— Wetzel. Bongarsius and Gronovius would read Eliorum, refer-
ring to Pausanias, Eliac. and Plutarch, de Virt. Mul. ¢. 24.
204 JUSTIN. [B.XXVI. CH. IIL.

to take presages for the event ; and as, from the entrails, great
slaughter and destruction of them all was portended, they were
moved, not to fear, but to fury, and thinking that the anger of
the gods might be appeased by the slaughter of their kindred,
butchered their wives and children, commencing hostilities with
the murder of their own people ; for such rage had possessed
their savage breasts, that they did not spare even that tender age
which an enemy would have spared, but made deadly war on their
own children and their children’s mothers, in defence of whom
wars are wont to be undertaken. As if, therefore, they had
purchased life and victory by their barbarity, they rushed,
stained as they were with the fresh blood of their relatives, into
the field of battle, but with success no better than their
auspices : for, as they were fighting, the furies, the avengers
of murder, overwhelmed them sooner than the enemy, and
the ghosts of the slain rising up before their eyes, they were
all cut off with utter destruction. Such was the havoc
among them, that the gods seemed to have conspired with
men to annihilate an army of murderers.

In consequence of the result of this battle,Ptolemy and the
Spartans, avoiding the victorious army of the enemy, retreated
to safer ground; and Antigonus, when he heard of their
departure, turned his arms against the Athenians, while the
ardour of his men was yet fresh from their recent victory.
But during the time that he was thus engaged, Alexander, king
of Epirus, longing to avenge the death of his father Pyrrhus,
laid waste the frontiers of Macedonia. Antigonus returned
from Greece to give him battle, but being deserted by his men,
who went over to the enemy, he lost both the throne of
Macedonia and his army. His son Demetrius, however,
though buta boy, collecting an army in the absence of his
father, not only recovered Macedonia, which had been lost, but
drove Alexander from the throne of Epirus. Such was the
fickleness of the soldiers, or thé mutability of fortune, that
kings were seen one day in the character of sovereigns, and
the next in that of exiles,

III. Alexander, after fleeing, on his expulsion, to the
Acarnanians, was restored to his throne, with not less eager-
ness on the part of the Hpirots than exertion on the part of
his allies. About the same time died Magas,* king of Cyrene,

* Wetzel has Agas in his text, but says in his note that “we should
B.C. 245.] SELEUCUS II. 205

who, before he fell sick, had betrothed his only daughter
Berenice to his brother Ptolemy’s son, in order to end all
disputes with him. But after the death of the king, Arsinoé,
the mother of the girl, resolving to break off a marriage which
had been contracted against her will, sent for Demetrius, the
brother of King Antigonus, from Macedonia, to marry the
damsel, and occupy the throne of Cyrene. Nor did Demetrius
delay to comply with her wishes. But having speedily arrived,
by the aid of afavourable wind, at Cyrene, he began, from the
very first, through presuming on his handsome person (with
which he had already made too much impression on his
mother-in-law*), to conduct himself haughtily and overbearingly
both to the royal family and the army. He also transferred
his desire to please from the daughter to the mother; a fact
which was first suspected by the damsel, and at last drew
odium upon him from the people and the army. The affec-
tions of all, therefore, being set on the son of Ptolemy, a
conspiracy was formed against Demetrius, and assassins were
sent to kill him, when he was gone to bed with his mother-
in-law. Arsinoé, hearing the voice of her daughter, standing
at the door, and desiring them “ to spare her mother,” covered
her paramour a while with her own person. He was however
slain, and Berenice, by his death, both took revenge for the
licentiousness of her mother, without violation of her duty to
her, and, in choosing a husband, followed the judgment of her
father.

BOOK XXVII.

Seleucus IL. king of Syria, puts to death Berenice, his mother-in-law; |
Ptolemy Euergetes invades Syria, but is recalled home, I.—
Seleucus recovers himself, and makes war on Ptolemy unsuccess-
fully ; he calls to his aid his brother: Antiochus, surnamed Hierax,
II,Antiochus, defeated by Humenes and Seleucus, takes to
flight ; deaths of Antiochus and Seleucus, III.

T. On the death of Antiochus, king of Syria, his son Seleucus,
succeeding in his stead, commenced his reign with murder in
rather read Magas, as the name is written by Polywnus, Athenzus, and
Pausanias, i. 6, 8.” Magas is also approved by Vossius, Vorstius,
Faber, and almost all the other commentators.

* Arsinoé.
206 JUSTIN. [B.XXVIL CH. 11.

his own family, his mother Laodice, who ought to have re-
strained him, encouraging him to it. He put to death his
step-mother Berenice, the sister of Ptolemy, king of Egypt,
together with his little brother, her son. By perpetrating
this cruelty, he both incurred the stain of infamy, and involved
himself in a war with Ptolemy. As for Berenice, when she
heard that assassins were sent to despatch her, she shut her-
self up in Daphne; and it being reported throughout the
cities of Asia, that she and her little son were besieged. there,
they all, commiserating her undeserved misfortunes from
their recollection of the high character of her father and her
ancestors, sent her assistance. Her brother Ptolemy, too,
alarmed at the danger of his sister, left his kingdom, and
hastened to her support with all his forces. But Berenice,
before succour could arrive, was surprised by treachery, as she
could not be taken by force; and killed. The deed was re-
garded by every one as an atrocity; and all the cities, in
consequence, which had revolted (after having equipped a vast
fleet), being suddenly alarmed at this instance of cruelty, and
wishing to take revenge for her whom they had meant to
defend, gave themselves up to Ptolemy, who, if he had not
been recalled to Egypt by disturbances at home, would have
made himself master of all Seleucus’s dominions, Such
hatred did an unnatural crime bring upon Seleucus;’ or so
much good feeling did the death of a sister, dishonourably
killed, excite in behalf of Ptolemy!

II. After the departure of Ptolemy, Seleucus, having pre-
pared a great fleet against the cities that had revolted, lost it
in a storm that suddenly arose, as if the gods themselves had
taken vengeance on him for his murder; nor did fortune leave
him anything, of all his mighty armament, except his body
and life, and a few companions amid the wreck. It was
indeed a lamentable occurrence, and yet such as Seleucus
might have desired; for the cities, which from hatred to
him had gone over to Ptolemy, being moved, by a sudden
change in their feelings, to compassionate his loss at sea (as
if, in the judgment of the gods, satisfaction had been made
them), put themselves again under his government. Rejoiced
at his misfortune, therefore, and enriched by his loss, he made
war upon Ptolemy, as being now a match for him in strength;
but as though he had been born only for a sport to fortune,
B.C. 245 —224.] SELEUCUS IL. 207

and had received the power of a*king only to lose it, he was
defeated in a battle, and fled in trepidation to Antioch, not
much better attended than after his shipwreck. From this
place he despatched a letter to his brother Antiochus, in
which he implored his aid, and offered him that part of Asia
within Mount Taurus, as a recompense for his services. But
Antiochus, though he was but fourteen years old, yét, being
igreedy of dominion beyond his years, caught at the oppor-
‘tunity, not with the kindly feeling with which it was offered,
but, like a robber, desiring to take the whole kingdom from
his brother, assumed, boy as he was, a manly and unprin-
cipled audacity. Hence he was called Hierax,* because, in
taking away the possessions of others, he conducted himself,
not like a man, but like a bird of prey.

Ptolemy Euergetes, in the meantime, learning that An-
tiochus was coming to the aid of Seleucus, and not wishing to
have to contend with two enemies at once, made peace with
Seleucus for ten years. But the peace that was granted
Seleucus by his enemy, was broken by his own brother, who,
having hired an army of Gauls, brought hostilities instead of
succour, and showed himself, though he had been implored for
aid, an enemy instead of a brother. In the battle that followed
Antiochus was victor, indeed, through the prowess of the
Gauls ; but they, thinking that Seleucus had fallen on the field,
began to turn their arms against Antiochus himself, in the
hope of ravaging Asia with greater freedom, if they destroyed
the whole royal family. Antiochus, seeing their design, pur-
chased peace from them, as from robbers, with a sum of
money, and formed an alliance with his own mercenaries.

III. Meanwhile Eumenes, king of Bithynia, when the
brothers were divided and exhausted by civil war, attacked
both the victorious Antiochus and the Gauls, as if he intended
‘to take possession of Asia while it was left without a master.
Nor did he find any difficulty in overthrowing them, as they
were weakened by their previous conflicts, and he himself was
fresh and vigorous, At that period, indeed, every war was
intended for the reduction of Asia; whoever was stronger than
his neighbours was teady to seize on Asia for his prey. The
brothers, Seleucus and Antiochus, went to war for the sove-
reignty of Asia; Ptolemy, king of Egypt, under pretext of

* ‘Iipaé, a hawk or falcon.
208 JUSTIN. [B.XXVIL. CH. Ike
avenging his sister, was eager to secure Asia. On the one
side Eumenes of .Bithynia, on the other the Gauls (an army
of mercenaries always ready to support the weaker), laid waste
Asia, while no one, among so many robbers, was found to be
its protector. ,
When Antiochus was overthrown, and Eumenes had pos-
sessed himself of the greater part of the country, the two
brothers, though the prize for which they had fought was lost,
could not even then come to an agreement, but, leaving their
foreign enemies unmolested, continued the war for the destruc-
tion of each other. Antiochus, being again defeated, and
exhausted with a flight of many days’ continuance, arrived at
last at the palace of Artamenes, his father-in-law, king af
Cappadocia. Being kindly received by him at first, but
learning, after some days, that treacherous designs were form-
ing against him, he sought safety by again taking to flight.
When he was thus a fugitive, and found nowhere a place of
security, he betook himself to his enemy Ptolemy, whose faith
he thought more to be trusted than that of his brother,
whether he reflected on what he would have done to his
brother, or what he had deserved from him, But Ptolemy,
not more friendly to him when he came to surrender, than
when he had been an open foe, ordered that he should be kept
in the closest confinement. From hence however he escaped,
eluding his keepers by the aid of a courtesan, with whom he
had been familiar, and was slain in his flight by some robbers.
Seleucus too, about the same time, lost his kingdom, and was
killed by a fall from his. horse. Thus these twa brothers, as
if brothers also in fate, both became exiles; and both, after
losing their dominions, died a death merited by their crimes.
209

BOOK XXVIII.

Proceedings in Epirus; the Acarnanians request aid from the Romans
against the Altolians, I—Reply of the Aitolians to the Roman
ambassadors, II.—Extinction of the royal race in Epirus; death
of Demetrius in Macedonia, and administration of Antigonus
Doson, Til—War of Antigonus with Sparta; Cleomenes, king of
Sparta, seeks refuge in Egypt, and is killed there; death of Anti-
gonus, IV.

I. Wuen Olympias, daughter of Pyrrhus king of Epirus, had
lost her husband Alexander, who was also her brother,* she
took upon herself the guardianship of her sons Pyrrhus and
Ptolenty, whom she had by him, and the administration of the
kingdom ; and finding that the A‘tolians wanted to take from
her a part of Acarnania, which the father of the boys had
received as a recompense for assisting them in war,f she ad-
dressed herself to Demetrius king of Macedonia, and gave him
her daughter Phthia in marriage (though he was already
united to a sister of Antiochus king of Syria), that she might

‘ secure by right of relationship the assistance which she could
not obtain from his compassion. A marriage was accordingly
solemnized, by which Demetrius gained the love of a new
wife, and the hatred of his former one; who, as if divorced,
went off to her brother Antiochus, and excited him to make
war upon her husband.

The Acarnanians also, fearing to trust for support to the
Epirots, requested of the Romans assistance against the
Aitolians, and prevailed on the senate to send ambassadors to
order the AXtolians ‘“ to withdraw their garrisons from the
cities of Acarnania, and allow those to be free, who alone, of
all the people of Greece, had not contributed aid to the
Greeks against the Trojans, the authors of the Roman race.”

II. But the A®tolians listened to the embassy of the Ro-
mans with haughtiness, upbraiding them with their fortune
against the Carthaginians and Gauls, by whom they had been
fearfully slaughtered in so many wars, and saying that “ their
gates, which the terror of the Punic war had closed,{ should

* Compare xviii. 1; xxvi. 2. His death is not mentioned before.
¢ In portionem belli.) He had become an ally to the Aitolians when
they were carrying on some war.—- Weizel.
+ Quas clauserit metus Punici belli.] The author seems to have been
P
210 JUSTIN, [B.XXVIIL CH. IT.

be opened to meet the Carthaginians, before their arms were
brought into Greece.” They then desired them to remember
‘‘ who they were that threatened, and whom they threatened.
That the Romans had not been able to defend their city
against the Gauls; and, when it was taken, had recovered it,*
not by the sword, but with gold; but that when that people
entered Greece, in considerably greater numbers, they them-
selves had utterly destroyed them, not; only without the assist-
ance of any foreign power, but without even calling into action
the whole of their own force, and had made that a place for their
graves which they had intended for the seat of their cities and
empire; while Italy, on the other hand, when the Romans
were still trembling at the recent burning of their city, was
almost entirely occupied by the Gauls. That they should
therefore have expelled the Gauls from Italy before they
threatened the Actolians, and have defended their own pos-
sessions before they sought those of others. And what sort of
men were the Romans? mere shepherds, who occupied a ter-
ritory wrested from its lawful owners by robbery; who, when
they were unable to procure wives, from the baseness of
their origin, seized them by open force; who, moreover, had
founded their very city in fratricide, and sprinkled the foun-
dation of their walls with the blood of their king’s brother.
But that the Attolians had always been the chief people of
Greece, and, as they surpassed others in dignity, excelled
them also in bravery; that they were the only nation who had
always despised the Macedonians, even when flourishing in
possession of the empire of the world; who had felt no dread
of king Philip, and who had spurned the edicts of Alexander
the Great, after he had conquered the Persians and Indians,
and when all trembled at his name. That they therefore ad-
vised the Romans to be content with their present fortune,
and not provoke the arms by which they knew that the Gauls
had been cut to pieces, and the Macedonians set at nought.”

thinking of the second Punic war, which Hannibal commenced, A.v.¢.
534, and ended in 551. If so, he inadvertently makes the Acar-
nanians, before a.U.c. 522, speak of matters which did not take place
till more than twelve years afterwards.— Wetzel.

* The text, in all the editions, stands thus: Captamque non ferro
defendisse, sed auro redemisse. As captam urbem defendere is nonsense,
T have, in accordance with the judgment of Scheffer, omitted the word
defendisse in the translation.
B.C. 231.] DEATH OF DEMETRIUS. 21t

They thus dismissed the Roman embassy, and, that they
might not seem to speak more boldly than they acted, laid
waste the borders of Epirus and Acarnania.

ITI. Olympias* had now given up her dominions to her
sons, and Ptolemy had succeeded in the room of his deceased
brother Pyrrhus. Ptolemy, as he was marching to meet the
enemy with his army in array, was seized with a fit of sickness,
and died on his route. Olympias too, afflicted with her
double bereavement in the death of her sons, and dragging on
a suffering existence, did not long survive her offspring. The
young princess Nereis, and her sister Laodamia, being then
the only survivors of the royal family, Nereis married Gelo,
the-son of the king of Sicily;} and Laodamia, fleeing for refuge
to the altar of Diana, was killed in a tumult} of the populace ;
a crime which the immortal gods punished by a series of
disasters, and almost the total destruction of the people; for
after suffering from barrenness and famine, and being harassed
by civil discord, they were at length nearly cut off by
foreign wars; and Milo, the assassin of Laodamia, becoming
mad, and lacerating his flesh,§ sometimes with the sword, some-
times with stones, and at last with his teeth, died the twelfth
day afterwards,

"While these things were occurring in Epirus, king Deme-
trius in Macedonia died, leaving a son named Philip, quite a
child; and Antigonus, being appointed his guardian, and
marrying his mother, did his utmost|| to get himself made
king. But some time after, being besieged in the palace by
an alarming insurrection of the Macedonians, he walked forth
publicly unattended by his guards, and throwing his diadem
and purple robe among the mob, bade them “give those to
somebody else, who either knew not how to rule them,{ or

* See note at the commencement of this book.

+ Hiero, who reigned from B.0. 263 to 214. Gelo died three years
before his father. Liv. xxiii. 30.— Wetzel.

+ The cause of this disturbance does not appear.

'§ Visceribus.] “Viscera” signifies all thet is under the skin. “ Viscera
_surit quicquid inter ossa et cutem est,” Servius ad Virg. Ain. vii. 253 ;
Lucret. i. 836.

|| Laborabat.] And succeeded. :

{| Qui aut imperare illis nesciat.) That is, whom they might rule (as
he says at the end of his speech), if the reading be correct. But some of
the old editions have sciat, which Vorstius adopted. Scheffer would

P2
212 JUSTIN. [B.XXVII. CH.IV.

whom they knew how to obey; for that he had found regal
authority enviable,* not for its pleasures, but for its toils and
dangers.” He then mentioned his own services; ‘“ how he
had punished the defection of their allies; how he had put
down the Dardanians and Thessalians, when they were in
exultation at the death of king Demetrius ; how he had not only
maintained the honour of the Macedonians, but added to it.
Yet, if they were displeased at such services, he was ready to
resign the government, and to return what they had conferred
upon him; and they themselves might look out for a prince
whom they could govern.” The people, overcome with shame,
bade him resume the regal authority; but he refused to do
so till the leaders of the insurrection were delivered up to
punishment.

IV. After this occurrence he made war upon the Spartans,
who were the only people that, during the wars of Philip and
Alexander, had set at nought the power of the Macedonians,
and those arms which were dreaded by every other nation.
Between these two most remarkable peoples war was prose-
cuted with the greatest vigour on both sides, the one fighting
to support the old glory of the Macedonians, and the other,
not only to secure their hitherto unviolated liberty, but even
their lives. The Lacedemonians being worsted, not only the
men, but their wives and children, endured their adverse
fortune with magnanimity. . As no man had shrunk from
exposing his life in the field, so no woman wept for her lost
husband ; the old men extolled the honourable deaths of their
sons, and the sons rejoiced over their fathers that were slain
in battle; and all who survived lamented their lot, in not
having died for the liberty of their country. All received the
wounded with open doors, dressed their wounds, and recruited
them in their exhaustion. In this condition of affairs, there
was no noise or hurry in the city, and every one lamented the
public suffering more than his own private troubles. In
the course of these proceedings, king Cleomenes returned,
with his whole body wet, after the great slaughter that he
had made among the enemy, with his own blood and that of
his adversaries, and, entering the city, did not rest himself on
read qui aut imperare illis, aut cui parere psi sciant, “sciat” being
understood after “imperare.”

* That is, if it were to be envied at all.
B.C. 220.] PHILIP BEGINS TO REIGN. 213

the ground, or call for meat or drink, or even relieve: himself
from the weight of his armour, but leaning against a wall, and
finding that only four.thousand men survived the battle,
exhorted. them “to reserve themselves for the better times
that would come to their country.” He then set out with his
wife and children to Egypt to Ptolemy, by whom he. was
honourably received, and lived a long time in the highest
esteem with that monarch. After the decease of Ptolemy, he
was put to death, with all his family, by Ptolemy’s son.

. Antigonus, when the Spartans were thus reduced, pitying
the distress of so famous a city, prohibited his soldiers from
plundering it, and granted pardon to all who survived, observ-
ing that “he had engaged in war, not with the Spartans, but
with Cleomenes, with whose flight all his resentment was
terminated; nor would it be less glory to him, if Sparta
should be recorded to have been saved by him by whom alone
it had been taken; and that he accordingly spared the ground
aud buildings of the city, scarcely any inhabitants being left
for him to spare.” Not long afterwards Antigonus died, and
left the throne to his ward Philip, who was then fourteen
years old. |

BOOK XXIX.

Changes in the kingdoms of Syria, Cappadocia, Egypt; Lycurgus at
‘Sparta; Hannibal at Carthage; conduct of Philip who attacks
' the Attolians, L—Philip, persuaded by Demetrius, king of Illyria,
resolves to go to war with the Romans, and makes peace with the
ZEtolians, II.—His professed motives, IIL—He commences hos-
tilities and is ignominiously compelled to make peace, IV.

I. Asovt this time almost all the kingdoms of the world
underwent alterations, in consequence of a succession of new
princes. In Macedonia, Philip, on the death of Antigonus
his guardian, who was also his father-in-law, assumed the
government at the age of fourteen. In Asia, after Seleucus
was killed,* Antiochus, though still in his minority, was made
king. In Cappadocia, the father of Ariarathes, yet a boy, had
resigned the sovereignty to him. Of Egypt Ptolemy had
made himself master, after putting to death his father and
. * Interfecto Seleuco.] See the end of book xxviii. This was Seleucus
IL, named Callinicus.
Q14 JUSTIN, " [B. XXIX, CH.IR

mother; from which crime he had afterwards the surname of
Philopator.* As for the Spartans, they had elected Lycurgus
in the room of Cleomenes. And that no changes might be
wanting at that period, Hannibal, at a very early age, was ap-
pointed general of the Carthaginians, not for want of older
men, but because of his hatred to the Romans, with which
they knew that he had been imbued from his boyhood; the
mischief that he did, however, was not so pernicious to the.
Romans as to Africaitself. In these youthful rulers, although
they had no directors of maturer years, yet, as each was
anxious to tread in the steps of his predecessors, great talent
and ability appeared. Ptolemy was the only exception, who,
reckless .as he had been in the attainment of power, was
equally remiss in the administration of it. As to Philip, the
Dardanians, and all the neighbouring people, who cherished,
as it were, an immortal hatred to the kings of the Mace-
donians, were perpetually molesting him in contempt of his
youth. He, on the other hand, after repulsing his enemies,
was not content with having defended his own dominions, but
manifested the greatest eagerness to make war upon the
AKtolians,

II. While he was meditating this enterprise, Demetrius
king of the Illyrians, who had lately been conquered by
Aimilius Paulus, the Roman consul, applied to him with
earnest entreaties for aid, and complaints. of the injustice of
the Romans, “ who,” he said, “not content within the limits
of Italy, but grasping, with presumptuous hopes, at the empire
of the whole world, made war upon all kings. Thus, aspiring
to the dominion of Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain, and finally to
that of all Africa, they had engaged in a war with the Cartha-
ginians and Hannibal; and that hostilities had been directed
against himself too, for no other reason than that he appeared to.
lie near Italy, as if it were unlawful for any king to be on the
borders of their empire. And that Philip also himself must
take warning by his case, since the nearer t and more valuable
his kingdom, the more determined enemies would he find the
Rorhans to be.” In addition, he said, that * he would give up
his kingdom, which the Romans had seized, to Philip himself,

* Father-loving, ironically.

+ Wetzel has promptius in his text, with most other’ editors, but in
his note, prefers propius, which appears in some editions.
BC, 215.] ‘PHILIP AND THE ATOLIANS, 215

as he should be better pleased to see his ally, rather than his
enemies, in possession of his dominions.” With such repre-
sentations as these, he prevailed upon Philip to lay aside his:
designs on the AMtolians, and to make war upon the Romans ;
Philip supposing that there would. be the less difficulty in the
undertaking, as he had heard that they had already been
beaten by Hannibal at the lake Trasimenus. Not to be dis-
tracted, therefore, with more than one war at the same time,
he concluded a peace with the Aitolians, not as if intending to
carry war elsewhere, but as if he wished to promote the tran-
quillity of Greece, ‘‘ which,” he asserted, ‘ had never been
in greater danger, as the new empires of the Carthaginians
and Romans were rising in the west, who forbore from
attacking Greece and Asia only till they should decide their
dispute for the sovereignty by the sword, whem the superior
power of the two would immediately invade the east.

III. ‘He contemplated therefore,” he said, ‘‘ that cloud of
cruel and sanguinary war which was rising in Italy; he
contemplated the storm roaring and thundering from the
west, which, to whatever parts of the world the tempest of
victory might carry it, would pollute everything with a vast
shower of blood. That Greece had frequently felt great
disturbances at one time from the wars of the Persians,
at another from those of the Gauls, at another from
those of the Macedonians, but that they would think all
those to have been but trifling, if the force, which was now
collecting ‘in Italy, should once pour itself forth from that
country. He saw what cruel and bloody conflicts those two
powers were maintaining with each other, with all the strength
of their forces, and all the abilities of their generals; and that
such fury could not end with the destruction of one party only,
without ruin to the neighbouring people. That the cruel
resolutions of the conquerors, it was true, were less to be
dreaded by Macedonia than by Greece; for Macedonia was
both more remote, and better able to: defend itself; but he
knew that those who contended with such spirit would not be
content with Greece as a limit to their conquests, and that he
himself should have to fear a conflict with the party that
should get the “advantage.” Concluding, on this. pretext, the
war with thé Aitolians, and thinking of nothing else but the
contest of the Carthaginians and Romans, he carefully weighed
216 JUSTIN. [B. XII. CH.IV.

the strength of each. But neither did the Romans, with the
Carthaginians * and Hannibal on their necks, appear free from
apprehension of Macedonia; indeed, both the ancient valour
of the Macedonians, their glory in having conquered the east,
and the character of Philip, who was fired with the ambition
of rivalling Alexander, and whom they knew to be active and
eager for the field, gave them sufficient cause for alarm.

IV. Philip, as soon as he heard that the Romans had been
defeated by the Carthaginians in a second battle, openly de-
clared himself their enemy, and began to build ships for
transporting an army into Italy. He then sent a deputy to
Hannibal with a letter, with the view of forming an alliance
with him. This deputy was taken prisoner, and brought
before the senate, but released unharmed ; not from respect
to the king, but that one who appeared still undetermined
might not be rendered a decided enemy. But afterwards,
when news was brought to the Romans that Philip was
preparing to transport troops into Italy, they despatched
the praetor Leevinus, with a well appointed fleet, to hinder him
from crossing.

Levinus, sailing over to Greece, prevailed on the Adtolians,
by making them numerous promises, to take up arms against
Philip, who, on his side, solicited the Achzans to go to war
with the Romans. Meanwhile the Dardanians began to ra-
vage the country of Macedonia, and, carrying off twenty thou-
sand prisoners, recalled Philip from his war with the Romans
to defend his own territories. At the same time the praetor
Levinus, having made an alliance with king Attalus, proceeded
to lay waste Greece; of which the several states, dismayed at
such calamities, importuned Philip with embassies for succour ;
while the princes of the Illyrians, sticking close to his side,
demanded, with constant solicitations, the performance of his
promises to them. In addition, the plundered Macedonians
called on him for vengeance. Beset by such and so many diffi-
culties, he was in doubt to what he should first turn his attention;
but he promised them all to send them assistance shortly ; not
that he was able to do what he promised, but in order to keep
them, by feeding them with hopes, in the bond of alliance

* All the editions have Sed nee Romani, tametst Peni et Hannibal in
cervicibus erant, &c. But tametsi, as Wetzel notices, has no place here.
Six of the old editions, he adds, have quibus instead of it.
BC. 205.] PHILIP MAKES PEACE WITH ROME. 217

with him. His first expedition, however, was against the
Dardanians, who, watching for his absence, were ready to fall
on Macedonia with a still heavier force. He made peace, too,
with the Romans, who were well content to put off war with
Macedonia for a time. He laid a plot, moreover, for the life
of Philopcemen, strategus of the Achzans, who, he understood,
was soliciting some of his allies to join the Romans; but
Philopcsmen, having discovered and escaped the plot, induced
the Achzans, by the influence which he had with them, to
abandon Philip's cause.

BOOK XXX.

‘War between Antiochus III. and Ptolemy Philopatot ; treaty of peace
licentiousness of Ptolemy, I—His bad government; at his death
his son is placed under the guardianship of the Romans, II—
Rupture between Philip and the Romans, III.—Philip is defeated
by Flamininus, and makes peace on humiliating terms; the
AXtolians stimulate Antiochus to make war on the Romans, IV.

I. WuitE Philip was intent on great exploits in Macedonia,
the conduct of Ptolemy in Egypt was of an opposite character ;
for having got the throne by parricide, and added the murder
of his brother to that of both his parents, he resigned himself,
as if all had gone happily with him, to the attractions of
luxury; and the whole court had followed the manners of their
king. Not only his personal friends, and chief officers, but
the whole of the army had laid aside military exercises, and
grown corrupt and enervated in idleness.

Antiochus, king of Syria, when he heard of this state of
things, and while the old animosity between the two kingdoms
incited him, captured many cities belonging to Ptolemy by a
sudden attack, and carried his arms into Egypt itself. Pto-
lemy was accordingly in consternation, and endeavoured to
retard Antiochus, by sending embassies, until he could get
troops in readiness. Having then hired a large army in
Greece, he fought a battle with good success, and would have
driven Antiochus from his throne, if he had supported his for-
tune with suitable spirit. But, content with recovering the
‘cities that he had lost, and making peace, he eagerly seized
the opportunity of sinking again into sloth, and, returning to
218 JUSTIN. [B.XXX. CH. II:

his former licentious habits, he put to death his wife Eurydice,
who was also his sister, and gave himself up to the caresses of
a mistress named Agathoclia; and thus, forgetful of all the
greatness of his name and dignity, he passed his nights in
wantonness, and his days in the pleasures of the table. As
winistrations to his luxury, timbrels and tabors* were intro-
duced; and the king, no longer a mere spectator, but a leader
of the revels, produced music from stringed instruments him-
self. Such were at first the secret and latent pests of a
tottering court.

II. Licentiousness subsequently increasing, the audacity of
his mistress could no longer be confined within the walls of
the palace; for the daily debaucheries of the king, which he
shared with her brother Agathocles, a corrupt youth of cap-
tivating beauty, rendered her still more shameless. To all
this was added, too, the influence of their mother Ginanthe,
who, by the charms of her two children, kept the monarch
quite enthralled. Not content with enslaving the king, they
made themselves rulers of the kingdom; they showed them-
selves in public places, received salutations, and were followed
by a train of attendants. Agathocles, attaching himself closely
to the king’s side, assumed the administration of the state;
women disposed of offices, governments, and commissions ;
nor had any one less power in the kingdom than the king
himself. In the midst of this state of things the king died,
leaving a son, five years old, by his sister Eurydice ; but his
death, while the women were seizing on the royal treasures,
and endeavouring, by forming a confederacy with some des-
perate characters, to get the government into their own hands,
was for a long time kept secret. But the truth becoming
known, Agathocles was killed by a rising of the people, and
the women nailed on crosses to avenge the death of Eurydice.

After the king’s decease, and when the infamy of the king:
dom was expiated, as it were, by the punishment of the cour-
tezans, the people- of Alexandria sent ambassadors to the
Romans, requesting them ‘ to take on themselves the guard-
ianship of the orphan, and to defend the kingdom of Egypt,

* Tympana et crepundia,] It is impossible to ascertain exactly what
musical instruments are meant by crepundia. Lemaire supposes them
to be something like the Egyptian sistra, used in the ceremonies of Isis.
B.C. 199.] GREECE ARMED AGAINST PHILIP. 219:

which, they said, Philip and Antiochus had already portioned
out between them by a treaty made for the purpose.”

III. This embassy was acceptable to the Romans, who were
seeking a pretence for making war upon Philip, for having
formed designs against them in the time of the Punic war.
To this feeling was added the circumstance, that, since the
Carthaginians and Hannibal were conquered, there was no
one of whose arms they had a greater dread, considering what
a commotion Pyrrhus, with but a small force, had excited in
Italy, and what exploits the Macedonians had achieved in the
east. Ambassadors were accordingly despatched to warn
Philip and Antiochus “ to: make no attempt upon Egypt.”
Marcus Lepidus was also sent into Egypt, to govern the
orphan’s kingdom in the character of guardian. During the
course of these proceedings, embassies from king Attalus, and
from the Rhodians, arrived at Rome, to complain of injuries
that they had suffered from Philip. These representations
removed from the minds of the senate all hesitation about
going to war with Macedonia; and forthwith, under pretence
of taking the part of their allies, war was declared against
Philip, and some legions, with one of the consuls, were sent
off to Macedonia, Not long after, too, the whole of Greece,
stimulated by confidence in the Romans, and the hope of
recovering their ancient liberty, to rise against Philip, made
war upon him; and thus, being assailed on every side, he was
compelled to beg for peace. But when the terms of it were
set forth by the Romans, both Attalus and the Rhodians, as
well as the Achgwans and A‘tolians, began to demand that the
places belonging to them should be restored. Philip, on the
other hand, allowed that ‘‘ he might be induced to submit to
the Romans, but that it was intolerable that the Greeks, who
had been subdued by his ancestors Philip and Alexander, and
brought under the yoke of the Macedonian empire, should dic
tate articles of peace to him, as if they were conquerors; and
that they ought to give an account of their conduct in their
state of slavery, before they sought to recover their liberty.”
At last, on his request, a truce was allowed for two months,
that the peace, on which they could not come to terms in
Macedonia, might be obtained from the senate at Rome.

IV. In the same year* a concussion of the earth happened

* No; for it was several years before that this commotion of the
220 JUSTIN. [B.XXX. CHIL.

between the islands Thera* and Therasia, in the midst of
the sea at an equal distance from either shore, where, to the
astonishment of those that were sailing past, an island rose
suddenly from the deep, the water being at the same time
hot. In Asia too, on the same day, the same earthquake
shattered Rhodes,t and many other cities, with a terrible
ruin; some it swallowed up entire. As all men were alarmed
at this prodigy, the soothsayers predicted that “the rising
power of the Romans would swallow up. the ancient empire of
the Greeks and Macedonians.”

In the meantime, Philip, as his terms of peace were rejected
by the senate, prevailed on the tyrant Nabist to join him in
prosecuting the war. Having then led out his army into the
field, he began to encourage his men, while the enemy stood
in array on the opposite side, by saying that “the Persians,
Bactrians, and Indians, and all Asia to the utmost boundaries
of the east, had been subdued by the Macedonians; and that
this war was more bravely to be maintained than those which
had preceded it, in proportion as liberty was more precious
than empire.” Flamininus, too, the Roman consul, animated
his men to battle by representing what had lately been
achieved by the Romans, observing that ‘ Carthage and Sicily
on one side, and Italy and Spain on the other, had been
thoroughly reduced by Roman valour; and that Hannibal,

earth took place, namely, in the first year of the 189th Olympiad, as is
apparent from Polybius, v. 88, and the Chronicon of Eusebius. But
Pliny, H. N. ii. 87, says that Automata or.Hiera, the island here signi-
fied, arose between Thera and Therasia in the second year of the 156th
Olympiad ; how this can be correct, I do not understand.—ZJs. Vossius.
Vossius, however, is. not quite right in his computation. Pliny says
that Thera and Therasia sprung from the sea in the fourth year of the
185th Olympiad, and that Automata or Hiera arose one hundred and
thirty years afterwards; this would be in the third year of the 167th
Olympiad. Concerning the rise of this island from the deep, see
Strabo, i. 3; Sen. Nat. Quest. vi. 21; ii 26; it is also noticed by
Livy, xxxix. 56, and Amm. Marcell. xvii. 6. Other islands have since
risen in these parts, See Virlet, Bull. de la Soc. Geol. de France,
tom. iii.
. * The largest of the Sporades in the Aigean Sea, now called San-
torin. Therasia lies near it. Hiera is not exactly between the two
islands, as Justin represents.

+ Diodorus, xviii. 8, assigns this island to Eurcpe. The epitome of
the 78th book of Livy, however, gives it to Asia.—Berneccerus.

+ Tyrant of Sparta.. He began to reign 3.c, 206,
B.C. 198.] PHILIP DEFEATED BY FLAMININUS. aa
by whose expulsion from Italy they-had become masters of
Africa, a third part of the world, was not to be thought inferior
to Alexander the Great, Nor were the Macedonians to be
estimated by their ancient reputation, but by their present
power; for that the Romans were not waging war with
Alexander the Great, whom they had heard called invincible,
or with his army, which had conquered all the east, but with
Philip, a youth of immature years,* who could scarcely defend
the frontiers of his dominions against his neighbours, and with
those Macedonians who were not long ago a prey to the Dar-
danians. That they might recount the achievements of their
forefathers, but that he could relate those of his own soldiers ;
since Hannibal and the Carthaginians, and almost all the
west, had not been conquered by any other army, but by
those very troops which he had with him in the field.” The
soldiers on both sides, roused by these exhortations, rushed
to the encounter, the one army exulting in theii conquest of
the east, the other in that of the west; the one carrying to
the battle the ancient and fading glory of their ancestors,
the other the flower of valour fresh from recent exertions,
But the fortune of Rome was superior to that of the Mace-
donians; and Philip, exhausted by his efforts in war, and
suing for peace from Flamininus, the consul, was aliowed
to retain indeed the name of king ; but, being deprived of all
the cities of Greece, as being parts of his dominion beyond
the bounds of its ancient territory, he preserved only Mace-
donia. The A®tolians, however, were displeased, because
Macedonia was not taken from the king at their suggestion,
.and given to themselves as a reward for their service in the
war, and sent ambassadors to Antiochus, to induce him, by
flattering his greatness, to engage in a war with the Romans,
in the hope of securing the alliance of all Greece.

* Puero immature etatis.] Why does he call him puero, « youth,
when, in the year B.c. 220, in which he succeeded Antigonus, he had
completed his fourteenth year? See xxvii. 4. In this year, therefore,
Bc. 198, he was in his thirty-sixth year.—Wetzel. So that Philip
had now attained a greater age than Alexander the Great lived to
attain. Scheffer would strike out puero, asking whether there are also
puert mature cetatis ?
222

BOOK XXXI.

Commencement of the war between Antiochus and the Romans;
Flamininus is commissioned to act against Nabis, I1—Hannibal
flees from Carthage, and takes refuge with Antiochus, I1.—Nabis
is conquered; conduct of the Achzan league; Hannibal's advice
to Antiochus, III.—Antiochus incites the Carthaginians to go to
war with the Romans; the Romans make Antiochus suspicious of
Hannibal, IV.—Hannibal’s further counsel to Antiochus, V.—
Antiochus defeated, VI—He rejects the conditions of peace
offered him by the Romans, VII.—Is defeated again, and accepts
them, VIII.

I. Proremy Puitopator, king of Egypt, being dead, and the
youthful age of his son (who, left with the prospect of wield-
ing the sceptre, was a prey even to his own domestics), being
held in contempt, Antiochus, king of Syria, resolved to get
possession of Egypt. As he attacked Pheenice, accordingly,
and several cities, which, though situate in Syria, belonged of
right to Egypt,* the senate despatched ambassadors to him, to
warn him “not to molest the dominions of an orphan, who
had been recommended to their protection by the last prayers
of his dying father.” This embassy being disregarded, another
arrived some time after, which, saying nothing on behalf of
the orphan, ordered that ‘the cities, which had fallen to the
Roman people by the right of war, should be restored to their
former condition.” On his refusal to comply with this man-
date, war was declared against him, which he, after lightly
undertaking it, prosecuted with ill success.

At the same time, the tyrant Nabis had taken possession of
several cities t of Greece. The senate, in consequence, that
the Roman forces might not be distracted by two wars at
once, sent orders to Flamininus, that ‘he should, if he thought
it expedient, deliver Greece from Nabis, as he had delivered
Macedonia from Philip.” { To this end, his term of command
was prolonged. The name of Hannibal, indeed, rendered a
war with Antiochus an object of dread; for Hannibal's ene-
mies, by secret communications to the Romans, accused him

* Phenicen, ceterasque Syrice quidem, &c.] By Phoenice is meant the
country of Phoenicia; by the other cities, cities in Coclesyria, which
bordered on Phoenicia.

+ Multas civitates.] Argos only is specified in the accounts of Nabis.
See Plutarch, Lives of Flamininus and Philopcemen; Liv. xxxii. 40.

t See xxx. 4.
B.C. 197.] HANNIBAL FLEES TO ANTIOCHUS. 223

of having entered into a league with Antiochus, saying that
‘‘he, who was accustomed to command, and to extravagant
military licentiousness, was unable to live patiently under the
control of laws; and that, from disgust at the quiet of the
city, he was always looking about for occasions for war.”
These charges, though false, passed for true with such as were
timid.

II. At length the senate, struck with alarm, sent Cneus
Servilius, in the character of ambassador, into Africa, to watch
the proceedings of Hannibal, giving him secret instructions
“to compass*his death, if he could, by the agency of his ene-
mies, and deliver the Roman people from the terror of his
hated name.” But this circumstance did? not long escape the
knowledge of Hannibal, a man sagacious in foreseeing and
guarding against dangers, and not less thoughtful of adversity
in prosperity than of prosperity in adversity. Having shown
himself in public, therefore, during the whole day, in the
forum of Carthage, before the face of the chief personages and
the Roman ambassador, he mounted his horse, on the a
proach of evening, and galloped off to a farm which he had in
the suburbs, near the sea-coast, his attendants, who knew
nothing of his intentions, being directed to wait for his return
at the gate of the city. He had vessels, with rowers, con-
cealed in an unfrequented inlet on the coast; and he had also
a large sum of ready money at his farm, so that, when occasion
should require, neither difficulty* nor want of resources
might retard his escape, Selecting the most vigorous of his
slaves, therefore, the number of whom a body of Italian
prisoners augmented, he went on board a ship, and directed
his course towards the dominions of Antiochus. The next
day the city looked for their chief, who was then consul,} in
the forum; and when intelligence was brought that he was.
gone, they were all in as much trepidation as if the city had
been taken, and foreboded that his flight would prove fatal to
them; while the Roman ambassador, as if war was already

* All the texts have facultas. Grevius and Vorstius think that we
should read dificultas. Scheffer is of opinion that Facultas may stand,
in the sense of want of opportunity, but this does not suit well with
‘ inopia which follows.
ee yee He was one of the suffetes, the two chief magistrates of
Carthage. See Corn. Nep. Life of Hannibal, c. 7.
224 JUSTIN. [B.XXXI. CH.IV.

commenced on Italy by Hannibal, returned privately to
Rome, carrying the alarming news with him.

III. In Greece, meanwhile, Flamininus, having formed an
alliance with several cities, defeated Nabis the tyrant in two
successive battles, and left him sadly humbled, with his re-
sources apparently exhausted, in his own dominions. But
after liberty was restored to Greece, the garrisons withdrawn
from the cities, and the Romans returned to Italy, Nabis,
as if tempted afresh by the deserted state of the country,
possessed himself of several cities by sudden attacks; when
the Achzans, alarmed at his proceedings, and fearing that the
evils in their neighbourhood might reach themselves, de-
termined upon war against him, and appointed to the com-
mand in it their strategus Philopcemen, a man of extraordinary
energy, and whose merit was so eminent in the contest, that
he was thought equal, in public. opinion, to the Roman general
Flamininus,

Hannibal, arriving about the same time at the court of
Antiochus, was received by him as a gift from the gods; and
such ardour, in consequence of his coming, was added to the
courage of the king, that he thought less of the mode of con-
ducting the war, than of the prizes of victory. But Hannibal,
to whom the spirit of Rome was well known, said that the
Romans could not be subdued any where but in Italy. To
accomplish their overthrow, he asked for himself a hundred
ships, ten thousand foot, and a thousand cavalry, promising
. that “with this foree he would revive in Italy no less a war
than he had formerly carried on there, and would secure to
the king, remaining quiet in Asia, either a triumph over the
Romans, or equitable conditions of peace. To the Spaniards,”
he added, ‘‘ who were burning with ardour for war, nothing
was wanting but a leader; that Italy was better known to him
now than in’ past times; and that Carthage would not rest
in peace, but join him as an ally without delay.”

IV..As this counsel pleased the king, one of the attendants
of Hannibal was despatched to Carthage, to encourage the
Carthaginians, already forward enough of themselves, to take
up arms, acquainting them that “ Hannibal would support
them with an army,” and saying that “nothing was wanting,
on the side of the Carthaginians, but resolution, as Asia would
supply both troops and money for the enterprise.” When
B.C. 197—191.] ANTIOCHUS AT WAR WITH ROME, 225

this announcement arrived at Carthage, the messenger was
seized by Hannibal’s enemies, and being asked, when he
was brought before the senate, ‘‘ to whom he was sent,” he
replied, with Punic subtlety, that “‘he was sent to the whole
senate, as this was not the concern of a few individuals pnly,
but of the entire people.” As they spent several days in
deliberating, whether they should send him to Rome to clear
them from guilt as a nation, he, in the meanwhile, went
secretly on board his vessel, and returned to Hannibal. As
soon as this was discovered, the Carthaginians sent intelligence
of the matter to Rome by an ambassadov, The Romans also
sent ambassadors to Antiochus, who, under colour of delivering
a message, were to watch the preparatiogs of the king, and
either 1o soften Hannibal’s feelings towards the Romans, or,
by frequent association with him, to render him suspected and
unpopular with Antiochus. The ambass¢dors, accordingly,
meeting with Antiochus at Ephesus, made their communica-
tion from the senate, and, while they waited for an answer,
were every day constantly visiting Hannibal, and observing
that, “he had withdrawn from his country under needless
apprehension, as the Romans would with the greatest honour
observe a peace which was made not so much with bis govern-
ment as with himself; and that they knew he had made war
upon the Romans, less from hatred to them, than from love
to his country (to which every honourable man owed life itself),
since the reasons for going to war were public ones between
the nations, and not private ones between the generals.”
They then extolled his exploits; and he, pleased with their
conversation, talked frequently and readily with them, not
being aware that by his familiarity with the Romans, he was
incurring the dislike of the king; for Antiochus, supposing
that by such frequent intercourse a good understanding had
been effected between him and the Romans, communicated
nothing to him as he had been used to do, and began to detest
him, when he had excluded him from his councils, as an
enemy and a traitor to him. This distrust ruined the mighty
preparations for war, the skill of a leader being wanting to
conduct it. The communication from the senate was, that
‘* Antiochus should confine himself within the limits of Asia,
lest he should lay on them the necessity of invading that
Q
226 JUSTIN, [B.XXXI. CH. Vv.

country.” Slighting this message, he resolved not to wait for
war, but to commence it.

V. It is said, that after the king had frequently held councils
concerning the war, from which Hannibal was excluded, he at
length desired that he should be called in, not that he might
act in-auy respect according to his advice, but that he might
not appear entirely to disregard him; and that, when all the
rest had been asked their opinions, he in conclusion inquired
his. Hannibal, understanding what Antiochus’s feelings
were, observed that he was aware he was asked to attend,
not because the g wished for his advice, but to make
up the full numberfof votes; yet, from his hatred towards
the Romans, and regard for the ling, with whom alone a
secure retreat was ft him in his exile, he would explain the
method in which ;che war should be conducted.” Then, re-
questing ‘adileenke for the freedom with which he was going to
speak, he said, that “he approved none of the present sug-
gestions or proceedings; nor did he like Greece as a seat of
the war, when Italy was a far more advantageous field for it;
for the Romans could not be conquered but by their own
arms, nor Italy subdued but by the resources of Italy; since
that people differed from others, and their mode of warfare
from that of other nations. Jn other wars, it was of the
greatest importance to have been the first to take advantage
of any ground or opportunity, to have ravaged the lands, or to
have captured towns, but that, with the Romans, whether you
took their cities, or defeated them, you would still have to
struggle with the enemy even when vanquished and fallen.
If any one should attack them in Italy, therefore, he might
conquer them with their own strength,* their own resources,
their own arms, as he himself had done; but if any one left
Italy to them, which was the fountain-head, as it were, of
their power, he would act just as absurdly, as a man who
should attempt, not to exhaust rivers at their sources, but to
alter their channels or dry them up when great floods of water
had collected in them. He had. entertained this,” he said,

‘as his private opinion, and had readily offered his advice
to that effect ; and that he repeated it now, in the presence of

* Suis opibus.] That is, with the strength and resources of the
country.
B.C. 197—191.] ANTIOCHUS AT WAR WITH ROME, 227

his friends, that they might all understand the way to go to
war with the Romans, who, though invincible abroad, might
be reduced at home ; for they might be deprived of their city
sooner than of their empire, and of Italy sooner than of their
provinces ; since they had lost their city to the Gauls, and
been almost crushed by him; nor was he ever defeated till he had
quitted their country, but that, when he returned to Carthage,
2 fortune of the war was immediately changed with the seat
of it.”

VI. The king’s courtiers were all opposed to this advice,
not regarding the advantages of the plan, but fearing that
Hannibal, if his counsel were approved, would gain the first
place in the king’s favour. As for Antiochus, he did not so
much dislike the scheme as the proposer of it, in the appre-
hension that whatever glory resulted from its success would be
given to Hannibal, and not to himself. All proceedings were
therefore rendered ineffectual by the various flatteries of those
who sought to please the king; nothing was conducted with
judgment or reason. Antiochus himself, resigning himself to
luxury during the winter, was every day engaged in celebrating
some new marriage.* Acilius the Roman consul, on the other
hand, who had been appointed to command in this war, pro-
vided forces, arms, and every thing necessary for the contest,
with the utmost activity : he animated the confederate cities,
and drew to his interest such as were undecided. Nor was the
result of the conflict at variance with the preparations of each
party for it; for, in the first engagement, when the king saw his
men giving ground, he did not support those who were in distress,
but put himself at the head of those that fled, and left his rich
camp a prey to the conquerors. But having reached Asia in his
flight, while the Romans were busied about the spoil, he began to
repent of having neglected Hannibal’s counsel, and, taking that
general again into his friendship, conducted every thing accord-
ing to his directions. In the mean time intelligence was brought
that A®milius,f the Roman general, was approaching with

* Novis quotidie nwptiis deditus erat.] An exaggeration. He had,
however, married his daughter Cleopatra to Ptolemy Epiphanes, Liv.
xxxv. 13; he gave another daughter to Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia,
and was going to give a third to Eumenes, king of Pergamus, but he
refused her. See Diod. Sic. xxix, 3.— Wetzel.

+ Lucius Aimilius Regillus, praetor, B.c, 191 (Liv. xxxvii. 26, 20;

é Q2
228 JUSTIN. [B.XXX1. CH. VIL

eighty ships of war, having been despatched by the senate to
carry on the war by sea. This news gave him hopes of re-
trieving his fortune; and accordingly he resolved to fight
a. battle by sea before any of the cities in alliance with him could
revolt to the enemy, hoping that the defeat which he had
suffered in Greece might be compensated by a new victory.
The fleet was therefore entrusted to Hannibal, and a battle was
fought; but neither were the Asiatic soldiers a match for the
Romans, nor their vessels equal to the beaked ships of the
enemy. ‘The loss, however, was rendered less than it would
otherwise have been, by the able management of the general.
The report of the victory had not yet reached Rome,* and
therefore the city was in suspense about the consuls to be
chosen.

VII. But to oppose Hannibal, what fitter leader could be
appointed than the brother of Africanus, since it was the busi-
ness of the Scipios to conquer the Carthaginians? Lucius
Scipio was therefore made consul, and his brother Africanus
appointed to be his lieutenant-general, to let Antiochus see
that he had not more confidence in the conquered Hannibal
than the Romans in the victorious Scipio. As the Scipios
were transporting their army into Asia, news reached them that
the war, both by land and sea, was almost at an end; as An-
tiochus had been defeated in a battle by land, and Hannibal
in a battle by sea. As soon as they arrived, Antiochus sent
ambassadors to them, desiring peace. and having with them,
as an offering to Africanus individually, the son of that gene-
ral, whom the king had captured as he was crossing in a small
boat. But Africanus replied, “ that private favours were distinct
from public concerns; that the obligations of a father, and
the claims of one’s country, were things entirely different;
claims which were to be preferred not only to children, but
even to life itself. That he, however, taal ced the
kindness, and would make a return to the king’s genéfosity at

xxxvi. 45); the battle was fought between Myconnesus and the
promontory of Corycus, and Amilius triumphed for the victory in
the following year; but Antiochus appointed Polyxenides, not Hanni-
bal, to command against him. See Liv. xxxvii. 26; Florus, ii. 8—
Wetzel. Livy mentions Polyxenides only; Florus both Polyxenides
and Hannibal.

* Justin seems here to have abridged his author too much,
B.C. 197—191.] ANTIOCHUS AT WAR WITH ROME. 229

his own ‘individual expense; but as to what related to war
and peace, nothing could be allowed to private favour, or cut
off from the interests of his country.” He had never, indeed,
either treated about the ransom of his son, or allowed the
senate to treat about it, but, as became his dignity, said that
“the would recover his son by force of arms.” The terms of
peace were then specified to the ambassadors: “that the king
should give up Asia to the Romans; that he should confine
hinself to his kingdom of Syria; that he should give up all
his ships, with the prisoners and deserters, and repay the
Romans all the expenses of the war.” These terms being re-
peated to Antiochus, he said that ‘he was not yet so utterly
reduced, as that he should suffer himself to be despoiled of
his dominions ; and that such proposals were provocations to
war, not invitations to peace.”

VIII. Preparations for a contest were in consequence made
on both sides; and when the Romans, having entered Asia,
had reached Troy, mutual gratulations took place between
the Trojans and the Romans; the Trojans observing that
« Aineas, and the other leaders that accompanied him, had gone
forth from them;” the Romans telling them that “they were
their children ;” and such joy was among them all as is wont to
be between parents and children met after a long separation.
The Trojans were delighted that their descendants, after
having conquered the west and Africa, were now laying claim
to Asia as their hereditary domain, remarking that “the ruin
of Troy had been an event to be desired, since it was so
happily to revive again.” On the other hand, an insatiable
longing to gaze on their ancient home, the birth-place of their
ancestors, and the temples and images of the gods, had taken
possession of the Romans.

As the Romans were coming from Troy, king Humenes
met them with some auxiliary troops ; and soon after,a battle
was fought with Antiochus; in which one of the Roman
legions, on the right wing, being beaten back, and fleeing to
their camp with more disgrace than danger, Marcus Aimilius,
a military tribune, who had been left to defend the camp,
ordered his men to arm themselves, and advance without the
rampart, and to threaten the fugitives with their swords drawn,
saying that ‘they should be put to death unless they returned
to the field, and should find their own camp more hostile to
280 JUSTIN. [B.XXXI1 CHL

them than that of the enemy.” The legion, alarmed at such
peril on both sides, returned to the battle, their fellow soldiers,
who had stopped their flight, accompanying them, and, making
great havoc among the enemy, were the first cause of the
victory. Fifty thousand of the enemy were slain, and eleven
thousand taken prisoners, Antiochus suing for peace, nothing
was added to’ the former articles, Africanus observing that
“the spirit of the Romans was never broken if they were
defeated, and, if they were victorious, they were not rendered
tyrannical by success.” The cities that were taken they .
divided among their allies, deeming that glory was more desir-
able for the Romans* than dominions merely for pleasure ; and
that the honour of victory was worthy of being attached to the
Roman name, but that the luxuries of wealth might be left to
their adherents.

BOOK XXXII.

The tolians are deprived of their liberty by the Romans;. war
between the Messenians and Achzans; death of Philopcemen ;
defeat of the Messenians, 1—Death of Antiochus; Philip op-
presses Greece; the Romans pardon him for the sake of his son
Demetrius; Demetrius killed through the artifices of his brother
Perseus, II-—-Death of Philip; Emigration of the Gauls; the
Tectosages, Istrians, Dacians, III.—Prusias, assisted by Hannibal,
defeats Eumenes ; death of Hannibal, IV.

J. Tue Atolians, who had persuaded Antiochus to make
war on the Romans, were left, after he was defeated, to oppose
them by themselves, unequal in force, and unsupported by
assistance. Being soon after, in consequence, subdued, they
lost that liberty which they alone, among so many states of
Greece, had preserved inviolate against the power of the
Athenians and Spartans. This state of things was the more
grievous to them, as it was later in befalling them; for they
reflected on those times in which they had withstood the
mighty power of the Persians by their own strength, and had

* Wetzel’s text has Romani ; but Romania, the conjecture of Greevius,
is much more to the purpose.
B.C. 186.] DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS. 231

humbled, in the Delphic war, the violent spirit of the Gauls
that was dreaded by Asia and Italy; and these glorious
recollections increased their grief at the loss of their liberty.
During the course of these occurrences, a dispute at first,
and afterwards a war, arose between the Messenians and
Acheans, to determine which of the two should rule the other.
In this struggle Philopeemen, the famous general of the
Acheans, was taken prisoner, not from having been fearful of
exposing his life in the field, but from having fallen from his
horse in leaping a ditch, as he was rallying his men for the
contest, and being overpowered by a host of enemies. The
Messenians, whether from fear of his valour, or respect for his
dignity, did not venture to kill him as he lay on the ground ;
but, as if they had ended the war by capturing him, they led
him prisoner through their whole city as in triumph, while the
people poured forth to meet him, as if it were their own
general, and not that of the enemy, that was coming; nor
would the Achwans have more eagerly beheld him victorious
than the enemy saw him under defeat. They ordered him
accordingly to be led into the theatre, that every one might
see him whose capture seemed incredible to every one. Being
then conducted to prison, they gave him, from respect for his
high character,* poison to drink, which he received with
pleasure, just as if he had been conqueror, first asking “whether
Lycortas,” a general of the Achzans, whom he knew to be
next to himself in the art of war, ‘“‘had got off safe?” Hear-
ing that he had escaped, he observed that “things were not
utterly desperate with the Acheans,” and expired. The war
being renewed shortly after, the Messenians were conquered,
and made some atonement for putting Philopoomen to death.
II. In Syria, meanwhile, king Antiochus, being burdened,
after he was conquered by the Romans, with a heavy tribute
under his articles of peace, and being impelled by want of
money or stimulated by avarice, brought up his army one
night, and made an assault upon the temple of Jupiter in
Elymais,t hoping that he might more excusably commit sacri-

* Verecundié magnitudinis ejus.] They did ‘not make him die the
death of a slave or malefactor, but allowed him « mode of dying
suitable to his rank.

+ Elymei Jovis.] Or rather Belus, who had a temple in Elymais full
232 JUSTIN. [B.XXX1I. CH.

lege under plea of wanting money to pay his tribute. But
the affair becoming known, he was killed by a rising of the
people who dwelt about the temple.*

At Rome, as many cities of Greece had sent thither, to
complain of injuries received from Philip king of Macedonia,
and asa dispute arose in the senate-house between Deme-
trius, Philip’s son, whom his father had sent to justify him to
the senate, and the deputies of the cities, the young prince,
confounded at the number of accusations brought forward,
suddenly became speechless; when the senate, moved at his
modesty, which had been admired by every one when he was
a hostage at Rome, suffered the controversy to terminate in
his favour. Thus Demetrius, by his modesty, obtained pardon
for his father, which was granted, not to the justice of his
defence, but from respect for his bashfulness; and this was
particularly signified in the decree of the senate, that it might
be known that it was not so much the king that was acquitted,
as the father that was excused for the sake of the son. The
circumstance, however, procured Demetrius no thanks: for his
embassy at home, but rather odium and detraction ; for envy
drew upon him hatred from his brother Perseus, and with his
father, the cause of the indulgence shown him, as soon as he
knew it, become a source of dislike towards him, as he was
indignant that the character of his son should have had more
weight with the senate than his own authority as a father or
his dignity as a king. Perseus, in consequence, observing his
father’s chagrin, laid before him, day after day, accusations
against Demetrius in his absence, and rendered him first an
object of hatred, and afterwards of suspicion, charging him at
one time with friendship for the Romans, and at another with
treachery to his father. At last he pretended that a plot was
laid for his own life by Demetrius, and, to prove the charge,
brought forward informers, suborned witnesses, and committed
the very crime + of which he accused his brother. Impelling

of gold, silver, and valuable offerings, as is said by Diod, Sic. xxix.
fragm. 15. A different account of this king’s death is given in Aurel.
Vict. liv. 5, and 1 Maccab. c. vi.— Wetzel.

* Concursu insulariwm.] A temple, as a building standing by itself,
might be called insula ; the people who dwelt in and about it insulares.
Insularium is a conjecture of Isaac Vossius; the previous reading was
tncolarwm.

+ He accused his brother of intending to be a fratricide; he
BC. 177. PESEUS BEGINS TO REIGN. 233

his father, by these artifices, to put his son to death, he filled
the whole palace with mourning,

IIJ. After Demetrius was killed, and his rival removed,
Perseus grew not only more careless in his behaviour towards
his father, but even more insolent, conducting himself, not
as heir to the crown, but as king. Philip, offended at his
manner, became every day more concerned for the death. of
Demetrius, and began at length to suspect that he had been
deceived by treachery, and put to the torture all the witnesses
and informers. Having, by this means, “come to the know-
ledge of the deception, he was not less afflicted at the
dishonesty of Perseus than at the execution of the innocent
Demetrius, whom he would have avenged, had he not been
prevented by death; for shortly after he died of a disease
contracted by mental anxiety, leaving great preparations for
a war with the Romans, of which Perseus afterwards madé
use. He had induced the Scordiscan Gauls to join him, and
would have had a desperate struggle with the Romans, had
not death carried him off.

The Gauls, after their disastrous attack upon Delphi, in
which they had felt the power of the divinity more than that
of the enemy, and had lost their leader Brennus, had fled,
like exiles, partly into Asia, and partly into Thrace, and then
returned, by the same way by which they had come, into
their own country. Of these, a certain number settled at the
conflux of the Danube and Save, and took the name of
Scordisci. The Tectosagi, on returning to their old settlements
about ‘Toulouse, were seized with a pestilential distemper,
and did not recover from it, until, being warned by the
admonitions of their soothsayers, they threw the gold and
silver, which they had got in war and sacrilege, into the lake
of Toulouse; all which treasure, a hundred and ten thousand
pounds of silver, and fifteen hundred thousand pounds of gold,
Cepio, the Roman consul, a long time after, carried away with
him. But this sacrilegious act subsequently proved a cause
of ruin to Cepio and his army. The rising of the Cimbrian
war, too, seemed to pursue the Romans as if to avenge the
removal of that devoted treasure. Of these Tectosagi, no
small number, attracted by the charms of plunder, repaired
himself became a fratricide by: causing his father to put his brother to
death.
234 JUSTIN. {B.XXXIL CH.IV:

to Illyricum, and, after spoiling the Istrians, settled in
Pannonia.

The Istrians, it is reported, derive their origin from those
Colchians who were sent by king AMetes in pursuit of the
Argonauts, that had carried off his daughter,* who, after
they had sailed from the Pontus Euxinus into the Ister, and
had proceeded far up the channel of the river Save, pursuing
the track of the Argonauts, conveyed their vessels upon their
shoulders over the tops of the mountains, as far as the shores
of the Adriatic sea, knowing that the Argonauts must ‘have
done the same before them, because of the size of their ship.t
These Colchians, not overtaking the Argonauts, who had sailed
off, remained, whether from fear of their king or from
weariness of so long a voyage, near Aquileia, and were called
Istrians from the name of the river up which they sailed out
of the sea.

The Dacians are descendants of the Getx. ‘This people
having fought unsuccessfully, under their king Oroles, against
the Bastarnw, were compelled by his order, as a punishment
for their cowardice, to put their heads, when they were going
to sleep, in the place of their feet,f and to perform those
offices for their wives which used previously to be done for
themselves. Nor were these regulations altered, until they
had effaced, by new exertions in the field, the disgrace which
they had incurred in the previous war.

IV. Perseus, having succeeded to the throne of his father

Philip, applied to all these nations to join him in a war against
the Romans. In the meanwhile a war broke out between king
Prusias, to whom Hannibal had fled when peace was granted

* Argonautas raptoresque filie.] Four of the old editions have
raptoremque, i. e. Jason. — Weitzel.

+ Propter magnitudinem navis.] Bongarsius thinks that navis is to
be understood in the sense of navigationis ; but this is‘absurd. We
must simply understand that the river Save would not admit a ship of
that size, and that they were consequently obliged to take it on their
shoulders and carry it to the shores of the Adriatic. The story is
well known.—Vossius. As to the carrying of the Argo on the
shoulders of her crew, see Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1383, segg. Scheffer would
read navigationis instead of navis.

+ Similar military punishments, rather ignominious than painful,
are noticed in Diod. Sic. xii. 16; Plutarch. Ages. c. 51; Liv. xxvii. 15;
Tacit. xiii, 836; Suet. Aug. c, 24; Val. Max. xi. 7, 9, and 15; Frontin.
iv. 1; Plato, Legg. ix. sub init. Berneccerus,
B.C, 184.] DEATH OF HANNIBAL. , 2385

Antiochus by the Romans, and Eumenes ; a war which
rusias was the first to begin, having broken his treaty with
Emenes through confidence in Hannibal.,
annibal, when the Romans, among other articles of peace.
demanded from Antiochus that he should be surrendered to
them, received notice of this demand from the king, and, taking
to flight, went off to Crete. Here, when he had long led a
quiet life, but found himself envied for his great wealth, he
deposited some urns, filled with lead, in the temple of Diana,
as if thus to secure his treasure. The city,* in consequence,
being no longer concerned about him, as they supposed that
they had his wealth in pledge, he betook himself to Prusias,
putting his gold into some statues which he carried with him,
lest his riches, if seen, should endanger his life, Prusias being
subsequently defeated in a battle by land, and transferring the
war to the sea, Hannibal, by anew stratagem, was the cause
of procuring him a victory ; for he ordered serpents of every
kind to be enclosed in earthen pots, and to be thrown, in the
hottest of the engagement, into the enemy’s ships. This
seemed at first ridiculous to the Pontic soldiers, that the
enemy should fight with earthen pots, as if they could not
fight with the sword.{’ But when the ships began to be filled
with serpents, and they were thus ‘involved in double peril,
they yielded the victory to the enemy.

When the news of these transactions was brought to Rome,
ambassadors were despatched by the senate to require the two
kings to make peace, and demand the surrender of Hannibal.
But Hannibal, learning their object, took poison, and frustrated
their embassy by his death.

This year was rendered remarkable by the deaths of the
three greatest generals then in the world, Hannibal, Philopee-
men, and Scipio Africanus. Of these three it is certain that
Hannibal, even at the time when Italy trembled at him,
thundering in the war with Rome, and when, after his return
to Carthage, he held the chief command there, never reclined

* Ciwitate.] That is, the city of Gortyn in which he resided. See
Corn. Nep. Life of Hannibal. an
+ Ponticis.] Rather Pergamenis, says Wetzel; Eumenes being king of

Pergamus. ; He :
+ Qui ferro nequeant ia the reading of all the editions, but it should

surely be quasi ferro nequeant.
236 JUSTIN. {B. XXXII. CH.I.

at his meals, or indulged himself with more than one pint* of
wine at a time; and that he preserved such continence among
so many female captives, that one would be disposed to deny
that he was born in Africa. Such, too, was his prudence in
command, that though he had to rule armies of different
nations, he was never annoyed by any conspiracy among his
troops, or betrayed by their want of faith, though his enemies
had often attempted to expose him to both.

 

BOOK XXXIII.

War of the Romans with Perseus, I—Perseus defeated and made
prisoner ; treatment of Macedonia and Aitolia by the Romans, II.

I. Tue Romans carried on the Macedonian war with less
disturbance to their country than the Punic war, but with
more renown, as the Macedonians surpassed the Carthaginians
in honour, and were animated, moreover, by their glory in
having conquered the east, and supported also by the auxiliary
forces of all the neighbouring princes.t The Romans, accord-
ingly, both raised a greater number of legions, and called for
assistance from Masinissa, king of Numidia, and all the rest of
their allies ; while notice was also given to Kumenes, king of
Bithynia, to aid them in the war with his whole force. Per-
seus, besides his Macedonian army, which had had the repu-
tation of being invincible, had supplies for a ten years’ war,
collected by his father, in his treasures and magazines. Ele-
vated by these resources, and forgetful of his father’s fortune,
he bade his soldiers think of the past glory of Alexander.

The first engagement was one of cavalry only; and Perseus,
being victorious in it, attracted the favourable regard.of all who
had previously been in suspense. Yet he sent ambassadors
to the consul to ask for peace, which the Romans had granted
to his father even when conquered, offering to defray the
expenses of the war, as if he had been defeated. _But the

* Sextario.] The sextarius was nearly a pint, being the sixth part of
the congius, which was equal to 59471 pints.

+t Omnium regum.] A hyperbolical expression, such as our author
often uses. Previously, xxxii, 3, he mentions only the Gauls as

auxiliaries of Perseus; Livy, xlii. 29, adds Cotys, king of the Odryse.
— Wetzel.
B.C. 169.] PERSEUS MADE PRISONER. * 287

consul Sulpicius offered him terms not less harsh than he
would have offered to a vanquished enemy. In the mean-
time, the Romans, under the dread of so formidable a war,
created Aimilius Paulus consul, and conferred upon him, out
of due course,* the command in the Macedonian war.

Aimilius, when he had reached the camp, lost no time in
coming to a battle. The night before it was fought, the
moon was eclipsed; a phenomenon which all interpreted un-
favourably for Perseus, and presaged that the downfal of
the Macedonian empire was portended.

TI. In this engagement, Marcus Cato, the son of Cato the
orator, while he was fighting, with extraordinary bravery, among
the thickest of the enemy, fell from his horse, and continued
his efforts on foot. A number of the enemy gathered about
him when he fell, with loud shouts, as if they would kill him as
he lay on the ground, but he, recovering himself sooner than
they expected, made great slaughter among them. The enemy
flocking round him, however, to overpower him with their
numbers, his sword, as he was' aiming at a tall fellow among
them, fell from his hand among a troop of his opponents ;
when he, to recover it, plunged in among the: points of the
enemy’s weapons, protecting himself with his shield, while
both armies were looking on, and, having regained his sword,
though not without receiving many wounds, he got back safe
to his friends, amidst a loud shout from the enemy.t The rest
of the Romans, imitating his boldness, secured the victory.
King Perseus fled, and arrived, with ten thousand talents, at
Samothrace; and Cnzus Octavius, being sent by the consul
in pursuit of him, took him prisoner, with his two sons Alex-
ander and Philip, and brought him to the consul.

Macedonia, from the time of Caranus, who was the first
that reigned in it, to Perseus, had thirty kings; under whose
government it continued for nine hundred and twenty-three
years, but possessed supreme power for only a hundred and
ninety-two.{ When it fell under the power of the Romans, it

* Extra ordinem.| He had his province by lot in the usual way ;
Macedonia fell to him, and Italy to his colleague Crassus—Dwrand,
ee) rae ae in of the old editions have omniun, which Scheffer
prefers, as it was a shout of congratulation, proceeding from the

Romans, not from the enemy.— Wetzel. . :
+ Sed rerum non nist centum nonaginta duobus annie potita.] Mace-
238 JUSTIN. [B. XXXIV. CH.I.

was left free, magistrates being appointed in every city; and
it received laws from Paulus A‘milius, which it still uses.

As to the /Btolians, the senators of every city in the
country, whose fidelity had been suspected, were sent, together
with their wives and children, to Rome; where, to prevent
them from raising any disturbance in their country, they were
long detained ; and it was not without difficulty, and after the
senate had been wearied with embassies from the cities for
their release, that they were allowed to return to their own
country.

BOOK XXXIV.

The Romans make war on the Achzans, I.—Defeat of the Acheans ;
Corinth demolished; affairs in Egypt; Ptolemy Philometor
requests aid from Rome, IIl—Embassy from the Romans to
Antiochus Epiphanes ; his death; he is succeeded by his brother
Demetrius Soter, IIL—Prusias, king of Bithynia, killed by his son
Nicomedes, IV.

I. Tue Carthaginians and Macedonians being subdued, and
the power of the /Etolians weakened by the captivity of their
leading men, the Achzans were the only people of all Greece
who seemed to the Romans, at that time, to be too powerful ;
not, indeed, from any extraordinary strength existing in any
individual city, but because of a confederacy maintained among
all the cities. For the Acheans, though distributed through
several towns, like so many different members, yet formed but
one body and had but one government, and warded off danger
from any single city by the united strength of all. To the
Romans, therefore, as they were seeking a pretext for war,
fortune opportunely presented the complaints of the Spartans,
whose lands the Achzans, in consequence of hatred subsisting

donia attained its height when Alexander conquered Darius, B.c. 329,
in which year Justin, x. 3, considers that the Persian empire termi-
nated, and the Macedonian began. Between that year and the defeat
of Perseus elapsed only 160 years, and if we would wish to make up
our author’s number of 192, we must take in thirty-two from the
previous period, going back to B.c. 361, when Philip was a hostage at
Thebes. Hence the reading of Bongarsius’s codices, 152, seems prefer-
able; or, to take a round number, 150, the reading of three other
copies; and this is the number given by Livy, xlv. 9.— Wetzel.
B.C. 146.] CORINTH DESTROYED. 239

between the two people, had laid waste. Answer was accord-
ingly made by the senate to the Spartans, that ‘‘ they would
send commissioners into Greece, to examine into the affairs
of their allies, and to prevent further injury;” but secret
directions were at the same time given the commissioners,
that “ they should dissolve the confederacy among the Achzans,
and make each city independent of the rest, that they might
thus the more easily be reduced to obedience, while, if any
cities were obstinate, they might be humbled by force.” The
commissioners, in consequence, having summoned the chief
men of the cities to meet them at Corinth, read to them the
decree of the senate, and signified what their intentions were ;
declaring it ‘expedient for all, that each city should have
its own independent laws and government.” When this
communication was known throughout the city, the people
being thrown as it were into a fury, massacred all the
foreigners that were there, and would have laid violent hands
on the Roman commissioners themselves, had they not. fled
away in haste as soon as they found a disturbance rising.

II. When the news of these occurrences reached Rome, the
senate at once decreed war against the Achwans, giving the
conduct of it to the consul Mummius, who, conveying over
his army with the utmost expedition, and actively providing
himself with all necessaries, proceeded to offer the enemy
battle. As for the Acheans, as if they had undertaken a
matter of no difficulty in going to war with the Romans, every
thing was neglected and out of order amongst them. Thinking
of plunder, too, and not of fighting, they brought vehicles ‘to
carry away the spoils of the enemy, and stationed their wives and
children on the hills to view the engagement. But when the
battle commenced, they were cut to pieces before the eyes of
their kindred, and afforded them only a dismal spectacle and
sad remembrances of grief. Their wives and children, also,
were changed from spectators into prisoners, and became the
prey of the enemy. The city of Corinth itself was razed to
the ground, and the inhabitants sold for slaves, that, by such
an example, a dread of insurrection might be thrown on other
cities.

During these transactions, Antiochus, king of Syria, made
war upon Ptolemy* king of Egypt, his elder sister’s son, a

* Ptolemy Philometor, who reigned from B.c. 180 to 145 (see Diod.
240 JUSTIN. [B XXXIV. CH.TIL

prince naturally inactive, and so weakened by daily luxurious
indulgence, that he not only neglected the duties of his royal
station, but even, through excessive gluttony, had lost all
human feeling. Being expelled from his throne, he fled to
Alexandria to his younger brother Ptolemy,* and, having
shared the kingdom with him, they jointly sent ambassadors
to the Roman senate, imploring assistance, and the protection
of their alliance; and their solicitations prevailed with the
senate.

III. Accordingly Popilius was despatched, in the character
of ambassador, to Antiochus, to desire him “to refrain from
invading Egypt, or, if he had already entered it, to quit it
without delay.” Having found him in Kgypt, and the king
having offered to kiss him (for Antiochus, when he was a
hostage+ at Rome, had been friendly with Popilius among
others), Popilius said that “ private friendship must be set
aside, when the commands of his country stood in the way,”
and having produced and delivered to him the decree of the
senate, but observing that he hesitated, and referred the
consideration of it to his friends, he drew a circle round him
with a staff which he carried in his hand, so large that it also
enclosed his friends, and desired him ‘ to decide on the spot,
and not to go out-of that ring, till he had given an answer to
the senate whether he would have peace or war with Rome.”
This firmness so daunted the king’s spirit, that he replied that
“‘he would obey the senate.”

Antiochus, on returning to his kingdom, died, leaving a son
quite a boy. Guardians being assigned him by the people,
his uncle{ Demetrius, who was a hostage at Rome, and who
had heard of the death of his brother, went to the senate, and
said that “he had come to Rome as a hostage while his
brother was alive, but that now he was dead, he did not know

Sic, xxx. 15), being the son and successor of Ptolemy Epiphanes, who
married the daughter of Antiochus the Great, sister to the Antiochus
mentioned in the text.— Wetzel.

* Ptolemy Physcon, who became master of Cyrene and Libya in
the year B.c. 157, Diod. Sic. xxxi, 26. He suceeeded his brother at
his death, B.c. 135, and reigned twenty-seven years.— Wetzel.

+ He had been sent to Rome asa hostage by his father Antiochus
the Great, and afterwards by his brother'Seleucus IV.— Weizel.

+ He was not his uncle but his cousin, being the son of Seleucus
IV., the brother of Antiochus Epiphanes,—Bongarsius,
/ BO. 148,] DEATH OF PRUSIAS, 241

for whom he was a hostage. It was therefore reasonable,”
he added, ‘that he should be released to claim the throne,
which, as he had conceded it to his elder brother by the law
of nations, now of right belonged to himself, as he was su-
perior to the orphan in age,” But finding that he was not
released by the senate (their private opinion being that the
throne would be better in the hands of the young prince than
in his), he left the city on pretence of going to hunt, and
secretly took ship at Ostia,* with such as attended him in his
flight. On arriving in Syria, he was favourably received by
the whole people, and the orphan being put to death, the
throne was resigned to him by the guardians,

IV. About the same time, Prusias, king of Bithynia, con-
ceived a resolution to kill his son Nicomedes, with a desire to
benefit his younger children by a second marriage, whom he
had sent to Rome. But the design was betrayed to the young
prince by those who had undertaken the execution of it, and
who exhorted him, since he had become an object of his
father’s cruelty, to anticipate his schemes, and turn the villainy
on the head of its contriver.”” Nor was it difficult to prevail
upon him ; and when, being sent for, he had come f into his
father’s dominions, he was immediately selected as king.
Prusias, deprived of his throne by his son, and reduced to a
private station, was forsaken even by his slaves. While he
lived in retirement, he was killed by ‘his son, with no less
guilt than that with which he himself had ordered his son to
be put to death.

 

BOOK XXXV.

Demetrius Soter, king of Syria, dethroned and killed by Alexander
‘Bala, I.—His death avenged by his son Demetrius Nicator, II.

I. Demeretus, having possessed himself of the throne of
Syria, and thinking that peace might be dangerous in the
unsettled state of his affairs, resolved to enlarge the borders

* Ostia or Hostia at the mouth of the Tiber. .
+ From the expression “ he had come,” venerat, it appears that
he had previously fled out of the kingdom, though Justin does not

mention his flight. ‘
242 JUSTIN. [B.XxXV. CH.II.

of his kingdom, and increase his power, by making war upon
his neighbours. Accordingly, being incensed with Ariarathes,
king of Cappadocia, for having disdained to marry his sister,
he kindly received his brother Orophernes, who had been
unjustly deprived of the throne, and who came to him as a
suppliant; and, rejoicing that a plausible pretext for war was
afforded him, determined to reinstate him in his dominions.
But Orophernes, with extreme ingratitude, having entered
into a compact with the people of Antioch, at that time en-
‘raged against Antiochus, formed a plot to expel him from his
throne by whom he was to have been restored to his own.
The conspiracy being discovered, Demetrius spared indeed
the life of Orophernes, that Ariarathes might not be freed
from the dread of war on the part of his brother, but caused
him to be apprehended, and kept a close prisoner at Seleucia.
Nor were the people of Antioch so alarmed at this discovery as
to desist from their rebellion. Being in consequence attacked
‘by Demetrius, but receiving aid from Ptolemy king of Egypt,
Attalus king of Asia,* and Ariarathes of Cappadocia, they
suborned one Bala, a young man of mean condition, to claim
the throne of Syria, on pretence that it had been his father’s,
by force of arms; and that nothing might be wanting to ren-
der him insolent, the name of Alexander was given him, and
he was reported to be the son of King Antiochus. And such
was the detestation of Demetrius among all classes, that not
only royal power, but also nobility of birth, was unanimously
attributed to his rival. Alexander, in consequence, amidst
this wonderful change: of fortune, forgetful of his original
meanness, and supported by the strength of almost all the
east, made war upon Demetrius, and, having defeated him,
deprived him at once of his throne and his life. Demetrius,
however, did not want courage to resist him in the field; for
he both routed the enemy in the first encounter, and, when
the kings renewed the contest, he killed several thousands in
the struggle. But at last he fell, with his spirit still unsub-
dued, and fighting most valiantly, among the thickest of the
enemy.
IJ. At the commencement of the war, Demetrius had
entrusted two.of his sons to a friend of his at Cnidus, with a

* Rege Asie.) King of Pergamus, where he reigned twenty years,
Bc. 157 to 137.— Wetzel. ; or i
B.C. 139—129.] | DEMETRIUS NICATOR. 248

large quantity of treasure, that they might be removed from
the perils of ‘the war, and might be preserved, if fortune
should so order it, to avenge their father’s death. The elder
of the two, Demetrius, who had passed the age of boyhood,
hearing of the luxurious life of Alexander (whom his unex:
pected grandeur, and the fascination.of.enjoyments to which
the was a stranger, held captive as it were in his palace,
idling away his days among troops of concubines), fell upon
him, with the assistance of some Cretans,:-when he was quite
at his ease, and free from all apprehension of danger. The
people of Antioch, too, to atone for their injuries to the father
by new services, devoted themselves to him; and his father’s
soldiers, fired with love for the young prince, and preferring
the obligation of their former oath to the haughty rule of the
new king, ranged themselves on the side of Demetrius; and
thus Alexander, cast down with no less violent a freak of for-
tune than that with which ‘he had been raised, was defeated
and killed in the first battle, paying the penalty of his conduct
both to Demetrius whom he had slain, and to Antiochus, from
whom he had pretended to derive his birth.

BOOK XXXVI.

Demetrius Nicator made prisoner by the Parthians; rise and fall of
Trypho; Antiochus Sidetes subdues the Jews, L—Origin of the
Jews; their departure from Egypt, I—Account of Palestine;
conquerors of the Jews, II.—Character of Attalus of Pergamus ;
he bequeaths his kingdom to the Romans, who possess themselves
of it in spite of Aristonicus, IV.

I. Demeratus, having gained possession of his father's
throne, and being spoiled by his good .fortuue, fell, from the
effects of the vices of youth, into habits of indolence, and in-
curred as much contempt for his slothfulness, as his father had
incurred hatred for his pride. As the-cities, in. consequence,
began every where to revolt from his government, he resolved,
in order to wipe off the stain of effeminacy from his character,
to make war upon the Parthians. The people -of the east
beheld his approach with pleasure, ‘both on account .of the
cruelty of Arsacides,* king of the Parthians, and because,
 * He that Justin calls Arsacides - the sixth of the Arsacide, or

R
244 JUSTIN. [B.XXXVI. CHI.

having been accustomed to the old government of the Mace:
donians, they viewed the pride of the new race with indigna-
tion. Being assisted, accordingly, by auxiliary troops from
the Persians, Elymzans, and Bactrians, he routed the Persians
-in several pitched battles. At length, however, being deceived
by a pretended offer of peace, he was made prisoner, and
‘being led from city to city,* was shown as a spectacle to the
people that had revolted, in mockery of the favour that they
had shown him. Being afterwards sent into Hyrcania, he was
treated kindly, and suitably to the dignity of his former con.
dition.

During the course of these proceedings, Trypho, in Syria,
who had exerted his efforts to be made by the people guardian
to Antiochus, the step-son of Demetrius,’killed his ward, and
seized upon the Syrian throne. When he had enjoyed it for
some time, and the liking of the people for his new govern-
ment began at length to wear off, he was defeated in a battle
by Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, who was then quite a
boy, and who had been educated in Asia; and the throne of
Syria again returned to the family of Demetrius.

Antiochus, remembering that his father had been hated for
his pride, and his brother despised for his indolence, was
anxious not to fall into the same vices, and having married
Cleopatra, his brother’s wife, proceeded to make war, with the
utmost vigour, on the provinces that had revolted through the
badness ¢ of his brother’s government, and, after subduing
them, re-united them to his dominions. He also reduced the
Jews, who, during the Macedonian rule under his father
Demetrius, had: recovered their liberty by force of arms; and
whose strength was such, that they would submit to no Mace-
donian king after him, but, electing rulers from their own
people, harassed Syria with fierce wars.

II. The origin of the Jews{ was from Damascus, a most

Mithridates I., who reigned from B.c. 178 to 186.— Wetzel. Arsacide
was the common name of the descendants of Arsaces, the founder of
the Parthian power.

* Per ora civitatum.

+ Vitio,] Some editions have initio.

‘£ The confused account which our author,'as well as Tacitus, v.
2—14, gives concerning the Jews, and the false statements contained in
it, must be corrected from the books of the Old Testament and from
‘J osephus, — Wetzel,’
THE JEWS. Q45

famous city of Syria, whence also the Assyrian kings and
queen Semiramis * sprung. The name of the city was given
it from King Damascus, in honour of whom the Syrians con-
secrated the sepulchre of his wife Arathis as a temple, and
regard her as a goddess worthy of the most sacred’ worship.
After Damascus, Azelus, and then Adores, Abraham, and
Israhel were their kings. But a prosperous family of ten sons
made Israhel more famous than any of his ancestors. Having
divided his kingdom, in consequence, into ten governments, he
committed them to his sons, and called the whole people Jews
from Judas, who died soon after the division, and ordered his
memory to be held in veneration by them all, as his portion
was shared among them. The youngest of the brothers was
Joseph, whom the others, fearing his extraordinary abilities,
secretly made prisoner, and sold to some foreign merchants.
Being .carried by them into Egypt, and having there, by
his great powers of mind, made. himself master of the
arts of magic, he found in a short time great favour with
the king; for he was eminently skilled in prodigies, and was
the first to establish the science of interpreting dreams; and
nothing, indeed, of divine or human law seems to have been
unknown to him ; so that he foretold a dearth in the land some
years before it happened, and all Egypt would have perished,
by famine, had not the king, by his advice, ordered ‘the corn
to be laid up for several years; such being the proofs of his
knowledge, that his admonitions seemed to proceed, not from
a mortal, but a god. His son was Moses, whom, besides the
inheritance of his father’s knowledge, the comeliness of.
his person also recommended. But the Egyptians, being
troubled with scabies and leprosy, and moved by some otacu-
lar prediction, expelled him, with those who had the disease,
out of Egypt, that the distemper might not spread among a
greater number. Becoming leader, accordingly, of the exiles,
he carried off by stealth the sacred utensils of the Kgyptians,
who, endeavouring to recover them by force of arms, were
obliged by tempests to return home; and Moses, having
reached Damascus, the birth-place of his forefathers, took
possession of mount Sinai, on his arrival at which, after having

* Wetzel’s text has ex regind. Semiraméide, but I have thought proper,
to follow the reading of the Juntine edition, et regiae Semiramidi,
which is found in two manuscripts, and which Wetzel himself prefers;
246 JUSTIN. [B.XXXVI. CE. IIL.

suffered, together with his followers, from a seven days’ fast
in the deserts of Arabia, he consecrated every seventh day
(according to the present custom of the nation) for a fast-day,
and to be perpetually called a sabbath, because that day had
ended at once their hunger and their wanderings. And as they
remembered that: they had been driven. from Egypt’ for, fear
of spreading infection, they took care, in order that they might
not become odious, from: the same cause, to the inhabitants of
the country, to have no communication with strangers; a rule
which, from having been adopted on that particular occasion,
gradually became a custom and part of their religion. After
the death of Moses, his son Aruas* was made priest for cele-
brating the rites which they brought from Egypt, and. soon
after created king; and ever afterwards it was a custom among
the Jews to have the same chiefs both for kings and priests ;
and, by uniting religion with the administration of justice, it
is almost incredible how powerful.they. became.

III. The wealth. of the nation was augmented: by the
duties on balm,t which is produced only in that country ; for
there is a valley, encircled with an unbroken ridge of hills, as
it were a wall, in the form of a camp, the space enclosed. being
about two hundred acres, and called by the name of Hierichus; ft
in which valley there is a wood, remarkable both for its fer-
tility and pleasantness, and chequered with groves of palm
and balm-trees. The balm-trees resemble pitch-trees in
shape, except that they are not so tall, and are dressed after
the manner of vines; and at a certain season of the year they
exude the balm. But the place is not less admired for the

* A. corruption of Aaron.

+ Opobalsami.] In Gen. xxxvii. 25; xliii. 11, we find that Canaan
produced balm ; it is now found only in Arabia Petrea. “The balm-
tree (balsami arbor) grew,” says Origen, “in Judea, only within a
space of about twenty acres, but after the Romans became masters of
the country it was propagated over extensive hills. Its stem is similar
to that of the vine, and its leaves to those of rue, but whiter and
always remaining on the tree.” The word balsamum properly signifies
the tree, and opobalsamum (that is, érd¢ roti Badodpou, as drordvat
is dzrog Tod wévaror, juice of all-heal, Diose. iii, 48) the juice; xylodal-
samum means the wood of the tree. Justin, however, contrary to the
practice of other writers, uses opobalsamumn for the tree, and balsamum
for the juice.—Lemaire, ,
ie Lo is, Jericho, which is the reading of the Cologne edition.—

Cbzele
B.C. 187—182.] ATTALUS. 247

gentle warmth of the sun in it, than for its fertility ; for though
the sun in that climate is the hottest in the world, there is
constantly in this valley a certain natural subdued tepidity in
the air.*

In this country also is the lake Asphaltites, which, from its
magnitude and the stillness of its waters is called the Dead
Sea; for it is neither agitated by the winds, because the
bituminous matter, with which all its water is clogged, resists
even hurricanes; nor does it admit of navigation, for ali
inanimate substances sink to the bottom; and it will support
no wood, except such as is smeared with alum, |

The first+ that conquered the Jews was Xerxes, king of
Persia. Subsequently they fell, with the Persians themselves,
under the power of Alexander the Great; and they were then
long subject to the kings of Syria, under its Macedonian
dynasty. On revolting from Demetrius, and soliciting the
favour of the Romans,t they were the first of all the eastern
people that regained their liberty, the Romans readily affecting
to bestow what it was not in their power to give. ,

IV. During the same period, in which the government of
Syria was passing from hand to hand among its new sovereigns,-
King Attalus in Asia polluted a most flourishing kingdom,
which he inherited from his uncle Eumenes, by murders of
his friends and executions of his relatives, pretending some-
times that his old mother, and sometimes his wife Berenice,
had been destroyed by their wicked contrivances. After this

* Tepidi aéris naturalis quedam et perpetua apricitas inest.| Such is
the reading of Gronovius and Wetzel, who interpret apricitas to signify
a moderate warmth or tepidity. Some of the older editions have
opacitas, which Tauchnitz and Diibner have adopted. “ Salmasius, on
Solinus, p. 990, says that not every place exposed to the. sun is
properly called apricus, but one which lies open to a gentle and
moderate influence of his beams. Hence aprici colles, Virg Ecl. ix.
49, are hills turned towards the rising sun, which, not being excessively
hot, is well suited for ripening grapes.” —Berneccerus.

+ Primum Xerxes—domuit.} This is an error. The kingdom of
Jsrael was overthrown by Shalmaneser, B.c. 722, and that of Judah by
Nebuchadnezzar, B.c. 588. The return from captivity, under Cyrus,
was B.c. 536. The Jews continued subject to the Persians till the
time of Alexander, after whom they were under the rule, sometimes
of the Ptolemies, and sometimes of the Seleucide, till B.c. 167.—

Diibner. .
+ Amicitié Romanorum petitd.| Judas Maccabeus, 2,0. 166, formed

an alliance with the Romans; Joseph. Ant. xii. 10.
248 JUSTIN. (B.XXXVI. CH.IV.

atrocious outburst of rage, he assumed a mean dress, let his
beard and hair grow like those of persons under legal prosecu-
tion, never went abroad or showed himself to the people, held
no feasts in his palace, and behaved in no respect, indeed, like
aman in his senses; so that he seemed to be paying penalty
for his crimes to the manes of those whom he had murdered.
Abandoning the government of his kingdom, too, he employed
himself in digging and sowing in his garden, mixing noxious
herbs with harmless ones, and sending them all indiscrimi-
nately, moistened with poisonous juices, as special presents
to his friends. From this employment he turned to that of
working in brass, and amused himself with modelling in wax,
and casting and hammering out brazen figures. He then
proceeded to make a monument for his mother, but while
he was busy about the work, he contracted a disorder from
the heat of the sun, and died on the seventh day afterwards.
By his will the Roman people was appointed his heir.*

There was however a son of Eumenes, named Aristonicus,
not born in wedlock, but of an Ephesian mistress, the daughter
of a player on the harp; and this young man, after the death
of Attalus, laid claim to the throne of Asia as having been his
father's. When he had fought several successful battles
against the provinces, which, from fear of the Romans, refused
to submit to him, and seemed to be established as king,
Asia was assigned by the senate to the command of Licinius
Crassus, who, being more eager to plunder the treasures of
Attalus than to distinguish himself in the field, and fighting
a battle, at the end of the year, with his army in disorder,
was defeated, and paid the penalty for his blind avarice by the
loss of his life. The consul Perperna being sent in his place,’
reduced Aristonicus, who was defeated in the first engagement,
under his power, and carried off the treasures of Attalus,
bequeathed to the Roman people, on ship-board to Rome.
Marcus Aquilius, Perperna’s successor, envying his good for-
tune, hastened, with the utmost expedition, to snatch Aristonicus
from Perperna’s hands, as if he ought rather to grace his own
triumph. But the death of Perperna put an end to the rivalry
between the consuls.

* See Liv. Epit. lviii'; Vell. Pat. ti, 4; August. Civ. D. xiii. 2;
Orosius, v. 8; Florus, ii. 20; Sallust’s Hist, Fragm. lib. iv.; Bohn’s Cl.
Library, p. 242.
B.C. 124.] MITHRIDATES BEGINS TO REIGN. 249

Asia, thus becoming a province of the Romans, brought to
Rome its vices together with its wealth.

BOOK XXXVIL.

The people of Marseilles entreat the Romans in behalf of Phoczxa;
affairs in Asia, Cappadocia, and Pontus, L—Of Mithridates, I.—
His conquests, III.—His invasion of Paphlagonia; his rupture
with the Romans, IV.

I. Arrer Aristonicus was taken prisoner, the people of Mar-
seilles sent ambassadors tu Rome to intercede for the Phoceans
their friends, whose city and even name the senate had ordered
to be destroyed, because, both at that time, and previously in
. the war against Antiochus, they had taken up arms against the
Roman people. The embassy obtained from the senate a
pardon for them. Rewards were then bestowed on the princes
who had given aid against Aristonicus; to Mithridates* of
Pontus was allotted Greater Phrygia; to the sons of Ariara-
thes, king of Cappadocia, who had fallen in that war, were
assigned Lycaonia and Cilicia; and the Roman people were
more faithful to the sons of their ally, than their mother was
to her children, since by the one the kingdom of the young
princes was increased, by the other they were deprived of life.
For Laodice, out of six children, all boys, whom she had by
king Ariarathes (fearing that, when some of them were grown
up, she would not long enjoy the administration of the king-
dom), killed five by poison ; but the care of their relatives
rescued from the barbarous hands of their mother one infant,
who, after the death of Laodice (for the people killed her for
her cruelty), became sole king.

Mithridates also, being cut off by sudden death, left a son,
who was likewise named Mithridates, and whose greatness was
afterwards such that he surpassed all kings,f not only of his
own but of preceding ages, in glory, and carried on war against
the Romans, with various success, for forty-six years, during
which, though the most eminent generals, Sylla, Lucullus, and
others, and at last, Cneeus Pompey, overcame him, yet it was

* Mithridates surnamed Euergetes, father of Mithridates the Great.
+ Justin, or Trogus, seems to prefer him to Alexander the Great. _
250 JUSTIN. [B. XXXVI) CH.IL

only so that he rose greater and more glorious to renew the
contest, and was rendered even more formidable by his defeats.
And he died at last, not from being overpowered by his ene-
mies,* but by a voluntary death, full-of years and on the
throne of his ancestors, and. leaving his son his heir.

II. The future greatness of this prince even signs from heaven
had foretold ; for in the year in which he was born, as well as
in that in which he began to reign, a comet blazed forth with
such splendour, for seventy successive days on each occasion,
that the whole sky seemed to be on fire, It covered a fourth
part of the firmament + with its.train, and obscured the light
of the sun with its effulgence; and in rising and ‘setting it
took up the space of four hours. During his boyhood his life
was attempted by plots on the part of his guardians, who,
mounting him on a restive horse, forced him to ride and hurl
the javelin ; but when these attempts failed, as his manage-
ment of the horse was superior to his years, they tried to cut
him off by poison. He, however, being on his guard against
such treachery, frequently took antidotes, and so fortified him-
self,t by exquisite preventives, against their malice, that when
he was an old man, and wished to die by poison, he was unable.
But dreading lest his enemies should effect that by the sword
which they could not accomplish by drugs, he pretended a fancy
for hunting, in the indulgence of which he never went under a
roof, for seven years, either in the city or the country, but
rambled through the forests, and°passed his nights in various
places among the mountains, none knowing where he was. He
accustomed himself to escape from the. wild beasts, or pursue
them, by speed of foot, and by this means, while he avoided

* Non vi hostili,) Some copies have victus after hostii; Wetzel
omits it,

+ Quartam celi partem.] That is, forty-five degrees, There was a
similar comet, B.c. 372, which Aristotle, Meteor. i. 6, calls a great
comet, and which spread its tail over a third part of the sky, ie. over
sixty degrees. Diod. Siculus also, xv. 50, says that its light was like
that of the moon.— Wetzel.

+ Quum oriretur occumberetque, quatuor horarum spatium consu-
mebat.] That is, after it touched the horizon, at its rising or setting,
four hours elapsed before it wholly appeared or disappeared.

§ Se—stagnavit.] Gronovius and Grevius would read stannavit ; but
stagnare is used by Vegetius in the sense of securing or fortifying, and
Justin has the passive stagnor, xxxvi. 3. :
BC. 117.] MITHRIDATES. 251

the plots laid for him, he inured himself to endure all manner
of bodily exertion.

III. When he assumed the government of the kingdom, he
turned his thoughts, not so much to the regulation of his
dominions, as to the enlargement of them. He in conse-
quence subdued, with extraordinary success, the Scythians,
who had previously been invincible, who had_cut off Zopyrion,
the general of Alexander the Great, with an army of thirty
thousand men, who had massacred Cyrus, king of the Persians,
with two hundred thousand, and who had routed Philip, king
of Macedonia. Having thus increased his forces, he made
himself master of Pontus,* and afterwards of Cappadocia.
Fixing his thoughts on the conquest of Asia,f he went
privately, with some of his friends, out of his kingdom, and
travelled through the whole of it without the knowledge of
any one, making himself acquainted with the situations of the:
towns and the nature of the country. He next went into
Bithynia, and, as if he were already master of Asia, took note
of whatever might aid him in attempting the conquest of it.
He then returned into his country, when they had begun to
suppose that he was dead, and found an infant son born to
him, of whom his wife Laodice, who was also his sister, had
been delivered in his absence. But amidst the congratu-
lations that he received on his arrival, and on the birth of his
son, he was in danger of being poisoned; for his sister and
wife Laodice, believing him dead, had yielded herself to thé
embraces of his friends, and, as if she could conceal the crime,
of which she had been guilty, by a greater, prepared poison for
him on his return. Mithridates, however, having notice of her
intention from a female servant, avenged the plot upon. the
heads of its contrivers.

IV. ‘When winter came on, he did not spend his time in
feasts, but in the field, not in idleness, but in exercise, not
among companions in licentiousness, but contending among his
equals in age, either in riding, running, or trials of strength.
He inured his army also, by daily exercise, to endure fatigue
equally with himself; and thus, while he was himself uncon-

* Pontum occupavit.] How Pontus, of which he was already master ?
—Wetzel. But from the words bella Pontica, in xxxviii. 7, it may be
conjectured that he had to fight before he secured his throne.

+ Asia Minor.
252 JUSTIN. [B.XXXVIII. CH.

querable, he rendered his army unconquerable likewise. En-
tering then into an alliance with Nicomedes, he invaded
Paphlagonia, and divided it, after it was conquered, among his
allies. But when information reached the senate that it was
in possession of the two kings, they sent ambassadors to both,
desiring that ‘‘ the country should be restored to its former
condition.” Mithridates, thinking himself now a match for
the power of the Romans, haughtily replied, that “ the king-
dom had belonged to his father by inheritance, and that he
wondered that a dispute, which had never been raised against
his father, should be raised against himself ;” and, not at all
alarmed by threats, he seized also on Galatia. As for Nico-
medes, he replied that ‘as he could not maintain that he had
any right to the country, he would restore it to its legitimate
sovereign ;” and, altering his son’s name to Pylemenes, the
common name of the Paphlagonian kings, he assigned it to
him; and thus, as if he had restored the throne ta the royal
line, he continued to occupy the country on this frivolous pre-
text. The ambassadors, when they found themselves thus set
at nought, returned to Rome.

 

BOOK XXXVIII.

Mithridates takes possession of Cappadocia, I.—Disputes between him
and Nicomedes; the senate take from them Cappadocia and
Paphlagonia, II.—Mithridates forms an alliance. with Tigranes ;
invades Asia, and defeats the Romans and Nicomedes, HI.—
Speech of Mithridates to his army, IV. V. VI. VII—Cruelties
and excesses of Ptolemy Physcon; he is expelled from Egypt by
his subjects, VIII—Demetrius Nicator, king of Syria, made
prisoner by the Parthians, IX.—Antiochus Sidetes, brother of
Demetrius, falls in war against the Parthians ; Demetrius regains
his throne, X.

II. Mirurrpates having commenced his cruelties by killing
his wife, resolved also on removing the sons of his other sister
Laodice, (whose husband Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, he
had treacherously cut off by the agency of a certain Gordius,*)
thinking that nothing was gained by the death of the father,
if the young princes should possess themselves of his throne,
with a desire of which he himself was strongly inflamed. As

* He had been banished ; see below.
B.C. 117—88.] MITHRIDATES, 253

he was meditating on this scheme, Nicomedes, king of
Bithynia, proceeded to occupy Cappadocia, while it was left
defenceless by the death of its sovereign; and Mithridates,
on receiving intelligence of his movements, sent assistance
to his sister, on pretence of affection for her, to enable her to
drive Nicomedes out of Cappadocia. But Laodice had already
made a compact to marry Nicomedes; and Mithridates, being
indignant at this arrangement, expelled the garrisons of
Nicomedes from Cappadocia, and restored the throne to his
sister’s son; an act of the highest merit, had no treachery
followed it. But some months after, he pretended that he
wished to restore Gordius, whom he had used as his agent.
in the assassination of Ariarathes, to his country; hoping
that, if the young man opposed his recal, he should have a
pretext for war, or, that if he consented to it, the son might
be taken off by the same instrument by which he had procured
the death of the father, When the young Ariarthes under-
stood his intention, he expressed great indignation that the
murderer of his father should be recalled from ‘banishment,
especially by his uncle, and assembled a great army. Mithri-
dates, after bringing into the field eighty thousand foot, ten
thousand horse, and six hundred chariots armed with scythes,
(while Ariarathes, by the aid of the neighbouring princes, had no
less a force), fearing the uncertain event of a battle, turned his
thoughts to treachery, and, inviting the young prince to a
conference, and having, at the same time, a weapon concealed
in his lower garments, he said to the searcher, who was sent
by Ariarathes, after the manner of princes on such occasions,
to examine his person, and who was feeling very- carefully
about his groin, that ‘‘ he had better take care, lest he should
find another sort of weapon than he was seeking.” Having
thus covered his treachery with a joke, he killed his nephew,
(after drawing him aside from his friends as if to confer with
him secretly), in the sight of both armies, and bestowed the
kingdom of Cappadocia on his own son, a child eight years
old, giving him the name of Ariarathes, and appointing
Gordius his guardian. :

II. The Cappadocians, however, being harassed by the
cruelty and licentiousness of their rulers, revolted from
Mithridates, and sent for the brother of their king, who was
also called Ariarathes, from Asia where he was being educated,
254 JUSTIN. (B.XXXVIIL. CH,1I.

Upon this prince Mithridates again made war, defeated him,
and drove him from Cappadocia; and not long after the young
man died of a disease brought on by anxiety. After his death,
Nicomedes, fearing lest Mithridates, from having added Cappa-
docia to his dominions, should also seize upon Bithynia which
was near it, instructed a youth, of extraordinary beauty, to
apply for the throne of Bithynia from the ‘senate, as having
been his father’s, pretending that Ariarathes had not had two
sons only, but a third. He sent his wife Laodice, also, to
Rome, to testify that her husband had three children born to
him. Mithridates, when he heard of this contrivance, de-
spatched Gordius, with equal effrontery, to Rome, to assure
the senate that “the young prince, to whom he had assigned
the throne of Cappadocia, was the son of that Ariarathes who
had fallen in the war against Aristonicus when giving assistance
to the Romans.” But the senate, perceiving the ambitious
designs of the two kings, who were seizing the dominions of
others on false pretences, took away Cappadocia from Mithri-
dates, and, {to console him, Paphlagonia from Nicomedes ;
and that it might not prove an offence to the kings, that any
thing should; be taken from them and given to others, both
people were offered their liberty. But the Cappadocians
declined the favour, saying that “their nation could not
subsist without a king.” Ariobarzanes was in consequence
appointed their king by the senate.

III. The king of Armenia, at this time, was Tigranes, who
had long before been committed as a hostage to the Parthians,
but had subsequently been sent back to take possession of his
‘father’s throne. ‘This prince Mithridates was extremely
desirous to engage as an ally in the war, which he had long
meditated, against the Romans. By the agency of Gordius,
accordingly, he prevailed upon him to make war, having not
the least thought of offending the Romans by the act, on
Ariobarzanes, a prince of inactive disposition; and, that no
deceit might seem to be intended, gave him his daughter
Cleopatra in marriage. On the first approach of Tigranes,
Ariobarzanes packed up his baggage and went off to Rome.
Thus, through the instrumentality of Tigranes, Cappadocia
was destined to fall again under the power of Mithridates.
Nicomedes, too, dying at the same time, his son, who was also
named Nicomedes, was driven from his dominions by Mithyi-
B.c. 101.] MITHRIDATES. 255

dates, and, having gone as a suppliant to Rome, it was decreed
by the senate that ‘both the kings should be restored to their
thrones ;” and Aquilius and Manlius Maltinus* were com-
missioned to see the decree executed. On being informed of
this proceeding, Mithridates formed an alliance with Tigranes,
with a resolution at once to go to war with the Romans; and
they agreed. that the cities and territory that should be taken
from the enemy should be the share of Mithridates, and that
the prisoners, and all booty that could be carried off, should
belong to Tigranes. In the next place, well understanding
what a war he was provoking, he sent ambassadors to the
Cimbri, the Gallogrecians,t the Sarmatians, and the Bastar-
nians, to request aid; for all the time that he had been
meditating war with the Romans, he had, been gaining over all
these nations by acts of kindness and liberality.. He sent
also for an army from Scythia, and armed the whole eastern
world against the Romans. Accordingly, without much
difficulty, he defeated Aquilius and Maltinus, who had an
army wholly composed of Asiatic troops, and having put them
to flight, as well as Nicomedes, he was received with great
joy by the various cities, in which he found a great quantity of
gold and silver, and vast warlike stores, laid up by the care
of former princes. Taking possession of these, he remitted
the cities all sorts of debts, public and private, and granted
them an immunity from tribute{ for five years.

He then assembled his troops, and animated them, by
various exhortations, to pursue the war with the Romans, or
in Asia. His speech, on this occasion, I have thought of
such importance that I insert a copy of it in this brief work.
Trogus Pompeius has given it in the oblique form, as he finds
fault with Livy and Sallust for having exceeded the proper

* The commentators are divided respecting these names. Bongar-
sius and Vorstius, from Appian, and Livy, Epit. ixxvii. think that the
first name should be Manius Aquilivs. The Juntine edition hag
Aquilius Manlius et Manius Attilius ; Becharius and Major read
Aquilius Mallius et Mattinus. But conjecture is useless; the same
names are repeated, without any prenomina, in ¢. 4-of this book.
The name Malthinus occurs in Horace.

+ See xxv. 2, ; . ;

‘t Vacationem.] That this is the sense of vacatio, though tributorum
is not expressed, is generally agreed. For instances of similar im-
munity, Berneccerus refers to Tacit, Ann. ii. 56, and Liv. xlv. 18.
256 JUSTIN. [B. XXXVIIL CH.IV.

limits of history, by inserting direct * speeches in their works
only to display their own eloquence.

IV. “It were to be wished,” he said, “ that it were still in
his power to deliberate whether he should choose peace or war
with the Romans ; but that resistance should be offered against
aggressors, not even those doubted who were without hope
of victory; for all men draw the sword against robbers, if not
to save their lives, at least to take revenge. But since it was
not now a question, when they had come to hostilities (not
merely in intention but in the field of battle), they must con-
sider in what manner, and with what hopes, they could
continue the contest which they had commenced. That. he
felt certain of victory, if they had but courage ; and that the
Romans might be conquered, was known, not more to himself
than to his soldiers, who had routed both Aquilius in Bithynia
and Maltinus in Cappadocia. And if examples from other
nations would weigh more with them than their own ex-
perience, he had heard that the Romans had been overthrown
in three battles by Pyrrhus, when he had with him not more
than five thousand Macedonians; he had heard that Hannibal
continued victorious in Italy for sixteen years, and that it was
not the strength of the Romans, but the violence of his own
countrymen’s envy and jealousy, that prevented him from
taking the city of Rome itself; he had heard that the people
of Transalpine Gaul had invaded Italy, and founded many
great cities in it, and that the same Gauls had possessed
themselves of a larger territory there than in Asia, though
Asia was considered by no means a warlike country; he had
been informed that Rome was not only taken but conquered
by the Gauls, the top of one hill only being left in possession
of the inhabitants, and that the enemy was not made to retire
by the sword, but by gold. But that the power of the Gauls,
which had always so much alarmed the Romans, he himself
numbered among his own forces; for that these Gauls, who
inhabited Asia, differed only in situation from the Gauls who
had settled themselves in Italy; that they had the same ex-
traction, courage, and mode of fighting; and that, as to
sagacity; the Asiatic Gauls must have more than the others,
inasmuch as they had pursued a longer and more difficult

* Justin has given two examples of direct speeches, xiv. 4; xviii, 7.
— Weitzel.
B.c. 101.] MITHRIDATES, 257

march through Illyricum and Thrace, having traversed those
territories with almost more labour than it had cost them to
acquire those in which they settled. That he had heard that
Italy itself, since the time that Rome was built, had never
been fairly brought under subjection to her, but that con-
stautly, year after year, some of its people persisted in con-
tending for liberty, and others for a share in the government ;*
and that, by many states of Italy, armies of the Romans had
been cut off by the sword, and by others, with a new species
of insult, sent under the yoke?+ But that, not to dwell on
past instances, all Italy, at the present time, was in arms in
the Marsian war, demanding, not liberty, but a participation in
the government and the nights of citizenship. Nor was the
city more grievously harassed by war from its neighbours in
Italy, than by intestine broils among its leading men; and
that a civil war, indeed, was much more dangerous to it than
an Italian one. At the same time, too, the Cimbri from Ger-
many, many thousands of wild and savage people, had rushed
upon Italy like a tempest ; and that in wars with such enemies,
though the Romans might be able to resist them singly, yet
by them all they must be overpowered ; so that he thought
they would even be too much occupied to make head against
his attack.

V. “That they ought therefore to take advantage of the
present circumstances, and seize the opportunity of increasing
thejr power, lest, if they remained inactive while the Romans
were occupied, they should hereafter find greater difficulty in
contending with them, when they were quiet and unmolested.
For it was not a question whether they should take up
arms or not, but whether they should do so at a time favourable
to themselves or to their enemies. That war, indeed, had
been commenced against him by the Romans, when they took
from him, in his minority, the Greater Phrygia, a country
which they had granted to his father as a recompence for the
succours which he had afforded them in the war against Ari-
stonicus, and which Seleucus Callinicus had given to his great-
grandfather Mithridates, as a dowry with his daughter. When

* Wetzel has pro jure imperii in his text, but seems to prefer, in his
note on the passage, J. F. Gronovius’s reading, pro vice imperti, which
is found in some MSS. ;

+ By the Samnites ; Liv. ix, 5; Vell. Pat. i. 14,

s
258 JUSTIN. [B.XXXVIIL. CH.IV.

they required him to quit Paphlagonia, ‘too, was not that
a renewal of hostility, a possession which had fallen to his
father, not by conquest’or force of arms, but by adoption in a
will,* and as an inheritance on the death of its own sovereigns °
That, under the severity of such decrees, he had not been able
to soften them by compliance, or to prevent them from assum-
‘ing harsher measures towards him every day. For in what
particular had he not submitted to their requisition? Had
not Phrygia and Paphlagotia been given up? Had not his
son been removed from Cappadocia, which he had: gained, as a
conqueror, by the common law of nations? Yet his conquest
had been forced from him by those who had nothing them-
selves but what they had got in war. Was not Christos,t king
of Bithynia, on whom the senate had decreed that war should
be made, killed by him for their gratification? Yet that
whatever Gordius or Tigranes did, was imputed to him; that
liberty was readily granted by the senate to Cappadocia
(liberty of which they deprived other nations), on purpose to
affront him ; and that when the people of Cappadocia, instead
of the liberty offered them, begged to have Gordius for their
king, they did not obtain their request merely because, Gordius
was his friend. That Nicomedes had made war upon him hy
their direction; that when he was going to avenge himself, he
was obstructed by them; and that their pretence for making
war on him at present would be, that he had not given up his
dominions to Nicomedes, the son of a public dancer, to be
ravaged with impunity.

VI. “ That it was not the offences of kings, but their
power and majesty, for which they attacked them; and that
they had not acted thus against himself alone, but against all
other princes at all times. That they had treated his grand-
father Pharnaces in the same manner, who, by the arbitration
of his relatives, was made successor to Eumenes king of Per-
gamus ; that Eumenes himself, again, in whose fleet they had
for the first time beén transported into Asia, and by whose

* All the editions have adoptione testamenti, et regum domesticorum
interitu. Scheffer asks, “What is adoptione testamenti? Perhaps,” he
adds, “adoption made per testamentum. But no one has explained this

. form of adoption; and if it were explained, whence does it appear that
any adoption was made in this case per testamentum ?” He concludes

by proposing to read adoptione, testamento, &c.
+ This Christos is nowhere else mentioned.
Bc. 101.] MITHRIDATES. 269

army, rather than their own, they had subdued both Antiochus
the Great and the Gauls in Asia, and soon after king Perses
in Macedonia, had been treated by them as an enemy, and had
been forbidden to come into Italy, though they made war,
which they thought it would be disgraceful to make upon him:
self, upon his son Aristonicus.* No king’s .services were
thought more important by them than those of Masinissa,
king of Numidia; to him it was ascribed that Hannibal was
conquered ; to him, that Syphax was made prisoner; to him,
that Carthage was destroyed; he was ranked with the two
Africani, as a third saviour of the city; yet a war had lately
been carried on with his grandson in Africa, so implacably,
that they would not save the vanquished prince, for the sake
of his grandfather's memory, from being cast into gaol, and led
in triumph as a public spectacle. That they had made it a
law to themselves to hate all kings, because they themselves
had had such kings at whose names they might well blush,
being either shepherds of the Aborigines, or soothsayers. of the
Sabines, or exiles from the Corinthians, or servants and slaves
of the Tuscans, or, what was the most honourable name
amongst them, the proud ; and as their founders, according to
their report, were suckled by the teats of a wolf, so the whole
race had the disposition of wolves, being insatiable of blood
and tyranny, and eager and hungry after riches.t

VII. “ But as for himself, if he were compared ‘with them
as to respectability of descent, he was of more honourable
origin than that mixed mass of settlers, counting his ancestors,
on his father’s side, from Cyrus and Darius, the founders of
the Persian empire, and those on his mother’s side from
‘Alexander the Great and Seleucus Nicator, who established
the Macedonian empire; or, if their people were compared
with his own, he was at the head of nations, {+ which were not
merely a match for the power of Rome, but had withstood
even that of Macedonia. That none of the people under his
command had ever endured a foreign yoke, or obeyed any
rulers but their own native princes; for whether they looked
on Cappadocia or Paphlagonia, Pontus or Bithynia, or the

* See xxxvi. 4. ;

+ Divitiarumque avidos ac jejunos.] A confusion of man and wolf.

. + Earwm se gentiwm esse.) Faber observes that regem is wanting in
the text, and must be supplied. ;
260 JUSTIN, (B. XXXVI. CH. VIT.

Greater and Lesser Armenia, they would find that neither
Alexander, who subdued all Asia,* nor any of his successors
or posterity, had meddled with any one of those nations. That
as to Scythia, only two kings before him, Darius and Philip,
had ventured, not indeed to reduce it, but merely to enter it,
and had with difficulty secured a retreat from it; yet that
from that country he had procured a great part of his force to
oppose the Romans, That he had entered on the Pontic
wars t with much more timidity and diffidence, as he was then
young and inexperienced. That the Scythians, in addition to
their arms and courage, were defended by deserts and cold, by
which was shown the great labour and danger of making war
there, while, amidst such hardships, there was not even hope
of spoil from a wandering enemy, destitute, not only of money,
but of settled habitations. But that he was now entering upon
a different sort of war; for there was no climate more tem-
perate than that of Asia, nor any country more fertile or more
attractive from the number of its cities; and that they would
spend a great part of their time, not as in military service, but
as at a festival, in a war of which it was hard to say whether
it would be more easy or more gainful, as they themselves
might feel assured, if they had but heard of the late riches of
the kingdom of Attalus, or the ancient opulence of Lydia and
Ionia, which they were not going to acquire by conquest, but
to take possession of; while Asia so eagerly expected him,+
that it even invited him in words, so much had the rapacity
of the proconsuls, the sales of the tax-gatherers, and the dis-
graceful mode of conducting law-suits, possessed the people
with a hatred of the Romans. That they had only to follow
him bravely, and learn what so great an army might do under
his conduct, whom they had seen seizing Cappadocia, after
killing its king, not with the aid of any troops, ‘but by his own
personal effort, and who alone, of all mankind, had subdued
all Pontus and Scythia, which no one before him could safely
penetrate or approach. As to his justice and generosity, he
was willing to take the soldiers themselves, who had expe-

* That is, all Greater Asia; all the eastern part of Asia.
* + Bella Pontica.] See xxxvii. 3.

¢ Fantumque se avida expectet Asia, &c.] Faber reads tamque se, &c.,
but even then, as Vorstius observes, the words do not suit the oratto
-obliqua, which requires avidam expectare Asiam, &c. .
B.C. 145—118.] PTOLEMY PHYSCON. 261

rienced them, as witnesses to what they were; and he had
those proofs to bring of the latter, that he alone, of all kings,
possessed not only his father’s dominions, but foreign king-
doms, acquired by inheritance through his liberality, namely,
Colchis, Paphlagonia, and the Bosporus.”

VIII. Having thus encouraged his troops, he entered upon
the war with the Romans,* twenty-three years after his acces-
sion to the throne. _ :

In Egypt, meanwhile, on the death of Ptolemy,t the throne,
with the queen Cleopatra his sister in marriage, was offered by
an embassy to the Ptolemy who was reigning at Cyrene.
Ptolemy, rejoiced at having recovered his brother's throne with:
out a struggle (for which he knew that his brother's son was
intended, both by his mother Cleopatra and the inclination of
the nobles), but being incensed at all that had opposed his
interests, ordered, as soon as he entered Alexandria, the
partisans of the young prince to be put to death. He also
killed the youth himself on the day of his nuptials (when he
took his mother to wife), amidst the splendour of feasts, the
ceremonies of religion, and in the very embraces of his parent,
and thus went to the couch of his sister stained with the blood
of her child. Nor was he afterwards more merciful to those
of his subjects who had invited him to the throne, for license
to use the sword being given to the foreign soldiers, all places
daily ran with blood. He divorced his sister, too, offering
violence to her daughter, a young maiden, and then taking
her in marriage. The people, terrified at these prdceedings,
fled to other countries, and became exiles from their native
soil through fear of death. Ptolemy, in consequence, being
left alone with his soldiers in so large a city, and finding
himself a king, not of men, but of empty houses, invited, by a
proclamation, foreigners to become residents in it. While
people were flocking thither, he went out to meet some
Roman commissioners, Scipio Africanus, Spurius Mummius,
and Lucius Metellus, who had come to inspect the dominions of
their allies. But he appeared as ridiculous to the Romans as

* Romana bella.) Of which Justin gives no regular account. He
touches on the subject, xxxvii. 1, and xxviii. 8; but what he relates
of Aquilius and Maltinus in the latter passage occurred twenty-three
years after Mithridates commenced the war.

+ Philometor. See xxxiv. 2.
t Physcon. See xxxiv. 2.
262 JUSTIN. (B.XXXVIII. CH.1X.

he was cruel to his own subjects ; for he was disagreeable in
countenance, short in stature, and, from his obesity, more like
a beast than aman. ‘This deformity the extraordinary thin-
ness of his apparel, which was even transparent, made more
remarkable, just as if that was affectedly obtruded on the sight
which by a modest man would have been most carefully con-
cealed. After the departure of the commissioners, (of whom
Africanus, as he surveyed the city, was an object of interest
to the Alexandrians), finding that he had become hateful even
to the foreigners whom he had invited, he withdrew secretly,
for fear of plots against his life, into voluntary exile, accom-
panied by a son that he had by his sister, and by his wife, her
mother’s rival, and, having collected an army'of mercenaries,
made war at once upon his sister and his country. He
next sent for his eldest son from Cyrene, and put him
to death, when the people began to pull down his statues
and images, and he, imagining that this was done to please
his ‘sister, killed the son that he had by her, and contrived
to have the body, divided into portions and arranged in a chest,
presented to the mother at a feast on his birth-day. This
deed occasioned grief and sorrow, not only to the queen, but
also to the whole city, and threw such a gloom over a banquet
intended to be most joyous, that the whole palace was suddenly
filled with mourning. The attention of the nobility, in
consequence, being turned from feasting to a funeral, they
exhibited the mangled limbs to the people, and let them see, by
. the murder of his son, what they were to expect from their king.
' IX, Cleopatra, when the mourning for the loss of her son
was over, finding herself pressed by war on the part of her
brother, sent ambassadors to request aid from Demetrius king of
Syria, a prince whose changes of fortune had been numerous and
remarkable. After making war, as has been said above,* upon
the Parthians, and gaining the victory in several battles, he
was suddenly surprised by an ambuscade, and, having lost his
army, was taken prisoner. Arsacides,t king of the Parthiens,
having sent him into Hyrcania, not only paid him, with royal
magnanimity, the respect due to a prince, but gave him his
daughter also in marriage, and promised to recover for him
the throne of Syria, which Trypho had usurped in his absence.
After the death of this king, Demetrius, despairing of being

* xxxvi. 1,
B.C. 188-—129.] CAPTIVITY OF DEMETRIUS. 263

allowed to return, being unable to endure captivity, and
weary of a private, though splendid, life, ‘secretly planned a
mode of escaping to his own country. His counsellor and
companion in the scheme was his friend Callimander, who,
after Demetrius was taken prisoner, had come in a Parthian
dress from Syria, with some guides that he had hired,
through thedeserts of Arabia to Babylon. But Phraates, who
had sueceeded Arsacides, brought him back, for he was over-
taken in his flight by the speed of a party of horse sent after
him by a shorter road. When he was brought to the king,
not only pardon, but a testimony of esteem for his fidelity,
was given to Callimander, but as for Demetrius, he sent him
back, after having severely reproached him, into Hyrcania to
his wife, and directed that he should be kept in stricter con-
finement than before. Some time after, when children that
were born to him had caused him to be more trusted,* he
again attempted flight, with the same friend as his attendant,
but was overtaken, with equal ill-fortune, near the borders of
his dominions, and being again brought to the king, was
ordered out of his sight, ‘as a person whom he could not
endure to see. But being then also spared, for the sake of
his wife and children, he was remanded into Hyrcania, the
country of his punishment, and presented with golden dice,
as a reproach for his childish ‘levity. But it was not com-
passion, or respect for ties of blood, that was the cause of this
extraordinary clemency + of the Parthians toward Demetrius ;
the reason was, that they had some designs on the kingdom
of Syria, and intended to make use of Demetrius against his
brother Antiochus, as circumstances, the course of time, or
the fortune of war, might require.

X. Antiochus, having heard of their designs, and thinking
it proper to be first in the field, led forth an army, which he
had inured to service by many wars} with his neighbours,
against the Parthians. But his preparations for luxury were
not less than those for war, for three hundred thousand§ camp

* Because Phraates thought that such a tie was likely to attach
Demetrius to Hyrcania.—Lematre.

+ Wetzel’s text, and, I believe, all others, have mitem clementiam,
but as mitem is a useless epithet, I have followed Scheffer’s conjecture,
miram clementiam,

t See xxxvi. 1.

§ Trecenta millia.] Triginta millia, which appears in the Ven. Ald,
and Col. editions, is a more probable number.— Wetzel.
264 JUSTIN, [B.XXXVIII. CH.X.

followers, of whom the greater number were cooks, bakers,
and stage-players, attended on eighty thousand armed men.
Of silver and gold, it is certain, there was such an abundance,
that the common soldiers fastened their buskins with gold,
and trod upon the metal for the love of which nations contend
with the sword. Their cooking instruments, too, were of
silver, as if they were going to a banquet, not to a field of
battle. Many kings of the east met Antiochus on his march,
offering him themselves and their kingdoms, and expressing
the greatest detestation of Parthian pride. Nor’ was there
any delay in coming to an engagement. Antiochus, being
victorious in three battles, and having got possession of Babylon,
began to be thought a great man. All the neighbouring
people, in consequence, joining him, nothing was left to the
Parthians but their own country. It was then that Phraates
sent Demetrius into Syria, with a body of Parthians, to seize
the throne, so that Antiochus might be recalled fron Parthia
tosecure his own dominions. In the meantime, since he could
not overthrow Antiochus by open force, he made attempts
upon him everywhere by stratagem. On account of the
number of his forces,*Antiochus had distributed his army, in
winter quarters, through several cities; and this dispersion
was the cause of his ruin; for the cities, finding themselves
harassed by having to furnish supplies, and by the depredations .
of the soldiers, revolted to the Parthians, and, on an appointed
day, conspired to fall upon the army divided among them,
so that the several divisions might not be able to assist each
other. News of the attack being brought to Antiochus, he
hastened with that body of troops which he had in winter-
quarters with him, to succour the others that lay nearest. On
his way he was met by the king of the Parthians, with whom
he himself fought more bravely than his troops; but at last,
as the enemy had the superiority in valour, he was deserted,
through fear on the part of his men, and killed. Phraates had
funeral rites performed for him as a king, and married the
daughter of Demetrius, whom Antiochus had brought with him,
and of whom he had become enamoured. He then began to
regret having sent away Demetrius, and hastily despatched
some troops of horse to fetch him back; but they found that
prince, who had been in fear of pursuit, already seated on his
throne, and, after doing all they could to no purpose, returned
to their king. :
265

BOOK XXXIX.

Demetrius dethroned by a pretender named Zabinas; his death; state
of his family, I—Zabinas killed by Antiochus Grypus; a new
pretender, Antiochus of Cyzicus, I.—Death of Ptolemy Physcon;
state of Egypt and Syria; Antiochus of Cyzicus dethrones his
brother Grypus, III.—Cleopatra drives Ptolemy Lathyrus from
‘Egypt, and places on the throne Ptolemy Alexander, by whom
she is killed, IV.—Ptolemy Alexander driven from Egypt;
Lathyrus recalled; Ptolemy Apion, king of Cyrene, bequeaths
his dominions to the Romans; desolation of Egypt and Syria, V.

T. Arter Antiochus and his army were cut off in Persia, his
brother Demetrius, being delivered from confinement* among
the Parthians, and restored to his throne, resolved, while all
Syria was mourning for the loss of the army, to make war upon
Egypt, (just as if his and his brother's wars with the Parthians,
in which one was taken prisoner and the other killed, had had
a fortunate termination), Cleopatra his mother-in-law promis-
ing him the kingdom of Egypt, as a recompence for the
assistance that he should afford her against her brother. But,
as is often the case, while he was grasping at what belonged to
others, he lost his own by a rebellion in Syria; for the people
of Antioch, in the first place, under the leadership of ‘Trypho,
and from detestation of the pride of their king (which, from
his intercourse with the unfeeling Parthians, had become in-
tolerable), and afterwards the Apamenianst and other people,
following their example, revolted from Demetrius in his absence.
Ptolemy, king of Egypt, too, who was threatened with a war
by him, having learned that his sister Cleopatra had put much
of the wealth of Egypt on ship-board, and fled into Syria to
her daughter and son-in-law Demetrius, sent an Egyptian
youth,t the son of a merchant named Protarchus, to claim the
throne of Syria by force of arms, having forged a story, that
he had been admitted into the family of King Antiochus by

* Obdsidione.] Obsidto for captivitas— Vorstius. An odd word. But
the sense is evident. See xxxvi. 1; xxxviii. 10.

+ Apamene was a district of Syria, in which stood the city of
Apamia. ,

+ Ptolemy spread a report that this youth, to whom he gave the
name of Alexander, and who is called Zebennas by Josephus, xiii. 17,
and Zabinas by Diod. Sic. xxxiv. fragm. 20, 22, was the son of the
Antiochus killed by the Parthians, xxxviii. 8, or rather of Alexander
Bala. See xxxv. 1, 2.— Wetzel.
266 JUSTIN. [B.XXXIX. CH.II.

adoption, and the Syrians, at the same time, refusing no man
for their king, if they might but be freed from the insolence of
Demetrius. The name of Alexander was given to the youth,
and great succours were sent him from Egypt. Meanwhile
the body of Antiochus, who had been killed by the king of the
Parthians, arrived in Syria, being sent back in a silver coffin
for burial, and was received with great respect by the different
cities, as well as by the new king, Alexander, in order to se-
cure credit to the fiction, This show of affection procured him
extraordinary regard from the people, every one supposing his
tears not counterfeit but real. Demetrius, being defeated by
Alexander, and overwhelmed by misfortunes surrounding him
on every side, was at last forsaken even by his wife and child-
ren. Being left, accordingly, with only a few slaves, and
setting sail for Tyre, to shelter himself in the sanctuary of a
temple there, he was killed, as he was leaving the ship, by
order of the governor of the city. One of his sons, Seleucus,
for having assumed the diadem without his mother’s consent,
was put: to death by her; the other, who, from the size of his
nose was named Grypus,* was made king by his mother, so
far at least that the regal name should belong to him, while all
the power of sovereignty was to remain with herself.

IT. But Alexander, having secured the throne of Syria, and
being puffed up with success, began, with insolent haughti-
ness, to show disrespect even to Ptolemy himself, by whom he
had been artfully advanced to royal dignity. Ptolemy, in
consequence, effecting a reconciliation with his sister, pre-
pared, with his utmost efforts, to overthrow that power, which,
from hatred to Demetrius, he had procured for Alexander by
supplying him with troops. He therefore sent a large foree
to the aid of Grypus, and his daughter Tryphena to marry
him, that -he might induce the people to support his nephew,
not only by sharing in the war with him, but by contracting
with him this affinity. Nor were his endeavours without
effect; for when the people saw Grypus upheld by the
strength of Egypt, they began by degrees to fall away from
Alexander. A battle then took place between the kings, in
which Alexander was defeated, and fled to Antioch. Here,

* Propter nasi magnitudinem cognomen Grypo fuit.] But the adjective
youmée, as Faber observes, means hooked, aquiline; and he therefore
proposes to read propter nasi altitudinem, &c,
Bc. 118.] DEATH OF PTOLEMY PHYSCON. 267

being without money, and pay being wanted for his soldiers,
he ordered a statue of Victory of solid gold, which was in the
temple of Jupiter, to be removed, palliating the sacrilege
with jests, and saying that ‘‘Victory was lent him by Jupiter.”
Some days after, having ordered a golden statue of Jupiter
himself, of great weight, to be taken away secretly, and being
caught in the sacrilegious act, he was forced to flee by a rising
of the people, and being overtaken by a violent storm, and
deserted by his men, he fell into the hands of robbers, and
being brought before Grypus, was put to death.

Grypus, having thus recovered his father’s throne, and being
freed from foreign perils, found his life endangered by a plot
of his own mother ; who, after betraying, from desire of power,
her husband Demetrius, and putting to death her other son,
was discontented at her dignity being eclipsed by the victory
of Grypus, and presented him with a cup of poison as he was
returning home from taking exercise. But Grypus, having
received notice of her treacherous intention, desired her (as if
to show as much respect for his mother as she showed for him)
to drink herself first, and, when she refused, pressed her
earnestly, and at last, producing his informant, charged her
with the fact, telling her, ‘‘ that the only way left to clear herself
from guilt, was, that she should drink what she had offered to
her son.” The queen, being thus disconcerted, and her
wickedness turned upon herself, was killed with the poison
which she had prepared for another. Grypus, accordingly,
having securely established his throne, had peace himself, and
secured it for his people, for eight years. At the end of that
time a rival for the throne arose, named Cyzicenus, a brother
of his own by the same mother, and son of his uncle Antiochus.
Grypus having tried to take him off by poison, provoked him
the sooner to contend for the throne with him by force of
arms.

III. During these unnatural contentions in the kingdom of
Syria, Ptolemy,* king of Egypt, died, leaving the kingdom of
Egypt to his wife, and one of her two sons, whichsoever she
herself should choose ; as if the condition of Egypt would be
more quiet than that of Syria had been, when the mother, by
electing one of her sons, would make the other her enemy.
Though she was more inclined to fix on the younger of her

* Ptolemy Physcon. See xxxviii. 8.

tile
268 JUSTIN. [B. XXXIX. CH. I.

sons, the people obliged her to nominate the elder, from
whom, however, before she gave him the throne, she took away
his wife, compelling him to divorce his sister Cleopatra, whom he
very much loved, and requiring him to marry his younger
sister Selene ; a determination as to her daughters not at all
becoming a mother, as she took a husband from one, and gave
him to the other. But Cleopatra being not so much divorced
by her husband, as torn from her. husband by her mother,
married Cyzicenus in Syria, and that she might not bring him
the mere name of a wife, carried over to him, as a dowry, the
army of Grypus, which she had induced to desert. Cyzicenus,
thinking himself thus a match for the power of his brother,
gave him battle, but was defeated and put to flight, and
sought refuge in Antioch. Grypus then proceeded to be-
siege Antioch, in which Cleopatra, the wife of Cyzicenus, was;
and, when he had taken it, Tryphena, the wife of Grypus,
desired that nothing should be searched for before his sister
Cleopatra, not that she might relieve her in her captivity,
but that she might not escape the sufferings of captivity ;
since she had invaded the kingdom chiefly from envy towards
her, and by marrying the enemy of her sister had made her-
self her enemy.* She also charged her with bringing a foreign
army to decide the disputes between the brothers, and with
having married out of Egypt, when she was divorced from her
brother, contrary to the will of her mother. Grypus, on the
other hand, besought her, that ‘‘he might not be driven to
commit so heinous a crime;” saying, that “ by none of his
forefathers, in the course of so many civil and foreign wars,
had cruelties after victory been inflicted upon women, whom
their sex itself protected from the perils of war and from ill-
treatment on the part of the conquerors; and that in her
case, besides the common practice of people at war, there
was added the closest tie of blood, for she was the full
sister of her who would treat her so cruelly, his own cousin,
and aunt to their children.”’ In addition to these obligations
of relationship, he mentioned also the superstitious regard paid
to the temple in which she had taken refuge, observing that
‘the gods were so much the more religiously to be revered by
him, as he had been the better enabled to conquer by their

* Cleopatra, by marrying Cyzicenus the enemy of Tryphna,
became herself Tryphzna’s enemy.
B.C, 110—84.] ANTIOCHUS OYZICENUS, - 269

favour and protection ; and that neither by killing her would
he diminish the strength of Cyzicenus, nor increase it by re-
storing her to him.” But the more Grypus held back, the
more was Tryphena excited with a womanish pertinacity,
fancying that her husband's observations proceeded not from
pity but from love. Summoning some soldiers herself, there-
fore, she despatched a party to kill her sister. They, going
into the temple, and not being able to drag her away, cut off
her hands while she was embracing the statue of the goddess.
Soon after Cleopatra expired, uttering imprecations on her
unnatural murderers, and commending the avenging of her
fate to the outraged deities. And not long after, another
battle being fought, Cyzicenus, being victorious, took Try-
phena, the wife of Grypus, who had just before killed her
sister, prisoner, and by putting her to death made atonement
to the manes of his wife.

IV. In Egypt, Cleopatra, being dissatisfied at having her
son Ptolemy to share her throne, excited the people against
him, and taking from him his wife Selene (the more ignomini-
ously, as he had now two children by her), obliged him to go
into exile, sending, at the same time, for her younger son
Alexander, and making him king in his brother's room. Nor
was she content with driving her son from the throne; but
pursued him with her arms while he was living in exile in
Cyprus. After forcing him from thence, she put to death the
general of her troops, because he had let him escape from his
hands alive ; though Ptolemy, indeed, had left the island from
being ashamed to maintain a war against his mother, and not
as being inferior to her in forces.

Alexander, alarmed at such cruelty on the part of his
mother, deserted her also himself, preferring a life of quiet
and security to royal dignity surrounded with danger; while
Cleopatra, fearing lest her elder son Ptolemy should be
assisted by Cyzicenus to re-establish himself in Egypt, sent
powerful succours to Grypus, and with them Selene, Ptolemy’s
wife, to marry the enemy of her former husband. To her son
Alexander she sent messengers to recall him to his country ;
but while, by secret treachery, she was plotting his destruction,
she was anticipated by him and put to death, perishing, not
by the course of nature, but by the hand of her son, and
having, indeed, well deserved so infamous an end, since sha
270 JUSTIN. [B.XXXIX. OH.V.

had driven her mother* from the bed of her father, had made
her two daughterst widows by alternate marriages with their
brothers, had made war upon one of her sons after sending him
into exile,t and plotted against the life of the other § after
depriving him of his throne.

V. Neither did so unnatural a murder, on the part of
Alexander, go unpunished ; for as soon as it was known that
the mother had been killed by the wickedness of her son, he
was driven, by an insurrection of the people, into banishment,
‘and the crown was restored to Ptolemy, who was recalled,
‘because he had refused to make war against his mother, and
to take from his brother by force of arms what he himself had
previously possessed. During the course of these proceedings,
his natural brother,|| to whom his father had left the kingdom
of Cyrene by will, died, appointing the Roman people his
heir; for the fortune of Rome, not content with the limits of
Italy, had now begun to extend itself to the kingdoms of the
east. Thus that part of Africa became a province of the
Roman empire ; and soon afterwards Crete and Cilicia, being
subdued in the war against the pirates, were likewise made
provinces. In consequence, the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt,
which had been accustomed to aggrandize themselves by wars
with their neighbours, being ow confined by the vicinity of
the Romans, and deprived of all opportunity of extending their
frontiers, employed their strength to the injury of one another,
so that, being exhausted by continual battles, they fell into
contempt with their neighbours, and became a prey to the
people of Arabia, a nation previously regarded as unwarlike.
Their king Erotimus, relying on his seven hundred sons,
whom he had had by his concubines, and dividing his forces,
infested at one time Egypt, and another Syria, and procured
a great name for the Arabians, by exhausting the strength
of their neighbours.

* Her mother Cleopatra. See xxxviii. 8, swpra med.

+ Cleopatra and Selene. See c. 3, init. and the beginning of this
chapter.

+ As is told in this chapter.

§ As is told in this chapter.

|| Apion, the son of Ptolemy Philometor, or, as Justin will have it,
of Physcon.— Wetzel.
a71

“BOOK XL.

The Syrians choose Tigranes, king of Armenia, to be their king, L—
A great earthquake in Syria; Syria made a Roman province, II.

I. Arrer the kings and kingdom of Syria had been exhaust-
ed by unintermitting wars, occasioned by the mutual animosi-
ties of brothers, and ‘by sons succeeding to the quarrels of their
fathers, the people began to look for relief from foreign parts,
and to think of choosing a king from among the sovereigns of
other nations. Some therefore advised that they should ‘take
Mithridates of Pontus, others Ptolemy of Egypt, but it being
considered that Mithridates was engaged in war with the
Romans, and that Ptolemy had always been an enemy to Syria,
the thoughts of all were directed to Tigranes king of Armenia,
who, in addition to the strength of his own kingdom, was
supported by an alliance with Parthia, and by a matrimonial
connection with Mithridates. Tigranes, accordingly, being
invited to the throne of Syria, enjoyed a most tranquil reign
ever it for eighteen years, without having occasion to go to war
either to attack others or to defend himself.

II. But Syria, though unmolested by enemies, was laid
waste by an earthquake, in which a hutdred and seventy thou-
sand people, and several cities, were destroyed ; a portent which
the soothsayers declared “to presage a change in things.”

After Tigranes was conquered by Lucullus, Antiochus, the
son of Cyzicenus, was made king of Syria by his authority.
But what Lucullus gave, Pompey soon after took away; telling
him, when he made application for the crown, that ‘he wouldnot
give Syria, even if willing to accept him, and much less if
unwilling, a king, who for eighteen years, during which Tigra-
-nes had governed Syria, had lain hid in a corner of Cilicia,
and now, when. Tigranes was conquered by the Romans, asked
for the reward of other men’s labours. Accordingly, as he had
not taken the throne from Tigranes while he held it, so he
would not give Antiochus what he himself had yielded to
Tigranes, and what he would not know how to defend, lest

-he should again expose Syria to the depredations of the Jews
and Arabians.” He in consequence reduced Syria to the con-
dition of a province, and the whole east, through the dissensions
of kings of the same blood, fell by degrees under the power
of the Romans.
R72

BOOK XLI.

Origin and growth of the power of the Parthians, —Their manners,
mode of fighting, and religion, II, IIl.—Their history to the
death of Alexander the Great, IV.—Nature of their country ;
reign of Arsaces; his successors, V.—State of the Bactrians under
Eucratides; victories of the Parthians, VI.

I. Tue Parthians, in whose hands the empire of the east
now is, having divided the world, as it were, with the Romans,
were originally exiles from Scythia. This is apparent from
their very name; for in the Scythian language exiles are
called Parthi. During the time of the Assyrians and Medes,
they were the most obscure of all the people of the east.
Subsequently, too, when the empire of the east was transferred
from the Medes to the Persians, they were but as a herd
without a name, and fell under the power of the stronger. At
last they became subject to the Macedonians, when they
conquered the east; so that it must seem wonderful to every
one, that they should have reached such a height of good
fortune as to rule over those nations under whose sway they
had been merely slaves. Being assailed by the Romans, also,
in three wars, under the conduct of the greatest generals, and
at the most flourishing period of the republic, they alone, of
all nations, were not only a match for them, but came off
victorious ; though it may have been a greater glory to them,
indeed, to have been able to rise amidst the Assyrian, Median,
and Persian empires, so celebrated of old, and the most
powerful dominion of Bactria, peopled with a thousand cities,
than to have been victorious in war against a people that
came from a distance ; especially when they were continually
harassed by severe wars with the Scythians and other neigh-
bouring nations, and pressed with various other formidable
contests.

The Parthians, being forced to quit Scythia by discord at
home, gradually settled in the deserts betwixt Hyrcania, the
Dahe, the Arei, the Sparni* and Marsiani. They then
advanced their borders, though their neighbours, who at first
made no opposition, at length endeavoured to prevent them,

* Wetzel has Spartanos in his text, but observes in his note, that

the right reading is unquestionably Sparnos, the Sparni being men-
tioned by Strabo in conjunction with the Dahe.
THE PARTHIANS. ‘273

to such an extent, that they not only got possession of the
vast level plains, but also of steep hills, and heights of the
mountains ; and hence it is that an excess of heat or cold
prevails in most parts of the Parthian territories; since the
snow is troublesome on the higher grounds, and the heat in
the plains.

II. The government of the nation, after their revolt from
the Macedonian power, was in the hands of kings. Next to
the royal authority is the order of the people,* from which
they take generals in war and magistrates in peace. Their
language is something between those of the Scythians and
Medes, being a compound of both. Their dress was formerly
of a fashion peculiar to themselves; afterwards, when their
power had increased, it was like that of the Medes, light and
full flowing. The fashion of their arms is that of their own
country and of Scythia.t They have an army, not like other
nations, of free men, but chiefly consisting of slaves, the
numbers of whom daily increase, the power of manumission
being allowed to none, and all their offspring, in consequence,
being born slaves. These bondmen they bring up as carefully
as their own children, and teach them, with great pains, the
arts of riding and shooting with the bow. As any one is
eminent in wealth, so he furnishes the king with a propor-
tionate number of horsemen for war. Indeed when fifty
thousand cavalry encountered Antony, as he was making war
upon Parthia, only four hundred of them were free men.

Of engaging with the enemy in close fight, and of taking
cities by siege, they know nothing. They fight on horseback,
either galloping forward or turning their backs. Often, too,
they counterfeit flight, that they may throw their pursuers off
their guard against bemg wounded by their arrows. The
signal for battle among them is given, not by trumpet, but
by drum. Nor are they able to fight long; but they would be
irresistible, if their vigour and perseverance were equal to the
fury of their onset. In general they retire before the enemy
in the very heat of the engagement, and, soon after their

* Populorwm.] This word is undoubtedly corrrupt. J. F Gronovius
would alter it to optimatum. Procerum would perhaps be better.
+ Patrius et Scythicus mos.| He seems fo mean that their arms were
partly of their own contrivance, and partly adopted from the Soy-
‘thians. ;
Tv
az4 JUSTIN. [B.XLI. CH.IV.

retreat, return to the battle afresh ; so that, when you feel most
certain that you have conquered them, you have still to meet
the greatest danger from them. Their armour, and that of
their horses, is formed of plates, lapping over one another like
the feathers of a bird, and covers both man and horse entirely.*
Of gold and silver, except for adorning their arms, they make
no use.

III. Each man has several wives, for the sake of gratifying
desire with different objects. They punish no crime more
severely than adultery, and accordingly they not only exclude
their women from entertainments, but forbid them the very
sight of men. ‘They eat no flesh but that which they take in
hunting. They ride on horseback on all occasions ; on horses
they go to war, and to feasts; on horses they discharge public
and private duties; on horses they go abroad, meet together,
traffic, and converse. Indeed the difference between slaves
and freemen is, that slaves go on foot, but freemen only on
horseback. Their general mode of sepulture is dilaniation by
birds or dogs; the bare bones they at last bury in the ground.t
In their superstitions and worship of the gods, the principal
veneration is paid to rivers. The disposition of the people
is proud, quarrelsome, faithless, and insolent; for a certain
roughness of behaviour they think becoming to men, and
gentleness only to women. They are always restless, and
ready for any commotion, at home or abroad; taciturn by
nature;’ more ready to act than speak, and consequently
shrouding both their successes and miscarriages in silence.
They obey their princes, not from humility, but from fear.
They are libidinous, but frugal in diet. To their word or
promise they have no regard, except as far as suits their
interest.

IV. After the death of Alexander the Great, when the
kingdoms of the east were divided among his successors, the
government of Parthia was committed to Stasanor, a foreign

Credas simulacra moveri
Ferrea, cognatoque viros spirare metallo ;
Par vestitus equis—Claudian, In Ruf. ii. 359.

+ I think that this custom is erroneously attributed to the Par-
thians by Justin, being rather that of the Hyrcanians. Herodotus
also, as I am aware, attributes it to the Persians, i, 140,—Js, Vossius.
See Cic. Tuse. i. 44, 45.
BO. 255.) THEODOTUS—ARSACES. 275

ally, because none of the Macedonians would deign to accept
it. Subsequently, when the Macedonians were divided into
parties by civil discord, the Parthians, with the other people
of Upper Asia, followed Humenes, and, when he was defeated,
went over to Antigonus. After his death they were under the
rule of Seleucus Nicator, and then under Antiochus and. his
successors, from whose great-grandson Seleucus they first
revolted, in the first Punic war, when Lucius Manlius Vulso
and Marcus Attilius Regulus were consuls. For their revolt,
the dispute between the two brothers, Seleucus and Antiochus,
procured them impunity; for while they sought to wrest the
throne from one another, they neglected to pursue the revolters.

At the same period, also, Theodotus, governor of the thou-
sand cities of Bactria, revolted, and assumed the title of king ;
and all the other people of the east, influenced by bis example,
fell away from the Macedonians. One Arsaces, a man of
uncertain origin, but of undisputed bravery, happened to arise
at this time; and he, who was accustomed to live by plunder
and depredations, hearing a report that Seleucus was overcome
by the Gauls in Asia, and being consequently freed from dread
of that prince, invaded Parthia with a band of marauders,
overthrew Andragoras his lieutenant, and, after putting him
to death, took upon himself the government of the country.
Not long after, too, he made himself master of Hyrcania, and
thus, invested with authority over two nations, raised a large
army, through fear of Seleucus and Theodotus, king of the
Bactrians. But being soon relieved of his fears by the death
of ‘Theodotus, he made peace and an alliance with his son,
who was also named Theodotus; and not long after, engaging
with king Seleucus, who came to take vengeance on the re-
volters, he obtained a victory; and the Parthians observe
the day on which it was gained with great solemnity, as the
date of the commencement of their liberty.

V. Seleucus being then recalled into Asia by new disturb-
ances, and respite being thus given to Arsaces, he settled the
Parthian government, levied soldiers, built fortresses, and
strengthened his towns. He founded a city also, called Dara,
on Mount Zapaortenon, of which the situation is such, that
no place can be more secure or more pleasant; for it is so
encircled with steep rocks, that the strength of its position
needs no defenders; and such is the fertility of the adjacent

T2
276 JUSTIN. Y [B.XL. CH. Vi.

soil, that it is stored with its own produce. Such too is the
plenty of springs and wood, that it is amply supplied with
streams of water, and abounds with all the pleasures of the
-chace. Thus Arsaces, having at once acquired and established
a kingdom, and having become no less memorable among the.
Parthians than Cyrus among the Persians, Alexander among
the Macedonians, or Romulus among the Romans, died at a
mature old age: and the Parthians paid this honour to his
memory, that they called all their kings thenceforward by the
name of Arsaces. His son and successor on the throne, whose
name was also Arsaces, fought with the greatest bravery
against Antiochus, the son of Seleucus, who was at the head of
a hundred thousand foot and twenty thousand horse, and was
at last taken into alliance with him. The third king of the
Parthians was Priapatius; but he was also called Arsaces, for,
as has just been observed, they distinguished all their kings
by that name, as the Romans use the titles of Cwsar and Au-
gustus. He, after reigning fifteen years, died, leaving two
sons, Mithridates and Phraates, of whom the elder, Phraates,
being, according to the custom of the nation, heir to the crown,
subdued the Mardi, a strong people, by force of arms, and died
not long after, leaving several sons, whom he set aside, and
left the throne, in preference, to his brother Mithridates, a man
of extraordinary ability, thinking that more was due to the
name of king than to that of father, and that he ought to con-
sult the interests of his country rather than those of his
children.

VI. Almost at the same time that Mithridates ascended the
throne among the Parthians, Eucratides began to reign among
the Bactrians; both of them being great men. But the for-
tune of the Parthians, being the more successful, raised them,
under this prince, to the highest“degree of power; while the
Bactrians, harassed with various wars, lost not only their
dominions, but their liberty; for having suffered from conten-
tions with the Sogdians, the Drangians, and the Indians, they
were at last overcome, as if exhausted, by the weaker* Par-
thians. Eucratides, however, carried on several wars with
great spirit, and though much reduced by his losses in them,

* Not weaker with respect to the particular time at which the
Bactrians were exhausted by wars, but to other times, when the
Bactrians had been their superiors in strength.—Scheffer.
BU. 136.] PHRAATES. 277

yet, when he was besieged by Demetrius king of thé Indians,
with a garrison of only three hundred soldiers, he repulsed, by
continual sallies, a force of sixty thousand enemies.* Having
accordingly escaped, after a five months’ siege, he reduced
India under his power. But as he was returning from the
country, he was killed on his march by his son, with whom he
had shared his throne, and who was so far from concealing the
murder, that, as if he had killed an enemy, and not his father,
he drove his chariot through his blood, and ordered his body:
to be cast out unburied. :

During the course of these proceedings among the Bac-
trians, a war arose between the Parthians and Medes, and
after fortune on each side had been some time fluctuating,
victory at length fell to the Parthians; when Mithridates,
enforced with this addition to his power, appointed Bacasis
over Media, while he himself marched into Hyrcania. On his
return from thence, he went to war with the king of the
Elymeans, and having conquered him, added this nation also
to his dominions, and extended the Parthian empire, by
reducing many other tribes under his yoke, from Mount
Caucasus to the river Euphrates. Being then taken ill, he
died in an honourable old age, and not inferior in merit to his
great-grandfather Arsaces.

BOOK XLII.

Phraates, king of the Parthians, is killed by the Greeks in his army,
I—The Parthians make war on Armenia; early history of
Armenia, II.—Jason ; Armenius; source of the Tigris, III.—Con-
tinuation of the history of Parthia; reign of Orodes, IV.—
Phraates; Tiridates; relics of the armies of Crassus and Anton:
given up to Augustus, V. :

I. Arrer the death of Mithridates, king of the Parthians,
Phraates his son was made king, who, having, proceeded to
make war upon Syria, in revenge for the attempts of Antiochus
on the’ Parthian dominions, was recalled, by hostilities on the

«part of the Scythians, to defend his own country. For the
Scythians, having been induced, by the offer of pay, to assist
the Parthians against,Antiochus king of Syria, and not having

* Very improbable. :
278 JUSTIN. [B.XLI. CH.IL

arrived till the war was ended, were disappointed of the ex-
pected remuneration, and reproached with having brought their
aid too late; and when, in discontent at having made so longa
march in vain, they demanded that “‘either some recompence for
their trouble, or another enemy to attack, should be assigned
them,” being offended at the haughty reply which they received,
they began to ravage the country of the Parthians. Phraates, in
consequence, marching against them, left a certain Himerus,
who had gained his favours in the bloom of youth, to take care
of his kingdom. But Himerus, unmindful both of his past
life, and of the duty with which he was entrusted, miserably
harassed the people of Babylon, and many other cities, with
tyrannical cruelties. | Phraates himself, meanwhile, took with
him to the war a body of Greeks, who had been made prison-
ers in the war against Antiochus, and whom he had treated
with great pride and severity, not reflecting that captivity had
not lessened their hostile feelings, and that the indignity of the
outrages which they had suffered must have exasperated them.
As soon therefore as they saw the Persians giving ground, they
went over to the enemy, and executed that revenge for their
captivity, which they had long desired, by asanguinary destruc-
tion of the Parthian army and of king Phraates himself.

IT. In his stead Artabanus, his uncle, was made king. The.
Scythians, content with their victory, and with having laid
waste Parthia, returned home. Artabanus, making war upon
the Thogarii, received a wound in the arm, of which he imme-
diately died. He was succeeded by his son Mithridates, to
whom his achievements procured the surname of Great; for,
being fired with a desire to emulate the merit of his ancestors,
he was enabled by the vast powers of his mind to surpass their
renown. He carried on many wars, with great bravery, against
his neighbours, and added many provinces to the Parthian
kingdom. He fought successfully, too, several times, against
the Scythians, and avenged the injuries received from them by
his forefathers. At last he turned his arms against Ortoadistes,*
king of Armenia.

But since we here make a transition to Armenia, we must
look a little farther back into its origin ; for it is not right that so
great a kingdom should be passed in silence, since its territory,

* Or rather Artoadistes, as the name is written in six of the old
editions. He is called Artavasdes by Strabo and Plutarch.—- Wetzel.
BC. 1283.] THE ARGONAOTS. 279

next to that of Parthia, is of greater extent than any other
kingdom. Armenia, from Cappadocia to the Caspian Sea,
stretches over a space of eleven hundred miles, and is seven
hundred miles in breadth. It was founded by Armenius, the
companion of Jason of Thessaly, whom King Pelias, wishing
to procure his death from dread of his extraordinary ability,
which was dangerous to his throne, despatched on a prescribed
expedition to Colchis, to bring home the fleece of the ram so
. celebrated throughout the world; hoping that the man would
lose his life, either in the perils of so long a voyage, or in war
with barbarians so remote. But Jason, having spread abroad
the report of so glorious an enterprise, at which the chief of
the youth from almost all the world * came flocking to him,
collected a band of heroes, who were called Argonauts. Having
brought his troop back safe, and being again driven from
Thessaly by the sons of Pelias, he set out on a second voyage
for Colchis, accompanied by a numerous train of followers (who,,
at the fame of his valour, came daily from all parts to join
him), by his wife Medea, whom, having previously divorced her,,
he had now received again from compassion for her exile, and
by his step-son Medus, whom she had by Aigeus king of the
Athenians ; and he re-established his father-in-law Avetes t who
had been driven from his throne.

III. He then carried on great wars with the neighbouring
nations ; and of the cities which he took, he added part to the
kingdom of his father-in-law, to make amends for the injury
that he had done him in his former expedition, in which he had
carried off his daughter Medea and put to death his son Aigia-
leus,t and part he assigned to the people that he had brought with
him; and he is said to have been the first of mankind, after
Hercules and Bacchus (whom tradition declares to have been
kings of the east), that subdued that quarter of the world.
Over some of these nations he appointed Recas and Amphi-
stratus, the charioteers of Castor and Pollux, to be their rulers.
With the Albanians he formed an alliance, a people who are
said to have followed Hercules out of Italy, from the Alban

* A hyperbole ; for there’were none but Greeks.— Wetzel. Faber, for
totius orbis, would read totius Gracie. _
¢ Zetes is a conjecture of Faber. for etiam, which is useless. There
is no account of Jason’s second voyage to Colchis in any other author.
+ Whom most authors call Absyrtus. =
280 JUSTIN, [B.XLII. CH.IV.

mount, when, after having killed Geryon, he was driving his
herds through Italy, and who, remembering their Italian
descent, saluted the soldiers of Pompey in the Mithridatic
war as their brothers. Hence almost the whole east appointed
divine honours, and erected temples, to Jason, as their founder;
temples which Parmenio, one of the generals of Alexander the
Great, caused many years after to be pulled down, that no name
might be more venerated in the east than that of Alexander.
After the death of Jason, Medus, emulous of his virtues, built
a city named Medea in honour of his mother, and established
the kingdom of the Medes after his own name, under whose do-
minion the empire of the east afterwards fell. On the Albanians
border the Amazons, whose queen Thalestris, as many authors
relate, sought the couch of Alexander. Armenius, too, who
was himself a Thessalian, and one of the captains of Jason,
having re-assembled a body of men, who, after the death of Jason
were wandering about, founded Armenia, from the mountains
of which the river Tigris issues, at first with a very small stream,
but after running some distance, is lost in the earth, and then,
flowing five and twenty miles underground,* rises up a great
river in the province of Sophene ; and thus it is received into
the marshes of the Euphrates.

IV. Mithridates king of the Parthians, after his war with
Armenia, was banished from his kingdom for his cruelty by
the Parthian senate. His brother Orodes, who took possession
of the vacant throne, besieged Babylon, whither Mithridates
had fled, for some time, and reduced the people, under the in-
fluence of famine, to surrender. Mithridates, from confidence
in his relationship to Orodes, voluntarily put himself into his
hands; but Orodes, contemplating him rather as an enemy
than a brother, ordered him to be put to death before his face.
After this, he carried on a war with the Romans, and overthrew
their general Crassus, together with his son and all the Roman
army. His son Pacorus, who was sent to pursue what re-
mained of the Roman forces, after achieving great actions in
Syria, incurred some jealousy on the part of his father, and
was recalled into Parthia; and during his absence the Parthian
army left in Syria was cut off, with all its commanders, by

* Similar instances of rivers entering the ground, and emerging at
some distance, are noticed by Pliny, H. N. ii. 108; iii, 16; Strabo, lib,
vi.; Q. Curtius, vi. 4, 6.—Berneccerus. :
B.C. 88.] DEATH OF PACORUS. ast

Cassius the queestor of Crassus. Not long after these occurrences

the civil war among the Romans, between Caesar and Pompey,

broke out, in which the Parthians took the side of Pompey, both

from the friendship that they had formed with him in the Mithri-
datic war, and because of the death of Crassus, whose son they
understood to be of Caesar's party, and supposed that, if Caesar
were victorious, he would avenge his father’s fate. When Pom-
pey’s party was worsted, they sent assistance to Cassius and Bru-
tus against Augustus and Antony ; and, after the war was ended,

they made an alliance with Labienus, and, under the leadership
of Pacorus, again laid waste Syria and Asia, and assailed, with a
vast force, the camp of Ventidius, who, like Cassius before him,
had routed the Parthian army in the absence of Pacorus. Venti-
dius, pretending to beafraid, kept himself a long time in his camp,
and suffered the Parthians to insult him. At last, however,
when they were full of security and exultation, he sent out
part of his legions upon them, and the Parthians, put to flight
by their onset, went off in several directions; when Pacorus,
supposing that his fugitive troops had drawn off all the Roman,
forces in pursuit of them, attacked Ventidius’s camp, as if it
had been left without defenders, Upon this, Ventidius, pouring
forth the rest of his troops, put the whole force of the Par-
thians, with their king Pacorus, to the sword; nor did the
Parthians, in any war, ever suffer a greater slaughter.

When the news of this discomfiture reached Parthia, Orodes,
the father of Pacorus, who had just before heard that Syria
had been ravaged, and ‘Asia occupied by his Parthians, and
was boasting of his son Pacorus as the conqueror of the Romans,
was affected, on hearing of the death of his son and the de-
struction of his army, at first with grief, and afterwards with
disorder of the intellect. For several days he neither spoke to
any one, nor took food, nor uttered a sound, so that he seemed to
have become dumb. Some time after, when his sorrow found
vent in words, he did nothing but call upon Pacorus; Pacorus
seemed to be seen and heard by him; Pacorus appeared to talk
with him, and stand by him; though at other times he mourned
and wept for him as lost. After long indulgence in grief, another
cause of concern troubled the unhappy old man, as he had to de-
termine which of his thirty sons he should choose for his succes-
sor in the room of Pacorus. His numerous concubines, from
whom so large a progeny had sprung, were pepetually working
282 JUSTIN. [B.XLIt. CH. V.

on the old man’s feelings, each anxious for her own offspring.
But the fate of Parthia, in which it is now. as it were, cus-
tomary that the princes should be- assassins of their kindred,
ordained that the most cruel of them all, Phraates by name,
should be fixed upon for their king.

V. Phraates immediately proceeded to kill his father, as
if he would not die, and put to death, also, all his thirty*
brothers. But his murders did not end with his father’s sons ;
for finding that the nobility began to detest him for his con-
stant barbarities, he caused his own son, who was grown up,
to be killed, that there might be no one to be nominated king.
On this prince Antony made war, with sixteen effective
legions, for having sent troops against him and Cesar; but
being severely harassed in several engagements, he was forced
to retreat from Parthia. Phraates, upon this success, becom-
ing still more insolent, and being guilty of many fresh acts of
cruelty, was driven into exile by his subjects. Having then,
for a long time, wearied the neighbouring people, and at last
the Scythians, with entreaties for aid, he was at last restored
to his throne by a powerful Scythian force. During his
absence, the Parthians had made one Tiridates king, who, when
he heard of the approach of the Scythians, fled with a great
body of his partisans to Cesar, who was then carrying on,
war in Spain,t taking with him,,.as a hostage for Czsar, the
youngest son of Phraates, whom, being but negligently guarded,
he had secretly carried off. Phraates, on hearing of his flight,
immediately sent ambassadors to Cesar, requesting that “his
slave Tiridates, and his son, should be restored to him.”
Cesar, after listening to the embassy of Phraates, and de-
liberating’on the application of Tiridates (for he also had asked
to be restored to his throne, saying that “ Parthia would be
wholly in the power of the Romans, if he should hold the.
kingdom as a gift from them”), replied, that “he would
neither give up Tiridates to the Parthians, nor give assistance
to Tiridates against the Parthians.” That it might not appear,
however, that nothing had been obtained from Cesar by all

* Either he killed only twenty-nine, or there were thirty-one
survivors of Pacorus.

+ Augustus. Comp. c. 4. i

+ All the texts, except that of Diibner’s little edition, have in His-

paniam, but the sense, as Faber observes and Wetzel admits, evidently .
requires a Hispanid.
B.C. 20.] ROMAN STANDARDS RESTORED. 283.

their applications, he sent back to Phraates his son without
ransom, and ordered a handsome maintenance to be furnished
to Tiridates, as long as he chose to continue among the
Romans. Some time after, when Cesar had finished the
Spanish war, and had proceeded to Syria to settle the affairs
of the east, he caused some alarm to Phraates, who was afraid
that he might contemplate an invasion of Parthia. Whatever
prisoners, accordingly, remained of the army of Crassus or
Antony throughout| Parthia, were collected together, and
sent, with the military standards that had been taken, to
Augustus. In addition to this, the sons and grandsons of
Phraates were delivered to Augustus as hostages; and thus
Cesar effected more by the power of his name, than any other
general could have done by his arms.

BOOK XLII.

Early age of Italy, L—Birth and youth of Romulus and Remus, II.—
Foundation of Rome; of Marseilles, III.—History of Marseilles,
IV.—Wars and successes of the Massilians ; friendship between
them and the Romans; family of Trogus Pompeius, V.

I. Havine narrated the history of the Parthians and other
eastern nations, and of almost the whole world, Trogus re-
turns home, as if after a long journey in foreign parts, to
relate the rise of the city of Rome, thinking it would .be the
mark of an ungrateful citizen, if, after he had set forth the
acts of other nations, he should be silent concerning his native
country alone. He therefore briefly touches on the origin of
the Roman empire, so as neither to exceed the bounds of the
work that he had proposed, nor to pass unnoticed the origin
of a city which is now the mistress of the world.

The first inhabitants of Italy were the Aborigines, whose
king, Saturn, is said to have been a man of such extraordinary
justice, that no one was a slave in his reign, or had any private
property, but all things were common to all, and undivided, as
one estate for the use of every one; in memory of which way,
of life, it has been ordered that at the Saturnalia slaves should
everywhere sit down with their masters at the entertainments,
the rank of all being made equal. Italy was accordingly
284 JUSTIN, [B. XXUI. CH.I.

called, from the name of that king, Saturnia; and the hill on
which he dwelt Saturnius, on which now stands the Capitol,
as if Saturn had been dislodged from his seat by Jupiter.
After him, third in descent, they say that Faunus was king, in
whose time Evander came into Italy from Pallanteum, a city
of Arcadia, accompanied with a small band of his countrymen,
to whom Faunus kindly gave land, and the mountain which he
afterwards called Palatium. At the foot of this mountain
he built a temple to the Lycean god, whom the Greeks call
Pan, and the Romans Lupercus,* the naked statue of the
deity being covered with a goat-skin, in which dress the priests
now run up and down during the Lupercalia at Rome. This
Faunus had a wife named Fatua, who, being constantly filled
with a spirit of divination, gave notice, in fits of frenzy as it
were, of things to come ; and hence, to this day, those who are
accustomed to be thus inspired, are said fatuari.t Of an
illicit connection between a daughter of Faunus and Hercules,
(who, having killed Geryon about that time, was driving his
herds, the prize of his victory, through Italy), was born
Latinus, in whose reign Aineas came from Ilium{ into Italy,
after the destruction of Troy by the Greeks, and being
immediately received with hostile demonstrations, led out his
troops into the field, but being first invited to a conference,
raised such admiration of himself in Latinus, that he was both
admitted to a share of his throne, and became his son-in-law
by a marriage with his daughter Lavinia. After this event,
they had to carry on war in concert against Turnus, king of
the Rutulians, because he had been disappointed of marrying
Lavinia; and in the war both Turnus and Latinus were killed.
Bneas, in consequence, becoming by right of victory master
of both nations, built a city which he called Lavinium, from
the name of his wife. Some time afterwards, he went to war
with Mezentius, king of the Etrurians, and being killed in it,
Ascanius his son succeeded him, who, removing from Lavi-.

* Lupercus, whose priests were called Luperci, was an ancient rural
deity of Italy ; in after times he was considered identical with Pan.
See Dr. Smith’s Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Ant.

+ There is scarcely any other instance of the word in this sense.
Its general signification is to be foolish or silly.

+ By Jliwm Justin seems to mean the region of which Troy was the
capital, generally called Troas. .
B.C. 764—753.] NUMITOR KING OF ALBA, 285

nium, built Alba Longa, which for three hundred years was
the metropolis of his kingdom.

II. At length, after many kings had reigned in this city,
Numitor and Amulius became joint sovereigns. But Amulius,
having deprived Numitor, who was the elder, of his share of
the throne, condemned his daughter Rhea to perpetual vir-
ginity, that no male offspring of Numitor’s family might arise
to claim the crown, palliating the injury by an appearance of
honour, so that she might not seem to have been compelled,
but to have been chosen one of the vestal virgins. Being shut
up, accordingly, in a grove sacred to Mars, she gave birth to
two boys, whether the offspring of an illicit connexion with a
mortal, or of the god Mars, is uncertain. This affair becomin
known, Amulius, whose fears were increased by the birth of
twins, ordered the children to be exposed, and threw his
niece into prison, of which ill-treatment she died. Fortune,
however, having a care for the raising of Rome, threw the
children in the way of a she-wolf to be suckled, which,
having lost her cubs, and. longing to empty her overcharged
teats, offered herself as a nurse to the infants. As she made
frequent returns to the children, as if they had been her own
offspring, Faustulus, a shepherd, observed her proceedings,
and, withdrawing them from the beast, brought them up ina
rude way of life among his cattle. That they were the sons
of Mars, was believed, as on ‘plain proof, either because they
were born in the grove of Mars, or because they were nursed
by a wolf, which is under the protection of Mars. The names of
the boys were Remus and Romulus. As they grew up among
the shepherds, daily contests in strength increased their
vigour and agility. While they were frequently engaged, with

_ great activity, in preventing robbers from seizing the cattle,
it happened that Remus, having been taken by the robbers,
was brought before the king,* as if he had himself been
guilty of that which he was endeavouring to prevent in others,
and had been accustomed to make depredations on Numitor’s
flocks. He was consequently given up to Numitor for
punishment. But Numitor,t who was touched with compas-

* He was first carried off by the robbers, and then taken prisoner
by the king’s officers among the robbers. ;

+ Sed Numitor, &c.] The commentators have not observed that this
sentence is corrupt ; Numitor has no verb.
286 JUSTIN. [B. XLII. CH. II.

sion for the stripling’s youth, was led to suspect that he might
be one of his exposed grandchildren, and while the resemblance
of his features to those of his daughter, and his age corre-
sponding with the time of the exposure, kept him in suspense,
Faustulus unexpectedly came in with Romulus, and the origin
of the youths being ascertained from him, a conspiracy was
formed, the young men taking up arms to revenge the death
of their mother, and Numitor to recover the throne of which
he had been deprived.

III. Amulius being killed, the throne was restored to
Numitor, and the city of Rome was founded by the two young
men. <A senate was next appointed, consisting of a hundred old
men who were called Fathers. Soon after, as the neighbouring
people disdained to intermarry with shepherds, the Sabine
virgins were seized by force; and the surrounding tribes
being brought under their sway, the sovereignty of Italy, and
afterwards that of the world, was acquired. In those times
kings, instead of diadems, had spears, which the Greeks called
sceptres ; for the ancients, from the earliest period, worshipped
‘spears as gods,* and in memory of this superstition spears
are still given to the statues of the gods.

In the time of King Tarquin, a company of Phoceans
from Asia, sailing up the Tiber, formed an alliance with
the Romans, and proceeding from thence to the inmost
part of the gulf of Gaul,} built the city of Marseilles amidst
the Ligurians and the savage Gallic tribes, and performed
great exploits there, both in defending themselves against
the fierce Gauls, and in attacking, of themselves, those by
‘whom they had previously been molested.

The Phoceans, compelled by the smallness and infertility
of their territory, had applied themselves more to the sea than
to the culture of the ground, supporting themselves by fishing,
merchandise, and above all by piracy, which in those days was

* Spears were never worshipped as gods, or = not by the
Greeks; they were, indeed, an insigne of the gods, as being kings, a
name by which they are frequently mentioned among the poets. But
this observation of Justin is abrupt and out of place; nor is the case
different with what follows, for what a leap is it from Romulus to the
Phoceans, who did not become friends to the Romans till two hundred
years after his time !— Weitzel. |
+ Gallic sinus.) The gulf of Lyons,
B.C. 599.] MARSEILLES FOUNDED. as7

thought an honourable occupation.* Venturing accordingly
to visit the remotest shores of the ocean, they came into the
gulf of Gaul and to the mouth of the river Rhone; and,
charmed with the pleasantness of the country, and relating, on
their return home, what they had seen, they tempted others
to go to the same parts. Of the fleet Simos and Protis were
the captains, who applied to the king of the Segobrigii, named
‘Nannus, in whose territory they were anxious to build a city,
desiring his friendship. On that day, as it happened, the
‘king was engaged in preparing for the nuptials of his daughter
Gyptis, whom, after the custom of that people, he intended to
give in marriage to a son-in-law to be chosen at the feast.
The suitors having been all invited to the wedding, the Grecian
strangers were also requested to join the festival. The maiden
was then introduced, and being desired by her father to give
water to him whom she chose for her husband, she overlooked
all the rest, and turning to the Greeks, held ont water to
Protis, who, from the king’s guest becoming his son-in-law,
was presented by his father-in-law with the ground for building
a city. Marseilles was accordingly built near the mouth of
the river Rhone, in a retired bay, and as it were in a corner
of the séa. The Ligurians, jealous of the growing greatness
of the city, harassed the Greeks with continual war; but they,
repelling their attacks, rose to such a degree of strength, that
they conquered their enemies and planted several ‘colonies in
the lands which they captured.
‘ IV. From the people of Marseilles, therefore, the Gauls
learned a more civilized way of life, their former barbarity
‘being laid aside or softened; and by them they were taught to
cultivate their lands and to enclose their towns with walls. Then
too, they grew accustomed to live according to laws, and not
by violence ; then they learned to prune the vine and plant
‘the olive; and such a radiance was shed over both men and
things, that it was not Greece which seemed to have immi-
grated into Gaul, but Gaul that seemed to have been trans-
planted into Greece. ;
After Nannus, king of the Segobrigii, from whom the
ground for building the city had been received, was dead, and
‘his son Comanus had succeeded to the throne, a certain

* Glorie habebatur.] See Thucyd. i. 5; Hom. Od. iii. 73.
288 JUSTIN. [B XLIII. CHV.

Ligurian told him that “Marseilles would one day be the
ruin of the neighbouring people, and that he ought to suppress
it in its rise, lest, when it grew stronger, it should overpower
him.” To this prediction he added the following fable: “A bitch
once asked a shepherd, when she was big with young, for a
place to bring forth her puppies ; having obtained it, she re-
quested again that she might be allowed to bring them up in
the same place ; and at last, when her young were grown up,
and she could depend upon their support, she claimed posses-
sion of the place as her own. In like manner,” he continued,
‘the people of Marseilles, who are now regarded as your
tenants, will one day become masters of your territory.”’ Moved
by these persuasions, the king formed a plan to overthrow
Marseilles ; in pursuance of which, on the day appointed for
the feast of Flora, he sent into the city several stout and able
men, who were admitted as friends; an additional number he
ordered to be conveyed concealed in wagons, covered over
with baskets and boughs of trees; while he himself lay hid
among the neighbouring hills, that after the gates had been
opened in the night by the men before mentioned, he might
come up in time to execute the plot, and might fall upon the
city overcome with sleep and the fumes of wine. But a
certain woman, a relative of the king, who had an intrigue
with a Greek youth, revealed the plot to him, through compas-
sion for his youth and beauty, during their intercourse, and bade
him escape from the danger. He however reported the matter
to the magistrates, and the treachery being thus made public,
all the Ligurians were seized, those concealed being dragged
from among their baskets ; and when they were all put to death,
a plot was formed to surprise the plotter, and seven thousand
of the enemy, with the king himself, were slain. Since that
time the Massilians, on festal days, have been accustomed to
shut their gates, to keep watch, to place sentinels on the walls,
to examine strangers, to take all kinds of precaution, and to
guard the city as carefully in time of peace as if they were at
war. Thus what was wisely instituted, is still observed, not
from the necessity of circumstances, but from the habit of
acting prudently. .
V. Subsequently they had great wars with the Ligurians
and Gauls, which increased the fame of their city, and ren-
dered the valour of the Greeks, by their manifold victories,
B.C. 386.] MARSEILLES ASSISTS ROME. 289

renowned among their neighbours, The forces of the Carthagi-
nians,* too, in a war which rose between them about the capture
of some fishing boats, they often routed, and granted them peace
under defeat ; with the Spaniards they made an alliance ; with
the Romans they faithfully observed the league concluded al-
most at the foundation of the city, and effectively supported
their allies, in all their wars, with auxiliary troops. Such'con-
duct both increased their confidence in their own strength, and
secured them peace from their enemies. But after a time,
when Marseilles was at the height of distinction, as well for
the fame of its exploits as for the abundance of its wealth and its
reputation for strength, the neighbouring people, on a sudden,
conspired to destroy the very name of Marseilles, as they would
have united to put out a fire that threatened them all. Catu-
mandus, one of their petty princes, was unanimously chosen
general, who, when he was besieging the enemy’s city with a
vast army of select troops, was frightened in his sleep by the
vision of a stern-looking woman, who told him that she was'a
goddess, and of his own accord made peace with the Massilians.
Having then asked permission to enter their city and pay
advration to their gods, and having gone into the temple of
Minerva, and observed in the portico the statue of the goddess
whom he had seen in his sleep, he suddenly exclaimed “that
it was she who had frightened him in the night; that it was
she who had ordered him to raise the siege ;” then, congratu-
lating the Massilians that they were under the care, as he
perceived, of the immortal gods, and offering a neck-lace of
gold to the goddess, he made a league with them for ever.
After peace was thus obtained, and security established,
some deputies from Marseilles, as they were returning from
Delphi, whither they had been sent to carry presents to
Apollo, heard that the city of Rome had. been taken and
burned by the Gauls. This calamity, when the news of it
was brought home to them, the Massilians lamented with a
public mourning, and contributed gold and silver, both public
and private, to make up the sum to be given to the Gauls,
from whom they knew that peace was bought. For this
service an exemption from taxes was decreed them, a place in

* Thucyd. i, 18: “The Phoceans, who founded Marseilles, con-
quered the Carthaginians in a sea-fight.” See also Herod. i. 166. - .
Uv
290 JUSTIN. (B.XLIV. CH.TI.

the theatre assigned them among the senators, end a league
made with them upon equal’ terms.

At the end of this book Trogus relates that te ancestors
had their origin from the Vocontii; that his grandfather,
Trogus Pompeius, received the right of citizenship from Cneus
Pompey in the Sertorian war; that his uncle led a troop
of cavalry under the same Pompey in the war with Mithri-
dates ; and that his father served under Caius Cesar, and had
the charge of his correspondence, of receiving embassies,* and
of his ring.t.

 

BOOK XLIV.

Geographical- description of Spain, I.—Manners and customs of the
Spaniards; Viriatus, IT.— Of Lusitania, and Gallecia, III.—
Habis; Geryon, IV. —The Carthaginians in Spain; the country
reduced by Augustus into a Roman province, V.

I, Spatn, as it forms the boundary of Europe, will also form
the conclusion of the present work. This country the ancients
first called Iberia, from the. river Iberus, and. afterwards
Hispania, from some person named Hispanus. It lies be-
tween Africa and Gaul, and is bounded by the Ocean Strait t
and the Pyrenees. It is less than either of these countries,
but more fruitful than either; for it is neither scorched, like
Africa, by a burning sun, nor disturbed, like Gaul,§ by
incessant winds, but, being situate betwixt both, it is rendered,
by moderate heat on the one hand, and genial and seasonable
showers on the other, fertile in all kinds of fruits of the earth,

* Legattonum—curam.] To receive embaasies, and introduce them’to
the emperor, was the duty, under the later emperors, sometimes of the
magister oficiorum, or master'of ceremonies, sometimes of the magister
epistolarum, or secretary, as the author of the Notitia utriusque Imperit
has observed. Among the Persians this duty devolved upon a chiliarch
or military officer, who was next.in rank to the king, as appears from
Corn. Nep. Vit. Conon., and lian. V. H.i. 21. In Egypt Josephus
speaks of Nicanor having been: appointed: by Ptolemy to receive
ambassadors, Antiq. xii. 2.—Berneccerus.

+ Annuli.] The same office which. Mecenas and Agrippa held under
Augustus, and Mucianus under Vespasian, as appears from Dion, Cass.
and his epitomiser. See Kirchmann de Annulis, c. 6.—Berneccerus,

t Oceani freto.] The Fretum Gaditanum, Strait of Gibraltar. ,

§ Not all Gaul,, but only the coasts of it.— Wetzel..
DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN. 291

so that it supplies abundance of everything, not only for its own
inhabitants, but for [taly and the city of Rome. From hence,
indeed, comes not only great plenty of corn, but of wine, honey,
and oil. Its iron is excellent, and its breed of horses swift.
Not only is the produce of the surface to be admired, but’ the
abundant riches of the metals hidden beneath it. There is
great plenty, too, of flax and hemp, and certainly no country is
more productive of vermilion. The courses of the rivers are
not violent and rapid, so as to be hurtful, but gentle, watering
the vineyards and the plains; they are also well stocked with
fish from the estuaries of the sea, and most of them are rich in
gold, which they carry down with their waters.* It is joined
to Gaul by one unbroken ridge of the Pyrenees; on “every
‘other side it is surrounded by sea. The shape of: the country is
almost square, except that it grows narrower towards the
Pyrenees, the shores contracting in that quarter. The length
of the Pyrenees is six hundred miles. The salubrity of the
air is the same through the whole of Spain, for its atmosphere
is infected with no unwholesome mists from fens. Besides,
there are constant breezes from the sea on every side, by which,
as they penetrate the whole country, the exhalations from the
earth are dispersed, and the greatest health is secured to the
inhabitants.

II. The bodies of the inhabitants are well adapted to endure
privation and fatigue; their minds are inured to contempt of
death. A strict and parsimonious abstinence prevails among
them all. They prefer war to peace; and, if no foreign enemy
offers himself, they seek one at home. Many have died under
torture, to conceal what has been entrusted to them; so much
stronger is their love of honour than of life. The patience of
a slave, too, is greatly praised, who, having avenged’ his

* In paludibus.] Berneccerus, Vorstius, Grevius, and Faber, are
unanimous in preferring im balucibus, which is a correction. of Sal-
masius ad Solin. p. 277. Hispani quod minutum est (aurum), balucem
vocamt. Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 21. But Wetzel retains the old reading
paludibus, and I cannot but think him right; for the preposition i,
seems tu require that word rather than the other. It may be doubted,
indeed, whether in balucibus vehunt can be regarded as Latin. For in
balucibus substitute in minutis particulis: would Justin, or any other
Latin author, have said amnes aurum in minutis particulis vehunt? I
think not. In minutas particulas friatum, disruptum, discerptum,
would be more likely forms of expression. . f

Tt 2
202 JUSTIN. . | [B.XLIV. CH.III.

master in the war with the Carthaginians, exulted with smiles
in the midst of tortures, and defied, with serenity and cheer-
fulness, the utmost cruelty of his tormentors, The activity of
the people is extraordinary; their minds restless. To many,
their war-horses and arms are dearer than their blood. There
is no sumptuous preparation among them for festival days; nor
was it till ‘after the second Punic war that they learned from
the Romans to use warm baths.

During so long a course of years they have had no great
general besides Viriatus,* who maintained a struggle against
the Romans for ten years with various success; so much more
similar are their dispositions to those of wild beasts than of
men; and this very leader they followed, not as having been
chosen by the judgment of, the. people, but as being well.
qualified to take precautions against. the enemy, and artful in
avoiding danger. His temperance and moderation were such,
that though he often defeated armies commanded by consuls,
yet, after such achievements, he made_no change in the fashion
of his dress or arms, or-in his diet, but adhered to the same
way of life with which he commenced his military career; so
that any one of the common soldiers seemed better off than the
general himself. ™

III. In Lusitania, near the river Tagus, many authors have
said that the mares conceive from the effect of the wind; but
‘such stories have had their origin in the fecundity of the mares;
and the vast number of herds of horses, which are so numerous,
and of such swiftness, in Gallecia and Lusitania, that they
may be thought, not without reason, to have been the offspring
of the wind. As for the Gallecians, they claim for themselves
a, Greek origin; for they say that Teucer, after the end of the
Trojan war, having incurred the hatred of his father on
account of the death of his brother Ajax, and not being
admitted into his kingdom, retired to Cyprus, where he built a
city called Salamis, from the name of his native land; that,
some time after, on hearing a report of his father’s death, he
retutned again to his country, but, being hindered from
landing by Eurysaces the son of Ajax, he sailed to the coast of
Spain, and took possession of those parts where New Carthage
now stands, and, passing from thence to Gallecia, and

* See Flor. ii, 17; Vell. Pat. ii, 1, 90; Aurel. Vict. 71; Diod, Sic

xxxiii, fragm. 8, 11, 22,
DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN. 298

fixing his abode there, gave name to the nation. A part of
the Gallecians are called Amphilochi. The country produces
abundance of brass and lead, as well as of vermilion,* which
has. given name to a river near the part in which it is found.
It is also very rich in gold, so that they sometimes turn up
clods of goldt with the plough. In the territory of this
people there is a sacred mountain, which it is thought impious
to open with any tool of iron, but whenever the earth is rent
with lightning, an occurrence common in these parts, it is
allowable to pick up the gold that may be laid open, as a gift
from the deity of the place. The women manage household’
affairs, and the culture of the ground; the men attend only-to
arms, and the pursuit of spoil. Their iron is of an extra-
ordinary quality, but their water is more powerful than the
iron itself; for the iron, by being tempered in it, becomes
keener ; nor is any weapon held in esteem among them which
has not been dipped either in the Bilbilis or the Chalybs.t From
the latter river those who dwell on its banks are called

Chalybes, and are said to surpass the rest of the people in the
manufacture of steel.

. IV. The forests of the Tartesians, in which it is said that
the Titans§ waged war against the gods, the Cunetes||
inhabited, whose most ancient king Gargoris, was the first to
collect honey. This prince, having a grandson born to him,’
the offspring of an intrigue on the part of his daughter, tried
various means, through shame for her unchastity, to have the
child put to death; but he, being preserved by some good
fortune, through all calamities, came at last to the throne, from.
a compassionate feeling for the many perils that he had under-
gone. First of all he ordered him to be exposed, that he
might be starved, and, when he sent some days after to look.
for his body, he was found nursed by the milk of various wild
beasts. When he was brought home, he caused him to be

* Minio.] Hence the name of the river Minho. ;
+ Glebas aureas.] Pliny makes the same statement, H. N. xxxiii. 21.

- t Isaac Vossius in his notes to Catullus says that the Chalybs is a
river between the Ana and the Tagus, which is called by Ptolemy and ,
Martianus KaXimoug or Kaduzrog.' ‘I-think him right—Grevius.

§ Tradition places the Titans in Thessaly, not in Spain.— Wetzel.

: || They dwelt about Cape Cuneus, now C. St. Vincent, in Portugal.
The word is a correction of Isaac Vossius's, for the old reading Curetes, :
who were a people of Crete. .
294 JUSTIN. [B.XLIV. CH.IV-

thrown down in a narrow road, along which herds of cattle used
to pass 3 being so cruel that he would rather have his grand-
child trampled to pieces, than despatched by an easy death.
As he was unhurt also in this case, and required no food, he
threw him to hungry dogs, that had been exasperated by want
of food for several days, and afterwards to swine, but as he was
not only uninjured, but even fed with the teats of some of the
swine, he ordered him at last to be cast into the sea. On this
occasion, as if, by the manifest interposition of some deity, he
had been carried, antidst the raging tide, and flux and reflux of
the waters, not on the billows but ina vessel, he was put on
shore by the subsiding ocean ; and, not long after, a hind came
up, .and offered the child her teats. By constantly following
this nurse, the boy acquired extraordinary swiftness of foot, and
Jong ranged the mountains and woods among herds of deer,
with fleetness not inferior to theirs. At last, being caught in
a snare, he was presented to the king: and then, from the
similitude of his features, and certain marks which had been
burnt on his body in his infancy, he was recognized as his
grandson. Afterwards, from admiration at his escapes from so
many mischances and perils, he was appointed by his grand-
father to succeed him on the throne. The name given him
was Habis; and, as soon as he became king, he gave such
proofs of greatness, that he seemed not to have been delivered
in vain, through the power of the gods, from so many exposures
to death. He united the barbarous people by laws; he was the
first that taught them to break oxen for the plough, and to
raise corn from tillage; and he obliged them, instead of food
procured from the wilds, to adopt a better diet, perhaps through
dislike of what he had eaten in his childhood. The adventures
of this prince might seem fabulous, were not the founders of
Rome said to have been suckled by a wolf, and Cyrus, king of
the Persians, to have been brought up by a dog.. By him the
people were interdicted from servile duties, and the commonalty
were divided among seven cities. After Habis was dead, the
sovereignty was retained for many generations by his suc-
cessors.

In another part of Spain, which consists of islands,* the

* Que ex insulis constat] Wetzel thinks that Justin supposed
Geryon to have lived in the Balearic isles. How then did Hercules
drive off his herds? The whole story of Geryon is in a great degree
B.C. 237—220. CARTHAGINIANS IN SPAIN, 295

supreme power was in the hands of Geryon. Here there is.
such abundance of food for cattle, that unless the feeding of
the animals were occasionally interrupted, they would burst.
Hence the herds of Geryon, which. in those days were accounted
the only species of wealth, were so renowned, that they
tempted Hercules out of Asia by the greatness of such a prize.
Geryon himself, too, they say, was not a man with three
bodies, as is told in fables, but that there were ‘three brothers
living in such unanimity, that they seemed all actuated by one
soul ; and that they did not attack Hercules of their own
accord, but, seeing their herds driven off, endeavoured to
recover what they had lost by force of arms.

VY. After the rule of kings was at an end, the Carthaginians
were the first that made themselves masters of the country ;
for when the Gaditani, according to directions which they re-
ceived in a dream, had removed the sacred things of Hercules
from Tyre, whence also the Carthaginians had their origin,
into Spain, and had built a city there, the neighbouring people
of the country, being jealous of the rise of this new city, and
in consequence attacking the Gaditani in war, the Cartha-
ginians sent them succour as being their kindred. The expe-
dition being successful, they both secured the Gaditani from
injury, and added the greatest part of the province to their
own dominions. Subsequently, too, the success of their first
attempt encouraging them, they sent their general Hamilcar,
with a large army, to take possession of the whole country,
who, having performed great exploits, but pursuing his fortune
too rashly, was drawn into an ambush and killed. In his
stead was sent his son-in-law Hasdrubal, who was also killed
by the slave of a certain Spaniard, to avenge the unjust death
of his master. Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar, succeeded .
him, a greater general than either of them ; for, surpassing the
achievements of both, he subdued the whole of Spain, and
then, making war upon the Romans, he harassed Italy for
sixteen years with various calamities, during which the
Romans, sending the Scipios into Spain, first drove the Car-
thaginians out -of the province, and afterwards carried on
terrible wars with the Spaniards themselves. Nor would
the Spaniards submit to the yoke, even after their country was

fabulous, and Justin was wrong in imagining that any part of Spain
consisted of islands,
296° JUSTIN, [B.XLIV. cx. v!

over-run, until Cesar Augustus, having subdued the rest of
the world, turned his victorious arms against them, and re-
duced this barbarous and savage people, brought by the
influence of laws to a more civilized way of life, into the form

of a province.
297

CHRONOLOGY OF JUSTIN’S HISTORY.

 

In the following table, the dates given by Wetzel, who has bestowed
much pains on Justin’s Chronology, have been chiefly adopted. For
the birth of Christ we take the usual date, a.m. 4004,

The history of Justin reaches from the time of Ninus, the most
ancient king of Assyria, to Augustus’s recovery of the Roman stan-
dards from the Parthians, that is, from B.c. 2196 to B.c. 20,

SECT. I.—THE EMPIRE OF THE ASSYRIANS,

Notes. —According to Justin, i. 1, Sesostris, king of Egypt, and
Tanaus, king of Syria, were long anterior to Ninus ; indeed, what he
says of Sesostris, ii. 3, makes him 1500 years older than Ninus ; but
this account, as Tanaquil Faber observes, rests on no authority.

B.C. The Assyrians rule over the eastern part of Asia for 1300
years, i. 2, that is, from B.c. 2196 to about 875.
2196—2144, Ninus reigns 52 years, i. 1.
: Zoroaster, king of the Bactrians, conquered and put to
death, i. 1.
21442102. Semiramis reigns 42 years, i. 2.
2102—2054. Ninyas, son of Ninus, reigns 38 years, i. 2.
1996. Abraham born.
1836. Jacob, or Israel, xxxvi. 2.
1745. Joseph, son of Jacob, xxxvi. 2.
1578—1528. Cecrops king of Athens, ii. 6.
1571. Moses born, xxxvi. 2.
1528—1519. Cranaus king of Athens, ii. 6.
15193—1503. Amphictyon king of Athens, ii. 6.
1431. Exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, xxxvi. 2.
1451. The Israelites, under Joshua, enter Palestine, xxxvi. 2.
1419—1389. Erechtheus king of Athens, ii. 6.
Triptolemus commences the sowing of corn, ii. 6.
1364. Janus and Saturn reign in Latium, xliii. 1.
1334, Picts, son and successor of Janus, xliii. 1.
1304, Faunus, son and successor of Picus, xliii. 1.
1304—1255. Aigeus king of Athens, ii. 6.
1283. The Argonauts, xlii. 2.
Orpheus invents mysteries, in which he initiates Midas,
king of Phrygia, xi. 7.
1256—1226, Theseus king of Athens, ii. 6.
1254, Hercules and Theseus make war on the Amazons, ii, 4.
1244, Latinus, grandson of Faunus, xliii. L
Cocalus king of Sicily, iv. 2.

nee
298

B.C,

1205.
1194—1184.
1182.
1174.
1172,
1144.
1070.

885,

883,
875.

818.
806—764,
782.

764.
764—753.
756,

753,
753—716.
742722.
723675.
716—678.
715—672.
703.
686.
684—667.
675—643.
‘643608.
616—578.
608—566.
599.
592.
587—~562,
578—534,
571.
561,
558—526,

JUSTIN.

Tyre built, xviii. 3.

The Trojan war, ii. 4, 6; vii. 1.

Diomede, driven from his country, sails to Italy, xii. 2;
builds Arpi, xx. 1.

Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, settles in Epirus, xvii. 3.

Philoctetes goes into Italy, xx. 1.

Antenor settles the Veneti in Italy, xx. 1.

Alineas becomes king of the Latins, xx. 1; xiii. 1.

Teucer. settles in Gallecia, xliv. 3.

Demophoon king of Athens, ii. 6.

Ascanius succeeds Aineas, and reigns 38 years, xliii. 1.

Utica founded by the Tyrians, xviii. 4.

Alba Longa founded by Ascanius, xliii. 1, in the thirtieth
year of his reign.

Death of Codrus, the last king of Athens, ii. 6.

Archons continued at Athens for 314 years, that is, from
B.c. 1070—756.

Dido founds Carthage, xviii. 4; xii. 10.

Lycurgus, legislator of Sparta, iii. 2.

Death of Sardanapalus, the last king of the Assyrians, i. 3.

SECT. Il.—THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES.

The Medes rule over Eastern Asia for 3507years, i. 6, that

is, from B.c. 875—525, or rather 550, q.v. infra.
Caranus,-an Argive, settles at Edessa, in Macedonia, vii. 1.
Amulius reigns at Alba Longa for 42 years, xliii. 2.
Romulus and Remus born, xliii. 2.

. Battus founds Cyrene, xiii. 7.

Numitor king of Alba Longa, xliii. 3.

Decennial Archons at Athens till B.c. 686; ii. 7.
Rome built, xliii. 3.

Romulus reigns, xxxviii. 6; xlii. 3.

First war of the Spartans with the Messenians, iii. 4.
Perdiccas king of Macedonia, vii 2.

Gyges king of Lydia, i. 7

Numa Pompilius second king of Rome, xxxviii. 6.
Phalantus founds Tarentum, iii. 4.

Annual Archons at Athens.

Second war of the Spartans with the Messenians, iii. 5.
Argzeus king of Macedonia, vii. 2.

Philip king of Macedonia, vii. 2.

Tarquinius Priscus king of Rome, xxxvili. 6; xliii. 4.
Aeropus king of. Macedonia, vii. 2-

Marseilles founded by the Phoceans, xliii. 3,

Solon gives laws at Athens, ii. 7.

Astyages, the last king of the Medes, i. 4, 6.

Servius Tullius king of Rome, xxxviii. 6.

Cyrus born and exposed, i. 4.

Cyrus acknowledged by his grandfather, i. 5.
Pisistratus, tyrant, of. Athens, ii 8.
B.C.
557—538.
550.

538,
534—509.

530.
528.

526.
521,

512.

511.
508.
507—478.
489,
485—472.
484—478.
479,

- 478,
478—467.
478435,
477.
475.

474,
472—424,
469.
468.
462,
456.

436.
430—403.
425.

423,
421.

414—412,
413.
412.
410.

CHRONOLOGY. 299

Creesvs king of Lydia, i. 7.
Cyrus dethrones Astyages, and becomes king of the Medes,
i. 6.

SECT. IIL.—THE EMPIRE OF THE PERSIANS.

The Persians rule over Asia from 3B.c. 550—330.

Cyrus takes Croesus prisoner, i. 7. /

Tarquinius Superbus, seventh and last king of Rome,
xxxvill. 6. In his reign Pythagoras flourishes, xx. 4.

Cyrus takes Babylon, i. 7.

Cyrus killed by the Massageta, i. 8.

Cambyses succeeds him, i. 9.

Pisistratus dies, and is succeeded by his son Hipparchus, ii. 9.

Cambyses perishes, i. 9. Pseudo-Smerdis reigns 7 months,
i.9. Darius, son of Hystaspes, succeeds, i. 10.

Darius makes war on the Scythians, i. 10. Hipparchus
killed, ii. 9.

Darius makes himself master of Macedonia, ii. 5 ; vii. 3.

Hippias expelled from Athens, ii. 9.

Amyntas reigns in Macedonia, vii. 2.

Battle of Marathon. .

Reign of Xerxes, ii. 10.

Gelo, tyrant of Syracuse, xxiii. 4.

Battle of Thermopylae, ii. 11; of Salamis, ii, 12. Hamilear
killed in Sicily, xix. 2.

Battles of Plataeze and Mycale, ii. 14.

Hiero, tyrant of Sicily, xxiii. 4. :

Alexander, successor of Amyntas, reigns in Macedonia, vii. 4.

City and harbour of Athens repaired, ii. 15.

Pausanians and Aristides lay waste the territories
Persia, ii. 15.

Anaxilaus, tyrant of Sicily, iv. 2.

Artaxerxes Longimanus, ili. 1.

Cimon puts to flight the Persian fleet, ii. 15.

Third war of the Spartans with the Messenians, iii. 6.

The Athenians send aid to Inarus, king of Egypt, iii. 6.

The Spartans league with the Thebans against the Athe-
nians, iii. 6. A war ensues, protracted for eleven years. |

Sophocles joined in command with Pericles, iii. 6.

The Peloponnesian war, iii. 7.

Expedition of the Athenians to Sicily in aid of the Leon:
tines, iv. 3; iii. 7.

Darius Nothus becomes king of Persia, v. i.

A peace for 50 years made between the Athenians and Lace-
demonians, which is kept only for 6 years and 10
months, iii. 7.

The fatal expedition of the Athenians to Sicily, iv. 4.

Alcibiades exiled, v. 1. _

goes to Sparta, v. 1. :
flees from Sparta to the Persians, v. 2.
$00
B.C.
410—407.
409,

407.
405.

405—367.
404.
404—365.
403.

402.
404—399,

398.
395—393,
393.

392,
390—379.
386.

385.
381.
370.
369, 368,

368.
367.
337-342.
365—339.
364—359.
363,
362,
359.

358—335,
355.

304-345,
345,
342,

_ JUSTIN,

Alcibiades, being recalled by the army, conducts the war.
' with great success, -v. 3, 4.

The Spartans and Persians conquered by the Athenians at
Sestos, v. 4.

The Carthaginians euter Sicily, v. 4.

Alcibiades again in exile ; Conon succeeds him in command,
v. 5, 6.

Victory of Lysander at Aigospotamos, in December, v. 6.

‘Conon flees to Cyprus, iii. 6.

Himilco and his army perish by a pestilence in Sicily, xix. 2.

Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, xx. 1.

Athens taken by Lysander, v. 8.

Artaxerxes Mnemon, v. 8; xi. 1.

End of the Peloponnesian war, v. 8.

The thirty tyrants at Athens, v. 8.

Death of Alcibiades, 7b.

Thrasybulus delivers Athens from the tyrants, v. 9.

Expedition of Cyrus the Younger against Artaxerxes ;
retreat of the ten thousand, v. 11.

The Lacedeemonians send Dercyllidas to Asia, vi, 1.

Agesilaus at war with the Persians in Asia, vi. 2.

Lysander killed at Haliartus, vi. 4.

Victory of Conon over Pisander at Cnidus, in August, vi. 3.

Agesilaus returns from Asia and defeats the Bootians at
Coronea, vi. 4. ‘

Conon rebuilds the walls of Athens, vi. 5.

Amyntas II. king of Macedonia, vii. 4. .

The peace of Antalcidas, vi, 6.

Rome taken and burnt by the Gauls, vi. 6.

War between the Lacedemonians and Arcadians, vi. 6.

The Lacedeemonians seize the Cadmea at Thebes, vi. 6.

The battle of Leuctra, vi. 6.

Alexander II. king-of ‘Macedonia, vii. 4, 5.

Philip a hostage at Thebes, vii. 5.

Epaminondas besieges Sparta, vi. 7.

Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, dies, xx. 5.

Dionysius the younger, xxi. 1.

Artaxerxes Ochus, x. 3.

Perdiccas III. king of Macedonia, vii. 5.

Clearchus, tyrant of Heraclea, xvi. 4.

Battle of Mantinea; death of Epaminondas, vi. 7.

Philip eseapes from Thebes and possesses himself of the
throne, vii. 5.

Reign of Philip, vii. 5.

Alexander born. —

Dionysius expelled from Sicily, xxi. 2.

The Sacred War, viii. 1. ; :

Dionysius returns from Italy to Syracuse, xxi. 3.

again driven from Sicily, and retires to Corinth,

‘

xxi. 5,
CHRONOLOGY. 80L

B.C.
341, Alexander, brother of Olympias, becomes king of Epirus,
viii. 6.
337. Philip defeats the Athenians at Cheeronea, ix. 3.
336. ——- calls a council of ‘the Greeks at Corinth, ix. 5.
335. killed; Alexander succeeds him, ix. 6, 8.

 

Darius Codomannus becomes king of Persia, x. 3.
333. Alexander defeats the Persians at the Granicus, xi. 6.
332, ————________—__ — at Issus, xi. 9.
331. —___—— takes Tyre, xi. 10.
330. —————— founds Alexandria, xi. 11.

———— defeats the Persians at Arbela, xi. 14.

Death of Alexander, king of Epirus, xii. 2.
— Darius, and end of the Persian empire, x. 3; xi. 14.

 

329.

 

SECT. IV.—THE EMPIRE OF THE MACEDONIANS.

Agis king of Sparta falls in battle against Antipater, xii. 1.
327. Alexander subdues the people about Mount Caucasus, xii. 5..
326. —__——— invades India ; conquers Porus, xii. 8,
324, —————- returns to Babylon, xii. 18.
323. —— dies at Babylon, xii. 13, aged 33.
322. Alexander's empire divided among his generals, xiii. 4; war.
of the Greeks against Antipater, xiii. 5.
321. Neoptolemus, Perdiccas, and Craterus killed, xiii. 8.
319. The Romans sent under the yoke by the Samnites, xviii. 4.
318. Antipater dies, xiv. 5. ;
316. Arideus and Eurydice killed by Olympias, xiv. 6.
+ Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, xxti. 1.
315. Eumenestaken prisoner by Antigonus and put to death, xiv. 4.
Olympias killed by Cassander, xiv. 6.
309. Agathocles makes war upon the Carthaginians in Africa,
xxii. 4.
306. The generals, of Alexander assume the title of kings, xv. 2.
300. Antigonus falls in battle at Ipsus, xv. 4. ;
Agathocles makes war on the Bruttii, xxiii. 1.
293. Demetrius becomes king of Macedonia, xvi. 1.
Death of Agathocles, xxiii. 2.
292. Death of Demetrius, xvi. 2.
283—246, Ptolemy Philadelphus king of Egypt, xvi. 2.
281. Death of Lysimachus, xvii. 2.
280. Pyrrbus defeats the Romans, xviii. 1; xxxviii. 4, ,
Seleucus killed by Ptolemy Ceraunus, xvii. 2. j
280—260. Antiochus Soter king of Syria, xvii. 2,
278. Ptolemy Ceraunus killed by the Gauls under Belgius, xxiv.
8. Brennus, with most of his army, perishes at Delphi,
xxiv. 6, ;
275. The Gauls setthe in Gallo-gracia, xxv. 2. ‘ .
269. Pyrrhus killed at Argos, xxv. 5.
264. First Punic war begins, xli. 4; continues 23 years.
260—245. Antiochus, surnamed Deus, reigns over Syria, xxvii. 1.
255. The Parthians revolt from the Syrians, xli 4. © ~

 
302
B.C.

254,
253—216.
246—220.
245—224.

242.
241—231.
237—228,
231—220.
228—220.
225—222.
222—186.

221,
220—177.
220—203.

220.

219,
218—203.

217.

216.
216—208.

215.

214,

207.

205.

203.
203—180,

202. -

199.

198.

197.
193—173.

191.

190.

188,
186—175.

184.

182.
180 —145.
180—144.
177—169.
175—163.,
173—136.

JUSTIN.

Theodotus, prefect of the Bactrians, revolts from the
Syrians, xli. 4.

Teridates, second king of the Parthians, xli. 5.

Ptolemy Euergetes, successor of Ptolemy Philadelphus,
xxvii. I.

Seleucus II. successor of Antiochus Deus, xxvii. 1.

Theodotus II. succeeds his father in Bactria, xli. 4.

Demetrius II. king of Macedonia, successor of Antigonus
Gonnatas, xxvi. 2.

Hamilcar in Spain, xliv. 5. .

Antigonus II. king of Macedonia, successor of Demetrius,.
xxviii. 3. :

Hasdrubal, successor to Hamilcar, in Spain; xliv. 5.

Seleucus IIL. xxvii. 3.

Antiochus the Great, xxix. 1.

Cleomenes, king of Sparta, defeated by Antigonus, flees
into Egypt, xxviii. 4. es
Philip king of Macedonia, successor to Antigonus IL, xxviii. 4.

Ptolemy Philopator successor to Euergetes, xxix. 1.
Hannibal succeeds Hasdrubal in Spain, xxix. 1; xliv. 5.
Lycurgus king of Sparta, xxix. 1.
Hannibal in Italy. xxviii. 4; xliv. 5.

defeats Flaminius, xxix, 2.
Philip of Macedonia sends ambassadors to Hannibal, xxix. 4.
Artabanus, successor of Teridates, in Parthia, xli. 5.
Leevinus goes into Greece, xxix. 4.
Hieronymus, grandson of Hiero, succeeds him.
Priapatius, successor of Artabanus, in Parthia, .xli. 5.
Philip makes peace with the Romans, xxix. 4,
Scipio defeats Hannibal at Zama, xxxviii. 6. ;
Ptolemy Epiphanes successor of Philopator, xxx. 2; xxxi. 1.
End of the second Punie war, xxxiv. 1. g
The Achzans revolt from Philip to the Romans, xxix. 4.
Philip defeated by Flamininus at Cynoscephale, xxx. 3.
Hannibal flees to Antiochus the Great, xxxi. 2.
Phraates, successor of Priapatius, in Parthia, xli. 5. :
Scipio Asiaticus overcomes Antiochus, xxxviii. 6; xxxi. 8.
The Aatolians subdued by the Romans, xxxii 1.
Hannibal with Prusias in Bithynia, xxxii. 4.
Manlius triumphs over the Gauls, xxxviii. 6.
Seleucus IV. successor to Antiochus the Great, xxxii. 2.»
Death of Philopceemen, xxxii. 1.
Death of Hannibal, xxxii. 4,
Death of Scipio Africanus, xxxii. 4.
Philip of Macedonia puts to death his son Demetrius, xxxii. 2.
Ptolemy Philometor successor of Epiphanes, xxxiv. 2.
Eucratidas king of the Bactrians, xli. 6.
Perseus successor of Philip in Macedonia, xxxii. 3.
Antiochus Epiphanes successor to Seleucus, xxxiv. 2.
Mithridates successor of Phraates, xli. 5,.6,
1

B.C.
169.

163—161.
161—149,
149—148,

148,

146,
146—140.
145125.
145—118.
138-—129.

137—132.

136—129,

136—127.
129,

128—121.

127—123.,
125.
124—62.
124,
124—965.
123—86.
121.

118,
118—91.
110—84.
105.

104—101.

. 95~
80—88.
88.
88—82.

82.

78—72.
67.

66—61.

62,
58—48.

53—36.'

53.

CHRONOLOGY. 803

Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, taken prisoner by the
Romans, xxxiii. 2.

Antiochus Eupator successor of Epiphanes, xxxiv. 3.

Demetrius II. successor of Antiochus Eupator, xxxiv. 3.

Demetrius killed; the throne ree by Alexander Bala,
xxxv. 1.

Prusias, king of Bithynia, killed: ‘by his son, xxxiv. 4,

Carthage destroyed, xxxviii. 6 ; Corinth destroyed, xxxiv. 2.

Viriatus in Spain, xliv. 2

Alexander Bala killed ; Demetrius Nicator reigns, Xxxv. 2.

Ptolemy Physcon successor of Philometor, xxxvili. 8.

Demetrius of Syria in captivity among the Parthians,
xxxviii. 9,10; xxxvi. 1.

Attalus IIT. last’ king of Pergamus, xxxvi. 4.

Antiochus VII. brother of Demetrius, xxxviii. 9.

Phraates successor of Mithridates, king of Parthia, xlii. 1.

Pergamus taken from Aristonicus, and made a Roman
province, xxxvi. 4.

Antiochus VII. killed by the Parthians; restoration of
Demetrius, xxxvii. 10.

Alexander Zabinas pretended heir to the throne of Syria,
xxxix 1.

Artabanus successor of Phraates, xlii. 2.

Death of Demetrius in Syria; Seleucus V. succeeds, xxxix. 1.

Mithridates the Great king of Pontus, xxxvii. 1.

Seleucus V. killed by his mother, xxxix. 1.

Antiochus VIII., surnamed Grypus, king of Syria, xxxix. 1.

Mithridates II. king of Parthia, xlii. 2.

Alexander Zabinas killed by Antiochus VIIL., xxxix. 2.

Antiochus VIII. kills his mother, xxxix. 2.

Ptolemy Lathyrus successor of Ptolemy Physcon, xxxix. 8.’

Antiochus IX. (Cyzicenus) rival of Antiochus VIIL., xxxix 2.

Jugurtha led in triumph by Marius.

Ceepio killed by the Cimbri, xxxii. 2.

The Cimbri and Teutones lay waste Helvetia, Spain, and
Gaul, and are defeated by Marius, xxxviii. 4.

Cyrene bequeathed to the Romans, xxxix. 5.

The Marsic war, xxxviii. 4.

Mithridates defeats Aquilius, xxxviii. 3.

Civil war between Marius and Sylla, xxxviii. 4.

Tigranes, king of Armenia, chosen king of Syria, xl. 1.

The war with Sertorius, xliii. 5:

Crete and Cilicia made Roman provinces, xxxix. 5.

Tigranes deprived of the throne of Syria by Lucullus xl 2,

The war with Mithridates conducted by Pompey, xliii. 5.

Death of Mithridates, xxxvii. ].

Syria made a Roman province by Pompey, xl. 2.

Julius Cesar proconsul of Gaul, xliii. 5. |

Orodes king.of Parthia, xlii. 2.

Crassus killed by the Parthians, slii. 4.
304

B.C.
49,
48.
43.
38.
36.

35.
30—26.

24,
20.

JUSTIN.

Civil war between Cesar and Pompey, xlii. 4.

Battle of Pharsalia, xlii. 4.

Brutus and Cassius at war with the Triumviri, xlii. 4.

Ventidius kills Pacorus, son of the king of Parthia, xlii. 4.”

Phraates IV., aa of’ Orodes, king of Parthia, reigns 40
years, xiii, 4,6

Antony put to ‘fight by the Parthians, xlii. 5.

Phraates driven from his throne by Tiridates, and restored by
the Scythians, xlii. 5.

Augustus returns from Spain, which had been subdued, three
years before, xliv. 5.

ene Parthians restore the Roman standards and prisoners,

i, 5.
805

CORNELIUS NEPOS.

LIVES OF EMINENT COMMANDERS.

PREFACE.

I po not doubt that there will be many,* Atticus, who will
think this kind of writing} trifling in its nature, and not
sufficiently adapted to the characters of eminent men, when
they shall find it related who taught Epaminondas music, or
see it numbered among his accomplishments, that he danced
gracefully, and played skilfully on the flutest. But these will
be such, for the most part, as, being unacquainted with Greek
literature, will think nothing right but what agrees with their
own customs.

If these readers will but understand that the same things
are not becoming or unbecoming among all people, but that
every thing is judged by the usages of men’s forefathers, they
will not wonder that we, in setting forth the excellencies of the
Greeks, have had regard to their manners. For to Cimon, an
eminent man among the Athenians, it was thought no disgrace
to have his half-sister,§ by the father’s side, in marriage, as
his countrymen followed the same practice ; but such a union,
according to the order of things among us, is deemed unlawful.

* Plerosque.] For plurimos. So, a little below, pleraque—sunt decora,
for plurima.

+ Hoc genus scripture.| These brief memoirs of eminent men, inter-
spersed with allusions to national habits and peculiarities.

+ Tidbits cantdsse.| The plural, flutes, is used, because the Greeks, and
the Romans, who adopted the practice from them, played on different
kinds of flutes or pipes, equal and unequal, right and left-handed, and
often on two at once. See Colman’s preface to his translation of
Terence ; Smith’s Classical Dict. art. Tibia ; Life of Epaminondas, c, 2.

§ Sororem germanam.] A half-sister by the mother’s side was called
soror uterina. Her name was Elpinice. See the Life of Cimon.

x
806 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

In Greece it is considered an honour to young men to have as
many lovers* as possible. At Lacedemon there is no widowt so
noble that will not go upon the stage, if engaged for a certain
sum. Through the whole of Greece it was accounted a great
glory to be proclaimed a conqueror at Olympia; while to
appear upon the stage, and become a spectacle to the public,t

* Amatores.] See the Life of Alcibiades, v.2. Apud Grecos, says
Cic. de. Rep. fragm. lib. iv., opprobrio fuit adolescentibus, st amatores
non haberent. See Maximus Tyrius, Dissert. viiii—xi.; Potter’s Antiq.
of Greece, b. iv. c. 9. é

+ Nulla—vidua—que non ad scenam eat mercede conducta.] This is
not said with reference to that period in the history of Sparta when it
adhered to the laws of Lycurgus, under which it was not allowed to
witness either comedy or tragedy, as Plutarch in his Jnstétuta Laconica
shows, but to the time when the ancient discipline and austerity were
trodden under foot, and the state sunk into luxury and effeminacy ; a
condition of things which took place under Leonidas and Agis, and
chiefly, indeed, through the licentiousness of the women, if we may
credit what Plutarch says in his life of Agis. From the earliest times,
however, according to Aristotle, Polt. ii. 9, the Spartan women were
inclined to live very intemperately and luxuriously, and Lycurgus
endeavoured to subject them to laws, but was obliged to desist, through
the opposition which they made. Hence Plato, also, de Legg. lib. ii,
alludes to the dveouc, laxity, of the Spartan women.—Buchner. But
with all such explanations the passage is still difficult and unsatis-
factory. Why is a widow particularly specified? No passage in any
ancient author has been found to support this observation of Nepos, if
it be his. What Aristotle says in disparagement of the Lacedemonian
women is pretty well refuted, as Van Staveren observes, by Plutarch
in his life of Lycurgus, c. 14. Besides, there were no female actors
among the Greeks. For ad scenam Freinshemius (apud Beecler. ad
h. 1.) proposes to read ad cenam, which Gesner approves; Heusinger
conjectures ad lenam. The conjecture of Withof, ad encenia, compared
with Hor. A. P. 232, Festis matrona moveri jussa diebus, might appear
in some degree plausible, were not éycaiza a word resting on scarcely
any other authority than that of the Septuagint and ecclesiastical
writers; for though it occurs in Quintilian, vii. 2, the passage is
searcely intelligible, and the reading has generally been thought
unsound. Gcerenz, ad Cic. de Fin. ii, 20, would read que non ad
canam eat mercede condictam, ie. to a supper or banquet furnished by
a general contribution of the guests. But none of these critics cite
any authority in support of their emendations, As to the last, it
would be casting no dishonour upon w noble widow to say that she
went to a cena condicta, for such cena might be among those of her
own ts Nor is the applicability of mercede in such a phrase ‘quite
certain.

t In scenam prodire et populo esse spectaculo, &c.] Actors are here
confounded with the rhapsodists, or reciters of poetry. Demosthenes,

|
{1
PREFACE. 307

was a dishonour to no one in that nation; but all these prac-
tices are, with us, deemed partly infamous, partly mean, and
at variance with respectability, On the other hand, many
things in our habits are decorous, which are by them con-
sidered unbecoming ; for what Roman is ashamed to bring his
wife to a feast, or whose consort does not occupy the best
room in the house, and live in the midst of company? But
in Greece the case is far otherwise; for a wife is neither
admitted to a feast, except among relations, nor does she sit
anywhere but in the innermost apartment of the house,*
which is called the gyn@conitis, and into which nobody goes who
is not connected with her by near relationship.

But both the size of my intended volume, and my haste to
relate what I have undertaken, prevent me from saying more
on this point. We will therefore proceed to our subject, and
relate in this book the lives of eminent commanders. |

de Corond, upbraids Aischines as being an actor.—Rinckit Prolegom. in
4m. Prob. p. xiii.

* This is not true of the Spartan women, for they, who boasted
that they alone were the mothers of men, led a life of less restraint.
Besides, by the laws of Lycurgus, the young women took part in the
public exercises.—Rinck. Proleaom. ibid,

X 2
308

J, MILTIADES,

Miltiades leads “out a colony to the Chersonese; is mocked by the
people of Lemnos, I.—Makes himself master of the Chersonese ;
takes Lemnos and the Cyclades, II—Is appointed by Darius,
when he was making war on Scythia, to guard the bridge over the
Ister ; suggests a plan for delivering Greece from the Persians; is
opposed by Histieus, III.—Exhorts his countrymen to meet
Darius in the field, 1V.—Defeats Darius before the arrival of the
allies, V.—How he is rewarded, VI.—Breaks off the siege of
Paros, is condemned, and dies in prison, VII.—True cause of his
condemnation, VIII.

I, Ar the time when Miltiades, the son of Cimon, an Athe-
nian, was eminent above all his countrymen, both for the
antiquity of his family, the glory of his forefathers, and his
own good conduct,* and was of such an age that his fellow citi-
zens might not only hope well of him, but assure themselves that
he would be such as they found him when he became known,
it chanced that the Athenians wished to send colonists to the
Chersonese.t The number of the party being great, and many
applying for a share in the expedition, some chosen from among
them were sent to Delphi, to consult Apollo what leader they
should take in preference to any other; for the Thracians at
the time had possession of those parts, with whom they would
be obliged to contend in war. The Pythia expressly directed
them, when they put the question, to take Miltiades as their

* Modestia.} “Good conduct,” or “prudence,” or “knowledge how
to act,” seems to be the true sense of the word. “Itaque, ut eandem
[evragiayv] nos modestiam appellemus, sic definitur 4 Stoicis, ut
modestia sit scientia earum rerum, que agentur aut dicentur, suo loco
collocandarum: .. . scientia—opportunitatis idoneorum ad agen-
ie temporum. Sed potest esse eadem prudentie definitio.’—Cic. de

i. 40,

+ The Thracian Chersonese. But it is to be observed that the
author, in this biography, confounds Miltiades, the son of Cimon, with
Miltiades the elder, the son of Cypselus. It was the latter who settled
the colony in the Thracian Chersonese, and left the sovereignty of it
at his death to Stesagoras, the son of his half-brother Cimon, and
brother to Miltiades the younger, who became governor of it on the
death of Stesagoras, being sent out by Pisistratus for that purpose.

Ex his delecti Delphos deliberatum misst sunt, qui consulerent Apolli-
nem, &c.| Either deléberatum, or qué consulerent Apollinem, might be
ees, as superfiuous. Boa retains both in his text, but suspects the
latter,
MILTIADES. 309

commander, as, if they did so, their undertakings would be.
successful. Upon this answer from the oracle, Miltiades set out
for the Chersonese with a fleet, accompanied by a chosen body
of men,f and touched at Lemnos, when, wishing to reduce
the people of the island under the power of the Athenians, and
requesting the Lemnians to surrender of their own accord,
they, in mockery, replied that “they would do so, whenever
he, leaving home with a fleet, should reach Lemnos by the aid
of the wind Aquilo;” for this wind, rising from the north, is
contrary to those setting out from Athens. Miltiades, having
no time for delay, directed his course to the quarter to which
he was bound, and arrived at the Chersonese.

II. Having there, in a short time, scattered the forces of
the barbarians, and made himself master of all the territory
that he had desired, he strengthened suitable places with
fortresses, * settled the multitude, which he had brought with
him, in the country, and enriched them by frequent excursions.
Nor was he less aided, in this proceeding, by good conduct
than by good fortune, for after he had, by the valour of his
men, routed the troops of the enemy, he settled affairs with
the greatest equity, and resolved upon residing in the country
himself. He held, indeed, among the inhabitants, the authority
of a king, though he wanted. the name; and he did not
attain this influence more by his power than by his justice.
Nor did he the less, on this account, perform his duty to the
Athenians, from whom he had come. From these circum-
stances it happened that he held his office in perpetuity, not
less with the consent of those who had sent him, than of those
with whom he had gone thither.

Having settled the affairs of the Chersonese in this man-
ner, he returned to Lemnos, and called on the people to deliver
up their city to him according to their promise ; for they had
said that when he, starting from home, should reach their
country by the aid of the north wind, they would surrender
themselves ; “and he had now a home,” he’ told them, ‘in
the Chersonese.” The Carians, who then inhabited Lemnos,

* Cum delectd manw.| A body independent of those who were going
to settle in the colony.

+ Loca castellis idonea communiit.] A late editor absurdly takes
castellis for a dative. Tacit, Ann, iii. 74: Castella a& munitiones idoneis
locis imponens.. ope - ;
310 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

though the event had-fallen out contrary to their expectation,
yet being influenced, not by the words, but by the good fortune
of their adversaries, did not venture to resist, but withdrew out
of the island. With like success he reduced some other islands,
which are called the Cyclades, under the power of the
Athenians.

III. About the same period, Darius, king of Persia,
resolved upon transporting his army from Asia into Europe,
and making war upon the Scythians. He constructed a bridge
over the river Ister, by which he might lead across his forces..
Of this bridge he left as guardians, during his absence,* the
chiefs} whom he had brought with him from Ionia and Aolia,
and to whom he had given‘the sovereignty of their respective
cities ; for he thought that he should most easily keep under
his power such of the inhabitants of Asia as spoke Greek, if he
gave their towns to be held by his friends, to whom, if he should
be crushed,t no hope of safety would be left. Among the
number of those, to whom the care of the bridge was then en-
trusted, was Miltiades,

As several messengers brought word that Darius was
unsuccessful in his enterprise, and was hard pressed by the
Scythians, Miltiades, in consequence, exhorted the guardians
of the bridge not to lose an opportunity, presented them by
by fortune, of securing the liberty of Greece; for if Darius
should be destroyed, together with the army that he had taken
with him, not only Europe would be safe, but also those. who,
being Greeks by birth, inhabited Asia, would be freed from the
dominion of the Persians, and from all danger. ‘“ This,” he said,
“might easily be accomplished, for, if the bridge were broken
down, the king would perish in a few days, either by the sword of
the enemy, or by famine.” After most of them had assented
to this proposal, Histizeus of Miletus, prevented the design from
being executed; saying that ‘‘the same course would not be ex-
pedient for those who held sovereign command, as for the multi-
tude, since their authority depended on the power of Darius, and,

* Dum ipse abesset.] He fixed, according to Herodotus, « term of
sixty days for his absence, on the expiration of which the guardians of
the bridge might depart.

+ Principes.] The tyrants or sovereigns of the Greek cities, who
held their power under the protection of Darius.

+ Se oppresso.] If he should be crushed, and the Persian empire
consequently overthrown, they would be left without a protector.
MILTIADES. 311

if he were cut off, they would be deprived of their governments,
and suffer punishment at the hands of their subjects ;* and that
he himself, therefore, was so far from agreeing in opinion with
the rest, that he thought nothing more advantageous for them
than that the kingdom of the Persians should be upheld.”
As most went over to this opinion, Miltiades, not doubting that
his proposal, since so many were acquainted with it, would
come to the ears of the king, quitted the Chersonese, and went
again to reside at Athens. His suggestion, though it did not
take effect, is yet highly to be commended, as he showed him-
self a greater friend to the general liberty than to his own
power.

IV. Darius, when he had returned from Asia into Europe,
prepared, at the exhortation of his friends, in order to reduce
Greece under his dominion, a fleet of five hundred ships, and
appointed Datis and Artaphernes to the command of it, to
whom he assigned two hundred thousand infantry and ten
thousand cavalry; alleging as a reason for his enterprise,
that he was an enemy to the Athenians, because, with their
aid, the Tonians had stormed Sardist and put his garri-
son to death. These generals of the king, having brought up
their fleet to Eubcea, soon took Eretria, carried off, all the
citizens of the place,f and sent them into Asia to the king.
They then went to Attica, and drew up their. forces in the
plain of Marathon, which is distant from the city of Athens
about ten miles. The Athenians, though alarmed at this
sudden descent, so near and so menacing, sought assistance
nowhere but from the Spartans, and despatched Phidippides,
a courier of the Glass called hemerodromoi,§ to Lacedemon, to.
acquaint them how speedy assistance they needed. At home,

* Civibus suis peenas daturos.| They would be called to account for
having made themselves tyrants.

+ The Ionians had rebelled against Persia, to which they had been
subject, and, with some Athenians and Eretrians, had burned Sardis.
This is alleged among the frivolous reasons for the Persian war. See
Herod. v. 101—105; Perizon. ad Ailian. V. H. xii. 58; Fabric. ad
Oros. ii. 8; and Plut. Vit. Aristid.— Van Staveren.

= Ommnes ejus gentis cives.) That is, all the people of Eretria in
Eubeea. They were carried to Susa, and treated kindly by Darius.
See Herod vi. 119.

§ ‘Hyepodpdpot, “ day couriers,” who could run a great distance in a
day. Ingens die wno cwrsu emetientes spatiwm. Liv. xxxi. 24,
312 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

meanwhile, they appointed ten captains to command the army,
and among them Miltiades.

Among these captains there was a great discussion, whether
they should defend themselves within the walls, or march ont
to meet the enemy, and decide the contest in the field. Mil-
tiades was the only one extremely urgent that a camp should
be formed as soon as possible; ‘‘ for,’ he said, “if that were
done, not only would courage be added to their countrymen,
when they saw that there was no distrust of their valour, but
the enemy, from the same cause, would be less bold, if they
saw that the Athenians would venture to oppose them with so
small a force.”

V. In this crisis no state gave assistance to the Athenians,
except that of Platea, which sent them a thousand men. On
the arrival of these, the number of ten thousand armed men
was made up; a band which was animated with an extraor-
dinary ardour to fight. Hence it happened that Miltiades had
more influence than his colleagues, for the Athenians, incited
by his authority, led out their forces from the city, and pitched
their camp in an eligible place. The next day, having set
themselves in array at the foot of the hills opposite the enemy,
they engaged in battle with a novel stratagem, and with the
utmost impetuosity. For trees had-been strewed in many
directions, with this intention, that, while they themselves
were covered by the high hills,* the enemy's cavalry might be
impeded by the spread of trees, so that they might not be sur-
rounded by numbers. Datis, though he saw that the ground
was unfavourable for his men, yet, depending on the number
of his force, was desirous to engage, and the rather, because
he thought it of advantage to fight before the Spartans came
to the enemy’s assistance. He led into the field, therefore, a
hundred thousand foot and ten thousand horse, and proceeded
to battle. In the encounter the Athenians, through their
valour, had so much the advantage, that they routed ten times
the number of the enemy, and threw them into such a conster-
nation, that the Persians betook themselves, not to their camp,
but to their ships. Than this Battle there has hitherto been
none more glorious; for never did so small a band overthrow
so numerous a host.

* The text is here in an unsatisfactory state, as all the critics
remark, but I have given what is.evidently the sense of the passage..
MILTIADES. — 313

VI. For this victory it does not seem improper to state
what reward was conferred on Miltiades, that it may be the
more easily understood that the nature of all states is the
same; fot as honours among our own people were once few

-and inexpensive, and for that reason highly prized, but are
now costly and common, so we find that it formerly was
among the Athenians. For to this very Miltiades, who had
saved Athens and the whole of Greece, such honour only
was granted, that when the battle of Marathon was painted in
the portico called Pecile,* his figure was placed first in the
number of the ten commanders, and he was represented as en-
couraging his men, and commencing the battle. The same
people, after they acquired greater power, and were corrupted
by the largesses of their rulers, decreed three hundred statues
to Demetrius Phalereus.

VII. After this battle the Athenians gave Miltiades a fleet
of seventy ships, that he might make war on the islands that
had assisted the barbarians. In the discharge of this com-
mission he obliged most of them to return to their duty ;t
some he took by assault. Being unable to gain over by per-
guasion one of their number, the island of Paros, which was
vain of its strength, he drew his troops out of his ships,
invested the town,t and cut off all their supplies; soon after,
he erected his vinee§ and tortoises, and came close up to the
walls. When he was on the point of taking the town, a grove
on the main land, which was some distance off, but visible
from the island, was set on fire, by I know not what accident,
in the night; and when the flame of it was seen by the towns-
men and besiegers, it was imagined by both that it was a
signal given by the men of the king's fleet; whence it hap-
pened that both the’ Parians were deterred|| from surrendering,
and Miltiades, fearing that the royal fleet was approaching,

* Tloukidn Xrod, “the painted portico,” as being adorned with
pictures on subjects from Athenian history. ;

+ Ad oficiwm redire.] To submit again to the power of the Athe-
nians.

t Urbem.] The chief town of the island, bearing the same name
with it.

§ See on Sall. Jug. c. 37. The testudines were similar in construction
and use to the vinew.

|| Deterrerentur.] They feared the vengeance of the Persians if they
submitted to Miltiades,
314 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

set fire to the works which he had erected, and returned to
Athens with the same number of ships with which he had set
out, to the great displeasure of his countrymen. He was in
consequence accused of treason, on the allegation, that ‘‘ when
he might have taken Paros, he desisted from the siege,
without effecting anything, through being bribed by the king
of Persia.” He was at this time ill of the wounds which he
had received in besieging the town, and, as he could not plead
for himself, his brother Tisagoras spoke for him. The cause
being heard, he was not condemned to death, but sentenced
to pay a fine, which was fixed at fifty talents, a sum equivalent
to that which had been spent on the fleet. As he could not
pay this money, he was thrown into prison, and there ended
his life.

VIII. Although he was brought to trial on the charge
relating to Paros, yet there was another cause for his con-
demnation ; for the Athenians, in consequence of the tyranny of
Pisistratus, which had occurred a few years before, looked with
dread on the aggrandizement of any one of their citizens.
Miltiades having been much engaged in military and civil of-
fices, was not thought likely to be contented in a private station,
especially as he might seem to be drawn by the force of habit
to long for power; for he had held uninterrupted sovereignty
in the Chersonesus during all the years that he had dwelt
there, and had been called a tyrant, though a just one; for he
had not acquired his power by violence, but by the consent of
his countrymen, and had maintained his authority by the
uprightness of his conduct. But all are esteemed and called
tyrants, who become possessed of permanent power in any
state which had previously enjoyed liberty. In Miltiades,
however, there was both the greatest philanthropy and a won-
derful affability, so that there was no person so humble as not
to have free access to him; he had also the greatest influence
among all the states of Greece, with a noble name, and repu-
tation for military achievements. The people, looking to these
circumstances, chose rather that he should suffer, though inno-
cent, than that they should continue longer in fear of him.
315

II. THEMISTOCLES.

Youth of Themistocles; hé is disinherited by his father, 1—His
eminence in the Corcyrean and Persian wars, II.—Battle of
Artemisium, ITI.—His stratagem against Xerxes at Salamis, [V.—
Causes Xerxes to quit Greece, V.—Builds the walls of Athens,
deceiving the Lacedemonians, VI. VII.—Is ostracised, and seeks
refuge in various places, VIII.—His letter to Artaxerxes, and
reception by him; dies at Magnesia, IX.

I. THEmistocLes was the son of Neocles, an Athenian.
The vices of his early youth were compensated by great vir-
tues, so that no one is thought superior, and few are considered
equal to him.

But we must begin from the beginning. His father
Neocles was of a good family, and married a native of
Acharne,* of whom Themistocles was the son. Falling under
the displeasure of his parents, because he lived too freely, and
took no care of his property, he was disinherited by his father.
This disgrace, however, did not dishearten him, but incited
him to exertion, for being aware that it could not be ob-
literated without the utmost efforts on his part, he devoted
himself wholly to affairs of state, studying diligently to benefit
his friends as well as his own reputation. He was much
engaged in private causes, and appeared often before the
assembly of the people; no matter of importance was managed
without him; he quickly discovered what was necessary to be
done, and readily explained it in his speeches. Nor was he
less ready in managing business than in devising plans for it,
for, as Thucydides says, he formed a most accurate judgment
of present affairs, and the shrewdest conjectures as to the
future. Hence it happened that he soon became distinguished.

* Acharnanam civem.] This is the reading of most, if not all, of the
MSS., and Bos retains it. “Aldus,” says Bos, “was the first, I think,
to change Acharnanam into Halicarnassiam, from having read in
Plutarch that Neanthes said Halicarnassus in Caria was the birth-place
of Themistocles’s mother. For my part, ] am unwilling to give up
the old reading, especially as there is so much uncertainty on the
point among writers.” Some make Themistocles the son of a Thracian
woman, and called her Abrotonus, some of a Carian, and called her
Euterpe. See Plutarch. Themist. mit. and Athenzeus, xiii, 5.. Acharne
was a borough of Attica. Plutarch, however, asserts that Themistocles
was not of pure Attic blood on the mother’s side. Nor is there any-
thing either in him or Athenzus to support the reading Acharnanam.
816 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

II. His first step in the management of public affairs was
in the Corcyrean war.* Being chosen commander by the
people to conduct it, he increased the confidence of the
citizens, not only as to the struggle in which they were en-
gaged, but for time to come. As the public money, which
came in from the mines, was annually wasted by the pro-
fusion} of the magistrates, he prevailed on the people that a
fleet of a hundred ships should be built with that money.
This being soon constructed, he first reduced the Corcyreans,
and then, by vigorously pursuing the pirates, rendered the
sea secure. (In acting thus, he both supplied the Athenians
with wealth, and made them extremely skilful in naval war-
fare. How much this contributed to the safety of Greece in
general, was discovered in the Persian war, when Xerxes
assailed the whole of Europe by sea and land, with such a
force as no man ever had, before or since; for his fleet con-
sisted of two hundred ships of war, on which two thousand
transport vessels attended, and his land force was seven
hundred thousand foot, and four hundred thousand horse.

When the news of his approach was spread through Greece,
and the Athenians, on account of the battle of Marathon, were
said to be the chief objects of his attack, they sent to Delphi to
ask what they should do in their present circumstances. As
soon as they put the question, the Pythian priestess replied that
‘‘they must defend themselves with wooden walls.” As no
one understood to what this answer tended, Themistocles
suggested that it was Apollo’s recommendation that they
should put themselves and their property on board their ships,
for that such were the wooden walls intended by the god. This

* Bello Corcyreo.| Rather Afginetico, in the war with Aigina, as
Lambinus and other commentators have observed; for that war
happened about the time to which allusion is here made. See Herod.
vii. 144, and Plutarch. Them. c. 4. But of a war with Corcyra neither
Herodotus nor Thucydides makes any mention; a dispute between the
Corcyrzans and Corinthians is noticed by Plutarch, Them. ¢. 24, which
Themistocles, as arbiter, is said to have settled. The passage is there-
fore corrupt, perhaps from an error of Aimilius Probus, or perhaps
Nepos himself made a mistake as to the name of the war.— Fischer.

+ Largitione.) The money was divided, if we listen to Herodotus,
vi. 46, 47; vii. 144, among the whole people, ten drachme to every
person of full-grown age.—Bos. But the division of it was the act of
the people themselves, though it might be promoted by the influence
of some of the leading men. 3
THEMISTOCLES, . 317

plan being approved, they added to their former vessels as
many more with three banks of oars, and carried off all their
goods that could be moved, partly to Salamis and partly to
Troezen. The citadel, and sacred things, they committed to
the priests, and a few old men, to be taken care of; the rest
of the town they abandoned.

III. This measure of Themistocles was unsatisfactory to
most of the states, and they preferred to fight on land. A
select force was accordingly sent with Leonidas, king of the
Lacedemonians, to secure the pass of Thermopyle, and pre-
vent the barbarians from advancing further. This body could
not withstand the force of the enemy, and were all slain on
the spot. But the combined fleet of Greece, consisting of
three hundred ships, of which two hundred belonged to the
Athenians, engaged the king’s fleet for the first time at
Artemisium, between Eubcea and the main land; for- Themis-
tocles had betaken himself to the straits, that he might not be
surrounded by numbers. Though they came off here with
success equally balanced, yet they did not dare to remain
in the.same place, because there was apprehension, lest, if
part of the enemy’s fleet should get round Eubeea, they should
be assailed by danger on both sides. Hence it came to pass
that they Jeft Artemisium, and drew up their fleet on the coast
of Salamis, over against Athens,

IV. Xerxes, having forceda passage through Thermopyle,
marched at once to the city, and as none defended it, destroyed
it by fire, putting to death the priests that he found in the
citadel. As those on board the fleet, alarmed at the report of
this catastrophe, did not dare to remain where they were, and
most of them gave their opinion that they should return to
their respective homes, and defend themselves within their
walls, Themistocles alone opposed it, saying that united they
would be a match for the enemy, but declaring that if
they separated they would be destroyed. That this would be
the case he assured Eurybiades, king of the Lacedemonians,
who then held the chief command, but making less inipression
on him than he wished, he sent one of his slaves, the most
trustworthy that he had, to Xerxes in the night, to tell him
in his own precise words, that ‘his enemies were retreating, and
that, if they should make off, he would require more labour
and longer time to finish the war, as he would have to pursue
318 an CORNELIUS NEPOS.

those singly, whom, if he attacked them immediately, he might
destroy in a body and at once.” The object of this communi-
cation was, that all the Greeks should be forced to fight even
against their will. The barbarian, receiving this intimation,
and not suspecting any guile to be hidden under it, engaged,
the day after, in a place most unfavourable for himself, and
most advantageous for the enemy, the strait being so confined*
that the body of his fleet could not be brought into action.
He was defeated in consequence rather by the stratagem of
Themistocles than by the arms of Greece.

V. Though Xerxes had thus mismanaged his affairs, he had
yet so vast a force left, that even with this he might have
overpowered his enemies, But in the meanwhile} he was
driven from his position by the same leader. For Themis-
tocles, fearing that he would persist in protracting the contest,
sent him notice that it was in contemplation that the bridge,
which he had made over the Hellespont, should be broken up,
and that he should thus be prevented from returning into
Asia; and he convinced him that such was the fact. In
consequence Xerxes returned into Asia in less than thirty days,
by the same way by which he had spent six months in coming,
and considered himself not conquered,‘but saved, by Themis-
tocles. Thus Greece was delivered by the policy of one man,
and Asia succumbed to Europe. This is a second victory
that may be compared with the triumph at Marathon; for.the
greatest fleet in the memory of man was conquered in like
manner { at Salamis by a small number of ships.

VI. Themistocles was great in this war, and was not less
distinguished in peace; for as the Athenians used the har-
bour of Phalerum, which was neither large nor convenient,
the triple port of the Pireeus§ was constructed by his advice,
and enclosed with walls, so that it equalled the city in mag-
nificence, and excelled it in utility. He also rebuilt the walls

* Aded angusto mari.] It was in the strait between the island of
Salamis and the temple of Hercules, on the coast of Attica.—Bos.

t Interim.] The MSS. and editions are divided between interim and
iterum. Bos prefers the former; Van Staveren the latter.

t Pari modo.] Under the same circumstances as at Marathon ; a
greater force being defeated by a smaller.

§ Triplex Pireei portus.] It is acutely shown by Bos that the.
Pireeus was called triple from its containing three stations or basins,
Cantharos, Aphrodision, and Zea.
THEMISTOCLES. 319

of Athens at his own individual risk ; for the Lacedemonians,
having found a fair pretext, in consequence of the inroads of
the barbarians, for saying that no walled town should be kept
up without the Peloponnesus, in order that there might be
no fortified places of which the enemy might take possession,
attempted to prevent the Athenians from building them.
This attempt had a far different object from that which they
wished to be apparent; for the Athenians, by their two
victories at Marathon and Salamis, had gained so much
renown among all people, that the Lacedemonians became
aware that they should have a strnggle with them for the
supremacy. They therefore wished the Athenians to be as
weak as possible.

After they heard, however, that the erection of the wall was
begun, they sent ambassadors to Athens to prevent it from
being continued. “While the ambassadors were present, they
desisted, and said that they would send an embassy to them
respecting the matter. This embassy Themistocles undertook,
and set out first by himself, desiring that the rest of the
ambassadors should follow when the height of the wall should
* geem sufficiently advanced; and that, in the meantime, all
the people, slaves as well as freemen, should carry on the work,
sparing no place, whether sacred or profane, public or private,
but collecting from all quarters whatever they thought suitable
for building. Hence it happened that the walls of the
Athenians were constructed of materials from temples and
tombs.

VII. Themistocles, when he arrived at Lacedemon, would
not go to the authorities at once, but endeavoured to make as
much delay as possible, alleging, as a reason, that he was
waiting for his colleagues. While the Lacedemonians were
complaining that the work was nevertheless continued, and
that he was trying to deceive them in the matter, the rest of
the ambassadors in the meantime arrived; and, as he learned
from them that but little of the wall remained to be done, he
proceeded to the Lacedemonian Ephori, in whom the supreme
power was vested, and assured them positively that “ false
accounts had been given them,” adding “that it would be proper
for them to send persons of character and respectability, in
whom trust might be placed, to inquire into the affair; and
that in the meantime they might detain himself as a hostage.”
820 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

His suggestion was complied with, and three deputies, men
who had filled the highest offices, were despatched to Athens,
When Themistocles thought that they had reached the city,
he went to the Ephori and senate of the Lacedamonians, and
boldly stated that ‘‘the Athenians, by his advice, had enclosed
their public gods, and their national and household gods,* with
walls, that they might more easily defend them from the enemy,
a step which they were at liberty to take by the common law of
rations; nor had they, in acting thus, done what was useless to
Greece ; for their city stood as a bulwark against the barbarians,
at which the king's fleets had already twice suffered shipwreck ;
and that the Lacedemonians acted unreasonably and unjustly,
in regarding rather what was conducive to their own dominion,
than what would be of advantage to the whole of Greece.
If, therefore, they wished to receive back the deputies whom
they had sent to Athens, they must permit him to return;
otherwise they would never receive them into their country
again.”
evIIL. Yet he did not escape jealousy on the part of his own
countrymen ; for being expelled from the city by the ostracism,
through the same apprehension from which Miltiades had
been condemned, he went to dwell at Argos. While he was
living there in great honour, on account of his many excellent
qualities, the Lacedemonians sent ambassadors to Athens to
accuse him in his absence of having made a league with the
king of Persia to subjugate Greece. On this charge he was
condemned, while absent, of treason to his country. As soon
-as he heard of this sentence, he removed, as he did not think
himself safe at Argos, to Corcyra. But perceiving that the
leading men of that state were afraid lest the Lacedemo-
nians and Athenians should declare war against them on his
account, he fled to Admetus, king of the Molossi, with whom
he had had a great friendship.t Having arrived here, and
the king being absent at the time, he, in order that he might
secure himself, if received, with the stronger safeguard of
* By public gods, deos publicos, are meant the deities worshipped
throughout all the states of Greece, as Jupiter, Mercury, &e.; by
national gods, patrios, such as were peculiar to Attica itself.
+ Hospitium.] A mutual agreement to receive one another as guests.
But according to Thucydides, i. 186, there was no such relation

existing between them, for he speaks of Admetus as évra airy ov
giror.
THEMISTOCLES. 321

religion, took up the king's little daughter, and ran with her
into a certain temple, which was regarded with the utmost
veneration, and from which he did not come out till the king,
-having given him his right hand, took him under his protec-
tion ; an engagement which he strictly observed. For when his
surrender was publicly demanded by the Athenians and Lace-
dsmonians, he did not betray his dependant, but warned him
to consult for his safety, as it would be difficult for him to live
in security in a place so near to Greece. He in consequence
caused him to be conducted to Pydna, appointing him a
sufficient guard. Here he went on board a ship, to all the
sailors in which he was personally unknown. The vessel
being driven by a violent storm towards Naxos, where the
army of the Athenians then lay, Themistocles felt assured
that, if he put in there, he must lose his life. Being thus
compelled by necessity, he disclosed to the captain of the ship
who he was, promising him a large reward if he would save
him. The captain, moved with concern for so illustrious a
man, kept the ship at anchor in the open sea, at some dis-
tance from the island, for a day and a night, allowing no
person to quit it. Thence he went to Ephesus, where he
set Themistocles on shore, who afterwards liberally rewarded
him for his services.

IX. I know most historians have related that Themistocles
went over into Asia in the reign of Xerxes, but I give credence
to Thucydides in preference to others, because he, of all who
have left records of that period, was nearest in point of time
to Themistocles, and was of the same city. Thucydides says
that he went to Artaxerxes, and sent him a letter in these
words: “I, Themistocles, am come to you, a man, who, of
all the Greeks, brought most evil upon your house, when
I was obliged to war against your father, and to defend my
own country. I also did your father still greater service,
after I myself was in safety, and he began to be in danger ;
for when he wished, after the battle fought at Salamis, to
return into Asia, I informed him by letter that it was in con-
templation that the bridge, which he had constructed over the
Hellespont, should be broken up, and that he should be sur-
rounded by enemies ; by which information he was rescued
from'danger. But now, pursued by all Greece, I have fled to
you, soliciting your favour, and if I shall obtain it, you will

¥
322 CORNELIUS NEPOS-

find me no less deserving as a friend than your father found
me resolute as an enemy. I make this request, however, that
with regard to the subjects on which I wish to discourse with
you, you would grant me a year’s delay, and when that time
is past, permit me to approach you.”

X. The king, admiring his greatness of mind, and wishing
to have such a man attached to him, granted his request.
Themistocles devoted all that time to the writings and lan-
guage of the Persians, in which he acquired such knowledge,
‘that he is said to have spoken before the king with much more
propriety * than those could who were born in Persia. After he
had made the king many promises, and what was most agree-
able of them all, that if he would follow his advice, he might
conquer Greece in war, he was honoured with rich presents by
Artaxerxes, and returning into Asia Minor, fixed his habita-
tion at Magnesia. For the king had bestowed upon him this
city, expressing himself in these words, that ‘‘it was to
supply him with bread;” (from the land about this place fifty
talents came into him annually ;) and he had also given him
Lampsacus, ‘whence he might get his wine,” and Myus,
“from which he might have meats for his table.” +

Two memorials of Themistocles have remained to our times;
his sepulchre near the city,{ in which he was buried, and his
statues in the forum of Magnesia. Concerning his death
various accounts have been given by several writers; we
prefer, to all others, the authority of Thucydides, who says
that he died of some disease at Magnesia, though he admits

that there was a report that he voluntarily took poison, because __

he despaired of being able to perform what he had promised
the king about subjugating Greece. Thucydides has also
recorded that his bones were buried by his friends in Attica
privately, it not being permitted by law to bury them, as he
had been pronounced guilty of treason.

* Multo commodius.] This seems impossible. He might have better
matter to produce, but surely not better language.

t Opsonium.] The word signifies all that was eaten with bread; all
kinds of food besides bread.

+ Prope oppidum.] That is, near the city of Athens, where we learn
from Pausanias that the tomb of Themistocles was to be seen in his
time, in the reign of Marcus Antoninus.— Bos.
823

III. ARISTIDES.

Aristides thé contemporary and rival of Themistocles; is: banished, I.
—After his recal, commands against Mardonius; increases the
popularity of the Athenians, II.—Has the care of the treasury ;
dies poor, IIT.

I. AristipEs, the son of Lysimachus, a native of Athens,
was almost of the same age with Themistocles, and contended
with him, in consequence, for pre-eminence, as they were
determined rivals one to the other ;* and it was seen in their
case’ how much eloquence could prevail over integrity ; for
though Aristides was so distinguished for uprightness of con-
duct,+ that he was the only person in the memory of man (as
far at least as I have heard) who was called by the surname of
Just, yet being overborne by Themistocles with the ostracism,
he was condemned to be banished for ten years.

Aristides, finding that the excited multitude could not be
appeased, and noticing, as he yielded to their violence, a person
writing that he ought to be banished, is said to have asked him
“why he did so, or what Aristides had done, that he should be
thought deserving of such a punishment?” The person writing
replied, that ‘‘ he did not know Aristides, but that he was not
pleased that he had laboured to be called Just beyond other
men.”

He did not suffer the full sentence of ten years appointed
by law, for when Xerxes made a descent upon Greece, he was
recalled into his country by a decree of the people, about six
years after he had been exiled.

II. He was present, however, in the sea-fight at Salamis,
which was fought before he was allowed to return.t He was

* Obtrectdrunt inter se.] AteroXtrstcavro; they supported opposite
parties in the state. So in the Life of Epaminondas, c. 5, it is said
that he had Meneclides for an obtrectator. Such obtrectationes are
called by Vell. Pat. ii. 43, civiles contentiones, and by Val. Max. iii. 8,
acerrimt studi in administratione Reipublice dissidia.—Gebhard. Plu-
tarch says, that according to some there were dissensions between
Aristides and Themistocles from their earliest years, so that in all their
communications, whether on graver or lighter topics, the one always
opposed the other.—Buchmer.

+ Abstinentia.] That is, abstaining frum the property of others;
moderation ; disinterestedness.

t Priusquam pend liberaretur.} Before he was freed from the

punishment (of exile).
wv *
324 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

also commander of the Athenians at *Platae, in the battle in
which Mardonius was routed, and the army of the barbarians
was cut off. Nor is thete any other celebrated act of his in
military affairs recorded, besides the account of this command ;
but of his justice, equity, and self-control, there are many in-
stances. Above all, it was through his integrity, when he was
joined in command of the common fleet of Greece with
Pausanias, under whose leadership Mardonius had been put to
flight, that the supreme authority at sea was transferred from
the Lacedwmonians to the Athenians; for before that time
the Lacedemonians had the command both by sea and land.
But at this period it happened, through the indiscreet conduct
of Pausanias. and the equity of Aristides, that all the states
of Greece attached themselves as allies to the Athenians, and
chose them as their leaders against the barbarians.

III. *In order that they might repel the barbarians more
easily, if perchance they should try to renew the war, Aristides
was chosen to settle what sum of money each state should con-
tribute for building fleets and equipping troops. By his ap-
pointment four hundred and sixty talents were deposited
annually at Delos, which they fixed upon to be the common
treasury; but all this money was afterwards removed to
Athens.

How great was his integrity, there is no more certain proof,
than that, though he had beenat the head of such important
affairs, he died in such poverty that he scarcely left money to
defray the charges of his funeral. Hence it was that his
daughters were brought up at the expense of the country, and
were married with dowries given them from the public treasury.
He died about four years after Themistocles was banished from
Athens.

. * At the commencement of this chapter I have departed from Bos’s
text, and followed that of Freund and others, who make it begin with
Quos quo facilias repellerent, &c.
325

IV. PAUSANIAS.

Pausanias at Plate, I1—He takes Byzantium, and makes advances to
Xerxes, I1—His conduct abroad; his imprisonment, III.—He
betrays his guilt, I[V.—His death at the temple of Minerva, V.

I. Pausanras the Lacedemonian was a great man, but of
varied character in all the relations of life; for as he was
ennobled by virtues, he was also obscured by vices. His most
famous battle was that at Platese, for, under his command
Mardonius, a royal satrap, by birth a Mede, and son-in-law to
the king (a man, among the chief of all the Persians, brave
in action and full of sagacity), at the head of two hundred
thousand infantry, whom he had chosen man by man, and
twenty thousand cavalry, was routed by no very large army of
Greeks; and the general himself was slain in the struggle.

Elated by this victory, he began to indulge in irregular
preceedings,* and to covet greater power. But he first in-
curred blame on this account, that he offered at Delphi, out of
the spoil, a golden tripod with an inscription written upon it,
in which was this statement, that ‘‘the barbarians had been
cut off at Plate by his management, and that, on account of
that victory, he had presented this offering to Apollo.” These
lines the Lacedemonians erased, and wrote nothing but the
names of the states by whose aid the Persians had been
conquered.

II. After this battle they sent Pausanias with the confede-
rate fleet to Cyprus and the Hellespont, to expel the garrisons
of the barbarians from those parts. Experiencing equal good
fortune in this enterprise, he began to conduct himself still
more haughtily, and to aim at still higher matters; for having,
at the taking of Byzantium, captured several Persian noble-
men, and among them some relations of the king, he sent
them secretly back to Xerxes, and pretended that they had
escaped out of prison. He sent with them, also, Gongylus of
Eretria, to carry a letter to the king, in which Thucydides +
has recorded that the following words were written: ‘“ Pausa-
nias, the general of Sparta, having discovered that those whom

* Plurima miscere] To mingle, or throw into confusion, very many
things.
+ Book i. c. 128.
826 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

he took at Byzantium are your relations, has sent them back as
a gift, and desires to be joined in affinity with you. If there-
fore it seem good to you, give him your daughter in marriage.
Should you do so, he engages, with your aid, to bring both
Sparta and the rest of Greece under your sway. If you wish
anything to be done with regard to these proposals, be careful
to send a trustworthy person to him, with whom he may
confer.”

The king, extremely delighted at the restoration of so many
persons so nearly related to him, immediately despatched
Artabazus with a letter to Pansanias, in which he commended
him, and begged that he would spare no pains to accomplish
what he promised; if he effected it, he should never meet
with a refusal of anything from him. Pausanias, learning
what the king’s pleasure was, and growing more eager for
the accomplishment of his designs, fell under the suspicion of
the Lacedemonians. In the midst of his proceedings, accord-
ingly, he was recalled home, and being brought to trial on a
capital charge, was acquitted on it, but sentenced to pay a
fine; for which reason he was not sent back to the fleet.

ITI. Not long after, however, he returned to the army of
his own accord, and there, not in a sensible, but in an insane
manner, let his views become known; for he laid aside, not
only the manners of his country, but its fashions and dress.
He adopted regal splendour and Median attire; Median and
Egyptian guards attended him; he had his table served, after
the Persian manner, more luxuriously than those who were
with him could endure; he refused permission to approach
him to those who sought it; he gave haughty replies and
severe commands. To Sparta he would not return, but with-
drew to Colon, a place in the country of Troas, where he
formed designs pernicious both to his country aud himself.
When the Lacedemonians knew of his proceedings, they sent
deputies to him with a scytala,* on which it was written, after
their fashion,t that “if he did not return home, they would

* Cum scytald.| The scytala was a staff, round which a slip of parch-
ment being rolled obliquely, the orders of the Ephori were written on
it longitudinally, so that, when unrolled, they could not be read until
the parchment was again rolled round a staff of the same thickness,
which the general had with him.

+ More illorwm.] That is, with extreme brevity.
PAUSANIAS, 327

condemn him to death.” Being alarmed at this communication,
but hoping that he should be able, by his money and his
influence, to ward off the danger that threatened him, he.
returned home. As soon as he arrived there, he was thrown
into the public prison by the Ephori, for it is allowable, by
their laws, for any one of the Ephori to do this to a king.*
He however got himself freed from confinement, but was not
cleared from suspicion, for the belief still prevailed, that he
had made a compact with the king of Persia.

There is a certain class of men called Helots, of whom a
great number till the lands of the Lacedsmonians, and per-
form the duties of slaves. These men he was thought to have
solicited, by holding out to them hopes of liberty, to join him.

. But as there was no visible ground for a charge against him
on these points, on which he might be convicted, they did not
think that they ought to pronounce, concerning so eminent
and famous a man, on suspicion only, but that they must wait
till the affair should disclose itself.

IV. In the meantime a certain Argilian,+ a young man
whom, in his boyhood, Pausanias had loved with an ardent
affection.{ having received a letter from him for Artabazus,
and conceiving a suspicion that there was something written in
it about himself, because no one of those who had been sent
to the same place on such an errand, had returned, loosed the
string of the letter,§ and taking off the seal, discovered that. if
he delivered it he would lose his life. In the letter were also
some particulars respecting matters that had been arranged
between the king and Pausanias. This letter he delivered to
the Ephori. The cautious prudence of the Lacedemonians,
on this occasion, is not to be passed without notice; for they
were not induced, even by this man’s information, to seize
Pausanias, nor did they think that violent measures should be
adopted, until he gave proof of his own guilt.

* Regi.| Pausanias was not actually a king, but guardian to the
young prince Pleistarchus, the son of Leonidas. Thucyd. i. 132.

+ Argilius.] A native of Argilus, a town of Thrace on the Strymonic
Gulf,

+ Amore venereo.] See the note on amatores in the preface.

§ Vineula epistole laxavit.) Letters were tied round with a string,
which was sealed, probably, over the knot. The Argilian, according
to Nepos, contrived to take off the string without breaking the seal, so
that he might readily replace it.
828 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

They accordingly directed the informer what they wished
to have done. At Tenarus there is a temple of Neptune,
which the Greeks account it a heinous crime to profane. To
this temple the informer fled, and sat down on the steps of
the altar. Close to the building, they made a recess under-
ground, from which, if any one held communication with the
Argilian, he might be overheard ; and into this place some of
the Ephori went down. Pausanias, when he heard that the
Argilian had fled to the altar, came thither in great trepida-
tion, and seeing him sitting as a suppliant at the altar of the
divinity, he inquired of him what was the cause of so sudden a
proceeding. The Argilian then informed him what he had
learned from the letter, and Pausanias, being so much the more
agitated, began to entreat him ‘not to make any discovery, or
to betray him who deserved great good at his hands ;” adding
that, ‘if he would but grant him this favour, and assist him
when involved: in such perplexities, it should be of great
advantage to him.”

V. The Ephori, hearing these particulars, thought it better
that he should be apprehended in the city. After they had
set out thither, and Pausanias, having, as he thought, pacified
the Argilian, was also returning to Lacedemon, he understood
(just as he was on the point of being made prisoner) by a
look from one of the Ephori who wished to warn him, that
some secret mischief was intended against him. He accord-
ingly fled for refuge, a few steps before those who pursued
him, into the temple of Minerva, which is called Chalcicecos.*
That he might not escape from thence, the Ephori immediately
blocked up the folding-doors of the temple, and pulled off the
roof, that he might more readily die in the open air. It is
said that the mother of Pausanias was then living, and that,
though very aged, she was among the first to bring a stone,
when she heard of her son’s guilt, to the door of the temple,
in order to shut him in. Thus Pausanias tarnished his great
glory in war by a dishonourable death,

As soon as he was carried, half-dead, out of the temple, he
gave up the ghost. When some said that his body ought to

* Que Chalciecos vocatur.] Whether the gue refers to cedem or
Minerve, the critics are not agreed. Thucydides, i. 134, rd isody rig
Xadxwoicov, makes it apparent that it should be referred to Minerva.
But Bos and Bremi concur in referring it to edes, -
CIMON. 829

be carried to the place where those given up to capital punish-
ment were buried, the proposal was displeasing to the ma-
jority, and they interred him at some distance from the spot in
which he died. He was afterwards removed from thence, in
consequence of an admonition from the Delphic god, and
buried in the same place where he had ended his life.

Vv. CIMON.

Cimon is compelled to go to prison on the death of his father; is
liberated by his wife, I—His character and actions; he defeats
the Persians by land and sea on the same day, II—Is ostracised
and recalled, and makes peace with the Lacedemonians; his
death, III.—His praises, IV.

1. Cron, the son of Miltiades, an Athenian, experienced a
very unhappy entrance on manhood ; for as his father had been
unable to pay to the people the fine imposed upon him, and had
consequently died in the public gaol, Cimon was kept in prison,
nor could he, by the Athenian laws,* be set at liberty,
unless he paid the sum of money that his father had been
fined. He had married, however, his sister by the’ father’s
side, named Elpinice, induced not more by love than by
custom ; for the Athenians are allowed to marry their sisters
by the same father ; and a certain Callias, a man whose birth
was not equal to his wealth, and who had made a great fortune
from the mines, being desirous of having her for a wife, tried
to prevail on Cimon to resign her to him, saying that if he
obtained his desire, he would pay the fine for him. Though
Cimon received such a proposal with scorn, Elpinice said that
she would not allow a son of Miltiades to die in the public
prison, when she could prevent it; and that she would marry
Callias if he would perform what he promised.

II. Cimon, being thus set free from confinement, soon
attained great eminence ; for he had considerable eloquence,

* Neque legibus Atheniensibus emitti poterat.] Yet by Justin, ii. 15,
Val. Maximus, v. 3 ext. 8, and v. 4 ext. 2, Seneca, Controvers. 24, and
others, it has been said that Cimon’s submission to go to prison was
voluntary. Bos collects ample testimony to the contrary.

+ See note on the preface.
330 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

the utmost generosity, and great skill, not only in civil law,
but in military affairs, as he had been employed from his boy-
hood with his father in the army. He in consequence held
the people of the city under his control, and had great influ-
ence over the troops. In his first term of service, on the river
Strymon, he put to flight great forces of the Thracians,
founded the city of Amphipolis, and sent thither ten thousand
Athenian citizens as a colony. He also, in a second expe-
dition, conquered “and took at Mycale a fleet of two hundred
ships belonging to the Cyprians and Pheenicians, and ex-
perienced like good fortune by land on the same day; for
after capturing the enemy’s vessels, he immediately led out his
troops from the fleet, and overthrew at the first onset a vast
force of the barbarians. By this victory he obtained a great
quantity of spoil; and, as some of the islands, through the
rigour of the Athenian government, had revolted from them,
he secured the attachment, in the course of his return home,
of such as were well disposed, and obliged the disaffected to
return to their allegiance. Scyros, which the Dolopes at that
time inhabited, he depopulated, because it had behaved itself
insolently, ejecting the old settlers from the city and island,
and dividing the lands among his own countrymen. The
Thasians, who relied upon their wealth, he reduced as soon
as he attacked them. With these spoils the citadel of Athens
was adorned on the side which looks to the south.

III. When, by these acts, he had attained greater honour
in the state than any other man, he fell under the same public
odium as his father, and others eminent among the Athenians ;
for by the votes of the shells, which they call the ostracism,
he was condemned to ten years’ exile. Of this proceeding the
Athenians repented sooner than himself; for after he had sub-
mitted, with great fortitude, to the ill-feeling of his ungrateful
countrymen, and the Lacedemonians had declared war against
the Athenians, a desire for his well-known bravery im-
mediately ensued. In consequence, he was summoned back
to his country five years after he had been banished from it.
But as he enjoyed the guest-friendship* of the Lacedeemonians,
he thought it better to hasten to Sparta, and accordingly pro-

* Hospitio.] See note on Themistocles, c. 8. Hospitium might exist

between two states, or between a state and a private individual, as well
as between two individuals.
LYSANDER. 331

ceeded thither of his own accord, and settled a peace between
those two most powerful states.

Being sent as commander, not long after, to Cyprus, with a
fleet of two hundred ships, he fell sick, after he had conquered
the greater part of the island, and died in the town of Citium.

IV. The Athenians long felt regret for him, not only in
war, but in time of peace; for he was a man of such liberality,
that though he had farms and gardens in several parts, he
never set a guard over them for the sake of preserving
the fruit, so that none might be hindered from enjoying his
property as he pleased. Attendants always followed him with
money, that, if any one asked his assistance, he might have
something to give him immediately, lest, by putting him off,
he should appear to refuse. Frequently, when he saw a man
thrown in his way by chance* in a shabby dress, he gave
him his own cloak. A dinuer was dressed for him duily in such
abundance, that he could invite all whom he saw in the forum
uninvited ; a ceremony which he did not fail to observe every
day. His protection, his assistance, his pecuniary means,
were withheld from none. He enriched many; and he buried
at his own cost many poor persons, who at their death had
not left sufficient for their interment. In consequence of
such conduct, it is not at all surprising that his life was free
from trouble, and his death severely felt.

VI. LYSANDER.

Lysander conquers the Athenians, and establishes a decemvirate in the
several states of Greece, I —His cruelty to the Thracians, Il. —He
endeavours to dethrone the kings of Sparta, and corrupt the
various oracles ; is brought to trial and acquitted ; is killed by the
Thebans, III.—Was his own accuser, IV.

I. Lysanpver, the Lacedemonian, left a high character of
himself, which was gained, however, more by good fortune

* Offenswm fortund.] That is, casu obviwm, fortuitd oblatum, “thrown
in his way by chance,” as Heusinger explains it in his note on the
passage.— Fischer. This explanation is also approved by Beeclerus and
Freinshemius. Lambinus erroneously interpreted it cut fortuna esset
iniqua, and several others have trodden in his steps.
332 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

than by merit. That he subdued the Athenians, when they
were at war with the Lacedsemonians, in the twenty-sixth
year of the contest, is certain; but how he obtained that con-
quest is but little known; for it was not effected by the valour
of his own troops, but by the want of discipline among the
enemy, who, from not being obedient to the commands of their
leaders, but straggling about in the fields, and abandoning their
vessels, fell into the power of their adversaries; in conse-
quence of which disaster the Athenians submitted to the
Lacedemonians,

Lysander, elated with this victory, and having always before
been a factious und bold man, allowed himself such liberty,
that the Lacedemonians, through his conduct, incurred the
greatest unpopularity throughout Greece; for they having said.
that their object in going to war was to humble the overbear-
ing tyranny of the Athenians, Lysander, after he had captured
the enemy’s fleet at Aigospotamos, endeavoured after nothing
so much as to keep all-the states of Greece under his autho-
rity, while he pretended that he acted thus for the sake of
the Lacedemouians. Having every where ejected those who
favoured the party of the Athenians, he made choice of ten men
in each city, on whom he conferred supreme authority, and the
control of all proceedings. Into the number of these no
one was admitted who was not attached to him by friendship.
or who had not assured him, by pledging his faith, that he
would be entirely at his disposal.

I. The decemviral government being thus established in
every city, everything was done according to his pleasure. Of
his cruelty and perfidy it is sufficient to give one instance, by
way of example, that we may not weary our readers by enu-
merating many acts of the same individual. As he’ was
returning in triumph from Asia, and had turned aside towards
Thasos, he endeavoured, as the people had been eminent for
fidelity to the Athenians, to corrupt them,* as if those were
wont to be the firmest friends who had been steady enemies.
But he saw that unless he concealed his intention in the affair,

* Pervertere.| “Corrupt” is evidently the sense of pervertere in this
passage, not “destroy,” as some would make it. Lysander first
endeavoured to corrupt the fidelity of the Thasians to the Athenians,
and afterwards, when he found his endeavours unsuccessful, proceeded
to use treachery and cruelty towards them.
LYSANDER. 333

the Thasians would elude him, and take measures for their
own interests. Accordingly*....

III. The decemviral government, which had been ap-
pointed by him, his countrymen abolished. Incensed at this
affront, he entered upon measures to remove the kings of
the Lacedemonians; but he found that he could not effect
his object without support from the gods, because the Lace-
demonians were accustomed to refer everything to the oracles.
In the first place, therefore, he endeavoured to corrupt Delphi,
and, when he could not succeed in doing so, he made an
attempt upon Dodona. Being disappointed there also, he gave
out that he had made vows which he must pay to Jupiter
Ammon, thinking that he would bribe the Africans with greater
ease. When he had gone, accordingly, with this expectation
into Africa, the priests of Jupiter greatly disappointed him,
for they not only would not be bribed, but even sent deputies
to Lacedzemon to accuse Lysander of ‘having endeavoured to
corrupt the ministers of the temple.” After being brought to
trial on this charge, and being acquitted by the votes of his
judges, he was sent with some auxiliary troops to the Orcho-
menians, and killed by the Thebans at Haliartus. How just
was the decision regarding him,} the speech was a proof,
which was found in his house after his death, and in which he
recommended to the Lacedemonians, that, after they had
abolished the regal government, a leader should be chosen
from among the whole people to conduct the war; but it was
written in such a manner, that it might seem to be in accord-

* The account of Lysander’s treachery to the Thasians is wanting
in the manuscripts, but may be supplied from Polyxnus, i. 45. Those
of the Thasians who had the greatest reason to’ fear Lysander, had fled
to a temple of Hercules, which was held in the greatest veneration.
At this temple Lysander called them all together to hear him address
them, when he made them a speech full of the fairest promises of
mercy and clemency. He said that he would think nothing of what
was past; that no one had cause for fear or concealment; that they
might all appear before him with full confidence in his good feelings
towards them; and that he called Hercules, in whose temple they
were, to witness that he spoke only what he meant. Having thus
drawn them forth from their sanctuary, he, a few days after, when
they were free from apprehension, fell upon them and put them to
death. “He was guilty of a similar instance of perfidy at Miletus,”
says Bos, “as is also related by Polyzenus, and by Plutarch.”

+ Quam vere de co foret judicatwm.] That is, how little he deserved
acquittal.
334 CORNELIUS NEPOS,

ance with the advice of the gods, which he, relying on his
money, did not doubt that he should procure. This speech
Cleon of Halicarnassus is said to have written for him.

IV. In this place a transaction of Pharnabazus, the king’s
satrap, must not be omitted. When Lysander, as commander
of the fleet, had done many cruel and avaricious acts in the
course of the war, and suspected that reports of these proceed-
ings had been made to his countrymen, he asked Pharnabazus
to give him a testimonial to present to the Ephori, showing
with what conscientiousnes he had carried on the war and
treated the allies, begging him to write fully concerning the
matter, as his authority on that head would be great. Phar-
nabazus promised him fairly, and wrote a long and full letter,*
in which he extolled him with the greatest praises. But when
Lysander had read and approved of it, Pharnabazus substi-
tuted, while it was being sealed, another of the same size in its
place, so like it that it could not be distinguished from it, in
which he had most circumstantially accused him of avarice and
perfidy. Jysander, accordingly, when he had returned home,
and had said what he wished before the chief magistrates,
handed them, as a testimonial, the letter which he had received
from Pharnabazus. The Ephori, after having perused it when
Lysander was withdrawn, gave it to him to read. Thus he
became unawares his own accuser.

VII. ALCIBIADES.

Alcibiades eminent both in his virtues and vices, I—His education,
IL.-—He commands in the expedition against Syracuse; is suspected
of profaning the mysteries, and of conspiring against the govern-
ment, III.—Is recalled home, but flees, and attaches bimself to
the Lacedemonians, [V.— Falling under suspicion among them,
he flees to the Persians, and is afterwards reconciled to his
countrymen, V.—His enthusiastic reception at Athens, VI.— He
again becomes unpopular there; his successes in Thrace, VIL—
He tries to promote the good of his country, VIII.—He crosses
over into Asia, IX.—Is killed in Phrygia, X.—His character, XL

I. Axcrptapes, the son of Clinias, was a native of Athens.
In him nature seems to have tried what she could do; for it is
agreed among all who have written concerning him, that no

* Librum gravem multis verbis.] “A heavy letter in many words.”
ALCIBIADES, 335

one was ever more remarkable than he, either for vices or vir-
tues. Born in a most distinguished city, of a very high
family, and by far the most handsome of all the men of his
age, he was qualified for any occupation, and abounded in
practical intelligence. He was eminent as a commander by
sea and land; he was eloquent, so as to produce the greatest
effect by his speeches; for such indeed was the persuasiveness
of his looks and language, that in oratory no one was a match
for him. He was rich,* and, when occasion required, labo-
rious, patient, liberal, and splendid, no less in his public than in
his private life;+ he was also affable and courteous, conform-
ing dexterously to circumstances; but, when he had unbent
himself, and no reasou offered why he should endure the
labour of thought, was,seen to be luxurious, dissolute, volup-
tuous, and self-indulgent, so that all wondered there should
be such dissimilitude, and so contradictory a nature, in the
same man.

II. He was brought up in'the house of Pericles (for he is
said to have been his step-son),{ and was taught by Socrates.
For his father-in-law he had Hipponicus, the richest man of
all that spoke the Greek language; so that, even if he had
contrived for himself, he could neither have thought of more
advantages, nor have secured greater, than those which fortune
or nature had bestowed upon him. At his entrance on man-
hood he was beloved by many, after the manner of the
Greeks, and among them by Socrates, whom Plato mentions
in his Symposium ; for he introduces Alcibiades, saying that
“he had passed the night with Socrates, and had not risen up
from him otherwise than a son should rise from a father.”
When he was of maturer age, he had himself no fewer objects

* Dives; quum tempus posceret, &c.] This is Bos’s reading. Many
editions have Idem quum tempus, &c.

+ Non minus in vitd quam victu.] Bos and Beecler distinguish vita
and victus in this manner; vita, they say, means a man’s mode of
living in public and among other men; victus his way of life at home,
and diet at his own table. Cicero de Legg. iii. 14: Nobilium vitd
victugque mutato.

< Darga | If we believe Diodorus Siculus, lib. xii, and Suidas,
Alcibiades was.the son of Pericles’s sister. Hence Pericles is called
his uncle by Val. Max, iii. 1, and Aul. Gell. xv.17. Pericles appears,
however, to have been the step-father of Alcibiades’s wife, as Magius
observes ; for Alcibiades married Hipparete, the daughter of Hipponi-
cus, whose wife Pericles afterwards espoused.~-- Bos,
 

336 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

of affection, his intercourse with whom, as far as was possible,
he did many acts of an objectionable character, in a delicate
and agreeable manner; which acts we would relate, had we
not other things to tell of a higher and better nature.

III. In the Peloponnesian war, the Athenians, by his ad-
vice and persuasion, declared war against the Syracusans, to
conduct which he himself was chosen general. Two colleagues
were besides assioned him, Nicias and Lamachus, While the
expedition was in preparation, and before the fleet sailed, it
happened one night that all the statues of Mercury* that were
in the city of Athens were thrown down, except one, which
was before the gate of Andocides, and which, in consequence,
was afterwards generally called the Mercury of Andocides.t
As it appeared that this could not have been done without a
strong confederacy of many persons, since it had respect not
to a private but to a public matter,t great dread was excited
among the multitude, lest some sudden tumult should arise in
the city to destroy the people’s liberty. The suspicion of this
seemed chiefly to attach to Alcibiades, because he was con-
sidered both more influential, and of higher standing, than
any private person; for he had secured many adherents by his
generosity, and had made still more his friends by assisting
them in legal proceedings. Hence it happened, that as often
as he appeared in public, he drew the eyes of all people upon
him; nor was any man in the whole city thought equal to
him. They accordingly had not only the greatest hope of
him, but also the greatest fear, because he was able to do
much harm as well as much good. He was sullied also by i
report, for it was said that he celebrated the mysteries § in his

* Omnes Herme.| Mercury was reckoned the god of thieves, and
therefore they used to erect his statues before their doors by way of
prevention against the attempts of robbers and house-breakers.—Clarke.

t Ttaque ale postea Mercurius Andocidis vocitatus est.) This is the
reading of Bos and Van Staveren. Many other editions have, instead
of these words, Andocidisque Hermes vocatus est.

t Quod non ad privatam, sed ad publicam rem pertineret.] A manu*
script of Boecler’s has que, but, as I suppose, from a fancy of the
transcriber, who thought that the word must be a pronoun, referring
to consensione, whereas it is a conjunction, showing the reason why
“reat dread was excited” by this occurrence “among the multitude,”
namely, because » union of many in the affair indicated a conspiracy,
_and must have respect to something of a public nature.—Bos,

§ Mysteria.] The mysteries of Ceres; the Eleusinian mysteries.

 
ALCIBIADES. 337

own house, a practice which, according to public opinion

; among the Athenians, was regarded as impious; and this

matter was thought to have reference, not to religion, but to
& conspiracy.*

IV. Of this crime he was accused by-his enemies in a
public assembly of the people. But the time for him to set
out to the war was drawing near; and he considering this,
and being aware of the habitt of his countrymen, requested
that, if they wished anything to be done concerning him, an
examination should rather be held upon him while he was pre-
sent, than that he should be accused in his absence of a crime
against which there was a strong public feeling.t But his
enemies resolved to continue quiet for the present, because
they were aware that no hurt could then be done him, and to
wait for the time when he should have gone abroad, that they
might thus attack him while he was absent. They accordingly
did so; for after they supposed that he had reached Sicily,
they impeached him, during his absence, of having profaned
the sacred. rites. In consequence of this affair, a messenger,
to desire him to return home to plead his cause, being de-
spatched into Sicily to him by the government, at a time
when he had great hopes of managing his province success-
fully, he yet did not refuse to obey, but went on board a
trireme which had been sent to convey him. Arriving in this
vessel at Thurii in Italy, and reflecting much with himself on
the ungovernable license § of his countrymen, and their violent

‘feelings towards the aristocracy, and deeming it most advan-

tageous to avoid the impending storm, he secretly withdrew
from his guards, and went from thence first to Elis, and after-
wards to Thebes. But when he heard that he was condemned
to death, his property having been confiscated, and as had
been usual, that the priests called Eumolpide had been
obliged by the people to curse him, and that a copy of the
curse, engraven on a stone pillar, had been set up in a public
place, in order that the memory of it might be better attested,

* They thought that there was some conspiracy under the cloak of
it.

+ Consuetudinem.] Knowing the fickle character of the Athenians.

t Crimine invidie.] This is evidently the sense. Crimine invidie
for crinune invidioso.

§ Licentid.|] The license of the populace, which could scarcely be
controlled.

z,
338 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

he removed to Lacedemon. There, as he was accustomed to
declare, he carried on a war, not against his country, but
against his enemies, because the same persons were enemies
to their own city; for though they knew that he could be of
the greatest service to the republic, they had expelled him
from it, and consulted their own animosity more than the
common advantage. By his advice, in consequence, the Lace-
demonians made an alliance with the king of Persia, and
afterwards fortified Deceleia in Attica, and having placed a
constant garrison there, kept Athens in a state of blockade.
By his means, also, they detached Ionia from its alHance with
the Athenians, and after this was done, they began to have
greatly the advantage in the contest. 3
V. Yet by these proceedings they were not so much ren-
dered friends to Alcibiades, as alienated from him by fear;
for when they saw the singular intelligence of this most active-
minded man in every way, they were afraid that, being moved
by love for his country, he might at some time revolt from
them, and return into favour with his countrymen. They
therefore determined to seek an opportunity for killing him.;,
But this determination could not long be concealed from
Alcibiades; for he was a man of such sagacity that he could
not be deceived, especially when he turned his attention to
putting himself on his guard. He in consequence betook him-
self to Tissaphernes, a satrap of King Darius; and having
gained a way to an intimate friendship with him, and seeing
that the power of the Athenians, from the ill success of their
attempts in Sicily, was on the decline, while that of the Lace-
-demonians, on the other hand, was increasing, he first of all
conferred, through messengers, with Pisander the Athenian
commander, who had a force at Samos, and made some men-
tion concerning his return; for Pisander, with the same
feelings as Alcibiades, was no friend to the power of the
people, but a favourer of the aristocracy. Though deserted
by him,* he was received at first, through the agency of
Thrasybulus the son of Lycus, by the army, and made com-
mander at Samos; and afterwards, from Theramenes making
interest for him, he was recalled by a decree of the people,
and, while still absent, was appointed to equal command with

* Ab hoc destitwtus ] On the contrary, he was, according to Thucy-
dides, viii. 49, 58, supported by Pisander. — Bos.
ALCIBIADES, 339

Thrasybulus and Theramenes. Under the influence of these
leaders, so great a change in affairs took place, that the Lace-
deemonians, who had just before flourished as conquerors, were
‘struck with fear and sued for peace; for they had been de-
feated in five battles by land, and three by sea, in which they
had lost’ two hundred triremes, that had been captured and
had fallen into the possession of their enemies. Alcibiades,
with his colleagues, had recovered Ionia, the Hellespont, and
many Greek cities besides, situated on the coast of Asia, of
‘which they had. taken several by storm, and among them
Byzantium. Nor had they attached fewer to their interest by
‘policy, as they had exercised clemency towards those who
- were taken prisoners; and then, laden with spoil, and having
enriched the troops and achieved very great exploits, they
returned to Athens. me
VI. The whole city having gone down to the Pirweus to
meet them, there was such a longing among them all to see
Alcibiades, that the multitude flocked to his galley as if he
had come alone; for the people were fully persuaded of this,
that both their former ill success, and their present good
fortune, had happened through his means. They therefore
attributed the loss of Sicily, and the victories of the Lace-
demonians, to their own fault, in having banished such a man
from the country. Nor did they seem to entertain this opinion
without reason ; for after Alcibiades had begun to command
the army, the enemies could withstand them neither by land
nor by sea. As soon as he came out of his ship, though
‘Theramenes and Thrasybulus had commanded in the same
enterprises, and came into the Pirgweus at the same time with
him, yet the people all followed him alone, and (what had
never happened before, except in the case of conquerors at
Olympia) he was publicly presented with golden and brazen
crowns. Such kindness from his countrymen he received with
tears, remembering their severity in past times. When he
arrived at the city, and an assembly of the people had been
called, he addressed them im such a manner, that no one was
so unfeeling as not to lament his ill-treatment, and declare
himself an enemy to those by whose agency he had been
driven from his country, just as if some other people, and not
the same people that was then weeping, had sentenced him to
Z2
- 340 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

suffer for sacrilege. His property was in consequence made
ood to him at the public cost, and the same priests, the
Eumolpide, who had cursed him, were obliged to recal their
curses ; and the pillars, on which the curse had been written,
were thrown into the sea.
VII. This happiness of Alcibiades proved by no means
lasting; for after all manner of honours had been decreed
‘him, and the whole management. of the state, both at home
and in the field, had been committed to him, to be regulated
at his sole pleasure, and he had requested that two colleagues,
Thrasybulus and Adimantus, should be assigned him (a re-
‘quest which was not refused), proceeding with the fleet to
Asia, he fell again under_the displeasure of his countrymen,
because he did not manage affairs at Cyme* to their wish;
for they thought that he could do every thing. Hence it
happened that they imputed whatever was done unsuccessfully
to his misconduct, saying that he acted either carelessly or
treacherously, as it fell out on this occasion, for they alleged
that he would not take Cyme, because. he had been bribed by
the king. We consider, therefore, that their extravagant
opinion of his abilities and valour was his chief misfortune ;
since he was dreaded no less than he was loved, lest, elated by
good fortune and great power, he should conceive a desire to
become a tyrant. From these feelings it resulted, that they
.took his commission from him in his absence, and put another
commander in his place. When he heard of this proceeding,
he would not return home, but betook himself to Pactye,t
and there established three fortresses, Borni, Bisanthe, and
Neontichos, and having collected a body of troops, was the
first man of any Grecian state{ that penetrated into Thrace,
thinking it more glorious to enrich himself with spoils from
barbarians than from Greeks. In consequence his fame in-

= A considerable town of Holia. But it was at Notium, near
Ephesus, not at Cyme, that the affair that caused the unpepularity of
Alcibiades took place, through the folly of his lieutenant-general
Antiochus, who, during his absence, brought on an engagement with
Lysander, contrary to the express orders of Alcibiades.

+ A city on the isthmus cf the Thracian Chersonese. Most editions,
previous to that of Bos, had Pe:inthus, from a conjecture of Longolius.

+ Primus Greecie civitatis.] He was the first man of Greece that
penetrated into that part of Thrace which was free, and where no
colonies of Greeks had been established.— Fischer.
ALCIBIADES. 341

creased with his power, and he secured to himself a strong
alliance with some of the kings of Thrace.

VIII. Yet he could not give up his affection for his country ;
for when Philocles, the commander of the Athenians, had
stationed his fleet at ASgospotamos, and Lysander, the captain
of the Lacedzmonians (who was intent upon protracting the.
war as long as possible, because money was supplied to the.
Lacedemonians by the king, while to the exhausted, Athenians,.
on the other hand, nothing was left but their arms and their.
ships) was not far distant, Alcibiades came to the army of the
Athenians, and there, in the presence of the common soldiers,
began to assert,* that ‘if they pleased, he would. force
Lysander either to fight or beg peace; that the Lacedemo-
nians were unwilling to engage by sea, because they were
stronger in land-forces than in ships; but that it would be easy
for him to bring down Seuthes, king of the Thracians, to drive,
them from the land, and that, when this was done, thev would
of necessity either come to an engagement with their fleet, or
put an end to the war.’ Philocles, though he saw that this
statement was true, would not yet do what was desired, for he
knew that he himself, if Alcibiades were restored to the com-
mand, would.be of no account with the army ; and that, if any
success resulted, his share in the matter would amount to
nothing, while, on the other hand, if any ill-fortune occurred,
he alone would be called to account for the miscarriage.
Alcibiades, on taking leave of him, said, “As you hinder your
country’s success, I advise you to keep your sailors’ camp
near the enemy ; for there is danger that, through the insub-
ordination of our men, an opportunity may be afforded, to.
Lysander of cutting off our army.’ Nor did his apprehension.
deceive him ; for Lysander, having learned from his scouts.
that the body of the Athenian force was gone on shore to seek
for plunder, and that the ships were left almost empty, did not
neglect the opportunity of making an attack, and by. that
single effort put an end to the whole war.

IX. Alcibiades, after the Athenians were defeated, not.
thinking those parts sufficiently safe for him, concealed.
himself in the inland parts of Thrace above the Propontis,
trusting that his wealth would most easily escape notice
there. But he was disappointed ; for the Thracians, when

* Agere.] In its rhetorical sense, to state, plead, declare.
342 - CORNELIUS NEPOS.

they learned that he had come with a great sum of money, : |
formed a plot against him, and robbed him of what he had
brought, but were unable to secure his person. Perceiving
that no place was safe for him in Greece, on account of the
power of the Lacedemonians, he went over into Asia to Phar-
nabazus, whom he so charmed, indeed, by his courtesy, that
no man had a higher place in his favour; for he gave him
Grunium, a strong-hold in Phrygia, from which he annually
received fifty talents’ revenue.

But with this good fortune Alcibiades was not content, nor
could endure that Athens, conquered as she was, should con-
tinue subject to the Lacedemonians. He was accordingly bent,
with his whole force of thought, on delivering his country, but
saw that that object could not be effected without the aid of
the king of Persia, and therefore desired that he should be
attached to him as a friend; nor did he doubt that he should
easily accomplish his wish, if he had but an opportunity for an
interview with him; for he knew that his brother Cyrus was
secretly preparing war against him, with the aid of the Lace-
demonians, and foresaw that, if he gave him information of
this design, he would find great favour at his hands.

X. While he was trying to effect this object, and entreating
Pharnabazus that he might be sent to the king, Critias, and
the other tyrants of the Athenians, despatched at the same
time persons in their confidence into Asia to Lysander, to
acquaint him, that, “unless he cut off Alcibiades, none of
those arrangements which he had made at Athens would
stand; and therefore, if he wished his acts to remain unaltered,
he must pursue him to death.” The Lacedemonian, roused
by this message, concluded that he must act in a more decided
manner with Pharnabazus. He therefore announced to him,
that ‘‘the relations which the king had formed with the
Lacedeemonians would be of no effect, unless he delivered up
Alcibiades alive or dead.” The satrap could not withstand this
menace, and ‘chose rather to violate the claims of humanity .
than that the king’s interest should suffer. He accordingly,
sent Sysamithres and Bageeus to kill Alcibiades, while he was
still in Phrygia, and preparing for his journey to the king.
The persons sent gave secret orders to the neighbourhood, in
which Alcibiades then was, to put him to death. They, not
daring to attack him with the sword, collected wood during
ALCIBIADES. 345

the night round the cottage in which he was sleeping, and set

light to it, that they might despatch by fire him whom they

despaired of conquering hand to hand.* Alcibiades, having

been awakened by the crackling of the flames, snatched up (as

his sword had been secretly taken away from him) the side- -
weapon of a friend of his; for there was with him a certain

associate from Arcadia, who would never leave him. This:
man he desired to follow him, and caught up whatever gar-

ments he had at hand, and throwing them out upon. the fire,

passed through the violence of the flames. When the barba-

rians saw that he had escaped the conflagration, they killed

him by discharging darts at him from a distance,f and carried:
his head to Pharnabazus. :

A woman, who had been accustomed to live with him,
burned. his dead body, covered with her own female garments,
in the fire of the house which had been prepared to burn him
alive. Thus Alcibiades, at the age of about forty, came to
his end.

XI. This man, defamed by most writers, three historians of
very high authority have extolled with the greatest praises ;
‘Thucydides, who was of the same age with him; Theopompus,
who was born some time after; and Timeus; the two latter,
though much addicted to censure, have, I know not how, con-
curred in praising him only; for they. have related of him
what we have stated above, and this besides, that though he was
born in Athens, the most splendid of cities, he surpassed all
the Athenians in grandeur and magnificence of living ; that
when, on being banished from thence, he went to Thebes, he
so devoted himself to the pursuits of the Thebans, that no
man could match him in laborious exercises and vigour of
body, for all the Boeotians cultivate corporeal strength more
than mental power; that when he was among the Lacedemo-
nians, in whose estimation the highest virtue is placed in
endurance, he so resigned himself to a hardy way of life, that
he surpassed all the Lacedemonians in the frugality of his diet
and living; that when he was among the Thracians, who are
hard drinkers and given to lewdness, he surpassed them also in

. * Quem manu superart posse difidebant.] “Whom they despaired
would be able (ie. whom they expected or thought would be unable)
to be overcome by the hand.” ,

+ Eminus.] Bos would omit this word, as wanting authority. .
844 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

these practices ; that when he came among the Persians, with:
whom it was the chief praise to hunt hard and live high, he.
so imitated their mode of life, that they themselves greatly

admired him in these respects; and that by such conduct, he

occasioned that, with whatever people he was, he was regarded

as a leading man, and held in the utmost esteem. But we

have said enough of him; let us proceed to speak of others.

VIII. THRASYBULUS.

Character of Thrasybulus; he proceeds to deliver his country from
the Thirty Tyrants, I.—His success and. conduct in the enterprise,
II.—His act of oblivion, III—He is honoured with an olive
crown ; is killed on the coast of Sicily, IV.

I. TurasyBuvus, the son of Lycus, was a native of Athens.
If merit is to be valued by itself, without regard to fortune, I
doubt whether I ought not to place him first of all the Greek
commanders. This I can say without hesitation, that I set no
man above him in integrity, firmness, greatness of mind, and
love for his country ; for while many have wished, and few
have been able, to deliver their country from one tyrant, it
was his lot to restore his country, oppressed by thirty tyrants,
from slavery to freedom. But though no man excelled
him in these virtues, many, I know not how, surpassed him
in fame.

First of all, in the Peloponnesian war, he accomplished
many undertakings without Alcibiades, while Alcibiades did
nothing without him ; of all which successes Alcibiades, from
certain natural advantages, got the credit. All such actions,
however, are common to commanders with their soldiers and
with fortune; for, in the shock of battle, the issue is: trans-
ferred from generalship to the strength and fury of the
combatants. ‘The soldier, therefore, of his own right, takes
something from the general, and fortune a great deal, and may
truly say that she has had more influence on the event than
the skill of the commander. This most noble action, then, is
entirely Thrasybulus’s ; for when the Thirty Tyrants, ap-
pointed by the Lacedsemonians, kept Athens oppressed in a
state of slavery, and had partly banished from their country,
and partly put to death, a great number of the citizens whom
THRASYBULUS. 3-15

fortune had spared in the war, and had divided their confis-

cated property among themselves, he was not only the first, but.

ae only man at the commencement, to declare war against
em.

II. When he fled to Phyle, which is a very strong fortress
in Attica, he had not more than thirty of his countrymen with
him; such was the origin of the deliverance of the Athenians,
such the dependence of the liberty of that most famous city.
He was at first, indeed, despised by the tyrants, as well as the
small number of his followers; which circumstance proved
both the ruin of those that despised him, and the security of
him that was despised, for it rendered the one party slow to
attack, and the other stronger by giving them time for prepa-
ration. The maxim, therefore, that “nothing should be
despised in war,” ought the more deeply to be fixed in the
minds of all; and we should remember that it is not said
without reason, that “ the mother of a cautious person* is not
accustomed to weep.” The force of Thrasybulus, however,
was not increased in proportion to his expectations ; for even
in those times good men spoke for liberty with more ‘spirit
than they fought for it.

Hence he went to the Pirzeus, and fortified the Munychia,t
which the tyrants twice attempted to storm, but being dis-
gracefully repulsed, and having lost their arms and baggage,
they immediately fled back to the city. Thrasybulus, on this
occasion, exercised not less prudence than valour; for he for-
bade those that fled to be injured, thinking it just that
“countrymen should spare countrymen;” nor was any one
wounded except such as would attack him first. He spoiled
no one, as he lay, of his clothes ; he laid hands on nothing but
arms, of which he was in want, and provisions.t In the
second battle Critias, the leader of the tyrants, was killed,

* Matrem timidi flere non solere.| I have translated this according
to the notion of Bremi, who says that timidus here means a cautious
person, one who takes care of himself, and is on his guard against
contingencies. Most translators have rendered it “the mother. of a
coward,” &c., in which sense.it would seem that the proverb was genc-
rally used.

f One of the minor harbours of Athens.

+ Que ad victum pertinebant.] “Things which pertained to suste-
nance,” i.e. provisions.
346. CORNELIUS NEPOS.

after having, indeed, fought with great bravery against Thra-
sybulus.

III. Critias being overthrown, Pausanias, king of the Lace-
demonians, came to the support of the Athenians. He made
peace between Thrasybulus and those who held the town, on
these conditions: ‘‘ That none should be banished except the
Thirty Tyrants, and the Ten, who, having been afterwards made
governors, had followed the example of their predecessors in
cruelty ;* that no property should be confiscated; and that
the government of the republic should be restored to the
hands of the people.” It was an honourable act of Thrasy-
bulus, that, when peace was settled, and he had become the
most powerful person in the state, he made a law, ‘that no
one should be brought to trial, or punished, for things done
previously ;” and this they called “ the act of oblivion.” Nor
did he only cause this law to be passed, but also took care that
it should be of effect; for when some of them who had
been with him in exile, wished to put to death those with
whom they had returned to a good understanding, he openly
prevented it, and adhered to what he had promised.

IV. For such merits a crown of honour was presented him
by the people, made of two sprigs of olive, which, as the love
of his countrymen, and not force, had procured it him, excited
no envy, but was a great glory to him. The celebrated
Pittacus, therefore, who was reckoned in the number of the
seven wise men, said well, when the Mitylensans offered to
give him several thousand acres+ of land, ‘‘ Do not, I be-
seech you, give me what many may envy and more may
covet; for which reason I had rather take, out of that num-
ber, not more than a hundred acres, which will prove both the
moderation of my desires and your good will.” For small
gifts are lasting; but valuable presents are not wont to be
permanent.t Thrasybulus, accordingly, being content with

* Superioris more crudelitatis erant ust.] “Had used the manner of
the former cruelty.”

+ Jugerum.| Though the juger or jugerwm is generally rendered an
acre, it in reality contained little more than half an acre. The juger
was 240 feet long and 120 broad, containing therefore 28,800 square
feet; the content of an English acre is 43,566 square feet. /

{ Non propria esse consueverunt.| By propria is meant “ peculiarly
one’s own, and likely to continue so; appropriated to one’s self.” I
CONON. 347

that crown, neither sought for anything more, nor considered
that any one had surpassed him in honour.

Some time after, when, being in command, he had brought
up his fleet on the coast of Cilicia, and the watch in his camp
was not kept with sufficient care, he was killed in his tent by
the barbarians, in a sally made from the town* during tke
night.

IX. CONON.

Conon’s services in the Peloponnesian war, I.—In his exile he supports
Pharnabazus against the Spartans, Il—He goes to Artaxerxes to
accuse Tissaphernes, and treats with him by letter, IIL—He
defeats the Lacedemonians at Cnidus; Greece is set free, and the
walls of Athens rebuilt, I1V.—Conon made prisoner by Tiribazus, V.

I. Conon the Athenian entered upon public life in the
Peloponnesian war, and his service in it was of great value;
for he was both general of the forces by land, and, as com-
mander of the fleet, performed great exploits by sea ; for these
reasons particular honour was conferred upon him, for he had
the sole authority over all the islands; in which office he took
Phere, a colony of the Lacedemonians. He was also com-
mander towards the end of the Peloponnesian war, when the
forces of the Athenians were defeated by Lysander at Aigos-
potamos; but he was then absent; and hence the affair was
worse managed; for he was both skilled in military matters,
and a careful general. It was doubted by nobody, therefore,
in those days, that the Athenians, if he had been present,
would not have met with that disaster.

Il. But when the affairs of the Athenians were in a ca-
lamitous condition, and he heard that his native city was
besieged, he did not seek a place where he might himself live
in security, but one from which he might render assistance to
his countrymen. He in consequence betook himself to Phar-
nabazus, the satrap of Ionia and Lydia, and also a son-in-law

have rendered it by “ permanent ;” most other translators have given
something similar. Bos. gives this remark about gifts to Nepos; other
editors give it to Pittacus.

* Ex oppido.] The town was Aspendus, as appears from Xen. Hell.
iv. 8, 30; Diod. Sic. xiv. 99.
348° CORNELIUS NEPOS.

and relative of the king, with whom, by much exertion and at
great hazard, he contrived to procure himself strong personal
influence ;* for when the Lacedemonians, after the Athenians
were subdued, did not adhere to the alliance which they had
made with Artaxerxes, but sent Agesilaus into Asia to make
war (being chiefly induced to that course by Tissaphernes, +
who, from being one of the king's confidants, had renounced
his attachment to him, and entered into an alliance with the
Lacedemonians), Pharnabazus was regarded as general against
Agesilaus, but Conon in reality led the army, and everything
was done according to his direction. He greatly obstructed
that eminent commander Agesilaus, and often thwarted his
plans. It was indeed apparent, that, if’ Conon had not been
there, Agesilaus would have taken all Asia, as far as Mount
Taurus, from the king. And after Agesilaus was recalled
home by his countrymen, in consequence of the Beotians and
Athenians having declared war against the Lacedsemonians,
Conon nevertheless remained with the king’s officers, and was
of the greatest service to all of them.

III. Tissaphernes had revolted from the king; yet his
defection was not so evident to Artaxerxes as to others; for
he had great influence with the king, by reason of his nume-
rous and importaut services, even when he did not: strictly
adhere to his duty; nor is it to be wondered at, if he was not
easily induced to credit it, remembering that by his means he
had overcome his brother Cyrus. Conon, being sent by Phar-
nabazus to the king to assure him of his guilt, went in the
first place, on his arrival (after the manner of the Persians),
to Tithraustes, the captain of the guard,{ who held the second
place in the empire, and signified that he wished to speak to

* Apud quem ut multdm gratid valeret—effecit.| With whom he
brought it to pass that he prevailed much by personal influence.

++ What Nepos says here, as to the Lacedeemonians being persuaded
by: Tissaphernes to go to war with Persia, is scarcely reconcileable with
fact, as Fischer observes, or with what is stated in the second chapter
of the life of Agesilaus. Yet Schlegel and Wetzel, he adds, have made
strong efforts to justify or excuse his statement. Thirlwall, however,
seems to come nearer to the truth in his History of Greece, ¢. xxxv.
The reader may also consult Smith’s Biog. Dictionary, art. Tissaphernes,

t Chiliarchum.] “Captain of a thousand.” He is generally con-
sidered to have been chief of the life-guards, and to have been respon-
sible, consequently, for the safety of the king’s person.
CONON. 349

the king; for no one is admitted without this ceremony.*
Tithraustes answered him, ‘‘ There is no objection on my part,
but consider, for yourself, whether you had rather speak with
him, or treat by letter, as to the objects which you have in
view. For, if you come into the royal presence, it will
be necessary for you to pay adoration to the king” (which
the Greeks call rgocauyei): » if this is disagreeable to you, you
may nevertheless effect what you desire by stating your com-
mission through me.” Conon then replied, “To myself
indeed, it is not disagreeable to pay any honour you please to
the king, but I am atraid lest it should be derogatory to my
country, if, coming from a city which has been accustomed to
rule over other nations, I should observe the usages of
foreigners rather than its own.”” He therefore delivered to
him in writing what he wished to communicate.

IV. The king, having read his statement, was so much
influenced by his authority, that he declared Tissaphernes an
enemy, desired Conon to harass the Lacedemonians with war,
and gave him leave to choose whom he pleased to disburse the
money for his army. Conon said that such a choice was not a
matter for his consideration, but for the king’s own, who ought
to know his own subjects best; but that -he recommended him
to give that commission to Pharnabazus. He was then de-
spatched, after being honoured with valuable presents, to the
sea, to require the Cyprians, Phoenicians, and other maritime
people, to furnish ships of war, and to prepare a fleet to secure
the sea in the following summer, Pharnabazus, as he had
requested, being appointed his colleague. When this arrange-
ment was made known to the JLacedemonians, they took their
measures with great care, for they thought that a greater war
threatened them than if they had to contend with the Persians
only. They saw that a brave and skilful general was going to
lead the king’s forces, and to take the field against them, a
man whom they could dvermatch neither by stratagem nor by
strength. With these considerations they collected a great
fleet, and set sail under the leadership of Pisander. Conon,
attacking them near Cnidus, routed them ina great battle, took
several of their ships, and sunk several more, a victory by
which not only Athens, but also all Greece, which had been

* Sine hoc.] Some consider hoc masculine, referring to the chili-
archus,
350 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

under the power of the Lacedamonians, was set free. Conon
proceeded with part of his fleet to his native city, and caused
the walls of the Pireeus and of Athens, both of which had
been pulled down, to be rebuilt, and presented to his country-
men fifty talents in money, which he had received from
Pharnabazus.

V. What happens to other men happened to him, that
he was more inconsiderate in good than in bad fortune; for
when he had defeated the fleet of the Peloponnesians, and
thought that he had avenged the injuries done to his country,
he aimed at more objects than he was in a condition to accom-
plish. Not that these aims, however, were not patriotic and
deserving of praise, since he preferred that the power of his
country should be increased, rather than that of the king; for,
after he had secured himself great influence by the battle
which he fought at Cnidus, not only among foreigners but in
all the states of Greece, he began to endeavour secretly * to
restore Ionia and AXolia to the Athenians. But as this pro-
ject was not concealed with sufficient care, Tiribazus, who was
governor of Sardis, sent for Conon, on pretence that he wished
to send him in great haste to the king ; when he had gone, in
compliance with this message, he was placed in confinement,
in which he was kept for some time. Some have left on
record that he was conveyed to the king, and there died. On
the other hand Tinont the historian, whom we chiefly credit
concerning Persian affairs, has related that he made his escape,
but is in doubt whether it was effected with or without the
knowledge of Tiribazus.

* If this statement respecting Conon be true, his conduct in the
matter is not to be reckoned among pia et probanda, “ patriotic and
deserving of praise.” But it would appear from Diod. Sic. xiv. 85, and
Xen. Hell. iv. 8, that the charge against him arose from envy on the
part of Tithraustes and the other Persians.

+ He was the father of Cleitarchus, who wrote a history of Alex-
ander the Great's expedition. See Plin. H. N. x. 70. From what
Pliny says of him, he seems to have been extremely credulous.
351

X. DION.

Dion’s family ; is connected with the two Dionysii, I—Brings Plato
into Sicily; death of the elder Dionysius, II -—Disagreement
between Dion and Dionysius the Younger, II.—Is sent to
Corinth ; ill-treatment of his wife; fate of his son, 1V.—Gets
possession of Syracuse, and forces Dionysius to make terms with
him, V.—Alienates the people by putting Heraclides to death, VI.
—His great unpopularity, VII—Is deceived by w stratagem of
Callierates, VII}.—Is assassinated in his own house on a feast-
day, IX.—Change of feeling towards him after his death, X.

I. Dron, the son of Hipparinus, a native of Syracuse, was
of a noble family, and allied to both the Dionysii, the tyrants*
of Sicily ; for the elder married Aristomache, Dion’s sister, by
whom he had two sons, Hipparinus and Nyszus, and also two
daughters named Sophrosyne and Arete, the elder of whom he
gave in marriage to his son Dionysius,t to whom he also left
his dominions, and the other, Arete, to Dion.t

But Dion, besides this noble connexion, and the honourable
character of his ancestors, inherited many other advantages
from nature ; among them, a disposition docile, courteous, and
adapted for acquiring the most important branches of know-
ledge, and extreme grace of person, which is no small
recommendation :§ he had also great wealth bequeathed him
by his father, which he himself had augmented by the presents
he received from the tyrant. He was familiar with the
elder Dionysius, not less on account of his character than his
relationship; for though the cruelty of Dionysius offended
him, yet he was desirous that he should be secure because of
his family connexion with himself, and still more for the sake

* Utrdque implicatus tyrannide Dionysiorwm.] “Involved in,” or
“connected with, each tyranny of the Dionysii.” For utroqgue Dionysio
tyranno.

+ Dionysius married two wives in the same day, Doris, a native of
Locris, and Aristomache, the sister of Dion. But Dionysius the
Younger was the son of Doris; so that, if Nepos is correct in saying
that Sophrosyne was the daughter of Aristomache, he married his
half-sister. See Plut. Vit. Dion. v. 3.

+ Dion, therefore, as Ernstius observes, married his own niece.

§ Que non minimim commendatur.] “Which is not in the lowest
degree (i.e. which is in the highest degree) commended.” Lambinus,
from conjecture, read commendat, sc. hominem, which is more elegant
(as Bos admits), and has been generally adopted by editors.
352 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

of his own relatives.* He aided him in important matters,
and the tyrant was greatly influenced by his advice, unless, in
any case, sowe violent humour of his own interposed. But
embassies,t such at least as were of a more distinguished
kind, were all conducted by Dion; and by discharging them
assiduously, and managing faithfully, he palliated the most
cruel name of tyrant with his own benevolence. The Cartha-
ginians so much respected him, when he was sent thither by
Dionysius, that they never regarded any man that spoke the
Greek tongue with more admiration.

II. Nor did these circumstances escape the notice of
Dionysius, for he was sensible how great an honour he was to
him; hence it happened that he showed him more favour than
any other person,t and loved him not less than ason. When
a report reached Sicily, too, that Plato was come to Tarentum,
Dionysius could not refuse the young man leave to send for
him, as Dion was inflamed with a desire of hearing him. He
accordingly granted him that permission, and brought Plato
with great pomp§ to Syracuse ; whom Dion so greatly admired
and loved, that he devoted himself wholly to his society ; nor
was Plato less delighted with Dion. Although, therefore,
Plato was cruelly insulted by Dionysius (for he ordered him
to be sold||), yet he paid a second visit to the city, induced
again by the entreaties of Dion.

In the meantime Dionysius fell ill of some disease, and
when he was labouring under the severity of it, Dion inquired
of the physicians ‘‘how he was,” and begged them, at the same
time, “it he should happen to be‘in extreme danger, to acquaint
him of it ; for he wished to speak to him about a division of the

* Suorwm causd.) For the sake of Aristomache and her children.

+ Legationes.] Most editions have omnes after legationes. Bos and
Van Staveren omit it.

= Uni huic maximé indulgere.] “He indulged him alone most”

§ Ambitione.] Exquisito apparatu et ambitioso comitatu.—Gebhard.
It was not, however, the elder, but the younger Dionysius, that received
Plato with such ceremony. See Plato's Epist. 3 and 7; Plutarch, Vit.
Dion., and Ailian, Var. Hist. iv. 18. Plato visited Sicily three times ;
the ostentatious reception occurred on the second occasion.

ll Quippe quem venundari jussisset] Bremi conjectures quippe’ qué
eum, &¢, which the sense indeed requires. Consult Plutarch, Vit.
Dion., who, however, relates the matter a little differently. Lucian
says that Plato was sent to a parasite, because he was ignorant of the
parasite’s art. See Diod. Sic. xv. 7; Diog. Laért, iii, 18, 21.—Bos.
DION. 353

realm, as he thought that the sons of -his sister by him ought
to have a share in the dominions.” This request the physicians
did not keep secret, but reported the words to Dionysius the
younger, who, taking alarm at it, compelled the physicians to
give his father a sleeping potion, that Dion might have no
opportunity of addressing him. The sick man, having taken
the draught, ended his life like one buried in deep sleep.

III. Such was the commencement of the dissension between
Dion and Dionysius; and it was increased by many circum-
stances ; yet in the beginning of his reign there subsisted for
a time an assumed friendship between them; and as Dion
persisted in soliciting Dionysius to send for Plato from Athens,
and follow his counsels, he, who was willing to imitate his
father in something, complied with his wishes. At the same
time, also, he brought back Philistus the historian to Syracuse,
a man not more friendly to the tyrant than to tyranny itself.
But of this author more has been said in the work of mine
which is written “On Historians.” Plato, however, had so
much influence over Dionysius by his authority, and produced
such an effect on him by his eloquence, that he persuaded him
to put an end to his tyranny, and to restore liberty to the
Syracusans ; but being dissuaded from his intention by the
representations of Philistus, he began to grow somewhat more
cruel. ‘

IV. Being conscious that he was surpassed by Dion in
ability, influence, and in the affection of the people, and fear-
ing that, if he kept Dion with him, he might give him some
opportunity of” overthrowing him, he gave him a trireme to
sail to Corinth, declaring that he did so for both their sakes,
lest, as they were afraid of each other, one of, them might
take the other by surprise. As many people were indignant
at this proceeding, and as it was the cause of great hatred to
the tyrant, Dionysius put on board some vessels all the pro-
perty of Dion that could be removed, and sent it after him;
for he wished it to be thought that he had adopted that course,
not from hatred of the man, but for the sake of his own safety.
But when he heard that Dion was levying troops in the Pelo-
ponnesus, and endeavouring to raise a war against him, he
gave Arete, Dion’s wife, in marriage to another man, and caused
his son to be brought up in sucha manner, that he might,
through indulgence, be imbued with the most disgraceful

AA
854 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

propensities ; for mistresses were brought him when but a boy,
before he was full grown; he was overwhelmed with wine and
luxuries, nor was any time allowed him to be sober. He was
so little able to bear such a change in his way of life, which was
altered after his father returned to his country (for keepers
were set over him to draw him from his former mode
of living), that he threw himself from the top of a house,
and so perished. But I return to the point from whence I
digressed.

V. When Dion had arrived at Corinth, and Heraclides,
who had been commander of the cavalry, had also come
thither (having been likewise banished by Dionysius), they
began to prepare for war in every possible way; but they made
but little progress; for a tyranny of many years’ standing
was thought to be of great strength, and for that reason few
were induced to join im so perilous an undertaking. But
Dion, who trusted not so much to his troops as to the general
hatred towards the tyrant, setting out, with the greatest
courage, in two transport vessels, to attack a power of fifty
years’ growth, defended by five hundred ships of war, ten
thousand cavalry, and a hundred thousand infantry, so easily
made an impression upon it (what seemed wonderful to all
people), that he entered Syracuse the third day after he
touched the coast of Sicily. Hence it may be understood that
no government is safe, unless guarded by the love of its sub-
jects. Dionysius at that time was absent, and waiting for his
fleet in Italy, supposing that none of his enemies would come
against him without a great force; a supposition which de-
ceived him; for Dion curbed the tyrant’s pride with those
very men that had been under the rule of his adversary, and
gained possession of all that part of Sicily which had been
under the government of Dionysius; and with like success he
secured the city of Syracuse, except the citadel and the island
adjoining the town, and brought matters to such a state, that
the tyrant consented to make peace on such terms as these : that
Dion should have Sicily, Dionysius Italy,* and Apollocrates,
in whom alone Dionysius+ had great confidence, Syracuse.

* That is, the portion of Italy, or Great Greece, which had been
under the power of the elder Dionysius, part of which was still
retained by his son.

+ Lambinus first saw that we ought to read Dionysius, not Dion.
DION. 355

VI. A sudden change followed close upon such eminent
and unexpected success, for fortune, through her fickleness,
endeavoured to sink him whom she had just before exalted.
In the first place she exercised her power over his son, of
whom I have previously made mention; for after he had
taken back his wife, who had been given to another, and
wished to recal his son, from his abandoned course of sen-
suality, to habits of virtue, he received, as a father, a most
severe affliction in the death of that son. A disagreement
next arose between him and Heraclides, who, refusing to yield
the supremacy to Dion, organized a party against him; nor
had he indeed less influence than Dion among the aristocracy,
with whose sanction he commanded the fleet, while Dion had
the direction of the land forces. Dion could not endure this
opposition patiently, but retorted with that verse of Homer in
the second book of the Jliad,* in which is this sentiment,
“ That a state cannot be managed well by the government of
many.” Much ill feeling, on the part of the people, followed
this remark; for he appeared to have let it escape him that
he wished everything to be under his own authority. This
feeling he did not try to soften by conciliation, but to over-
come by severity, and caused Heraclides, when he came to
Syracuse, to be put to death.

VII. This act struck extreme terror into every one; for
nobody, after Heraclides was killed, considered himself safe.
Dion, when his adversary was removed, distributed among his
soldiers, with greater freedom, the property of those whom he
knew to have been unfavourable to him. But after this
division had taken place, money, as his daily expenses grew
very great, began to fail: him; nor was there anything on
which he could lay his hands but the property of his friends;
a circumstance which was attended with this effect, that while
he gained the soldiery, he lost the aristocracy. At this state
of things he was overcome with anxiety, and, being unac-
customed to be ill spoken of, he could not patiently endure
that a bad opinion of him should be entertained by those by
whose praises he had just before been extolled to the skies.

Bos, Mosche, and most other editors, approve Lambinus’s suggestion.
Van Staveren omits the name altogether, the sense being sufficiently
clear without it.

* Ver. 204.
356 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

The common people, however, when the feelings of the
soldiers were rendered unfavourable towards him,* spoke with
less restraint, and said that “he was a tyrant not to be
endured.”

VIII. While he knew not, as he contemplated this state of
things, how he should put a stop to it, and was apprehensive
as to what it might end in, a certain Callicrates, a citizen of
Athens, who had accompanied him from the Peloponnesus to
Sicily, a man of address, subtle enough for any artifice, and
without any regard for religion or honour, went to him, and
told him that “he was in great danger on account of the dis-
affection of the people and the hostile feelings of the soldiers ;
which danger he could by no means escape, unless he com-
missioned some one of his friends to pretend that he was an
enemy to him; and that, if he found him fit for the under-
taking, he would learn the feelings of every one, and cut off
his enemies, as his opponents would readily disclose their
thoughts to any one disaffected towards him.” This sug-
gestion being approved, Callicrates himself undertook this
part, and armed himself through the unsuspiciousness of
Dion; he sought for accomplices to join in killing him; he
held meetings with his enemies, and formed an actual con-
spiracy against him. But these proceedings, as many were
privy to what was going on, became known, and were com-
municated to Aristomache, Dion’s sister, and: his wife Arete;
who, being struck with alarm, sought an interview with him
for whose danger they were concerned. Dion assured them
that no plot was concerted against him by Callicrates, but that
what was done, was done by his own directions, The women,
notwithstanding, took Callicrates into the temple of Proser-
pine, and obliged him to swear that ‘there should- be no
danger to Dion from him.” But Callicrates, by this oath, was
not only not deterred from his design, but was stimulated to
hasten the execution of it, fearing that his plot might be laid
open before he had effected his purpose.

IX. With this resolution, on the next festival day, while
Dion was keeping himself at home, secluded from the assembly

* Offenst in eum militum voluntate.] Yet Nepos says above, in this
same chapter, that Dion “had gained the soldiery.” Quum milites
reconcilidsset, amitieret optimates.
DION. 857

of the people, and was reposing in an upper room,* he com-
mitted to his accomplices the stronger parts of the city, sur-
rounded Dion's house with guards, and stationed trusty persons
at the door, who were not to leave it; he also manned a
trireme with an armed force, entrusted it to his brother
Philocrates, and gave directions that it should be rowed about
in the harbour, as if he wished to exercise the rowers, with a
view, if fortune should baffle his attempts, to have a vessel in
which he might flee to a place of safety. He then chose from
among his followers some young men of Zacynthus, of great
courage and extraordinary strength, whom he ordered to go to
Dion’s house unarmed, so that they might seem to have come
for the sake of speaking with him. These youths, as being
well known, were admitted, but as soon as they had crossed
the threshold, they bolted the door, seized him as he lay
on his couch, and bound him. A great noise ensued, so that
it was distinctly heard out of doors. And here it was easy to
be understood, as has often been said before, how unpopular
absolute power is, and how unhappy the life of those who had
rather be feared than loved; for those very guards,t if they
had been favourably inclined towards him, might have saved
him by breaking open the door, as the Zacynthians, who were
unarmed, were holding him still alive, calling to those without
for a weapon. Nobody coming to his rescue, one Lyco, a
Syracusan, gave them a sword through the window, with which
Dion was slain. '

X. When the murder was consummated, and the people
_ came in to view the scene, some were killed as guilty by those
who were ignorant of the real actors; for a report being soon
spread abroad that violence had been offered to Dion, many,
to whom such a deed was detestable, ran together to the spot ;
and these persons, prompted by a false suspicion, killed the

* The ancients were accustomed, when they wished to devote them-
selves to prayer, or to do anything in private, to go up into the higher
part of the house, or to keep a chamber in that part for that particular
purpose. So Suetonius says of Augustus, c. 72, Si etre quid secretd
aut sine interpellatione agere proposuisset, erat ili locus in edito sin-
gularis, So Tacitus of Tiberius, Ann. vi. 21, Quoties super negotio
consultaret, editd domus parte utebatwr.—Bos. He also refers to Judith,
ce. 8, and to Acts x. 9.

+ Ili ipst custodes.] The guards that had been stationed by Calli-
crates round Dion’s house.
358 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

innocent as if they had been the delinquents. But as soon
as his death became publicly known, the feeling of the popu-
lace was wonderfully altered, for those who had called him a
tyrant while he was alive, called him now the deliverer of his
country and the expeller of a tyrant. So suddenly had pity
succeeded to hatred, that they wished to redeem him from
Acheron, if they could, with their own blood. He was there-
fore honoured with a sepulchral monument in the city, in the
most frequented part of it, after having been interred at the
public expense. He died at the age of about fifty-five years,
four years after he had returned from the Peloponnesus into
Sicily.

XI. IPHICRATES.

Iphicrates eminent for skill in military discipline, I—His acts in
Thrace, at Corinth, against the Lacedemonians, in Egypt, and
against Epaminondas, IJ,—His abilities and character, IIL.

I. Ipuicrates of Athens has become renowned, not so much
for the greatness of his exploits, as for his knowledge of mili-
tary tactics; for he was such a leader, that he was not only
comparable to the first commanders of his own time, but no
one even of the older generals could be set above him. He
was much engaged in the field ; he often had the command of
armies ; he never miscarried in an undertaking by his own
fault ; he was always eminent for invention, and such was his
excelience in it, that he not only introduced much that was
new into the military art, but made many improvements in
what existed before. He altered the arms of the infantry ;
for whereas, before he became a commander, they used very
large shields, short spears, and small swords, he, on the con-
trary, introduced the pelta instead of the parma* (from which
the infantry were afterwards called peltaste), that they might
be more active in movements and encounters; he doubled the
length of the spear, and made the swords also longer. He
likewise changed the character of their cuirasses, and gave
them linen ones instead of those of chain-mail and brass; a
change by which he rendered the soldiers more active; for,

_ * Peltam pro purmé fecit.| The pelta was smaller than the parma,
but both were smaller than the clypeus.— Bos.
IPHICRATES. 359

dininishing the weight, he provided what would equally pro-
tect the body, and be light.

II. He made war upon the Thracians, and restored Seuthes,
the ally of the Athenians, to his throne. At Corinth* he
commanded the army with so much strictness, that no troops
in Greece were ever better disciplined, or more obedient to the
orders of their leader; and he brought them to such a habit,
that when the signal for battle was given them by their
general, they would stand so regularly drawn up, without any
trouble on the part of the commander, that they seemed to
have been severally posted by the most skilful captain, With
this army he cut off a morat of the Lacedemonians; an
exploit which was highly celebrated through all Greece. In
this war, too, he defeated all their forces a second time, by
which success he obtained great glory.

Artaxerxes, when he had resdlved to make war upon the
king of Egypt,{ asked the Athenians to allow Iphicrates to be
his general, that he might place him at the head of his army
of mercenaries, the number of whom was twelve thousand.
This force he so instructed in all military discipline, that as
certain Roman soldiers were formerly called Fabians,§ so the
Iphicrateans were in the highest repute among the Greeks.

Going afterwards to the relief of the Lacedemonians, he

* Apud Corinthwm.] In the war generally called the Corinthian war,
carried on by the Athenians, Thebans, and Argives, against the Lace-
demonians. See Diod. Sic. xiv. 86; Xen. Hell. iv. 4.

+ From Xenophon, de Rep. Lacedem., we learn that the mora con-
sisted of 400 men; for it had four lochagi and eight pentecosteres.—
Fischer. This seems to have been the regular and original number
appointed by Lycurgus, but it varied afterwards according to times
and circumstances. In the time of Xenophon (Hell. iv. 5) it appears
to have consisted usually of 600. At other times it contained five,
seven, or nine hundred. See Plutarch. Pelop. c. 17; Thucyd. v. 68,
ibique Schol. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. art. Army, Greek.

+ His name was Acoris; he had assisted Evagoras of Cyprus against
Artaxerxes Mnemon. See Diod. Sic. xv.29. He appears to have been
the immediate predecessor of Nectanebis.

§ Fabiani.] If the Roman soldiers were used to be called Fabians,
which is an account given by none but our author, that I know of, it
was occasioned by the gallantry of the Fabian family, that undertook
to manage the war against the Vejentes by themselves, and were
cut off, 300 of them in one battle—Clarke. Others think that the
name must have been derived from Fabius Cunctator. None of the
better commentators say anything on the point.
860 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

checked the efforts of Epaminondas; for, had not he been draw-
ing near,* the Thebans would not have retreated from Sparta
until they had taken and destroyed it by fire.

TEI. He was a man of large mind and large body, and of
an appearance indicating the commander, so that by his very
look he inspired every one with admiration of him. But in
action he was too remiss, and too impatient of continued exer-
tion, as Theopompus has recorded. Yet he was a good citizen,
anda, person of very honourable feelings, as he showed, not
only in other transactions, but also in protecting the children
of Amyntas + the Macedonian ; for EKurydice, the mother of
Perdiccas and Philip, fled with these two boys, after the death
of Amyntas, to Iphicrates, and was secure under his power.
He lived to a good old age, with the feelings of his countrymen
well affected towards him.

He was once brought to trial for his life, at the time of the
Social war,{ together with Timotheus, and was acquitted.

He left a son named Menestheus, whom he had by a Thra-
cian woman, the daughter of King Cotys. When this son
was asked whether he had more regard for his father or his
mother, he replied, “For his mother.’ As this answer
appeared strange to all who heard it, he added, ‘‘ I do so with
justice ; for my father, as far as was in his power, made me a
Thracian, but my mother, as far as she could, made me an
Athenian.”

* Nisi ejus adventus appropinquasset.}| “Unless his approach had
been drawing near.”

t The father of Philip, and grandfather of Alexander the Great.
“This subject is more fully noticed by Aischines de Fals. Leg. haud
longé & principio.”—Bos. See Justin, vii. 4.

+ Bello Socialt.| A war in which Byzantium, Rhodes, Chios, and
Cos leagued themselves against the Athenians, from their alliance with
whom they had revolted. See Diod. Sic. xv. 78; xvi. 7; Perizon. ad
4ilian. Var, Hist. ii. 10, Comp. Life of Chabrias, v. 4.
36]

; XII. CHABRIAS.

Chabrias becomes celebrated for a new mode of fighting, I.—His acts
in Egypt and Cyprus; his command of the Egyptian fleet, IL—
His recal; he lived but little at home in consequence of the

‘envious feelings of his countrymen, IIL—He is killed in the
Social war, IV.

I. Cuaprias the Athenian was also numbered among the
most eminent generals, and performed many acts worthy of
record. But of these the most famous is his mancuvre in
the battle which he fought near Thebes, when he had gone to
the relief of the Boeotians; for in that engagement, when the
great general Agesilaus felt sure of victory, and the mercenary
troops had been put to flight by him, Chabrias forbade the rest
of his phalanx* to quit their ground, and instructed them to
receive the attack of the enemy with the knee placed firmly
against the shield, and the spear stretched out. Agesilaus,
observing this new plan, did not dare to advance, and called
off his men, as they were rushing forward, with sound of

' trumpet. This device was so extolled by fame throughout

Greece, that Chabrias chose to have the statue, which was
erected to him at the public charge by the Athenians in the
forum, made in that posture. Hence it happened that wrestlers,
and other candidates for public applause,t adopted, in the
erection of their statues, those postures in which they had
gained a victory.

II. Chabrias also, when he was general of the Athenians,
carried on many wars in Europe ; and he engaged in one in
Egypt of his own accord ; for setting out to assist Nectanabis,t
he secured him the throne. He performed a similar exploit in
Cyprus, but he was then publicly sent to support Evagoras ;
nor did he return from thence till he had conquered the whole
island ; from which achievement the Athenians obtained great

lory.
7 Ta the meantime a war broke out between the Egyptians
and Persians, when the Athenians formed an alliance with

* Phalanz is here used as a general term for a body of troops in
close array.

+ Artifices.| This word is here used in a very comprehensive sense,
including actors, musicians, and every other kind of public exhibitors.

t Often written Nectanebis. “Diodorus Siculus has it either
Nexrevabwe or Nexravebwe.”—Bos.
362 CORNELIUS NEPOS. ”

Artaxerxes, and the Lacedemonians with the Egyptians, from
whom their king Agesilaus received a large share of spoil.*
Chabrias, seeing Agesilaus’s good fortune, and thinking himself
in no respect inferior to him, set out to assist them of his own
accord, and took the command of the Egyptian fleet, while
Agesilaus held that of the land forces,

III. In consequence, the officers of the king of Persia sent
deputies to Athens, to complain that Chabrias was warring
against their king on the side of the Egyptians. The
Athenians then prescribed a certain day to Chabrias, before
which if he did not return home, they declared that they
would condemn him to die. On receiving this communication
he returned to Athens; but did not stay there longer than
was necessary; for he did not willingly continue under the
eyes of his countrymen, as he was accustomed to live splen-
didly, and to indulge himself too freely to be able to escape
the envy of the populace. For this is a common fault in
great and free states, that envy is the attendant on glory, and
that the people willingly detract from those whom they see
raised above others; nor do the poor contemplate with
patience the lot of others who are grown rich. Chabrias,
therefore, when he could, was generally away from home. Nor
was he the only one that willingly absented himself from
Athens, but almost all their great men did the same, for they
thought that they should be as far removed from envy as they
were distant from their native country. Conon, in conse-
quence, lived very much in Cyprus, Iphicrates in Thrace,
Timotheus in Lesbos, Chares at Sigeum. Chares, indeed,
differed from the others in conduct and character, but was
nevertheless both distinguished and powerful at Athens.

* A quibus magnas predas Agesilaus rex corwm faciebat.| Attempts to
interpret this passage have much exercised the ingenuity of the
learned. Heusinger would have @ guibus to signify “on whose side,”
or the same as pro quibus, but this Van Staveren justly rejects, and I,
as well as he and Schmieder, doubt whether pro aliquo predam facere
can be regarded as good Latin... . For myself, I know not what to
make of the passage, unless we receive the cautious interpretation of
Harles, Ithius, and Bremi, who understand predam in a large or meta-
phorical sense for gain, presents, or a large sum of money, which
Agesilaus either received from the Egyptians by agreement, or exacted
from them, so that it might not improperly be regarded as preda.
oe the signification of this word, see Heyne ad Tibull. ii. 3,

o— Lrescher,
TIMOTHEUS. 863

IV. Chabrias lost his life in the Social war,* in the following
manner. The Athenians were besieging Chios ; Chabrias was
on board the fleet as a private man, but had more influence
than all who were in command; and the soldiers looked up
to him more than to ‘those who were over them. This cir-
cumstance hastened his death; for while he was anxious to
be the first to enter the harbour, and ordered the captain to
steer the vessel towards it, he was the occasion of his own
death, since, after he had made his way into it, the other
ships did not follow. Upon which, being surrounded by a
body of the enemy, his ship, while he was fighting with the
utmost bravery, was struck with the beak of one of the enemy’s
vessels, and began to sink. Though he might have escaped
from the danger, if he had cast himself into the sea, for the
fleet of the Athenians was at hand to take him up as he
swam, he chose rather to die, than to throw away his arms
and abandon the vessel in which he had sailed. The others
would not act in a similar manner, but gained a place of
safety by swimming. He, on the other hand, thinking an
honourable death preferable to a dishonourable life, was killed
with the weapons of the enemy, while he was fighting hand to
hand with them.

XIII. TIMOTHEUS.

The merits and acts of Timotheus, I—A statue erected to him on his
victory over the Lacedemonians, II.—Is appointed, at an advanced
age, as an adviser to Menestheus ; is accused by Chares, and con-
demned, II].—His son Conon obliged to repair the walls of
Athens ; attachment of Jason to Timotheus, IV.

I. TrmotHevs, the son of Conon, a native of Athens, in-
creased the glory which he inherited from his father by many
excellent qualities of his own; for he was eloquent, active,
persevering, skilled in military affairs, and not less so in
managing those of the state. Many honourable actions of his
are recorded, the following are the most famous. He subdued
the Olynthians and Byzantians by force of arms; he took
Samos, on the siege of which, in a previous war, the Athenians

* See Life of Iphicrates, c. 3.
364 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

had spent twelve hundred talents. This sum he restored *
to the people without any expense to them ; for he carried on
a war against Cotys,t and thence brought twelve hundred
talents’ worth of spoil into the public treasury. He relieved
Cyzicust from a siege; he went with Agesilaus to the assistance
of Ariobarzanes;§ but while the Lacedemonians received
ready money from him in requital, he chose rather to have
his countrymen enriched with lands and towns, than to. take
that of which he himself might carry a share to his own home;
and he accordingly received from him Crithote || and Sestos.
II. Being made commander of the fleet, and sailing round
the Peloponnesus, he laid waste Laconia, and defeated its
naval force. He also reduced Corcyra under the power of
the Athenians, and attached to them, as allies, the Epirots,
the Athamanians, the Chaonians, and all those nations which
lie on the sea.9] After this occurrence, the Laced#monians
desisted from the protracted struggle, and yielded, of their
own accord, the sovereignty at sea to the Athenians, making
peace upon these terms, “that the Athenians should be
commanders by sea.” This victory gave so much delight to
the Athenians, that altars were then first publicly erected to
Peace, and a pulvinar** decreed to that goddess. And that
the remembrance of this glorious action might be preserved,
they raised a statue to Timotheus in the forum at the public

* Id—restituit.] Many editions, for id, have hanc, sc. pecuniam, but
“td,” says Bos, “for argentum or argenti pondus, is perfectly correct.”

+ A prince of Thrace. Comp. Iphiec. c. 3.

{ A strong city of the Propontis, on an island of the same name.
It was besieged on this occasion, as Mitford supposes, by a force sent
thither by Epaminondas, who was endeavouring to make Thebes a
naval power to rival Athens.

§ Satrap of Phrygia, who had revolted from Artaxerxes. “This
war is mentioned by Demosthenes de Rhodior. Libertate.”— Fischer.

|| A city on the Hellespont, in the Thracian Chersonese, mentioned
by Scylax, Stephanus de Urb., Strabo, and Pliny. The introduction
of the name of this city into the text is due to Gebhard. Previously
oe reading was Ericthonem, of which nobody knew what to
make.

4 The Ionian Sea.

** A pulvinus or pulvinar was a cushion, pillow, or bolster, and to
support the arm or side of those who reclined on couches, like the
bolsters on sofas in the present day. Pulvinar was afterwards used
for the entire couch, on which the statues of the gods were placed on
solemn occasions, as in the Roman lectisternia. :
TIMOTHEUS. 365

expense. Such an honour, that, after the people had erected
a statue to the father, they should also present one to the son,
happened, down to that period, to him alone. Thus the new
statue of the son, placed close by the other, revived old
recollections of the father.

ITI. When he-was at an advanced age, and had ceased to
hold any office, the Athenians began to be pressed with war on
every side. Samos had revolted; the Hellespont* had
deserted them; Philip of Macedon, then very powerful, was
making many efforts; and in Chares,t who had been opposed
to him, there was not thought to be sufficient defence.
Menestheus, the son of Iphicrates, and son-in-law of Timotheus,
was in consequence made commander, and a decree was passed
that he should proceed to take the management of the war.
These two persons, his father and father-in-law, men eminent
in experience and wisdom, were appointed to give him advice,t
for there was such force of character in them, that great hopes
were entertained that what had been lost might be recovered by
their means. When they had set out for Samos; and Chares,
having heard of their approach, ‘was also proceeding thither
with his force, lest anything should appear to be done in his
absence, it happened that, as they drew near the island, a great
storm arose, which the two veteran commanders, thinking it
expedient to avoid, checked the progiess of their fleet.§ But
Chares, taking a rash course, would not submit to the advice of
his elders, but, as if success depended on his own vessel,
pushed his way for the point to which he had been steering, and
sent orders to Timotheus and Iphicrates to follow him thither,
But having subsequently mis-managed the affair, and lost
several ships, he returned to the same place|| from which he
had come, and despatched a letter to the government, at Athens,
saying that it would have been easy for him to take Samos, if

* That is, the cities on the Hellespont.

+ Cut oppositus Chares quum esset, non satis in co prasidi putabatur.]
“To whom, when Chares had been opposed, there was not thought to
be sufficient defence in him.” Chares was a vain and ignorant braggart.
See Diod. Sic. xvi, 86.

+ In consilium.] The words quorwm consilio uteretur, which occur a
little below, are not translated, as they appear, in the judgment of
Bos and others, to he a mere interpolation.

§ Classem suppresserunt.] Probably that they might not be driven

on shore.
|| It does not appear what place this was.
366 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

he had not been left unsupported by Timotheus and Iphicrates.
On this charge they were impeached. The people, violent,
suspicious, fickle, and unfavourable to them, recalled them
home ; and they were brought to trial for treason. On this
charge Timotheus was found guilty, and his fine was fixed at a
hundred talents; when, compelled by the hatred of an
ungrateful people, he sought a refuge at Chalcis.

_ LV. After his death, when the people had repented of the
sentence passed upon him, they took off nine-tenths of the fine,
and ordered that his son Conon should give ten talents to
repair a certain portion of the wall. In this occurrence was
seen the changeableness of fortune; for the grandson was
obliged, to the great scandal of his family, to repair, out of his
own estate, the same walls which his grandfather Conon had
rebuilt with the spoil taken from the enemy.

Of the temperate and judicious life of Timotheus, though we
could produce a great many proofs, we will be content with one,
from which it may be easily conjectured how dear he was to his
friends. When he was brought to trial, while quite a young
man, at Athens, not only his friends, and others connected
with him by ties of private hospitality, came to give him their
support, but among them also the tyrant Jason,* who at that
time was the most powerful of all men. Jason, though he did
not think himself safe in his own country without guards, came
to Athens unattended, having such value for his guest-friend,
that he chose to hazard his life rather than not stand by
Timotheus when he was contending for his honour.t Yet
Timotheus, under an order from the people, carried on a war
against him afterwards, for he considered the rights of his
country more sacred than those of hospitality.

This was the last age of Athenian commanders; the age of
Iphicrates, Chabrias, and Timotheus; nor, after their death,
was there any leader} worthy of remembrance in that city.

* Jason tyrannus.] He was tyrant of Phere in Thessaly, and was, as
it were, from his great power, king of the whole country. By calling
him the “most powerful of all men,” omniwm potentissimus, Nepos
seems to mean that he was more powerful than any single individual
that had at that time to do with Greece.

+ De famd.] For his honour as a citizen. Conviction, on this
occasion, would have subjected him, it appears, to loss of civil rights,
or drmia.

{+ Unless we except Phocion, whose military character, however, was
not very high. :
367

XIV. DATAMES.

Datames, an eminent barbarian leader; his war with the Cardusii,
I—He takes prisoner Thyus of Paphlagonia, II.—Presents Thyus
to the king of Persia; is appointed to command in Egypt, IIL—
Is directed to attack Aspis of Cappadocia, IV.—Finds that the
courtiers are plotting against him, and takes possession of Cappa-
docia and Paphlagonia, V.—Loses his son in a war with the
Pisidians; defeats the Pisidians, VI—Is betrayed by his eldest
son, VII.—Defeats the general of the Persians who is sent
against him, VIII.—Escapes a plot formed against him by the
king, IX.—Is deceived by Mithridates, X.—Is killed by him, XI.

I. I now come to the bravest and wisest man of all the
barbarians, except the two Carthaginians, Hamilcar and
Hannibal.

I shall say the more concerning this general, because most
of his acts are but little known, and because the undertakings
that were attended with success to him, were accomplished,
not by vastness of force, but by sagacity, in which he sur-
passed all of that age; and unless the manner of his proceedings
be set forth, his merits cannot be fully understood.

Datames, son of a father named Camissares, a Carian by
nation, and of a mother a native of Scythia, served first of all
among the soldiers who were guards of the palace to Artax-
erxes. His father Camissares, having been found undaunted
in fight, active in command, and faithful on many occasions to
the king, was granted as a province that portion of Cilicia
which borders on Cappadocia, and which the Leucosyrians
inhabit.

Datames first showed what sort of man he was, when
engaged in military service, in the war which the king carried
on against the Cardusii; for in this enterprise, after several
thousands of the king’s troops were killed, his exertions proved
of great value. Hence it happened that, as Camissares lost
his life in the war, his father’s province was conferred upon
him. :

II. He distinguished himself by equal valour when Auto.
phradates, by the king’s order, made war upon those who had
revolted; for the enemy, even after they had entered the
camp, were put to flight by his efforts, and the rest of the
king’s army was saved. In consequence of this success, he
began to be appointed over more important affairs, At that
368 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

time Thyus was prince of Paphlagonia, a man of ancient
family, descended from that Pylemenes whom Homer states
to have been killed by Patroclus* in the Trojan war. This
prince paid no respect to the king’s commands. The king, in
consequence, determined to make war upon him, and gave
the command of the enterprise to Datames, who was a near
relative of the Paphlagonian, for they were sous of a brother
and a sister. Datames, on this account, was desirous, in the
first place, to try every means to bring back his kinsman to
his duty without having recourse to arms. But going to
confer with him without a guard, as he apprehended no
treachery from a friend, he almost lost his life, for Thyus had
resolved to assassinate him secretly. Datames was however
accompanied by his mother, the aunt of the Paphlagonian, who
discovered what was going‘on, and gave her son warning of it,
Datames escaped the danger by flight, and declared open war
against Thyus, in which, though he was deserted by Ario-
barzanes, the satrap of Lydia, Ionia, and all Phrygia, he
nevertheless vigorously persevered, and succeeded in taking
Thyus alive with his wife and children.

JII. He then used his utmost efforts that the news of his
success might not reach the king before him, and thus, while
all were still ignorant of it, he arrived at the place where the
king was encamped, and the day after arrayed Thyus, a man
of huge stature, and frightful aspect, being of a black com-
plexion, and having long hair and a long beard, in a splendid
robe such as the king’s satraps used to wear. He adorned
him also with a chain and bracelets of gold, and other royal
ornaments, while he himself wag dressed in a coarse thick
cloak,f and rough coat, having a hunter’s cap upon his head,
a club in his right hand, and in his left a chain, with which
he drove Thyus secured before him, as if he were bringing
along a wild beast that he had taken. While the people were
all gazing at him, on account of the strangeness of his attire,
and his person being unknown to them, and a great crowd
‘i * aa was not killed by Patroclus, but by Menelaus; Hom.

.v. *

+ Agresti duplict amiculo.] Called duplex because it was thick and
stout, woven of thread of a double thickness; or because it was made
of cloth doubled. The Greeks called it yNatva derd\—Fischer. A

modern annotator thinks that duplici refers to the “folding” of the
cloak as it was worn, not to the “texture !”
DATAMES. 369

was in consequence gathered round him, it happened that
there was somebody in it who knew Thyus, and went off to
tell the king, The king at first did not believe the account,
and therefore sent Pharnabazus to make inquiry. Learning
from him what had been done, he ordered Datames to be
instantly admitted, being extremely delighted both with his
success and the dress of his captive, rejoicing especially that
that eminent prince had fallen into his hands when he scarcely
expected it. He therefore sent Datames, after bestowing
magnificent presents upon him, to the army which was then
assembling, under the command of Pharnabazus and Tithraus-
tes, to make war upon Egypt, and directed that he should
have equal authority with them. But as the king afterwards
recalled Pharnabazus, the chief direction of the war was com-
mitted to Datames.

IV. As he was raising an army with the utmost diligence,
and preparing to set out for Egypt, a letter was unexpectedly
sent him by the king, desiring him to attack Aspis, who then
held Cataonia, a country which lies above Cilicia, and borders
on Cappadocia. Aspis, occupying a woody country, defended
with fortresses, not only refused to obey the king’s orders, but
ravaged the neighbouring provinces, and intercepted what-
ever was being conveyed to the king. Datames, though he
was far distant from those parts, and was drawn off from a
greater matter, yet thought it necessary to yield to the king’s
wish. He therefore went on board a ship with a few brave
followers, thinking (what really happened) that he would
more easily overcome him, when unaware of his approach
and unprepared, than when ready to meet him, though with
ever so great anarmy. Sailing in this vessel to the coast of
Cilicia, landing there, and marching day and night, he passed
‘Mount Taurus, and arrived at the part to which he had
directed his course. He inquired where Aspis was, and
learned that he was not far off, and was gone to hunt.
While he was watching for his return, the cause of his
coming became known, and Aspis prepared the Pisidians, and
the attendants that he had with him, to offer resistance.
When Datames heard this, he took up his arms, and ordered
his men to follow him ; he himself, setting spurs to his horse,
rode on to meet the enemy. Aspis, seeing him, from a
distance, advancing upon him, was struck with fear, and, being

BB
3870 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

deterred from his resolution to resist, delivered himself up.
Datames consigned him in chains to Mithridates, to be con-
ducted to the king.

V. While these occurrences were passing, Artaxerxes, re-
flecting from how important a war, and to how inconsiderable
an enterprize, he had sent the best of his generals, blamed
himself for what he had done, and sent a messenger to the
troops at Ace (not supposing that Datames had vet set out), to
tell him not to quit the army. But before this messenger
arrived at the place to which he was sent, he met upon the road
the party that were leading Aspis.

Though Datames, by this celerity, gained great favour from
the king, he incurred no less dislike on the part of the courtiers,
because they saw that he alone was more valued than all of
them; and on this account they all conspired to ruin him.
Pandates, the keeper of the king’s treasury, a friend to
Datames, sent him an account of this state of things in writing,
in which he told him that ‘‘he would be in great peril if any
ill-success should fall out while he commanded in Hgypt, for
such was the practice of kings, that they attributed adverse
occurrences to other men, but prosperous ones to their own
good fortune; and hence it happened that they were easily
inclined to the ruin of those under whose conduct affairs were
said to have’ been ill-managed ; and that he would be in so much
the greater danger as he had those for his bitterest enemies to
whom the king chiefly gaye ear.” Datames, having read this
letter, after he had arrived at the army at Ace, resolved, as he
was aware that what was written was true, to leave the king’s
service. He did nothing, however, that was unworthy of his
honour; for he appointed Mandrocles of Magnesia to command
the army, while he himself went off with his adherents into
Cappadocia, and took possession of Paphlagonia, that bordered
upon it, concealing what his feelings were towards the king.
He then privately made a league with Ariobarzanes, raised a
force, and assigned the fortified towns to be defended by his own
troops.

VI. But these proceedings, from its being winter, went on
with but little success. He heard that the Pisidians were
raising some forces to oppose him, and sent his son Arideus
with a detachment against them. The young man fell in battle,
and the father marched away to the scene of his death with but
DATAMES. 37]

a small number of followers, concealing how great a loss he had
sustained, for he wished to reach the enemy before the report
of his ill-success should become known to.his men, lest. the
spirits of the soldiers should be depressed by hearing of the
death of his son. He arrived at the spot to which he had
directed his course, and pitched his camp in such a position
that he could neither be surrounded by the superior number of
the enemy, nor be hindered from keeping his forces always
ready to engage. There was with him Mithrobarzanes, his
father-in-law, commander of the cavalry, who, despairing of the
state of his son-in-law’s affairs, went over to the enemy. When
Datames heard this, he was sensible that if it should go abroad
among the multitude that he was deserted by a man so
intimately connected with him, it would happen that others
would follow his example. He therefore spread a report
throughout the camp that “ Mithrobarzanes had gone off as a
deserter by his direction, in order that, being received as such,
he might the more easily spread destruction among the enemy.
It was not right therefore,” he added, “ that he should be left
unsupported, but that they ought all to follow without delay,
and, if they did so with spirit, the consequence would be that
their foes would be unable to resist, as they would be cut to
pieces within their ramparts and without.” This exhortation
being well received, he led forth his troops, pursued Mithro-
barzanes, and, almost at the moment that the latter was joining
the enemy,* gave orders for an attack, The Pisidians, sur-
prised by this new movement, were led to believe that the
deserters were acting with bad faith, and by arrangement with
Datames, in order that, when received into the camp, they
might do them the greater mischief; they therefore attacked
them first. The deserters, as they knew not what was in
agitation, or why it took place, were compelled to fight with
those to whom they had deserted, and to act on the side of
those whom they had quitted; and, as neither party spared

* Qui tantum quod ad hostes pervenerat.| This reading is an emenda-
tion of Lambinus, and it is extremely doubtful whether it ought to
have been so favourably regarded by Van Steveren and Bos, who have
admitted it into their texts. Some of the manuscripts have gui’ dum
ad hostes pervenerat. Heusinger thinks we might read tantwm qui dum,
or qui tantum dum, tantum dum being a form of expression similar to
viadum, nondum. The Ed. Ultraject. has qui tantwm non ad, &c. Most
of the older common editions have qui nondum ad, &e. ,

BB2
872 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

them, they were quickly cut to pieces. Datames then set upon
the rest of the Pisidians who offered resistance, repelled them
at the first onset, pursued them as they fled, killed a great
number of them, and captured their camp. By this stratagem
he at once both cut off the traitors, and overthrew the enemy,
and turned to his preservation what had been contrived for his
destruction. We have nowhere read, on the part of; any
commander, any device more ingeniously conceived than this,
or more promptly executed.

VII. Yet from such a man as this his eldest son Scismas
deserted, and went over to the king, carrying intelligence of
his father's defection. Artaxerxes, being startled at this news
(for he was aware that he should have to do with a brave and
active man, who, when he had conceived a project, had courage
to execute it, and was accustomed to think before he attempted
to act), despatched Autophradates into Cappadocia. To pre-
vent this general from entering the country, Datames endea-
voured to be the first to secure a forest, in which the Gate of
Cilicia* is situate. But he was unable to collect his troops
with sufficient expedition, and being obliged to desist from his
attempt, he took up, with the force which he had got together,
a position of such a nature, that he could neither be sur-
rounded by the enemy, nor could the enemy pass beyond him
without being incommoded by difficulties on both sides; while,
if he wished to engage with them, the numbers of his oppo-
nentq could not greatly damage his own smaller force.

VIII. Autophradates, though he was aware of these cireum-
stances, yet thought it better to fight than to retreat with so
large an army, or to continue inactive so long im one place,
He had twenty thousand barbarian cavalry, a hundred thou-
sand infantry, whom they call Cardaces,{ and three thousand
slingers of the same class. He had besides eight thousand
Cappadocians, ten thousand Armenians, five thousand Paphla-
gonians, ten thousand Phrygians, five thousand Lydians,
about three thousand Aspendians and Pisidians, two thousand
Cilicians, as many Captianians,t three thousand hired men

* Ciliciee vorie.} A pass so called. !

+ A body of soldiery among the Persians, mentioned by Strabo,
Plutarch, Arrian, Pausanias, and others. Hesychius thinks that they
had their name from some place or tribe. .

£ Captianorwm.] A people unknown to geographers, Schottus sug-
DATAMES. 373

from Greece, and a very large number of light-armed troops.
Against this force all Datames’s hopes rested on himself and the
nature of his ground, for he had not the twentieth part of his
enemy's numbers. ‘Trusting to himself and his position,*
therefore, he brought on a battle, and cut off many thousands
of the enemy, while there fell of his own army not more than
a thousand men; on which account he erected a trophy the.
next day on the spot where they had fought the day before.
When he had moved his camp from thence, and always,
though inferior in forces, came off victorious in every battle
(for he never engaged but when he had confined his adver-
saries in some defile, an advantage which often happened to
one acquainted with the ground and taking his measures with
skill), Autophradates, seeing that the war was protracted with
more loss to the king than to the enemy, exhorted Datames to
peace and friendship,t so that he might again be received into
favour with the king. Datames, though he saw that peace
would not be faithfully kept, nevertheless accepted the offer of
it, and said that ‘“‘he would send deputies to Artaxerxes.”
Thus the war, which the king had undertaken against Data-
mes, was ended; and Autophradates retired into Phrygia.
IX. But the king, as he had conceived an implacable hatred
to Datames, endeavoured, when he found that he could not be
overcome in the field, to cut him off by underhand artifices ;
but most of these he eluded. For instance, when it was
told him that some, who were reckoned in the number of his
friends, were laying a plot for him (concerning whom, as
their enemies were the informers, he thought that the inti-
mation was neither entirely to be believed nor utterly disre-
garded), he resolved to make trial whether what had been told
him was true or false. He accordingly went forward on the
road on which they had stated that an ambush would be laid
for him ; but he selected a man closely resembling himself in

gested that we should read, with a slight alteration, Caspianorwm,
people from the borders of the Caspian sea.— Bos. Bos, on the whole,
approves this suggestion.

* Quibus fretus.] I have given the guibus that sense which it evi-
dently requires.

+ Peace and friendship with himself, preparatory to his being:
received into favour by the king. This is Nipperdey’s explanation.
Other editors have merely complained of the apparent tautology in
the passage. . o
Byes CORNELIUS NEPOS.

person and stature, gave him his own attire, and ordered him
to ride on in that part of the line where he himself had
been accustomed to go, while Datames himself, in the equip-
ments and dress of a common: soldier, prepared to march
among his own body-guard. The men in ambuscade, as soon
as the party reached the spot where they were stationed, being
deceived by the place and dress, made an assault upon him
who had been substituted for Datames. But Datames had
previously directed those among whom he was marching, to
be ready to do what they should see him do. He, as soon as
he saw the conspirators collecting in a body, hurled his darts
among them, and, as all the rest did the same, they fell down
dead before they could reach him whom they meant to attack.

X. Yet this man, crafty as he was, was at last ensnared by
a device of Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes ; for Mithri-
dates promised the king that he would kill Datames, if the
king would allow him to do with impunity whatever he wished,
and would give him a pledge to that effect with his right hand
after the manner of the Persians. When he received this
pledge sent him by the king,* he prepared a force, and though
at a distance, made a league with Datames, ravaged the king's
provinces, stormed his fortresses, and carried off a great quan-
tity of spoil, part of which he divided among his men, and
part he sent to Datames, putting into his hands, in like manner,
many strong-holds. By pursuing this course for a long time,
he made Datames believe that he had undertaken an everlast-
ing war against the king, while notwithstanding (lest he should
raise in him any suspicion of treachery), he neither sought a
conference with him, nor showed any desire to come into his
sight. Thus, though keeping at a distance, he maintained
friendship with him; but so that they seemed to be bound to
one another, not by mutual kindnesses, but by the common
hatred which they had conceived towards the king.

XI. When he thought that he had sufficiently established
this notion, he gave intimation to Datames that it was time for
greater armies to be raised, and an attack to be made on
the king himself; and that, with reference to this sub-
ject, he might, if he pleased, come to a conference with him

* A vege missam.] These words are wanting in some editions. The

king presented his right hand to some person, in order that that
person might present his own to Mithridates in the king’s name.
EPAMINONDAS. 375

in any place that he might choose. The proposal being
accepted, a time was fixed for the conference, and a place in
which they were to meet. To this spot Mithridates came some
days previously, in company with a person in whom he had
the greatest confidence, and buried swords in several different
places, carefully marking each spot. On the day of the con-
ference, each of them brought people to examine the place,
and to search Datames and Mithridates themselves. They
then met, and after they had spent some time in conference,
and parted in different directions, and Datames was some
distance off, Mithridates, before he went back to his attendants
(Jest he should excite any suspicion), returned to the same
place, and sat down, as if he wished to rest from weariness,
on one of the spots in which a sword had been concealed,
and, at the same time, called back Datames, pretending that
he had forgotten something at their conference. In the mean
time he drew out the sword that was hid, and concealed it, un-
sheathed, under his garment, and observed to Datames, as he
was returning, that he had noticed, when going off, that a
certain place, which was in sight, was suitable for pitching a
camp. While he was pointing this out with his finger, and the
other was looking towards it, he ran him through, as his back
was turned, with the sword, and put an end to his life before
any one could come to his assistance. Thus a man who had
gained the mastery over many by prudence, over none by
treachery, was ensnared by pretended friendship.

XV. EPAMINONDAS.:

Remarks on the manners of the Greeks, 1—Youth and manhood of
Epaminondas, II—Excellencies of his character, III.—An in-
stance of his freedom {from covetousness, IV.—His ability in
speaking, V.—An instance of his power of persuasion; the battle

, of Leuctra, VI.—His patriotism ; his care for the army and its
success, VII—Is brought to trial for retaining his command

; longer than the law allowed; his defence and acquittal, VIII.—

~ His death at Mantinea, IX.—His apology for not marrying; his

| horror of civil bloodshed ; the glory of Thebes, X.

I. Epamrnonpas was the son of Polymnis, and was born at
Thebes. Before we proceed to write of him, the following
caution seems necessary to be given.to our readers; that they
376 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

should not confound the customs of other nations with their’
own, or think that those things which appear unimportant to
themselves must be equally so to others. We know that skill
in music, according to our habits, is foreign to the character of
any eminent personage ; and that to dance is accounted dispa-
raging to the character;* while all such accomplishments
among the Greeks, are regarded both as pleasing and as
worthy of admiration.

But as we wish to draw a correct picture of the habits
and life of Epaminondas, we seem called upon to omit nothing
that may tend to illustrate it. We shall therefore speak in
the first place of his birth; we shall then show in what accom-
plishments, and by whom, he was instructed; next we shall
touch upon his manners and intellectual endowments, and
whatever other points in his character may deserve notice ;
and lastly on his great actions, which are more regarded by
many than all the best qualities of the mind.t

II. He was the son, then, of the father whom we named,
and was of an honourable family, though left poor by his an-
cestors ; but he was so well educated that no Theban was
more so; for he was taught to play upon the harp, and to sing
to the sound of its strings, by Dionysius, who was held in no
less honour among musicians than Damon or Lamprus,} whose
names are well known ; to play on the flutes § by Olympiodo-.
rus; and to dance by Calliphron. For his instructor in
philosophy he had Lysis|| of Tarentum, a Pythagorean, to
whom he was so devoted that, young as he was, he preferred

_* In vitiis poni.] “Is accounted among disparagements, disgraces, or
vices.”

+ A plurimis omnium anteponuntur virtutibus.] “ Are by many pre-
ferred to the best qualities of all.” Many would rather hear of the
actions than of the virtues of eminent men.

+ Damon was an Athenian, mentioned by Plutarch de Musicd,
Plato, de Rep., lib. iv., and Athenzus, xiv. 11, Lamprus is also noticed
by Plutarch in the same treatise, by Plato in his Menexenus, and by
Atheneus, i. 16, ii. 2. Damon is said to have taught Pericles, and
Lamprus Sophocles. ‘

§ Tibiis.] See the note on this word in the preface.

|| See Cic. de Orat. iii. 34; Off. i. 4; Diod. Sic. lib. vi. in Exe.
Peiresc. p. 247; Pausanias, ix. 13; Allian, V. H. iii. 17; Porphyr. Vit.
Pythag. extr.; Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. c. 85... . A letter of his to a
certain Hipparchus is among the Epistles of the Greeks published by

Aldus, and also among the fragments of the Pythagoreans added by
Casaubon to Diogenes Laértius.—Bos.
EPAMINONDAS. 377

the society of a grave and austere old man* before that of all
those of his own age; nor did he part with him until he
so far excelled his fellow students in learning, that it ‘might
easily be perceived he would in like manner excel them all
in other pursuits. These acquirements, according to our
habits, are trifling, and rather to be despised ; { but in Greece,
at least in former times, they were a great subject for praise.
After he grew up, and began to apply himself to gymnastic
exercises, he studied not so much to increase the strength, as
the agility, of his body; for he thought that strength
suited the purposes of wrestlers, but that agility con-
duced to excellence in war. He used to exercise himself
very much, therefore, in running and wrestling, as long as}
he could grapple, and contend standing, with his adversary.
But he spent most of his labour on martial exercises.

III. To the strength of body thus acquired were added
many good qualities of the mind ; for he was modest, prudent,
grave, wisely availing himself of opportunities, skilled in war,
brave in action, and possessed of remarkable courage ; he was
so great a lover of truth, that he would not tell a falsehood
even in jest; he was also master of his passions, gentle in
disposition, and patient to a wonderful degree, submitting to
wrong, not only from the people, but from his own friends ;
he was a remarkable keeper of secrets, a quality which is some-
times not less serviceable than to speak eloquently ; and he was
an attentive listener to others, because he thought that by this
means knowledge was most easily acquired. Whenever he came
into a company, therefore, in which a discussion was going on
concerning government, or a conversation was being held on any
point of philosophy; he never went away till the discourse was
brought to its conclusion. He bore poverty so easily, that he
received nothing from the state but glory. He did not avail
himself of the means of his friends to maintain himself; but
he often used his credit to relieve others, to such a degree that

* Tristem et severwm senem in familiariiate antepossuerit.] “He
preferred a grave and austere old man in familiarity,” ic. as an
associate.

+ Levia et potius contemnenda.|] The study of philosophy, at least in
the time of Nepos, was not numbered by the Romans among despica-
ble pursuits.

+ Ad eum finem quoad, &c.] Ad eum jinem, as Bos observes, is the
same as usque ed.
378 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

it might be thought all things were in common between him
and his friends ; for when any one of his countrymen had been
taken by the enemy, or when the marriageable daughter; of
a friend could not be married for want of fortune, he used to
call a council of his friends, and to prescribe how much each
should give according to his means; and when he had made
up the sum required, he brought the man who wanted it to
those who contributed, and made them pay it to the person
himself, in order that he, into whose hands the sum passed,
might know to whom he was indebted, and how much to each.

IV. His indifference to money was put to the proof by
Diomedon of Cyzicus; for he, at the request of Artaxerxes,
had undertaken to bribe Epaminondas. He accordingly came
to Thebes with a large sum in gold, and, by a present of five
talents, brought over Micythus, a young man for whom
Epaminondas had then a great affection, to further his views.
Micythus went to Epaminondas, and told him the cause of
Diomedon’s coming. But Epaminondas, in the presence of
Diomedon, said to him, “ There is no need of money in the
matter; for if what the king desires is for the good of the
Thebans, I am ready to do it for nothing ; but if otherwise, he
has,not gold and silver enough to move me, for I would not
accept the riches of the whole world in exchange for my love
for my country. At you, who have made trial of me without
knowing my character, and have thought me like yourself, I do
not wonder ; and I forgive you; but quit the city at once,
lest you should. corrupt others though you have been unable to
corrupt me. You, Mycithus, give Diomedon his money back;
or, unless you do so immediately, I shall give you up to the
magistrates.” Diomedon entreating that he might be allowed
to depart in safety, and carry away with him what he had
brought, “That,” he replied, “I will grant you, and not for
your sake, but for my own, lest any one, if your money should
be taken from you, should say that what I would not receive
when offered me, had come into my possession after being
taken out of yours.” Epaminondas then asking Diomedon
‘“‘whither he wished to be conducted,” and Diomedon having
answered, ‘To Athens,” he gave him a guard in order that he
might reach that city in safety. Nor did he, indeéd, think
that precaution sufficient, but also arranged, with the aid of
Chabrias the Athenian, of whom we have spoken above, that
EPAMINONDAS. 379

he should embark without molestation. Of his freedom from
covetousness this will be a sufficient proof. We might indeed
produce a great number; but brevity must be studied, as we
have resolved to comprise, in this single volume, the lives of
several eminent men, whose biographies many writers before
us have related at great length,*

V. He was also an able speaker, so that no Theban was a
match for him in eloquence ; nor was his language less pointed
in brief replies than elegant in a continued speech. He had
for a traducer, and opponent in managing the government, a
certain Meneclidas, also a,native of Thebes,f a man well
skilled in speaking, at least for a Theban, for in that people is
found more vigour of body than of mind. He, seeing that
Epaminondas was distinguished in military affairs, used to
advise the Thebans to prefer peace to war, in order that his
services as a general might not be required. Epaminondas in
consequence said to him, ‘ You deceive your countrymen with
words, in dissuading them from war, since under the name of
peace you are bringing upon them slavery; for peace is pro-
cured by war, and they, accordingly, who would enjoy it long,
ought to be trained to war. If therefore, my countrymen, you
wish to be leaders of Greece, you must devote yourselves to
the camp, not to the palestra.”{ When this Meneclidas also
upbraided him with having no children, and with not having
taken a wife, and, above all, with presumption in thinking
that he had acquired the glory of Agamemnon in war,
“Forbear,” he rejoined, ‘‘ Meneclidas, to reproach me with re-
gard to a wife, for I would take nobody’s advice on that subject
less willingly than yours ;” (for Meneclidas lay under a suspi-
cion of making too free with other men’s wives ;) ‘and as to
supposing that I am emulous of Agamemnon, you are mis-
taken ; for he, with the support of all Greece, hardly took one
city in ten years; I, on the contrary, with the force of this

* Multis millibus versuwm.] “In many thousands of verses.” Versus
was used by the Roman as well for a line in prose as for a line in

oetry.
y t “Teditden Thebis.} That is, “from the same place, Thebes.”

+ Castris est vabis utendum, non palestrd.] That is, you must give
your serious attention to the one more than to the other. You may
in the palestra inure yourselves to exercise; but you must remember
that your thoughts are to be directed beyond the palestra to the camp.
380 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

one city of ours, and in one day, delivered all Greece by
defeating the Lacedemonians.”

VI. When Epaminondas went to the public assembly of
the Arcadians, to request them to join in alliance with the
Thebans and Argives, and Callistratus, the ambassador from
the Athenians, who excelled all men of that day in eloquence,
begged of them, on the other hand, rather to unite in alliance
with Athens, and uttered many invectives against the Thebans
and Argives, and among them made this remark, ‘‘that the
Arcadians ought to observe what sort of citizens each city had
produced, from whom they might form a judgment of the rest;
for that Orestes and Alemezon, murderers of their mothers,
were Argives, and that Gidipus, who, when he had killed his
father, had children by his mother, was born at Thebes.”
Upon this,* Epaminondas, in his reply, when he had done
speaking as to other points, and had come to those two grounds

_ of reproach, said that “he wondered at the simplicity of the
Athenian rhetorician, who did not consider that those persons,
to whom he had alluded, were born innocent, and that, after
having been guilty of crimes at home, and having in conse-
quence been banished from their country, they had been
received by the Athenians.” +

But his eloquence shone most at Sparta (when he was
ambassador before the battle of Leuctra), t where, when the
ambassadors from all the allies had met, Epaminondas, in a full
assembly of the ‘embassies, so clearly exposed the tyranny of
the Lacedemonians, that he shook their power by that speech
not less than by the battle of Leuctra; for he was at that

* Hic.] Some read huic, “to him.”

+ The argument of Epaminondas, in these observations, is this, re-
ferring properly only to Orestes and CEdipus: that they were born, it
must be granted, the one at Argos, and the other at Thebes, but that,
as they were born innocent, neither of those cities can be blamed.
merely for having been their birth-place ; after they were polluted with
crimes,"however, and were in consequence expelled from their native
cities, they were received by the Athenians, who, by sheltering them,
might be considered to have become partakers in their guilt.

t Legati ante pugnam Leuctricam.] These words are rejected by
Longolius, Magiuy, Lambinus, and Schottus, asa gloss that has intruded
itself from the margin into the text. But as they are found in the
best copies, Bos, who cannot but suspect them, is content with includ-
ing them in brackets,
EPAMINONDAS 381

time the cause (as it afterwards appeared) that they were de-
prived of the support of their allies.

VII. That he was of a patient disposition, and ready to
endure wrongs from his countrymen, because he thought it a
species ‘of impiety to show resentment towards his country,
there are the following proofs. When the Thebans, from
some feeling of displeasure towards him, refused to place him
at the -head of the army,*-and a leader was chosen that
was ignorant of war, by whose mismanagement that great
multitude of soldiers was brought to such a condition that all
were alarmed for their safety, as they were confined within a
narrow space and blocked up by the enemy, the energy of
Epaminondas began to be in request (for he was there asa
private + among the soldiers), and when they desired aid from
him, he showed no recollection of the affront that had been
put upon him, but brought the army, after releasing it from
the blockade, safely home. Nor did he avt in this manner
once only, but often ;{ but the most remarkable instance was,
when he had led an army into the Peloponnesus against the
Lacedemonians, and had two joined in command with him,
of whom one was Pelopidas, a man of valour and activity ;—
on this occasion, when, through the accusations of their
enemies, they had all fallen under the displeasure of their
countrymen, and their commission was in consequence taken
from them, and other commanders came to take their place,
Epaminondas did not obey the order of the people, and
persuaded his colleagues to follow his example, continuing to
prosecute the war which he had undertaken, for he saw that,
unless he did so, the whole army would be lost ‘through the
incautiousness and ignorance of its leaders. But there’ was
a law at Thebes, which punished any one with death who
retained his command longer than was legally appointed.
Epaminondas, however, as he saw that this law had been
made for the purpose of preserving the state, was unwilling to

* This was the army that was sent into Thessaly to rescue Pelopidas
from Alexander of Phere. See Diod. Sic. xv. 71, 72.
. ‘+ He had been accused of treachery, and the people in consequence
had taken from him his Bowrapyia, and reduced him to a private
station. Diod. Sic. cdc.

t Sepius.} Nepos mentions, however, only two ‘occasions; and no
more are discoverable from other authors.
382 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

make it contribute to its ruin, and continued to exercise his
command four months longer than the people had prescribed.

VIII. When they returned home, his colleagues* were
impeached for this offence, and he gave them leave to lay all
the blame upon him, and to maintain that it was through his
means that they did not obey the law. They being freed
from danger by this defence, nobody thought that Epaminondas
would make any reply, because, as was supposed, he would
have nothing to say. But he stood forward on the trial,
denied nothing of what his adversaries laid to his charge, and
admitted the truth of all that his colleagues had stated; nor
did he refuse to submit to the penalty of the law; but he re-
quested of his countrymen one favour, namely, that they would
inscribe in their judicial record of the sentence passed upon
him,*+ ‘‘ Epaminondas was punished by the Thebans with death,
because he obliged them to overthrow the Lacedemonians at
Leuctra, whom, before he was general, none of the Beeotians
durst look upon in the field, and because he not only, by one
battle, rescued Thebes from destruction, but also secured liberty
for all Greece, and brought the power of both people to such a
condition, that the Thebans attacked Sparta, and the Lacede-
monians were content if they could save their lives; nor did
he cease to prosecute the war, till, after settling Messene,t he
shut up Sparta with a close siege.” When he had said
this, there burst forth a laugh from all present, with much
merriment, and no one of the judges ventured to pass sentence

* College ejus.| His colleagues and himself.
" + In periculo suo.] The word periculum, in this passage, greatly per-
plexed the old commentators ; no one could find any satisfactory sense
for it; and various conjectures were offered as to a substitute for it.
At last Gebhard suggested that the passage might be interpreted
“Epaminondam petiisse, ut in actis illis, in quibus suum periculum ad
memoriam notetur, talia inscriberent,” so that periculwm, in his
opinion, would be the same as “adnotatio sive commemoratio periculi
illius in tabulis publicis,” the record of his periculum in the public
registers. Schoppius, Verisim. iv. 18, went farther, and said that
periculwm signified “libellum sive annalem publicum.” This interpre-
tation was adopted by Bos and Fischer, and subsequently by Bremi
and others, and is approved by Gesner in his Thesaurus sub voce.
Tzschucke interprets it elogiwm damnationis, or scripta judicit sententia.

¥ Messene constituté.] He settled or built (ferics) Messene, and
brought many colonists to it, says Diod, Sic. xv. 66. See Pausan. ix.
14, atque alibu
EPAMINONDAS. 383)

upon him. Thus he came off from this trial for life with the
greatest glory.

IX. When, towards the close of his career, he was com-
mander at Mantinea, and, pressing very boldly upon the
enemy with his army in full array, was recognized by the
Lacedemonians, they directed their efforts in a body against
him alone, because they thought the salvation of their country
depended upon his destruction, nor did they fall back, until,
after shedding much blood, and killing many of the enemy,
they saw Epaminondas himself, while fighting most valiantly,
fall wounded with a spear hurled from a distance. By his fall
the Beeotians were somewhat disheartened ; yet they did not
quit the field till they had put to flight those opposed to them.
As for Epaminondas himself, when he found that he had
received a mortal wound, and also that if he drew out the iron
head of the dart, which had stuck in his body, he would
instantly die, he kept it in until it was told him that “the
Beeotians were victorious.” When he heard these words, he
said “I have lived long enough; for I die unconquered.”
The iron head being then extracted, he immediately died.

X. He was never married; and when he was blamed on
this account (as he would leave no children*) by Pelopidas,
who had a son of bad character, and who said that he, in this
respect, but ill consulted the interest of his country, ‘‘ Beware,”
- he replied, ‘lest you should consult it worse, in being about

to leave behind you a son of such a reputation. But neither
can I,” he added, “‘ want issue; for I leave behind me a
daughter, the battle of Leuctra, that must of necessity not
only survive me, but must be immortal.”

At the time when the Theban exiles, under the leadership
of Pelopidas, possessed themselves of Thebes, and expelled
the garrison of the Lacedemonians from the citadel, Epami-
nondas, as long as the slaughter of the citizens continued,
confined himself to his own house, for he would neither defend
the unworthy, nor attack them, that he might not stain his
hands with the blood of his own countrymen. But when the

* Quod liberos non relinqueret.| These words, in most editions, are
placed lower down, after consulere diceret, where Lambinus was the
first to put them. Bos suspects that they may be altogether spurious,
884 CORNELIUS NEPOS. ’

struggle began at the Cadmea* with the Lacedemonians, he
took his stand among the foremost.

Of his merits and his life enough will have been said, if I
add but this one remark, of which none can deny the truth;
that Thebes, as well before Epaminondas was born, as after
his death, was always subject to some foreign power,{ but
that, as long as he held the reigns of government, it was the
head of all Greece. Hence it may be understood, that one
man was of more efficacy than the whole people.

XVI. 'PELOPIDAS.

Pheebidas seizes on the citadel of Thebes; Pelopidas banished, I—
Pelopidas, with twelve followers, effects a return to Thebes, IL—
He delivers his country from the Lacedemonians, expelling their
garrison, III.—His acts in conjunction with Epaminondas, [V.—
His contest with Alexander of Phere; his death, V.

I. Prexorrpas, of Thebes, is better known to those acquainted
with history than to the multitude. As to his merits, I am in
doubt how I shall speak of them; for I fear that. if I begin to

ive a full account of his actions, I may seem, not to be
relating his life, but to be writing-a history, or that, if I touch
only on his principal exploits, it may not clearly appear to
those ignorant of Grecian literature how great a man he was.
I will therefore, as far as I can, meet both difficulties, and
provide against the satiety, as well as for the imperfect know-
ledge, of my readers.

Pheebidas, the Lacedzemonian, when he was leading an army
to Olynthus,f and marching through the territory of Thebes,§
possessed himself (at the instigation of a few of the Thebans,

* Apud Cadmeam.] The citadel of Thebes, said to have been
founded by Cadmus.

+ Alieno parwisse imperio.|] By these words it is not signified that
Thebes was actually subject to any other power, but that it always
held a secondary place.

+ Phoebidas was sent to assist Amyntas, king of Macedonia, who was
going to besiege Olynthus with the aid of his allies the Lacedsemonians,
because its inhabitants had refused to make satisfaction to him. See
Diod. Sic. xv. 19,— Fischer.

§ Per Thebas.] This is evidently the sense. ~
PELOPIDAS. 385

who, the better to withstand the opposite faction, favoured the
interest of the Lacedemonians,) of the citadel of Thebes,
which is called the Cadmea,*. and this he did of his own
private determination, not from any public resolution of his
countrymen. For this act the Lacedemonians removed him
from his command of the army, and fined him a sum of money,
but did not show the more inclination, on that account, to
restore the citadel to the Thebans, because, as enmity had
arisen between them, they thought it better that they
should be under a check than left at liberty; for, after the
Peloponnesian war was ended, and Athens subdued, they
supposed that the contest must be between them and the
Thebans, and that they were the only‘ people who would
venture to make head against them. With this belief they
committed the chief posts to their own friends, while they
partly put to death, and partly banished, the leading men of the
opposite party ; and amongst them Pelopidas, of whom we have
begun to write, was expelled from his country.

II. Almost all these exiles had betaken themselves to
Athens, not that they might live in idleness, but that, whatever
opportunity chance should first offer, they might avail them-
selves of it to regain their country.t As soon, therefore, as it
seemed time for action, they, in concert with those who held
similar views at Thebes, fixed on a day for cutting off their
enemies and delivering their country, and made choice of that
very day on which the chief magistrates were accustomed to
meet at a banquet together. Great exploits have been often
achieved with no very numerous forces, but assuredly never
before was so great a power overthrown from so small a
beginning. For, out of those who had been banished, twelve
young men (there not being in all more than a hundred who
were willing to encounter so great a danger,) agreed to attempt
the enterprise; and by this small number the power of the
Lacedemonians was overcome; for these youths made war on
that occasion, not more upon the faction of their adversaries than
upon the Spartans, who were lords of Greece, and whose

* See Epaminondas, c. 10.

+ Ut quemque ex proximo locum fors obtulisset, eo patriam recuperare
niterentur.| “Opportunity” seems to be the sense of locus in this
passage, as in Hamile. c. 1, locus nocendi. Quemque is for quemcwmque,
as Van Staveren remarks,

cc
386 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

imperious domination, shaken by this commencement, was
humbled not long after in the battle of Leuctra.

These twelve, then, whose leader was Pelopidas, quitting
Athens in the day-time, with a view to reach Thebes when the
sky was obscured by evening, set out with hunting dogs, carrying
nets in their hands, and in the dress of countrymen, in order
that they might accomplish their journey with less suspicion.
Having arrived at the very time that they had desired, they
proceeded to the house of Charon, by whom the hour and day*
had been fixed.

III. Here I would observe in passing, although the remark
be unconnected with the subject before us,t how great mischief
excessive confidence is wont to produce ; for it soon came to the
ears of the Theban magistrates that some of the exiles had
entered the city, but this intelligence, being intent upon their
wine and luxuries, they so utterly disregarded, that they did not
take the trouble even to inquire about so important a matter.
Another circumstance was added, too, which may show their
folly in a more remarkable light. A letter was brought from
Athens by Archias the hierophant,t to Archias, who then held
the chief post at Thebes, in which a full account had been
written concerning the expedition of the exiles. This letter
being delivered to Archias as he was reclining at the banquet,
he, thrusting it under the bolster, sealed as it was, said, “I put
off serious matters till to-morrow.” But those revellers, when
the night was far advanced, and they were overcome with wine,
were all put to death by the exiles under the command of
Pelopidas. Their object being thus effected, and the common
people being summoned to take arms and secure their liberty,
not only those who were in the city, but also others from all
parts out of the country, flocked together to join them; they
then expelled the garrison of the Lacedsemonians from the
citadel, and delivered their country from thraldom. The

* Tempus et dies.| Charon had not only settled the day, but the
time of the day.—Bos.

+ Sejunctum ab re posité.] By res, “the subject,” we must under-
stand the life of Pelopidas. Yet no apology was necessary for intro-
ducing the remark, as it is extremely applicable to the enterprise
which Nepos is relating.

+ Hierophante,.] A hierophantes was one who understood and could

interpret religious mysteries, Archias was high-priest of the Eleu-
sinian rites of Ceres.
PELOPIDAS. 887

promoters of the seizure of the Cadmea they partly put to
death, and partly sent into exile.

IV. During this period of turbulence, Epaminondas, as we
have already observed, remained quiet, so long as the struggle
was between fellow-citizens, in his own house. The-glory of
delivering Thebes, therefore, belongs wholly to Pelopidas;
almost all his other honours were gained in conjunction with
Epaminbndas. In the battle of Leuctra, where Epaminondas
was commander-in-chief, Pelopidas was leader of a select
body of troops, which were the first to bear down the phalanx
of the Spartans. He was present with him, too, in all his
dangers. When he attacked Sparta, he commanded one wing
of the army; and, in order that Messene might be sooner
restored,* he went ambassador to Persia. He was, indeed,
the second of the two great personages at Thebes, but second
only in such a way that he approached very near to Epami-
nondas.

V. Yet he had to struggle with adverse fortune. He lived
in exile, as we have shown, in the early part of his life; and,
when he sought to bring Thessaly under the power of the
Thebans, and thought that he was sufficiently protected by the
law of embassies, which used to be held sacred by all nations,
he was seized, together with Ismenias, by Alexander, tyrant of
Phere, and thrown into prison. Epaminondas, making war
upon Alexander, restored him to liberty. But after this
occurrence, he could never be reconciled in feeling to him by
whom he had been unjustly treated. He therefore persuaded
the Thebans to go to the relief of Thessaly, and to expel its
tyrants. The chief command in the expedition being given to
him, and he having gone thither with an army, he did not
hesitate to come toa battle the moment he saw the enemy.
In the encounter, as soon as he perceived Alexander, he
spurred on his horse, in a fever of rage, to attack him, and,
separating too far from his men, was killed by a shower of
darts. This happened when victory was in his favour, for the
troops of the tyrant had already given way. Such being the
event, all the cities of Thessaly honoured Pelopidas, after his
‘death, with golden crowns and brazen statues, and presented
his children with a large portion of land.

* See Epaminondas, c. 8. ~
COR
388 *

XVII.’ AGESILAUS.

Agesilaus eiectea xing of Sparta, his brother’s son being set aside, L—

“His expedition to Asia; his strict observance of his truce with
Tissaphernes, II.—He lays waste Phrygia; winters at Ephesus ;
deceives Tissaphernes, I[I.—Is recalled to defend his country ;
defeats the Thebans at Coronea; his clemency, IV.—His success
in the Corinthian war; spares Corinth, V.—Refuses to go to the
battle at Leuctra ; saves Sparta by a stratagem, VI.—Replenishes
the treasury of his country, VII.—His personal appearance} and
mode of life; his death at the harbour of Menelaus, VIII.

I. Acusitavs the Lacedemonian has been praised not only
by other writers, but, above all, by Xenophon, the disciple of
Socrates, for he treated Xenophon as an intimate friend.

In his early days he had a dispute with Leotychides, his
brother’s son, about the throne; for it was a custom handed
down among the Lacedemonians from their ancestors, that they
should always have two kings, in name rather than power, of
the two families of Procles and Eurysthenes, who were the
’ first kings of Sparta, of the progeny of Hercules. It was not
lawful for a king to be made out of one of these families
instead of the other; each of the two, therefore, maintained
its order‘of succession. Regard was had, in the first, place,
to the eldest of the sons of him who died while on the throne;
but if he had left no male issue, the choice then fell on him
who was next of kin. King Agis, the brother of Agesilaus,
had recently died, and had left a son named Leotychides,
whom, during his life, he had not acknowledged, but, at his
death, had declared to be his. Leotychides contended for the
royal dignity with his uncle Agesilaus, but did not obtain what
he sought, for Agesilaus was preferred through the interest of
Lysander, a man, as we have already stated, of a factious
character, and at that time of great influence.

IT. Agesilaus, as soon as he got possession of the throne,
solicited the Lacedemonians to send an army into Asia, and
make war upon the king of Persia, assuring them that it was
better to fight m Asia than in Europe ; for a rumour had gone
abroad that Artaxerxes was equipping a fleet, and raising land
forces, to send into Greece. Permission being granted him,
he exerted so much expedition, that he arrived in Asia with
his troops before the king’s satraps knew that he had set out;
hence it happened that he surprised them all unprepared, and
AGESILAUS. 889

expecting nothing of the kind. But as soon as Tissaphernes,
who had the chief authority among the royal satraps, heard of
his arrival, he begged a truce of the Spartan, on pretence that
he would try to effect an agreement between the Lacede-
monians and the king, but in reality to gain time for collecting
troops; and he obtained a truce for three months. Each of
them, however, took an‘ oath to observe the truce without
fraud; to which engagement Agesilaus adhered with thei
greatest honour; but Tissaphernes, on the other hand, did
nothing but make preparations for war. Though Agesilaus
became aware of his proceedings, he still kept his oath, and
said that “he was a great gainer by doing so, for Tissaphernes,
by his perjury, both alienated men from his interest, and made
the gods angry with him; while he, by being faithful to his
obligation, produced confidence among his troops, as they felt
that the power of the gods was on their side, and that men
were rendered greater friends to them, because they were
accustomed to favour those whom they saw keeping faith.”

III. When the period of the truce was expired, the bar-
barian, not doubting that as he had many residences in Caria,
and as that province was then thought by far the richest in
Asia, the enemy would direct their attacks on that quarter
especially, assembled his whole force on that side. But
Agesilaus turned into Phrygia, and laid waste the country
before Tissaphernes could make a movement in any direction,
After enriching his men with abundance of plunder, he led
back his army to Ephesus to winter, and erecting forges for arms
there, made preparations for war with great industry. That
his soldiers might be armed with greater care, too, and
equipped with more display, he proposed rewards, with which
those were to be presented whose efforts to that end should
be remarkably distinguished. He pursued the same course
with regard to different kinds of exercises, so as to honour
with valuable gifts those who excelled others!in them. By
this means he succeeded in getting an army most admirably
accoutred and trained. ;

When he thought it time to draw his troops out of winter
quarters, he saw that if he openly declared in what direction
he was going to march, the enemy would not give credit to his
statement, but would occupy other parts with their forces,
not doubting that he would do something quite different from
390 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

what he said. Agesilaus, accordingly, giving out that he
would march for Sardis, Tissaphernes felt convinced that
Caria must again be defended. When his expectation deceived.
him in the matter, and he found himself outwitted by his
adversary’s shrewdness, he hastened to protect his dependants,
but too late, for, when he arrived, Agesilaus had taken many
places, and secured abundance of spoil.

The Lacedemonian king, seeing that the enemy were
superior to him in cavalry, never gave them an opportunity of
attacking him in the plains, but engaged them in those parts
in which infantry would be of greater service. As often as
he came to a battle, therefore, he routed forces of the enemy
far more numerous than his own; and he so conducted
himself in Asia that he was in the judgment of every one
accounted superior to his opponent.

IV. While he was thinking of marching into Persia, and
attacking the king himself, a messenger came to him from
home, by order of the Ephori, to acquaint him that the
Athenians and Beeotians had declared war against the Lace-
dzmonians, and that he should therefore not delay to return.
In this juncture his dutifulness to his country is not less to
be admired than his merit in war, for though he was at the
head of a victorious army, and felt assured, to the utmost, of
becoming master of the kingdom of Persia, he obeyed the
orders of the absent magistrates with as much respect as if he
had been a private person in the comitium* at Sparta.
Would that our generals had followed his example! But let
us proceed with our subject. Agesilaus preferred an honour-
able name to the most powerful empire, and thought it much
more glorious to obey the laws of his country than to subdue
Asia in war. With these feelings, therefore, he led his forces
over the Hellespont, and employed such expedition, that he
accomplished in thirty days a journey which Xerxes had taken
& year to perform.t When he was not very far from the
Peloponnesus, the Athenians and Beotians, and others in

* In comitio.] A Latin word used by the author for the Greek, which
would be égopetor, the court of the Ephori.

+ Quod iter Xerxes anno vertente confecerat.] Anno vertente, se. se,
“a year turning itself or revolving,” i.e. in the course of a year, in a
full year. In the Life of Themistocles, however, c. 5, Xerxes is said
to have made the journey in six months,
AGESILAUS. 391

alliance with them, endeavoured to make a stand against him
at Coronea, all of whom he defeated in a great battle. It was
an eminent merit in his victory, that when a numerous body
of the enemy had taken refuge in a temple of Minerva after
the defeat, and the question was put to him, ‘‘ what he would
wish to be done with them,” he, though he had received some
wounds in the battle, and seemed angry with all who had
borne arms against him, preferred, nevertheless, respect for
religion to the gratification of his resentment, and gave orders
that they should suffer no injury. Nor did he act thus in
Greece only,—so as to save the temples of the gods from
profanation,—but even among the barbarians also, he preserved
every image and altar with ‘the utmost scrupulosity. He used.
publicly to observe, therefore, that ‘“‘ he|wondered those were
not counted in the number of the sacrilegious who injured
the suppliants of the gods,* or that those who lessened respect
for religion were not visited with severer punishments than
those who robbed temples.”

V. After this battle all the war was concentrated about
Corinth, and was accordingly called the Corinthian war.
During this contest, when, in one battle, in which Agesilaus
was general,t there had fallen ten thousand of the enemy,
and the strength of his opponents seemed broken by that
catastrophe, he was so far from presumptuous boasting,
that he expressed commiseration for the fortune of Greece,
since it was through the fault of his enemies that so many
had been defeated and killed by him, for with that number,
if the mind of his adversaries had been but right, the Persians
might have been forced to make atonement to Greece.
When he had driven the enemy, too, within their walls, and

* Supplicibus eorwm.] Whether eorum refers to barbaros, which is
nearer to it, or to deorwm, which is farther from it, has been a question
among the commentators. Bos refers it to deorum, and I think him
right, A recent editor imagines that it is to be referred to simulacra
arasque. Magius would read deorwm instead of corwm, and his sugges-
tion is approved by Bremi and Biichling.

+ This appears to be an error; for Xenophon, Ages, 7, 5, and
Plutarch, Vit. Ages. speak of Agesilaus as having heard about the
battle ; and it is therefore to be concluded, as Magius and Lambinus
observe, that he was not present in it, but that it took place while he
was on his march homeward.

t Ab insolentia glorie.] “From the presumptuousness of boasting.”
392 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

many exhorted him to attack Corinth, he said, “that it would
not be consistent with his character in war to do so; since he
was one,” he said, ‘‘ who would oblige offenders to return to
their duty, not one who would destroy the noblest cities of
Greece; for if we should proceed,” he added, ‘ to extirpate
those who have supported us against the barbarians, we should
weaken ourselves while the barbarians remain at their ease ;
and, when this has taken place, they will easily bring us
under their power whenever they please.”

VI. In the mean time the disaster at Leuctra befel the
the Lacedemonians; and that he might not march thither,*
though he was urged by many to go to the field, he refused
to go, as if he had a presentiment concerning the event. But
when Epaminondas attacked Sparta, and the city was without
walls, he proved himself such a commander, that it was
apparent to all on that occasion, that if it had not been for
him, Sparta would have ceased to exist.+ In this time of
danger, indeed, the celerity of his proceedings was the pre-
servation of the whole people; for when a number of the young
men, alarmed at the approach of the enemy, had determined
on going over to the Thebans, and had taken a position on an
eminence without the city, Agesilaus, who saw that it would
have a most pernicious effect, if it were noticed that any
were trying to desert to the enemy, went thither with some
of his men, and, as if they had been acting with a good
intention, commended their procedure in having taken posses-
sion of that spot, and said that he himself had also observed
that this ought to be done. Thus, by his pretended com-
mendation, he prevented the young men from deserting, and,
after joining some of his followers with them, left the place
quite safe ; for when the number of those was increased who
were unacquainted with the project,{ the conspirators were

* Qud ne proficisceretur—eaxire noluit.] The conclusion of the sentence
does not suit the commencement of it. It isa decided anucoluthon, as
Harles,. Bremi,’and Bardilis observe.

Tt Mist ile fuisset, Spartam futuram non fuisse.] “Unless he had
been, Sparta would not have been.”

+ Aucto numero eorum qui expertes erant consilii.] Bos suggests this
explanation of the passage: that only a part of those who occupied
the height intended to go over to the enemy, and designed, by force or
persuasion, to bring over the others gui expertes erant consilii ; but
were deterred from doing so when the number of the true men was
AGESILAUS. 393

afraid to move, and retained their ground the more willingly
as they thought that what they had meditated was still
unknown.

VII. After the battle of Leuctra, it is certain, the Lacede-
monians never recovered themselves, or regained their former
power, though, at that period, Agesilaus did not cease to assist
his country by whajever means he could use. When the
Lacedemonians were greatly in want of money, he gave his
support to all those * who had revolted from the king, and
being presented by them with a large sum, he relieved his
country with it. In his character, indeed, this point was pat-
ticularly worthy of admiration, that, though great presents
were given him by kings, princes, and states, he never took any
portion of them into his own house, and never departed in the
least from the usual diet and dress of the Spartans; he
remained content with the same house which Eurysthenes, the
progenitor of his family, had inhabited; and whoever entered
it could see no indication of luxury or extravagance, but, on
the contrary, many proofs of temperance and frugality, for it
was furnished in such a manner that it differed in no respect
from that of any poor or private person.

VIII. As this great man had found nature favourable in
giving him excellent qualities of mind, so he found her unpro-
Pitious with regard to the formation of his body; for he was
of low stature, small in person, and lame of one. foot.
These circumstances rendered his appearance the reverse of
attractive, and strangers, when they looked at his person, felt
only contempt for him, while those who knew his merits could
not sufficiently admire him. Such fortune attended him,
when, at the age of eighty, he went into Egypt to the aid
of Tachos, and lay down with his men on the shore without
any shelter, having merely such a couch that the ground was
but covered with straw, and nothing more than a skin thrown
upon it,t while all his attendants lay in the same manner,‘in
plain and well-worn attire, so that their equipments not only
strengthened by the followers of Agesilaus. Bos, however, suggests at
the same time, that we might read aucti numero eorwm, which Bremi is
inclined to adopt.

* Among whom were Tachos of Egypt, and Mausolus, king of Caria,
from both of whom he received large presents; as he did also, pro-
bably, from Cotys and Autophradates. See Xen. Ages, 2, 26, 27.

. t Hue.) That is, on the straw.
394 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

did not indicate that there was a king among them, but even
raised a suspicion that he must be a man not very rich. The
news of his arrival having reached the king’s officers, presents
of every kind were soon brought him; but when the officers
inquired for Agesilaus, they could scarcely he made to believe
that he was one of those who were sitting before them. When
they presented him what they had brought, with a message
from the king, he accepted nothing but some veal, and such
sorts of meat as his present circumstances required; the oint-
ments, chaplets, and. sweetmeats he distributed among the
slaves, and the other things he directed to be carried back,
Upon this, the barbarians looked upon him still more con-
temptuously, thinking that he had made choice of what he had
taken from ignorance of what was valuable.

As he was returning from Egypt, after having been pre-
sented by King Nectanabis * with two hundred and twenty
talents, in order that he might bestow them upon his country-
men, and had arrived at what is called the harbour of Mene-
laus,t lying between Cyrenet and Egypt, he fell ill and died.
His friends, in order the more conveniently to convey him to
Sparta, enveloped his body, as they had no honey, in wax, and
so carried it home.

* Nectanabis II., nephew of Tachos, whom he dethroned with the
aid of Agesilaus.

+ Portum qui Menelai vocatur.] On the coast of Marmorica.

‘ t Cyrene, arum, or Cyrene, es, but the latter is the far more common
orm.
395

XVIII. EHUMENES.

Eumenes is secretary to Philip and Alexander, and afterwards com-
mander in the cavalry, L—After the death of Alexander he is
allotted the province of Cappadocia, and is a steady friend to
Perdiccas, II.—His proceedings on behalf of Perdiccas, IIT.—He
defeats Craterus and Neoptolemus, IV.—Is pursued by Antigonus;
his stratagems and escape, V.—His kindness to Olympias and
Alexander’s children, VI.—His continuance of hostilities against
Antigonus; his device in his camp, VII—He defeats Antigonus ;
is controlled by Alexander’s veterans, VIII.—He eludes Antigonus
by « stratagem, IX.—After again defeating Antigonus, he is
betrayed by his own men, X.—In his confinement he longs to die,
XI.—His death, XII.—After his death the officers of Alexander
assume the title of kings; his funeral, XIII.

I. Eumenes was a native of Cardia.* If success equal to
his abilities had been granted him, he would not, indeed, have
been a greater man (for we estimate great men by merit, not
by fortune), but he would have been much more renowned,
and more honoured: As he happened to live, however, in the
days in which the Macedonians flourished, it was a great disad-
vantage to him residing among them, that he was of a foreign
country. Nor was anything wanting to him but a noble
descent ; for, though he was of a family of distinction in his
native city, the Macedonians were nevertheless dissatisfied that
he should ever be preferred to them. They were obliged to
‘submit, however, for he excelled them all in caution, vigilance,
endurance, and acuteness and activity of intellect.

‘When he was but a youth, he was received into favour by
Philip, the son of Amyntas, and after a short time was admitted
into intimate friendship with him; for, even then, when he was
so young, there appeared to be great natural talent in him. He
therefore kept him near himself in the office of secretary, which
is much more honourable + among the Greeks than among the

* Cardianus.] Cardia was a town in the Thracian Chersonese, on
the gulf of Melas.

+ Multo honorificentius.] Because freedmen and slaves, for the most
part, purchased the office of scribe or secretary among the Romans
with money, as is observed by Casaubon in Capitolin. Vit. Macrini,
c. 7, and by Lipsius, Elect. i, 82.—Loccenius. At Athens, however,
Samuel Petit, Comm. in Leges Atticas, 1. iii. tit. 2, shows that the
office of scribe was as little honourable as it was at Rome.—Bos.
Such was doubtless the case throughout Greece; a few of the more
396 CORNELIUS NEPOS. ,

Romans; for with us, secretaries are regarded as hirelings, as
in reality they are; but with them, on the contrary, no one is
admitted to that office who is not of good family and of known
integrity and ability, because he must of necessity be the con-
fidant of all their political measures. This post of confidence
he held for seven years under Philip, and after Philip was
assassinated, he was in the same office for thirteen years
under Alexander. During the latter portion of this time, also,
he commanded one of the two divisions of the cavalry called
Heterice.* With both these princes he always had a place
in the council, and was admitted to a knowledge of all their
proceedings.

II. After the death of Alexander at Babylon, when king-
doms were allotted to each of his friends, and the superin-
tendence of affairs was committed to the handst of Perdiccas,
to whom Alexander, when dying, had given his ring (a circum-
stance from which every one conjectured that Alexander had
entrusted his kingdom to him, until his children should come
of age to take the government upon themselves ;¢ for Craterus
and Antipater, who seemed to have the precedence of him, were
absent, and Hephestion, for whom Alexander, as might easily
be perceived, had had the highest esteem, was dead), at that
time Cappadocia was given to Eumenes, or rather appointed
for him, for it was then in the power of the enemy. Perdiccas
had sought with great eagerness to attach EKumenes to him,
for he saw in him great honour and ability,§ and did not doubt
that, if he could gain him over to his side, he would be of
great assistance to him in the projects which he was meditating,
since he purposed (what all in great power generally covet) to
seize‘and secure for himself the shares of all the rest. Nor
did he alone, indeed, entertain such designs, but all the others,
eminent secretaries might be held in esteem and respect, but the
majority would be of just the same standing as at Rome.

* ‘Eracpic imoc, about a thousand or twelve hundred of the
flower of the Macedonian cavalry. The name is from ra:poc, a friend
or companion, either because they were united with one another as
friends, or because they were associates or companions of the king.

+ Tradita esset tuenda eidem—Perdicce.] “Was committed, to be
taken care of, to the same Perdiccas.”

t In suam tutelam pervenissent.| Should come “to their own guard-
jianship,” should be out of their minority, and no longer under the

. guardianship of others.
§ Industriam.
EUMENES. ' 897

who had been friends of Alexander, formed similar intentions.
Leonnatus,* in the first place, had resolved to seize upon
Macedonia, and had endeavoured, by liberal promises, to pre-
vail upon Eumenes to desert Perdiccas, and form an alliance
with himself. Being unable to make any impression upon
him, he attempted to take his life, and would have’effected his
purpose, had he not secretly escaped from his guards by night..

III. In the meantime those wars broke out, which, after
the death of Alexander, were carried on to desperation ;+ and
all combined to ruin Perdiccas. Eumenes, though he saw
that he was but weak, as he was obliged to stand alone against
them all, yet did not forsake a friend, or show himself more
desirous of safety than of honour. Perdiccas had set him over
that part’ of Asia which lies between Mount Taurus and the
Hellespont, and had opposed him alone to his European
adversaries.t Perdiccas himself had marched against Ptolemy,
to make an attack upon Egypt. Eumenes, as he had an army
neither numerous nor strong, for it wanted exercise, and had
not long been assembled, while Antipater and Craterus were
said to be fast approaching, and to have passed the Hellespont,
men who stood high in reputation and experience in war (and
the Macedonian soldiers were then held in the same esteem
in which the Romans are now held, for those have always been
accounted the bravest who have attained the greatest power),
Eumenes, I say, was aware, that if his troops should learn
against whom they were being led, they would not only not
proceed, but would disperse at the intelligence; and it was
therefore a very clever stratagem of his, to lead his men
through bye-roads, in which they could not hear the truth,
and to make them believe that he was marching against
some of the barbarians. In this artifice he successfully
persevered, and drew out his army into the field, and joined
battle, before the men were aware with whom. they were
engaged. He succeeded, also, by an advantageous choice of
ground, in fighting more with his cavalry, in which he had

* A distinguished officer in the army of Alexander, after whose
death he had the government of Phrygia on the Hellespont.

+ Ad internecionem.| Properly, “ to the utter destruction” of one of
the two contending parties.

+ Antipater, Craterus, and their supporters.
398 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

the superiority, than with his infantry, in which he was but
weak.

IV. After they had continued the contest, with desperate
efforts, through the greater part of the day, Craterus, the com-
mander-in-chief, was killed, as well as Neoptolemus who held
the second place in authority. With Eumenes Neoptolemus

himself encountered, and as they grappled with one another,
and fell from their horses to the ground (so that it might easily
be seen that they fought with feelings of enmity, and warred
more with their minds than with their bodies), they could not
be separated till life left one of the two. Eumenes received
some wounds from Neoptolemus, ‘yet did not, on that account,
retire from the field, but pressed more vigorously upon the
enemy. The horse being routed, Craterus the general slain, and
many, chiefly of high rank, being made prisoners, the infantry, as
they were forced into a position from which they could not escape
without the permission of Eumenes, begged peace of him. But
when they had obtairied it, they did not adhere to their word,
but went off, as soon as they could, to Antipater. HEumenes
endeavoured to save the life of Craterus, who was carried half
dead from the field ; but, not being able to succeed, he interred
him, suitably to his dignity and their former friendship (for he
had been intimate with him in Alexander's life-time), with a
magnificent funeral, and sent his bones into Macedonia to his
wife and children.

VY. During the course of these proceedings on the Helles-
pont, Perdiccas was killed by Seleucus and Antigonus* on the
river Nile, and the chief command was conferred upon Anti-
pater. Upon this, those who had deserted him were con-
demned to death in their absence, the army giving their
suffrage to that effect; and among those condemned was
Eumenes, who, though he was affected at this blow,} did not
sink under it, or conduct the war with the less vigour.

* A Seleuco et Antigono.| For Antigono it is now generally supposed
that we should read Antigene, Antigenes being mentioned by Diod. Sic.
xviii. 59, as one of the leaders of the Argyraspides; another being
Teutamus. Antigenes was the first to attack Perdiccas, as Van
Staveren observes, referring to Arrian apud Photium, p. 224. The
same critic suggests that we might even, with some probability, alter
Seleuco into Teutamo, but does not wish to press this conjecture.

+ Plagé.] Meaning the death of Perdiccas.
EUMENES. 899

But a course of necessitous circumstances, though they
could not subdue the energy of his spirit, had yet some
effect in diminishing it. Antigonus, however, who pursued
him, was often, though he had plenty of all kinds of troops,
severely harassed by him on the march, nor could he ever
come to an engagement with him except in places in which
a few could resist many. But at last, when he could not be
taken by manceuvring, he was hemmed in by numbers; still
he extricated himself, though with the loss of several men,
and took refuge in a fortress of Phrygia, called Nora; where,
being besieged, and fearing that, by remaining in one place,
he should lose his war-horses, as there was no room for exer-
cising them, he adopted an ingenious expedient,* by which
the animal might be warmed and exercised standing, so that
it might take its food more freely, and not be deprived of the
benefit of bodily motion. He tied up its headt so high with
a halter, that it could not quite touch the ground with its
fore-feet; he then forced it, by lashing it behind, to leap up
and throw back its heels; which motions excited perspiration
no less than if the animal had run in an open course. Hence
it happened (what was a matter of astonishment to all), that
he led out his horses from the fortress, though he had been
several months under siege, equally as sleek as if he had been
keeping them in open fields. During that siege, as often as
he desired, he either set on fire or demolished the works and
defences of Antigonus. He, however, kept himself in that one
place as long as the winter lasted; but, as the fortress could
have no relief from without, and the spring was coming on, he
pretended to be desirous of surrendering, and, while he was
treating about the terms, eluded the officers of Antigonus, and
brought himself and all his men off safe.

Vi. When Olympias, who was the mother of Alexander,
sent letters and messengers into Asia to Humenes, to consult
him whether she should proceed to re-possess herself of
Macedonia (for she was then living in Epirus), and take upon
herself the government there, he advised her, “above all

* Callidum fwit ejus inventum, quemadmodum, &c.] “It was an
ingenious contrivance of his, how the animal might be warmed,” &c,
_ + Caput.] Not only the head, however, but all the fore-part of the
body must have been tied up, the strap being passed round the body
behind the fore-legs.
400 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

things, not to stir, but to wait till Alexander’s son should get
the throne; yet, if she should be hurried into Macedonia by
any irresistible longing, he recommended her to forget all
injuries, and not to exercise too severe an authority over any
one.” But with neither of these suggestions did she comply ;
for she both went to Macedonia, and acted there with the
greatest cruelty. She then entreated Eumenes, while he was
still at a distance, ‘not to allow the bitterest enemies of
Philip’s house and family to extirpate his very race, but to
give his support to the children of Alexander;” adding that,
“if he would do her such a favour, he might raise troops as soon
as possible, and bring them to her aid; and, in order that he
might do so more easily, she had written to all the governors
of the provinces that preserved their allegiance, to obey him,
and follow his counsels.” Eumenes, moved with this com-
munication, thought it better, if fortune should so order it,
to perish in showing his gratitude to those who had deserved
well of him, than to live ungrateful.

VII. He therefore assembled troops, and prepared for war
against Antigonus. But as there were with him several noble
Macedonians, amongst whom were Peucestes, who had been
one of Alexander’s body-guard, and was then governor of
Persia, and Antigenes, under whose command the Macedonian
phalanx was, dreading envy (which, nevertheless, he could not
escape), if he, being a foreigner, should have the chief
authority rather than others of the Macedonians, of whom there
was a great number there, he erected a pavilion at head

. quarters,* in the name of Alexander, and caused a gold chair,

with a sceptre’and diadem, to be placed in it, directing that all
should meet at it daily, that counsel might be taken there
concerning matters of importance; for he thought that he
should incur less envy if he appeared to manage the war under
show of the authority, and with assumption of the name, of
Alexander; and in this point he succeeded; for, as the
meetings were held, not at the tent of Eumenes, but at that
of the king, and measures concerted there, his superiority was

* In principtis.] See note on Florus, iii. 10, Bohn’s Cl. Library.
Eumenes, to give effect to this device, pretended, as Polyznus tells us,
to have received directions from the spirit of Alexander, which had
appeared to himina dream. It is strange that the Macedonian offi-
cers should have allowed themselves to be.so deluded.
EUMENES, 401

in some degree concealed, though all was done by his’ agency
alone.

VIII. He engaged with Antigonus in the country of the
Parstaci, not with his army in full array, but on the march,
and forced him, after being severely handled, to return into
Media to winter. He himself distributed his troops in winter-
quarters through the neighbouring country of Persia, not as
he chose, but as the will of his soldiers obliged him; for the
phalanx of Alexander the Great, which had over-run Asia, and
subdued the Persians, desired, in consequence of their
established renown, and also through long-continued license,
not to obey their officers but to command them, as our veterans
now do. There is danger, therefore, lest ours should do what
those did, and, by their insubordination and excessive
licentiousness, ruin all, not less those whom they have
supported than those whom they have opposed. And if any
one reads the acts of those veterans, he will find the
proceedings of ours like theirs, and be of opinion that there is
no other difference between them but that of time. But I
return to those of Macedonia. They had fixed upon their
winter-quarters, not from regard to convenience for warfare,
but for luxurious indulgence ; and had separated into parties
at a great distance from one another. Antigonus, hearing of
their dispersion, and being aware that he was not a match for
his enemies when prepared to receive him, resolved that some
new plan must be adopted. There were two ways by which he
might march from the country of the Medes, where he was
wintering, to the winter-quarters of his adversaries, of which
the shorter lay through desert tracts, which nobody inhabited
by reason of the scarcity of water, but was only about ten days’
march. The other, by which everybody travelled, presented a
circuitous route of twice the length, but was well-supplied, and
abounded with all necessaries. If he went by the latter, he felt
sure that the enemy would know of his approach before he had:
accomplished the third part of the distance; but if he hurried
through the deserts, he hoped that he might surprise his
adversaries unawares. To effect his object, he ordered as
many skins and sacks as possible to be got in readiness; and
then forage and dressed provisions for ten days; desiring. that
as little fire as possible should be made in the camp. The
route which he had in view he concealed from every one.

DD
402 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

Being thus provided, he set forward in the direction on which
he had determined.

IX. He had accomplished about half the distance, when;
from the smoke of his camp, a suspicion was hinted to
Eumenes that an enemy was approaching. His officers held
a meeting; and it was considered what ought to be done.
They were all aware that their troops could not be assembled
so soon as Antigonus seemed likely to be upon them; and
while they were all consequently in perplexity, and despair-
ing of their safety,* Eumenes said that “If they would but use
activity, and execute his orders (which they had not done
before), he would put an end to their difficulties ; for, though
the enemy might now finish his journey in five days, he would
take care that they should be delayed not Jess than as many
days more.t They must therefore go about, and each collect
his troops.”

To retard the progress of Antigonus he adopted the follow-
ing stratagem. He sent trustworthy men to the foot of the
mountains, which lay over against the enemy’s route, and
ordered them, as soon as night came on, to make as large fires
and as far dispersed, as they could; to reduce them at the
second watch, and to make them very small at the third; and, by
imitating the usages of a camp, to raise a suspicion in the
‘enemy that there was actually a camp in those parts, and that
intelligence had been given of their approach; and he told
them to act in the same way on the following night. The
men to whom this commission was given carefully observed their
instructions. Antigonus, when darkness came on, saw the
fires, and supposed that something had been heard of his
coming, and that his enemies had assembled their force on
that quarter. He therefore changed his intention, and,
thinking that he could not surprise them unawares, altered
his route, and took the longer circuit of the well-supplied road,
on which he halted for one day, to refresh his weary men and
recruit his horses, that he might come to battle with his
army in better condition.

X. On this occasion Eumenes overreached a crafty general
by stratagem, and obviated the suddenness of his attack ; yet

* De rebus swmmis.] “Of their chief concerns.”

t+ Non minus totidem dierum spatio.] “Not less than the space of
just as many days.
_ EUMENES. 403

he gained but little by his success; for through the envy
of the officers with whom he had to act, and the treachery of
the Macedonian veterans, he was delivered up, after he had
come off superior in the field, to Antigonus, though they had
previously sworn, at three several times, that they would
defend him and never forsake him. But such was the eager-
ness of some to detract from his merit, that they chose rather
to break their faith than not betray him. Antigonus, however,
though he had been a yiolent enemy to him, would have
spared his life, if he had but been allowed to do so by his
friends, because he was certain that he could not be better
assisted by any one in those difficulties which, as was apparent
to all, were likely to fallupon him. For Lysimachus, Seleucus,
and Ptolemy, now powerful in resources, were assuming a
threatening attitude, and he would be obliged to contend with
them for supremacy. But those who were about him would
not allow of such clemency; for they saw that if Eumenes
were admitted to his councils, they themselves would be of
small account in comparison with him. As for Antigonus
himself, he had been so incensed against him, that he could
never have been induced to relent, except by a strong expecta-
tion of eminent services from him.

XI. When he had committed him to custody, therefore,
and the commander of the guard inquired how he would have
him kept, he replied, “ As the most furious lion, or the most
savage elephant;” for he had not then determined! whether
he should spare his life or not. Meanwhile two classes of
people crowded to gaze upon Eumenes, those who, from
hatred of him, wished to feast their eyes* on his degradation,
and those who, from old friendship, desired to speak with him
and console him. Many also came with them whoj were
anxious to look at his person, and to see what sort of man he
was whom they had feared so long and so much, and in whose
destruction they had placed their hopes of victory. But Eu-
menes, when he had been some time ynder confinement, said to
Onomarchus, in whose hands the chief command of the guard
was, that “he wondered why he was thus kept a third day;
for that it was not consistent with prudence on the part of
Antigonus to treat one whom he had conquered in such a

* Fructum oculis capere.| “To gain ggatification for their eyes.”
t+ Ut deuteretur.] The word deutor : not found elsewhere. It seems
DD
404 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

manner, but that he should order him either to be put to death
or released.” As he seemed to Onomarchus to express himself
somewhat arrogantly, he replied, “ Why, if you were of such a
spirit, did you not rather die on the field of battle, than fall
into the hands of your enemy?” ‘“ Would indeed that that
had befallen me,” rejoined Eumenes, “ but it did not happen
because I never engaged with a stouter than myself; for I
have never crossed swords with any one who did not yield to
me; and I have not fallen by the prowess of my enemies, but
by the perfidy of my friends.” Nor was this assertion false ;
for he was aman not only of a graceful * and dignified bearing,
but of strength sufficient for enduring fatigue; yet he was not
so much distinguished for tallnes of person as for handsome-
ness of shape.

XII. As Antigonus would not venture alone to determine
concerning him, he referred’ the decision to a council ; where,
when almost all the officers, in great excitement, expressed
their surprise that death had not been already inflicted on a
man by whom they had been harassed so many years, so
severely that they were often reduced to despair; a man who had
cut off leaders of the greatest eminence; and in whom, though
but a single individual, there was so much to be dreaded, that
as long as he lived they could not think themselves safe, while,
if he were put to death, they would have no further anxiety ;
and in conclusion they asked Antigonus, “ if he gave Eumenes
his life, what friends he would employ? for that they would not
act under him with Eumenes.” After thus learning the
sentiments of the council, he nevertheless took time for con-
sideration till the seventh day following; when, being afraid
that a mutiny might break out in the army, he gave orders
that no one should be admitted to Eumenes, and that his daily
food should be withheld ; for he said that “he would offer no
personal violence to a man who had once been his friend.”
Eumenes, however, after suffering from hunger not more than
three days, was killed by his guards on the removal of the
camp, without Antigonus’s knowledge.
not to be the same with abutor, as some suppose, but to have much the
same sense as the simple verb, But most‘editions have se uferetwr, an
alteration of Lambinus.

* This is so little of a reason for Eumenes’ success against his oppo-

nents in the field, that Buchner, Bos, and others, suppose that some
words have been lost out of the text. ;
” PHOCION. 405

XIII. Thus Eumenes, at the age of -five-and-forty years,
after having attended on Philip, as we have shown above, for
seven years from the age of twenty, and having held the same
office under Alexander for thirteen years, during one of which
he had commanded a troop of cavalry; and after having,
subsequently to Alexander's death, conducted armies as
commander in-chief, and having sometimes repelled and some-
times cut off the most eminent generals, being made prisoner,
nat by the ability of Antigonus, but by the perjury of the
Macedonians, ended his life in this manner.* How great
awe was entertained of him by all those who were styled
kings after the death of Alexander the Great, may be easily
judged from the following fact, that no one of them, while
Eumenes lived, was called a king, but only a governor; but
that, after his death, they at once assumed the regal dress
and title; nor did they care to perform what they had
originally promised, namely, to guard the throne for Alexan-
der’s children; but, as soon as the only defender of the
children was removed, they disclosed what their real views
were. In this iniquity the leaders were Antigonus, Ptolemy,
Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander.

Antigonus gave the dead body of Eumenes to his relations
for burial; and they interred him with a military and mag-
nificent funeral, and took care that his bones should be
conveyed to Cappadocia to his mother, wife, and children.

XIX. PHOCION.

Phocion better known for his virtues than his military achievements,
J.—In his old age he incurred the displeasure of his countrymen
on various accounts, II.—Ys exiled; his pleading before Philip ; is
sent back to Athens, ITL—is condemned at Athens, and put to

. death there, IV.

I. Txovcu Phocion the Athenian was often at the head of
armies, and held the most important commands, yet the blame-
lessness of his life is much better known than his exertions
in war. Of the one, accordingly, there is no recollection,+

* The sentence begins with Sic Zumenes, and ends with talem habuit
exitum vite, a fault similar to that which has been noticed in Ages. c. 6.

+ Memoria-est nulia.| That is, no one thinks of praising his military
exploits equally with his moral virtues.
406 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

but of the other the fame is great; and hence he was sur-
named The Good. He was always poor, though he might
have been extremely rich, by reason of the numerous offices
conferred upon him, and the high commissions given him by
the people. When he refused the present’ of a large sum of
money from King Philip, and Philip’s ambassadors urged him
to receive it, and at the same time reminded him, that if he
himself could easily do without it, he should nevertheless have
some regard for his children, for whom it would be difficult,
in the depth of poverty, to act up to the high character of their
father, he gave them this answer: “If my children be like
me, this same little fatm, which has enabled me to reach my
present eminence, will maintain them; but if they prove
ublike me, I should not wish their luxury to be supported
and increased at my expense.”

II. After fortune had continued favourable to him almost
to his eightieth year, he fell, towards the close of his life, into
great unpopularity with his countrymen, In the first place,
he had acted in concert with Demades in delivering up the
city to Antipater; and, by his suggestions, Demosthenes and
others, who were thought to deserve well of their country,
had been sent into banishment by a decree of the people.
Nor had he given offence only in this respect, that he had
ill consulted the interest of his country, but also in not
having observed the obligations of friendship; for though he
had risen to the eminence which he then held through being
supported and aided by Demosthenes, when he furnished him
with means of defence against Chares,* and though he had
several times come off with acquittal on trials, when he had to
‘plead for his life, through having been defended by Demos-
thenes, he not only did not take the part of Demosthenes
when he was in peril, but even betrayed him. But his fate
was decided chiefly on one charge, that, when the supreme
government of the state was in his hands, and he was warned
by Dercyllus that Nicanor, the prefect of Cassander, was

* Quum adversus Chatetem ewm subornaret.] I have given to suborna-
ret the sense to which Bos thinks it entitled. To what part of
Phocion’s life this passage relates is uncertain. Bos refers to Plutarch,
Phocion, v. 14, where it is stated that Phocion was sent to Byzantium
with a force to accomplish what Chares had failed in doing. But no

pee is made there of any support given to Phocion by Demos-
thenes.
PHOCION. 407

forming designs upon the Pireeus, and Dercyllus begged him,
at the same time, to take care that the city should not want
provisions, Phocion told him in the hearing of the people,
that there was no danger, and engaged to be security for the
truth of his statement; whereas Nicanor, not long after,
became master of the Pirweus ; and when the people assembled
under arms to defend that harbour, without which Athens
could not at all subsist, Phocion not only did not call any body
to arms, but would not even take the command of those who
were armed.

III. There were at that period in Athens two parties, one
of which espoused the cause of the people, and the other that
of the aristocracy; to the latter Phocion and Demetrius
Phalereus were attached. Hach of them relied on the sup-
port of the Macedonians; for the popular party favoured
Polysperchon, and the aristocracy took the side of Cassander.
After a time Cassander was ‘driven from Macedonia by Poly-
sperchon; and the people, in consequence, getting the
superiority, immediately expelled from their country the
leaders of the opposite faction, after they had been capitally
convicted ;* and among them Phocion and Demetrius Pha-.
lereus; and they then sent a deputation on the subject to
Polysperchon, to request him to confirm their decrees. Pho-
cion went to him at the same time, and as soon as he arrived
he was summoned to plead his cause, nominally before King
Philip,t but in reality before Polysperchon; for he at that
time held the direction ‘of the king’s affairs. Being accused
by Agnonidest of having betrayed the Pirzeus to Nicanor, and
being thrown, by order of the council, into confinement, he
was then conveyed to Athens, that a trial might there be held
upon him according to law.

IV. On his arrival, as he was weak in his feet through age,
aud was brought to the city in a carriage, great crowds of
people gathered about him, of whom some, calling to mind
his former reputation, expressed commiseration for his declining

* Capitis damnatos.|] That is, made atimous, or infamous, deprived
of civil rights, and condemned, perhaps, in addition, to exile or death.

+ Philip Aridicus, the half-brother and nominal successor of Alex-
ander the Great.

+ An Athenian demagogue, who was put to death by thse people of
Athens soon after the death of Phocion.
408 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

years, but the greater number were violently exasperated
against him, from the ‘suspicion that he had betrayed the
Pirzeus, but especially because he had opposed the interest of
the people in his old age. Hence not even the liberty of mak-
ing a speech, and of pleading his cause, was granted him, but
being forthwith sentenced to death, after some formalities of
law had been despatched, he was delivered over to the eleven,*
to whom public criminals, by the custom of the Athenians,
are wont to be consigned. _As he was being led to exeeution,
Emphyletus, a man with whom he had been very intimate,
met him, and having exclaimed, with tears, ‘‘O what unworthy
treatment you suffer, Phocion!” Phocion rejoined, “ But not
unexpected, for most of the famous men of Athens have come
to this end.’”’ So violent was the hatred of the multitude
towards him, that no free person dared to bury kim; and he
was accordingly interred by slaves,

XX. TIMOLEON.

Timoleon delivers Corinth from the tyranny of his brother, and causes
him to be put to death, I—He expels Dionysius the younger from
Sicily ; defeats Hicetas ; overcomes the Carthaginians, I].—After
settling affairs in Sicily, he lays down the government, IJI.—He
loses his sight from old age, but still attends to the interests of
his country; builds a temple to Fortune, IV.—Instances of his
patience ; his death, V.

I. Timorzon of Corinth was doubtless a great man in the
opinion of everybody, since it happened to him alone (for I
know not that it happened to any one else),f to deliver his
country, in which he was born, from the oppression of a
tyrant, to banish a long established slavery from Syracuse (to
the assistance of which he had been sent), and, on his arrival,

“ * Undectm viris.] Eleven petty officers, whose duty was to see the
sentences of the law put in execution.

t Namque huie uni contigit, quod nescio an nulli.| I have endeavoured
to give a satisfactory turn in the English to that which is not very
Satisfactory in the Latin. “For (that) happened to (him) alone, (of)
which I know not whether (it happened) to any one (else).” If it
happened to him alone, it of course happened to no one else. Some
editors read ulli; but nulli appears to be the right reading, nescio an
being taken in the sense of “perhaps.”
TIMOLEON. 409

to restore Sicily, which had been disturbed by war for many
years, and harassed by barbarians,* to its former condition.
But in these undertakings he struggled not with one kind of
fortune only, and, what is thought the more difficult, he bore
good much more discreetly than evil fortune; for when his
brother Timophanes, on being chosen general by the
Corinthians, had made himself absolute by the aid of his
mercenary troops, and Timoleon himself might have shared
the sovereignty with him, he was so far from taking part in his
guilt, that he preferred the liberty of his countrymen to the life
of his brother, and thought it better to obey the laws of his
country than to rule over his country. With this feeling, he
contrived to have his brother the tyrant put to death by a
certain augur, a man connected with them both, as their sister
by the same parentst was married to him. He himself not
only did not put his hand to the work, but,would not even look
upon his!brother’s blood; for, until the deed was done, he
kept himself at a distance on the watch, lest any of his brother’s
guards should come to his aid. This most noble act of his was
not equally approved by all; for some thought that natural
affection had been violated by him, and endeavoured, from
envy, to lessen the praise of his virtue. His mother, indeed,
after this proceeding, would neither admit her son into her
house, nor look upon him, but, uttering imprecations against
him, called him a fratricide, and destitute of natural feeling.
With this treatment he was so much affected, that he was
sometimes inclined to put an end to his life, and withdraw
himself by death from the sight of his ungrateful fellow-
creatures.

II. In the meantime, after Dion was assassinated at
Syracuse, Dionysius again became master of that city, and his
enemies solicited assistance from the Corinthians, desiring a
general whose services they might employ in war. Timoleon,
being in consequence despatched thither, expelled Dionysius,
with wonderful success, quite out of Sicily. Though he might
have put him to death, he refused to do so, and secured him a
safe passage to Corinth, because the Corinthians had often

* 4 barbaris.] The Carthaginians, when they were at war with the
elder Dionysius.
+ Soror ex tisdem parentibus nata.] She was whole sister to him and
. Timophanes,
410 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

been supported by the aid of both the Dionysii, and he wished
the memory of that kindness to be preserved, esteeming that
victory noble in which there was more clemency than cruelty ;
and, finally, he wished it not only to be heard, but seen, what
a personage he had reduced from such a height of power to so
low a condition. After the departure of Dionysius, he had
to go to war with Icetas, who had been the opponent of
Dionysius ; but that he did not disagree with him from hatred
of tyranny, but from a desire for it, this was a sufficient proof,
that after the expulsion of Dionysius he was unwilling to lay
down his command. Timoleon, after defeating Hicetas, put to
flight a vast army of the Carthaginians on the river Crimessus,
and obliged those who had now for several years maintained
their ground in Sicily, to be satisfied if they were allowed to
retain Africa. He took prisoner also Mamercus, an Italian
general, a man of great valour and influence, who had come
into Italy to support the tyrants.

III. Having achieved these objects, and seeing not only the
lands, but also the cities, deserted through the long continuance
of the war, he assembled, in the first place, as many Sicilians
as he could, and then sent for settlers also from Corinth,
because it was by the Corinthians that Syracuse had been
originally founded. He gave back to the old inhabitants their
own lands, and divided such estates as had lost their owners in
the war, among the new colonists; he repaired the dilapidated
walls of the cities, and the neglected temples;* he restored
their laws and liberties to the several communities, and, after a
most destructive war, established such tranquillity through the
whole island, that he, and not those who had brought colonists
thither at first, might have been thought the founder of those
cities, The citadel-of Syracuse, which Dionysius had built to
overawe the city, he demolished to its foundations; other
bulwarks of tyranny he removed, and exerted his efforts that
as few traces as possible of servitude might be left.

Though he was possessed of so much influence that he

* Fana deserta.| Bos retains deserta in his text, but shows an incli-
nation, in his note, to adopt the emendation of Lambinus, deleta ;
deserta, however, which is found, I believe, in all the manuscripts, is
susceptible of a very good interpretation; for temples that were
deserted or neglected might have fallen into decay, and require to be
repaired or rebuilt.
TIMOLEON. 411

might have ruled the Sytacusans even against their will, and
though he had so strongly gained the affection of all the
Sicilians that he might have assumed supreme power without
opposition from any one, he chose rather to be loved than to be
feared. He therefore laid down his authority as soon as he
could, and lived as a private person at Syracuse during the
remainder of his life. Nor did he act in this respect in-
judiciously; for, what other rulers could scarcely effect by
absolute power, he attained by the good will of the people.
No honour was withheld from him; nor, when any public
business was afterwards transacted at Syracuse, was a decision
made upon it before Timoleon’s opinion was ascertained.
Not only was no man’s advice ever preferred to his, but no
man’s was even compared to it; nor was this occasioned more
by the good will of others towards him, than by his own
prudence.

IV. When he was advanced in age he lost the sight of his
eyes, without any apparent disease in them; a misfortune
which he bore with so much patience, that neither did any one
ever hear him complain, nor did he take a less part in private
and public business. He used to come to the theatre,* when
any assembly of the people was held there, riding in a
carriage by reason of his infirmity, and used to state from the
vehicle what he thought proper. Nor did any one impute this
to pride ; for nothing arrogant or boastful ever came out of his
mouth. Indeed when he heard his praises repeated, he never
made any other observation than that ‘he paid and felt the
utmost gratitude to the immortal gods for this favour, that
when they had resolved on regenerating Sicily, they had
appointed him, above all others, to be the leader to execute
their will.” For he thought that nothing in human affairs was
done without the directing power of the gods; and he therefore
erected a temple to Fortune+t in his own house, and used to
worship at it most religiously. °

V. To this eminent virtue in his character were added
certain wonderful incidents in his life; for he fought all his
most remarkable battles on his birth-day; and hence it

* In theatrum.] Public assemblies were often held in theatres.

+ Sacellum Adropariac.| A word compounded of adrog, self, and
paw, to desire or will, and applied to Fortune as acting from her own
will or impulse.
412 CORNELIUS NEPUS.

happened that all Sicily kept his birth-day as a festival.
When one Lamestius, an impudent and ungrateful fellow,
wanted to compel him to give bail for his appearance, as he
said that he was merely dealing with him according to law, and
several persons, flocking about him, would have curbed the
insolence of the man by laying hands upon him, Timoleon
entreated them all ‘not to do so, for that he had encountered
extreme labours and dangers in order that Lamestius and
others might enjoy such privileges; since this was the true
form of liberty, if it were permitted to every one to try,at
law what he pleased.” When a person, too, something like
Lamestius, by name Demenetus, had proceeded to detract
from his actions before an assembly of the people, and uttered
some invectives against Timoleon himself, he observed, that
‘‘he now enjoyed the fulfilment of his prayers,* for that he had
always made this his request to the immortal gods, that they
would re-establish that degree of liberty among the Syracusans,
in which it would be lawful for every man to say what he
wished of any one with impunity.” When he died, he was
buried at the public expense by the Syracusans, in the
Gymnasium, which is called the Timoleontean Gymnasium,t
all Sicily attending his funeral.

XXI. OF KINGS.

The Spartan kings, kings only in name; the most eminent kings of
Persia, I—The greatest kings of Macedonia; the only great
sovereign of Sicily, II—The kings that arose after the death -of
Alexander the Great, III.

I. Tuzsn were almost all the generals of Greecet that
seemed worthy of record, except kings, for we would not treat
‘of them, because the actions of them all are narrated
separately ;§ nor are they indeed very numerous. As for

* Se voti esse damnatum.] The meaning is, that he was now obliged
to the fulfilment of that which he had vowed when he prayed for such
a degree of freedom.

t Timoleonteum.] Sc. Gymnasium.

+ Grace gentis.) All the preceding biographies are those of Greeks,
except that of Datames.

§ Separatim sunt relate.] In another book written by Nepos, which
OF KINGS. 413

Agesilaus the Lacedemonian, he was a king in name, not in
power, just like the other Spartan kings. But of those who
were sovereigns with absolute authority, the most eminent
were, as we think, Cyrus, king of the Persians, and Darius, the
son of Hystaspes, both of whom, originally in a private
station, obtained thrones by merit. The first of these was
killed in battle among the Massagetz ; Darius died a natural
death at an advanced age. There are also three others of the
same nation; Xerxes and the two Artaxerxes, Macrochir and
Mnemon.* The most remarkable act of Xerxes was, that he
made war upon Greece, by land and sea, with the greatest
armies in the memory of man. Macrochir is greatly celebrated
for a most noble and handsome person, which he rendered still
more remarkable by extraordinary bravery in the field; for no
one of the Persians was more valorous in action than he.
Muemon was renowned for his justice; for, when he lost his
wife through the wickedness of his mother, he indulged his
resentment so far only, that filial duty overcame it.f Of these,
the two of the same name died a natural death;} the third
was killed with the sword by Artabanus, one of his satraps.
II. Of the nation of the Macedonians, two kings far excellea
the rest in renown for their achievements; Philip, the son
of Amyntas, and Alexander the Great. One of these was cut
off by a disease at Babylon; Philip was killed by Pausanias,
near the theatre at Auge, when he was going to see the games.
Of Epirus, the only great king was Pyrrhus, who made war
upon the people of Rome ; he was killed by a blow from a stone,
when he was besieging the city of Argos in the Peloponnesus.
There was also one great sovereign of Sicily, Dionysius the

contained the lives of kings, as Lambinus thinks ; and Vossius de Hist.
Lat, i, 14, is of the same opinion. I rather imagine that the writings
of other authors, who have spoken of the acts of kings, are intended ;.
for if Nepos had-meant a composition of his own, he would have said
& me sunt relate, as in the Life of Cato, c. 3, he says in 0 libro quem
separatim de eo fecimus.—Bos. :

| * Macrochir, Longimanus, or “long-handed.” Mnemon, prijuwy, sig-
nifying one that has a good memory.

+ There was no remarkable proof of his justice given on this
occasion. His mother Parysatis poisoned his wife Statira; but he
spared Parysatis, and put to death Gingis, who had merely been her
tool. See Plutarch, Life of Artaxerxes, c. 19.

+ Morbo nature debitum reddiderunt.] “ Paid (their) debt to nature
by disease,”
414 CORNELIUS NEPOS. ”

elder; for he was both brave in action and skilful in military
operations, and, what is not commonly found in a tyrant, was
far from being sensual, or luxurious, or avaricious, and was
covetous indeed of nothing but absolute and firmly-established
sovereignty ; and to attain that object he was cruel; for in his
eagerness to secure it he spared the life of no one that he
thought to be plotting against it. After having gained
absolute power for himself by his abilities, he preserved it with
remarkable good fortune, and died at the age of more than
sixty, with his dominions in a flourishing condition. Nor in
the course of so many years did he see the funeral of any one of
his offspring, though he had children by three wives, and
several grand-children had been born to him.

III. There arose also some great kings from among the
followers of Alexander the Great, who assumed regal authority
after his death. Among these were Antigonus, and his son
Demetrius, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy; of whom
Antigonus was killed in battle, when he was fighting against
Seleucus and Lysimachus; and Lysimachus was cut off in a
similar way by Seleucus, for the alliance between the two being
broken, they went to war with one another. Demetrius, after
he had given his daughter to Seleucus in marriage, and yet the
alliance between them could not be maintained the more
faithfully on that account, was taken prisoner in battle, and
died of some disease, the father-in-law in the custody of his son-
in-law. Not long after, Seleucus was treacherously killed by
Ptolemy Ceraunus, whom he had entertained, when he was
expelled by his father from Alexandria, and stood in need of
assistance from others. As for Ptolemy himself, he is said,
after having resigned his throne to his son during his life, to
have been deprived of life by that same son.

But, as we think that sufficient has been said concerning
these, it seems proper not to omit Hamilcar and Hannibal, who,
as is agreed, surpassed all the natives of Africa in power and
subtilty of intellect.
415

XXII. HAMILCAR.

Hamilcar’s success in Sicily; his defence of Eryx, and honourable
capitulation, L—His suppression of the rebellion raised by the
Carthaginian mercenaries, Il.—He takes his son Hannibal with
him into Spain, and his son-in-law Hasdrubal, III.—Is killed in
battle in Spain, IV.

I. Hamizcar the Carthaginian, the son of Hannibal, and
surnamed Barcas, began in the first Punic war, but towards
the end of it, to hold the command of the army in Sicily;
and though, before his coming, the efforts of the Carthaginians
were unsuccessful both by sea and land, he, after he arrived,
never gave way to the enemy,* or afforded them any oppor-
tunity of doing him harm, but, on the contrary, often attacked
the foe when ovcasion_presented itself, and always came off
with the advantage. | Afterwards, though the Carthaginians
had lost almost every place in Sicily, he so ably defended
Eryx,+ that there seemed to be no war going on there. In
the meantime, the Carthaginians, having been defeated at
sea, near the islands called Aigates,t by Caius Lutatius, the
Roman consul, resolved on putting an end to the war, and left
the settlement of the matter to the judgment of Hamilcar,
who, though he ardently desired to continue in arms, thought
it, nevertheless, necessary to: submit to make peace, because he
saw that his country, exhausted by the expenses of the war,
was no longer in a condition to bear the pressure of it; but
such was his feeling on the occasion, that he soon meditated,
if the affairs of his country should be but in a small degree
improved, to resume the war, and to pursue the Romans with
hostilities, until they should indisputably obtain the mastery,
or, being conquered, should make submission. With this
resolution he concluded a peace, but showed such a spirit in
the transaction, that when Catulus refused to desist from hos-
tilities unless Hamilcar, with such of his men as were in

* Nunquam hosti cessit.] Not exactly true; but he doubtless resisted
the enemy vigorously.

+ Erycem.] Not the mountain, as Bos observes, but the town
situated between the top and the foot of the mountain, of both of
which the Romans had possession. See Polyb. i. 58; ii. 7; Diod. Sic.
xxiv. 2; Cluverius, Sicil. Antiq. ii. 1.

t Three islands on the western coast of Sicily. This battle brought
the first Punic war to an end.’
416 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

possession of Eryx, should lay down their arms and quit
Sicily, Hamilcar replied, that, though his country submitted,
he himself would rather perish on the spot than return home
under such disgrace, for that it was not consistent with his
spirit to resign to his enemies arms which he had received
from his country as a defence against enemies.

_ IL. Catulus yielded to his resolution. But Hamilcar, when
he arrived at Carthage, found the republic in a far different
condition than he had expected; for, through the long con-
tinuance of foreign troubles, so violent a rebellion had broken
out at home, that Carthage was never in such danger, except
when it was actually destroyed. In the first place, the mer-
cenary troops, who had served against the Romans, and the
number of whom amounted to twenty thousand, revolted; and
these drew the whole of Africa over to their side, and laid
siege to Carthage itself. With these disasters the Cartha-
ginians were so much alarmed, that they requested aid even
from the Romans, and obtained it. But at last, when they
were almost sunk into despair, they made Hamilcar general,
who not only repulsed the enemy from the walls of Carthage,
though they amounted to a hundred thousand men in arms, but
reduced them to such a condition, that being shut up in a
confined space, they perished in greater numbers by famine
than by the sword. All the towns that had revolted, and
among them Utica and Hippo, the strongest cities of all Africa,
he brought back to their allegiance: to his country. Nor was
he satisfied with these successes, but extended even the bounds
of the Carthaginian empire, and re-established such tranquillity
through all Africa, that there seemed to have been no war in
it for many years.

III. These objects being executed according to his desire,
he then, by dint of a spirit confident and incensed against the
Romans, contrived, in order more easily to find a pretext for
going to war with them, to be sent as commander-in-chief with
an army into Spain, and took with him thither his son Hanni-
bal, then nine years old. There also accompanied him a
young man named Hasdrubal, a person of high birth and
great beauty, who, as some said, was beloved by Hamilcar with
less regard to his character than was becoming ; for so great a
man could not fail to have slanderers. Hence it happened
that Hasdrubal was forbidden by the censor of public morals
HANNIBAL. 4l7

to associate with him; but Hamilcar then gave him’ his
daughter in marriage, because, according to their usages, a
son-in-law could not be interdicted the society of his father-in-
law. We have inserted this notice of Hasdrubal, because,
after Hamilcar was killed, he took the command of the army,
and achieved great exploits; and he was also the first that
corrupted the ancient manners of the Carthaginians by
bribery. After his death Hannibal received the command
from the army.

V. Hamilcar, however, after he had crossed the sea, and
arrived in Spain, executed some great undertakings with excel-
lent success; he subdued some very powerful and warlike
nations, and supplied all Africa with horses, arms, men, and
money. But as he was meditating to carry the war into
Italy, in the ninth year after his arrival in Spain, he was
we in a battle with the Vettones,

is constant hatred to the Romans seems to have been the
chief cause of producing the second Punic war; for Hannibal,
his son, was so wrought upon ‘by the continual instigations of
his father, that he would have chosen to die rather than not
make trial of the Romans. } .

 

XXII. HANNIBAL.

Hannibal, the greatest of generals, suffers from the envy of shis
countrymen, L—Was the deadly enemy of the Romans, II—He
reduces Spain; besieges Saguntum; crosses the Alps, III.—His
successful battles in Italy, 1V.—His further proceedings in that
country, V.—Is recalled to the defence of his country, and
defeated by Scipio, VI—Quits his country, and seeks refuge with
Antiochus, VII.—Endeavours in vain to excite his countrymen to
war; defeats the Rhodians, VIII.—Eludes the avarice of the
Cretans, IX.—Stirs up Prusias against the Romans, X.—His stra-
tagem in contending with Eumenes, XI.—Commits suicide to
escape being delivered to the Romans, XII.—His attachment to
literature, XTII.

I. Hannrpat was the son of Hamilcar, and a native of
Carthage. If it be true, as no one doubts, that the Roman
people excelled all other nations in warlike merit, it is not to
be disputed that Hannibal surpassed other commanders in
ability as much as the Romans surpassed all other people in
EE
418 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

valour ; for as often as he engaged with the Romans in Italy, he
always came off with the advantage; and, had uot his efforts
been paralyzed by the envy of his countrymen at home, he
would appear to have been capable of getting the mastery over
the Romans. But the jealous opposition of many prevailed
against the ability of one. He, however, so cherished in his
mind the hatred which his father had borne the Romans, and
which was left him, as it were, by bequest, that he laid down
his life before he would abate it; for even when he was exiled
from his country, and stood in need of ‘support from others,
he never ceased in thought to make war with the Romans.

II. To say nothing of Philip,* whom he rendered an enemy
to the Romans, though at a distance from him, Antiochus was
the most powerful of all kings at that period; and him he so
inflamed with a desire for war, that he endeavoured to bring
troops against Italy even from the Red Seat As some
ambassadors from Rome were sent to that prince, in order to
gain information respecting his intentions, and to endeavour,
by underhand contrivances, to render Hannibal an. object of-
suspicion to the king (as if, being bribed by them, he
entertained other sentiments than before); and as they were
not. unsuccessful in their attempts, and Haunibal became
aware of that fact, and found himself excluded from the privy
council, he went at a time appointed to the king himself, and, -
after having said much concerning his attachment to him and
his hatred to the Romans, he added the following statement:
Li My father Hamilcar,” said he, ‘‘ when I was a very little boy,

eing not more than nine years old, offered sacrifices at Car-
thage, when he was going as commander into Spain, to Jupiter,
the best and greatest of the gods; and while this religious
ceremony was being performed, he asked me whether I should
like to go with him to the camp. As I willingly expressed my
consent, and proceeded to beg him not to hesitate to take me,
he replied, ‘I will do so, if you will give me the promise which
L ask of you.” “At the same time he led me to the altar at
which he had begun to sacrifice, and, sending the rest of the
company away, required me, taking hold of the altar, to swear

* Son of Demetrius, and last king but one of Macedonia. See
Justin, xxviii. 4; xxix. 1—4; xxx. 3; xxxii. 2.

+ A Rubro Mari.] It is the Mare Lrythreum that is meant, lying
between Arabia and India,
HANNIBAL. 419

that I would never be in friendship with the Romans. This
oath, thus taken before my father, I have so strictly kept even
to this day, that no man ought to doubt but that I shall be of
the same mind for the rest of my life If, therefore, you
entertain any friendly thoughts towards the Romans, you will
not act imprudently if you conceal them from me; but when-
ever you prepare war, you will disappoint yourself unless you
constitute me leader in it.”

III. At this age, accordingly, he accompanied his father
into Spain. After his father’s death, when Hasdrubal was
made general-in-chief, he had the command of all the cavalry.
When Hasdrubal also was killed, the army conferred upon
him the supreme command, and this act, when reported at
Carthage, received public approbation.

Pfansibal being thus made commander-in-chief, at the age of
five-and-twenty, subdued in war, during the next three years,
all the nations of Spain, took Saguntum, a city in alliance
with the Romans, by storm, and collected three vast armies,
of which he sent one into Africa, left another with his brother
Hasdrubal in Spain, and took the third with him into Italy.
He made his way through the forests of the Pyrenees,* he
engaged, wherever he directed his course, with all the inhabit-
ants of the country, and let none go unconquered. On
arriving at the Alps, which separate Italy from Gaul, and
which no one had ever crossed with an army before him,
(except Hercules the Greek, from which achievement the forest
there is now called- the Grecian forest), he cut to pieces the
people of the Alps who endeavoured to prevent his passage,
laid open those parts, made roads, and put things in such a
state, that an elephant fully equipped could walk where pre-
viously one unarmed man could scarcely crawl. Along this
tract he led his army, and arrived in Italy.

C_ IV. On the banks of the Rhone he-engaged with the consul .
Publius Cornelius Scipio, and put him to flight. At the
Po he fought with the same consul for the possession of
Clastidium,t and expelled him from that place wounded and,

* Saltum Pyrenceum.] The forest, i.e. the woody chain or range of
the Pyrenees, :

+ Clastidio.] Clastidio, thus given by Bos, without a preposition or
any word to govern it, cannot be right. It seems necessary either to
read Clastidt:, or, with Lambinus, de Clastidio, I have adopted the

EE2
420 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

defeated. The same Scipio, with his colleague Tiberius
Longus, came against him a third time at the Trebia; he
came to battle with them, and put both of them to flight.
He then’ passed through the country of the Ligurians over
the chain of the Apennnines, directing his course towards
Etruria. During this march he was afflicted with so violent
a distemper in his eyes, that he never had the use of his right
eye so well afterwards, But even when he was troubled with
this malady, and carried in a litter, he cut off Caius Flaminius
the consul at the lake Trasimenus, being caught with his
army in an ambush; and not long after he killed the praetor
Caius Centenius, who was occupying the forest with a choice
body of troops. He then proceeded into Apulia, where the
_ two consuls, Caius Terentius Varro, and Paulus A‘milius,
met him, both of whose armies he routed in one battle; the
consul Paulus he killed, with several others of consular
dignity, and among them Cneus Servilius Geminus, who had
been consul the year before.

!"V. After fighting this battle, he marched towards Rome,
nobody opposing him, and halted on the hills near the city.
When he had lain encamped there some days, and was
turning back towards Capua, Quintus Fabius Maximus, the
Roman dictator, threw himself in his way in the Falernian
territory. Here, though enclosed in a confined space, he
extricated himself without any loss to his army. He deceived
Fabius, a most skilful commander; for, when night had come
on, he set fire to some bundles of twigs, tied upon the horns
of oxen, and drove forward a.vast number of those cattle,
scattering themselves hither and thither. By presenting
this object suddenly to their view,* he struck such terror
into the army of the Romans, that nobody ventured to stir
beyond the rampart. Not many days after this success, he
put to flight Marcus Minucius Rufus, master of thé horse,
who was equal in power with the dictator, and who had been
drawn into an engagement by a stratagem. While he was at
latter, ag the termination in © is found in all the manuscripts. But no
account of a battle between Hannibal and Scipio at Clastidium (a
town of Gallia Cispadana, at no great distance from the Po), is found
in any other author. Ithe has therefore ventured, somewhat boldly,
to eject Clastidio from his text altogether,

_ * Quo repentino objectu viso.] “Which sudden appearance being seen”
by the Romans.
HANNIBAL. AQ]

a distance, too, he cut off* Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus,
consul for the second time, in the country of the Lucanians, after
he had been inveigled into an ambush. In like ‘manner he
caused the death of Marcus Claudius Marcellus, consul for
the fifth time, at Venusia. To enumerate his battles would
occupy too much time; and this one observation, accordingly,
(from which it will be understood how great a general he was),
will be sufficient, that, as long as he continued in Italy, none
made a stand against him in a regular engagement, none,
after the battle of Canne, pitched a camp against him in the
field.

VI. Being recalled, without having suffered any defeat, to
defend his country, he maintained a war with the son of that
Publius Scipio whom he had routed first on the Rhone, again
on the Po, and a third time on the-Trebia. As the resources
of his country were now exhausted, he wished, by a treaty

‘with him, to put a stop to the war for a time, in ‘order that he

might engage in it afterwards with greater vigour. He came
.to a conference with him, but the conditions were not agreed:
upon. A few days after this meeting, he came to battle with
Scipio at Zama; ‘and being defeated (incredible to relate !)
he made his way to Adrumetum, which is about three
hundred milest from Zama, in two days and two nights.
In the course of his retreat, some Numidians, who had left
the field in his company, formed a conspiracy against him ;
however he not only escaped them, but deprived them of life.
At Adrumetum he assembled those who had survived the
defeat, and, with the aid of new levies, drew together, in a
few days, a numerous force.

VII. While he was most vigorously engaged in preparing
for action, the Carthaginians made an end of the war bya
treaty with the Romans. } He had nevertheless afterwards the
command of the army, and continued to act, as well as his
brother Mago, in Africa, until the time when Publius Sulpicius
and Caius Aurelius became-consuls ; for, during their term
of office, ambassadors from Carthage went to Rome, to thank
the Roman senate and people for having made peace with

* Absens—sustulit.] The battle being fought by one of Hannibal’s
generals in his absence.

t Circiter millia passwum trecenta.] One hundred and fifty miles is
supposed to be nearer the truth,
422 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

them, and to present them, on that account, with a crown of
gold, requesting, at the same time, that their hostages might
reside at Fregelle,* and that their prisoners might be re-
stored. An answer was made them, by a resolution of the
senate, that “their present was acceptable and welcome, and
that their hostages should live in the place which they
desired, but that they would not restore the prisoners, because
the Carthaginians retained Hannibal, by whose acts the war
had been occasioned, and who was the bitterest of enemies to the
name of Rome, in command of the army, as also his brother
Mago.” The Carthaginians, on hearing this answer, recalled
Hannibal and Mago home. When he returned, he was made
pretor,f in the two-and-twentieth year ‘after he had been
appointed king; for, as consuls are elected at Rome, so, at
Carthage, two kings are annually chosen, retaining their office
fora year. In that post Hannibal conducted himself with
the same activity as he had exhibited in war; for he took care,
not only that there should be money raised from new taxes,
to be paid to the Romans according to the treaty, but that
there should be a surplus to be deposited in the treasury.

In the year after his pretorship, when Marcus Claudius
and Lucius Furius were consuls, ambassadors from Rome came
again to Carthage; and Hannibal, supposing that they were
sent to demand that he should be delivered to the Romans,
went secretly, before an audience of the senate was given them,
on board a vessel, and fled into Syria to Antiochus: His
departure being made public, the Carthaginians sent two
ships to seize him, if they could overtake him. His property
they confiscated; his house they razed to its foundations ;
and himself they declared an outlaw.

VIII. In the third year, however, after he had fled from home,
and in the consulship of Lucius Cornelius and Quintus Minu-
cius, Hannibal landed with five ships in Africa, on the coast
of the Cyreneans, to try if he could move the Carthaginians
to war, by giving them hope and confidence in Antiochus,

* A town on the Liris, in the Volscian territory.

+ Pretor.] This office seems, from what follows, to have been in a
es degree financial; but judicial duties were probably combined

Tt.

< Rex.] The two annual magistrates at Carthage were called

fubiie in the Punic tongue; the Greeks and Romans called them
ings.
‘

HANNIBAL. 423

whom he had now persuaded to proceed with his forces to
Italy. Thither he summoned his brother Mago; and, when
the Carthaginians knew of the circumstance, they inflicted
on Mago the same penalties as they had laid on his absent
brother. When they had let loose their vessels, and sailed
off, in despair of success, Hannibal went to join Antiochus. Of
Mago’s end two accounts have been given; for some have
left on record that he perished by shipwreck, others that he
was killed by his own slaves.

Antiochus, if he had been as ready to obey Hannibal’s
advice in conducting the war as he had resolved to be when
he undertook it, might have fought for the empire of the
world nearer the Tiber than Thermopyle.* Hannibal, however,
though he saw him attempt many things imprudently, left him
in nothing unsupported. He took the command of a few ships,
which he had been directed to bring from Syria into Asia,
and with these he engaged the fleet of the Rhodians in the
Pamphylian sea,t and though his men were overpowered in
the struggle by the number of the enemy, he had the advan-
tage himself in the wing in which he acted.

IX. After Antiochus was put to flight,f Hannibal, fearing
that he should be delivered to the Romans (an event which
would doubtless have come to pass, if he had given the king
an opportunity of securing him), went off to the people of
Gortyn, in Crete, that he might there consider in what place
he should settle himself. But, as he was the most perspica-
cious of all men, he saw that unless he took some precautions,
he should be in-great danger from the covetousness of the
Cretans ; for he carried with him a large sum of money, of
which he knew that.a report had gone abroad. He therefore
adopted the following contrivance ; he filled several pots with
lead, covering the upper part with gold and silver, and de-
posited them, in the presence of the leading men§, in the
temple of Diana, pretending that he trusted his fortune to

* Antiochushere suffered a defeat from the Romans.

+ In Pamphylio mari.] The sea on the coast of Pamphylia in Asia
Minor.

+ Antiocho fugato.] Viz., in the battle near Magnesia, at the bottom
of Mount Sipylus in Lydia.

§ Principibus presentibus.] Many of the old editions have Gortyniis
presentibus, a manifest error, a8 Bos observes. Principibus occurs in
three manuscripts. :
424 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

their honesty. Having thus deceived them, ‘he filled the
whole of some brazen statues, which he carried with him, with
his money, and threw them down in an open place at his own
residence. The Gortynians, meanwhile, guarded the temple
with extreme care, not so much against others as against
Hannibal himself, lest he should remove any thing without
their knowledge, and carry it off with him.

X. The Carthaginian, having thus saved his property, and
deceived all the Cretans, went into Pontus to Prusias, with
whom he showed himself of the same mind as to Italy;
for he did nothing but excite the king to arms, and animate
him against the Romans, and seeing that he was not at all
strong in domestic resources, he induced other princes to join
him, and united warlike nations on his side. HKumenes, king
of Pergamus, was at variance with Prusias, and war was main-
tained between them by sea and land, for which reason
Hannibal was the more desirous that he should be crushed.
Eumenes had the superiority on both elements, and Hannibal
thought that, if he could but cut him off, his other projects
would be easier of execution. To put an end to his life,
‘therefore, he adopted the following stratagem. They were to
engage by sea in a few days; Hannibal was inferior in number
of vessels, and had to use art in the contest, as he was no
match for his enemy in force. He accordingly ordered as
many poisonous serpents as possible to be brought together
alive, and to be put into earthen vessels, of which when he had
collected a large number, he called the officers of his ships
together, on the day on which he was going to fight at sea,
and directed them all to make an attack upon the single ship
of King Eumenes, and to be content with simply defending
themselves against others, as they might easily do with the
aid of the vast number of serpents; adding that he would
take care they should know in what ship Eumenes sailed,
and promising that, if they took or killed him, it should be of
great advantage to them.

XI. After this exhortation was given to the soldiers, the
fleets were brought out for action by both parties. When the
line of each was formed, and before the signal was given for
battle, Hannibal, in order to show his men where Eumenes
was, despatched to him fa letter-carrier “in a boat with a
herald’s staff; who, when he reached the.enemy’s line of
HANNIBAL. 425

vessels, held out a letter, and signified that he was looking for
the king; he was therefore immediately taken to Eumenes,
because nobody doubted that there was something written in
the letter relating to peace. The messenger, having thus
made the king’s ship known to his party, returned to the
same place from which he had come. Humenes, on opening
the letter, found nothing in it but what was meant to ridicule
him; and though he wondered as to the motive of it, and
none could be discovered, yet he did not hesitate to come at
once to battle. In the conflict, the Bithynians, according to
the direction of Hannibal, fell all at once upon the ship of
Eumenes. That prince, as he was unable to withstand their
onset, sought safety in flight, but would not have found it,
had he not taken ‘refuge behind his guards, which had been
posted on the neighbouring shore. As the rest of the Per-
gamenian ships bore hard upon the enemy, the earthen pots,
of which we have previously spoken, began suddenly to be
hurled into them. These, when thrown, at first excited
laughter among the combatants, nor could it be conceived why
such a thing was done; but when they saw their ships filled
with serpents, and, startled at the strangeness of the oc-
- currence, knew not what to avoid first, they put about their
ships, and retreated to their camp upon the coast. Thus
Hannibal, by his stratagem, prevailed over the force of the
Pergamenians. Nor was this the only occasion; but often, at
other times, he defeated the enemy with his troops on
land, and with equally skilful management.

' XII, While these transactions were taking place in Asia,
it happened accidentally at Rome that certain ambassadors
from Prusias took supper at the house of Lucius Quintius
Flamininus, one of the consuls; and there, as mention was
made of Hannibal, one of them observed that he was in the
dominions of Prusias. This information Flamininus commu-
nicated the next day to the senate. The conscript fathers,
who thought that they would never be free from plots as long
as Hannibal was alive, sent ambassadors to Bithynia, and
among them Flamininus, to request the king not to keep
their bitterest enemy with him, but to deliver him up to them.
To this embassy Prusias did not ddté°td°give a refusal; he
made some opposition, however, to on¢ point, begging them
426 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

not to require of him* what was contrary to the rights of
hospitality, saying that they themselves might make Hannibal
prisoner, if they could, as they would easily find out the place
where he was. Hannibal indeed confined himself to one
place, living in a fortress which had been given him by the
king; and this he had so constructed that it had outlets on
every side of the building, always fearing lest that should
happen which eventually came to pass. When the Roman
ambassadors had gone thither, and had surrounded his house
with a number of men, a slave, looking out at a gate, told
Hannibal that several armed men were to be seen, contrary to
what was usual. Hannibal desired him to go round to all the

ates of the castle, and bring him word immediately whether
it was beset in the same way on all sides. The slave having
soon reported how it was, and informed him, that all the passages
were secured, he felt certain that it was no accidental occur-
rence, but that his person was menaced, and that his life was
no longer to be preserved. That he might not part with ‘it,
however, at the pleasure of another, and dwelling on the
remembrance of his past honours, he took poison, which he
had been accustomed always to carry with him,

XIII. Thus this bravest of men, after, having gone through
many and various labours, found repose in the seventieth year
of his age. Under what consuls he died, is not agreed; for
Atticus has left it recorded in his chronicle that he ended his
life in the consulship of Marcus Claudius Marcellus and
Quintus Fabius Labeo; but Polybius says in that of Lucius
Bmilius Paullus and Cneus Bebius Tamphilus ; and Sulpi-
cius in that of Publius Cornelius Cethegus and Marcus Bebius
Tamphilus. ;
| This great man, though occupied in such vast military
operations, devoted some portion of his time to literature;
for there are some books of his written in the Greek language,
and amongst them one addressed to the Rhodians on the acts
of Cneus Manlius Vulso in Asia.

Of the wars which he conducted- many have given the
history ; and two of them were persons that were with him
in the camp, and lived with him as long as fortune allowed,

~ Ilud recusavit, ne id a se fieri postularent.] “He refused this, (re
questing) that they weuld not require that to_be done by him.”
MARCUS PORCIUS CATO. AQ7

Silenus and Sosilus the Lacedemonian; and this Sosilus
Hannibal had as his instructor in the Greek language.

But it is now time to make an end of this book, and to
give an account of commanders among the Romans, that,
when the actions of both are compared, it may be the better
determined which generals deserve the preference.

‘XXIV. MARCUS PORCIUS CATO.
FROM THE SECOND BOOK OF CORNELIUS NEPOS.

Cato’s birth, youth, and the offices that he held, I—His consulship
in Hither Spain; his severity as censor, IJ.—His eulogy; his
studies and writings, ITT.

I. Cato,* born in the municipal town of Tusculum,*f resided,
when a very young man, and before he turned his attention to
the attainment of office, in the territory of the Sabines, because
he had an estate there which had been left him by his father.
It was at the persuasion of Lucius Valerius Flaccus, whom he
had for a colleague in his consulate and censorship, that he
removed, as Marcus Perperna Censorius was accustomed to
relate, to Rome, and proceeded to employ himself in the forum.
He served his first campaign at the age of seventeen, in the
consulship of Quintus Fabius Maximus and Marcus Claudius
Marcellus. He was military tribune in Sicily. When he
returned from thence, he attached himself to the staff of Caius
Claudius Nero, and his service was thought of great value in the
battle near Sena, in which Hasdrubal, the brother of Hannibal,
fell. As queestor, he happened to be under the consul, Publius
Cornelius Scipio Africanus, with whom he did not live
according to the intimate connexion of his office; for he was
at variance with him during his whole life. He was made
sedile of the commons { with Caius Helvius. As praetor he had
the province of Sardinia, from which, when he was returning

* Cato the censor, the great grandfather of the Cato that killed
himself at Utica.

+ Situate about ten miles south-east of Rome, not far from the
modern Frascati.

t+ Adilis plebis.| There were two sorta of ediles, plebeian and
curule.
428 © CORNELIUS NEPOS.

from Africa some time before in the character of questor, he
had brought Quintus Ennius, the poet, an act which we value
not less than the noblest triumph) that Sardinia could have
afforded.

II. He held the consulship with Lucius Valerius Flaccus,
and had by lot Hither Spain for his province, from which he
gained a triumph. As he stayed there a long time, Publius
Scipio Africanus, when consul for the second time, wanted to
remove him from his province, and to succeed him himself, but
was unable, through the senate, to effect that object, even
though he then possessed the greatest authority in the state ;
for the government was then conducted, not with regard for
personal influence, but according to justice. Being displeased
with the senate on this account, Scipio, after his consulship
was ended, remained in the city as a private person.*

Cato, being made censor with the Flaccus above mentioned,
exercised that office with severity ; for he inflicted penalties on
many noblemen, and introduced many new regulations into
his edict,t by means of which luxury, which was even then
beginning to germinate, might be repressed. For about eighty
years,t from his youth to the end of his life, he never ceased to
incur enmity in behalf of the commonwealth. Though
attacked by many,§ he not only suffered no loss of character,
but increased in reputation for virtue as long as he lived.

III. In all his pursuits he gave proofs of singular in-
telligence and industry; for he was a skilful agriculturist,
well-informed in political affairs, experienced in the law, an

* Privatus in urbe mansit.] That is, he did not take any other
foreign province. Plutarch, however, in his life of Cato, says that
Scipio was appointed to succeed Cato in Spain, but that, being unable
to procure from the senate a vote of censure on Cato’s administration,
he passed his term of office in inactivity. .

+ Edictum.] The code of regulations which a magistrate published
on entering upon his office, adopting what he chose from the edicts of
his predecessors, and adding what he thought proper of his own. See
Adam’s Rom. Ant. p. 111, 8vo. ed.

t Circiter annos octoginta.] This passage is in some way faulty. Bos
thinks that the number is corrupt, or that the three words have been
intruded from the margin into the text. Pighius would read Visit
circiter annos octoginta, et, &c.

§ A multis tentatus.] Plutarch, in his life of Cato, c, 15, says that
Cato was attacked or accused about fifty times in the course of his
political life.—Bos,

‘
MARCUS. PORCIUS CATO. 429

eminent commander, a respectable orator. He was also much
devoted to literature, and though he had entered on the study
of it at an advanced age, yet he made such progress in it, that
you could not easily discover anything, either in Grecian or
Italian history, that was unknown to him. From his youth he
composed speeches. In his old age he began to write his
Histories, of which there are ten books. The first contains the
acts of the kings of Rome; the second and third show from
whence each Italian state had its rise, for which reason he
seems to have called the whole body of them Origines ; in the
fourth is related the first Carthaginian war; in the fifth the
second; and all these subjects are treated in a summary way.
Other wars he has narrated in a similar manner, down to the
pretorship of Lucius Galba, who spoiled the Lusitanians.
The leaders in these wars, however, he has not named, but has
stated the facts without the names. In the same books he has
given an account of whatever seemed remarkable in Italy and
Spain ; and there are shown in them much labour and industry,
and much learning.

Of his life and manners we have spoken more at large in the
book which we wrote expressly concerning him at the request
of Titus Pomponius Atticus ; and we therefore refer those who
would know Cato to that volume.
430

XXV. TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS.

Birth, talents, and education of Atticus, I—He goes to ‘Athens; assists
the Athenians with money; his popularity there, II. III.—Is
favourably regarded by Sylla; returns to Rome, IV.— Inherits
property from Quintus Cecilius; his friendship with Cicero and
Hortensius, V.—He abstains from seeking offices or honours, but
maintains his dignity of character, VI—In the civil war he
offends neither Pompey nor Cesar, VII—After Caesar is killed,
he supplies Brutus with money, VIIJ—Is not even an enemy to
Antony, whose wife and children he relieves, IX.— Antony's
regard for the services of Atticus, K—He aids many of the pro-
scribed, XI—He uses his interest only to avert dangers and
troubles from his friends, XII.—Of his private life; is a good
father and citizen, XIII.—His meals ; his prudence in pecuniary
matters, XIV.—His love of truth and diligence, XV.—Agreeable
to the old in his youth, and to the young in his old age, XVI.—
His dutifulness to his mother, XVII.—His love of antiquity,
and literature in general, XVIIIL—His connexion with Cesar
Octavianus, XIX.—His friendship with Cesar and Antony, KX.—
His last ‘illness, XXIL—He starves himself to death; his funeral,
XXII.

I. Tirus Pompontus Articus, descended from a most
ancient Roman family,* held the equestrian rank received in
uninterrupted succession from his ancestors. He had a father
who was active, indulgent, and, ‘as times then were, wealthy,
as well as eminently devoted to literature; and, as he loved
learning himself, he instructed his son in all branches of
knowledge with which youth ought to be made acquainted. In
the boy, too, besides docility of disposition, there was great
sweetness of voice, so that he not only imbibed rapidly what
was taught him, but repeated it extremely well. He was in
consequence distinguished among his companions in his boy-
hood, and shone forth with more lustre than his noble
fellow-students could patiently bear ; hence he stirred them all
to new exertions by his application. In the number of them
were Lucius Torquatus, Caius Marius the younger, and
Marcus Cicero, whom he so attached to himself by his inter-
course with them, that no one was ever more dear to them.

II. His father died at an early age. He himself, in his
youth, on account of his connexion with Publius Sulpicius, who

* Ad origine ultimd stirpis Romane] “From the most remote origin
wof the Roman race.” His family was so old that it reached back to
e earliest age of Rome,
TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS. 481

was killed when tribune of the people, was not unapprehensive
of sharing in his danger; for Anicia, Pomponius’s cousin, was
married to Marcus Servius, the brother of Sulpicius. . When
he saw that the state, therefore, after the death of Sulpicius,
was thrown into confusion by the disturbances of Cinna, and
that no facility was allowed him of living suitably to his
dignity without offending one side or the other (the feelings of
the citizens being divided, as some favoured the party of Sylla
and others that of Cinna) he thought it a proper time for_
devoting himself to his studies, and betook himself to Athens.]
He nevertheless, however, assisted young Marius, when
declared an enemy, by such means as he could; and relieved
him in his exile with money. }And, lest his sojourn in a
foreign country should cause any detriment to his estate, he
transported thither a great portion of his fortune. Here he
lived in such a manner, that he was deservedly much beloved
by all the Athenians ;/ for, in addition to his interest, which
was great for so Young a man, he relieved their public
exigencies from his -own property; since, when the government
was obliged to borrow money,* and had no fair offer of it, he
always came to their aid, and in such a way, that he never
received any interest of them, and never allowed them to be
indebted to him longer than had been agreed upon ; both which
modes of acting were for their advantage, for he neither
suffered their debt to grow old upon them, nor to be increased
by an accumulation of interest. He enhanced this kindness
also by other instances of liberality; for he presented the
whole of the people with such a supply of corn, that seven
modiit of wheat (a kind of measure which is called a
medimnus at Athens) were allotted to each person.

* Versuram facere.] Verewra, according to Festus sub voce, properly
signifies borrowing from one to pay another. Our language has no
word corresponding to it.

+ Septem modii.] This is the reading of the old editions, and of the
manuscripts of Manutius, Gifanius, Schotius, Leid. and Medic. 2. But
since it. appears from Cicero in Verr. iii. 45, 46, 49, as well as from
Ausonius, Suidas, and other ancient writers, that the medimnus con-
tained six modti, Manutius, Faernus, and Ursinus, following Georg.
Agricola de Mens. et Pond. Gr. et Rom. lib. ii, substituted sex for
septem in this passage, and Lambinus, with all the subsequent editors
of gNepos, adopted it. There seem, however,'to have been variations
in the content of the medimmi and modi. According to the old
author on measures, published by Rigaltius among the <Awectéres
432 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

‘III. He also conducted himself in such a way, that he
appeared familiar with the lowest, though on a level with the
highest. Hence it happened that they publicly bestowed upon
him all the honours that they could, and offered to make him a
citizen of Athens; an offer which he would not accept, because
some are of opinion that the citizenship of Rome is forfeited by
taking that of another city. As long as he was among them,
he prevented any statue from being erected to him; but when
absent, he could not hinder it; and they accordingly raised
several statues both to him and Phidias,* in the most sacred
places, for, in their whole management of the state, they took
him for their agent and adviser. It was the gift of fortune,
then, in the first place, that he was born in that city, above all
others, in which was the seat of the empire of the world, and
had it not only for his native place but for his home; and, in
the next, it was a proof of his wisdom, that when he betook
himself to a city which excelled all others in antiquity, polite-
ness, and learning, he became individually dear to it beyond
other men.

IV. When Sylla arrived at Athens in his journey from Asia,
he kept Pomponius in his company as long as he remained
there, being charmed with the young man’s politeness and
knowledge; for he spoke Greek so well that he might have
been thought to have been born at Athens; while there was
such agreeableness in his Latin style, as to make it evident
that the graces of it were natural, not acquired. He also
recited verses, both in Greek and Latin, in so pleasing a
manner that nothing could have been added to its attractions.
It was in consequence of these accomplishments that Sylla
would never suffer him to be out of his company, and wanted
to take him away with him to Rome. But when he
endeavoured to persuade him to go, ‘‘ Do not desire, I entreat
you,” replied Pomponius, “to lead me with you against those,
with whom, that I might not bear arms against you, I quitted

Finium Regundorum, p. 335, five modii made a medimnus ; and Isidore,
Orig. xvi. 25, makes the same statement...... Phavorinus, again,
says that the medimnus was pddioe Exra.—Bos, On the whole, there-
fore, Bos prefers that septem should stand. The modius was_1 gal.
78576 pints English.

* Phidie.| Some editions have Pie, “This was somo Phidias,
who, though unmentioned by any other writer, was known to Nepos
through Atticus with whom he was intimate.” See c. 13,— Van Staveren.
TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS. 433

Italy.” Sylla, commending the good feeling of the young man,
directed, at his departure, that all the presents which he had
received at Athens should be carried to his house.

Though he resided at Athens many years, paying such
attention to his property,as a not unthrifty father of a family
ought to pay, and devoting all the rest of his time either, to
literature or to the public affairs of the Athenians, he never-
theless afforded .his services to his friends at Rome; for he
used to come to their elections, and whatever important busi-
ness of theirs was brought forward, he was never found wanting
on the occasion. Thus he showed.a singular fidelity to Cicero
in all his perils; and presented him, when he was banished
from his country, with the sum of two hundred .and fifty
sestertia.* [And when the affairs of the Romans became
tranquil, he returned. to Rome, in the consulship, as I, believe,
of Lucius Cotta and Lucius Torquatus ; and the whole city. of
Athens observed the day of his departure in sucha manner,
that they testified by their tears the regret which they would
afterwards feel for him.

V. He had an uncle, Quintus Cecilius, a Roman knight, an
intimate friend of Lucius Lucullus, a rich man, but of a very
morose temper, whose peevishness he bore so meekly, that he
retained without interruption, to the extremity of old age, the
good will of a person whom no one else could endure. In
consequence, he reaped the fruit of his respectful conduct ; for
Cecilius, at his death, adopted, him by his will, and made him
heir to three-fourths -of his estate, from which bequest jhe
received about ten thousand sestertia.t

A sister of Atticus was married to Quintus Tullius Cicero; , ,
and Marcus Cicero had been the means of forming the con-
nexion, a man with whom Atticus had lived in the closest
intimacy from the time that ‘they were fellow-students, in
much greater intimacy, indeed, than with Quintus; whence it
may be concluded that, in establishing friendship, similarity of
manners has more influence than affinity. He was likewise
so intimate with Quintus Hortensius, who, in those times, had
the highest reputation for eloquence, that it could not be
decided which of the two had the greater love for him, Cicero
or Hortensiys; and he succeeded in effecting what was most

* About £1600 of our money.
+ About £80,729 33. 4d.
FT
434 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

difficult, namely, that no enmity should occur between those
between whom there was emulation for such eminence, and
that he himself should be the bond of union between such
great men. ,

Vi He conducted himself in such a manner in political
affairs, that he always was, and always was thought to be, on
the best side ;* yet he did not mingle in civil tumults, because
he thought that those who had plunged into them were not
more under their own control than those who were tossed by
the waves of the sea. He aimed at no offices (though they
were open to him as well through his influence as through his
high standing), since they could neither be sought in the
ancient method, nor be gained without violating the laws in
the midst of such unrestrained extravagance of bribery, nor be
exercised for the good of the country without danger in so
corrupt a state of the public morals:. He never went to a public
sale,t nor ever became surety or fatmer in any department of
the public revenue.{ He accused no one, either in his own
name or as a subscriber to an accusation.§ He never went to
law about property of his own, nor was ever concerned in a
‘trial. Offers of places, under several consuls and pretors, he
received in such a way as never to follow any one into his
province, being content with the honour, and not solicitous to
make any addition to his property ; for he would not even go
into Asia with Quintus Cicero, when he might have held the
office of legate under him ; for he did not think it became him,
after he had declined to take the pretorship,|| to become the
attendant on a preetor. In such conduct he consulted not only

* Optimarwm partium.] Ursinus and Schottus conjecture optimatum
portiwm.—Heusinger thinks optimarum right.

+ Ad hastam publicam nunquam accessit.} That is, to a sale of the
property confiscated in the proscriptions. A hasta, or spear, set up,

was the signal of an auction ; a custom derived from the sale of spoils
taken in war. :

+ Nullius ret neque pres, neque manceps factus est.] The farmers,
mancipes, of the revenues were chiefly equites, but Atticus, though of
Mai order, neither became a farmer himself, nor a surety, pres, for any

‘armer. :

§ Neque suo nomine neque subscribens.] He neither brought accusations
against people himself, nor supported the accusations of others by
setting his hand to them. This is said with reference to the time of
the proscriptions.

|| That he declined offices generally is stated above in this chapter ;
there is no particular mention that he declined the pratorskip.
TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS. 435

his dignity but his quiet; since he avoided even the suspicion
of evil practices. Hence it happened that attentions received
from him * were more valued by all, as they saw that they were
attributable to kindness, not to fear or hope.

VII/ When he was about sixty years old, the civil war with
Cesar broke out; but he availed himself of the privilege of
his age, and went nowhere out of the city. Whatever was
needful for his friends when going to Pompey, he supplied for
them out of his own property. ‘To Pompey himself, who was
his intimate friend, he gave no offence; for he had accepted no
distinction from him like others, who had gained honours or
wealth by his means, and of whom’ some followed his camp
most unwillingly, and some remained at home to his great
disgust. But to Cesar the neutrality of. Atticus was so
pleasing, that when he became conqueror, and desired money

_ from several private persons by letter, he not only forebore to
trouble Atticus, but even released, at his request, his sister’s
son and Quintus Cicero from Pompey’s camp. Thus, by
adhering to his old course of life, he avoided new dangers. !

VIII. (Then followed the time,f when, on the assassination
of Cesar, the commonwealth seemed to be in the hands of the
Bruti ¢ and Cassius, and the whole state turned towards them.
Atticus, at’ that period, conducted himself towards Brutus in
such a way, that that young man was not in more familiar
intercourse with any one of his own age, than with him who
was so advanced in years, and not only paid him the highest
honour at the council, but also at his table It was projected
by some that a private fund should be formed by the Roman
knights for the assassins of Cesar; a scheme which they
thought might easily be accomplished if even only the leading
men of that order would furnish contributions, Atticus was
accordingly solicited by Caius Flavius, an intimate friend of
Brutus, to consent to become a promoter of the plan. But

* Hjus observantia.] Observantia, as Bos and Fischer observe, is
evidently to be understood actively. :

+ Secutum est illud, occiso Cesare, &c.| The commencement of this
chapter is extremely bald. Whether tempus, which Bos understands
with ¢dlud, has dropped out of the text, or whether the author
purposely omitted it, must remain doubtful. Perhaps more words
than one are lost. ‘ :

+ Penes Brutos.] Some editions have Brutwm. I prefer the plural,
says Bos, Marcus and Decimus being meant.

FFR
436 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

Atticus, who thought that services were to be done;to friends
without regard to party, and had always kept himself aloof
from such schemes, replied that, “If Brutus wished to make
use of any of his property, he might avail. himself of it as far
.as it would allow; ‘but that.about that project he would never
confer or join with any man.” Thus that combination of a party
ayas broken by his dissent alone. Not Jong after, Antony
began to get the advantage; so that Brutus and Cassius,
despairing of their fortune, went into exile, into the provinces
which had been given them for form’s sake * by the consuls.
Atticus, who had refused to contribute with others to that
‘party when it was prosperous, sent to ;Brutus, when he was
‘cast down and retiring from Italy, a hundred sestertia+ as a
present; and, when he was parted from him, he ordered three
hundred { tobe sent to him in Epirus. Thus he neither paid
greater court to Antony when in power, nor deserted those
that were in desperate circumstances.

IX. Next followed the war that was carried on at Mutina,§
in which, if I were only to say that he was wise, I should say
Jess.of him than I ought ; for he rather proved himself divine, if
a constant goodness of nature, which is neither increased nor
diminished by the events of fortune, may be called divinity.||
Antony, being declared an enemy, had quitted Italy, nor was

* Dicis—causd.| Bos’s text, and many others, with all the manu-
scripts, have necis.causd. Dicis causd is a conjecture of Cujacius.
Necis is defended by Savaro, who says that the provinces were given
_to Brutus and Cassius for killing Cesar. Gebhard supports Savaro,
referring to Vell. Pat. ii. 62: Bruto Cassioque provincia, quas jam tpst
sine ullo senatus consulto occupaverant, decrete. Bos, too, quotes from
Appian, ‘H Bovhy yipa roig avedotgw we rupavvoxrévore ébngigero.
But,.as Ernstius observes, the provinces .could not have been given to
Brutus and Cassius particularly for killing Cesar, for they.were not
the only ones concerned in his death; and he therefore prefers dicis
causa, supposing that the provinces were given to them merely to
afford them an honourable pretext for leaving the city to avoid the *
fury of the lower orders, Heusinger not unhappily conjectures necessi-
. tatis. causa. .

+ £807 5s. 10d.

+ £2421 17s. 6d.

§, A war that arose between Mark Antony and Octavius (see Florus,
iv. 4), through a dispute about the will of Cesar, in which Octavius
‘had been set before Antony, who, in displeasure, had recourse to arms,

and besiéged Decimus Brutus, who took the side of Octavius, in
Mutina, now Modena.—Fischer.

| Divinatio.] We should rather read divinitas, as Buchner first

observed. Divinatio occurs below, c. 16, but in its proper sense,
TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS, A387

there any hope’ of bringing him back. Not only his open
eriemies, who were then very powerful and’ numerous, but also’
such as had lent’ themselves'to the party opposed: to: him, and»
hoped: to: gain some share of praise * by doing him injury,
persecuted his friends, sought to spoil his wife Fulvia of all
her property, and endeavoured even to get his children put to’
death. ZAtticus, though’ he lived' in intimate’ friendship with’
Cicero; and was very warmly attached: to Brutus, yet would not
only riever give them his consent to att against Antony, but,
on the contrary, protected, as much’ as he could, such of his
friends as fled from: the city, and supplied them with whatever
they wanted. On Publius Volumnius, indeed, he conferred:
such obligations, that more could not have proceeded from a
father. To Fulvia herself, too, when she was distracted with law-
suits, and troubled! with great alarms, he gave his services with:
such constancy, that she never appeared to answer to bail + with-
out! the attendance of Atticus. Héwas her surety iv all cases;
and even when she had bought an estate, in her prosperous
circumstances, to be paid for by a certain day, and was unable
after her reverse of fortune to borrow money to discharge the
debit,t he came to her aid, and lent her the money without
interest, and without requiring any security for the repayment,
thinking it the greatest gain to be found grateftil and obliging,
and: to'show, at the same time, that it was his practice-to be a
friend, not to fortune but to men; and when he acted in such
a manner, no one could: imagine that he acted for the sake: of
time-serving, for it entered into nobody’s thoughts ‘that Antony
could regain his authority. But he gradually incurred blame
fromm some: of the nobles, because he did not seem to have
sufficient hatred towards bad citizens.

X. Being under the guidance of ‘his own judgment, however,
he considered § rather what’ it was right for him to do, than

. * Commendationem.] Manuscripts and editions are divided between
this word and commoditatem. :

+ Stiterit vadimonium.]: Promittere vadimoniwm is to give bail for
one’s appearance in court on a certain day; sistere or obire vadimoniim
is to appear ‘according to the obligation entered into when the bail! was’

ven,
ae Versuram facere.| See note on c. 2.

§ Ile autem sut judicii—intuebatur, &c.] The words sut judic#i must
be taken as a’ genitive of the quality, [lle autem, cim vir esset sui
judicti, &. But they are, as they stand, by no means satisfactory ;
438 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

what others would commend. (on a sudden ‘fortune was
changed. When Antony returned ito Italy, every one thought
that Atticus would be in great peril, on account of his close
intercourse with Cicero and Brutus. He accordingly withdrew
from the forum on the approach of the leaders,* from dread of
the proscription, and lived in retirement at the house of Pub-
lius Volumnius, to whom, as we have said, he had not long
before given assistance ; (such were the vicissitudes of fortune
in those days, that sometimes-one party, and sometimes the
other, was in the greatest exaltation or in the greatest peril ;)
and he had with him Quintus Gellius Canus, a man of the
same age, and of a character very similar to his own ; and this
also may be given as an instance of the goodness of Atticus’s
dispésition, that he lived in such close intimacy with him
whom he had known when a boy at school, that their friend-
ship increased even to the end of their lives. But Antony,
though he was moved with such hatred towards Cicero, that he
showed his enmity, not only to him, but to all his friends, and
resolved to proscribe them, yet, at the instance of many, was
mindful of the obliging conduct of Atticus; and, after ascer-
taining where he was, wrote to him with his own hand, that
he need be under no apprehension, but might come to him imme-
diately ; as he had excepted him and Gellius Canus, for his
sake, from the number of the proscribed; and that he might
not fall into any danger, as the message was sent at night, he
appointed him a guard. Thus Atticus, in a time of the greatest
alarm, was able to save, not only himself, but him whom he
held most dear ; for he did not seek aid from any one for the
sake of his own security only, but in conjunction with his
friend ; so that it might appear that he wished to endure no
kind of fortune apart from him. But if a pilot is extolled
with the greatest praise, who saves a ship from a tempest in
the midst of a rocky sea, why should not his prudence be
thought of the highest character, who arrives at safety through
so many and so violent civil tumults ?

XI. When he had delivered himself from these troubles, he
had no other care than to assist as many persons as possible,

something seems to be wanting in the text. Schottus, however, thinks
them an intruded gloss,

* Imperatorum.| The triumvirs, Cesar, Antony, and Lepidus. At
their approach he retired from the forum, ie., from all public business.
TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS. 439

by whatever means he could. When the common people, in
consequence of the rewards offered by the triumvirs, were
searching for the proscribed, no one went into E:pirus* with-
out finding a supply of everything; and to every one was
given permission to reside there constantly. After the battle
of Philippi, too, and the death of Caius Cassius and Marcus
Brutus, he resolved on protecting Lucius Julius Mocilla, a
man of preetorian rank, and his son, as well as Aulus Tor-
quatus, and others involved in the same ill fortune, and
caused supplies of everything to be sent them from Epirus to
Samothrace. ;

To enumerate all such acts of his would be difficult; nor
are they necessary to be particularized. One point we would
wish to be understood, that his generosity was not time-
serving or artful, as may be judged from the circumstances
and period in which it was shown; for he did not make -his
court to the prosperous, but was always ready to succour- the
distressed. Servilia, for instance, the mother of Brutus, he
treated with no less consideration after Brutus’s death than
when she was in the height of good fortune. Indulging his
liberality in such a manner, he incurred no enmities, since he
neither injured any one, nor was he, if he received any injury,
more willing to resent than to forget it. Kindnesses that he
received he kept in perpetual remembrance; but such as he
himself conferred, he remembered only so long as he who had
received them was grateful. He accordingly made it appear
to have been truly said, that ‘‘ Every man’s manners make
his fortune.” Yet he did not study his fortunet+ before he
formed himself, taking care that he might not justly suffer for
any part of his conduct.

XII. By such conduct, therefore, he brought it to pass,
that Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, who was united in the closest
intimacy with young Cesar, though, through his own interest
and Cesar’s influence, he had power to choose a wife from
any rank whatever, fixed on a connexion with him rather than

* Where Atticus had estates. Seec. 14.

+ Neque tamen prids ille fortunam, quam se ipse, finxit.] A very
inapplicable observation. Nepos first says that a man’s manners
fashion his fortune, and then speaks of Atticus forming himself and
his fortune. The word tamen would intimate some opposition ; but

there is none. Atticus, having formed his manners, might leave his
manners to form his fortune.
440 CORNELIUS -NEPOS.

with any other, and preferred 4 marriage with the daughter of
a Roman knight to an alliance with the most noble of women.
The promoter of this match (for it is not to be concealed) was
Mark Antony, when triumvir for settling the state; but
though Atticus might’ have increased: his property by the
interest of Antony, he was so far from coveting money, that
he never made use of that interest except to save his friends
‘from danger or trouble ;* a fact which was eminently remark-
able at- the time of the proscription; for when the triumviri,
according to'the way in which things were then managed, had
sold the property of Lucius Saufeius, a Roman knight, who
was of the same age as Atticus, and who, induced by a love
for the study of philosophy, had lived with him several years
at Athens, and had ‘valuable estates in Italy, it was effected
by the efforts and perseverance of Atticus, that Saufeius was
made acquainted’ by the same messenger, that’ “he had lost
his property and had recovered it.” He also brought off
Lucius Julius Calidus, whom I think I may truly assert to
have been the most elegant poet that our age has produced
since the death of Lucretius and Catullus, as well as a man of
high character, and distinguished by the best intellectual ac-
complishments, who, in his sunt after the proscription of,
the knights, had been enrolled in thequmber of the proscribed
by Publius Volumnius, the captain of Antony’s engineers, on
account of his great possessions in Africa; an act on the part
of Atticus, of which it was hard to judge at the time, whether
it were more onerous or honourable. But it was well known
that the friends of Atticus, in times of danger, were not less
his care in their absence than when they were present.
ee was he considered less deserving as a master
of a family than as a member of the state; for though he was
very yich, no man was less addicted to buying or building
than he. Yet he lived in very good style, and had everything
of the best; for he occupied the house that had belonged to
Tamphilust on the Quirinal hill, which was bequeathed to him
by his uncle, and the attractions of which consisted, not in

* Nisi in deprecandis amicorum aut periculis aut incommodis.]
“Unless in deprecating either the dangers or troubles of his friends.”

+ Domum Tamphilanam.} To what Tampbilus the house had
belonged is not known. There were two consuls with that surname,
4.v.c. 570, 671.
TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS. AAl

the building itself, but in the wood by which it. was sur-
rounded ; for the edifice, constructed after the ancient fashion,
showed more regard to convenience* than expense, and: At-
ticus made no alteration in it except such as he was obliged to
make by the effects: of time. He kept an establishment. of
slaves of the best kind, if we were to judge of it by its utility,
but if by its external show, scarcely coming up to mediocrity ;
for there were in it well-taught youths, excellent readers, and
numerous transcribers of books, insomuch that’ there was-not
even a footman} that could not act in either of those capacities
extremely well: Other kinds of artificers{ also; such as do-
mestic necessities require, were very good there, yet he had
no one among them that was not born and instructed in his
house ; all which particulars are proofs, not only of his self-
restraint, but of his attention to his affairs; for not to desire
inordinately what he sees desired by many, gives proof of a
man’s moderation ; and to procure whatvhe requires by labour
rather than by purchase, manifests no small exertion. Atticus
was elegant, not magnificent; polished, not extravagant; he
studied, with all possible care, neatness, and not profusion.
His household furniture was moderate, not superabundant,
but so that it could not be considered as remarkable in either
respect. Nor will I omit the following particular, though I
may suppose that it will be unimportant to some: that though
he was a hospitable Roman knight, and invited, with no want
of liberality, men of all ranks to his house, we know that he
was accustomed to reckon from his day-book, as laid out in
current expenses, not more than three thousand asses§ a.

* Plus salis.] The word satis does not admit of a very satisfactory
explanation in this passage. Most interpreters, says’ Boecler, take it
for gratia, venustas, ars, elegantia.

+ Pedissequus.] The word signifies any slave or servant who follows
or attends on his master’; a footman, lacquey, or page.. Many of the
better sort of slaves, among the Romans, were so well educated that,
while they still continued pedissequi, they were able to act as anagnostes
or librarit, readers or transcribers.

+ Artifices ceteri.] Workmen of all kinds. :

§ Terna millia cris.) Such is the reading of all the manuscripts and
editions, but no commentator has thought it a sufficient sum: It
amounts only to £24 4s. 44d. Hotomannus, Tract. de Re Nummaria,
p. 87, would read tricena, thirty, but even £240 a month would be a
very small expenditure for a man of such income as Atticus. Conjec-
ture, However, in such a case, is useless.
442 CORNELIUS NEPOS,

month, one month with another; and we relate this, not as
hearsay, but as what we know, for we were often present, by
reason of the intimacy between us, at his domestic arrange-
ments. Ms

XIV. At his banquets no one ever heard any other enter-
tainment for the ears* than a reader; an entertainment
which we, for our parts, think in the highest degree pleasing ;
nor was there ever a supper at his house without reading of
some kind, that the guests might find their intellect gratified
no less than their appetite, for he used to invite people whose
tastes were not at variance with his own. After a large
addition, too, was made to his property, he made no change in
his daily arrangemeuts, or usual way of life, and exhibited such
moderation, that he neither lived unhandsomely, with a for-
tune of two thousand sestertia,t which he had inherited from
his father, nor did he, when he had a fortune of a hundred
thousand sestertia,t adopt a more splendid mode of living than
that with which he had commenced, but kept himself at an
equal elevation in both states. He had no gardens, no expen-
sive suburban or maritime villa, nor any farm except those at
Ardea and Nomentum; and his whole revenue arose from his
property in Epirus and at Rome. Hence it may be seen that
he was accustomed to estimate the worth of money, not by the
quantity of it, but by the mode in which it was used.

XV. He would neither utter a falsehood himself, nor
could he endure it in others. His courtesies, accordingly,
were paid with a strict regard to veracity, just as his gravity
was mingled with affability; so that it is hard to determine
whether his friends’ reverence or love for him were the greater.
Whatever he was asked to do, he did not promise without
solemnity,§ for he thought it the part, not of a liberal, but of
a light-minded man, to promise what he would be unable to
perform. But in striving to effect what he had once engaged
to do, he used to take so much pains, that he seemed to be

* Aliud acroama.] Acrowma, as Fischer observes, generally signified
among the Latins, not a thing, but a person; and it may be so inter-
preted in this passage.

+ In sestertio vicies.| £16,145 16s. 8d.

+t In sestertio centies.] £80,729 8s. 4d.

§ Religiose promittebat.] He made no promise lightly, but as if he
were religiously determined to fulfil it
TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS. 445

engaged, not in an affair entrusted to him, but in his own.
Of a matter which he had once taken in hand, he was never
weary; for he thought his reputation, ‘than which he held
nothing more dear, concerned in the accomplishment of it.
Hence it happened that he managed all the commissions* of
the Ciceros, Cato, Marius, Quintus Hortensius, Aulus Tor-
quatus, and of many Roman knights besides. It may therefore
be thought certain that he declined business of state, not from
indolence, but from judgment.

XVI. Of his kindness of disposition, I can give no greater
proof than that, when he was young, he was greatly liked by
Sylla, who was then old, and when he was old, he was much
beloved by Marcus Brutus, then but young; and that with those
friends of the same age as himself, Quintus Hortensius and
Marcus Cicero, he lived in such a manner that it is hard to
determine to which age his disposition was best adapted,
though Marcus Cicero loved him above all men, so that not
even his brother Quintus was dearer or more closely united to
him. In testimony of this fact (besides the books in which
Cicero mentions him, and which have been published to the
world), there are sixteen books of letters, written to Atticus,
which extend from his consulship to his latter days, and which
he that reads will not much require a regular history of those
times ; for all particulars concerning the inclinations of leading
men, the faults of the generals, and the revolutions in the
government, are so fully stated in them that every thing is made
clear; and it may be easily concluded that wisdom is in some
degree divination, as Cicero not only predicted that those
things would happen which took place during his life, but
foretold, like a prophet, the things which are coming'to pass
at present.

XVII. Of the affectionate disposition of Atticus towards his
relatives, why should I say much, since I myself heard him
proudly assert, and with truth, at the funeral of his mother,

‘ whom he buried at the age of ninety, that “ he had never had oc-
casion to be reconciled to his mother,”+ and that “‘ he had never
been at all at variance with his sister,” who was nearly of the

* Omnia negotia.] This must be taken with much limitation; he
might do all the business with which they troubled him.

+ Nunquam cum matre in gratium redtisse.] Never having had any
disagreement with her.
A444 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

same age with himself; a proof that either no cause of com-
plaint: had happened: between them, or that' he was a person of
such kind feelings towards his relatives, as to think it an im-
piety to’be offended with those whom he ought to love. Nor
did he act thus’ from nature alone, though we all obey her, but
from' knowledge ; for he had'fixed’in his mind the precepts of
the greatest philosophers, so as to use them for the direction’
of his life, and not merely for’ ostentation.

XVIII. He was also a strict imitator of the customs of our
ancestors; anda lover of antiquity, of which he had so exact'a
knowledge, that he has illustrated it throughott in the book in
which he has characterized* the Roman magistrates ; for there
is no lai, or peace, or war, or illustrious action of the Roman
people; which is not recorded in‘ it at its proper period, and,
what was extremely difficult, he has so interwoven in it the
origin of families, that we may ascertain from it the pedigrees
of eminent men. He has given similar accounts too, sepa:
rately, in other books; as, at the request of Marcus Brutus,
he specified in order the members of the Junian family, from
its origin to the present age, stating who each was, from whom
sprung, what offices he held, and at what time. In like manner,
atthe request of Marcellus Claudius, he gave an account of
the family of the Marcelli; at the request of Scipio Cornelius
and Fabius Maximus, of that of the Fabii and A‘milii; than
which books nothing can be more agreeable to those who have
any desire for a knowledge of the actions of illustrious men.

He attempted also poetry, in order, we suppose, that he
might not be without experience of the pleasure of writing it;
for he has characterized in verse such men as excelled the rest
of the Roman people in honour and the greatness of their
achievements, so that he has narrated, under each of their effi-
gies, their actions and offices, in not more than four or five
lines ; and it is almost inconceivable that such important mat-
ters could have been'told in so small a space. There is also a
book of his, written in Greek, on the consulship of Cicero.

These particulars, so far, were published by me’ whilst
Atticus was alive.

* Ornavit.) Bos, Vossius, and others, prefer ordinavit. But Heu-
singer thinks ornavit may very well be taken in the sense in which L
have rendered it.
TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS. 445

XIX. Since fortune has chosen that we should outlive him,
we will now proceed with the sequel, and will show our readers
by example, as far as we can, that (as we have intimated |
above) “it is in general,a man’s manners that bring him -his
fortune.”* For Atticus, though content in the equestrian
rank in which he was born, became united by marriage with
the emperor Julius’s son, whose friendship he had previously
obtained by nothing else but this elegant mode of living, by
which he had charmed also other eminent men in the state, of
equal birth,} but of lower-fortune ; for such prosperity attended
Cesar, that fortune gave him ever ything that she had preyiously
bestowed upon arly one, and secured for him what no citizen
of Rome had ever been able to attain. Atticus had a grand-
daughter, the daughter of Agrippa, to whom he had married
his daughter in her maidenhood ; and Cesar betrothed her,
when she was scarcely a year old, to Tiberius Claudius Nero,
son of Drusilla, and step-son to himself ; ; an alliance which
established their friendship, and rendered their intercourse
more frequent.

XX. Even before this connexion, however, Cesar not only,
when he was absent from the city, never despatched. letters to any
one of his friends without writing to Atticus what .he was
doing, what, above all, he was reading, i in what place he was,
and how long he was going to stay in it, but even when he was
in Rome, and through his numberless occupations enjoyed the
society of Atticus less fre uently than he wished; scarcely. any
day passed in which he did not write to him, sometimes ask-
ing him something relating to antiquity, sometimes proposing
to him some poetical question, and sometimes, by .a jest,
drawing from him a longer letter than ordinary. Hence iit
was, that when the temple. of Jupiter Feretrius, built in the
Capitol by Romulus, was unroofed and falling down through
age and neglect, Cxsar, on the suggestion, of Atticus, took
care that it should be repaired,

Nor was he less frequently, when absent, addressed in let-
ters by Mark Antony; so that, from the _Temotest parts.of
the earth, he gave Atticus precise information what he was
doing, and what cares he had upon him. How strong such

* Conciliare fortunam.}] “ Procure him his fortune,” make his
fortune. As the mores are, 80 the fortune will be.

+ Dignitate pari.] It is evidently dignity of birth that is intended.
446 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

attachment is, he will be easily able to judge, who can under-
stand how much prudence is required to preserve the friendship
and favour of those between whom there existed not. only
emulation in the highest matters, but such a mutual struggle
to lessen one another as was sure to happen between Cesar and
Antony, when each of them desired to be chief, not merely of
the city of Rome, but of the whole world.

XXI. After he had completed, {in such a course of life, —

seventy-seven years, and had advanced, not less in dignity, than
in favour and fortune (for he obtained many legacies on no other
account than his goodness of disposition), and had also been
in the enjoyment of so happy a state of health, that he had
wanted no medicine for thirty years, he contracted a disorder
of which at first both himself and the physicians thought
lightly, for they supposed it to be a tenesmus, and speedy
and easy remedies were proposed for it; but after he had passed
three months under it without any pain, except what he
suffered from the méans adopted for his cure, such force of the
disease fell into the one intestine,* that at last a putrid ulcer
broke out through his loins. Before this took place, and
when he found that the pain was daily increasing, and that
fever was superadded, he caused his son-in-law Agrippa to be
called to him, and with him Lucius Cornelius Balbus and
Sextus Peduceus. When he saw that they were come, he
said, as he supported ‘himself on his elbow, ‘‘ How much care
and diligence I have employed to restore my health on this
occasion, there is no necessity for me to state at large, since I
have yourselves as witneses ; and since I have, as I hope, satis-
fied you, that I have left nothing undone that seemed likely to
cure me, it remains that’ I consult for myself. Of this feeling
on my part I had no wish that you should be ignorant; for I
have determined on ceasing to feed the disease ; as, by the food
and drink that I have taken during the last few days, I have
prolonged life only so as to increase my pains without hope of
recovery. I therefore entreat you, in the first place, to give your
approbation to my resolution, and in the next, not to labour in
vain by endeavouring to dissuade me from executing it.”

* In unum intestinum.] Barthius wished to alter it to imum intesti-
rum, because, I suppose, he knew that there was the seat of the
disease. . . . But there is no need of change; wnum is the same as
solwm.— Bos,

.
TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS. 447

XXII. Having delivered this address with so much steadi-
ness of voice and countenance, that he seemed to be removing,
not out of life, but out of one house into another,—when
Agrippa, weeping over him and kissing him, entreated and con-
jured him “not to accelerate that which nature herself would
bring, and, since he might live some time longer,* to preserve
his life for himself and his friends,”"—he put a stop to his
prayers, by an obstinate silence. After he had accordingly ab-
stained from food for two days, the fever suddenly left him,
and the disease began to be less oppressive. He persisted,
nevertheless, in executing his purpose; and in consequence,
on the fifth day after he had fixed his resolution, and on the
last day of February, in the consulship of Cneeus Domitius
and Caius Sosius, he died. His body was carried out of his
house on a small couch, as he himself had directed, without
any funereal pomp, all the respectable portion of the people at-
tending,t and a vast crowd of the populace. He was buried
close by the Appian way, at the fifth milestone from the city, in
the sepulchre of his uncle Quintus Cecilius.

* Temporibus swperesse.) The commentators are not agreed about
the exact sense of these words. I follow Heusinger, who understands
them in the sense of “getting over, and surviving, the troubles and
danger of the present time.” ?

+ a.v.c, 720; B.c. 34.

t+ Comitantibus omnibus bonis.] This omnibus, like the omnia in c. 15,
must be understood in a limited sense.
448

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY OF EVENTS MEN-

TIONED BY CORNELIUS NEPOS.

In this Chronological Summary such events only are noticed as more
immediately concern Cornelius Nepos. Facts that are not found here
may be sought in the Chronology appended to Justin in this volume,
or in general Chronological Tables. The dates are taken from

Tzschucke.

B.C.

512,
507.
489,
483.

479.
477.

471.
467.
466.
463.
46.
455.
450.
442.
415.

415.
414,
411,

408.
403,

Miltiades sent to the Chersones. Milt. 1.

returns to Athens. Milt. 3.
———— dies. Milt. 7.
Aristides banished. Arist. 1.
Themistocles begins to construct the harbour of the Pirzeus.
— prevails on the Athenians to rebuild the walls of
their city. Them. 6.
completes the Pireeus. Them. 6.
Pausanias sails to Cyprus with the combined fleet of Greece.
Paus- 2. :
Aristides establishes the treasury of Greece at Delos. Arist. 3.
Themistocles flees to Artaxerxes. Them. 8. .
Death of Aristides. Arist. 3.
Themistocles. Them. 10.
Cimon subdues the Thasians, Cim 2,
banished. Cim. 3.
recalled. Jb.
———- defeats the Persians in Cyprus. Jd.
dies in Cyprus. J.
ee Nicias and Lamachus, sails against Syracuse.
cib. 3.
———-, accused of treachery to his country, flees to Sparta.
Alcib. 4,
prevails on the Lacedemonians to fortify Decelia. Jb.
———— joins the Athenian army; is united in command with
noe and Theramenes; defeats the Lacedsmonians.
cib. 5.
————~ is unsuccessful, and banished. Alcib. 6, 7,
pas ane the elder becomes tyrant.of Syracuse. Dion. 1; De
eg. 2.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
B.C.
405.
404.
403.

401.
400.
398.
396.
395.
394.

393.
30.
387.
385.
382.
378.
377.

376,
374,
371.
370.
369.

368.

366.
364.

363.
362.

358.

357.
356.

355.
345,

344,

CHRONOLOGY. 449 ©

!

Lysander terminates the Peloponnesian war. Lys. 1; Alcib. 8;
Conon 1. .

Alcibiades killed. Alcib. 10. :

Lysander tried for attempting to bribe the oracle of Jupiter
Ammon. Lys. 3.

Thrasybulvs overthrows the Thirty Tyrants. Thras. 1.

Agesilaus becomes king of Sparta, Ages. 1.

Plato goes to Syracuse. Dion 2.

Lysander falls in battle against the Thebans at Haliartus. Lys. 3.

Conon defeats Pisander at Cnidus. Con. 4. ;

, with the aid of the Thebans, rebuilds the walls of Athens.

Con. 4, 5.

is made prigoner by Tiribazus at Sardis. Ib.

Iphicrates defeats the Spartans at Corinth. Iph. 2.

Thrasybulus killed at Aspendus. Thras. 4.

Chabrias subdues Cyprus. Chab. 2.

Datames made governor of Cilicia by Artaxerxes. Dat. 1.

Pheebidas seizes on the citadel of Thebes. Pelop. 1. ;

The Theban exiles retake it. Pelop. 3.

Agesilaus invades Beeotia; is withstood by Chabrias. Chab, 1.

Chabrias assists Acoris king of Egypt. Chab. 3.

Iphicrates goes to the assistance of Artaxerxes. Iph. 2.

Timotheus defeats the Lacedzemonians at Leucate. Tim. 2.

Iphicrates returns to Athens. Iph. 2.

Epaminondas defeats the Spartans at Leuctra. Epam. 8.

Iphicrates protects Eurydice of Macedonia, Iph. 3.

Epaminondas invades Laconia, advances on Sparta, and restores
Messene. Epam. 7, 8. :

and Pelopidas support the Arcadians in their

struggle with the Spartans. Pelop. 4.

Iphicrates assists the Lacedemonians. Iph. 2.

Pelopidas imprisoned by Alexander of Phere. Pelop. 5.

rescued by Epaminondas. Jb.

Epaminondas at war in the Peloponnesus. Epam. 7.

Pelopidas killed in a battle with Alexander of Phere. Pelop. 5.

Timotheus at war with the Olynthians. Tim. 1.

Epaminondas falls victorious at Mantinea, Epam. 9.

Death of Agesilaus. Ages. 8.

Datames revolts from Artaxerxes. Dat. 5.

Death of Chabrias. Chab. 4.

aie flees from Dionysius, and prepares to go to war with him.

ion. 4.

—— takes possession of Syracuse. Dion. 5. :

The Athenians, under Chares, Iphicrates, and Timotheus, at war
with their allies. Tim. 3.

Timotheus fined by the Athenians. '. Tim. 3.

Dion assassinated at Syracuse. Dion 9; Timol. 2.

Expedition of Timoleon to Syracuse; he gives liberty to the Sy-
racusans. Jb.

Timoleon expels Dionysius, who goes to Corinth. 1b.

GG

\

 

 
450 CORNELIUS NEPOS.

B.C.
342, Timoleon re-establishes a republican form of government at Syra-
cuse ; secures peace to all Sicily. 20.
337, ——_—— dies. Timol. 4. '
322. Phocion procures for Athens the protection of Antipater. Phoc. 2.
321. Humenes defeats Craterus and Neoptolemus. Eum. 3, 4.
—— ——— besieged by Antigonus at Nora, Eum. 5.
318. Nicanor, at the command of Cassander, takes possession of the
Pirzevs. Phoe. 2.
—- Death of Phocion. Phoe. 4.
317. Eumenes commences hostilities against Antigonus. Eum. 7.
316, ————— taken and put to death by Antigonus. Hum. 10—12.
301. Antigonus killed at Ipsus. De Reg. 3.
272. Pyrrhus killed at Argos. De Reg. 2.
248, Hamilcar made commander of the Punic fleet. Hamil. 1.
238, ————— sent as commander-in-chief into Spain. Hamil. 3; Hann.-2.
229, ————’s death. Ham. 3.
221, Hannibal becomes commander-in-chief in Spain, Hamil. 3; Hann. 3.
214, Cato military tribune. Cat. 1.
205. questor to Publius Scipio. J.
198, pretor, with Sardinia for his province. Cat. 1.
195, —— made consul with Lucius Valerius Flaccus. Cat. 1, 2.
194. obtains a triumph for his successes in Spain. Cat, 2.
184, —— Censor with L. Flaccus. Cat. 2.
149, —— dies at the age of 85. Cat. 2.
109. Birth of Pomponius Atticus.
. 88, Publius Sulpicius, tribune of the people, killed by Sylla. Att. 2.
' 87, Atticus retires to Athens. Jd.
' 84. Sylla visits Athens in his return from Asia, Att.4.  -
65, Atticus returns to Rome. Jd.
32. Death of Atticus, Att. 22.

 

 

 
451

EUTROPIUS’S
ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY.

 

TO THE EMPEROR VALENS, MAXIMUS, PERPETUUS,
AUGUSTUS.* “8

Accorpine to the pleasure of your Clemency, I have
arranged in a brief narrative, in the order of time, such par-
ticulars in the history of Rome as seemed most worthy of
notice, in transactions either of war or peace, from the
foundation of the city to our own days; adding concisely,
also, such matters as were remarkable in the lives of the
emperors ; that your Serenity’s divine mind may rejoice to
learn that it has followed the actions of illustrious men in
governing the empire, before it became acquainted with them
by reading.}

* The title stands thus: Domtvo VaLentt Maximo Prrprrvo
Auausto. On the last two words Tzschucke has this note: “For
Perpetuo Augusto Sextus Rufus” (who wrote a Breviarum de Victoriis et
Provinciis Populi Romami, dedicated to Valens), “has in his dedication
Semper Augusto. The Germans would say Allzeit Mehrer des Reichs.
See Piitman De Titulo Semper Augustus, p. 60.” Tzschucke, apparently,
took perpetuo as an adverb, equivalent to semper. But Cellarius and
others consider it as an adjective. Cellarius cites, in comparison with
it, from Gruter. Inscript. p. 285, n. 8, D. N. Valentiniano Perpetuo ae
Felict Semper Augusto, and p. 279, n. 4, terno Imperatori Nostro
Maximo Optimoque Principt Aurelio Valeriamo Diocletiano ; adding, also,
that Theodosius is called perennis princeps in Reines. Class. Inser. iii.-
62. I have accordingly given Perpetuo as an adjective. Sextus
Rufus’s dedication, too, as edited by Cellarius, Verheyk, and others,
has Perpetuo Semper Augusto.

+ Mansuetudinis tue.] Similarly, a few lines below, he says Tran-
quillitatis tue mens divina, “your Serenity’s divine mind.” The use of
such titles gradually became common in the lower age of Roman
literature, commencing soon after the reign of Tiberius. They were
the parents of our highness, majesty, excellency, &c. oe

t+ However Eutropius meant to flatter Valens, he could not ag-

GaGa
452 EUTROPIUS. [B. 1.

BOOK I.

Origin of Rome, I.—Characters and acts of the seven kings of Rome,
IL—VIII.— Appointment of consuls on the expulsion of Tarquin
the Proud, IX.—War raised by Tarquin; he is supported by
Porsena, X. XI.—First dictator, XII.— Sedition of the people, and
origin of the tribunitial power, XIIIL—A victory over the Volsci,
XIV. -Coriolanus, being banished, makes war on his country
with the aid of the Volsci; is softened by the entreaties of his
wife and mother, XV.—War of the Fabii with the Vejentes; the
census, XVI.—Dictatorship of Cincinnatus, XVII. The Decem-
viri, XVIII.—War with the Fidenates, Vejentes, and Volsci, XIX.
—Destruction of Rome by the Gauls, XX.

’ . Tue Roman empire, than which the memory of man can
recal scarcely any one smaller in its commencement, or greater in
its progress throughout the world, had its origin from Romulus;
who, being the son of a vestal virgin, and, as was supposed, of
Mars, was brought forth at one birth with his brother Remus.
While leading a predatory life among the shepherds, he
founded, when he was eighteen years of age, a small city on the
Palatine Hill, on the 21st day of April, in the third year of
the sixth Olympiad, and the three hundred and ninety-fourth'
after the destruction of Troy.*

suredly have shown him better, than by addressing him thus, to be
such as he is ‘described by Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxix., sub-
rusticus homo, and xxxi. 41, Subagrestis ingentz, nec liberalibus studiis
eruditus.—Vinetus. Some have doubted the genuineness of this dedi-
cation to Valens, because the Greek translator has not included it in his
version ; but the authority of manuscripts, and the resembiance of its
style to that of Eutropius, have induced Cellarius, Verheyk, Tzschucke,
and most other commentators, to believe it genuine.

* The words ut, qui plurimum minimumque, tradunt, which occur in
all editions before the date, are not translated ; for nothing satisfactory
has yet been said as to their grammatical construction. Madame
Dacier suggested that we should supply wt eos preeteream qui. But
pretercam is not to the purpose. Hausius’s explanation is ut ego inter
eos tradam qui plurimum minimumque tradunt. The Berlin edition of
1791 interprets better : ut medium inter eos qui—tradumt, ego tradam.
There is no doubt that Eutropius meant that he would take a middle
point between those who give the highest and those who give the
lowest date ; but the words to be supplied for the construction seem
not to have been yet discovered. Perhaps the sense is “as those say
who give the highest and lowest dates, and take a middle point between
them,” something equivalent to the words in italics beirg intended to
be understood. The same words occur in b. x. v. 18, with the con-
struction equally uncertain.
©. VI] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY.’ - 453

TI. After founding the city, which he called Rome, from his
own name, he proceeded principally as follows. He took a
‘great number of the néighbouring inhabitants into the city; he
chose a hundred of the older men, by whose advice he might
manage all his affairs, and whom, from their age, he named
senators. Next, as both himself and his people were in want
of wives, he invited the tribes contiguous to the city to an
exhibition of ganies, and seized upon their young women.
Wars having arisen in consequence of this outrage in cap-
turing the females, he conquered the Ceninenses, the Antem-
nates, the Crustumini, the Sabines, the Fidenates, and the
Vejentes ; all whose towns lay around the city. And since,
after a tempest that suddenly arose, in the thirty-seventh year
of his reign, he was no longer to be seen, he was believed to
have been translated to the gods, and was accordingly deified.
The senators. then ruled at Rome by periods of five days ; and
under their government a year was, passed. :

III. Afterwards Numa Pompilius was elected king, who
engaged indeed in no wars, but was of no less service to the
state than Romulus; for he established both laws and customs
among the Romans, who, by the frequency of their wars, were
now regarded as robbers and semi-barbarians. He divided the
year, before unregulated by any computation, into ten months;
and founded numerous sacred rites and temples at Rome. He
died a natural death in the forty-third year of his reign.

IV. To him succeeded Tullus Hostilius, who re-commenced
war. He conquered the Albans, who lay twelve miles distant
from Rome. He overcame also in battle the Vejentes and
Fidenates, the one six, the other eighteen miles from Rome;
and increased the dimensions of the city by the addition of
the Ccelian hill. After reigning thirty-two years, he was struck
by lightning, and consumed together with his house.

V. After him, Ancus Martius, the grandson of Numa by a
daughter, succeeded to the government. He fought against
the Latins, added the Aventine and Janiculan hills to the city,
and founded Ostia, a city on the sea-coast, sixteen miles from
Rome. He died a natural death in the twenty-fourth year of
his reign. ; i

VI. Priscus Tarquinius was next invested with the govern-
ment. *He doubled the number of the senators, built a Circus
at Rome, and instituted the Roman games, which continue
454 . EUTROPIUS. [B.1.

even to our time. He also conquered the Sabines, and added
a considerable extent of territory, which he took from that
people, to the lands of Rome ; he was also the first that entered
the city in triumph. He built the walls and sewers, and
commenced the Capitol. He was killed in the thirty-eighth
year of his‘reign, by the sons of Ancus, the king whom he had
succeeded.

VIT. After him Servius Tullius was placed on the throne,
the son of a woman of noble origin, but who was, neverthe-
less, a captive and a slave. He also defeated the Sabines ;
annexed three hills, the Quirinal, Viminal, and Esquiline, to
the city; and formed trenches round the city walls. He was
the first to institute the census, which till that time was unknown
throughout the world. The people being all subjected to a
census during his reign, Rome was found to contain eighty-four
thousand citizens, including those in the country. He was
cut off in the forty-fifth year of his reign, by the criminal
machinations of his son-in-law Tarquin the Proud, the son of
the king to whom he had succeeded, and of his own daughter,
whom Tarquin had married.

VIII. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, the seventh and last of
the kings, overcame the Volsci, a nation not far from Rome,
on the road to Campania; reduced the towns of Gabii and
Suessa Pometia; made peace with the Tuscans; and built a
temple to Jupiter in the Capitol. Afterwards, while he was
besieging Ardea, a town that lay about eighteen miles from the
city, he was deprived of his throne; for, as his younger son,
who was also named Tarquin, offered violence to Lucretia, the
wife of Collatinus, a most noble and chaste woman; and as
she, after complaining to her husband, her father, and her
friends, of the injury that she had suffered, slew herself in the
sight of them all; Brutus, in consequence, who was a
kinsman of Tarquinius,* excited an insurrection among the
people, and deprived Tarquin of his regal authority. The
army, also, which was engaged with the king in besieging

* Parens et ipse Tarquinii.| This passage perplexed the commen-
tators, until it was discovered that parens was used by writers of the
lower ages for cognatus ; for which sense of the word Tzschucke refers
to Lampridius in Alex. c. 67, and to Casaubon on Capitolinus in
M. Philosoph, c. 5. The Greek translator has Bootrog yéver rpoorjcwy
‘tg Tapxuviy. See Scheller's Lexicon, s. v. Parens.
Cx.) ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 455

Ardea, soon after deserted ‘him; and the king himself, on
going to the city, found the gates closed against him; and,
after having reigned five-and-twenty years, was forced to take
flight with his wife and children.

Thus a regal form of government continued at Rome, under
seven kings, for the space of two hundred and forty-three
years, while as yet the dominion of the city, where its extent
was greatest, hardly reached fifteen miles.

IX. Henceforth, instead of one king, two consuls were
chosen, with this view, that, if one should be disposed to act
unjustly, the other, having equal authority, might exercise a
control over him. It was determined also that they should
not hold their office longer than a year; in order that they .
might not, by continued possession of power, grow too over-
bearing; but, knowing that in a year they would return to
the level of private persons, might constantly conduct them-
selves with moderation.

In the first year, then, after the expulsion of the king and
his family, the consuls were Lucius Junius Brutus, who had
been the chief agent in the banishment of Tarquin, and Tar-
quinius Collatinus, the husband of Lucretia. But that dignity
was soon taken from Tarquinius Collatinus ; for it was enacted
that no one who bore the name of Tarquin should remain in
the city. Having collected, therefore, all his private property,
he removed from the city, and Valerius Publicola was made:
consul in his stead. King Tarquin, however, after his expul-
sion, stirred up war against Rome, and, having collected a
large force from all quarters, in order that he might be rein-
stated on the throne, took the field.

X. In the first encounter,Brutus and Aruns, Tarquin’s son,
‘killed each other; but the Romans left the field conquerors.
The Roman matrons mourned for Brutus, the guardian of
their honour, as if he had been their common father, for the
space of a year. Valerius Publicola fixed upon Spurius
Lucretius Tricipitinus, the father of Lucretia, for his colleague;
and he dying of some disease, he next chose Horatius
Pulvillus for his fellow consul.

Thus the first year had five consuls; Tarquinius Collatinus
having left the city on account of hig name, Brutus having
fallen in battle, and Spurius Lucretius having died a natural
death.
456 EUTROPIUS. -[B.1.

XI. In the second year also, Tarquin, with a view to being
re-established on the throne, again made war on the Romans,
and, as Porsena, king of Tuscany, afforded him aid, almost
took Rome. But he was also defeated on that occasion.

In the third year after the expulsion of the royal family,
Tarquin, as he could not get himself re-admitted into the king-
dom, and as Porsena, who had made peace with the Romans,
gave him no support, retired to Tusculum, a town which is not
far from Rome; where he and his wife lived for fourteen years
in a private station, and reached an advanced age.

In the fourth year after the abolition of the kingly power,
the Sabines, having made war on the Romans, were conquered;
and a triumph was celebrated over them.

In the fifth year, Lucius Valerius, the colleague of Brutus,
and consul for the fourth time, died a natural death, and in
such extreme poyerty, that the expenses, of his funeral were
defrayed by a public subscription.* The matrons mourned for
him, as for Brutus, during a year.

XII. In the ninth year after the overthrow of the kingly
power, the son-in-law of Tarquin, having assembled a vast
army, in order to avenge the wrongs of his father-in-law, a new
office was introduced at Rome, which was called the dictator-
ship, and which was more absolute than the consulate. In the
same year also a master of the horse was appointed to be an
officer under the dictator. Nor can anything be named more
like to the imperial authority, which your Serenity + now
enjoys, than the ancient dictatorship, especially since Cesar
Octavianus, also, of whom we shall speak hereafter, and Caius
Cesar before him, ruled with the title and rank of dictator.
The first dictator at Rome was Lartius; the first master of
the horse, Spurius Cassius.

XIII. In the sixteenth year after the termination of the
regal power, the people at Rome, thinking themselves oppressed
by the senate and consuls, broke out into a sedition. On this
occasion they created for themselves tribunes of the people, as
their own peculiar judges and defenders, by whom they might
be protected against the senate aud the consuls.

XIV. In the following year the Volsci recommenced hos-

“ Ut collatis 2 populo nummis, sumptum habuerit sepulture.] “He

had the expense of his funeral from money contributed by the people.”
. t Tranquillitas vestra.] See note on the dedication,
€. XVIII] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 457

tilities against the Romans; and being overcome in the field,
lost also Corioli, the best city that they had.

XV. In the eighteenth year after the banishment of the
royal family, Quintius Marcius, the Roman general who ‘had
taken Corioli, the city of the Volsci, being compelled to flee
from Rome, directed his course, in resentment, to the Volsci
themselves, and received from them support against the
Romans. He obtained several victories over the Romans; he
made his way even to the fifth mile-stone from the city; and,
refusing to hear a deputation that came to sue for peace, would
have laid siege even to the place of his birth, had not his
mother Veturia and his wife Volumnia gone out from the city
to meet him, by whose tears and supplications he was pre-
vailed on to withdraw his army. He was the next after
Tarquin that acted as general against his country.

XVI. In the consulate of Cxso Fabius and Titus Vir-
ginius, three hundred noblemen, members of the Fabian
family, undertook alone a war against the Vejentes, assuring
the senate and the people that the whole contest should
be! brought to an end by themselves. These illustrious
men, therefore, each of whom was capable of commanding a
large army, setting out on their expedition, all fell in battle.
One only remained out of so numerous.a family, who, from his
extreme youth, could not be taken with them to the field.
After these events a census was held in the city, in which the
number of the citizens was found to be a hundred and nine-
teen thousand three hundred and nineteen.

XVII. In the following year, in consequence of the
blockade of a Roman army on Mount Algidus, about twelve
miles from the city, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus was appointed
dictator ; a man who, possessing only four acres of land, culti-
vated it with his own hands. He, being found at his work,
and engaged in ploughing, assumed, after wiping the sweat
from his brow,’ the toga pretexta ; and set free the army with
great slaughter among the enemy.

XVIII. In the three hundred and second* year from the
founding of the city, the consular government ceased; and,
instead of two consuls, ten magistrates were appointed to hold
the supreme authority, under the title of decemviri. These
during the first year conducted themselves with honour; but

” a * See note on iv. 10.

wh
458 EUTROPIUS. [B.1.

in the second, one of them, Appius Claudius, proceeded to
offer violence to the maiden daughter of a certain Virginius,
who was at that time filling ai honourable post on military
service against the Latins on Mount Algidus; but’ the father
slew her with his own hand, that she might not suffer violation
from the decemvir, and, returning to the army, raised an
insurrection among the soldiers. Their power was in conse-
quence taken from the decemviri, and they themselves received
sentences of condemnation.* om

XIX. In the three hundred and fifteenth year from the
founding of the city, the Fidenates rebelled against the
Romans. ‘The Vejentes and their king Tolumnius gave them
assistance. These two states are so near to Rome, that
Fidene is only seven, Veii only eighteen miles distant. The
Volsci also joined them; but they were defeated by Marcus
A@milius the dictator, and Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus the
master of the horse, and lost also their king. Fidenw was
taken, and utterly destroyed.

XX. Twenty years afterwards, the people of Veii resumed
hostilities. Furius Camillus was sent as dictator against
them, who first defeated them in battle, and then, after a long
siege, took their city, the oldest and richest in Italy. He next
took Falisci, a city of no less note. But popular odium was
excited against him, on the ground that he had made an
unfair division of the booty, and he was condemned on that
charge and banished.

Soon after the Galli Senones marched towards Rome; and,
pursuing the Romans, whom they defeated at the river Allia,
eleven miles from the city, possessed themselves of the city
itself, no part of which could be defended against them,
except the Capitol. After they had besieged it a long time, and
the Romans were suffering from famine, Camillus, who was in
exile in a neighbouring city, attacked the Gauls unexpectedly,
and gave them asevere defeat. Afterwards, on receiving a sum

* Damnati sunt.) Appius and Oppius, before the day for their trial
came, committed suicide. Their colleagues went into banishment
voluntarily, as appears from Livy. Claudius was sentenced to death,
but allowed to go into exile through the intercession of Virginius.
See Liv. iii. 58.

+ Postea tamen.] The word tamen, which disturbs the drift of the

passage, is not translated. The text seems hardly sonnd. Livy tells
the story differently. f
C.111. | ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY 459

in gold, to desist from the siege of the Capitol,’ they
retreated; Camillus, however, pursued them, and routed them
with such a slaughter, that he recovered both the gold.which
had been given to them, and all the military standards which
they had taken. Thus he entered the city for the third time
in triumph, and received the appellation of a’second Romulus,
as if he also had been a founder of the city.

BOOK IT.

Military tribunes created instead of consuls; Camillus overcomes the
Volsci, Aqui, and Sutrini, Cincinnatus the Prenestini, I. II—
\ Consular government restored, III.—Death and eulogy of Ca-
millus, IV.—Flight of the Gauls, V.—The census, VI.—Combat
of Valerius Corvus with a Gaul, VII.—The Latin war, VIIL—
Various defeats of the Samnites, [X.—The Gauls, Etrurians, and
Samnites defeated, X.—The war with Pyrrhus, XI1—XIV.—
Ptolemy, king of Egypt, sends ambassadors to Rome, XV.—The
Picenians and Sallentines subdued, XVI. XVII.—Another census ;

the first Punic war, XVIII.—XXVIII.

J. In the three hundred and sixty-fifth year after the’ foun-
dation of the city, and the first after its capture by the Gauls,
the form of government was changed; and, instead of two
consuls, military tribunes, invested with consular power, were
created. From this time the power of Rome began to increase ;
for that very year Camillus reduced the state of the Volsci,
which had persisted to make war. for seventy years; also the
cities of the Ajqui and Sutrini ; and, overthrowing their armies,
took possession of them all; and thus enjoyed three triumphs
at the same time.

II. Titus Quintius Cincinnatus, also, havingpursued the
Praenestini, who had advanced in a hostile mauner to the very
gates of Rome, defeated them on the river Allia, annexing
eight cities that were’ under their dominion to the Roman
empire; and, attacking Preneste itself, forced it to surrender;
all which acts were accomplished by him in the space of twenty
days; and a triumph was decreed him.

III. But the office of military tribunes did not last long;
for, after a short time, it was enacted that, no more should be

-ereated ; and four years passed in the state in such a manner,
460 : EUTROPIUS. [B. II.
that none of the superior magistrates were appointed. The
military tribunes, however, were re-instated in their office with
consular authority, and continued for three years, when consuls
were again elected.

IV. In the consulship of Lucius Genucius and Quintus
Servilius, Camillus died, and honour next to that of Romulus
was paid him.

V. Titus Quintius was sent out as dictator against ‘the
Gauls, who had marched into Italy; and had encamped about
four miles from the city, on the other side of the river Anio.
Titus Manlius, one of the’ noblest of the senators, encountering
a Gaul who had challenged him to single combat, slew him;
and, having taken from his neck a chain of gold, and put it on °
his own, secured the appellation of Torquatus to himself and
his posterity for ever. The Gauls were repulsed, and soon
afterwards entirely defeated by Caius Sulpicius the dictator.
Shortly after, the Tuscans were defeated by Caius Marcius,
and eight thousand of them were taken prisoners and led in
triumph.

VI. A census was again taken; and as the Latins, who
had been subdued by the Romans, refused to furnish troops,
recruits were levied from among the Romans only, and ten
legions were raised, making sixty thousand fighting men, or
upwards ; so great was the power of the Romans in war, while
their territory was as yet but small. These troops having
marched out against the Gauls, under the conduct of Lucius
Furius Camillus, one of the Gauls challenged the most valiant
among the Romans to single combat ; when Marcus Valerius,
a tribune of the soldiers, came forward to accept the challenge;
and,‘as he advanced in full armour, a crow settled upon his
yight shoulder. Afterwards, too, when he commenced the
encounter with the Gaul, the same crow, with his wings and
talons, furiously assailed the Gaul’s eyes, so that he was not

able to see before him, and thus, being slain by the tribune
‘Valerius, he gave him not only a victory, but a name; for he
was afterwards called Corvus. For the same service also, at
the age of three and twenty, he was made consul.

VII. The Latins, who had refused to furnish troops,
proceeded also to demand of the Romans, that one of the
consuls should be elected from their own people, the other
from the Romans; this demand having been rejected, war was
ox. ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 461

commenced against them, and they were overcome ‘in a great
battle; and a triumph was celebrated on account of their
defeat. Statues were erected to the consuls in the Rostra, for
their service in gaining this victory.

VIII. The Romans had now begun to be powerful; for a
war was carried on by them against the Samnites, who hold a
middle situation between Picenum, Campania, and Apulia, at
the distance of nearly a hundred and thirty miles from the
city. Lucius Papirius Cursor went to conduct that war with
the rank of dictator, and, on returning to Rome, gave orders
to Quintus Fabius Maximus, his master of the horse, whom
he left in charge of the army, not to fight during his absence.
He, however, seeing a favourable opportunity, commenced an
engagement with great success, and utterly defeated the Sam-
nites; he was accordingly condemned to death by the dictator,
for fighting contrary to. his orders, but was saved by the power-
ful interposition of the soldiers and people, so great a tumult
having been excited against Papirius, that he was almost
slain. ©

IX. The Samnites subsequently, in the consulate of Titus
Veturius and Spurius Posthumius, defeated the Romans with:
signal ignominy, and compelled them to pass under the yoke.:
The peace, however, which had been concluded with them
through mere necessity, was broken by the senate and people.
After this the Samnites were defeated by Lucius Papirius the
consul, and seven thousand of them made to pass under the
yoke. Papirius was granted a triumph over the Samnites.
About the same time Appius Claudius the censor brought the
Claudian water into the city, and made the Appian way.

The Samnites, renewing the war, defeated Quintus Fabius
Maximus, with the slaughter of three thousand of his troops ;
but afterwards, his father, Fabius Maximus, being appointed
his lieutenant, he both defeated the Samnites, and took several
of their towns. Subsequently, Publius Cornelius Rufinus and
Manius Curius Dentatus, the two consuls, being sent against
the Samnites, reduced their strength in some considerable
battles. Thus they brought the war with the Samnites to an
end; a war which had lasted for forty-nine years. Nor was
there any enemy in Italy that put the valour of the Romans
more to the test.

X. After an interval of a few years, the forces of the Gauls:
462 EUTROPIUS. [B.11.

united with the Tuscans and Samnites against the Romans;
“but, as they were marching to Rome, were cut off by the
consul Cnzus Cornelius Dolabella.

XI. War was at the same time proclaimed against the
Tarentines (who are still a people at the extremity of Italy),
because they had offered violence to some Roman ambassadors.
These people asked aid against the: Romans of Pyrrhus,
king of Epirus, who derived, his origin from the family of
Achilles. He soon after passed over into Italy, and it was
then that the Romans fought for the first time with an enemy
from beyond sea. The consul Publius Valerius Lavinus was
seut against him; who, having seized some spies of Pyrrhus,
ordered them to be led through the camp, and the whole army
to be exhibited to them, and then to be dismissed, that they.
might tell Pyrrhus whatever was going on among the Romans.
An engagement taking place soon after, Pyrrhus, when on the
point of fleeing, got the victory by means of his elephants, at
the sight of which the Romans, to whom they were strange, were
greatly terrified; but night put an end to the battle. Levinus
however fled during the night. Pyrrhus took a thousand
eight hundred Romans prisoners, and treated them with the
greatest honour; the slain he buried. On observing those
lying dead, with their wounds in front, and with stern coun-
tenances, he is said to have lifted up his hands to heaven,
exclaiming that “he might himself have been master of the
whole world, if such soldiers had fallen to his lot.”

XII. Pyrrhus afterwards, having united to him the Sam-
nites, the Lucanians, and the Bruttii, proceeded towards Rome.
He laid all waste with fire and sword, depopulated Campania,
and advanced to Preneste, eighteen miles from Rome. Soon
after, through fear of an army which was pursuing him with a
consul at its head, he fell back upon Campania. Ambassadors,
who were sent to treat with Pyrrhus respecting the ransom of
the captives, were honourably entertained by him; and he
sent the captives back to Rome without payment. ‘'Fabricius,
one of the Roman ambassadors, he admired so much, that,
finding he was poor, he endeavoured to draw him over to his
side with the promise of a fourth part of his kingdom, but he
was repulsed with disdain by Fabricius. Pyrrhus, therefore,
being struck with admiration at the character of the Romans,
sent an eminent man, Cineas by name, as ambassador, to ask
C.XIV.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 463

for peace on reasonable terms, provided that he might retain
possession of that part of Italy, of which he had already
become master in the war.-

XIII. Such terms of peace were not satisfactory, and an
answer was returned by the senate to Pyrrhus, that “ he could
have no peace with the Romans, unless he retired from Italy.”
The Romans then ordered that all the prisoners whom Pyrrhus
had sent back should be considered infamous,* because they
had suffered themselves to be taken with arms in their hands;
and not to be restored to their former rank, until they had
each produced the spoils of two slain enemies. Thus the
ambassador of Pyrrhus returned; and, when Pyrrhus asked
him “‘ what kind of a place he had found Rome to be,” Cineas:
replied, that “he had seen a country of kings, for that all
there were such, as Pyrrhus alone was thought to be in Epirus
and the rest of Greece.” /

The consuls Publius Sulpicius and Decius Mus were sent
out as generals against Pyrrhus. A battle being commenced,
Pyrrhus was wounded, his elephants killed, twenty thousand of
the enemy ‘slain, and of the Romans only five thousand.
Pyrrhus was forced to retire to Tarentum.

XIV. After the lapse of a year, Fabricius was sent out
against Pyrrhus, the same who, when he was before among
the ambassadors, could not be won with a promise of
the fourth part of his kingdom. As Fabricius and the king
had their camps near to each other, the physician of Pyrrhus
came to Fabricius by night, offering to despatch Pyrrhus by
poison, if he would promise him some remuneration; upon
which Fabricius ordered that he should be taken back in
chains to his master, and that information should be given to
Pyrrhus of the proposals which the physician had made against:
his life. The king, struck with admiration of his conduct, is
reported to have exclaimed on the occasion, ‘“‘ That excellent
Fabricius is a man who can less easily be diverted from the
path of honour, than the sun from its course.” Pyrrhus then
departed for Sicily. Fabricius,"after defeating the Samnites
and Lucanians, obtained a triumph.

* Infames.| They all suffered some sort. of degradation. Those who
had been in the cavalry. were made to serve in the infantry, and those
who had been in the infantry were sent among the slingers. See Val.
Max. ii. 7, 15.
464 EUTROPIUS. (B. 11.

The consuls Manius Curius Dentatus and Cornelius Lentulus
were next sent against Pyrrhus ; and Curius came to an engago-
ment with him, cut off his army, drove him back to Tarentum,
and took his camp. On that day were slain twenty-three
thousand of the enemy. Curius Dentatus triumphed in his
consulate. He was the first that brought elephants to Rome,
in number, four. Pyrrhus also soon after quitted Tarentum,
and was killed at Argos, a city of Greece.

XV. In the consulship of Caius Fabricius Licinus and
Caius Claudius Canina, in the four hundred and sixty-first
year from the foundation of the city, ambassadors, from
Alexandria, despatched by Ptolemy, arrived at Rome, and
obtained from the Romans the friendship which they solicited.

XVI. In the consulate of Quintus Ogulnius and Caius
Fabius Pictor, the Picenians commenced a war, and were con-
quered by the succeeding consuls Publius Sempronius and
Appius Claudius, and a triumph was celebrated over them.
Two cities were founded by the Romans, Ariminum in Gaul,:
and Beneventum in Samnium.

XVII. When Marcus Attilius Regulus and Lucius Junius
Libo were consuls, war was declared against the Sallentines in
Apulia; and the Brundusians and their city were taken,
and a triumph granted on their subjugation. ‘

XVIII. In the four hundred and seventy-seventh year of
the city, although the Roman name had now become famous,
yet their arms had not been carried out of Italy. That it
might be ascertained, therefore, what the forces of the Romans
were, & census was taken. On this occasion the number of.
citizens was found to be two hundred and ninety-two thousand,
three hundred and thirty-four, although from the founding of
the city wars had never ceased. It was then that the first war
was undertaken against the Africans, in the consulate of Appius
Claudius and Quintus Fulvius. A battle was fought with
them in Sicily ; and Appius Claudius obtained a triumph for
a victory over the Africans and Hiero king of Sicily.

XIX. In the year following, Valerius Marcus and Otacilius
being consuls, great deeds were achieved by the Romans in:
Sicily. The Tauromenitani, Catanians, and fifty cities more,
were received into alliance. In the third year the war against
Hiero in Sicily was brought to an end. He, with all the Syra-
cusan nobility, prevailed upon the Romans to grant them
O.XXI.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 465

peace, paying down two hundred talents of silver. The Afri-
cans were defeated in Sicily, and a triumph over them granted
at Rome a second time.

XX. In the fifth year of the Punic war, which was carried
on against the Africans, the Romans first fought by sea, in the
consulate of Caius Duilius and Cneus Cornelius Asina,
having provided themselves with vessels armed with beaks,
which they term Liburnian galleys. The consul Cornelius fell
a victim to treachery.* Duilius, joining battle, defeated the
commander of the Carthaginians, took thirty-one of their
ships, sunk fourteen, took seven thousand of the enemy
prisoners, and slew three thousand; nor was there ever a
victory more gratifying to the Romans, for they were now not
only invincible by land, but eminently powerful at sea.

In the consulship of Caius Aquilius Florus and Lucius
Scipio, Scipio laid waste Corsica and Sardinia, carried away
several thousand captives from thence, and obtained a
triumph.

XXL. When Lucius Manlius Vulso and Marcus Attilius
Regulus were consuls, war was carried over into Africa against
Hamilcar the general of the Carthaginians. A naval engage-
ment was fought, and the Carthaginian utterly defeated, for
he retired with the loss of sixty four of his ships. The Romans
lost only twenty-two; and,'having then crossed over into
Africa, they compelled Clypea, the first city at which they
arrived in Africa, to surrender. The consuls then advanced as
far as Carthage; and, having laid waste many places, Manlius
returned victorious to Rome, and brought with him twenty-
seven thousand prisoners. Attilius Regulus remained in

Africa. He drew up his army against the Africans; and,’

fighting at the same time against three Carthaginian generals,
came off victorious, killed eighteen thousand of the enemy,
took five thousand prisoners, with eighteen elephauts, and
received seventy-four cities into alliance. The vanquished
Carthaginians then sued to the Romans for peace, which
Regulus refusing to grant, except upon the hardest conditions,

the Africans sought aid from the Lacedzemonians, and, under a ”

leader named Xantippus, who had been sent them by the
Lacedemonians, Regulus, the Roman general, was overthrown
* He was deceived and made prisoner by one of Hannibal’s officers,
Polyb., i. 23; Oros. iv. 7; Polyzn. vi. 16, 5.
HH
466 . EUTROPIUS. [B.1.

with a, desperate’ slaughter ; for two thousand men only escaped
of all the Roman army ; five hundred, with their commander
Regulus, were taken prisoners, thirty thousand slain, and
Regulus himself thrown into prison. ;

XXII. In the consulship of Marcus Amilius Paulus and.
Servius Fulvius Nobilior, both the Roman consuls set sail for
Africa, with a fleet of three hundred ships. They first over-
came the Africans in a sea-fight; Admilius the consul sunk a
hundred and four of the enemy’s ships, took thirty, with the
soldiers in them, killed or took prisoners fifteen thousand of
the enemy, and enriched his own army with much plunder;
and Africa would then have been subdued, but that so great a
famine took place that the army could not continue there any
longer. The consuls, as they were returning with their victo-
rious fleet, suffered shipwreck on the coast of Sicily, and so
violent was the storm, that out of four hundred and sixty-four
ships, eighty could scarcely be saved; nor was so great a tem-
pest at sea ever heard of at any period. The Romans,
notwithstanding, soon refitted two hundred ships, nor was their
spirit at all broken by their loss.

XXIII. Cneeus Servilius Capio and Caius Sempronius
Blesus, when consuls, set out for Africa with two hundred and
sixty ships, and took several cities. As they were returning
with a great. booty, they suffered shipwreck; and, as these
successive calamities annoyed the Romans, the senate in
consequence decreed that wars by sea should be given up,
and that only sixty ships should be kept for the defence of
Italy. , ;

XXIV. In the consulship of Lucius Cecilius Metellus and
Caius Furius Pacilus, Metellus defeated a general of the
Africans in Sicily, who came against him with a hundred and
thirty elephants and a numerous army, slew twenty thousand
of the enemy, took -six and twenty elephants, collected the
rest, which were dispersed, with the aid of the Numidians
whom he had to assist him, and brought them to Rome in a
vast procession, filling all the roads with elephants, to the
number of a hundred and thirty.

After these misfortunes, the Carthaginians entreated
Regulus, the Roman general whom they had taken, to go to

Rome, procure them peace from the Romans, and effect an
exchange of prisoners. ‘
C.XXVII.]  ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 467

XXV. Regulus, on arriving at Rome, and being conducted
into the senate, would do nothing in the character of a Roman,
declaring that, “from the day when he fell into the hands of
the Africans, he had ceased to be a Roman.” For this reason
he both repelled his wife from embracing him, and gave his
advice to the Romans, that “ peace should not be made with
the Carthaginians ; for that they, dispirited by so many losses,
had no hope left; and that, with respect to himself, he was
not of such importance, that so many thousand captives should
be restored on his account alone, old as he was, and for the
sake of the few Romans who had been taken prisoners.” He
accordingly carried ‘his point, for no one would listen to the.
Carthaginians, when they applied fer peace. He himself
returned to Carthage, telling the Romans, when they offered
to detain him at Rome, that he would not stay in a city, in
which, after living in captivity among the Africans, it was
impossible for him to retain the dignity of an honourable
citizen. Returning therefore to Africa, he was put to death
with torture of every description.

XXVI. When Publius Claudius Pulcher and Caius Junius
were consuls, Claudius fought in opposition to the auspices,
and was defeated by the Carthaginians ; for, out of two hundred
and twenty ships, he escaped with only thirty; ninety, together
with their men, were taken, the rest sunk, and twenty thou-
sand men made prisoners. The other consul’ also lost his
fleet by shipwreck, but was able to save his troops, as the shore
was close at: hand.

XXVII. In the consulate of Caius Lutatius Catulus and
Aulus Posthumius Albinus, in the twenty-third year of the
Punic war, the conduct of the war against the Africans was
committed to Catulus. He set sail for Sicily with three hun-
dred ships. The Africans fitted out four hundred against him.
Lutatius Catulus embarked in an infirm state of health, having
been wounded in a previous battle. An encounter took place
opposite Lilybeum, a city of Sicily, with the greatest valour
on the part of the Romans, for seventy-three of the Cartha-
ginian ships were taken, and a hundred and twenty-five sunk ;
thirty-two thousand of the enemy were made prisoners, and
thirteen thousand slain ; and a vast sum in gold and silver fell
into the hands of the Romans. Of the Roman fleet twelve.
ships were sunk. The battle was fought on the 10th of

HH?
468 EUTROPIUS. [B. IL.

of March. The Carthaginians immediately sued for peace,
and peace was granted them. The Roman prisoners who were
in the hands of the Carthaginians were restored; the Cartha-
ginians also requested permission to redeem such of the
Africans as the Romans kept in captivity. The senate
decided that those who were state prisoners should be restored.
without ransom; but that those who were in the hands of
private persons should return to Carthage on the payment of
a sum to their owners; and that such payment should be
made from the public treasury, rather than by the Cartha-
nians.

XXVIII. Quintus Lutatius and Aulius Manlius, being
created consuls, made war upon the Falisci, formerly a powerful
people of Italy, which war the consuls in conjunction brought
to a termination within six days after they took the field ; fifteen
thousand of the enemy were slain, and peace was granted
to the rest, but half their land was taken from them.

BOOK III.

Ptolemy, king of Egypt, declines the aid offered him by the Romans
against Antiochus; Hiero, king of Sicily, comes to see the games
at Rome, I—War with the Ligurians; the Carthaginians think of

“ resuming hostilities, but are pacified, II—Peace throughout the

dominions of Rome, III.—The Illyrian war, IV.—Disasters of
the Gauls that invaded Italy, V. VI—The second Punic war,
VIL—XXIII.

I. Tue Punic war being now ended, after having been pro-
tracted though three and twenty-years, the Romans, who were
now distinguished by transcendent glory, sent ambassadors to
Ptolemy, king of Egypt, with offers of assistance; for Antio-
chus, king of Syria, had made war upon him. He returned
thanks to the Romans, but declined their aid, the, struggle
being now over. About the same time, Hiero, the most
powerful king of Sicily, visited Rome to witness the games,
and distributed two hundred thousand modii* of wheat among
the people.

II. In the consulship of Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and
Fulvius Flaccus, in whose time Hiero came to Rome, war was
carried on, within the limits of Italy, against the Ligurians,

* See note on Corn. Nep. Life of Atticus, c, 2. 7
Cc. VIL. ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 469

and a triumph. obtained over them. The Carthaginians, too,
at the same time, attempted to renew the war, soliciting the
Sardiniaus, who, by an article of the peace, were bound to
submit to the Romans, to rebel. A deputation, however, of
the Carthaginians came to Rome, and obtained peace.

III. Under the consulate of Titus Manlius Torquatus and
Caius Attilius Bulbus, a triumph was obtained over the Sar-
dinians ; and, peace being concluded on all sides, the Romans
had now no war on their hands, a circumstance which had
happened to them but once before since the building of the
city, in the reign of Numa Pompilius.

IV. Lucius Posthumius Albinus and Cneus Fulvius Centu-
malus, when consuls, conducted a war against the Illyrians ;
and, having taken many of their towns, reduced their
kings to a surrender, and it was then for the first time that a
triumph was celebrated over the Iilyrians.

V. When Lucius Aimilius was consul, a vast force of the
Gauls crossed the Alps; but all Italy united in favour of the
Romans; and it is recorded by Fabius the historian, who was
present in that war, that there were eight hundred thousand
men ready for the contest. Affairs, however, were brought to
a successful termination by the consul alone; forty thousand
of the enemy were killed, and a triumph decreed to A‘milius.

VI. A few years after, a battle was fought with the Gauls
within the borders of Italy, and an end put to the war, in the
consulship of Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Cneus Cor-
nelius Scipio. Marcellus took the field with a small body of
horse, and slew the king of the Gauls, Viridomarus, with his
own hand. Afterwards, in conjunction with his colleague, he
cut to pieces a numerous army of the Gauls, stormed Milan,
and carried off a vast booty to Rome. Marcellus, at his
triumph, bore the spoils of the Gaul, fixed upon a pole on his
shoulders.

VII. In the consulate of Marcus Minucius Rufus and
Publius Cornelius, war was made upon the Istrians, because
théy had plundered some ships of the Romans, which were
bringing a supply of corn, and they were entirely subdued. .

In the same year the second Punic war was commenced
against the Romans by Hannibal, general of the Cartha-
ginians, who, in the twentieth year of his age, proceeded to
besiege Saguntum, a city of Spain, in alliance with the
470 EUTROPIUS. [B.UIL.

Romans, having assembled for that purpose an army of fifty
thousand foot and twenty thousand horse. The Romans
warned him, by deputies: sent for the purpose, to desist from
hostilities, but he refused them audience, The Romans sent
also to Carthage, requiring that orders should be sent to
Hannibal, not to make war on the allies of the Roman people;
but the reply made by the Carthaginians promised no com-
pliance. The Saguntines in the meantime, worn out with
famine, were taken by Hannibal, and put to death with the
utmost cruelty.

VIII. Publius Cornelius Scipio then went with an army
into Spain, and Tiberius Sempronius into Sicily. War was
declared against the Carthaginians. Hannibal, leaving his
brother Hasdrubal in Spain, passed the Pyrenees, and made
a way over the Alps, which, in that part, were previously
impassable. He is said to have brought into Italy eighty
thousand foot, twenty thousand horse, and thirty-seven ele-
phants. Numbers of the Ligurians and Gauls joined him on
his march, Sempronius Gracchus, hearing of Hannibal’s arri-
val in Italy, couveyed over his army from Sicily to Ariminum.

TX. The first to meet Hannibal was Publius Cornelius
Scipio ; a battle being commenced, and his troops put to flight,
he retired wounded into his camp. Sempronius Gracchus also
came to an engagement with him near the river Trebia, and he
too was defeated. Numbers in Italy submitted to Hannibal ;
who, marching from thence into Tuscany, encountered the
consul Flaminius. Flaminius himself he cut off; and twenty-
five thousand of the Romans were slain; the rest saved them-
selves by flight. Quintus Fabius Maximus was afterwards
sent by the Romans to oppose Hannibal. This general, by
avoiding an engagement, checked his impetuosity; and soon
after, finding a favourable opportunity, defeated him.

X. In the five hundred aud fortieth year from the founda-
tion of the city, Lucius A’milius and Publius Terentius Varro
were sent against Hannibal, and took the place of Fabius, who
forewarned both the consuls, that they could conquer Hannibal,
who was a bold and energetic leader, only by declining a
pitched battle with him. But an engagement being brought
on, through the impetuosity of the consul Varro, in opposition
to his ‘colleague, near a village called Canne, in Apulia, both
the consuls were defeated by Hannibal. In this battle three
.XIt.] ARRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 471

thousand of the Africans fell, and a great part of Hannibal’s
army were wounded. The Romans, however, never received
so severe a blow at any period of the Punic wars; for the
consul Amilius Paulus was killed ; twenty officers of consular
and preetorian rank, thirty senators, and three hundred others
of noble descent, were taken or slain, as well as forty thousand
foot-soldiers, and three thousand five hundred horse. During
all these calamities, however, not one of the Romans deigned
to speak of peace. A number of slaves were set free and
made soldiers, a measure never before adopted.

XI. After this battle, several cities of Italy, which had been
subject to the Romans, went over to Hannibal. Hannibal
made proposals to the Romans concerning the redemption of
the prisoners, but the senate replied, that ‘‘such citizens as
would suffer themselves to be taken with arms in their hands
were of no value to them.” Hannibal then put them all to
death with various tortures, and sent three modii* of gold
rings to Carthage, which he had taken from the fingers of
Roman knights, senators, and soldiers. In the meantime,
Hasdrubal, the brother of Hannibal, who had remained in
Spain with a numerous army, in order to reduce all that
country under the dominion of the Africans, was defeated there
by the two Scipios, the Roman generals, and lost thirty-five
thousand men in the battle; of these ten thousand were made
prisoners, and twenty-five thousand slain. Upon this, twelve
thousand foot, four thousand horse, and twenty elephants were
sent to him by the Carthaginians to reinforce his army.

-XII. In the fourth year after Hannibal’s arrival in Italy,
Marcus Claudius Marcellus, one of the consuls, engaged him
with success at Nola, a city of Campania. But Hannibal
possessed himself of several of the Roman cities in Apulia,
Calabria, and the country of the Bruttii. About this time also
Philip, king of Macedonia, sent ambassadors to him, offering
him assistance against the Romans, on condition that, when he
had subdued. them, he, in turn, should receive assistance from
Hannibal against the Greeks. But Philip’s ambassadors being
taken, and the affair thus discovered, the Romans ordered
Marcus Valerius Leevinus to proceed to Macedonia, and Titus
Manlius, as proconsul, into Sardinia; for that island also, at
the solicitation of Hannibal, had revolted from the Romans.

* See note on C. Nep. Life of Atticus, ¢, 2.
472 EUTROPIUS. [B.Iv.

XIII. Thus war was carried on at the same time in four
different places ; in Italy, against Hannibal ; in Spain, against
Hasdrubal his brother; in Macedonia, against Philip; in

. Sardinia, against the Sardinians and another Hasdrubal, also
a Carthaginian. Hasdrubal was taken alive by Titus Manlius
the proconsul, who had been sent into Sardinia; twelve thou-
sand of his men were slain, fifteen hundred made prisoners,
and Sardinia brought under subjection to the Romans. Man-
lius, being thus successful, brought Hasdrubal and his other
prisoners to Rome. In the meantime, Philip also was defeated
by Levinus in Macedonia, and Hasdrubal and Mago, a third
brother of Hannibal, by the Scipios in Spain,

XIV. In the tenth year after Hannibal's arrival in Italy, in
the consulship of Publius Sulpicius and Cneus Fulvius,
Hannibal advanced within four miles of Rome, and his cavalry
rode up to the very gates; but soon after, through fear of the
consuls, who were coming upon him with an army, he with-
drew into Campania. In Spain, the two Scipios, who had
been victorious for many years, were killed by his brother
Hasdrubal; the army however remained in full strength, for
the generals had been ensnared rather by accident than the
valour of the enemy. About this time, also, a great part of
Sicily, which the Africans had begun to appropriate, was
recovered by the consul Marcellus, and vast spoil brought to
Rome from the celebrated city of Syracuse. In Macedonia,
Levinus made an alliance with Philip, and several of the
Grecian states, as well as with Attalus, king of Asia; and,
proceeding afterwards to Sicily, took Hanno, a general of the
Carthaginians, at the city of Agrigentum, together with the
town itself, and sent him with other noble prisoners to Rome.
Forty cities he obliged to surrender; twenty-six he carried by
storm. Thus all Sicily being recovered, and Macedonia
humbled, he returned with great glory to Rome. In Italy,
Hannibal, attacking Cneus Fulvius, one of the consuls, by
surprise, cut him off, together with eight thousand of his
“men.

XV. In the meantime, Publius Cornelius Scipio, a man
almost the very first of all the Romans, both in his own snd
-succeeding ages, son of that Publius Scipio who had carried
on the war there before, was despatched, at the age of twenty-
four, into Spain, where, after the death of the two Scipios, no
C.XVII.] § ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 473

Roman general was now left. He took Carthage, in Spain, in
which the Africans kept all their gold, and silver, and warlike
stores; he took also a number of hostages, whom the Cartha-
ginians had received from the Spaniards. as well as Mago, the
brother of Hannibal, whom he sent with others to Rome.
The rejoicing at Rome on this intelligence was very great.
Scipio restored the Spanish hostages to their parents; and in
consequence almost all the Spaniards unanimously joined him.
Soon after, lie put to flight Hasdrubal, the brother of Hanni-
bal, and took a great quantity of spoil.

XVI. In Italy, meanwhile, Quintus Fabius Maximus, one
of the consuls, recovered Tarentum, where a great body of
Hannibal's troops were quartered, and cut off there also
Carthalo, one of Hannibal’s generals; twenty-five thousand
of the prisoners he sold for slaves; the spoil he divided among
the soldiers; and the money arising from the sale of the
prisoners, he: paid into the public treasury. At this time,
several of the Roman cities, which had gone over to Hannibal,
submitted themselves again to Fabius Maximus.

In the following year Scipio performed extraordinary exploits
in Spain, and, by his own exertions and those of ‘his brother,
‘Lucius Scipio, recovered seventy cities. In Italy, however,
the war went on unsuccessfully, for Claudius Marcellus the
consul was cut off by Hannibal.

XVII. In the third year after Scipio's departure for Spain,
he again greatly distinguished himself. A king of Spain,
whom he had conquered in a great battle, he received into
alliance; and was the first that refrained from demanding
hostages of a vanquished enemy. : :

XVIII. Hannibal, having no hope that Spain could be held
longer against Scipio, summoned: from it Hasdrubal his
brother, with all his troops, to join him in Italy. Hasdrubal,
pursuing the same route by which Hannibal had gone, fell into
an ambush laid for him by the consuls Appius Claudius Nero
and Marcus Livius Salinator, near Sena, a city of Picenum,
but fell fighting valiantly; his numerous forces were either
‘taken or put to the sword; and a great quantity of gold and
‘silver carried off to Rome. Hannibal now began to despair of
ithe issue of the war, and an accession of courage was felt by
the Romans. They, therefore, also recalled Publius Cornelius .
Scipio out of Spain; who arrived at Rome with great glory: _
474 EUTROPIUS. [B. 11.

XIX. In the consulate of Quintus Cecilius and Lucius
Valerius, all the cities in the territory of the Bruttii, which
were in the possession of Hannibal, surrendered to the
Romans.

XX. In the fourteenth year after Hannibal’s invasion of
Italy, Scipio, who had achieved such successes in Spain, was
created consul, and sent into Africa; a man in whom there
was thought to be something divine, so that he was even
imagined to hold converse with the gods. He encountered
Hanno, the general of the Carthaginians in Africa, and
destroyed his army. In a second battle he took his camp,
with four thousand five hundred of his soldiers, eleven thou-
sand being killed. Syphax, king of Numidia, who had joined
the Africans, he took prisoner, and became master of his
camp. Syphax himself, with the noblest of the Numidians,
and a vast quantity of spoil, was sent by Scipio to Rome ; on the
news of which event, almost all Italy forsook Hannibal, who
was desired by the Carthaginians to return to Africa, which
Scipio was now laying waste.

XXI. Thus, in the seventeenth year after his aryival, Italy
was delivered from Hannibal, and he is said to have quitted it
with tears. Ambassadors from the Carthaginians applied to
Scipio for peace, by whom they were sent to the senate, a
truce of forty-five days being allowed for their journey to and
from Rome; thirty thousand pounds of silver were accepted
from them. The senate directed that a peace should be con-
cluded with the Carthaginians at the discretion of Scipio.
Scipio granted it on these conditions : ‘ that they should retain
no more than thirty ships, that they should pay to the Romans
five hundred thousand pounds of silver, and restore all the
prisoners and deserters.”

XXII. Hannibal in the meantime landing in Africa, the
treaty was interrupted. Many hostilities were committed by
the Carthaginians ; yet when their ambassadors, as they were
returning from Rome, were made prisoners by some Roman
troops, they were by Scipio's orders set at liberty. Hannibal
too, being defeated by Scipio in several battles,* expressed also
himself a desire for peace. A conference being held, peace

* Frequentibus preliis.| Livy does not seem to think that any battle

took place before the conference ; he, however, mentions that Valerius
Antias speaks of one having occurred before it, b. xxx. 29.

*
C. XXIII. ] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. A475

was offered on the same terms as before, only a hundred thou-
sand pounds of silver were added to the former five hundred
thousand, on account of their late pertidy.* The terms were
unsatisfactory to the Carthaginians, and they ordered Han-
nibal to continue the war.

The war was carried by Scipio, and Masinissa, another
king of the Numidians, who had made an alliance with Scipio,
to the very walls of Carthage. Hannibal sent three spies
into Scipio’s camp, who were captured, and Scipio ordered
them to be led round the camp, the whole army to be shown
them, and themselves to be entertained and dismissed, that
they might report to Hannibal all that they had seen among
the Romans.

XXIII. In the meantime preparations were made by both
generals for a battle, such as scarce ever occurred in any age,
since they were the ablest commanders that ever led forces
into the field. Scipio came off victorious, having almost
captured Hannibal himself, who escaped at first with several
horse, then with twenty, and at last with only four. There
were found in Hannibal’s camp twenty thousand pounds of
silver, and eight hundred of gold, with plenty of stores. After
this battle, peace was concluded with the Carthaginians.
Scipio returned to Rome, and triumphed with the greatest
glory, receiving from that period the appellation of Africanus.
Thus the second Punic war was brought to an end in the
nineteenth year after it began. ‘

* Propter novam perfidiam.] Eutropius, at the beginning of the
chapter, speaks of “many hostilities” having been committed by the
Carthaginians, ‘Before the arrival of Hannibal, and while their
ambassadors were on their way from Rome, the Carthaginians had
plundered a convoy of Scipio's driven into their harbour by stress of
weather, and had ill-treated some deputies whom Scipio had sent to
Carthage to complain of their conduct. See Polyb. xv. 1; Liv
xxx. 24.; Appian. de Reb. Pun. ¢. 34.”—Tzschucke.
476

BOOK IV.

War with Philip, king of Macedonia, I. I.—War with Antiochus, king
of Syria, III. IV.—Triumph of Fulvius over the Aitolians; death
of Hannibal, V.—War with Perseus, king of Macedonia, and with
Gentius, king of Illyria, VI—VIII—Successes of Mummius in
Spain, IX.—Third Punic war, and destruction of Carthage, X,
—XII.—War in Macedonia with Pseudo-Philip, XIII.—The
Achzan war, and destruction of Corinth, XIV.—War in Mace-
donia with Pseudo-Perseus, XV.—War in Spain with Viriatus,
XVI—Numantine war ended by Scipio, XVII.—Attalus bequeaths
his kingdom to the Roman people, XVIIL—Triumphs of Junius
Brutus and Scipio, XIX.—War in Asia with Aristonicus, XX.—
Carthage becomes a Roman colony, XXJ.—War with the Transal-
pine Gauls, and Bituitus, king of the Arverni, XXII—A colony
settled at Narbonne; a triumph over Dalmatia, XXITI.—Unsuce-
cessful war with the Scordisci, XXIV.—Triumphs over Sardinia
and Thrace, XXV.—War with Jugurtha, XXVL XXVIL -

I. Arrer the Punic was terminated, the Macedonian war,
against King Philip, succeeded. ’

II. In the five hundred and fifty-first year from the build-
ing of the city, Titus Quintius Flamininus was sent against
King Philip. He was successful in his undertaking; and
peace was granted to Philip on these conditions, that “he
should not make war on those states of Greece which the
Romans had defended against him; that he should restore
the prisoners and deserters; that he should retain only fifty
vessels, and deliver up the rest to the Romans; that he should
pay; for ten years, a tribute of four thousand pounds weight
of silver; and give his own son Demetrius as a hostage.”
Titus Quintius made war also on the Lacedemonians; de-
feated their general Nabis, and admitted them into alliance
on such terms as he thought proper. He led with great pride
before his chariot hostages of most noble rank, Demetrius the
son of Philip, and Armenes the son of Nabis. ,

III. The Macedonian war being thus terminated, the
Syrian war, against King Antiochus, succeeded, in the consul-
ship of Publius Cornelius Scipio and Manius Acilius Glabrio.
To this Antiochus Hannibal had joined himself, abandoning
his native country, Carthage, to escape being delivered up to
the Romans. Manius Acilius Glabrio fought successfully in
Achaia. The camp of King Antiochus was taken by an attack
in the night, and he himself obliged to flee. To Philip his
C.VLJ ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 477,

son Demetrius was restored, for having assisted the Romans in
their contest with Antiochus.

IV. In the consulate of Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Caius
Lelius, Scipio Africanus went out as lieutenant to his brother
Lucius Cornelius Scipio, the consul, against Antiochus. |
Hannibal, who was with Antiochus, was defeated in a battle
by sea. Antiochus himself was afterwards routed by Cornelius
Scipio, the consul, in a great battle at Magnesia, a city of
Asia, near mount Sipylus. Humenes, who founded the city
of Eumenia in Phrygia, the brother of king Attalus, assisted
the Romans in that engagement. Fifty thousand foot, and
three thousand horse were killed in that battle on the side of
the king. In consequence, King Antiochus sued for peace,
which was granted to him, though vanquished, by the senate,
on the same conditions as it had been otfered before : “ that he
should withdraw from Europe and Asia, and confine himself
within mount Taurus; that he should pay ten thousand
talents, and give twenty hostages, and surrender Hannibal,
the author of the war.” All the cities of Asia, which Antio-
chus had lost in this war, were given to Eumenes; many
cities also were granted to the Rhodians, who had assisted the
Romans against Antiochus. Scipio returned to Rome,
and celebrated his triumph with great pomp; and he also,
after the example of his brother, received the name of
Asiaticus, from his conquest of Asia; as his brother, from
the subjugation of Africa, had been surnamed Africanus.

V. Under the consuls Spurius Posthumius Albinus and
Quintus Marcius Philippus, Marcus Fulvius triumphed for
conquering the Atolians. .Hannibal, who, on the defeat of
Antiochus, had fled to Prusias, king of Bithynia, that he
might not be surrendered to the Romans, was demanded also
at his hands by Titus Quintius Flamininus; and, as he
seemed likely to be surrendered, he drank poison, and was
buried at Libyssa, in the territory of the Nicomedians.

VI. On the death of Philip, king of Macedonia, who had
both waged war with the Romans, and afterwards given aid
to the Romans against Antiochus, his son Perseus took up
arms again in Macedonia, having levied great forces for the
war, and having as allies Cotys, king of Thrace, and the king
of Illyricum, whose name was Gentius. On the side of the
Romans were Eumenes, king of Asia, Ariarathes of Cappa-_
478 EUTROPIUS. ‘[B.1v.

docia, Antiochus of Syria, Ptolemy of Egypt, Masinissa of
Numidia. Prusias, the king of Bithynia, although he had
married the sister of Perseus, remained neutral. The general
of the Romans, the consul Publius Licinius, was defeated by
Perseus in a severe engagement; ‘yet the Romans, although
vanquished, refused peace to the king when he solicited it,
except on condition that he should surrender himself and his
people to the senate and the people of Rome. The consul
Lucius Aimilius Paulus was afterwards sent against him,
and the pretor Caius Anicius into Illyricum against Gen-
tius: but Gentius, being defeated with ease ina single battle,
soon surrendered; and his mother, his wife, his two sons,
and his brother, fell at the same time into the power of the
Romans. Thus the war was terminated within thirty days,
and the news of Gentius’s defeat arrived before it was an-
nounced that the war had been begun.

VII. The consul Aimilius Paulus came to a battle with
Perseus on the 8rd of September, and defeated him, killing
twenty thousand of his infantry ; the cavalry which remained
. with the king was unbroken; on the side of the Romans only
a hundred men were missing. All-the cities of Macedonia,
that Perseus had under his sway, submitted to the Romans.
The king himself, deserted by his friends, fell into the hands
of Paulus; but Paulus treated him with respect, and not as
a vanquished enemy, for, when he desired to prostrate himself
at his feet, he would not permit ltim, but placed him in a
seat by his side. The terms granted to the Macedonians and
Tilyrians were these, “ that they might remain free, on paying
half the tribute which they had been accustomed to pay to
their kings ;” that it might be seen that the Roman people
contended with a view to equity and not to covetousness:
and these terms Paulus proclaimed in an assembly of a vast
concourse of people, entertaining the ambassadors of several
states, who had come to pay their respects to him, with a most
sumptuous feast; saying that “it ought to be possible for the
same individual to be victorious in war and elegant in his
entertainments.”

VIII. Shortly after he took seventy cities of Epirus, which
had resumed hostilities; the booty he distributed among his
soldiers. He then returned to Rome with great display, in a
vessel belonging to Perseus, which is recorded to have been of
C.x1] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 479

such extraordinary magnitude, that it contained sixteen banks
of oars. He celebrated his triumph most magnificently in a
golden car, with his two sons standing on each side of him;
the two’ sons of Perseus, and Perseus himself, then forty-five
years of age, were led in procession before the car. After
Aimilius, Caius Anicius also celebrated a triumph on account
of the Illyrians ; in which Gentius, with his brother and sons,
were led before his car. To witness this spectacle the kings of
several nations came to Rome; among others, even Attalus
and Kumenes, kings of Asia, and Prusias, king of Bithynia ;
who were entertained with great consideration, and, by per-
mission of the senate, deposited the presents which they had
brought in the Capitol. Prusias also entrusted his son Nico-
medes to the senate.

IX. In the year following Lucius Memmius was successful
in the war in Spain. Marcellus the consul afterwards met
with success in the same country.

X. A third war was then undertaken against Carthage, in
the six hundred and second* year from the building of the
city, in the consulship of Lucius Manlius Censorinus and
Marcus Manilius, and in the fifty-first year after the termina-
tion of the second Punic war. The consuls in consequence
proceeded to attack Carthage. Hasdrubal, the Carthaginian
general, engaged them; Phamea, another general, had the
command of the Carthaginian cavalry. At that time, Scipio,
the grandson of Scipio Africanus, served in the army in the
capacity of tribune, for whom great fear and respect was felt
by all; for he was regarded as eminently brave and-skilful in
the field. Many enterprises were accordingly conducted with
success by his ‘agency; nor did Hasdrubal or Phamea shrink
from anything more than engaging with that part of the atmy
in which Scipio commanded.

XI. About the same time, Masinissa, king of Numidia, who
had been an ally of the Roman people for nearly sixty years,
died in the ninety-seventh year of his age, leaving behind him

* Altero.] The Greek translator gives évi, in which signification he
seems to have taken altero ; as also in i. 18. On this point the learned
are constantly disputing, and especially on the 49th epitome of Livy,
where Duker does not decide whether alter signifies first or second.—
Teschucke. I consider that alter, used as in this passage, and as in i. 18,

always signifies second. In such phrases as alter ab wndecimo, Virg,
Ecl, viii. 39, it of course has a different signification.
480 EUTROPIUS. [B.iv.:

forty-four sons. He appointed Scipio to divide his kingdom.
amongst his sons.

XII. As the name of Scipio had already become famous, he
was created consul, although but a young man, and sent
against Carthage. He took it and demolished it: the spoils
found there, which had been amassed by Carthage from the
ruins of various cities, and the ornaments of towns, he restored
to such cities of Sicily, Italy, and Africa, as recognized their
own. Thus Carthage, in the seven hundredth year after its
foundation, was destroyed. Scipio earned the same title which
his grandfather had gained, being, on account of his valour,
called Africanus Junior.

XIII, In the meantime a certain Pseudo-Philip took up
arms in Macedonia, and defeated Publius Juvencius, a Roman
pretor, who had been sent out against him, with a terrible
slaughter. After him Quintus Cacilius Metellus was sent by.
the Romans as general against this pretended Philip, and,
having slain twenty-five thousand of his soldiers, recovered
Macedonia, and took the impostor himself prisoner.

XIV. War was also declared against Corinth, the noblest
city of Greece, on account of an affront offered to a Roman
embassy. ' That city Mummius the consul took and demolished.
Three most remarkable triumphs therefore were celebrated at
Rome at the same time, that of Scipio for Africa, before whose
chariot Hasdrubal was led; that of Metellus for Macedonia,
before whose chariot walked Andriscus, also called Pseudo-
Philip ; and that of Mummius for Corinth, before whom brazen.
statues, pictures, and other ornaments of that celebrated city,
were carried.

XV. In Macedonia, meanwhile, a Pseudo-Perseus, who
called himself the son of Perseus, collecting the slaves, took
up arms, and, when he was at the head of a force of seven-
teen thousand fighting men, was defeated by Tremellius the
questor. [At this time a hermaphrodite was discovered at
Rome, and drowned in the sea by order of the soothsayers.]*

XVI. About the same time Metellus had singular success

* The sentence in brackets is not found in all manuscripts’; nor is
it acknowledged by the Greek translator. Verheyk, Cellarius, and
Tzschucke omit it. “Some say that this hermaphrodite was born in
the following year, and that a great pestilence ensued.”—Madame
Doacier, See Livy, xxvii. 11, 37; xxui. 12.
©. Xx.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 481

against the Spaniards in Celtiberia. Quintus Pompeius suc-
ceeded him. Not: long after Quintus Capio was also sent to
the same war, which a leader named Viriathus was still keep-
ing up against the Romans in Lusitania; through fear of
whom Viriathus was killed by his own men, after he had kept
Spain in a state of excitement against the Romans for fourteen
years. He was at first a shepherd, then captain of a band of
robbers, and at last he stirfed up so many powerful nations to
war, that he was considered as the protector of Spain against
the Romans. When his assassins asked a reward of the
consul Czpio, they received for answer, that “it was never
pleasing to the Romans, that a general should be killed by his
own soldiers.”

XVII. The consul Quintus Pompeius being afterwards de-
feated by the Numantines, the most powerful nation of Spain,
made an ignominious peace with them. After him, the consul
Caius Hostilius Mancinus again concluded a dishonourable
peace with the Numantines, which the people and senate
ordered to be annulled, and Mancinus himself to be given up
to the enemy, that they might avenge themselves for the
dissolution of the treaty on him with whom they had made it.*
After such signal disgrace, therefore, with which the Roman
armies had been twice defeated by the Numantines, Publius
Scipio Africanus was made consul a second time, and sent to
Numantia. He reformed, in the first place, the dissolute and
idle soldiery, rather by inuring them to labour than by punish-
ment, and without any great severity. He then took several
cities of Spain, some by force, and allowing others to surren-
der. At last he reduced Numantia itself by famine, after it
had been long besieged, and razed it to the ground, and
received the rest of the province into alliance.

XVIII. About this time Attalus, king of Asia, the brother
of Eumenes, died, and left the Roman people his heir. Thus
Asia was added to the Roman empire by will.

XIX. Shortly after, also, Decimus Junius Brutus triumphed
with great glory over the Gallecians aud Lusitanians; and
Publius Scipio Africanus had a second triumph over the Nu-
mantines, in the fourteenth year after his first triumph for his
exploits in Africa.

XX. A war in the meantime was kindled in Asia by Aris-

- * See Florus, ii, 18; Vell. Pat. ii, 1, 90, Bohn’s Cl. Library.
LT
482 EUTROPIUS. [B.IVv.

tonicus, the son of Humenes by a concubine: this Eumenes
was the brother of Attalus. Against him was sent.out Publius
Licinius Crassus, who had ample assistance from several kings,
for not only Nicomedes, the king of Bithynia, supported the
Romans, but also Mithridates king of Pontus, with whom they
had afterwards a very great war, as well as Ariarathes, king of
Cappadocia, and Pylemenes of Paphlagonia. Crassus not-
withstanding was defeated, and killed in battle; his head was
carried to Aristonicus, and his body buried at Smyrna. Soon
after Perperna, the Roman consul, who was appointed suc-
cessor to Crassus, hearing of the event of the war, hastened to
Asia; and defeating Aristonicus in battle, near the city Strato-
nice to which he had fled, reduced him by famine to surrender.
Aristonicus, by command of the senate, was strangled in
prison at Rome ; for a triumph could not be celebrated on his
account, because Perperna had died at Pergamus on his
return.

XXI. In the consulate of Lucius Cecilius Metellus and
Titus Quintius Flamininus, Carthage in Africa, which still
exists, was rebuilt by order of the senate, two and twenty years
after it had been destroyed by Scipio. A colony of Roman
citizens was sent out thither.

XXIT. In the six hundred and twenty-seventh year from
the founding of the city, Caius Cassius Longinus and Sextus
Domitius Calvinus, the consuls, made war upon the Trans-
alpine Gauls, and the city of the Arverni, at that time very
distinguished, and their king, Bituitus; and slew a vast
number of men near the river Rhone. A great booty, consist-
ing of the golden collars of the Gauls, was brought to Rome.
Bituitus surrendered himself to Domitius, and was conveyed
by him to Rome; and both consuls triumphed with great
glory.

XXIII In the consulship of Marcus Porcius Cato and
Quintus Marcius Rex, in the six hundred and thirty-third year
from the building of the city, a colony was led out'to Narbonne
in Gaul. Afterwards a triumph was obtained over Dalmatia
by the consuls Lucius Metellus and Quintus Mucius Scevola.

XXIV. In the six hundred and thirty-fifth year from the
building of the city, the consul Caius Cato made war upon the
Scordisci, and fought with them to his dishonour.

XXV. When Caius Cecilius Metellus and Cnsus Carbo
C.XXVII.]  ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 483

were consuls, the Metelli, two brothers, had triumphs on the
same day, one for Sardinia, the other for Thrace; and news
was brought to Rome, that the Cimbri had crossed from Gaul
into Italy.

XXVI. In the consulship of Publius Scipio Nasica and

Lucius Calpurnius Bestia, war was made upon Jugurtha, king
of Numidia, because he had murdered Adherbal and Hiempsal,
the sons of Micipsa, his cousins, princes, and allies of the
Roman people. The consul Calpurnius Bestia being sent
against him, was corrupted by the king’s money, and con-
cluded-a most ignominious treaty of peace with him, which
was afterwards repudiated by the senate. Spurius Albinus
Postumius proceeded against him in the following year: he
also, through the agency of his brother, fought against the
Numidians to his disgrace.
- XXVIT. In the third place, the consul Quiritus Cxcilius
Metellus being sent out against him, brought back the army,
which he reformed with great severity and judgment, without
exercising cruelty on any one, to the ancient Roman discipline.
He defeated Jugurtha in various battles, killed or captured his
elephants, and obliged many of his towns to surrender ; and,
when on the point of putting an end to the war, was succeeded
by Caius Marius. Marius overthrew both Jugurtha and Boc-
chus, the king of Mauritania, who had undertaken to afford
assistance to Jugurtha; he also took several towns in Numidia,
and put an end to the war, having, through the instrumentality
of his questor Cornelius Sylla, a distinguished man, taken
Jugurtha prisoner, whom Bocchus, who had before fought for
him, betrayed.

In Gaul, the Cimbri were defeated by Marcus Junius
Silanus, the colleague of Quintus Metellus, the Scordisci and
Triballi in Macedonia by Minutius Rufus, and the Lusitani in
Spain by Servilius Cepio; and two triumphs were celebrated
on account of Jugurtha, the first by Metellus, the second by
Marius. It was before the chariot of Marius, however, that
Jugurtha, with his two sons, was led in chains; and he was
soon after, by order of the consul, strangled in prison.
484

BOOK V.

The war with the Cimbri, Teutones, and their allies, I. Il—The Social
war, IJI.—The Civil war between Marius and Sylla, IV.—The
Mithridatic war; the Thracian; continuation and conclusion of
the Civil war, V.—IX.

’

4

I. Waite the war was going on in Numidia against Jugurtha,
the Roman consuls, Marcus Manlius and Quintus Cepio, were
defeated by the Cimbri, Teutones, .Tigurini, and Ambrones,
nations of Germany and Gaul, near the river Rhone; and,
being reduced by a terrible slaughter, lost their very camp, as
well as the greater part of their army. Great was the con-
sternation at Rome, such as was scarcely experienced during
the Punic wars in the. time of Hannibal, from dread that the
Gauls might again march to the city. Marius, in consequence,
after his victory over Jugurtha, was created consul the second
time, and the war against the Cimbri and Teutones was com-
mitted to his management. The consulship was also conferred
on him a third and fourth time, in consequence of the war
with the Cimbri being protracted; but in his fourth consul-
ship he had for his colleague Quintus Lutatius Catulus. He
came to battle, accordingly,* with the Cimbri, and in two
engagements killed twc hundred thousand of the enemy, and
took eighty thousand prisoners, with their general Teutobo-
‘dus ; for which service he was elected consul a fifth time
during his absence. '

II. In the meantime the Cimbri and Teutones, whose
force was still innumerable, passed over into Italy. Another
battle was fought with them, by Caius Marius and Quintus
Catulus, though with greater success on the part of Catulus;
for in that battle, in which they both commanded, a hundred
and forty thousand were either slain in the field or in the pur-
suit, and sixty thousand taken prisoners. Of the Roman
soldiers in the two armies three hundred fell. Thirty-three
standards were taken from the Cimbri; of which the army
of Marius captured two, that of Catulus thirty-one. This
was the end of the war: a triumph was décreed to both the
consuls. ;

III. In the consulship of Sextus Julius Casar and Lucius

“* Ttaque.] Eutropius seems to intimate that it was because Marius
had Catulus for his colleague that he proceeded to engage the Cimbri.
cv] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 485

Marcius Philippus, in the six hundred ‘and fifty-ninth year
from the building of the city, when almost all other wars were
at an end, the Piceni, Marsi, and Peligni, excited a most
dangerous war in Italy; for after they had lived for many
years in subjection to the Roman people, they now began to
assert their claim to equal privileges. This was a very de-
structive war. Publius Rutilius, one of the consuls, Cepio, a
nobleman in the flower of his age, and Porcius Cato, another
consul, were killed in it. The generals against the Romans
on the part of the Piceni and Marsi were Titus Vettius,
Hierius Asinius, Titus Herennius, and Aulus Cluentius.
The Romans fought against them successfully under the con-
duct of Caius Marius, who had now been made consul for the
sixth time, also under Cneeus Pompey, but particularly under
Lucius Cornelius Sylla, who, among other signal exploits,
so completely routed Cluentius, one of the enemy's generals,
with his numerous forces, that he lost only one man of his own
army. The war, however, was protracted for four years, with
great havoc; at length, in the fifth, it was terminated by
Lucius Cornelius Sylla when consul, who had greatly dis-
tinguished himself on many occasions when pretor in the
same war.

IV. In the six hundred and sixty-second year from the
foundation of the city, the first civil war began at Rome; and
in the same year also the Mithridatic war. Marius, when in
his sixth consulship, gave rise to the Civil war; for when
Sylla, the consul, was sent to conduct the war against Mithri-
dates,‘ who had possessed himself of Asia and Achaia,. and
delayed his army for a short time in Campania, in order that
the remains of the Social war, of which we have just spoken,
.and which had beer carried on within the limits of Italy,
might be extinguished, Marius showed himself ambitious to
be appointed .to the Mithridatic war. Sylla, being incensed at
this conduct, marched to Rome with his army. There he
fought with Marius and Sulpicius ; he was the first to enter
the city in arms; Sulpicius he killed ; Marius he put to flight;
and then, having appointed Cnzeus Octavius and Lucius Cor-
nelius Cinna the consuls for the year ensuing, set out for
Asia. :

‘VW. For Mithridates, who was king of Pontus, and possessed
Armenia Minor and the entire circuit of the Pontic sea with
486 EUTROPIUS. [B.v.

the Bosphorus, first attempted to expel Nicomedes, an ally of
the Romans, from Bithynia; sending word to the senate, that
he was going to make war upon him on account of the injuries
which he had received. Answer was returned by the senate to
Mithridates, that if he did so he himself should feel the
weight of a war from the Romans. Incensed at this reply, he
immediately invaded Cappadocia, and expelled from thence
Ariobarzanes the king, an ally of the Roman people. He next
marched into Bithynia and Paphlagonia, driving out the kings,
Pylemenes and Nicomedes, who were also in alliance with the
Romans. He then hastened to Ephesus, and sent letters into
all parts of Asia, with directions that wherever any Roman
citizens should be found, they should all be put to death the
same day. ,

VI. In the meantime Athens also, a city of Achaia, was
delivered up to Mithridates by Aristion an Athenian. For
Mithridates had previously sent Archelaus, his general, into
Achaia, with a hundred and twenty thousand horse and foot, by
whom the rest of Greece was also occupied. Sylla besieged
Archelaus at the Piraeus near Athens, and took the city itself.
Engaging afterwards in battle with Archelaus, he gave him
such a defeat, that out of a hundred and twenty thousand of
the army of Archelaus scarce ten remained; while of that of
Sylla owly fourteen were killed. Mithridates, on receiving
intelligence of this battle, sent seventy thousand chosen troops
out of Asia to Archelaus, with whom Sylla came again to an
engagement. In the first battle twenty thousand of the enemy
were slain, and Diogenes, the son of Archelans ; in the second
the entire forces of Mithridates were cut off. Archelaus
himself lay hid for three days, stript of his armour, in the
marshes. On the news of this state of things, Mithridates
sent orders to treat with Sylla concerning peace.

VII. In the meantime Sylla also reduced part of the Dar-
dauians, Scordisci, Dalmatians, and Mcedians, and granted
terms of alliance to the rest. But when ambassadors arrived
from Kiug Mithridates to treat about peace, Sylla replied
that he would grant it on no other condition than that he
should quit the countries on which he had seized, and with-
draw into his own dominions. Afterwards, however, the two
came to a conference, and peace was settled between them, in
order that Sylla, who was in haste to proceed to the Civil war,
C, 1X.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 487

might leave no danger in his rear; for while Sylla was victo-
rious over Mithridates in Achaia and Asia, Marius, who had
been driven from the city, and Cornelius Cinna, one of the
consuls, had recommenced hostilities in Italy, and entering
Rome, put to death the noblest of the senators and others of
consular rawk, proscribed many, and pulling down the house of
Sylla himself, forced his sons and wife to seek safety by flight;
while all the rest of the senate, hastily quitting the city, fled
to Sylla in Greece, entreating him to come to the support of
his country. He accordingly crossed over into Italy, to con-
duct the Civil war against the consuls Norbanus and Scipio.
Tn the first battle he engaged with Norbanus not far from Capua,
when he killed seven thousand of his men. and took six thou-
sand prisoners, losing only a hundred and twenty-four of his
own army. From thence he directed his efforts against
Scipio, and before a battle was fought, or any blood shed, he
received the surrender of his whole army.

VILL. But.on a change of consuls at Rome, and the election
of Marius, the son of Marius, and Papirius Carbo to the con-
sulate, Sylla again came to battle with Marius the younger,
and killed fifteen thousand men, with the loss of only four
hundred. Immediately afterwards also he entered the city.
He then pursued Marius, the younger, to Preeneste, be-
sieged him there, and drove him even to self-destruction. He
afterwards fought a terrible battle with Lamponius and Cari-
nas, the leaders of the Marian faction, near the Colline gate.
The number of the enemy in that battle against Sylla is said
to have been seventy thousand ; twelve thousand surrendered
themselves to Sylla: the rest were cut off in the field, in the
camp, or in the pursuit, by the insatiable resentment of the
conqueror. Cneus Carbo also, the other consul, fled from
Ariminum into Sicily, and was there slain by Cneeus Pompey;
to whom, although but a young man, being only one-and-twenty
years of age, Sylla, perceiving his activity, had committed the
management of his troops, so that he was accounted second
only to Sylla himself.

IX. Carbo, then, being killed, Pompey recovered Sicily.
Crossing next over into Africa, he put to death Domitius, a
leader om the side of Marius, and Hiarbas the king of Mauri-
tania, who had given assistance to Domitius. After these
‘events, Sylla celebrated a triumph with great pomp for his
488 EUTROPIUS. [B.VI.

success against Mithridates. Cnaus Pompey also, while only
in his twenty-fourth year, was allowed a triumph for his victo-
ries in Africa, a privilege which had been granted to no Roman
before him. Such was the termination of two most lament-
able wars, the Italian, also called the Social, and the Civil,
which lasted for ten years, and occasioned the destruction of
more than a hundred and fifty thousand men ; twenty-four of
consular rank, seven of pretorian, sixty of that of edile, and
nearly three hundred senators.

BOOK VI.

War with Sertorius in Spain; wars in Macedonia, Pamphylia, Cilicia,
and Dalmatia, I—IV.—Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, makes the
Romans his heirs; continuation of the war with Mithridates;
wars with the slaves, pirates, and Macedonians, V.—XII.— Acts
of Pompey against Tigranes, and in other parts of Asia, XIII.
XIV.—Conspiracy of Catiline, XV.—Triumphs of Pompey and
Metellus, XVI.— Wars of Cesar in Gaul, XVII.—Proceedings of
Crassus in Parthia, X VIII.—Civil war between Caesar and Pompey,
XIX.—XXvV.

I. In the consulate of Marcus Aimilius Lepidus and
Quintus Catulus, after Sylla had composed the troubles of the
state, new wars broke out ; one in Spain, another in Pamphylia
and Cilicia, a third in Macedonia, a fourth in Dalmatia. Ser-
torius, who had taken the side of Marius, dreading the fate of
others who had been cut off, excited the Spaniards to a war.
The generals sent against him were Quintus Cacilius Metellus,
the son of that Metellus who had subdued Jugurtha, and the
pretor Lucius Domitius. Domitius was killed by Hirtuleius,
Sertorius’s general. Metellus contended against Sertorius
with various success. At length, as Metellus was thought
singly unequal to the war, Cneus Pompey was sent into Spain.
Thus, two generals being opposed to him, Sertorius often
fought with very uncertain fortune. At last, in the eighth
year of the war, he was put to death by his own soldiers, and
an end made of the war by Cneus Pompey, at that time but a
young man, and Quintus Metellus Pius; and nearly the whole
of Spain was brought under the dominion of the Roman
people.
C. VI] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 489

II. Appius Claudius, on the expiration of his consulate,
was sent into Macedonia. He had some skirmishes with
different tribes that inhabited the province of Rhodopa,* and
there fell ill and died. Cnaus Scribonius Curio, on the
termination of his consulship, was sent to succeed him. He
conquered the Dardanians, penetrated as far as the Danube,
and obtained the honour of a triumph, putting an end to the
war within three years:

III. Publius Servilius, an energetic man, was sent, after his
consulate, into Cilicia and Pamphylia. He reduced Cilicia,
besieged and took the most eminent cities of Lycia, amongst
them Phaselis, Olympus, and Corycus. The Jsauri he also
attacked, and compelled to surrender, and, within three years,
put an end to the war. He was the first of the Romans that
marched over Mouut Taurus. On his return, he was granted
a triumph, and acquired the surname of Isauricus,

IV. Cneus Cosconius was sent into Ilyricum as proconsul.
He reduced a great part of Dalmatia, took Salone, and, having
made an end of the war, returned to Rome after an absence
of two years.

V. About the-same time, the consul Marcus A‘milius
Lepidus, the colleague of Catulus, attempted to kindle a civil
war; but in one summer that commotion was suppressed.
Thus there were several triumphs at the same time, that of
Metellus for Spain, a second for Spain obtained by Pompey,
‘one of Curio for Macedonia, and one of Servilius for Isauria.

VI. In the six hundred and seventy-sixth year from the
building of the city, in the consulate of Lucius Licinius
Lucullus and Marcus Aurelius Cotta, Nicomedes, king of
eae died, appointing by his will the Roman people his

eir.

Mithridates, breaking the peace, again proceeded to invade
Bithynia and Asia. Both the consuls being sent out against
him, met with various success. Cotta, being defeated by him
in a battle near Chalcedon, was even forced into the town, and
besieged there. But Mithridates, having marched from thence
to Cyzicus, that, after capturing that city, he might overrun all
Asia, Lucullus, the other consul, met him ; and, whilst Mithri-
dates was detained at the siege of Cyzicus, besieged him in

* Lying on the river Melas, above the Hellespont, near the Pro-
pontis.— Madame Dacier.
430 EUTROPIUS, . [B. VL

the rear, exhausted him with famine, defeated him in several
battles, and at last pursued him to Byzantium, now called
Constantinople. Lucullus also vanquished his commanders in
a sea-fight. Thus, in a single winter and summer, almost a
hundred thousand men on the king’s side were cut off by
Lucullus.

VII. In the six hundred and seventy-eighth year of Rome,
Marcus Licinius Lucullus, the cousin’ of that Lucullus who
had carried on the war against Mithridates, obtained the
province of Macedonia. A new war, too, suddenly sprung up in
Italy ; for eighty-four gladiators, led by Spartacus, Crixus, and
CHinomaus, having broken out of a school at Capua, made
their escape; and, wandering over Italy, kindled a war in it,
not much less serious than that which Hannibal had raised;
for, after defeating several generals and two consuls of the
Romans, they collected an army of nearly sixty thousand men.
They were, however, defeated in Apulia by the proconsul
Marcus Licinius Crassus; and, after much ¢alamity to Italy,
the war was terminated in its third year.

VIII. In the six hundred and eighty-first year from the
founding of the city, in the consulate of Publius Cornelius
Lentulus and Cneus Aufidius Orestes, there were but two
wars of any importance throughout the Roman empire, the
Mithridatic and the Macedonian. Of these the two Luculli,
Lucius and Marcus, had the direction. Lucius Lucullus, after
the battle at Cyzicus, in which he had conquered Mithridates,
and the sea-fight, in which he had overcome his generals,
pursued him; and, recovering Paphlagonia and Bithynia,
invaded his very kingdom. He took Sinope and Amisus, two
most eminent cities of Pontus. Ina second battle, near the
city Cabira, where Mithridates had assembled a vast army
from all parts of his kingdom, thirty thousand of the king’s
chosen troops were cut in pieces by five thousand of the
Romans, and Mithridates fwas put to flight and his camp
plundered. Armenia Minor, also, of which he had taken
possession, was wrested from him. Mithridates was, however,
received after his flight by Tigranes, the king of Armenia,
who at that time reigned in great glory; for he had frequently
defeated the Persians, and had made himself master of Meso-
potamia, Syria, and part of Phoenicia.

IX. Lucullus, therefore, still pursuing his routed enemy,
C. XI] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 491

entered even the kingdom of Tigranes, who ruled over both
the Armenias. Tigranocerta, the most‘noble city of Armenia,
he succeeded in taking; the king himself, who advanced
against him with six hundred thousand cuirassiers, and a hun-
dred thousand archers and other troops, he so completely
defeated with a force of only eighteen thousand, that he anni-
hilated a great part of the Armenians. Marching from thence
to Nisibis, he took that city also, and made the king’s brother
prisoner. But as those whom Lucullus had left in Pontus
with part of the army in order to defend the conquered
countries belonging to the Romans, grew negligent and
avaricious in their conduct, they gave Mithridates an oppor-
tunity of again making an irruption into Pontus, and thus the
war was renewed. While Lucullus, after the ‘reduction of
Nisibis, was preparing for an expedition against the Persians,
a successor was sent out to take his place.

X. The other Lucullus, who had the management of affairs
in Macedonia, was the first of the Romans that made war upon
the Bessi, defeating them in a great battle on Mount Hemus;
he reduced the town of Uscudama, which the Bessi inhabited,
on the same day in which he attacked it; he also took Cabyle,
and penetrated as far as the river Danube. He then besieged
several cities lying above Pontus, where he destroyed Apol-
lonia, Calatis, Parthenopolis, Tomi, Histros, and Burziaone,*
and, putting an end to the war, returned to Rome. Both the
Luculli however triumphed, but the Lucullus, who had fought
against Mithridates, with the greater glory, because he had
returned victorious over such powerful nations.

XL. After the Macedonian war was ended, but while that
with Mithridates still continued (which, on the departure of
Lucullus, that king had renewed, collecting all his forces for
the purpose), the Cretan war arose, and Cecilius Metellus
being sent to conduct it, secured the whole province, by a suc-
cession of great battles, within three years, and received the
appellation of Creticus, and a triumph on account of the
island. About this time Libya also, by the will of Apion, the

* Burziaonem.] Thus stands the word in the editions of Havercamp,
Verheyk, and Tzschucke ; but none of them think it right. Cellarius
conjectured Bizonen, Biv being mentioned by Strabo, lib. vii. as a
city between Apollonia and Calatis; and no other critic has found
anything better to offer.
492 EUTROPIUS. (B. VL

king of the country, was added to the Roman empire; in it
were the celebrated cities, Berenice, Ptolemais, and Cyrene.

XII. During these transactions, pirates infested all the -
seas, so that navigation, and that alone, was unsafe to the
Romans, who were now victorious throughout the world. The
war against these pirates, therefore, was committed to Cneus
Pompey, who, with surprising success and celerity, finished it
in the course of a few months. Soon after, the war against
Mithridates and Tigranes was entrusted to him; in the con-
duct of which, he overcame Mithridates in Armenia Minor in
a battle by night, and plundered his camp, killing at the same
time forty thousand of his troops, while he lost only twenty of
his own men, and two centurions: Mithridates fled with his
wife and two attendants; and not long after, in consequence
of his cruelty to his own family, he was reduced, through a
sedition excited among his soldiers by his son Pharnaces, to
the necessity of putting an end to his existence, and swallowed
poison. Such was the end of Mithridates, a man of singular
energy and ability; his death happened near the Bosporus.
He reigned sixty years, lived seventy-two, and maintained a
war against the Romans for forty.

XIII. Pompey next made war upon Tigranes, who sur-
rendered himself, coming to Pompey’s camp at sixteen miles
distauce from Artaxata; and, throwing himself at his feet,
placed in his hands his diadem, which Pompey returned to
him, and treated him with great respect, but obliged him to
give up part of his dominions and to pay a large sum of
money: Syria, Pheenicia, and Sophene, were taken from .him,
and six thousand talents of silver, which he had to pay to the
Roman people because he had raised 1 war against them
without cause. :

XIV. Pompey soon after made war also upon the Albani ;*
and defeated their king Orodes three times; at length, being
prevailed upon by letters and presents, he granted him par-
don and peace. He also defeated Artoces, king of Iberia,t in
battle, and reduced him to surrender. Armenia Minor he
conferred upon Deiotarus, the king of Galatia, because he had
acted as his ally in the Mithridatic war. To Attalus and

* See Justin, xlii. 3.

- t+ The Iberians are mentioned as a people bordering on the Albani
by Plutarch, Lucull. ¢. 26, and by Florus, iii. 5.
C. XVIL] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 4938

Pylemenes he restored Paphlagonia; and appointed Ari-
starchus king of the Colchians. Shortly after he subdued the
Itureans and Arabians; and, on entering Syria, rewarded
Seleucia, a city near Antioch, with independence, because it
had not admitted King Tigranes. To the inhabitants of An-
tioch he restored their hostages. On those of Daphne, being
charmed with the beauty of the spot and the abundance of
water, he bestowed a portion of land, in order that their grove
might be enlarged. Marching from thence to Judea, he took
Jerusalem, the capital, in the third month; twelve thousand
of the Jews being slain, and the rest allowed to surrender on
terms. After these achievements, he returned into Asia,
and put an end to this most tedious war.

XV. In the consulate of Marcus Tullius Cicero, the orator,
and Caius Antonius, in the six hundred and eighty-ninth year
from the foundation of the city, Lucius Sergins Catiline, a
man of very noble family, but of a most corrupt disposition,
corispired to destroy his country, in conjunction with some
other eminent but desperate characters. He was expelled
from the city by Cicero; his accomplices were apprehended
and strangled in prison; and he himself was defeated and
killed in battle by Antonius, the other consul.

XVI. In the six hundred and ninetieth year from the
building of the city, in the consulate of Decimus Junius
Silanus and Lucius Murena, Metellus triumphed on account
of Crete, Pompey for the Piratic and Mithridatic wars. No
triumphal procession was ever equal to this; the sons of
Mithridates, the son of Tigranes, and Aristobulus, king of the
Jews, were led before his car; a vast sum of money, an im-
mense mass of gold and silver, was carried in front. At this
time there was no war of any importance throughout the
world.

XVII. In the six hundred and ninety-third year from the
founding of the city, Caius Julius Cesar, who was afterwards
emperor, was made consul with Lucius Bibulus; and Gaul
and Illyricum, with ten legions, were decreed to him. He
first subdued the Helvetii, who are now called Sequani;* and

* Qui nunc Sequant appellantur.] Between the Sequani and Helvetii
was the lofty mount Jura, according to the description given of their
position by Cesar, B. G. i. 2. If what Eutropius says is true, the

change of name must have arisen from the intercourse of the two
people. See Cellarius Geog. Ant. ii, 3, 50.—Teschucke.
494 EUTROPIUS. — [B.VI.

afterwards, by conquering in most formidable wars, pro-
ceeded as far as the British ocean. In about nine years he
subdued all that part of Gaul which lies between the Alps,
the river Rhone, the Rhine, and the Ocean, and extends in
circumference nearly three thousand two hundred miles. He
next made war upon the Britons, to whom not even the name
of the Romans was known before his time ; and having subdued
them, and received hostages, sentenced them to pay a tribute.
On Gaul, under the name of tribute, he imposed the yearly
sum of forty thousand sestertia ;* and invading the Germans
on the other side of the Rhine, defeated them in'several most
sanguinary engagements. Among so many successes, he met
with three defeats, once in person among the Arverni, and
twice in Germany during his absence; for two of his lieu-
tenant-generals, Titurius and Aurunculeius, were cut off by
ambuscades.

XVIII. About the same time, in the six hundred and
ninety-seventh year from the foundation of the city, Marcus
Licinius Crassus, the colleague of Cneus Pompey the Great

in his second consulship, was sent against the Parthians; and...

having engaged the enemy near Carre, contrary to the omens
and auspices, was defeated by Surena, the general of king
Orodes, and at last killed, together with his son, a most noble
and excellent young man. The remains of the army were
saved by Caius Cassius the questor, who, with singular
courage, so ably retrieved the ruined fortune of the Romans,
that, in his retreat over the Euphrates, he defeated the
Persians in several battles.

XIX. Soon after followed the Civil war, a war truly exe-
crable arid deplorable, in which, besides the havoc that oecurred
in the several battles, the fortune of the Roman people was
changed.t For Cesar, on returning victorious from Gaul, pro-
ceeded to demand another consulship, and in such a manner,
that it was granted him without hesitation ; yet opposition was
made to it by Marcellus the consul, Bibulus, Pompey, and
Cato, and he was in consequence ordered to disband his army

* Something more than £320,000.

t Romani populi fortuna mutate est] The fortune of the Roman
people is their condition and state. The phrase fortuna mutart, or
immutart, is used chiefly when the state of things is changed for the
worse. See Call. Cat. cv. 2; Jug. v.17; Vell. Pat. ii, 57, 118.—Grunerus.
©. XXI.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 495

and return to Rome; in revenge for which insult, he marched
with his army from Ariminum, where he kept his forces
assembled, against his country. The consuls, together with
Pompey, the whole senate, and all the nobility, fled from the
city, and crossed over into Greece; and in Epirus, Macedonia,
and Achaia, the senate, under Pompey as their general, pre-
pared war against Ceesar.

XX. Cesar, having marched into the deserted city, made
himself dictator. Soon after he set out for Spain, where he
defeated the armies of Pompey, which were very powerful and
brave, with their three generals, Lucius Afranius, Marcus
Petreius, and Marcus Varro. Returning from thence, he went
over into Greece. He took the field against Pompey, but in
the first battle was defeated’and put to flight; he escaped,
however, because Pompey declined to pursue him, as the night
was coming on; when Cesar remarked, that Pompey knew
not how to conquer, and that that was the only day on which
he himself might have been vanquished. They next fought
at Paleopharsalus,* in Thessaly, leading great forces into the
field on both sides. The army of Pompey consisted of forty
thousand foot, six hundred horse on the left wing, and five
hundred on the right, besides auxiliary troops from the whole
east, and all the nobility, senators without number, men of
pretorian and consular rank, and some who had already
been conquerors of powerful nations. Czsar had not quite
thirty thousand infantry in his army, and but one thousand
horse. ‘

XXI. Never before had a greater number of Roman forces
assembled in one place, or under better generals, forces which
would easily have subdued the whole world, had they been led
against barbarians. They fought with great eagerness, but
Pompey was at last overcome, and his camp plundered.
Pompey himself, when put to flight, sought refuge at Alex-
andria, with the hope of receiving aid from the king of Egypt,
to whom, on account of his youth, he had been appointed
guardian by the senate; he, however, regarding fortune rather
than friendship, caused Pompey to be killed, and sent his head
and ring to Cesar; at sight of which even Cesar is said to

* Generally called Pharsalus; but the name Palzopharsalus, that, is,
Old Pharsalus, is used by Orosius, vi. 15, by Strabo, lib. xvii, and by .
the Greek translator of Eutropius.
496 EUTROPIUS. [B. VL.

have shed tears, as he viewed the head of so great a man,
once his own son-in law. ;

XXII. Cesar soon after went to Alexandria. Ptolemy
attempted to form a plot against his life also ; for which reason
war was made upon him, and, being defeated, he perished in
the Nile, and his body was found covered with a golden coat
of mail. Cesar, having made himself master of Alexandria,
conferred the kingdom on Cleopatra, the sister of Ptolemy,
with whom he himself had an illicit connexion. On his return
from thence, Cesar defeated in battle Pharnaces, the son of
Mithridates the Great, who had assisted Pompey in Thessaly,
taken up arms in Pontus, and seized upon several provinces
of the Roman people ; and at last drove him to self-destruc-
tion.

XXIII. Returning from thence to Rome, he created him-
self a third time consul with Marcus Atmilius Lepidus, who
had been his master of the horse when dictator the year before.
Next he went into Africa, where a great number of the nobility,
in conjunction with Juba, king of Mauritania, had resumed
hostilities. The Roman leaders were Publius Cornelius Scipio,
of the most ancient family of Scipio Africanus (who had also
been the father-in-law of the great Pompey) ‘'arcus Petreius,
Quintus Varus, Marcus Porcius Cato, and Lucius Cornelius
Faustus, the son of Sylla the dictator. In a pitched battle
fought against them, Cesar, after many struggles, was victorious.
Cato, Scipio, Petreius, Juba, killed themselves ; Faustus, Pom-
pey’s son-in-law, was slain by Cesar,

XXIV. On his return to Rome the year after, Ceasar made
himself a fourth time consul, and immediately proceeded to
Spain, where the sons of Pompey, Cneus, and Sextus, had
again raised a formidable war. Many engagements took place,
the last near the city of Munda, in which Czesar was so nearly
defeated, that, upon his forces giving way, he felt inclined to
kill himself, lest, after such great glory in war, he should fall,
at the age of fifty-six, into the hands of young men. At
length, having rallied his troops, he gained the victory; the
elder son of Pompey was slain, the younger fled.

XXV. The civil wars throughout the world being now
terminated, Caesar returned to Rome, and began to conduct
himself with too great arrogance, contrary to the usages of
Roman liberty. As he disposed, therefore, at his’ own pleasure,
C1] ‘ ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 497

of those honours, which were before conferred by the people,
and did not even rise up when the senate approached him, and
exercised regal, or almost tyrannical power, in other respects,
@ conspiracy was formed against him by sixty or more Roman
senators and knights. The chief among the conspirators were the
two Bruti, (of the family of that Brutus who had been made first
consul of Rome, and who had expelled the kings) Caius Cassius,
and Servilius Casca. Czsar, in consequence, having entered
the senate house with the rest, on a certain day appointed for
a meeting of the senate, was stabbed with three and twenty
wounds.

BOOK VII.

Wars that followed on the death of Julius Cesar, I—Antony flees to
Lepidus, and is reconciled to Octavianus ; their triumvirate, II.—
Proceedings and deaths of Brutus and Cassius; division of the
empire between Antony and Octavianus, III.—War with Sextus
Pompey, IV.—Successes of Agrippa in Aquitania; Ventidius
Bassus conquers the Parthians, V—Death of Sextus Pompey;
marriage of Antony and Cleopatra; unsuccessful expedition of
Antony into Parthia, VI.—War between Octavianus and Antony ;
deaths of Antony and Cleopatra; Egypt added to the Roman
empire, VII.—Octavianus becomes sole ruler under the name of
Augustus, VIII.—His wars and victories, IX. X.—Character and
acts of Tiberius, XI.—Of Caligula, XII—Of Claudius, who sub-
jugates Britain, XIII.—Of Nero, under whom two new provinces
are made, Pontus Polemoniacus and Alpes Cottix, XIV. XV.—Of
Galba, XVL—Of Otho, KVIL—Of Vitellius, XVIII—Of Ves-
pasian, under whom Judea was added to the Roman dominions,
with the provinces Achaia, Lycia, Rhodes, Samos, Thracia, Cilicia,
Comagena, XIX. XX.—Of Titus, XXI. XXIL—Of Domitian,
XXIII. ‘

I. Arrer the assassination of {Cesar, in about the seven
hundred and ninth year of the city, the civil wars were re-
newed ; for the senate favoured the assassins of Cesar; and
Antony, the consul, being of Cesar's party, endeavoured to
crush them in acivil war. The state therefore being thrown
into confusion, Antony, perpetrating many acts of violence,
was declared an enemy by the senate. The two consuls,
Pansa and Hirtius, were sent in pursuit of him, together with
Octavianus, a youth of eighteen years of age, the nephew of

5 KK
498 EUTROPIUS. [B. VIL.

Cesar,* whom by his will he had appointed his heir, directing
him to bear his name; this is the same who was afterwards
called Augustus, and obtained the imperial dignity. These
three generals therefore marching against Antony, defeated him.
It happened, however, that the two victorious consuls lost
their lives; and the three armies in consequence became
subject to Cesar only.

II. Antony, being routed, and having lost his army, fled
to Lepidus, who had been master of the horse to Cesar, and
was at that time in possession of a strong body of forces, by whom
he was well received. By the mediation of Lepidus, Cesar
shortly after made peace with Antony, and, as if with intent
to avenge the death of his father, by whom he had been adopted
in his will, marched to Rome at the head of an army, and
forcibly procured his appointment to the consulship in his
twentieth year. In conjunction with Antony and Lepidus he
proscribed the senate, and proceeded to make himself master
of the state by arms. By their acts, Cicero the orator, and
many others of the nobility, were put to death.

III. In the meantime Brutus and Cassius, the assassins
of Cesar, raised a great war; for there were several armies
in Macedonia and the East, of which they took the command.
Cesar Octavianus Augustus, therefore, and Mark Antony,
proceeding against them (for Lepidus remained for the
defence of Italy), came to an engagement at Philippi, a city
of Macedonia, In the first battle Antony and Cesar were
defeated, but Cassius, the leader of the nobility, fell; in the
second they defeated and killed Brutus, and very many of the
nobility who had joined them in the war; and the republic
was divided among (the conquerors; so that Augustus had
Spain, the Gauls, and Italy; Antony, Asia, Pontus, and the
East. But the consul Lucius Antonius, the brother of him who
had fought with Cesar against Brutus and Cassius, kindled
a civil war in Italy; and being defeated near Perusia, a city
of Tuscany, was taken prisoner, but not put to death.

IV. In the meantime a war of a serious nature was excited in
Sicily by Sextus Pompey, the son of Cneus Pompey the Great,
those that survived of the party of Brutus and Cassius flocking

* Cesaris nepos.) Grand nephew. Attia, the mother of Octavianus,
was the daughter of Julia, Julius Caesar's sister. Thus Julius Cesar
was great-uncle to Octavianus.—Glareanus. e
©. VIIt.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 499

to join him from all parts. ‘The war against Sextus Pompey
was carried on by Cassar Augustus Octavianus and Mark Antony.
A peace was at length concluded.

V. About that time Marcus Agrippa met with great success
in Aquitania; also Lucius Ventidius Bassus defeated the
Persians, who were making incursions into Syria, in three
engagements. He killed Pacorus, the son of king Orodes, on
that very day on which Orodes, the king of the Persians, had
before put Crassus to death by the hands of his general
Surena. He was the first who celebrated a most legitimate
triumph at Rome over the Parthians.

VI. In the meantime Sextus Pompey violated the peace,
and, being defeated in a sea-fight, fled to Asia, and was there
put to death.

Antony, who was master of Asia and the Hast, having di-
yorced the sister of Casar Augustus Octavianus, married
Cleopatra, queen of Egypt. He also fought in person against
the Persians, and defeated them in the first encounters ; but
on his return suffered greatly from famine and pestilence ;
and as the Parthians pressed on him in his retreat, he
retired from before them just as if he had been defeated.

VII. He also excited a great civil war, at the instigation of
his wife Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt, who aspired with a
womanish ambition to reign at Rome. He was defeated
by Augustus in the remarkable and celebrated sea-fight at
Actium, a place in Epirus; whence he fled into Egypt, and
there, as his circumstances grew desperate, since all went over
to Augustus, committed suicide. Cleopatra applied to her-
self an asp, and perished by its venom. Egypt was added. to
the Roman empire by Octavianus Augustus, and Cneus
Cornelius Gallus appointed governor of it; he was the first
Roman judge that Egypt had.

VIII. Having thus brought wars to an end throughout the
world, Ocravranus Aueustus returned to Rome in the twelfth
year after he had been elected consul. From that period he
held the government as sole ruler for forty-four years, for dur-
ing the twelve previous years he had held it in conjunction with
Antony and Lepidus. Thus from the beginning of his reign
to the end were fifty-six years. He died a natural death in
his eighty-sixth year, at the town of Atella in Campania ;
and his remains are interred at Rome in the Campus Martius.

K K 2
500 EUTROPIUS. [B. VIE.

He was a man who was considered in most respects, and not
without reason, to resemble a divinity, for scarcely ever was
there any one more successful than he in war, or more
prudent in peace. During the forty-four years that he
held the government alone, he conducted himself with the
greatest courtesy, being most liberal to all, and most faithful
to his friends, whom he raised to such honours, that he placed
them almost on a level with his own dignity. mH

IX. At no period was the Roman state more flourishing ;
for, to say nothing of the civil wars, in which he was uncon-
quered, he added to the Roman empire Egypt, Cantabria,
Dalmatia, often before conquered but only then entirely sub-
dued, Pannonia, Aquitania, Illyricum, Rhetia, the Vindelici
and Salassi on the Alps, and all the maritime cities of Pontus,
among which the two most noble were Bosporus and Pantica-
peon. He also conquered the Dacians in battle; put to the
sword numerous forces of the Germans; and drove them
beyond the river Elbe, which is in the country of the
barbarians far beyond the Rhine. This war however he
carried on by the agency of his step-son Drusus, as he had
conducted the Pannonian war by that of his other step-son
Tiberius, in which he transplanted forty thousand prisoners
from Germany, and settled them in Gaul on the bank of the
Rhine. He recovered Armenia from the Parthians; the
Persians gave him hostages, which they had given to no one
before ; and also restored the Roman standards, which they
had taken from Crassus when he was defeated.

X, The Scythians and Indians, to whom the Roman name
was before unknown, sent him presents and ambassadors.
Galatia also was made a province under his reign, having
before been an independent kingdom, and Marcus Lollius was
the first that governed it, in quality of pretor. So much
was he beloved even by the barbarians, that kings, allies of
the Roman people, founded cities in his honour, to which they
gave the name of Casarea, as one in Mauritania, built by
King Juba, and another in Palestine, which is now a very
celebrated city. Many kings, moreover, left their own domi-
nions, and, assuming the Roman dress, that is, the toga, ran
by the side of his carriage or his horse. At his death he was
styled a divinity. He left the state in a most prosperous
condition to his successor Tiberius, who had been his step-son,.
afterwards his son-in-law, and lastly his son by adoption.
C. XIU. ] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 501

‘XI. Trserivs distinguished his reign by great indolence,
excessive cruelty, unprincipled avarice, and abandoned licen-
tiousness. He fought on no occasion in person; the wars were
carried on by his generals. Some kings, whom he induced to
visit him by seducing allurements, he never sent back ; among
them was Archelaus of Cappadocia, whose kingdom also he
reduced to the form of a province, and directed that its princi-
pal city should be called after his own name; and, having been
before called Mazaca, it is now termed Cxsarea. He died in
Campania, in the three and twentieth year of his reign, and
the eighty-third of his age, to the great joy of all men.

XII. To him succeeded Carus Casar, surnamed CaLtcuua,
the grandson of Drusus, the step-son of Augustus, and grand-
nephew * of Tiberius himself, a most wicked and cruel prince.
who effaced even the memory of Tiberius’s enormities. He’
undertook a war against the Germans; but, after entering
Suevia, made no effort to do anything. He committed incest
with his sisters, and acknowledged a daughter that he had by
one of them. While tyrannizing over all with the utmost
avarice, licentiousness, and cruelty, he was assassinated in the
palace, in the twenty-ninth year of his age, in the third year,
tenth month, and eighth day of his reign.

XIII. After him reigned Cravptus, the uncle of Caligula,
and son of that Drusus who has a monument at Moguntiacum,
whose grandson Caligula also was. His reign was of no
striking character ; he acted, in many respects, with gentleness
and moderation, in some with cruelty and folly. He made
war upon Britain, which no Roman since Julius Cesar had
visited ; and, having reduced it through the agency of Cneus
Sentius and Aulus Plautius, illustrious and noble men, he
celebrated a magnificent triumph. Certain islands also, called
the Oreades, situated in the ocean, beyond Britain, he added
to the Roman empire, and gave his son the name of Britan-
nicus. So condescending, too, was he towards some of his
friends, that he even attended Plautius, a man of noble birth,
who had obtained many signal successes (in the expedition
to Britain, in his triumph, and walked at his left hand when

* Drusi privigni Augusti, et tpsius Tibertt nepos.] Either something
is wanting in the text, as Madame Dacier observes, or nepos is used in
a double sense, for a grandson and grand-nephew; for Drusus, the
grandfather of Caligula, was the brother of Tiberius. I have translated
nepos in this double sense,
t

502 EUTROPIUS. (B. VT.

he went up to the Capitol. He lived to the age of sixty-four,
and reigned fourteen years; and after his death was conse-
crated* and deified.

To bim succeeded Nero, who greatly resembled his uncle
Caligula, and both disgraced and weakened the Roman empire;
he indulged in such extraordinary luxury and extravagance,
that, after the example of Caius Caligula, he even bathed in hot
and cold perfumes, and fished with golden nets, which he drew
up with cords of purple silk. He put to death a very great
number of the senate. To all good men he was an enemy.
At last he exposed himself in so disgraceful a manner, that he
danced and sung upon the stage in the dress, of a hayp-player
and tragedian. He was guilty of many murders, his brother,
wife, and mother, being put to death by him. He set on fire
the city of Rome, that he might enjoy the sight of a spectacle
such as Troy formerly presented when taken and burned.

In military affairs he attempted nothing. Britain he
almost lost; for two of its most noble towns+ were taken and
levelled to the ground under his reign. The Parthians took
from him Armenia, and compelled the Roman legions to pass
under the yoke. Two provinces however were formed under
him; Pontus Polemoniacus, by the concession of King Pole-
mon’; and the Cottian Alps, on the death of King Cottius. .

XV. When, having become detestable by such conduct to
the city of Rome, and being deserted at the same time by
every one, and declared an enemy by the senate, he was
sought for to be led to punishment (the punishment being,
that he should be dragged naked through the streets, with a-
fork placed under his head,{ be beaten to death with rods, and

* Consecratus est.] This word seems properly to signify “was made
an object of worship.”

t Duo nobilissima oppida.] Three are named, as Grunerus observes,’
by Tacitus, Annal. XIV. Camelodunwm, c. 31, and Londinium and Veru-
lamium, c. 38. Suetonius, however, Nero, c. 89, and Orosius, vii. 7, say
two. Camelodunum is said by Camden to be Malden in Essex ; Veru-
Jamium was near St. Alban’s.

+ Furcd capitt ejus insertd.] Thus these words are uniformly written
in all the manuscripts and editions that I have seen. But what furcam
capitt inserere means, I confess that I do not understand, unless that it
be possible to explain it by Aypallage. Barthius ad Briton. (Philipp.
6, 572) p, 458, judiciously proposes to read furce capite inserto, a
correction also made by Oudendorpius in the margin of his copy.
Suetonius, Nero, c. 49, has cervicem insert furce.—Verheyk. Tzachucke
C.XVII.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 503

then hurled from the Tarpeian rock), he fled from the palace,
and killed himself in a suburban villa of one of his freed-men,
between the Salarian and Nomentane roads, at the fourth mile-
stone from the city. He built those hot baths at Rome, which
were formerly called the Neronian, but now the Alexandrian,
He died in the thirty-second year of his age, and the fourteenth
year of his reign; and in him all the family of Augustus
became extinct.

XVI. To Nero succeeded Servius Gaxpa, a senator of a very
ancient and noble family, elected emperor when in his seventy-
third year by the Spaniards and Gauls, and soon after readily
acknowledged by the whole army; for his life, though but that
of a private person,* had been distinguished by many military
and civil exploits, having been often consul, often proconsul,
and frequently general in most important wars. His reign was
short, but had a promising commencement, except that he
seemed to incline too much to severity. He was killed how-
ever by the treachery of Otho, in the seventh month of his
reign, in the forum at Rome, and buried in his gardens, which
are situated in the Aurelian way, not far from thé city.

XVII. Oruo, after Galba was killed, took possession of the
government, a man of a nobler descent on the inother’s than the
father’s side, but obscure on neither. In private life he was
effeminate, and an intimate of Nero; in his government he
could give no evidence of his disposition ; for Vitellius, about
the same time that Otho had slain Galba, having been also
chosen emperor by the German armies, Otho, having
commenced a war against him, and having sustained a defeat
in a slight skirmish near Bebriacum in Italy, voluntarily,
though he had still powerful forces remaining, put an end to his
life, in spite of the entreaties of his soldiers that he would not
so soon despair of the issue of the war; saying, ‘“ that he was
not of sufficient importance that a civil war should be raised on:

fancies that it may be explained by hypallage, for capite furee inserto,
and therefore*makes no alteration. I have given what is evidently the
sense,

* Privata ejus vita.] Privata vita is opposed to imperium, as in c. 19;
for under the emperors, even from the time of Augustus, it had
become customary to call all privaté except the emperor himself, even
such as held the highest offices of state. See Jani ad Hor. Od. iii. 8,
26. So idurne is opposed to BaoWedc in Zosimus, ii. '7.—Teschucke,

“4
504 EUTROPIUS. [B.vn.

his account.” He perished thus voluntarily in the thirty-
cighth year of his age, and on the ninety-fifth day of his reign.

XVIII. Virexxuius next obtained the imperial dignity, of a
family rather honourable than noble, for his father was not of
very high birth, though he had filled three regular consulships.
He reigned most disgracefully, being distinguished by the
greatest cruelty, but especially by gluttony and voraciousness,
since he is reported to have often feasted four or five times a
day. A most remarkable supper at least has been recorded,
which his brother Vitellius set before him, and in which,
besides other expensive dainties, two thousand fishes and seven
thousand birds are'said to have been placed on the table.

Being anxious to resemble Nero, and aiming so openly at
this that he even paid respect to his remains, which had been
meanly buried, he was slain by the generals of the emperor
Vespasian, Vitellius having previously put to death Sabinus,
Vespasian’s brother, and burned his corpse at the same time
with the Capitol. When killed, he was dragged naked, with
great ignominy, through the public streets of the city, with his
hair erect, and his head raised by means of a sword placed
under his chin, and pelted with dung on the face and breast by
all that came in the way; at last his throat was cut, and he
was thrown into the Tiber, and had not even the common
rites of burial. He perished in the fifty-seventh year of his
age, in the eighth month and first day of hig reign.

XIX: To him succeeded Vespasian, who had been chosen
emperor in Palestine, a prince indeed of obscure birth, but
worthy to be compared with the best emperors, and in private
life* greatly distinguished, as he had been sent by Claudius
into Germany, and afterwards into Britain, and had contended
two and thirty times with the enemy; he had also added to
the Roman empire two very powerful nations, twenty towns,
and the Isle of Wight on the coast of Britain. At Rome he
acted with the greatest forbearance during his government;
though he was rather too eager after money; not however that
he deprived any one of it unjustly, and even when he had

* Privata vita.] See note on c. 16, :

+ Duas vatidissimas gentes.] The Greek translator thinks that the
Britains and Germans are meant. Vespasian is said to have recovered
Besta by Tacitus, Agric. c. 17. What other nation is intended is not
clear.
C.XX. ] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 505

collected it with the greatest diligence and anxiety, he was in
the habit of distributing it most readily, especially to the
indigent ; nor was the liberality of any prince before him
greater or more judicious: he was also of a most mild and
Amiable disposition, insomuch that he never willingly inflicted
& severer penalty than banishment, even on persons convicted
of treason against himself.

Under this prince Judea was added to the Roman empire,
and Jerusalem, the most celebrated city of Palestine. He also
reduced to the form of provinces Achaia, Lycia, Rhodes,
Byzantium, Samos, which had been free till’ this period ;
together with Thrace, Cilicia, and Comagena, which had been
governed by their respective kings in alliance with the
Romans.

XX. Offences and animosities he never bore in mind;
reproaches uttered against himself by lawyers and philosophers
he bore with indulgence, but was a strenuous enforcer of
military discipline. He triumphed, together with his son
Titus, on account of the taking of Jerusalem.

After having thus become an object of love and favour with
the senate and the”people, and indeed with all men, he died of
a diarrhcea, in his own villa in the Sabine country, in the sixty-
ninth year of his age, the ninth year and seventh day of his
reign ; and was enrolled among the gods.

To him succeeded his son Tirus, who was also called
Vespasian, a man remarkable for every species of virtue, so
that he was styled the favourite and delight of mankind. He
was extremely eloquent, warlike, and temperate; he pleaded
causes in Latin, and composed poems and tragedies in Greek.
At the siege of Jerusalem, while serving under his father, he
killed twelve of the besieged with wounds from as many
arrows. During his goyernment at Rome, such was his lenity
towards the citizens, that he did not punish a single person ;
and even some that were convicted of a conspiracy against
himself he released, and treated them on the same terms of
intimacy as before. Such was his good-nature and generosity,
that he never refused any thing to any one, and being blamed
by his friends on this account, replied, that no one ought to
leave an emperor in discontent. Hence, having recollected
once at supper, that he had conferred no obligation on any one
that day, he exclaimed: ‘0, my friends! I have lost this day!”
506 EUTROPIUS. [B. VIL.

He built an amphitheatre at Rome, and slaughtered five
thousand wild beasts at the dedication of it.

. XXII. While beloved for such conduct, with extraordinary
affection, he fell ill and died in the same villa as his father, two
years, eight months, and twenty days after he became emperor,
and in the forty-second year of his age. So great was the
public Jamentation on his death, that all mourned as for a loss
in their own families. The senate, having received intelligence
of his death about the evening, hurried into the senate-house in
the night, and heaped upon him after his death even more
expressions of good will and commendation, than they had
uttered when he was alive and present among’them. - He was
enrolled among the gods. -

XXIII. Domrrran next received the imperial dignity, the
younger brother of Titus, but more like Nero, or Caligula, or
Tiberius, than his father or brother. In the commencement
however of his reign he used his power with moderation ; but,
soon proceeding to the greatest excesses of licentiousness, rage,
cruelty, and avarice, he provoked such universal detestation,
that he effaced the remembrance of his father’s and his
brother’s merits. He put to death the most distinguished of
the senate. He was the first that required to be addressed as
Lord and God; and he,suffered no statue to be erected to him
in the Capitol except of gold or silver. He put his own
cousins to death. His pride also was execrable.

He made four expeditions, one against the Sarmatians,
another against the Catti, and two against the Dacian.
On account of the Dacians and the Catti he celebrated a
double triumph; for the Sarmatians, he assumed only the
laurel. He suffered many disasters however in these wars, for
in Sarmatia one of his legions was cut off together with its
captain, and. by the Dacians Oppius Sabinus, a person of
consular dignity, and Cornelius Fuscus, the prefect of the
pretorian cohort, were slain, with numerous armies. At Rome
he also erected several public buildings, among which were the
Capitol, the Forum Transitorium, the Odeum, the Porticus
Divorum, the temples of Isis and Serapis, and the Stadium.

But, becoming universally odious on account of his crimes,
he was put to death by a conspiracy of his own servants within
the palace, in the forty-fifth year of his age, and the fifteenth of
his reign. His corpse was carried out with extreme insult by
common bearers, and buried ignominiously. —
: 507

BOOK VIII.

Justice and mildness of Nerva, I.—Merits of Trajan; he extends the
limits of the Roman empire, II.-V.—Adrian, envying the glory of
Trajan, contracts the bounds of the empire, and promotes the arts
and occupations of peace, VI. VII—Virtues of Antoninus Pius,
VIII.—After his reign the commonwealth had two emperors with
equal power, Marcus and Lucius Antoninus Verus; the studies
and character of Marcus; his wars in Parthia, Germany, and with
the Marcomanni, which he conducted alone or in conjunction with
Lucius, 1X.-XIV.—Antoninus Commodus, who resembles his
father only in fighting successfully against the Germans, X V.—Hel-
vius Pertinax, X VI.—Salvius Julianus, X VII.—Septimius Severus,
an African, overthrows his rivals for the throne, and conquers the
Parthians,- Arabians, and Adiabeni, XVIII—His learning; his
war and death in Britain, KI1X— Antoninus Caracalla, XX.—
Opilius Macrinus and Diadumenus, XXI.—Heliogabalus, XXII.—
Alexander Severus; his victory over the Persians; his enforce-
ment of military discipline ; in his reign lived Ulpian, XXIII.

I. In the eight hundred and fiftieth year from the foundation
of the city, in the consulship of Vetus and Valens, the empire
was restored to a most prosperous condition, being committed,
with great good fortune, to the rule of meritorious princes.
To Domitian, 2 most murderous tyrant, succeeded NERVA, a
man of moderation and activity in private life, and of noble
descent, though not of the very highest rank. He was made
emperor at an advanced age, Petronius Secundus, the prefect
of the pretorian guards, and Parthenius, one of the assassins of
Domitian, giving him their support, and conducted himself
with great justice and public spirit.* He provided for the
good’ of the state by a divine foresight, in his adoption of
Trajan. He died at Rome, after a reign of one year, four
months, and eight days, in the seventy-second year of his age,
and was enrolled among the gods.

IL To him succeeded Uneius Crinitus Trasanus, born at

* Se civilissimum prebuit.] Civilis, applied to a person, properly sig-
nifies that he “ behaves as a citizen ought to behave towards his fellow
citizens,” and may often be rendered “polite, affable, courteous.”
Civilitas has two senses; one derived from this sense of civilis, and the
other “the art of governing, or directing affairs in a enutas, or free
state.” Both these words occur frequently in Eutropius ; I have
endeavoured always to give them that sense which the ~assages
where they are found seemed to require.
508 EUTROPIUS. [B. VIII.

Italica * in Spain, of a family rather ancient than eminent ;
for his father was the first consul in it. He was chosen
emperor at Agrippina, a city of Gaul. He exercised the
government in such a manner, that he is deservedly preferred
to all the other emperors. He was a man of extraordinary
skill in managing affairs of state, and of remarkable
courage. The limits of the Roman empire, which, since the
reign of Augustus, had been rather defended than honourably
enlarged, he extended far and wide. He rebuilt some cities
in Germany ; he subdued Dacia by the overthrow of Decebalus,
and formed a province beyond the Danube, in that territory
which the Thaiphali, Victoali, and Theruingi now occupy.
This province was a thousand miles in circumference.

III. He recovered Armenia, which the Parthians had seized,
putting to death Parthamasires who held the government of it.
He gave a king to the Albani. He received into alliance the
king of the Iberians, Sarmatians, Bosporani, Arabians, Os-
droeni, and Colchians. He obtained the mastery over the
Cordueni and Marcomedi, as well as over Anthemusia, an
extensive region of Persia, He conquered and kept possession
of Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Babylon, and the country of the Mes-
senii. He advanced as far as the boundaries of India, and
the Red Sea, where he formed three provinces, Armenia,
Assyria, and Mesopotamia, including the tribes which border on
Madena.+ He afterwards, too, reduced Arabia into the form
of a province. He also fitted out a fleet for the Red Sea, that
he might use it to lay waste the coasts of India.

IV. Yet he went beyond his glory in war, in ability and
judgment as a ruler, conducting himself as an equal towards
all, going often to his friends as a visitor,} either when they were
ill, or when they were celebrating feast days, and entertaining
them in his turn at banquets where there was no distinction of
rank, and sitting frequently with them in their chariots ; doing
nothing unjust towards any of the senators, nor being guilty of

’ * A town on the Betis or Guadalquivir, not far from Seville. It
was also the birth-place of Hadrian.

t So Tzschucke writes the word. As it was a later name of Media,
it should rather, it would appear, be written Medena, as Cellarius gives
it in his edition of Sextus Rufus, c. 16.

+ Gratia salutandi.] “ For the sake of saluting or paying his respects
to them.”
©.VI.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 509

any dishonesty to fill his treasury; exercising liberality to all,’
enriching with, offices of trust, publicly and privately, every
body whom he had known even with the least familiarity ;
building towns throughout the world, granting many immu-
nities to states, and doing every thing with gentleness and
kindness ; so that during his whole reign, there was but one
senator condemned, and he was sentenced by the senate
without Trajan’s knowledge. Hence, being regarded through-
out the world as next to a god, he deservedly obtained the
highest veneration both living and dead.

V. Among other sayings of his, the following remarkable
one is mentioned. When his friends found fault with him,
for being too courteous to every body, he replied, that ‘he
was such an emperor to his subjects, as he had wished, when a
subject, that emperors should be to him.”’

After having gained the greatest glory both in the field and’
at home, he was cut off, as he was returning from Persia, by a
diarrhoea, at Seleucia in Isauria. He died in the®sixty-third
year, ninth month, and fourth day of his age, and in the
nineteenth year, sixth month, and fifteenth day of his
reign. He was enrolled among the gods, and was the only one
of allthe emperors that was buried within the city. His bones,
contained in a golden urn, lie in the forum which he himself’
built, under a pillar whose height is a hundred and forty-four
feet. So much respect has been paid to his memory, that,
even to our own times, they shout in acclamations to the em-
perors, “ More fortunate than Augustus, better than Trajan!”
So much has the fame of his goodness prevailed, that it affords
ground for most noble illustration in the hands either of such
as flatter, or of such as praise with sincerity.

VI. After the death of Trajan, Aixtus Haprran was
made emperor, not from any wish to that effect having been
expressed by Trajan himself, but through the influence of
Plotina, Trajan’s wife ; for Trajan in his life-time had refused
to adopt him, though he was the son of his cousin.* He also
was born at Italica in Spain. Envying Trajan’s glory, he im-
mediately gave up three of the provinces which Trajan had
added to the empire, withdrawing the armies from Assyria,
Mesopotamia, and Armenia, and deciding that the Euphrates
should be the boundary of the empire. When he was pro-.

* Domitia Paullina.— Glareanus,
510 EUTROPIUS. [B. VIII.

ceeding to act similarly with regard to Dacia, his friends
dissuaded him, lest many Roman citizens should be left in
the hands of the barbarians, because Trajan, after he had sub-
dued Dacia, had transplanted thither an infinite number of
men from the whole Roman world, to people the country and
the cities; as the land had been exhausted of inhabitants in
the long war maintained by Decebalus.

VII. He enjoyed peace, however, through the whole course
of his reign; the only war that he had, he committed to the
conduct of a governor of a province. He went about through
the Roman empire, and founded many edifices. He spoke
with great eloquence in the Latin language, and was very
learned in the Greek. He had no great reputation for cle-
mency, but was very attentive to the state of the treasury and
the discipline of the soldiers. He died in Campania, more
than sixty years old, in the twenty-first year, tenth month,
and twenty-ninth day of his reign. The senate was unwilling
to allow him divine honours; but his successor Titus Aurelius
Fulvius Antonius, earnestly insisting on it, carried his point,
though all the senators were openly opposed to him.

VIII. To Hadrian, then, succeeded Tirus Antoninus Fut-
vius Borontus,* who was also named Pius, sprung from an
eminent, though not very ancient, family; a man of high cha-
racter, who may justly be compared to Numa Pompilius, as
Trajan may be paralleled with Romulus. He lived, before he
came to the throne, in great honour, but in greater still
during his reign. He was cruel to none, but indulgent to all.
His reputation in military affairs was but moderate; he
studied rather to defend the provinces than to enlarge them.
He sought out the most just men to fill political offices. He
paid respect to the good; for the bad he showed dislike,
without treating them with harshness. By kings in alliance
with Rome he was not less venerated than feared, so that
many nations among the barbarians, laying aside their arms,
referred their controversies and disputes to him, and sub-
mitted to his decision. He was very rich before he began to
reign, but diminished his wealth by pay to the soldiers and

* Botonius.] This name is supposed by Casaubon ad Capitolin. Vit.
T. Anton. v. 1, and by Mad. Dacier ad Aurel. Vict. de Cas. c. 16, to be

derived from Boijonia Pro illa, Titus Antoninus’s grandmother, who
had made him her heir.
C.X.] ' ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 511

bounties to his friends; he left the treasury, however, well
stored. It was for his clemency that he was surnamed Pius.
He died at his country seat called Lorium, twelve miles from
the city, in the seventy-third year of his age, and the twenty-
third of his reign. He was enrolled among the gods, and
was deservedly an object of veneration.*

IX. After him reigned Marcus Antoninus VERus, a man
indisputably of noble birth; for his descent, on the father’s
side, was from Numa Pompilius, and on the mother’s from a
king of the Sallentines,f and jointly with him reigned Lucius
Antoninus VeRus. Then it was that the commonwealth of
Rome was first subject to two sovereigns, ruling with equal
power, when, till their days, it had always had but one
emperor at a time.

X. These two were connected both by relationship{ and
affinity; for Verus Antoninus had married the daughter of
Marcus Antoninus; and Marcus Antoninus was the son-in-
law of Antoninus Pius, having married Galeria Faustina the
younger, his own cousin. They carried on a war against the
Parthians, who then rebelled for the first time since their sub-
jugation by Trajan. Verus Antoninus went out to conduct
that war, and, remaining at Antioch and about Armenia,
effected miany important achievements by the agency of his
generals: he took Seleucia, the most eminent city of Assyria,
with forty thousand prisoners ; he brought off materials for a
triumph over the Parthians, and celebrated it in conjunction
with his brother, who was also his father-in-law. He died in
Venetia.§ as he was going from the city of Concordia to Alti-
num. While he was sitting in his chariot with his brother,
he was suddenly struck with a rush of blood, a disease|| which

* Consecratus.] See note on vii. 138.

+ The Sallentines were a people of Calabria in Italy; the name of
this king was Malennius, according to Capitolinus, Vit. M. Anton. ¢. 1.

+ Genere.| Both having been adopted by Antoninus Pius; see Capi-
_tolinus, Vit. Ant. P. c. 4. Hence Verus is called the brother of
Marcus by Aurelius Victor de Czs. c. 16; by Jamblichus ap. Photium,
p. 242; by Capitolinus Vit, Veri, c. 4 and 11; and by Orosius, vii. 15,
—Teschucke. ss ; ;

§ The territory inhabited by the Veneti, in which both Concordia
and Altinum were situate, distant from each other about thirty-one
miles.

|| Casw morbdi.] Glareanus interprets casu by eventu. Casus morbi
512 EUTROPIUS. (8. VII.

the Greeks call apoplexis. He was a man who had little con-
trol over his passions, but who never ventured to do anything
outrageous, from respect for his brother. After his death,
which took place in the eleventh year of his reign, he was
enrolled among the gods.

XI. After him Marcus Antonrmus held the government
alone, a man whom any one may more easily admire than
sufficiently commend. He was, from his earliest years, of a
most tranquil disposition; so that even’ in his infancy he
changed countenance neither for joy nor for sorrow. He was
devoted to the Stoic philosophy, and was himself a philosopher,
not only in his way of life, but in learning. He was the
object of so much admiration, while yet a youth, that Hadrian
intended to make him his successor; but having adopted Titus
Antoninus Pius, he wished Marcus to become Titus’s son-in-’
law, that he might by that means come to the throne.

XII. He was trained in philosophy by Apollonius of Chal-
cedon; in the study of the Greek language by Sextus of
Cheronea, the grandson of Plutarch; while the eminent
orator Fronto instructed him in Latin literature. He con-
dueted himself towards all men at Rome as if he had been
their equal, being moved to no arrogance by his elevation to
empire. He exercised the most prompt liberality, and
managed the provinces with the utmost kindness and indul-
gence. Under his rule affairs were successfully conducted
against the Germans. He himself carried on one war with
the Marcomanni, but this was greater than any in the
memory of man,* so that it is compared to the Punic wars;
for it became so much the more formidable, as whole armies
had been lost; since, under the emperor, after the victory
over the Parthians,} there occurred so destructive a pestilence,
that at Rome, and throughout Italy and the provinces, the
greater part of the inhabitants, and almost all the troops, sunk
under the disease.

XIII. Having persevered, therefore, with the greatest

seems to be much the same as the simple morbus, or morbus subitus.
In c. 12 occurs casus pestilentic.

* Quantum nulla memorid fuit.] The same words are used by Capito-
linus, «. 17. The meaning seems to be, that there had been no war
with the Germans equally formidable. '

.. + See c. 10. 7
©.Xv.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 513

labour and patience, for three whole years at Carnuntum,* he
brought the Marcomannic war to an end; a war which the
Quadi, Vandals, Sarmatians, Suevi, and all the barbarians in
that quarter, had joined withthe Marcomanni. in raising ;
he killed several thousand men, and, having delivered the
Pannonians from slavery, triumphed a second time at Rome
with his son Commodus Antoninus, whom he had previously
made Caesar.t As he had no money to give his soldiers, in
consequence of the treasury having been exhausted for the
support of the war, and as he was unwilling to lay any tax on
the provinces or the senate, he sold off all his imperial furniture
and decorations, by an auction held in the forum of the em-
peror Trajan, consisting of vessels of gold, cups of crystal and
murrha,t silk. garments belonging to his wife and himself,
embroidered with gold, and numbers of jewelled ornaments.
This sale was continued through two successive months, and a
great quantity of money was raised from it. After his victory,
however. he gave back the money to such of the purchasers as
were willing to restore what they had bought, but was by no
means troublesome to any one who preferred to keep their
purchases.

XIV. He allowed the more eminent men to give entertain-
ments with the same magnificence, and the same number of
attendants, as himself. In the display of games after his
victory, he was so munificent,'that he is said to have exhibited
a hundred lions at once. Having, then, rendered the state
happy, both by his excellent management and gentleness of
disposition, he died in the eighteenth year of his reign and
the sixty-first of his life, and was enrolled among the gods, all
‘unanimously voting that such honour should be paid him.

XV. His successor, Lucius Antoninus Commopvs, had no
resemblance to his father, except that he fought successfully
against the Germans. He endeavoured to alter the name of

* A town in Upper Pannonia, on the Danube, where Haimburg or
Petronel now stands. See |Mannert, T. iii. p. 740; also Cluverius and
Cellarius.

+ The title of Caesar was now given to the person next in dignity to
the emperor, and who was intended to succeed him,

t+ Murrhina.] What substance murrha was is unknown. It has
been thought to be porcelain, but is now generally supposed to have
been some kind of stone. :

LL
514 EUTROPLUS. [B. VIII.

the month of September* to his own, go that it should be
called Commodus. But he was corrupted with luxury and
licentiousness. He often fought, with gladiator’s arms, in the
fencing school, and afterwards with men of that class in the
amphitheatre. He died so sudden a death, that he was
thought to have been strangled or despatched by poison, after
he had reigned twelve years and eight months after his father,
and in the midst of such execration from all men, that even
after his death he was styled “ the enemy of the human race.”

XVI. To him succeeded Prrrinax, at avery advanced age,
having reached his seventieth year; he was appointed to be
emperor by a decree of the senate, when he was holding the
office of preefect of the city. He was killed in a mutiny
of the pretorian soldiers, by the villany of Julianus, on the
eightieth day of his reign.

XVII. After his death Satvius Jutranvs seized the govern-
ment, a man of noble birth, and eminently skilled in the law;
he was the grandson of that Salvius Julianus who composed
the perpetual edict* in the reign of the emperor Adrian. He
was defeated by Severus at the Milvian bridge, and killed in
the palace. He lived only eight months after he began to reign.

XVIII. Seprmivus Sxvervs then assumed the government
of the Roman empire; a native of Africa, born in the province
of Tripolis, and town of Leptis. He was the only African, in
all the time before or after him, that became emperor. He
was first prefect of the treasury, afterwards military tribune,
and then rose, through several offices and posts of honour, to
the government of the whole state. He had an inclination to
be called Pertinax, in honour of that Pertinax who had been
killed by Julian. He was very parsimonious, and naturally
cruel. He conducted many wars, and with success. He
killed Pescennius Niger, who had raised a rebellion in Egypt
and Syria, at Cyzicus. He overcame the Parthians, the in-
terior Arabians, and the Adiabeni. The Arabians he so

* He wished, as Tzschucke observes, to have the month of August
called. Commodus, and that of September, Herculius. See Lamprid.
Vit. Comm. ¢. 11.

+ The pretors had been accustomed to publish each his own edict,
as to the method in which he intended to administer justice for his
year. The edicts were of course often very different; but by this

perpetual edict a uniform course of proceeding was laid down. See
note on C. Nep. Life of Cato, c. 2.
c.Xx1] ACRIDGMINT OF ROMAN HISLORY. 615

effectually reduced, that he made them a province ; hence he
was called Parthicus, Arabicus, and Adiabenicus. He rebuilt
many edifices throughout the whole Roman world. In his
reign, too, Clodius Albinus, who had been an accomplice of
Julianus in killing Pertinax, set himself up for Cesar in Gaul,
and was overthrown and killed at Lyons.

XIX. Severus, in addition to his glory in war, was also dis-
tinguished in the pursuits of peace, being not only accomplished
in literature, but having acquired a complete knowledge of
philosophy. The last war that he had was in Britain; and
that he might preserve, with all possible security, the provinces
which he had acquired, he built a rampart of thirty-two miles
long from one sea to the other. He died at an advanced age
at York, in the eighteenth year and fourth month of his reign,
and was honoured with the title of god. He left his two sons,
Bassianus and Geta, to be his successors,‘ but desired that the
name of Antoninus should be given by the senate to Bassi-
anus only, who, accordingly, was named Marcus Aurelius An-
toninus Bassianus, and was his father’s successor. As for
e he was declaréd a public enemy, and soon after put to

eath.

XX. Marcus Auretivs Anroxtwus Basstanvs, then, who
was also called CaracaLLa, wasa man very much of his
father’s disposition, but somewhat more rough and vindictive.
He erected a bath of excellent construction at Rome, which is
called the bath of Antoninus,* but did nothing else worthy of
record. He wanted ability to control his passions; for he
married his own step-mother Julia. He died in Osdroene,t
near Edessa, while he was planning an expedition against the
Parthians, in the sixth year and second month of his reign,
having scarcely passed the forty-second year of his age. He
was buried with a public funeral.

XXI. Opiztivus Macrinvs, who was captain of the pretorian
guards, and his son DiapuMENus, were then made emperors,
but did nothing memorable, in consequence of the shortness
of their reign ; for it lasted but a year and two months. They
were both killed together in a mutiny of the soldiers.

* Opus lavacri, que Antoniniane appellantur.] The change of
gender and number, as Tzschucke observes, makes the reader suspect
that something must be wrong. Cellarius supplies therma.

+ More frequently written Osrhoene.

LL2
616 EUTROPIUS. [B. VII.

XXTI. After these, Marcus AvuRELIvs ANTONINUS was
made emperor, who was thought to be the son of Antoninus
Caracalla. He was however priest of the temple of Helio-
gabalus.* Having come to Rome with high expectations on
the part of the army and the senate, he polluted himself with
every kind of impurity. He led a life of the utmost shame-
lessness and obscenity, and was killed at the end of two years
and eight months in a tumult of the soldiers. His mother
Soémia, a native of Syria, perished with him.

XXIII. To him succeeded AvRELIUS ALEXANDER, a very
young man, who was named Cesar by the army, and Augustus
by the senate. Having undertaken a war with the Persians,
he defeated their king Xerxes with great glory. He enforced
military discipline with much severity, and disbanded whole
legions that raised a disturbance. He had for his adviser, or
secretary of state, Ulpian, the compiler of the law. He was
also in great favour at Rome. He lost his life in Gaul, in a
tumult of the soldiery, in the thirteenth year and eighth day of
his reign. He testified great affection for his mother Mammea.

* A Syrophcenician deity at Emesa; hence he himself was called
Heliogabalus. He was made emperor through the artifices of his
grandmother, Julia Mcesa, who pretended that he was the son of
Caracalla. :
517

BOOK IX.

Maximin successful in his wars in Germany, 1—Three emperors at
once, Pupienus, Balbinus, and Gordian; Gordian becomes sole
emperor, and goes to war with Persia, II.—The two Philips, father
and son; the thousandth year of Rome, III.—Decius suppresses
an insurrection in Gaul,, 1V.—Gallus Hostilianus and his son
Volusianus, V.—Short reign of Aimilianus, VI—Disadvantageous
reign of Valerian and Gallienus; several aspirants assume the
purple,iVIL-X.—Claudius defeats the Goths; his honours,-XI.—
Quintillus, XII.—Aurelian defeats the Goths, Tetricus, Zenobia;
Suppresses a rebellion at Rome; his character, XIII.-KV.—
Tacitus, Florianus, XVI.—Probus ; his acts in Gaul and Pannonia,
XVIII—Carus ; his successes in Persia ; death of him and Nume-
rianus, XVIII. XIX.—Diocletian made emperor; overthrows
Carinus ; suppresses an insurrection in Gaul, XX.—Makes Hercu-
lius emperor, and Constantius and Maximian Cesars; proceedings
in Britain, Egypt, Africa, and among the Alemanni, XXI.~XXIII.
—Varied fortune of Maximian in Persia; subjugation of the
Carpi, Bastarne, and Sarmatians, XXIV. XXV.—Character of
Diocletian and Maximian ; their abdication of the imperial power,
XXVI-XXVIII.

I. Arrer him Maxtrn came to the throne, the first. empe-
ror that was elected from the army by the will of the soldiers,
no approbation of the senate being given, and he himself not
being a senator. After conducting a successful war against
the Germans, and being on that account saluted Imperator*
by his troops, he was slain by Pupienus at Aquileia,} together
with his son who was then but a boy, his soldiers forsaking
him. He had reigned, with his son, three years and a few
days.

IT. There were then three emperors at the same time,
Purrenus, Barsinus, and GorpiAn, the two former of very
obscure origin, the last of noble birth; for the elder Gordian,
his father, had been chosen prince by the consent of the sol-
diery in the reign of Maximin, when he held the proconsulship
of Africa. When Balbinus and Pupienus came to Rome, they
were killed in the palace; and the empire was given to
Gordian alone.

After Gordian, when quite a boy, had married Tranquillina at
Rome, he opened the temple of Janus, and, setting out for the’

* In the old sense of the word, as Tzschucke thinks, on account of
his victory. He had been made emperor before, as appears from

Herodian, vii. 2.
+ A city of Gallia Transpadana, at the top of the Adriatic. .
518 EUTROPIUS. [B.rx.

east, made war upon the Parthians, who were then proceeding
to make an irruption. This war he soon conducted with suc-
cess, and made havoc of the Persians in great battles.
As he was returning, he was killed, not far from the
Roman boundaries, by the treachery of Philip who reigned
after him. The Roman soldiers raised a monument for him,
twenty miles from Circessus, which is now a fortress of the
Romans, overlooking the Euphrates. His relics they brought
to Rome, and gave him the title of god.

II. When Gordian was killed, the two Puiuies, father and
son, seized on the government, and, having brought off the
army safe, set out from Syria for Italy. In their reign the
thousandth year of the city of Rome was celebrated with games
and spectacles of vast magnificence. Soon after, both of them
were put to death by the soldiery; the elder Philip at Verona,
the younger at Rome. They reigned but five years. They
were however ranked among the gods,

IV. After these, Dectus, a native of Lower Pannonia, born
at Budalia, assumed the government. He suppressed a civil
war which had been raised in Gaul. He created his son Cesar.
He built a bath at Rome. When he and his son had reigned two
years, they were both killed in the country of the Barbarians,
and enrolled among the gods.

V. Immediately after, Gattus, Hosrintanus, and Votust-
anus the son of Gallus, were created emperors. In their reign
AXmilianus attempted an insurrection in Mosia; and both* of
them, setting out to stop his progress, were slain at Interamna,
when they had not quite completed a reign of two years.
They did nothing of any account. Their reign was re-
markable only for a pestilence, and for other diseases and
afflictions.

VI, Aimrnianus was little distinguished by birth, and less
distinguished by his reign, in the third month of which he
was cut off.f

VII. Liciyrus Vaterran, who was then employed in Rhe-
tia and Noricum, was next made general by the army, and soon
after emperor. GaLLiznus also received the title of Cesar
from the senate at Rome. The reign of these princes was in-

* Ambo.) Both Gallus and Volusianus.—Zeschucke. “
+ Extinctus est.] He was killed by the soldiery, according to Zosimus,
1. 29, and Zonaras, xii, 22.

o™
C.1X. | ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. © 519

jurious, and almost fatal, to the Roman name, either through
their ill-fortune or want of energy. The Germans advanced
as faras Ravenna. Valerian, while he was occupied in a war in
Mesopotamia, was overthrown by Sapor king of Persia, and
being soon after made prisoner, grew old in ignominious slavery
among the Parthians.

VIII. Gallienus, who was made emperor when quite a
young man, exercised his power at first happily, afterwards
fairly, and at last mischievously. In his youth he performed
many gallant acts in Gaul and Illyricum, killing Ingenuus,
who had assumed the purple, at Mursa,* and Regalianus. He
was then for a long time quiet and gentle; afterwards,
abandoning himself to all manner of licentiousness, he re-
laxed the reins of government with disgraceful inactivity and
carelesness. The Alemanni, having laid waste Gaul, pene-
trated into Italy. Dacia, which had been added to the
empire beyond the Danube, was lost. Greece, Macedonia,
Pontus, Asia, were devastated by the Goths. Pannonia was
depopulated by the Sarmatians and Quadi. The Germans
made their way as far as Spain, and took the noble
city of Tarraco. The Parthians, after taking possession of
Mesopotamia, began to bring Syria under their power.

IX. When affairs were in this desperate condition, and the
Roman empire almost ruined, Postumus, a man of very
obscure birth, assumed the purple in Gaul, and held the
government with such ability for ten years, that he recruited
the provinces, which had been almost ruined, by his great
energy and judgment; but he was killed in a mutiny of the
army, because he would not deliver up Moguntiacum, which
had rebelled against him, to be plundered by the soldiers, at
the time when Lucius AZlianus was endeavouring to effect a
change of government.

After him Marius, a contemptible mechanic,} assumed the
purple, and was killed two days after. Victorinus then took
on himself the government of Gaul; a man of great energy;
but, as he was abandoned to excessive licentiousness, and
corrupted other men’s wives, he was assassinated at Agrip-

* A town of Lower Pannonia, on the river Drave. Cellar. Geog.
Ant, ii. 8, 27.

+ Vilissimus opifex.] Victor de Ces. 33, 9, calla him ferri opifex, a
worker in iron.
520 EUTROPIUS. (B.1x.

pina,* in the second year of his reign, one of his secretaries
having contrived a plot against him.

X. To him succeeded Tetricus, a senator, who, when he
was governing Aquitania with the title of prefect, was chosen
emperor in his absence, and assumed the purple at Bourdeaux.
He had to endure many insurrections among the soldiery.
But while these transactions were passing in Gaul, the Per-
sians, in the east, were overthrown by Odenathus, who, having
defended Syria and recovered Mesopotamia, penetrated into
the country as far as Ctesiphon.

XI. Thus, while Gallienus abandoned the government, the
Roman empire was saved in the west by Posthumus, and in
the east by Odenathus. Meanwhile Gallienus was killed at
Milan, together with his brother, in the ninth year of his
reign, and Cxaupius succeeded him, being chosen by the
soldiers, and declared emperor by the senate. Claudius
defeated the Goths, who were laying waste Illyricum and
Macedonia, in a great battle. He was a frugal and modest
man, strictly observant of justice, and well qualified for
governing the empire. He was however carried off by disease
within two years after he began to reign, and had the title of
a god. The senate honoured him with extraordinary distinc-
tions, insomuch that a golden shield was hung up to him in
the senate house, and a golden statue erected to him in the
Capitol.

XII. After him QuintiLius, the brother of Claudius, was
elected emperor by agreement among the soldiers, a man
of singular moderation and aptitude for governing, comparable,
or perhaps superior, to his brother. He received the title of
emperor with the consent of the senate, and was killed on the
seventeenth day of his reign.

XIII. After his death AuRELIAN succeeded to the throne.
He was born in Dacia Ripensis, and was a man of ability in
war, but of an ungovernable temper, and too much inclined
to cruelty. He defeated the Goths with great vigour, and
extended the Roman empire, by various successes in the field,
to its former limits, He overthrew Tetricus at Catalaunit

* A town of the Ubii, so called because Agrippina was born there. It
is now Cologne.

+ In Gallia Belgica, Amm. Marcell. xv. 11, now, as Tzschucke thinks,
Chalons sux Marne.
C.Xv.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 521

in Gaul, Tetricus himself, indeed, betraying his own army,
whose constant mutinies he was unable to bear; and he had
even by secret letters entreated Aurelian to march towards
him, using, among other solicitations, the verse of Virgil :—

Eripe me his, invicte, malis.
Unconquer’d hero, free me from these ills.

He also took prisoner Zenobia, who, having killed her hus-
band Odenathus, was mistress of the east, in a battle of no
great importance near Antioch,’and, entering Rome, celebrated
a magnificent triumph, as recoverer of the east and the west,
Tetricus* and Zenobia going before his chariot. This Tetri-
cus was afterwards governor of Lucania, and lived long after
he was divested of the purple. Zenobia left descendants, who
still live at Rome.

XIV. In his reign, the people of the mint raised a rebellion
in the city, after having adulterated the money, and put to
death Felicissimus the commissioner of the treasury. Aure-
lian suppressed them with the utmost severity ; several noble-
men he condemned to death. He was indeed cruel and
sanguinary, and rather an emperor necessary for the times in
some respects than an amiable one in any. He was always
severe, and put to death even the son of his own sister. He was
however a reformer, in a great degree, of military discipline
and dissoluteness of manners.

XV. He surrounded the city of Rome with stronger walls.
He built 2 temple to the Sun, in which he put a vast quantity
of gold and precious stones. The province of Dacia, which
Trajan had formed beyond the Danube, he gave up, despair-
ing, after all Illyricum and Meesia had been depopulated, of
being able to retain it. The Roman citizens, removed from
the town and lands of Dacia, he settled in the interior of Mcesia,
calling that Dacia which now divides the two Mesie, and
which is on the right hand of the Danube as it runs to the sea,
whereas Dacia was previously on the left. He was killed
through the treachery of one of his own slaves, who carried to
certain military men, the friends of Aurelian, their own names
entered upon a list, having counterfeited the hand of Aurelian,
and making it appear that he intended to put them to death.
That he might be prevented from doing so, he was assassinated

* See ec. 10.
522 EUTROPIUS. * [B.Ix.

by them in the middle of the road, the old paved way, which
is between Constantinople and Heraclea. The place is called
Cenophrurium. But his death was not unavenged.* He
also gained the honour of being enrolled among the gods. He
reigned five years and six months.

XVI. After him Tactrus succeeded to the throne; a man
of excellent morals, and well qualified to govern the empire.
He was unable, however, to show the world anything remark-
able, being cut off by death in the sixth month of his reign.
Frorianvs, who succeeded Tacitus, was on the throne only two
months and twenty days, and did nothing worthy of mention.

XVII. Propus then succeeded to the government, a man
rendered illustrious by the distinction which he obtained
in war. He recovered Gaul, -which had been seized by the
Barbarians, by remarkable successes in the field. He also
suppressed, in several battles, some persons that attempted to
seize the throne, as Saturninus in the east, and Proculus and
Bonosus at Agrippina. He allowed the Gauls and Cannonians
to have vineyards. By obliging his soldiers to work, too, he
planted vineyards on Mount Alma in Sirmium, and on Mount
Aureus in Upper Meesia, and jleft them to the people of the
provinces to cultivate. After he had gone through a great
number of wars, and had at last obtained peace, he observed,
that ‘in ashort time soldiers would not be wanted.” He was
a man of spirit, activity, and justice, equalling Aurelian in
military glory, and surpassing him in affability of manners.
He was killed, however, at Sirmium, in an iron turret, during »
an insurrection of the soldiery. He reigned six years and
four months.

XVIII. After the death of Probus, Carus was created
emperor, a native of Narbo in Gaul, who immediately made
his sons, Carinus and Numerianus, Caesars, and reigned, in
conjunction with them, two years. News being brought, while
he was engaged in a war with the Sarmatians, of an insurrec-
tion among the Persians, he set out for the east, and achieved
some noble exploits against that people ; he routed them in the
field, and took Seleucia and Ctesiphon, their noblest cities,
but, while he was encamped on the Tigris, he was killed by
lightning. His son Numertanus, too, whom he had taken

* Tacitus made it his care to put the assassius to death. Vopisc.
Vit. Tacit. c. 13; Aurel. Vict. Epit. v. 36.
0.Xx.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 523

with him to Persia, a young man of very great ability, while,
from being affected with a disease in his eyes, he was carried in
a litter, was cut off by a plot of which Aper, bis father-in-law,
was the promoter; and his death, though attempted craftily to
be concealed until Aper could seize the throne, was made known
by the odour of his dead body; for the soldiers, who attended
him, being struck by the smell, and opening the curtains of his
litter, discovered his death some days after it had taken place.

XIX. In *the meantime Carinus, whom Carus, when he
set out to the war with Parthia, had left, with the authority of
Cesar, to command in Illyricum, Gaul, and Italy, disgraced
himself by all manner of crimes; he put to death many inno-
cent persons on false accusations, formed illicit connexions with
the wives of noblemen, and wrought the ruin of several of his
school-fellows, who happened to have offended him at school
by some slight provocation. Incurring the hatred of all men
by such proceedings, he not long after met with deserved
punishment.

The victorious army, on returning from Persia, as they had
lost their emperor Carus by lightning, and the Cesar Numeri-
anus by a plot, conferred the imperial dignity on Dioc.ETran,
a native of Dalmatia, of such extremely obscure birth, that he
is said by most writers to have been the son of a clerk, but
by some to have been a freedman of a senator named Anulinus.

XX, Diocletian, in the first assembly of the army that was
held, took an oath that Numerian was not killed by any treachery
on his part; and while Aper, who had laid the plot for Nume-
rian’s life, was standing by, he was killed, in the sight of the
army, with a sword by the hand lof Diocletian. He soon after
overthrew Carinus, who was living under the utmost hatred
and detestation, in a great battle at Margum,* Carinus being
betrayed by his own troops, for though he had a greater num-
ber of men than the enemy, he was altogether abandoned by
them between Viminacium and mount Aureus. He thus
became master of the Roman empire; and when the peasants
in Gaul made an insurrection, giving their faction the name
of Bagaudz,t and having for leaders Amandus and Atlianus,

* A town in Upper Meesia, between the Danube and the Margus or

Morava. : 8 .
t A name of uncertain signification, but supposed, says Tzschucke,

to mean rebels or robbers.
524 EUTROPIUS. [B.Ix.

he despatched Maximian Herculius, with the authority of
Cesar, to suppress them. Maximian, in a few battles of
little importance, subdued the rustic multitude, and restored
peace to Gaul.

XXIT, During this period, Carausius, who, though of very
mean birth, had gained extraordinary reputation by a course of
active service in war, having received a commission in his
post at Bononia, to clear the sea, which the Franks and Saxons
infested, along the coast of Belgica and Armorica, and having
captured "numbers of the barbarians on several occasions, but
having never given back the entire booty to the people of the
province or sent it to the emperors, and there being a suspi-
cion, in consequence, that the barbarians were intentionally
allowed by him to congregate there, that he might seize them
and their booty as they passed, and by that means enrich him-
self, assumed, on being sentenced by Maximian to be put
to death,’the imperial purple, and took on him the government
of Britain.

XXII. While disorder thus prevailed throughout the world,
while Carausius was taking arms in Britain and Achilleus in
Egypt, while the Quinquegentiani* were harassing Africa,
and Narseust was making war upon the east, Diocletian pro-
moted Maximian Hercuttus from the dignity of Cesar to
that of emperor, and created Constantius and Maximian
Galerius Casars, of whom Constantius is said to have been the
grand-nephew of Claudiust by a daughter, and Maximian
Galerius to have been born in Dacia not far from Sardica.§
That he might also unite them by affinity, Constantius married
Theodora the step-daughter of Herculius, by whom he had
afterwards six children, brothers to Constantine ; while Gale-
rius married Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian; both being
obliged to divorce the wives that they had before. With
Carausius, however, as hostilities were found vain against a
man eminently skilled in war, a peace was at last arranged.

* Cellarius thinks that they may be the same as the Pentapolitani,
that is, the Cyrenwans, Cyrenaica comprising five cities, Berenice,
Arsinoe, Ptolemais, Apollonia, and Cyrene.

+ King of Persia; more frequently written Narses.

t+ The emperor mentioned inc, 11. Constantius was the grandson
of Crispus, Claudius’s brother.

§ The metropolis of Dacia Mediterranea; thought to be the same
as the present Sofia in Bulgaria.
C.XXV.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 525

At the end of seven years, Allectus, one of his supporters, put
him to death, and held Britain himself for three years subse-
quently, but was cut off by the efforts of Asclepiodotus, prefect
of the pretorian guard. ;

XXIEI. At the same period a battle was fought by Con-
stantius Cesar in Gaul, at Lingone,* where he experienced
both good and bad fortune in one day; for though he was
driven into the city by a sudden onset of the barbarians, with
such haste and previpitation that after the gates were shut he
was drawn up the wall by ropes, yet, when his army came up,
after the lapse of scarcely six hours, he cut to pieces about
“sixty thousand of the Alemanni. Maximian the emperor,
too, brought the war to an end in Africa, by subduing the
Quinquegentiani,. and compelling them to+make peace.
Diocletian, meanwhile, besieging Achilleus in Alexandria,
obliged him to surrender about eight months after, and put
him to death. He used his victory, indeed, cruelly, and
distressed all Egypt with severe proscriptions and massacres,
Yet at the same time he made many judicious arrangements
and regulations, which continue to our own days.

XXIV. Galerius Maximian, in acting against Narseus,
fought, on the first occasion, a battle far from successful,
meeting him between .Callinicus and Carre, and engaging in
the combat rather with rashness than want of courage; for he
contended with a small army against a very numerous enemy.
Being. in consequence defeated, and going to join Diocletian,
he was received by him, when he met him on the road, with
such extreme haughtiness, that he is said to have run by his
chariot for several miles in his scarlet robes.

XXV. But having soon after collected forces in Ilyricum
and Meesia, he fought a second time with Narseus (the grand-
father of Hormisdas and Sapor), in Greater Armenia, with
extraordinary success, and with no less caution and spirit, for
he undertook, with one or two of the cavalry, the office of a
speculator.t After putting Narseus to flight, he captured his

* Apud Lingonas.] Lingonw, or Lingones, the chief town of the
Lingones in Gaul, previously called Andomatunum ; now Langres.

+ The speculatores, under the emperors, were a body of troops
attached to the pretorian cohorts, or perhaps forming part of them,
and having the care of the emperor's person. Ipswm Othonem comita-
bantur speculatorum lecta corpora, cum ceteris pretorits cohortibus. Tac.
Hist. it. 11.
526 EUTROPIUS. [B.rx,

wives, sisters, and children, with a vast number of the
Persian nobility besides, and a great quantity of treasure ; the
king himself he forced to take refuge in the remotest deserts
in his dominions. Returning therefore in triumph to
Diocletian, who was then encamped with some troops in
Mesopotamia, he was welcomed by him with great, honour.
Subsequently, they conducted several wars both in conjunction
and separately, subduing the Carpi and Bastarne, and
defeating the Sarmatians, from which nations he settled a
great number of captives in the Roman territories.

XXVI. Diocletian was of a crafty disposition, with much
sagacity, and keen penetration. He was willing to gratify his
own. disposition to cruelty in such a way as to throw the odium
upon others ;* he was however a very active and able prince.
He was the first that introduced into the Roman empire a
ceremony suited rather to royal usages than to Roman liberty,
giving orders that he should be adored,* whereas all emperors
before him were-only saluted. He put ornaments of precious
stones on his dress and shoes, when the imperial distinction
had previously been only in the purple robe, the rest of the
habit being the same as that of other men.

XXVII. But Herculius was undisguisedly cruel, and of a
violent temper, and showed his severity of disposition in the
sternness of his looks. Gratifying his own inclination, he
joined with Diocletian in even the most cruel of his proceed-
ings. But when Diocletian, as age bore heavily upon him,
felt himself unable to sustain the government of the empire, he
suggested to Herculius that they should both retire into
private life, and commit the duty of upholding the state to
more vigorous and youthful hands. With this suggestion his
colleague reluctantly complied. Both of them, in the same
day, exchanged the robe of empire for an ordinary dress,
Diocletian at Nicomedia, Herculius at Milan, soon after a
magnificent triumph which they celebrated at Rome over
several nations, with a noble succession of pictures,t and in

* Adorari.] See C. Nep. life of Conon, c. 3.

+ Pompd ferculorwm illustri.] Fercula axe representations of cities,
rivers, and other objects in the conquered countries, carried in pro-
cession at a triumph, in imitation of Romulus, who -earried the spoils
of a slain enemy suspensa ferculo, Liv. i. 10.—TZeschucke. Ferculum
was a kind of frame in which anything might be carried or suspended.
C.XXVIIL]  ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 527

which the wives, sisters, and children of Narseus were led
before their chariots. The one then retired to Salone, and the
other into Lucania.

XXVIII. Diocletian lived to an old age in a private
station, at a villa which is not far from Salone, in honourable
retirement, exercising extraordinary philosophy, inasmuch as
he alone of all men, since the foundation of the Roman
empire, voluntarily returned from so high a dignity to the
condition of private life, and to an equality with the other
citizens. That happened to him, therefore, which had
happened to no one since men were created, that, though he
died in a private condition, he was enrolled among the gods.

BOOK X.

Division of the empire between Constantius and Galerius, Maximin
and Severus being Cesars, I1—Constantine made emperor in
Britain, and Maxentius, son of Maximian, at Rome; Maximian
attempts to regain the throne; failure of Severus against Max-
entius, II.—Subsequent efforts of Maximian; his death and
character, III.—Four emperors at once, Constantine, Maxentius,
Licinius, and Maximin; Maxentius overthrown by Constantine;
death of Maximin, IV.—Licinius defeated by Constantine, who
becomes sole emperor, and makes three. Cesars, V. Vi.—Character
and death of Constantine, VII. VIII.—He is succeeded by three
sons and a nephew, Constantine, Constantius, Constans, and Dal-
matius; Constantius survives them all, and becomes sole emperor,
suppressing Veteranio and Nepotian, IX.-XI.—Overthrow and
death of Magnentius; Gallus made Cesar, XII.—Deaths of Gallus
and Sylvanus, XIIJ.—Julian sent to Gaul by Constantius with the
authority of Cesar; his successes, XIV.—Julian made emperor ;
death and character of Constantius, XV.—Julian’s expedition to
the east; his death and character, XVI.—Jovian made emperor in
the east ; his ill-fortune ; he cedes a portion of the Roman territo
to Sapor ; his death, and the supposed causes of it, XVII. XVIIL

I. Tuxse emperors, then, having retired from the govern-
ment of the state, Constantius and GaLERius. were made
emperors; and the Roman world was divided between them
in such a manner, that Constantius had Gaul, Italy, and
Africa; Galerius Illyricum, Asia, and the East; two Cwsars
being joined with them. Constantius, however, content with
the dignity of emperor, declined the care of governing Africa
528 EUTROPIUS. [B.X.

He was an excellent man, of extreme benevolence, who studied
to increase the resources of the provinces and of private
persons, cared but little for the improvement of the public
treasury, and used to say that ‘it was better for the national
wealth to be in the hands of individuals than to be laid up in
one place of confinement.” So moderate was the furniture of
his house, too, that if, on holidays, he had to entertain a
greater number of friends than ordinary, his dining-rooms were
set out with the plate of private persons, borrowed from their
several houses. By the Gauls* he was not only beloved
but venerated, especially because, under his government, they
had escaped the suspicious prudence of Diocletian, and the
sanguinary rashness of Maximian. He died in Britain, at
York, in the thirteenth year of his reign, and was enrolled
among the gods.

II. Galerius, a man of excellent moral character, and skil-
ful in military affairs, finding that Italy, by Constantius's
permission, was put under his government, created two
Cesars, Maximin, whom he appointed over the east, and
Srvervs, to whom he committed Italy. He himself resided
in Illyricum. But after the death of Constantius, ConstTan-
TINE, his son by a wife of obscure birth, was made emperor in
Britain, and succeeded his father as a most desirable ruler.
In the meantime the pretorian guards at Rome, having risen
in insurrection, declared Maxenrius, the son of Maximian
Herculius, who lived in the Villa Publicat not far from the
city, emperor. At the news of this proceeding, Maximian,
filled with hopes of regaining the imperial dignity, which he
had not willingly resigned, hurried to Rome from Lucania,
(which, on retiring into private life, he had chosen for his
place of residence, spending his old age in a most delightful
country), and stimulated Diocletian by letters to resume the
authority that he had laid down, letters which Diocletian
utterly disregarded. Severus Cesar, being despatched to
Rome by Galerius to suppress the rising of the guards and
Maxentius, arrived-there with his army, but, as he was laying
siege to the city, was deserted through the treachery of his
soldiers.

* He had reserved Gaul for his own peculiar province —Teschucke. :
+ A building in the Campus Martius, intended chiefly as a lodging-
house or hotel for ambassadors from foreign nations.
CH. III. ] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 529

IIT. The power of Maxentius was thus increased, and his
government established. Severus, taking to flight, was killed
at Ravenna, Maximian Herculius, attempting afterwards, in
an assembly of the army, to divest his son Maxentius of his
power, met with nothing but mutiny and reproaches from the
soldiery. He then set out for Gaul, on a planned stratagem,
as if he had been driven away by his son, that he might join
his son-in-law Constantine,* designing, however, if he could
find an opportunity, to cut off Constantine, who was ruling in
Gaul with great approbation both of the soldiers and the
people of the province, having overthrown the Franks and
Alemanni with great slaughter, and captured their kings,
whom, on exhibiting a magnificent show of games, he exposed
to wild beasts. But the plot being made known by Mazi-
mian’s daughter Fausta, who communicated the design to her
husband, Maximian was cut off at Marseilles, whence he was
preparing to sail to join his son, and died a well-deserved
death ; for he was a man inclined to every kind of cruelty and
severity, faithless, perverse, and utterly void of consideration
for others.

IV. At this time Ltcrytus, a native of Dacia, was made
emperor by Galerius, to whom he was known by old compa-
nionship, and recommended by his vigorous efforts and services
in the war which he kad conducted against Narseus. The death
of Galerius followed immediately afterwards. The empire was
then held by the four new emperors, Constantine and Maxen-
tius, sons of emperors, Licinius and Maximian, sons of undistin-
guished men. Constantine, however, in the fifth year of his
reign, commenced 4 civil war with Maxentius, routed his
forces in several battles, and at last overthrew Maxentius
himself (when he was spreading death among the nobility by
every possible kind of cruelty,+) at the Milvian bridge, and
made himself master of Italy. Not long after, too, Maximin,
after commencing hostilities against Licinius in the east,’anti-
cipated the destruction that was falling upon him by an
accidental death at Tarsus.

V. Constantine, being a man of great energy, bent upon
effecting whatever he had settled in his mind, and aspiring to

* Who was married to Maximian’s daughter Fausta.
+ Adversus nobiles omnibus exitiis scevientem.} “ Raging against the
nobles with every kind of destruction.”
MM
530 EUTROPIUS. [BOOK x.

the sovereignty of the whole world, proceeded to make war on
Licinius, although be had formed a connexion with him by
marriage,* for his sister Constantia was married to Licinius,
And first of all he overthrew him, by a sudden attack, at
Cibalz in Pannonia, where he was making vast preparations
for war; and after becoming master of Dardania, Mevia, and
Macedonia, took possession also of several other provinces,

VI. There were then various contests between them, and
peace madeand broken. At last Licinius, defeated in a battle
ait Nicomedia by sea and land, surrendered himself, and, in
violation of an oath taken by Constantine, was put to death,
after being divested of the purple, at Thessalonica.

At this time the Roman empire fell under the sway of one
emperor and three Cesars, a state of things which had never:
existed before; the sons of Constantine ruling over Gaul, the
east, and Italy. But the pride of prosperity caused Constantine
greatly to depart from his former agreeable mildness of temper.
Falling first upon his own relatives, he put to death his son,
an excellent man; his sister's son, a youth of amiable disposi-
tion ; soon afterwards his wife, and subsequently many of his
friends.

VII. He was a man, who, in the beginning of his reign,
might have been compared to the best princes; in the latter
part of it, only to those of a middling character. Innumerable
good qualities of mind and body were apparent in him; he
was exceedingly ambitious of military glory, and had great
success in his wars; a success, however, not more than pro-
portioned to his exertions. After he had terminated the Civil
war, he also overthrew the Goths on various occasions, granting
them at last peace, and leaving on the minds of the barbarians
a strong remembrance of his kindness. He was attached to
the arts of peace and to liberal studies. and was ambitious of
honourable popularity, which he, indeed, sought by every kind
of liberality and obligingness. Though he was slow, from
suspicion, to serve some of his friends, yet he was exceedingly

* Necessitudo ili et afimitas cum eo esset.] He had a necessitudo or
relationship with him, which relationship was an affnitas, or alliance
by marriage. Affinitas is added, as Tzschucke observes, to explain
necessitudo, which, consequently, might very well be omitted.

t In nonnullus amicos dubius.] I have translated this phrase in
conformity with the explanation of the old interpreter in To. Anti-
ochenus. cited by Tzschucke: rpd¢ rivag trav yrwpipwy dovdAwe TE
Kai ove byiwg gaye.

‘
CH. ViL.] § ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 531

generous towards others, neglecting no opportunity to add to, ,
their riches and honours. e

VIIL He enacted many laws, some good and equitable,
but most of them superfluous, and some severe. He was the
first that endeavoured to raise the city named after him* to
such a height as to make it a rival to Rome. | As he was pre-

’ paring for war against the Parthians, who were then disturbing
Mesopotamia, he died in the Villa Publica,t at. Nicomedia, in
the thirty-first year of his reign, and the sixty-sixth of his
age. His death was foretold by a star with a tail, which
shone for a long time, of extraordinary size, and which the
Greeks call a xoujrns. He was deservedly enrolled among
the gods. ' 3

IX. He left for his successors three sons and one nephew,
the son of his brother. But Datmatius Casar, a man of
happy genius, and not unlike his brother, was soon after cut
off by a mutiny among the soldiers, Constantius, his cousin,
sanctioning the act, rather than commanding it. The officers
of Constans also put to death Constantine, when he was
making war upon his brother, and had rashly commenced an
engagement at Aquileia. Thus the government was left in
the hands of two emperors. The rule of Constans was for
some time energetic and just, but afterwards, falling into ill-
health, and being swayed by ill-designing friends, he indulged
in great vices; and, becoming intolerable to the people of the
provinces, and unpopular with the soldiery, was killed by a

'!l party headed by Magnentius. He died not far from the borders
of Spain, in a fortress named Helena, in the seventeenth year
of his reign, and the thirtieth of his age; yet not till he had
performed many gallant actions in the field, and had made
himself feared by the army through the whole course of his
life, though without exercising any extraordinary severity.

X. The fortune of Consranyius was different; for he suf-
fered many grievous calamities at the hands of the Persians,
his towns being often taken, his walled cities besieged, and
his troops cut off. Nor had he a single successful engagement
with Sapor, except that, at Singara, when victory might

. certainly have been his, he lost it, thraugh the irrepressible
eagerness of his men, who, contrary to the practice of war,

* Constantinople.
+ A building similar to the one at Rome mentioned in ¢, 2.
MM 2
532 EUTROPIUS. [BOOK x.

mutinously and foolishly called for battle when the day was
declining. After the death of Constans, when Macnentivs
held the government of Italy, Africa, and Gaul, Ilyricum
also felt some new commotions, VETRANIO being elected to
the throne by a combination of the soldiery, whom they made
emperor when he was very old and universally popular from
the length and success of his service in the field; an upright
man, of morality severe as that of the ancients, and of an agree-
able wnassumingness of manner, but so ignorant of all polite
learning, that he did not even acquire the first rudiments of
literature until he was old and had become emperor.

XI. But the imperial authority was snatched from Vetranio
by Constantius, who stirred up a civil war to avenge his
brother’s death; Vetranio being compelled, with the consent
of the soldiers, and, by a new, and extraordinary proceeding, to
divest himself of the purple. There was at the same time an
insurrection at Rome, Nepotianus, a son of Constantine’s
sister, endeavouring to secure the throne with the aid of a
body of gladiators ; but he met with an end such as his savage
attempts merited, for he was cut off on the twenty-eighth
day of his usurpation by the officers of Magnentius, and paid
the penalty of his rashness. His head was carried through
the city on a lance; and dreadful proscriptions and massacres
of the nobility ensued.

XIT. Not long afterwards Magnentius was overthrown in a
battle at Mursa,* and nearly taken prisoner. Vast forces of
the Roman empire were cut off in that struggle, sufficient for
any foreign wars, and for procuring many triumphs, and a
lasting peace. Soon after, Gattus, his uncle’s son, was
appointed by Constantius, as Cesar, over the east; and
Magnentius, being defeated in several battles, put an end to his
life at Lyons, in the third year and seventh month of his reign,
as did also his brother at Sens,t+ whom he had sent as Cesar
to defend Gaul.

XITI. About this time the Cesar Gallus, after committing
many tyrannical acts, was put to death by Constantius.
Gallus was a man naturally cruel, and too much inclined to
tyranny, if he could but have reigned in his own right.

“ See ix, 8,

t Senonis.] The ablative” case of Senont, orum, previously called
Agendicum, now Sens,
CH. Xvi.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY, 533

Silvanus also, who attempted an insurrection in Gaul, was cut
off before the end of thirty days; and Constantius then
remained sole ruler and emperor over the Roman dominions.

XIV. He then sent into Gaul, with the authority of Cesar,
his cousin Julian, the brother of Gallus, giving him his sister
in marriage, at a time when the barbarians had stormed many
towns and were besieging others, when there was every where
direful devastation, and when the Roman empire was tottering
in evident distress. But by Julian, with but a moderate force,
vast numbers of the Alemanni were cut off at Strasburg, a city
of Gaul; their distinguished king was taken prisoner, and
Gaul recovered. Many other honourable achievements, too,
were afterwards performed by Julian against the barbarians,
the Germans being driven beyond the Rhine, and the Roman
empire extended to its former limits.

XV. Not long after, when the German armies were with-
drawing from the defence of Gaul, JuLian was made emperor by
the unanimous consent of the army, and, after the lapse of a
year, went to take the government of Ilyricum, while Con-
stantius was engaged in the war with Parthia. Constantius,
hearing what had occurred, and returning to the civil strife,
died ov his march between Cilicia and Cappadocia, in the
thirty-eighth year of his reign, and the forty-fifth of his age,
and was deservedly enrolled among the gods. He was a man
of a remarkably tranquil disposition, good-natured, trusting too
much to his friends and courtiers, and at last too much in the
power of his wives. He conducted himself with great mode-
ration in the commencement of his reign; he enriched his
friends, and suffered, none, whose active services he had
experienced; to go unrewarded. He was however somewhat
inclined to severity, whenever any suspicion of an attempt on
the government was excited in him; otherwise he was gentle.
His fortune is more to be praised in civil than in foreign
wars.

XVI. Julian then became sole emperor, and made war,
with a vast force, upon the Parthians; in which expedition I was
also present. Several towns and fortresses of the Persians he
induced to surrender; or took them by storm; and, having laid
waste Assyria, fixed his camp for some time at Ctesiphon.
As he was returning victorious, and mingling rashly in the
thick of a battle, he was killed by the hand of an enemy, on
|

584. EUTROPIUS. [BooK x.

the 26th of June, in the seventh year of his reign, and

the thirty-second of his age, and was enrolled among the gods.

He was a remarkable man, and one that would have governed

the empire with honour, if he had but been permitted by the

fates. He was eminently accomplished in liberal branches of
knowledge, but better read in the literature of the Greeks, so

much so indeed that his Latin was by no means comparable to
his Greek learning. He was possessed of great and ready
eloquence, and of a most tenacious memory. In some respects

he was more like a philosopher than a prince. Towards his

friends he was liberal, yet less discriminating as to the objects:
of his generosity than became so great an emperor; for -there
were some of them that cast a stain on his glory. To the

people of the provinces he was most just, and remitted the

taxes on them as far as was possible. He was indulgent

towards all men; he felt no great anxiety about the public

treasury; but of glory he was a great lover, and manifested

even an intemperate desire for the attainment of it. He was

a persecutor of the Christian religion, yet so that he abstained

from shedding blood. He was not unlike Marcus Antoninus,

whom he even studied to rival.

“—XVIT. After him Jovran, who attended him in the expe-

dition as one of his body-guard, was chosen by the suffrages
of the soldiers to fill the throne; a man better known to the
army by the fame of his father than by his own. As affairs:
were now in confusion, and the army distressed for want of
provisions, Jovian, after being defeated in one or two battles
by the Persians, made peace with Sapor, a peace which was
necessary indeed, but ignominious, for he was obliged to contract
his boundaries, a portion of the Roman dominions being
ceded to the enemy; a disgrace which had never occurred,
before his time, since the Roman empire had been founded,
during a space of one thousand one hundred and eighteen
years. And though our legions were made to pass under the
yoke, both at Caudium by Pontus Telesinus,* at Numantia
mm Spain, and in Numidia, yet no part of the Roman territory
was given up on any of those occasions. Such terms would
-not have been altogether reprehensible, if he had been
* This Pontius is not generally called Telesinus; the other Pontius,

who was distinguished as leader of the Samnites in the Social war, had
that name. See Florus, iii. 18.
CH. XVIu.] ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY. 535

resolved, when it should be in his power, to throw off the
obligation of the treaty, as was done by the Romans in all the
wars that I have mentioned; for war was immediately after
made upon the Samnites, Numantines, and Numidians, and the
peace was never ratified. But being in dread, as long as he |
remained in the east, of a rival for the imperial dignity, he —

appar feo ttle of his glory.;--After matching from thence,
accordingly, and directing his course towards Illyricum, he
died suddenly on the borders of Galatia. He was a man, in
other parts of his conduct, deficient neither in energy nor
understanding,

XVIIT. Many think that he was carried off by a violent fit
of indigestion, for he had indulged in delicacies at supper;
others suppose that he died of the odour of his chamber, which,
from a recent plastering of lime, was dangerous to such as
slept in it; others imagine that he fell a victim to the over-
powering effects of charcoal, which he had ordered to be burnt
in great abundance on account of the extreme cold. He died
in the seventh month of his reign, on the 18th of April,
in the thirty-third year of his age,* and, by the kindness of
the emperors that succeeded him, was enrolled among the
gods; for he was inclined to equity, and liberal by nature.

Such was the state of the Roman empire in the consulship of

he Emperor Jovian and Varronianus, in the year one thousand
me hundred and nineteen from the foundation of the city.
But as we have now come to illustrious and venerable princes,
we shall here fix a limit to the present part of our work; for
the things that remain must be told in a more elevated style ;
and we do not, for the present, so much omit them, as
reserve them for higher efforts in writing.

* The words ut quit plurimum minimumque tradunt, which occur
here, are not translated. See note on i, 1.
INDEX

TO

JUSTIN, CORNELIUS NEPOS, AND EUTROPIUS.

 

Where no letter is prefixed to the number of the book, the reference is to Justin;

where the letter E is prefixed, to Eutropi

ius. The other references are to Cornelius

Nepos, K. denoting the treatise ““Of Kings.”

Abdera, people of, driven from home by
frogs, xv. 2.

Abdolonymus, xi. 10.

Abella, a city of Campania, xx. 1.

Aborigines of Italy, xxxviil. 6; xliii. 1.

Abraham, king of Damascus, Xxxvi. 2.

Abydus, in Phrygia, ii. 13.

Acarnanes, xxvi. 3; xxviii. 1; sent no aid
to the Greeks against Troy, xxviii. 1.

Acerbas, uncle'and husband of Dido, xviii. |
4.

Acesines, a river of India, xii. 9.

Achewans, xx. 1; desert from Philip to the
Romans, xxiv. 4; xxv. 4; go to war
with Nabis, xxxi. 3; with the Messe-
nians, xxxii. 1; with the R , XXXIV.
2; dissolution of the Achwan "league,
xxxiy. 1.

Achaia, iii. 6.

Acheron, a river in Epirus; another in the
country of the Bruttii, xii. 2.

Achilleus, besieged in Alexandria by Dio-
cletian, E, ix. 23.

Acilius Glabrio defeats Antiochus, xxxi.
6; E.iv 3

Adaspii of Caucasus subdued by Alexander,
xii. 5.

Admetus, Ale. 2.

Adores, king of Damascus, xxxvi. 2.

Adrastia, in Mysia, xi. 6.

Adreate of India, subdued by Alexander,
xii. 8.

Adria, or Hadria, xx. 1.

Adrian, emperor, succeeds Trajan, E. viii.
6.

Adrumetum, Hann. 6.

Acide, ancestors of Olympias, xii. 16; of
the kings of Epirus, xvii. 3; see also xi.
3; xii. 15.

Aacidas, king of the Molossi, xiv. 5;

father of Pyrrhus, xvii. 3; and of Dei-
damia, xiv. 6.

etes, father of Medea, xxxii. 3.

fEgates, Ham. 1.

Aigen, or Age, in Macedonia, vii. 1; K. 2.

Aigeus, father of Theseus, ii. 6; of Medus
by Medea, xlii 2.

¥gialeus, brother of Medea, xlii. 3.

A gospotamos, Lys. 1; Ale. 8

#Emilianus made emperor, E. ix. 5, 6.

Aimilius, L, defeats Hannibal, acting
under Antiochus, xxxi. 6.
0 Paulus, killed at Canna,

E.
Emilius, M. xxxi. 8.
Paullus, defe
ginians bysea, E. ii. 22.
———— L. Paullus (1), defeats Demetrius,
king of the Illyrians, xxix. 2.
——_—___-_—_— (2), conqueror of Per-
seus, xxxiii, 1.; E. iv. 7.
ABneas, xx. 1; xxxi. 8; xiii. 1.
®olian Islands, volcanic, iv. 1.
f£olus, iv. 2.
£ropus, king of Macedonia, vii. 2.
Ethiopia subdued by Semiramis, i, 2.
4Btna, Mount, iv. 1.
Town, xxii. 1.
4Etolians found Brundusium, xii. 23 raise
a war in Greece, xiii. 5; defeat the
Spartans, xxiii. 1; receive the exiles of
the Eleans, xxvi. 1; endeavour to seizea
portion of Acarnania, xxviii. 1; contend
with Philip, xxix. 1, 4; incite Antiochus
against the Romans, xxx. 4; xxxii. 1;
lose their liberty, xxxil. 1; xxxiii. 2.
tolia, Atulia, xiv. 1.
Afranius defeated by Cxear, E. vi. 20.
Africa, xiii. 7; xxx. 4; xliv. 1; ite stricter
sense, Xxii. 5.

 

 

the Cartha-

 

 

 
INDEX.

Agas, or Magas, king of Cyrene, xxvi. 3

Agathocles (1), son of Lysimachus, killed
by his father, xvii. 1.

—_ (2), tyrant of Sicily, xxii. 1—8 ;
xxiii. 1, 2.

(3), favourite of Ptolemy Philo-

pator, xxx. 2,

Agenor, xiii. 4,

Agesilaus, lame, vi. 2; his acts in Asia, vi.
2,4; gains the battle of Coronza, vi. 4.
Ages. passim.

Agis (1), Paine of Agesilaus, v. 2; Ages, 1.

—— (2), grandson of Agesilaus, xii. 1.

Agrippa, M. Vipsanius, Att. 12; his success
in Aquitania, E. vii. 5.

Ajax, xliv. 2.

Alamanni invade Italy, E. ix. 8; overthrown
by Tonstantius, E, ix. 23 ; by Julian, E.
x.

Alba Longa, xliii. 1.

Albani in Asia, xlii. 3; conquered by Pom-
pey, E, vi. 4.

so brother of Perdiccas, xiii. 6, 8;
xv. 1.

Alcibiades, in Sicily, iv. 4; his recal, iv. 4;
his acts and character, v. 1—5, 8, 12—14.
Ale. passim.

Alexander (1), son of Amyntas I.; takes
revenge on the Persian ambassadors, vii.
3; his merits, vii. 4.

= (2), son of Amyntas II., vii.

 

 

(3), the Great, see the whole
of books xi. xii, and the Arguments ;
transfers the empire from the Persians
to the Macedonians, x, 3; xi. 14; con-
queror of the whole east, xiv. 2,4; xviii.
1; xxiv. 4; xxix. 3; xxxiii. 1; greater
than his father both in virtues and vices,
ix. 8; his praises, mus 4, 6; xiv. 1,4;
xv. 2; xxiv. 5. Eum, 2

——_—_—— (4), the brother of Olympiae,
ing of Epirus, viii, 6; ix. 6, 7; xii. 1, 2;
xxiii. 1.

——_—_——— (5), son of Alexander the
Great by Cleophis, xii, 7.

——_——— (6), Lyncestes, xi. 2, 7; xii. 14.

(7), son of Cassander, xvi. 1.

(8), son of Pyrrhus, xviii. 1;
xxvi. 2, 3; xxviii. 1.

———— i9), son of Perseus, xxxili. 2

———_-—— (10), Bala, xxxv. 1, 2.

(11), Zabennas, xxxix. 1, 2.

(12), son of Ptolemy Physcon,

 

xxxix. 4

 

(13), tyrant of Phere, Pelop. 5,

—————— Roman emperor, E. viii. 23.

Alexandria, in Egypt, xi. 11; xiii. 4; xxi.
6.

—_——_-———. on the Tanais, xii. 5.
Allia, river, E. i. 20.

Amadas, xii. 12.

Amazons, ii. 1, 3,4; near the Albani, xlii.

Ambiger, a king of the Indians, xii, 10.
Ambri, people of India, xii. 9.

 

537

Ammon, Jupiter, i, 9; vii. 2; xi. MN, 15;
xii. 11; xiii. 4

Amphictyon, king of Athens, i ii. 6.

Amphictyons, viii. 1.

Amphipolis, xiv. 6

Amphilochi, xliv. 3.

Amphistratus, the charioteer of Castor,
xiii. 3.

Amulius usurps the throne of Numitor;
killed by Romulus, xliii, 2, 3

Amyntas (1) 1., king of Macedonia vii. 2.

——— (2) II. "king of Macedonia, his wives
and sons, vii. 4, 5.

(3) a general of Philip, ix. 5; xii.

 

——— — (4) appointed over Bactria, xiii. 4.

Anaxarchus the philosopher accompanies
Alexander, xii. 13,

Anaxilaus of Sicily, iv. 2.

Ancus, king of Rome, E.i. 6.

Andocides, Alc. 3.

Andragoras (1), appointed by Alexander

over Parthia, xii. 4.

——-—— (2), appointed by Seleucus over

Parthia, xli. 4.

Andriscus, Pseudo-Philippus, E. iv. 13.

Andromache, the wife of Hector, Pyrrhus,
and Helenus, xvii. 3.

Antandrus, brother of Agathocles, xxii. 7.

Antemnates, E. i, 2.

Antenor, founder of the Veneti, xx. 1.

Antigenes, xii. 12.

Antigonus (1), has the province of Phrygia
after the death of Alexander, xiii. 4;
defeats Eumenes, xiii. 6; xiv, 2, 3; his
arrogance, xv. 1,2; killed by Lysimachus,
xv. 4; xvi. 1; K.'3.

— (2), Gonnatas, grandson of the
former, xvii. 2; driven from Macedonia
by Ptolemy Ceraunus, xxiv.1, slanghters
the Gauls, xxv. 1; xxvi. 2; expelled by
Pyrrhus, xxv. 3; subdues the Pelopon-
nesians, xxvi.1 ; makes war on the Athe-
nians, xxvi.2; overthrown by Alexander,
the son of Philip, xxvi. 2.

(3), grandsun of the preceding,
guardian of Philip, son of Demetrius,
xxviii. 3; king of Macedonia, xxviii. 3
takes Sparta, xxviii. 4.

Antioch, built, xv. 4.

Antiochus (1), father of Selencus, xiii. 4;
xv. 4.

{2), Soter, son of Seleucus, xvii.
2; xxiv. 1.
(3), the Great, begins -his reign,
xxix. 1; attacks Ptolemy Philopater,
xxx. 1, and his son Epiphanes, xxxi. 1;
offends the Romans, xxxi. 1; receives
Hannibal, xxxi. 1; excited by“the Ato-
lians, xxx. 4; defeated by the Romans,
aa 5—8, E. iv. 3, 4; his death, xxxii.

 

——__— “ Epiphanes, son of ,the pre-
ceding, xxxiv. 3.

——— (5) Deus, son of Alexander
Bala, killed, xxxvi. 1,
538

Antiochus (6) Euergetes, expels Trypho,
xxxvi. 1; subdues the Jews, xxxvi. 1;
makes war on Parthia, xxxviii. 10;
killed, xxxviii. 10.

— (7) Grypus, son of Demetrius

Il., xxxix. 1, 2.

(8) Cyzicenus, son of Antiochus

Euergetes, xxxix. 2,

(9) Asiaticus, grandson of the
preceding, deprived of his throne by
Pompey, xl. 2.

Antiope, queen of the Amazons, ii. 4.

Antipater (1), general of Philip, ix. 45 pre
fect of Macedonia, xi. 7; def
Spartans, xii. 1; called into Asia, a
12; said to have contrived the death of
Alexander the Great, xii. 14; guardian
to Alexander’s son, xiii. 2; governor of
Greece and Macedonia, xiii. 4; carries on
the Lamian war, xiii. 5; at war with
Perdiccas, xiii. 6, xiv. 2; his severity,
xiii. 1; h's sons, xii. 14; xiii. 4. Eum. 2.

(2), grandson of the preceding,
xvi. 1, 2.

Antoninus, M. and L. Verus, E. viii. 9.

Antoninus, Marcus, E, vii. 1. seg.

Antony, Mark, defeated by the Parthians,
xvi. 1, 2. Att. 9.

Apamea, Apamenii, xxxix. 1,

Apis, god of the Egyptians, i. 9.

Apollo ; spoliations of his temple, ii. 12;
viii 71; xxiv. 6,8; mentioned selene iii, 10;
xii. ‘ie; xiii. 7; xv. 45 xiii. 5

Apolionia, xV. 25 ix. 2

Appius Claudius, xviii. 2.

——— Censor, E. ii. 9,

Apulians, xii. 2,

Aquileia, xxxii. 3.

Aquilius, M., sent against Aristonicus,
xxxvi. 4.

 

 

 

 

 

, ambassador to Mithridates,
xXxxviii. 3.

Arabia, xiii, 4; xxxix. 5. Subdued by Se-
verus, E. viii. 18 ; by Pompey, E. vi. 14.

Aracossi in India, xili. 4.

Arathis, xxxvi. 2.

Araxes, i. 8.

Arbacer, i, 3.

Arbela, xi. 14,

Arcadia, xiii. 7; vi. 6

Arcesilaus (1), xiil. 4,

(2), xxii. 8”

Archagathus, son of Agathocles, xxil. 5, 8.

Archelaus, son of Amyntas, vii. 4; viii. 3.

‘Archelaus, general of Mithridates, E. v. 6.

Archias, Pelop. 3.

Archidumus, vi. 6.

Archon, xiii. 4.

Areas, xxiv. 1.

Arei, people, xiii, 4.

Argeus (1), king of Macedonia, vii. 2.

———— (2), son of Cyrene, xiii. 7,

Argonauts, xlii, 2; xxxii. 3,

Argos, receives the Athenian exiles, v. 9;
joins the Athenians against Antipater,
xiii. 5; Pyrrhus killed there, xxv. 5,-

 

 

INDEX.

Argyraspides, xii.
xiv. 2, 3

Ariarathes (1), son of Ataxerxes Mnemon,
x1.

7; betray Eumenes,

(2). king of Cappadocia, xiii. 6,
(3), king of Cappadocia, son of
Artamenes, xxix. 1.

—-—— (4), king of Cappadocia, exiles
his brother Grophernes, Xxxv. 1; assists
Alexander Bala, xxxv. 1; and ‘the Ro-
mans, xxxvii.1.

(5) king of Cappadocia, killed

by Mithridates, xxxviii. 1.

(6), king of Cappadocia, son of
the preceding, killed also by Mithridates,
xxxviii. 1.

— (7), king of Cappadocia, brother
of the preceding, is driven from his
throne by Mithridates, and dies, xxxviii. 2.

——— 7) son of Mithridates, made
king of Cappadocia, xxxviii. 1.

Arideus (1), killed by his brother Philip,

vii. 4, viii. 3,

— (2) son of Philip, ix. 8; xiii. 2;

xiv. 5; mamed successor to Alexander,

xiii, 2—4; killed, xiv. 5.

(3) one of Alexander’s generals,

 

 

xiii, 4.

Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, xxxviii.
2,3; Dat.2; E. v. 5.

Aristzus (1), founds Cyrene, xiii. 7.

(2), son of Apollo, teaches the use
of honey, the making of cheese, and as-
tronomy, xiii. 7.

Aristides discovers the treachery of Pausa-
nias, ii, 15; Arist. passim.

Aristobulus, E. vi. 16.

Aristonicus, natural son of Eumenes, taken
prisoner by the Romans, xxxvi. 4;
xxxviii. 5, 6; E. iv. 20.

Aristotle, tutor of Alexander and Callis-
thenes, xii. 6, 16,

Aristotimus, xxvi. 1,

Armenia, x. 3; xiii. 4; xlii. 2, 3.

Armenius or Armenus, companion of Jason,
xlii. 2, 3.

Arpi, founded’ by] Diomede, xx. 1

Arrybas, vii. 6; viii. 6; xvii. 3.

Arsaces, founder of the Parthians, xli. 4;
name of all the Partbian kings, xli. 5.

Arsacides or Arsaces, xxxviii. 9.

Arsinoe (1), daughter of Lagus, xvii. 1, 2;
xxiv. 2, 3; her sons by Lysimachus
killed, xxiv, 3.

(2), wife of Agas, king of Cyrene,
mother of Berenice, sister of Antigonus
Gonnatas, xxvi. 3.)

Artabanus, (1), kills Xerxes, =
killed by Artaxerxes, iii. 1 ;

(2), king of the parthiany; xlil, 2.

Artamenes king of Cappadocia, xxvii. 3.

Artaphernes, uncle of Xerxes, ii. 20.

Artaxerxes (1), Longimanus, iii. 1.

(2), Mnemon, v. 8, 11; sets Co-
.. non over his fleet, vi. 1; makes the peace
” of Antalcidas, vi.6 ; has 115 sona, x. 1, 2.

1; is
INDEX.

Artaxerxes (3) Macrochir, Nep. K. 1.

Artemenes, brother of Xerxes, ii. 10.

Artemisia, queen of Halicarnassus, ii, 12.

Arnas, son of Moses (same as Joshua),
xxxvi. 2.

Ascalon, a city of Idumea, xxiii, 3,

Ascanius, son of Aineag, xliii. 1.

Asia, xv. 4; subdued by Cyrus, i. 8; by the
Scythians, i. 3; possessed by the As-
syrians 1300 years, i. 2.

Asia Minor, xxvii. 2; under the power of
the Persians, ix. 5; aimed at by the
Spartans, vi. 1,2; wasted by Alcibiades,
v.4; invaded by the Gauls, xxv. 2,
sought by the Syrians and Egyptians,
xxvii, 3; corrupts the Romans, xxxvi.
4; character’of the Asiatics, xxxi. 6;
Exxviii. 3; climate of Asia, xxxviii, 7;
xxxi. 8

Aspasia, x. 2.

Aspendiang, Dat. 8

Asphaltites, lake, xxxvi. 3.

Aspis, Dat. 4,

Assyrians, empire of, i. 1—3.

Assyrium Stagnum, sea of Galilee, xviii. 3.

Asteropzug, vii. 1.

Astyages, last king of the Medes, i. +—6.

Atheas, king of the Scythians, craftily con-
quered by Philip, ix. 2.

Athens, history of, ii. 6; see also ii, 10—15;
iii. 6, 7; iv. 3—5; v. 3—10; vi. 1—5;
Athenians conqueredby Philip, viii. 3. 4;
revolt from Alexander, xi. 2; reconciled
to him, xi. 3, 4; the Lamian war with
Antipater, xiii. 5; war with Antigonus
Gonnatas, xxvi. 2; praise of Athens, ii.
6; viii.2;v.9; vi. 1; their pride, v. 3;;
conditicn after the death of Epaminon-
das, vi. 9. Thras,2; Alc. 9; E, v. 6.

Athos, dug through by Xerxes, ii. 10,

Atropatus, xiii. 4.

Attalus (1), one of Philip’s generals, ix. 5,
6; put to death by Alexander, xii. 6.
(2), another of Philip’s generals,

xiii, 3.

(3) king of Pergamus, xxix, 4;
makes the Roman people his heir, xxxvi.
4; E.iv. 4

Atthis gives name to Attica, ii. 6.

Attilins Regulus, xli. 4. :

Augustus, his war with Brutus and Cassius,
xlii.4; subdues Spain, xliv. 5; recovers
the standards taken by the Parthians,
xii. 5; E. vii. i. segg.

Augusti, common name of all the Roman
emperors, xli. 5.

Aurelian, emperor, E. ix. 13.

Authocus, xii. 7.

Autophradates, Dat. 2. ‘

Azelus, king of Damascus, xxxvl. 2.

 

 

‘Babylon, founded by Semiramis, i, 2; taken
yrus, i. 7; by Darius, x. 15; Alex-

ander dies there, xii. 13—15, Eum. 2.
Babylonia, xx. 4. (Often used by Justin
for Babylon, as i 2, 10; xii. 10, 13; xi.

 

539

12.) Falls to‘ Peucestes, xiii. 4; to Se-
leucus and the Syrians, xv. 4.

Babylonians cultivated astronomy, xx. 4.

Bacabasus, iii. 1.

Bacasis, xli. 6,

Bacchus, xii, 7; xlii, 3. {

Bactrians sprung from the Scythians, ii. 1,
3, Their oldest king, Zoroaster, killed
by Ninug, i, 1; fall under the power of
Alexander, xiii. 4; revolt from the Sy-
rians, xv. 4; xli, 4; subject to the Par-
thiang, xli. 6.

Bageus, Ale. 10.

Bagaude, E. ix. 20.

Bala, see Alexander, N. 10.

Balbinus, emperor, E. ix. 2.

Barce founded by Alexander, xii. 10.

Barene, i. 7.

Barsine, wife of Alexander, mother of
Hercules, xi. 10; xiii. 2; put to death by
Cassander, xv. 2.

Bassinus, emp. E, viii. 19.

Bastarne, xxxii. 3; xxxviii 3; E. ix, 25,

Battus, name of Aristeus, xiii. 7.

Belgius, leader of the Gauls, xxiv. 5.

Bergomum, xx. 5. i

Beroe, nurse of Pyrrhus, xvii. 3.

Berenice (1), of Cyrene, xxvi. 3.

(2), wife of Antiochus, II. xxvii. 1.
(3), wife of Attalus, xxxvi. 4.

Bessus, kills Darius, xi. 15; xxxii. 5.

Bilbilis, xliv. 3.

Bithynians, Hann. 11.

Bocchus, king of Mauritania, E, iv. 27.

Beotia, ii. 14; iii. 6.

Bomilear crucified, xxii. 7.

Borni, Ale. 7.

Bosporus, Cimmerian, xxxvili. 7.

Brennus, leader of the Gauls, xxiv. 6, 8.

Brixia, Brescia, xx. 5.

Brundusium, ;, iii, 4; founded by Diomede,
xii. 2,

Bruttii, whence named, xxiii. 1; sprung
from the Lucanians, xxiii. 1; their wars
with the Tarentines, xii. 2; and Alex-
ander of Epirus, xii. 2.

Brutus, L. Junius, E. i, 8.

and Cassius assisted by the Par-

thians, xlii. 4, E. iv. 19. :

Bubares, vii. 3.

Bucephale, xii. 8.

Byrsa, xviii. 5.

Byzantium besieged by Philip, ix. 1, 2

Cadmea, Epam. 10,

Cadusii, a people of Asia, x. 3; Dat. 1,

Czpio, xxxii, 3.

Ceasar, Julius, xli, 5; xii. 4; xliii.5; Att.
8. E. vi. 17, segq.

, Octavius or Octavianus, Att. 12.

Caligula, E, vii. 12. ,

Callisthenes, the philospher, xii. 6, 7;

 

 

xv. 3.
Cambyses (1), father of Cvrus, i. 4.
———- (2), son of Cyrus, i. 9.
Camillus, E. i. 19, seg
540

Campanians settled by the Greeks, xx. 1;
at war with the Syracusans, xxii. 1.

Candaules, king of Lydia, i. 7.

Cann, Hann. 5; E. iii. 10.

Capitol, xliii. 1.

Cappadocians, xlii. 2; subdued by Perdiccas,

* xiii. 6; sovereignty over them usurped
by Mithridates, xxxvii. 1; prefer a king
to liberty, xxviii. 2; given to Eumenes,
Eum, 2.

Captiani, Dat. 8.

Capua, Hann. 5.

Caracalla, E, viii. 22.

Caranus (1), first king of Macedonia, vii. 1;
xxxiii. 2. :

———— (2), son of Philip, put to death,
xi. 2.

Cardia, Eum, 1.

Carausius, E, ix. 21,

Caria, xiii. 4, 6.

Carthalo crucified, xviii. 7.

Carthaginians, their history, xviii. 3; xix.

1; xxii., xxiii; try to gain the dominion

of Sicily, iv. 2; v. 4; xviii. 2,7; at war

with Pyrrhus, xxiii, 2; aim at the
sovereignty of Sardinia, xviii, 7; xix. 1; of

Spain, xliv, 5; refuse aid to the king of

Persia, xix. 1; defeated by the people of

Marseilles, xliii. 5; proceedings in Italy

under Hannibal, xliv. 5, 6; send ambas-

sadors to Alexander, xii. 13; cruel to
their generals, xxi, 4, 6 ; xxii, 3, 7; their
human sacrifices, xviii, 6; xix. 1; fed on

dogs, xix. 1; their magistrates, xxxi. 2;

xix. 1; xxii. 7; triumphs, xix. 1; their

craftiness, xviii, 2, 6.

Carthage, New, xliv. 3.

Cagpian Sea. See Sea,

Cassander, son ‘of Antipater, xiii, 4; said
to have poisoned Alexander, xii. 14; and
his mother Olympias, xiv. 6; cruel to all
Alexander's family, xv. 2; xvi. 1; has
Caria, xiii, 4; and Macedonia, xiii, 4;
goes to war with Antigonus, xy. 1;
assumes the title of king, xv. 2; his
death, xv. 4; his wife Thessalonice, xiv.
6; xvi. 1; his sons, xvi.21 ; extinction of
his family, xvi. 2; Eum, 13; Phoc. 3.

ar a previously Potidewa, xxiv. 2,

Cassius, the questor of Crassus, xlii, 4;
defeats the Parthians, xlii, 4; at war
with Brutus, assisted by the Parthians
against the triumvirs, xlii, 4.

Cassius and Brutus, Att. 8,11; E. vi. 23. }

Castor and Pollux, xx. 2.

Catana implores aid of Athens, iv. 3, 4.
Cataonia, Dat, 4.

Catiline, E, vi. 15.

Cato the Censor, Pref,; Cat. passim.
—7~—,son of the Censor, xxxiii 2.

—— Uticensis, E. vi, 23.

Catulus, consul with Marius, E. y. 1, 2.
Catumandus, xiii. 5.

Caucasus, xii. 5 5 xiii, 4; xli. 6.
‘Cecrops, ii. 6,

 

INDEX.

Ceraunus, son of Clearchus, xvi 5, See
Ptolemy.

Cere, xx. 1.

Ceres. See Eleusis.

Chabrias, Chab. passim,

Chalcis, colonies of, xx. 1.

Chalybs, river, xliv. 3; Chalybes, xliy. 3.

Chaones, xvii. 3; Timoth. 2.

Chares, Chab. 2.

Charilaus, iji. 2.

Chareades, general of the Athenians m
Sicily, iv. 3.

Charybdis, iv. 1.

Chersonesus, Thracian, ix. 1; xvii. 1; Milt,
1; Peloponnesus, xxv. 4.

Chion and Leonidas kill Clearchus, xvi, 5.

Chios, Chab. 4,

Chorasinians, xii. 6.

Chrestus, king of Bithynia, xxxviii. 5.

as M,, Att. 1, 9, 10, 16; E. vi. 15; vil.

Q., Att. 5, 6, 7, 15.

Cilicia, xi. 11); xiii. 4, 6. ,

Cimbri, xxxil. 3; xxxviii. 3,4; E.v. 1,2.

Cimon the Athenian, ii. 15; Cim. passim.

Cineas, xviii, 2.

Cirrha, xxiv. 1.

Clastidium, Hann. 4.

Claudius, emperor, E. vii. 13.

Cleadus pleads for Thebes, xi. 4,

Clearchus, tyrant of Heraclea, xvi. 4, 5.

Cleomenes (1), king of Sparta, xxvili. 4.
(2), founds Alexandria, xiii. 4

Cleon of Halicarnassus, Lys. 3.

Cleopatra (1), sister of Attalus, and wife of

Philip, ix. 5, 7.

(2), daughter of Philip, and wife
of Alexander of Epirus, ix. 6; xiii. 6;
xiv. 1.

(3), wife of Demetrius Nicanor,
xxxvi. 1.

———— (4), daughter of Mithridates, wife
of Tigranes, xxxviii. 3.
—_— (5), wife of the Ptolemies, Philo-
metor and Physcon, xxxviii. 8; xxxix. 1.
(6), daughter of the preceding,
-Xxxvili. 8 ; xxxix, 3, 4.

(7), daughter of the preceding,
wife of Ptolemy Lathyrus, afterwards of.
Antiochus Cyzicenus, xxxix. 3.

Cleopatra and Antony, E. vi. 22; vii. 6.

Cleophis, a queen of India, visits Alexan-
der, xii. 7.

Clitus (1), killed by Alexander, xii. 6.

(2), an officer of Alexander’s, xii. 12;
xiii. 6.

Cnidus, Con, 9.

Cocalus, king of Sicily, iv. 2.

Codrus, ii. 6, 7. 7

Colchians, ancestors of the Istrians, xxxii.
3; xiii. 2.

Colons in Troas, Paus. 3.

Comanus, xliii, 4.

Conon the Athenian, v. 5; defeated by
Lysander, and goes into exile at Cyprus,
y. 6; vi.l; refuses to adore the king of

 

 

 
INDEX.

Persia, vi. 2; appointed over the Persian
fleet, vi. 1; restores Athens, vi, 5; Con.
passim.

Constantius, emperor, E. ix. 22; x. 1.

Constantinus, emperor, E, x. 9.

Constantine the Great, E. x. 2, segq.

Constantinus, sun of the preceding, em-
peror, E. x. 9

Constans, emperor, E. x. 9.

Consuls first created, E. i. 9,

Corcyra, xxv. 4; Them. 8; Timoth, 1;
Coreyrzanu war, Them. 2.

Corinthians, v. 10; join the Athenians,
xiii. 5; assemblies at Corinth held by
Philip, ix. 5; by Alexander, xi. 2;
Corinth destroyed by Mummius, xxxiv.
2; E. ix. 14; Timol. 1; Ages, 5; Corin-
thian war, Ages, 5.

Corioli, Coriolanus, E. i. 14.

Coronea, Ages. 4.

Cotys, Timoth. 1.

Cranaus, king of Athens, ii. 6.

Crassus (1) cut off by the Parthians, xlii, 4:
E, vi. 18.

——-—- (2), consul, defeated by Aristonicus,
xxxvi. 4,

Craterus set over Macedonia, xii, 12 ; guar-
dian to Alexander’s son, xiii. 2; keeper
of the treasury, xiii. 4; allyof Antigonus,
xiii. 6; his death, xiii. 8.

Crete, iii. 3; xx. 4; xxxv. 2; xxxix, 5.

Crimissus, river of Sicily, Timol. 2.

Crithote, Timoth. 1.

Critias, one of the Thirty Tyrants, killed, v.
9; Alc. 10; Thras. 2.

Croesus taken prisoner by Cyrus, i. 7.

Crotona, xx. 2—5.

Cunetes of Spain, xliv. 4.

Cuphites of India, xii. 8.

Curius Dentatus, E. ii. 9.

Cyclades, Milt. 2.

Cyclops, iv. 2.

Cydnus, river, xi, 8, 14.

Cyme, Alc. 7.

Cynagirus, ii. 9. .

Cyprus, custom among the maidens of,
xviii. 5; Salamis, city of, xliv. 3; subject
to Ptolemy Lagus, i. 5; Chab. 2, 3; Cim.
2,3; Con. 4.

Cyrene has four sons by Apollo, xiii. 7.

—-—, city and territory, xiii. 6—8; be-
queathed to the Romans, xxxix. 5.

Cyrus (J) the elder, i. 4—8, 10.

(2) the younger, v. 5, 11.

Cyzicenus. See Antiochus, n. 9.

 

Dacia, xxxii. 3; E. viii. 2.

Dedalian mountains in India, xii. 7.

Daha, xii. 6.

Damascon, leader of the Syracusans, xxii. 1.

Damascus, xxxvi, 2.

Danube, xxxii 3.

Daphne, xxvii, 1.

Dara, xli. 5. sn

Dardania, viii. 6; xi. 1; xxiv, 4; xxviii. 3;
xxix. 1, 4

 

541

Darius (1), son of Hystaspes, i. 10; put to
flight by the Scythians, i. 10; ii, 3, 5; vii.
3; subdues Macedonia and Asia Minor,
ii. 5; vii. 3; defeated at Marathon, ii. 9;
Milt, 3; takes Babylon, i. 10; his death,
ii. 10; his embassy to Carthage, xxix. 1;
K.1; Milt. 4, 5.

——- (2), son of Xerxes, killed, iii. 1.

(3) Nothus, aids the Spartans against

Athens, v. 1; his death, v. 8, 11; his

sons, v. 8, 11.

(4), son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, xl.

——— (5) Codomannus, x. 3; his three
great defeats!by Alexander, xi. 6, 9, 14;
put to death by Bessus, xi. 15; buried by
Alexander, xi. 15; his death avenged, xi.
5; his character, xi. 6, 9,10; his mother
taken, xi. 9; dies, xiii. 15 his wife taken,
xi. 9; dies, xi. 12; his brother, xii. 5; his
daughter married to Alexander, xii. 10.,,

Datames, Dat. passim.

Decelea, Alec. 4.

Decemviri, E. i. 18.

Deidamia, sister of Pyrrhus, xiv. 6.

Delos, iii. 6; Arist. 3.

Delphi, ii. 11—13; iii. 3, 4; vi. 2; viii. 2; xii.
2; xiii. 7; xvi. 3; xx. 2; xxiv. 6; plun-
dered by Xerxes, ii. 13, by the Phocians,
viii. 1 ; attempted by the Gauls, xxiv. 6;
gifts sent thither from Marseilles, xliii.
5; Milt. 1; Them. 2; Paus.1; Lys. 3.

Demaratus (1), the jexiled king of Sparta,
ii. 10.

 

 

———— (2), father of Pythagoras, xx. 4.
Demetrius (1) Poliorcetes, xv. 1; called
king, xv. 2; kills Alexander, son of Cas-
sander, xvi. 1; becomes king of Mace-
donia, xvi, 1; his conduct towards Seleu-

cus, xv. 4; xvi. 2;xvii. 4; K. 3,
(2), son of the preceding, xxvi.

(3), son of Antigonus Gonnatas,
xxvi. 2; xxviii. 1, 3.
(4), son of Philip, xxxii: 2; iii. 10.
(5), son of Seleucus, ;xxxiv. 3;

 

 

xxxy. 1,
(6) Nicanor defeats Alexander -

Bala,” xxxv. 2; taken by the Parthians,
xxxvi. 1; xkxvii. 9; attempts to flee,
xxxvii. 9; is released, xxxviii. 10; his
death, xxxix. 1.

————-— (7), king of the Il!yrians, xxix.
2.

———— (8), a king in India, xli. 6.

(9) Phalereus, Milt. 6; Phoe. 3.

Demophoon, son of Theseus, ii. 6.

Demosthenes (1), general of the Athenians
in Sicily, iv, 4; his death, iv. 5.

———__-——- (2), orator, bribed by the Per-
sians, xi. 2; recalled from exile, xiii. 5 ;
Phoe. 2.

Dercyllidas, vi. 1.

Deucalion, ii. 6.

Diana, her temple, xxiv. 8.

Diocles, or Hipparchus, ii. 9.

Diocletian, emperor, E, ix. 21.

 
542

Diomede founds Brundusium, xii. 2; Arpi,
xx. 1.

Dion, messenger of Arsinoé, xxiv. 2.

Dion, son of Hipparinus, Dion. passim.

Dionysius (1), the father, makes war in
Italy, xx. 1, 5; embassy of the Gauls to
him, xx. 5; his death, xx. 5; Dion. 1,'2;
K. 2.

(2), the son, xxi, 1; exiled to

Corinth, xxi. 5; v. 8; Dion. 3, 4, 5;
Tim, 2.

Dodona, xii. 2; xvii. 3; Lys. 3.

Dolopes, Cim. 2.

Domitian, emperor, E. viii. 1,

Doricetes, king of Thrace, xvi. 1.

Dorians (Heraclide) make war on Athens,
ii. 6.

Drancw, people of Caucasus, xii. 5 ; xiii. 4.

Drangiani, xli. 6.

Duilius defeats the Carthaginians, E. ii. 20.

Ecbatana, chief city of Media, xii. 1.

Edessa in Macedonia, same as Aigea, vii. 1.

Egypt, antiquity and fertility of, ii. 1; its
king Sesostria, i. 1; ii. 3; superstitions of,
i. 9; Egyptians expel Moses, xxxvi. 2;

_ their magic arts, xxxvi. 2; astronomy,
xx. 4; subdued by Cambyses, i. 9; by
Alexander, xi. 11; fall to Ptolemy Lagus,
xiii, 4; their king Hercynion, vi. 2;
added to the Roman empire, E. vii. 6.

Eleusis, worship of Ceres there, ii. 6, 8; v.1.

Flis, v.1; Ale. 4.

Elissa, or Dido, builds Carthage, xviii. 4—6 ;
xi. 10.

Elpinice, Cim. 1.

Elymais in Persia, conquered by Mithri-
dates the Parthian, xli. 6; its alliance
with Demetrius of Syria, xxxvi. 1; tem-
ple of Elymzan Jupiter, xxxii..2.

Emanus, leader of the Gauls, xxiv. 7.

Emathia, a name of Macedonia, vii. 1.

Empbyletus, Phoe. 4.

Ennius brought to Rome by Cato, Cat. 1.

Epaminondas, vi. 4, 8; vii. 6; makes an
attempt on Sparta, vi. 7; his death, vi. 8.

Epeus, builder of the Trojan horse, founder
of Metapontum, xx.-2.

Ephesus founded by the Amazons, ii. 4;
Them. 8; Ages. 3.

Epigoni, xii. 4.

Epirus, history of, xvii. 3; Att. 8, 14;
Eum., 6.

Erectheus, king of Athens, ii, 6.

Eretria, Milt. 4,

Erotimus, king of the Arabians, xxxix. 5.

Eryx, Ham. 1.

Etrurians war with Aineas, xliii. 1.

Eubeea, Milt. 4; Them. 2.

Eucratidas, king of the Bactrians, xli. 6.

Euergetz, people of Caucasus, xii. 5.

Eumenes (1), after Alexander’s death, re-

, ceives Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, xiii.
4; also Caria, Lycia, and Phrygia, xiii. 6;
kills Neoptolemus, xiii. 8; defeated by
Antigonus, xiv. 2, 3; thrown into prison,

 

INDEX.

xiv. 2, 3; his ability, xiv. 1; xiif. 8,
Eum. passim ; E. iv. 4.

(2), I. king of Bithynia, or Perga-
mus, defeats Antiochus Hierax and the
Gauls, xxvii, 3; takes possession of the
greater’part of Asia Minor, xxvii. 3.

(3) II. assists the Romans against
Antiochus, xxxi. 8; xxxviii. 6; against
Perseus, xxxiii. 1; goes .o war with
Prusias, xxxii. 4; Hann, 11.; Romans
ungrateful to him, xxxviii. 6,

——— (4), son of Demetrius, xvii. 2,

Eumolpida, Ale. 4, 6.

Euphrates, xi. 12. xii. 13; xli.6; xii. 3;

Europus, king, vii. 1.

Eurybiades, Them. 4.

Eurydice (1), wife of Amyntas IL, vii. 4;
seeks to kill her husband, vii. 4; kills
her sons Alexander and Perdiccas, vii. 5;
Iphie. 3. °

———_ (2), wife of Arideus, killed by
Olympias, xiv. 5.

———— (3), daughter of Lysimachus, xvi.
2; wife of Antipater, xvi. 2.

— (4), sister and‘ wife of Ptolemy
Phiopator, who puts her to death, xxx. I.

Eurylochus killed by Alexander, xii. 6.

Eurymedon, general of the Athenians in
Sicily, iv. 4, 5.

Eurysaces, son of Ajax, xliv. 3.

Eurysthenes, king of Sparta, Ages. 1, 7.

Evagoras, king of Cyprus, v. 6; Chab. 2.

Evander comes into Italy, xliii, 1.

Extarches, xiii. 4,°

 

Fabian soldiers, Iphic. 2.

Fabii, family of, Att. 18.

Fabius Maximus, Hann. 5; E. ili. 9.

Fabricius and Pyrrhus, E. ii. 14,

———-- Luscinus, xviii. 2.

Falisci, xx.1; E.i. 19.

Fatua, wife of Faunus, xliii. 1.

Faunug, xliii. 1,

Fausta, wife of Constantine, E. x. 3,

Faustulus, shepherd, xliii. 2.

Fidenates, E. i. 2.

Flamininus, consul, conducts the war with
Nabis, xxx. 4; xxx. 1, 3; Hann. 12,

Flora, Floralia, xliii. 4.

Florianus, emperor, E. ix. 16.

Franks infest the sea, E. ix. 22,

Fregella, Hann. 7.

Bala) ae of Antony, assisted by Atticus,

Furies, xxvi. 2.

Gabii, E. i. 7.

Gades, xliv. 6.

Galatia, xxxvii. 4, E. vii. 10.
Galha, emperor, E. vii. 16.
Galerius, emperor, E. ix. 22; x. 1.
Gallwcia, prolific in horses, xliv. 3.
Gallienus, emperor, E. ix. 7, 8.
Gangaride, people of India, xii. 8.
Gargoris, xliv, 4.

Gaul, xliv. 1.
INDEX.

Gauls take Rome, vi. 6; xx. 5; xxiv. 4;
xxviii. 2; xxxviii. 4; xiii, 5; E. i. 20;
li. 5; iii. 6; found cities in Italy and
Cisalpine Gaul, xx. 5; xxviii. 2; xxxviii.
4; invade Macedonia, Thrace, ard
Greece. xxvi. 4; invade Asia, some settle
in Gallo-Grecia, xxv. 2; xxxviii. 3;
serve Antiochus Hierax, xxvii. 2; eager
for spoil, xxv. 2; xxvii. 2; fierce, xliii.
3; civilized by the Phoceans, xliii. 3, 4;

‘given to augury, xxiv. 4; kill Ptolemy
Ceraunus, xxiv. 5 ; suffer at Delphi, xxiv.
6; from Antigonus Gonnatas, xxv. 2
xxvi. 2; from Eumenes, xxvii. 3; from
the Romans, xxxviii. 6; allies of Mithri-
dates, xxxviii. 3; Scordisci and ‘Tecto-
sagi, xxxii. 3.

Gedrosi, xiii. 4.

Gellius, Q. Canus, Att. 10.

Gelo (1), tyrant of Sicily for six years,
xxiii. 4.

-— (2), son of Hiero, xxviii. 3.

Gentius, king of Illyria, E. iv. 6.

Geryon, xlii. 3; xliii.1; xliv. 4.

Gesteani, people of India, xii. 8.

Geta, emp., E. viii. 19.

Getw overcome by the Gauls, xxv. 1;
founders of the Daci, xxxii. 3.

Gisco (1), son of Hamilear I., xix. 2,

(2), exiled, xxii. 7.

(3), father of Hamilear, xxii. 3.

Glaucia, king of Illyria, xvii. 3.

Gnidus, or Cnidus, in Caria, xxxv. 2.

Gobryas, a conspirator against the Pseudo-
Smerdis, i. 9,

Gordian, emperor, ix. 2.

Gordium, city of Phrygia, xi. 7.

Gordius (1), father of Midas, xi. 7.

(2), of Cappadocia, xxxviii. 1.

Gorgias, friend of Alexander, xii. 12.

Gortynians, Hann. 9.

Goths lay waste Greece, &c., E.ix. 8; de-
feated, E. ix. 11,13; x. 7. ;
Greeks, their learning, ii, 2; xi 11; their
settlements in Great Greece, xxi. 1, 2;
their dissensions, iii. 2 ; theiv degeneracy,
viii. 4; put themselves under Philip and

Alexander, ix. 4; xi. 2.

Gracchus defeated by Hannibal, E. iii. 9.

Grinus, king of Thera, xiii. 7.

Grunium, Alc. 9,

Grypus. See Antiochus.

Gygea, wife of Amyntas, vii. 4A.

Gyges, king of Lydia, i. 7.

’ Gylippus, Spartan general, iv. 4, 5.

Gyptis, xliii. 3.

 

 

 

Habis, king of Spain, xliv. 4.
Hadria, or Adria, xx. 1. ‘
Hemus, vii. 4.
Haliartus, Lys. 3.
Halicarnassus, ji. 12. ‘

Hamilear (1), son of Mago, perishes in
Sicily, xix. 1, 2; iv. 2.
(2), surnamed Rhodanus, ambas-
sador to Alexander, xxi. 6.

 

543

Hamilcar (3), father of Bomilear, xxii. 7;
makes an alliance with Agathocles, xxii.
2; condemned, and dies, xxii, 3.

(4), son of Gisco, xxii. 3; defeats
Agathocles, xxii. 3; besieges Syracuse,
xxii. 4; his death, xxii. 8.

= —— (5), father of Hannibal, general in
Spain ; his death, xliv. 5. Ham. passim.

Hammon, Jupiter. See Ammon. .

Hannibal (1), son of Hasdrubal, xix. 2.

—-——- (2), the Great, made general in
Spain,-xliv. 5; his wars in Italy, xliv. 5;
xxix. 2; xxxvii, 4; his merits as a
leader, xxx. 4; xxxii. 4; his craftiness,
xxxi. 2; exiled, and goes to Antiochus,
xxxi. 2—6; then to Prusias, and defeats
Eumenes, xxxii. 4; his death, xxxii. 4;
his opinion as to overthrowing Rome,
xxxi, 3,5. Hann, passim; E. iil. 7, seqg.

Hanno (1), son of Hamilecar, xix. 2.

(2), general against Dionysius, xx. 5;
accused of aiming at tyranny, and put to
death, xxi. 4.

—-— (3), general against Agathocles ; his
death, xxii. 6.

Harpagus preserves Cyrus, i. 4, 5; cruelly
treated by Astyages, and betrays the
army to Cyrus, i. 5, 6,

Harpalus, xiii. 5.

Hasdrubal (1), son of Mago, an able general,
xix. 1; his death in Sardinia, xix. 1; his
three sons, xix. 2,

(2), son of the preceding, xix. 2,

——_———_ (3), son-in-law of Hamilcar, xliv.
5; Hann. 3

—— (4), brother of Hannibal, de-

feated and killed, E. 3, 18.

Helenus (1), xvii 3. See Andromache.

-- (2), son of Pyrrhus, xviii. 1 ; xxiii.
3; left at Tarentum, xxv. 3; restored
to his throne, xxv. 5.

Heliogabalus, emp. E, viii. 22.

Hellanicus, xxvi. 1.

Hellespont, v. 4; xvii, 1.

Helots, Paus. 3.

Helvetii conquered by Czsar, E. vi. 17.

Hephestion, his death, xii. 12; Eum. 2,

Heraclea (Lamia), xiii. 5.

Heraclea in Pontus, xvi. 3.

Heraclides, son of Agathocles, xxii. 5, 8.

—-—————, his death caused by Dion, Dion 6.

Hercules (1), his expedition to the Ama-
zons, ii. 4; to India, xii. 7, 9; to Spain,
xlii. 3; xliii, 1; xliv. 4; ‘crosses the
Alps, xxiv. 4; father of Latinus, xliii.1;
Alexander wished to surpass him, xii. 7;
xiv. 2; Philip vowed a statue to him,
ix. 2; Philip descended from him, vii.1;
xi. 4; born at Thebes, xi. 4; bis arrows,
xx. 1; Hann. 3; Ages. 1.

(2), Tyvian, xi. 10; xviii. 4, 7
xxxix. 1.

——— (3), son of Alexander by Barsine,
xi. 10; xiii. 2; nothing left him by his
father, xii. 15; his death, xiv. 6; xv. 2.

Herculius, emperor, E. ix. 20, 22,

 

 

 

 

 
544

Hercynio, king of Egypt, vi. 2, 6.

Hiacensanm, xii. 9.

Hiarbas, xviii. 6.

Hierax. See Antiochus. “

Hiero, of Sicily, xxiii. 4; E. iii. 1, 2.

Hierocles, father of Hiero, xxiii, 4.‘

Himera, iv. 3.

Himerus, xlii. 1.

Himilco, son of Hamilcar, xix. 2, 3.

Hipparchus. See Diocles.

Hippias, ii. 9.

Hippo, Ham. 2.

Hippolochus, y. 9.

Hippolyte, wife of Theseus, ii. 4

Histieus, of Miletus, Milt. 3.

Homer, quoted, Dion. 6 ; Dat. 2.

Hortensius, orator, Att. 5, 15, 16.

Hostilianus, emp. E. ix. 5.

Hostilius, king, E. i. 4.

Hydaspes, xiii. 4.

Hyperides, xiii. 5.

Hypseus, king of Thessaly, xiii. 7.

Hyrcania, i. 6; xiii. 4; subdued by the
Parthians, xli. 4.

Iberia subdued, E. vi. 14; viii. 3.

Iberus, xliv. 1.

Ilium, xx. 1; heroes killed there, xi. 5;
Romans sprung from thence, xxxi. 8.

Illyrius, xiii. 8.

Illyricum, Illyrians, enemies of the Mace-
donians, vii. 2,4; overthrown by Philip,
vii. 6; under the power of Alexander,
xi. 1, 9; under that of Philo, xiii. 4;
invaded by the Gauls, xxxii. 3; E. iv. 6.

India, invaded by Hercules and Bacchus,
xii. 7,9; xiv. 2; by Alexander, xii. 7, 12;
xiii. 4; under the power of Seleucus, xv.
4; under Eucratides, xli. 6; colonies
founded in it by Alexander, fall to Pytho,
xiii. 4; ambassadors from thence to
Augustus, E. vii. 10.

Indus, xii. 10; xiii. 4.

Ingenuus assumes the purple, E. ix. 8

Jollas, instrument of Alexander’s death,
xii. 14.

Tonians conquered by Darius, ii. 5; revolt
from Xerxes, ii. 12; obey the Persians
again, v. 5.

Iphicrates, vi. 5; apt passim.

Ismenias, v. 9; . 5.

Israel Jacob), ‘ing “of Damascus, xxxvi. 2.

Igsus, xi. 9.

Ister, ii. 5; ix. 2;"xxxii. 3.

Istriane, ix. 2; xxxii. 3.

Italy, aborigines of, xliii, 1; ruled hy
Saturn, xii. 1; much of it occupied by
the Greeks, x. is invaded by the Gauls,
xxviii. 2; rebels against the Romans,
xxxvii. 4; had corn from Spain, xiiv. 1.

Jancyrus, king of Scythia, ii. 5.
Jason, xii. 2, 3.

of Phere, Timoth. 4.
Jericho, xxxvi. 3.

Jerusalem taken, E. vii. 19.

 

 

INDEX.

Jews, their history, xxxvi. 2, 3.

Joseph, son of Israel, xxxvi. 2. i

Jovian, emperor, E. x. 17.

Juba kills himself, E. vi. 23.

Jugurtha, xxxviii, 6; E. iv. 25.

Julian, emp., E. x. 14.

Jupiter, his statue at Antioch, xxxix. 2.
See Dodona, Ammon, Elymais; Lys. 3;
Att. 20, 23,

Labienus, allied with the Parthians against
the ‘lriumvirs, xlii. 4.

Lacedzmon walled, xiv. 5; taken by Anti-
gonus Doson, xxviii. 4; Ages. 6; Epam. 8.

Lacedemonians, their history, lil, 2—5;
Lycurgus, iii. 2; three wars with the
Messenians, iii. 4—6; fight with the Per-
sians at Thermopylae, ii. 11; Pe'oponne-
sian war, iii. 6, 7; disregard the com-
mands of Philip and Alexander, ix. 4;
xxviii. 4; xi. 2; xii 1; found Byzan-
tium, ix. 1; Tarentum, xx. 1; iii 4;
Epaw. 6; Them. 6; Thras. 1; Ages. 7;
atque alibi.

Laches, Athenian general, iv. 3.

Lelius, E. iv. 4.

Levinus, P. Valerius, defeated by Pyrrbus,
xviii. 1.

M. Valerius, sent against Philip,
xxix. 4.

Lamachus (1), general of the Athenians
against Heraclea, xvi. 3.

——— (2), general of the Athenians in
Sicily, iv. 4; Ale. 3.

Lampedo, queen of the Amazons, ii. 4

Lamponius, iv. 3.

Lampsacus, Them. 10.

Lanassa, wife of Pyrrhus, xvii. 3.

Laodamia, xxviii. 3.

dhaadice (1), mother of Seleucus Nicanor, ;
xv. 4,

- (2), mother of Seleucus Callinicus,

xxvii. 1.

- (3), sister and wife of Mithridates,

XXXvil. 3.

- (4), wife of Ariarathes, xxxvii. 1.

(5), sister of Mithridates, wife of
Ariarathes, and afterwards of Nicomedes,
xxxviii. 1, 2.

Laomedon, a general of Alexander, xili. 4.

Larissa in Thessaly, vii. 6, 7; ix. 8; xiii. 2.

Lartius, first dictator, E. i. 12.

Latins, xx. 1; xliii.1; E. ii. 7.

Latinus, son of Hercules, x!

Lavinia, wife of Aineas, xliii. 1

Lavinium, xliii. 1.

Lemnos, Milt. i. 2.

Leonatus, one of Alexander’s generals,
xiii. 2, 4,5; Eum. 2.

Leonidas (1) deferids Thermopyla, ii. 10, 11.
Them. 3.

 

 

 

 

 

 

——— 2) assists the Sicilians, xxix. J.
Leonides kills Clearchus, xvi. 5.
Leontines, xxii, 2.

Leontiscus, xv. 2.

Leophron xxi. 3.
INDEX. ‘

PEESMIEHER, general of the Atheniang, xiii.

Lepidus, ambassador from Rome to Alex-
andria, xxx. 3,

Lepidus, triumvir, E. vi. 23; vii. 2.

Leuctra, Ages. 6, 7; Epam. 6,10; Pelop. &

Libya, i.1.

Licinius, emp. E. x. 4.

Ligurians found Lisa, xx. 1; enemies of
the Massilians, xlili. 3~—5; E. iii, 2.

Livy, his speeches objected to by Trogus,
xxxvili 8”

Locri, city of the Bruttii, xx. 3,5; xxi.
2,3; assist Pyrrhus, xviii. 1—9.

Lucanians, a hardy race, xxiii, 1; their
wars with the Locrians, xxi. 3; with
Alexander of Epirus, xii. 2; invite
Pyrrhus into Italy, xviii. 1; overcome
by their own progeny, the Bruttii, xxiii. 1.

Lucullus defeats Mithridates, xxxvii. 1;
Tigranes, xl.2; Att.v. E.vi.G. ~

Lupercus, Lupercatia, xliii. 1.

Lusitania, xliv. 3.

Lutatius Catulus, Ham. 1,

Lycaonia, xxxvii, 1.

Lyceus, same as Lupercus, xliii, i.

Lycia, xiii. 4.

Lycortas, com der of the Ach

7 xxxii. < oy i

curgus (1), iii. 2,3; xx. 4.

z (2), king of Sparta, xxix. 1.

Lydians subdued by Cyrus, i. 7, by Alexan-
der, and fall under the rule of Menander,
xiii. 4; ancestors of the Tuscana, xx. 1.

Lynciste, xi. 2,7; xii. 14.

Lysander defeats Alcibiades, v. 5; Conon,
y. 6; takes Athens, v. 7; his death, vi. 4;
Lys. passim.

Lysias, orator, assists the Athenians, v. 9,

Lysimachia, earthquake at, vii. 1. 7

Lysimachus (1), xv. 3; has the provinecs of
Thrace and Pontus, xiii. 4; prepares for
war with Antigonus, xv. 1; drives Pyr-
rhus from Macedonia, xvi. 3; falls fight-
ing with Seleucus, xvii. 1, 2; his wife
Arsineé, daughter of Ptolemy Lagus,
sister of Ceraunus, xvii. 1; hisson Agatho-
cles, whom he puts to death, xvii. 1; hia
daughter Eurydice, whose husband Anti-
pater he kills, xvi. 2. i ‘

(2), son of the preceding, killed
by his uncle Ptolemy Ceraunus, xxiv. 3.

Lysis, Epam. 2.

 

 

Macedonia, its history, vii—ix., xi, xii, ;
kingdom of Macedonia, xvi. 1; xv. 4;
xxx. 3; xxxiii,1; Eum. 3, 10.

Macrinug, emperor, E. viii. 20.

Macrochir, Artaxerxes, K. 1.

Maotis, ii. 1. 3

Magi of the Babylonians, xii. 1; of the
Persians, i. 9; of the Egyptians, xxxvi.
2; of the Bactriang, i. 1.

Magnentius, emperor, E. x. 9.

Magnesia, Thom. 10.

Mago (1), xviii. 75 xix. 1.

N

 

545

Mago (2), offers help to the Romans against
Pyrrhus, xviii. 2,

(3), brother of Hannibal, Hann. 7, 8

Maleus, Carthaginian general, xviii. 7.

Mancinus, his infamous peace with the Nu-
mantines, E, iv. 17.

Manlius, L. Vulso, xli. 4.

Manlius Maltinus, xxxvyiii. 3, 4.

Mantinea, Epam.9. |

Marathon, ii. 9, 11, 12, 15; Milt. 4, 8;
Them. 2, 6.

Marcellus, Hann. 5; E. iii. 6,14.

Marcomanni, war with, E. viii. 12.

Mardi subdued by Alexander, xii. 3; by
Phraates, xi, 5.

Mardonius, ii. 13, 14; Paus. 1; Arist. 2.

Margiani, xli. 1.

Marius the elder, E. iv, 27.

the younger, Att. 1, 2,

Marpesia, queen of the Amazons, il. 4.

Mars, father of the Amazons, ii. 4; of
Romulus, xiiii. 2.

Marseilles, founded, xliii. 3 ; its adversaries,
xliii. 4, 5; assists the Romans, xliii. 4.5.

Marsi, war of, xxxvii. 4; E. v. 3.

Masinissa, xxxiii,1; xxxviii. 6,

Massagetz, K. 1,

M ; Ez

ip XK. 2.

/Maximianus, emperor, E. ix. 20.

Maximinus, emperor, E. ix, 2.

Maxitani, xviii. 6

Medea, wife of Jason, xlii. 2; ii. 6; mother
of Medus, xlij. 2; ii. 6.

Medea, city, xlii. 3.

Medes, settled by Medus, son of Medea,
xlii. 3; subject to the Assyrians, from
whom they rewolt, under Arbaces, and
hold the empire for 250 years; Astyages,
their last king, i. 3—6; subject to the
Persians ; fall under the rule of Atro-
patus and Alcetas, xiii, 4; suhdued by
the Syrians, xv. 4; fall under Mithridates,

xli. 6.

Medins, an intimate friend of Alexander,
xii. 18,

Medus, son of Medea and Atgeus, xlii. 2;
ii. 6; founds Medea, xlii. 3.

Megabazus, vii. 3.

M ians, ii. 8.

Mel eager, one of Alexander's generals, xiii,
I—

 

 

Menalippe, sister of the queen of the Ama-
zons, ii, 4. ;

Menander appointed over Lydia, xiii. 4.

Meneclidasreproaches Epamimondas,Epam.

5.
Menelaus (1), father of Amyntas, vii, 4.
(2), brother of Philip, vii.4; killed
by him, viii. 3.
— (3), brother of Ptolemy Laguna,

 

xv. 2.
Meneatheus, son of Iphicrates, Iph.3; Tim.
3,

Mesopotamia given to Arcesilaus, xiil, 4.
Messenians, their three wars with the
Spartang, iii. 4—6; send deputies to

N
546

Pyrrhus, xxv. 4; defeat the Acheans, |

and are defeated by them, xxxii. 1;
Epam. 8; Pelop. 4.

Metapontum founded by Greeks under
peut, Xx, 2; joins Alexander of Epirus,
Kis

Matelins, ambassador to Ptolemy Physcon,
xxxviii. 8.

Mezentius, xliii. 1.

Micythus, iv. 2; Epam. 4.

Midas, king of Phrygia, vii. 1; xi. 7.

Milan founded by Gauls, xx. 5.

Milo (1), one of Pyrrhus’s generals, xxv. 3.

-——— (2), assassin of Laodamia, xxviii. 3.

Miltiades defeats the Persians, ii. 9; his
death in prison, ii. 15; Milt. passim.

Mindaru, general of the Spartans, defeated,
v. 4, 5

Minerva worshipped at Athens, ii. 6; at
Metapontum, xx. 2; at Marseiiles, xliii.
5; at Delphi, xxiv. 8.

Minithya, queen of the Amazons, ii.3; xlii.

Minos, xx. 4.
Minutius, Hann. 5.
Mithridates (1), king of Pontus, ally of
Clearchus, xvi. 4.
(2), ally of the Romans, xxxvii.

1. '
— —— (3) the Great, xxxvii., xxxviii.

 

(4), king of the Parthians, xli.

(5), xlii. 2; confounded by Jus-

tin with

———— (6) III; banished byhis subjects,
and killed by his brother, xlii. 4.

— (7), son of Ariobarzanes, Dat.
5, 10.

Mithrobarzanes, Dat. 6.

Mitytene,. xiii. 4; Thras. 4.

Mnemon, Artaxerxes, K. 1.

Molossi, vii. 6; xvii. 3; xiv. 5; Them. 8.

Moon, ors, Mawr’, enemies | of Carthage, xix. 2;

 

é Moses, leader of the Israclites, xxxvi. 2;
Justin makes him the son of Joseph,
xxxvi. 2.

Mummius defeats the Achwans, xxxiv. 2;
E. iv. 14; ambassador to Ptolemy Phys
con, xxxvili. 8.

Munychia, Thras. 2,

Murgantium, xxii. 2.

Matina, Att. 9..

Myeale, proraontory opposite Samos, ii. 14;

m. 2.
Myrtale, name of Olympias, ix. 7.
Myus, Them. 10.

Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, xxx. 4; seizes on
several cities, xxxi. 1; overthrown by
Flamininus, xxxi. 3; E. iv. 2; renews
war with the Achwans, xxxi, 3.

Nannug, king of the Segobrigii, x}iii. 4

Narseus, king of Armenia, If. ix. 22, 25.

Naxus, Them. 8

 

INDEX.

Nearchus, Alexander's general, xiii. 4.

Nectanabis, king of Egypt, Ages.8 ; Chab. 2.

Neoptolemus (1), ally and betrayer of Eu-
menes, xiii. 6.

——-— (2), son of Arrybas, father of
Olympias, vii. 6; xvii. 3.

Nepotianus assumes the purple, E. x. 11.

Nercis, daughter of Pyrrhus Il., wife of
Gelo, xxviii. 3.

Nero, Emp, E. vii. 14.

Nerva, Emp. E. viii. 1.

Nicza, city of India, founded, xii. 8.

Nicanor (1) has the province of Parthia,
xiii,

- ), lieutenant-general to Cassan-
der, Phoe, 2.

Nicias, the Athenian, iv. 4; his death, iv.

3 Ale. 3.

Nicomedes (1) kills his father, Prusias,
xxxiy. 4,

————- (2), son of the preceding, makes
an alliance with Mithridates, and invades
Paphlagonia, xxxvii. 4; driven from
Cappadocia by Mithridates, xxxviii. 1;
deprived of it by the Romans, xxxviii. 2.

———— (3), son of the preceding, xxxviti.
5; flees to Rome from Mithridates,
xxxvili. 3; E. iv. 20; v. 5.

Nile, ii. 1; Eum. 5.

Ninus, first king ae Reena, 41; i.3.

Ninyas, his son, i. 1,

Nola in Campania, founded by the Chalci-
dians, xx. 1. S

Nomius, xiii. 7.

Nora, fortress, Eum. 5.

Norbanus defeated by Sylla, E. v. 7.

Numa Pompilius, E. i. 3,

Numantine war, E. iv. 17.

Numerianus, Emp. E. ix. 18

Numidians, xix.2; xxii. 8; xxxiii. 1.

Numitor, grandfather of Romulus, xiii. 2,

Nysa founded by Bacchus, xii.7. _

Ochus, Artaxerxes, x. 3.

Octavianus, Cesar, Att.,20; E vii. 1.

Odenatus of Palmyra, E. ix. 1Q, 11, 13.

Octavius makes Perseus prisoner, xxxiii. 2.

Q£dipus, Epam. 6.

Ginanthe, xxx. 2.

Olympia, Olympic games, vii. 2; xii. 16;
xiii. 5.

Olympias (1), daughter of Neoptolemus,
king of Epirus, vii. 3; xvii. 3; wife of
Philip, vii. 6; divorced, ix. 5; thought
to have been privy to his murder, ix. 7;
mother of Alexander and Cleopatra, ix.
5; accuses Antipater, xii. 14; kills Ari-
dawus and Eurydice, xiv. 5; put to death
by Cassander, xiv. 6; Eum. 6.

(2), daughter of Pyrrhus, sister
and wife of Alexander, xxviii. 1.

Olympus, vii. 4.

Olynthus, hostile to the Macedonians, vii.
4; taken by Mardonius, ii. 14; destroyed
by Philip, viii.3; Pelop. 1; Timoth. 1.
INDEX,

y

Onomarchuz, leader of the Phocians, viii. 1.
Opilius Macrinus, Emp. E. viii. 21.
Oreades, E. vii. 13.

Orestes, xvii. 3; Epam. 6.

Orithya, queen of the Amazons, ii. 4.
Orodes destroys the army of Crassus, xlii. 4.
Oropasta, i. 9.

Orophernes, king of Cappadocia, xxxy. 1.
Orpheus, xi. 7.

Ortoadistes, king of Armenia, xlii. 2.
Otanes exposes the deceit of the Magi, i.

Otho, Emperor, E. vii. 16.

Taco son of Orodes, killed, xlii. 4; E.
vii. 5.

Pactye, Alc. 7.

Peonia, vii. 1.

Palatine, Mount, xliii. 1.

Pallanteum, xliii. 1.

Pan, xliii. 1.

Panasagoras, ii. 4.

Fandosin, in Epirus, xii. 2; in Italy, viii.

Pannonia occupied by the Gauls, xxiv. 4;
xxxii. 3.

Paphlagenia falls to Eumenes, ii, 4;
occupied by Mithridates and Nicomedes,
xxxvii. 4; name of its kings Pylemenes,
xxxvii. 4; made free by the Romans,
xxxvili. 2; Dat. 2.

Papirius Cursor, Dictator, E. ii. 8.

Parapameni, or Paropamisi, xii. 5; xiii. 4.

Parmenio, Philip’s general, ix. 5; xi. 10;
destroys the temples of Jason, xlii. 3; is
set over the treasury, xii. 1; put to death
by Alexander, xii. 5,

Parnassus, xxiv. 6.

Paros, Milt. 7, 8.

Parthenia found Tarentum, iii. 4,

Parthia described, xli. 1.

Parthians, their history, xli., xlii.; bound-
aries of their empire, xli. 6 ; sprung from
the Scythians, ii. 1, 3; their kings de-
scended from Andragoras, xii. 4; called
Arsacide, xli. 5; succeed the Persians in
empire, xi. 15; fall under Nicanor, xiii.
A; their wars with the kings of Syria,
xxxvi. 1; xxxviii. 9; with the Romans,
see Crassus; assist Brutus and Cassius,
xlii. 4; their war with Antony, xlii. 5.

Paryme, xii. 5.

Patroclus, Dat. 2. ‘

Pausanias (1), leader of the Greeks, ix. 1;
condemned for treason, ii. 15; Paus.
passim. 7

—-—--—— (2), king of Sparta, calms dis-
turbances among the Athenians, v. 10;
condemned for treason, vi. 4. ut

(3), Macedonian, kills Philip,
ix. 6; K. 2.

Pediculi, xii. 2. 2 .

Pelasgi, between Thessalia and Achaia,
called Macedonians, vii. 1.

Pelegonus, vii. 1.

Pelias, xlii. 2.

 

 

547

Pelion, mountain of Thessaly, xiii. 7.

Pelopidas, vi. 6; Pelop. passim.
Peloponnesus, iii. 6; iv. 4; xxvi.1; Pelo-
ponnesian war, iii. 7; Ale. 3.
Penthesilea, queen of the Amazons,
Perdiccas (1), king of Macedonia, vii. 2.
——— (2), king of Macedonia, vii. 4, 5.
(3) receives Alexander’s ring, xii.
15; his opinion about a successor to
Alexander, xiii. 2; appointed a guardian
to Alexander's issue, xiii. 2; divides the
provinces, xiii. 4; gives Cappadocia to
Eumenes, xiii. 6; seeks in marriage the
sister of Alexander and daughter of Anti-
pater, and obtains neither, xiii. 6; his
death, xiii. 6, 8; an arrogant man, but
Tevelute and eloquent, xiii. 8; Eum. 2, 3,

ii. 4,
2,

 

Pergamus, in Mysia, xiii. 2.

Pericles, iii. 6, 7.

Perpenna overthrows Aristonicus, xxxvi.
4; E. iv. 20.

Persepolis, i. 6; taken by Cyrus, xi. 14.

Perseus, or Perses, xxxii. 2; carries on the
war meditated by his father, xxxii. 2, 3;
defeated and made prisoner by the
Romans, xxxiii. 1,2; E. iv. 6.

Persians, originally obscure, i. 4; change
their kings only at death, x. 1; main-
tenance of the majesty of their kings, i.
9; adoration of, vi. 2; xii. 7; worship
the sun, i. 10; revolt from the Medes, i.
4—6; their empire transferred to the
Macedonians, xi. 14; fall under the rule
of Tlepolemus, xiii. 4; a custom of theirs
at feasts, vii. 3; Ale. 11; Milt. 3.

Pertinax, Emperor, E. vii.. 16.

Perusia, founded by the Achwxans, xx. 1.

Pescennius Niger, Emp. E. viii. 18.

Peucestes, xiii. 4.

Phalantus, founder of Tarentum, iii. 4

Phalerean harbour at Athens, Them. 6.

Pharnabazus (1), satrap of Darius Nothus,
y.4; Ale. 10; Lys. 4

(2), satrap of Artaxerxes Mne-

mon, vi. 1; Dat. 3; Con. 2.

Pharnaces, grandfather of Mithridates,
xxxviii. 6.

Phasis, ii. 1.

Phidias, Att. 3.

Philip (1), king of Macedonia, son of Ar-
geeus, vii. 2.

(2), king of Macedonia, son of

Amyntas, vii. 4; his brothers, vii. 4; 4

hostage at Thebes, vi. 9; vii. 5; xi. 4;

his age, ix. 8; his character, viii. 2; ix.

8; how regarded after his death, xi. 1;

xii. 6; xiii. 2; xxiv. 5. See the whole

of books vii., viii., ix.

(3), father of Antigonus, xiii. 4

(4), son of Antipator, xii. 14.

—— (5) Arideus, g. v.; Phoc. 1, 3.

(6), son of Cassander, xv. 4; xvi. 1.

(7), son of Demetrius, xxix. 2—4;

xxviii. 4; xxx. 3,4; xxxii.2; EB. iy. 2

(8), son of Perseus, xxxiii. 2.

 

 

 

 

 

 
548

Philip (9), one of Alexander’s generals, xiii.
4.

——— (10), brother of Lysimachus, xv. 3.
—— (11), son of Lysimachus, xxiv. 3:
(12), physician to Alexander, xi. 8.
Philip the father, Emp. E. ix. 3.

son, Emp. ix. &

Philippi, battle of, Att. 11.

Philistus, historian, Dion. 3.

Philo, xiii. 4.

Philoctetes, his arrows, xx. 1.

Philomelus spoils the temple at Delphi;
his death, viii. 1.

Philopemen, general of the Achzans, xxxi.
3; xxxii. 4; treachery of Philip towards
him, xxix. 4; bis death, xxxii. 1.

Philotas (1), son of Parmenio, xii. 5.

(2) has the province of Cilicia, xiii.

 

4, 6.

Philoxenus takes Cilicia from Philotas,
xiii. 6.

Phocwans found Marseilles, xxxvii. 1;
xiii. 3.

Phocians engage in the Sacred War, viii. 1
—5; their hatred to the Thebans, viii. 4;
xi. 3.

Phocion, Phoc. passim.

Phebidas, Pelop. 1.

Phenice falls to Ptolemy Lagus, xv. 1.

Pheenicians found Tyre. xviii. 3.

Phraates (1), king of the Parthians, xli. 5.

——— (2), king of the Parthians, xlii. 1.

- (3), king of the Parthians, his
cruelty, xlii. 5; defeats Antony, xlii. 5.

Phrataphernes has the province of Armenia, |.

xiii. 4,

Phrygia Major falls to Antigonus, xiii. 4;
Minor to Leonatus, xiii. 4; the whole to
Eumenes, xiii. 6.

Phthia, wife of Demetrius, xxvii. 1.

Phyle in Attica, v. 9,

Pielus, grandson of Achilles, xvii. 3.

Pirzeus, vy. 8; Them. 6; Phos. 2.

Pisw founded by the Greeks, xx. 1.

Pisander, commander of the Spartans, vi. 3.

Pisistratus, ii. 8; Milt. 8.

Pittacus, Thras. 4.

Platew burnt by Xerxes, ii. 12; incites
Alexander against Thebes, xi. 3; Arist.
2; Paus.1; Milt. 5.

Plato, xvi. 5; Dion. 2, 3.

Pecile, portico at Athens, Milt. 6,

Pollux. See Castor.

Polybius, Hann. 13.

Polydamas, xii. 12.

Polydectes, brother to Lycurgus, iii. 2,

Polysperechon, xii. 10, 12; set over Mace-
donia, xiii, 6; favours Olympias, xiv. 5;
killed, xiii. 8; Phoe. 3,

Pompoy defeats Sertorius, xliii.5; Mithri-
dates, xxxvii. 1; xlii. 3; xliii. 5; reduces
Syria to a province, xl. 2; his war with
Ceosar, xlii,4; Att.7; E.v. 8,9; vi. 12,
13, 14, 19—21.

Pontas, i. 1; ii, 2, 4; xii, 2; given to
Lysimachus, xiii. 4.

 

INDEX.

Popilius, xxxiv. 3.

Porseria, E. i. 11.

Porus, xii. 8.

Preside, people of India, xii. 8

Prexaspes, i. 9.

Priam, xvii. 3. :

Priapatius, king of the Parthians, xli. 5.

Proculus assumes the purple, E. 9, 17.

Protarchus, xxxix. 1.

Protis, xliii. 3. é

Prusias, opposed to Eumenes, xxxii. 4;
killed by his son, xxxiv. 4; Hann. 10, 12;
E. iv. 5, 6, 8. ‘

Pseudo-Perseus, E. iv. 15.

Ptolemy (1), son of Lagus, xvii. 2; wonder-
fully cured, xii. 10; opposes Aridzus,
xiii, 2; his provinces, xiii. 4, 6; at
enmity with Perdiccas, xiii. 8; and
Antigonus, xv. 1; defeats Demetrius, xv.
1; and is defeated by him, xv. 2; takes
the title of king, xv. 2; transfers the
war with Demetrius into Euro)
his death, xvi. 2; Eum. 10;

— (2) Philadélphus, son of the pre

ceding, xvi. 2; reconciled to his brother

Ceraunus, xvii. 2; offers gifts to the

Roman ambassadors, xviii. 2; makes

way on Antigonus Gonnatas, xxvi. 2.

— (3) Ceranus, brother of the pre-

ceding, xvii. 2; xxiv. 1; kills Lysima-

chus, xvii. 2; his marriage, xvii. 2; seizes

Macedonia xvii. 2; x; xxiv. 1; killed

by the Gauls, xxiv. 5; his step-daughter

Antigone married to Pyrrhus, xvii. 2.

(4) Evergetes marries Berenice of

Cyrene, xxvi. 3; makes war on Seleucus

Callinicus, xxvii. 1,3; killed by his son,

xxviii. 4; xxix. 1; receives Cleomenes,

xxviii. 4.

{5) Philopator, a bad king, xxx.

e, xvi. 2;

 

 

 

———— (6) Epiphanes, xxx. 2; Antiochus
the Great makes war on him, xxxi. 1.

(7) Philometor attacked by Antio-
chus Epiphanes, his uncle, xxxiv. 2; he
assists Alexander Balaagainst Demetrius,
XXXV. 1; xxxix. 1; assists the scn of
Demetrius against Bala, xxxix. 2.

———— (8) Physcon, brother of the pre-
ceding, xxxiv. 2; xxxviii. §; his had
character, xxxviii. 8; his death, xxxix.

(9) Lathyrus, driven from his
throne by his mother, xxxix. 4; his recal
after her death, xxxix. 5.

(10) Apion, son of Philometor,
king of Cyrena, leaves his dominions to
the Romans, xxxix. 5.

(11), son of Pyrrhus, xviii. 13
conquers Antigonus Gonnatas, xxv. 35
his death, xxv. 4.

—— (12), grandson of Pyrrhus, xxviii.

 

Pupienus, emperor, E, ix. 2.
Pydna, taken by Cassander, xiv. 6; Them. &
Pygmalion, xviii. 4.
INDEX.

Pylemenes, name of the kings of Paphla-
gonia, xxxvii. 4.
———— Dat. 2.
Pyrenees, xliv. 1; Hann. 3.
Pyrrhida, xvii. 3.
Pyrrhus (1), son of Achilles, xvii. 3.
-— (2), king of Epirus, xviii. 1, 2;
xuii. 3; xxv. 3-5; his wife Antigone,
xvii. 2; xxiv. 1; his other wife, the
daughter of Agathocles, xxiii. 3; his sons,
xviii. 1; xxiii. 3; conquers, but cannot
retain, xvii. 2; xxiii. 3; xxv. 4, 5; his
eulogium, xxv. 5; his perils in infancy,
xvii. 3; K.2; BE. ii, 11—14,
(3), grandson of the preceding,
_ xxviii. 1, 3.
hagoras, xx. 4.
Pythia, Milt.1; Them. 2.
Python, xiii. 4.

Quadi subdued, E. viii. 13.
Quinquegentiani, E. ix. 22, 23.
Quintillus, E. ix. 12.

Reca, charioteer of Castor, xlii. 3.

Regulus, E. ii. 21.

Remus, xiii. 2; ¥. i. 1.

Rhatians, a colony of the Etrurians, xx. 5.

Rhea Sylvia, xliii. 2.

Rhegium, whence its name, iv. 1; per-
fidiously treated, iv. 3; tyrants over it,
xxi. 3.

 

 

Rhipwan mountains, ii. 2.

Bhodes taken by Alexander, xi. 11; earth-
quake in it, xxx. 4; in alliance with
Rome, xxx. 3; Hann. 8.

Rhone, xliii. 3.

Rome built, xliii.3; seventy-two years
after Carthage, xviii. 6 ; opinion of Cineas
respecting it, xviii. 2; taken by the Gauls,
vi.6. See Gauls. Att. 3.

Romans, xliii. 1; sprung from Troy, xxxi.
8; ill spoken of by the A®tolians and
Mithridates, xxviii. 2; xxxviii. 4 ; see also
xviii. 1; xc 3; xxxiv. 1; xxxvi. 3, 4;
conquer all the world except Scythia, ii.
3; xli. 1; despised the presents of kings,
xviii. 2; their valour, Hann. 1.

Romulus, xliii. 2; Att. 20; E.i.1, 2.

Roxane, mother of Alexander Atgus, xii. 15;
xiii. 2; flees to Pydna, xiii. 6; killed at
Amphipolis, xv. 2.

Rusticani, in Gaul, E. ix. 20.

Rutulians, xliii. 1.

Sabines, sprung from Greeks, xx. 1; Sabine
virgins, xiii. 3; Cat.1; E. i. 11.

Sagillus, king of: Scythia, ii. 4,

mtum taken by Hannibal, E. iii. 7.

Salamis, xliv. 3; ii. 7, 12; Them.,2, 6;
Arist. 2. 7

—— city of Cyprus, xliv. 3.

Sallust blamed by Trogus for his speeches,
xxxviii. 3. he

Salvius Julianus, emperor, E. viii. 17.

Samnites sprung from Greeks, xx. 1; call

 

549

on Pyrrhus, xvili.1; wars with, E. ii. 8,
$eqg.
Samothracia, xxiv. 3; xxxiii. 2; Att. 11.
Samos, xx. 4; Alc. 5; Epam.1; Timoth.

yon:

Sandrocottus, a king of India, xv. 4.

Sappho, or Psapho, a son of Hasdrubal, xix.2.

Sardanapalus, i. 3,

Sardinia invaded by the Carthaginians,
xviii. 7; xix. 1; sends ambassadors to
Alexander, xii. 13; Cat. 1,

Sardis, or Sardes, chief city of Lydia, xiv. 1.

Sarmate, xxxviii. 3.

Saturn, xliii. 1.

Saturninus, assumes the purple, E. ix. 17,

Satyrus, tyrant of Heraclea, xvi. 5.

Save, river of Hungary, xxxii. 3.

Saxons infest the sea, E. ix. 21.

Scipio (1) P. Cornelius, three times defeated
by Hannibal, Hann. 4.

(2) Africanus Major, xxxi. 7; Anti-

ochus the Great restores his son to him,

xxxi. 7; his death, xmxii. 4; Hann. 6;

Cat. 2; E. iii. 15, 16, 20—23.

(3) Asiaticus, brother of the prece-

ding, conquers Antiochus, xxxi. 8; E. iv.

 

 

(4) Africanus Minor, ambassador to
Ptolemy Physcon, xxxviii. 8; E. iv. 10,
12, 17, 19.

Scipios killed in Spain, xliv. 5.

Scolopitus, ii. 4.

Scordisci, xxxii. 3.

Scylla, whirlpool, iv. 1.

Seynus, xiii. 4

Seyros, Cim. 2.

Scytheus, xiii. 4.

Scythians, their antiquity, if. 1, 2; pursue
Sesostris, ii. 3; subdue Asia, and keep it
tributary to them for 1500 years, ii. 3;
unconquered to the time of ‘Mithridates,
xxxvii. 3; destroy Cyrus and his army,
i. 8; xxxvii. 3; put to fight Darius, ii. 5;
Milt. 3; treacherously overcome by
Philip, ix. 2; by Mithridates, xxxvii. 3;
conquer Alexander's general, ii.3 ; xii. 1,
2; xxxvii. 3; defeat the Parthians, xiii.
1; their character and habits, ii. 2, 3;

 

ix. 2.

Sea, Egyptian, ii. 2;* Caspian, xlii. 2;
Acriatic, xx. 1; iv. 1; Tyrrhene, xx 1;
Dead, xxxvi. 2; Pontic, ii. 1.

Segobrigii, nation of the Gauls, xlili. 3.

Selene, wife of Ptolemy Lathyrus, xxxix. 3;
afterwards of Grypus, xxxix. 4.

Seleucia, in Syria, xxxv. 1.

Seleucus (1) Nicanor, xiii. 4; xv. 4; be-
comes king of Syria, xxxviii. 7; goes to
war with Antigonus and Demetrius, xv.
1; xvi. 2; survives all Alexander's gene-
ale, xvii. 1; killed by Ptolemy Ceran-
nus, xvii. 2.

(2) Callinicus, great-grandson of
the preceding, defeated by the Parthians,
xli. 4; by Ptolemy Euergetes, xxvii. 2;
by Hierax, xxvii. 2; his death, xxvii. 3.
550

Seleucus (3), son of Demetrius Nicanor,
killed by his mother, xxxix. 1.

Semiramis, i. 1, 2; xxxvi. 2.

Sertorius in Spain, E. vi. 1.

Servilius, xxxi. 2.

Servius, king, E. i. 7.

Sesostris, king of Egypt, i. 1; ii. 3.

Sestus, v. 4; Timoth. i.

Severus, emp. E, viii. 18, 19.

Seuthes, Alc. 8.

Sibyrtius, xiii. 4.

Sicily, iv. 1—5; xix.—xxiii.; Ale. 5; Dion.
5; Timol. 1, 2.

Sicilians send ambassadors to Alexander,
xii. 13; offer the government of their
island to Pyrrhus, xviii. 2; ask aid of the
Spartans, xix. 1.

Sicyon, xiii. 5.

Sidon, colony of Phoenicia, xviii.
king Abdolonymus, xi.

Silei, xii. 9.

Silenus, Greek historian, Hann. 13.

Simos, leader ot the Phocians, xliii. 3.

Sinai, xxxvi. 2.

Smerdis, i. 9.

Socrates, Ale. 2.

Seebares, companion of Cyrus, i. 6, 7.

Sogdiani assigned to Scythaus, xiii. 4; he
founds cities there, xii. 5; their war with
the Bactrians, xli. 6.

Solon, ii. 7; iii. 2.

Sophene, xlii, 3.

Sophocles, iii. 6.

Sosilus, historian, Hann. 13.

Sosthenes, defeats the Gauls, xxiv. 5.

Spaco, nurse of Cyrus, i. 4.

Spain, its name, xliv. 1; its fertility, xliv.1;
subdued by Hannibal, Hann. 3; Att. 3.

Sparta. See Lacedemon.

Spina founded by Greeks, xx. 1.

Stasanor, his province, xiii. 4.

Statira, daughter of Darius, wife of Alex-
ander, xii. 10.

Strato, king of Tyre, xviii. 3.

Sulpicius, consul, conducts war against
Perseus, i 5.

, tribune, Att. 2.

——, historian, Hann. 13.

Suniatus, xx. 5,

Sureena, Parthian general, E. vi. 18.

Susa, xi. 14.

Susiana assigned to Scynus, xiii. 4.

Sybaris, in Magna Graecia, xx. 2.

Sygambri, xii. 9.

Sylla conducts war with Mithridates, xxxvii.
1; Att. 4,16; E.v. 4, seqq.

Syphax, xxxviii. 6; E. iii. 20.

Syracuse, xxii. 3; besieged by the Atheni-
ans, iv. 4; by Agathocles, xxi. 2; by the
Carthaginians, xxii. 4; taken by Dio-
nysius, xxi, 4. See also, iv. 1—5, and
xix.—xxiii.; Dion 2, 3, 5,6; Tim. 1-3,

Syria conquered by Alexander, xi. 10;
allotted to Laomedon, xiii. 4; then falls
under Seleucus, g.v.; Roman wax with,
E. iv, 3

3; its

 

 

 

INDEX.

Sysamithres, Ale. 10.

Tachos, Ages. 8.

Tacitus, emp. E, ix. 16.

Tagus, xliv. 3.

Tamphilus, two consuls of that name,
Hann. 13; house of Tamphilus, Att. 13,

Tanais, xii. b

Tanaus, oldest king of Seythia, xii. 5.

Tarentum occupied by Phalantus, iii. 4; at
enmity with the Bruttii, xii. 2; with
the Romans, xvii. 2,3; Dion. 2. ‘

Tarqvinii founded by the “Thessalians, xxl.

Tarquinius Priscus, xliii. 3.

Superbus, E. i. 8

Tarsus, in Cilicia, xi. 8.

Tartessus, in Spain, xliv. 4.

Taurus, xi. 8; xxvii. 2.

Taxiles, king of India, xiii. 4.

Tectosagi, xxxii. 3.

Telamon, xliv. 3.

Tetricus, E. ix. 13,

Teucer, xliv. 3.

Teutones, E. iv. 1.

Texena, wife of Agathocles, xxiii. 2.

Thalestris, queen of the Amazons, ii, 4;
xii. 3; xii. 3

Thara, in Parthia, xi. 15.

Thebes destroyed by Alexander, xi. 4;
Ale. 4.

Thebans, enemies to the Athenians, iii, 6;
to the Spartans, vi. 4,6; viii. 4; to the
Phocians, viii. 1; to Philip, ix. 3; favour
the Persians, iii. 6; viii. 1; xi. 3; rise and
fall with Epaminondas, vi. 8; Epam. 10;
receive the Athenian exiles, v.9; Pel. 4;
Epam., 8; atque alibi.

Themiseyra, ii. 4,

Themistocles defeats the Persians at Sala-
mis, ii. 11; his subtilty, ii. 12; xiii. 6,
15; pre-eminence given to him, ii. 14;
Them, passim.

Theodotus king of the Sastrien, xii, 4.

Theopompus, Iphic. 3 ;

Thera, island, xiii. 7; hew Geland Tises neat
it, xxx. 4.

Theramenes, one of the Thirty Tyrants, v.
9; Ale. 5,

Therasia, island near Thera, xxx. 4,

Thermodon, ii, 4.

Thermopylw, ii, 11; viii, 2.4; Them. 3;
Hann,

Theseus, father of Hippolytus, ii, 4; of
Demophoon, ii. 6.

Thespia, ti. 12; xi. 3.

Thessaly, its gold mines, viii. 3; subdued
by Philip, vii, 6; hostile to the ’Phocians,
viii 2; under Antigonus Doson, xxviii.
3; its ‘cavalry, vii. 6.

Thessalonica, xxv. 3.

Thessalonice, daughter of Arideus, xiv, 65
wife of Cassander, xiv. 6; xvi. 1.

Thessalorus, a leader of the Gauls, xxiv 7.

Thogarii, xlii. 2.

Thrace ‘subdued by Darius, vii. 3; by
Philip, viii. 3; falls to Lysimachus, xiii.
INDEX.

4; its reputation in war, xv. 3; its silver
mines, viii. 3.

Thracians, Milt. 1; Chab. 2; given to
wine and sensuality, Ale. 11.

Thrasimenus, lake of Etruria, xxix. 2;
Hann. 4, P

Thrasybulus delivers his country from the
Thirty Tyrants, v. 9,10; Thras. passim.

Thucydides, Them. 1; Paus. 2; Alc. 11.

Thurii, xii. 2; Ale. 4. “

Thyus, Dat, 14.

Tiber, xiii, 3.

Tiberius, emp. E. vii. 11.

Tigranes, king of Armenia, xxxviii. 3;
chosen king of Syria, xl. 1; overcome by
Lucullus, xl. 2; E. vi. 8, 13.

Tigris, xlii. 3,

Timeeus, historian, Ale. 11.

Timoleon of Corinth, Timol, passim.

Timotheus, general of the Athenians, xvi.
4; Timoth, passim.

Tiribazus, Con. 5,

Tiridates, king of Parthia, flees to Augus-
tus, xii. 5.

Tissaphernes (1),v. 1, 2,5; Ale. 5; Con. 2, 4.

————_ (2), satrap of Artaxerxes Mne-
mon, vi. 1; Ages. 2.

Titans, xliv. 4.

Tithraustes, Con. 3.

Titus, emperor, E. vii. 21.

Tleptolemus has Persia for his province,
xiii. 4.

Tolosa, xxxii. 3.

Tomyris puts Cyrus to death, i, 8.

Torquatus, E, ii, 5,

Trajan, emperor, E. viii. 2, seqq.

Trebia, Hann. 4, 6.

Triballi, in Lower Mesia, wound Philip,
ix. 3; rebel against Alexander, xi. 2;
overcome by the Gauls, xxv. 1.

Tribunes of the people created, E i. 13.

Tridentum, Trent, founded by the Gauls,
xx. 6.

Trinacria; name of Sicily, iv. 2.

Triptolemus, discoverer of the use of corn,
ii. 6.

Troas,,sister to Olympias, vii. 6.

Trogus Pompeius blames the length of the
speeches in Sallust and Livy, xxxvii. 3;
his family, xliii, 5. | :

Troy taken by the Greeks, xliii. 1; with the
aid of the arrows of Hercules, xx. 1; of
the wooden horse, xx. 2; Romans sprung
from it, xexi, 8; and Veneti, xx 1; Trojan
war, ii, 4,6; vii. 1; xliv. 3.

Tryphena, daughter of Ptolemy Physcon,
and wife of Grypus, xxxix. 2; kills her
sister, xxxix. 3; killed by her sister’s
husband, Cyzicenus, xxxix. 3.

 

551

Trypbon seizes the throne of Syria; his
death, xxxvi. 1; xxxviii. 9; xxxix, 1.

Turnus king of the Rutuli, xliii, 1.

Tuscans, settled by the Lydians, xx. 1;
expelled by the Gauls, ancestors of the
Rhetians, xx, 5; Tarquinii, one of their
cities, founded by the Thesgaliars, xx. 1.

Tusculum, Cat. 1.

Tyrtzus, iii. 5.

Tyre, built by the Phoenicians, xviii. 3; its
antiquity, xviii. 3; foundress of Carthage,
xvii. 5. xxi. 6; taken by Alexander, xi.

10. See Hercules.

Utee, founded by Tyrians, xviii, 4; Hann.

Valerian, emperor, E. ix. 7,

Valerius Publicola, E. i. 9,

Varro, defeated, Haan. 4; E. iii. 10.

Veientes, E, i. 2, 4, 16, 19.

Venetians came from Troy, xx. 1.

Venus, her temple at Locri, xxi, 3.

Venusia, Hann. 5. ‘

Ventidius, Antony’ slieutenant-general, xlii.
4; E, vii. 5.

Verona, founded by the Gauls, xx. 5.

Vicentia, xx. 5,

Victory, the goddess, v. 4 ; xxxix. 2,

Virginius, E, i. 18."

Viriathus, leader of the Spaniards, xliv. 2;
E. iv. 16. 5

Vitellius, emperor, E. vii. 17.

Volsci, E. i, 14, 19.

Volusianus, emperor, E. ix. 5,

Xantippus defeats Regulus, E. ii, 21.

Xenophon, Ages. 1,

Xerxes, successor of Darius, ii. 10; his
disaster at Delphi, ii. 12; defeated by
Themistocles, ii. 12; withstood by Leo-
nidas, ii, 11; his retreat from Greece, ii.
11, 13 ; his timidity, ii. 10,12; Them. 2;
K. 1; his death, K. 1.

Ylinos, a Scythian, leader of a colony, ii. 4.
York, Severus dies there, E. viii. 19.

Zama, Hann. 6.

Zapaortenon, mount, xli. 5.

Zenebia, E. ix. 13, seqq.

Zopyrion, a general of Alexander, killed by
the Scythians, ii. 3; xii. 1,2; xxxvii. 3.

Zopyrus secures Darius the capture of
Babylon, i. 10,

Zoroaster, king of the Bactrians, put to
death by Ninus, i. 1.

 

Je HADDON AND SON, PRINTERS, CASTLE STREET, FINSBURY.