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CORNELL
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

 

BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME
OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT
FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY

HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE

 
Date Due

RR $eEP28

 

D 355.278.

“TiN |
OCCASIONAL PRODUCTIONS:

POLITICAL,

DIPLOMATIC, AND MISCELLANEOUS.
On Steck by Jehan Surtun hid?

ON WHIT
NIPOTENVIARY

 
OCCASIONAL PRODUCTIONS,

POLITICAL,

DIPLOMATIC, AND MISCELLANEOUS.

INCLUDING, AMONG OTHERS,

A GLANCE AT

THE COURT AND GOVERNMENT OF LOUIS PHILIPPE

AND

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848,

WHILE THE AUTHOR RESIDED AS ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER
PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE UNITED STATES AT PARIS.

BY THE LATE

RICHARD RUSH.

EDITED BY HIS EXECUTORS.

WITH A COPIOUS INDEX.

PHILADELPHIA:
J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO.
1860.

o

WA
FG 504%5b

 

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860, by
J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO.

in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern
: District of Pennsylvania.

 
CONTENTS.

PAGE

INTRODUCTION . : : : : 5 : : xix
SYNOPSIS OF A FEW Famintarn Letters or WASHINGTON
TO HIS PRIVATE SecreTaRy, Cotonet LEAR, WITH THE
AvurHor’s REFLECTIONS; WASHINGTON’S RECEPTION OF
THE News or St. Cuarr’s Dereat; His Account, AT HIS

own Dinner-Tasie, or ARNOLD’s TREASON ‘ . 25

Introductory Explanation, 27; Plan of the Article, 31; Do-
mestic Topics, 32-35; Washington Custis, 36; Miss Harriet
Washington, and his Adopted Son, 37; Education of his
Nephews, George and Lawrence Washington—Arrangement of
his House in Philadelphia, 38; Views in regard to payment of
his Rent by the Public—Decorations of his Carriage, 39;
Prudence as between Rival Seminaries—Tradespeople—Edu-
cation of his Adopted Son, 40; Three Considerations in de-
ciding on a School—Purchases for him in Paris, 41; Alterations
in his House, 42; “Giles’s” Trip to the Alexandria Post-Office,
43; Coach and Postillions—Minute Directions—Takes Pos-
session of Robert Morris’s House in Philadelphia, 45;
Returns to Mount Vernon—Private Affairs, 46; At George-
town, deciding on Seat of Government—Difficulties with
Servants under Non-Slavery Laws in Pennsylvania—Sen-
timents on this Subject to be confined to Mrs. Lear and
Mrs. Washington, 47; Public Buildings of the New Federal
City, 48; Desires Information as to Character of those who
apply for Office—Inferior and Upper Servants, 49; Blankets
for Slaves—‘ Paris”’—One of his Postillions, 50; Desires
no Presidential Residence—Anxiety for his Slaves—Specific
Orders for Blankets, 51; Suggestions to Mr. Lear about his
Speech to Congress, 52; Affectionate solicitude for his sick
Nephew, “Poor George,” 54; Remarks upon a Rental Account
and Unpaid Bond, 55; Reasons -for desiring to change his
Agent, 56; Corresponds with Col. Lear while in England—
Reliance on his Communications, 57; Friendly and Confi-
dential Nature of this Correspondence—“ Little Lincoln”

Vv
vi

CONTENTS.

Lear and his Lottery-Tickets, 58; Takes a House at German-
town—Encloses to Col. Lear, at Georgetown, a Power of At-
torney, in his own Handwriting, to vote on his Shares in the
Potomac Company, 59; Extreme Prudence in Money Mat-
ters, 60; Sale of his Produce—Is relieved from Office—Mount
Vernon—His Old “ Sergeant Cornelius,” 61; Again called to
the Public Service, 62; Col. Lear, his Military Secretary, 63;
Message from Lord Cornwallis, Governor-General of India, 64 ;
Author’s reflections upon Washington’s Familiar Letters—
Explanation of his Character for Reserve—Analysis of some
of his Moral Qualities, 64-69; St. Clair’s Defeat—Wash-
ington’s Reception of the News—His Self-Command and
subsequent Outburst of Passion, 69-72; Jefferson’s Opinion
of Washington, as he gazed on a Constellation on“ the Rim
of the Blue Ridge,” 73; Washington’s Method and Order and
Kindness of Heart as Head of a Family, 74; His Industry,
75; The Interior of his Character as seen in these Letters,
75-78; Account, at his own Dinner-Table, of Arnold’s
Treason, 78-85 ; Three Letters published in full, 85-89.

Wasuineton, La Fayxurrz, anp Mr. Braprorp; A

CHARACTER OF Mr. CaLHouN .

Sxetcn In Part rrom Memory

Washington’s House in Philadelphia, 93; Reflections, 94;
Peter the Great—His House at Sardam, 95; Washington pro-
ceeding to open the Session of Congress—His Appearance, 96 ;
Stillness of the Multitude—Subsequent Enthusiasm, 97; Wil-
liam Bradford, Attorney-General of the United States—His
Character as a Public Man, 98; His Official Intercourse and
Social Intimacy with Washington; Topics at Washington’s
Fireside; Fate of La Fayette, 99; Washington’s Emotion—Its
Influence on Mr. Bradford, 100; Lines by Mr. Bradford on
the Occasion, circulated in Private Circles, 101; Washington’s
Efforts to liberate La Fayette, and Autograph Letter to the
Emperor of Germany, 103; Mrs. Bradford—Her Home on the
Delaware, 104.

His Last Words—his Characteristics, 107; Rose above
Party, 108; Not carried away by the Shock in Europe of
1848, or Tendencies of the New French Republic—His Know-
ledge of the Constitution, and Appreciation of Institutions
of United States—His Noble Ambition, 109; Mr. Butler’s

PAGS

91

. 105
CONTENTS. Vil
PAGE
Remark in Senate on Occasion of his Death—Opposes the
Policy of his Party before the War of 1812—Formed for a
Leader, 110; Reliance upon him during the War—Mr. Web-
ster’s Tribute to him in the Senate, 111; His Administrative
Abilities—Duty the Paramount Principle of his Public Life
—His Opinions, 112; Ended a Strict Constructionist—His
Death a Public Loss—Feelings of Jefferson, Madison, and
Monroe towards him—Ilis resolute Honor and Integrity, 118;
Concluding Reflections—Present Material Prosperity and
Political Morality of the United States contrasted, 114;
Deputation of Senators escort his Remains from Washington
to the State of South Carolina, 115.

LETTER REFERRING TO THE QUESTION OF AFRICAN SLA-
VERY, AND THE Compromise Act oF 1850 s . 117

Slavery Question, Compromise Act, and the Union—Fu-
gitive Slave Law, 120; Conservative Feeling in the North in
1812—Judge Washington and his Runaway Slave—Brief and
quiet legal Proceeding in Philadelphia, 121; Change in
Public Sentiment—Unfavorable Influence upon Slavery
of Northern Interference—Colonization Society—Its Origin
in the South, 121; Southern Statesmen its first Presidents;
Philanthropists of Present Day, 122; British Emanci-
pation an Epoch in Northern Hostility, 123; Different
Views of Slavery Question—International View—Errors in
European Opinion arising from Misrepresentations in United
States, 123; European Interference in the Slavery Question
equally inadmissible as if directed to the Political System of
the United States, 124-126 ; Importation by England of Slaves
into the American Colonies—Present Condition of Slaves in
the South—Visit to the Estate of President Madison—His
Slaves, 126; Intercourse between North and South—Its Bene-
ficial Influence—Share of each in augmenting the National
Prosperity, 127.

Speech At THE MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF THE
ConsTITUTION AND UNION, HELD IN vente
NovemsBer, 1850 Sh aaa . 129

The Cause of the Constitution and Union the ce of the
Nation—Philadelphia—Its Revolutionary Associations, 132;
State of the Country under the Articles of Confederation—
Despondency of the Nation—Adoption of Federal Constitu-
tion, 133; ‘ The Federalist””—Remark of Mr. Guizot in regard
vill CONTENTS.
PAGE
to it, 134; Madison and Hamilton—Their Joint Agency
in its production, 136; Motives for Attachment to the Union,
137; Federal Procession of 1788, 137-140.

Lerrern to Mr. Trescor or SourH CAROLINA UPON
Pusuic anp Dretomaric SUBJECTS. ; ; . 141

Policy of Concerted Movements between United States and
England, 144; Similarity of National Attributes between
United States and Great Britain—Each Nation the Repre-
sentative of Commerce, 145; Mode in which each should
discuss the Principles of Mutual Intercourse—The Pros-
perity of Nations linked together, 146; Concerted Move-
ments with any other Power, not favored in United States
—Reasons for this, 147; American Supremacy on the Ocean
—England alive to Requisitions of the Age, 148; Fallacious
Views in the United States as to other Governments—Foreign
Relations of a Country apt to be less studied than Home
Concerns, 149; Opinions in United States unfavorable to
Concerted Movement with England—These Opinions ex-
amined, 150-153; Influence of Popular Voice, 154; Rea-
sons why the United States and England should not distrust
each other, 155; Cuba—Arrangement in relation to it em-
barrassed by Slavery Question, 156; First Attempt in Ame-
rican Diplomacy towards International Co-operation with
England, 157,; The “ Monroe Declaration,” note, 158.

Seconp Letter ro Mr. Trescot on THE SAME SUBJECTS,
with REFERENCES TO THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE

UnitED STATES ON THE OCEAN DURING THE WAR OF
1812.—, ; . 161

The Three Periods in Diplomatic History proposed by Mr.
Trescot—The third the most important and stirring—What
it comprises, 163 ; Illustration of Diplomacy of United States
during Third Period—Facts in connection with Principles
should be recalled—Aim and Character of American State
Papers upon Neutral Rights during Wars of old French Revo-
lution, 164; United States the Leading Nation in the Carrying
Trade at that Period—French and British Outrages upon the
United States—British Provision Order, 165; The Law of ‘Re-
taliating Force’—No Notice of the United States by the Allies
in the Treaties of Peace and Settlement at Vienna, 166; Pre-
ponderance of British Naval Power over that of the United
States—Indifference of European Alliance—Unwise Policy
CONTENTS. ix
. PAGE
of France and Russia in this respect, 167; Principles of the
Contest—Heroism of the United States—Universal Supre-
macy of Britain on the Ocean—Fruitless Efforts of Napoleon
to cope with her at Sea—Sarcasms upon the United States in
the British House of Commons—Canning and “that Little Bit
of Striped Bunting,” 167,168; Solitary Fearlessness of the
United States, and Progress of the War, 169; Triumphant
Naval Achievements of the Republic, 170; Attention and
Admiration of Europe—Moral Effect of the Contest—Lofty
Tone in Congress—Mr. Calhoun, 171; Effect of these Tri-
umphs upon Neutral Rights—Napoleon’s Insensibility to the
Naval Power of the United States, 172; His limited Views
in relation to -her Naval System, 173; Efforts of American
Diplomacy in 1824, towards abolishing all Private War upon
the Ocean, 174; Effect of the Principle, 175; Mr. Canning
and the Neutral Doctrines of the United States, 176; Their
Full Discussion by Presidents Jefferson and Madison, 176, 177 ;
Their Effect upon the Glory and Destinies of the United States,
177; Impressment; Resolute Resistance to by the United
States, 178; Young’s Ode entitled “Ocean,” and the Press
Gang, 179; Works upon Diplomacy, 180.

CHARACTER OF Mr. CANNING. °. ‘ : . 181

Reflections upon the Political Consequences likely to result
from his Death—Lord Goderich—Lord Liverpool, 184;
Mr. Canning’s Political System—Until 1823, that of unequi-
vocal Toryism—His Advocacy of the Catholic Claims an Ex-
ception to his high-toned Maxims of Church and State—
Gloried in Lord Clarendon’s Illustrations of the Creed of the
Stuarts—His Opinions of the English Constitution—His Ridi-
cule of Popular Representation and Parliamentary Reform
—Hobhouse, Wilson, Burdett—Conflicts with Macintosh and
Brougham—His Mastery in the House of Commons, 185, 186 ;
Birth of his Liberalism—His British Selfishness—Its Prin-
ciple and Aim, 187; No “Delirious Philanthropy” for the
Sovereignty of the People, 188; The Policy he meditated
towards this Hemisphere—The Champion of Liberalism, with-
out having ever been its Child, 189; Beautiful Tribute to him
by Sir James Macintosh, 190; His Devotion to the Glory of
Britain, 191; Never the Friend of the United States, 192, 193 ;
Closing Remarks upon his great Career, 194, 195.
xX

CONTENTS.

Lerrer rroM Paris To THE CHAIRMAN OF THE COM-

Essay :—VALUE oF Harry Errorts at EXcELLENCE

MITTEE OF THE NATIONAL ConvVENTION OF THE DEMO-
crATIC Party OF THE UNITED STATES

Acknowledgment of Receipt of Resolutions of Congratula-
tion from the Democratic National Convention to the National
Assembly and Executive Government of France, 199; As
American Minister, cannot assume the Instrumentality the

Resolutions invite; Three Occasions on which, on behalf

of his Country, he had appeared officially before the Consti-
tuted Authorities of the New Republic, 200, 201; Parties not to
be represented when Nations #ddress each other—-The Voice
of the Nation concentrates that of all Parties, 202; Nume-
rous Communications for the “French Republic” from the
United States—Replies to them not practicable —Exception
in the case of “ Resolutions” from a Convention co-extensive
with the Union, 203; Political Parties—Neither as bad as the
other represents it—Conclusion, 204.

General Reflections—Youth the Season upon which de-
pends the Fruitfulness or Sterility of the Remainder of Life,
207; Its Hopes—Ungracious Philosophy which inculcates
Despondence— Prelude to Eminence, 208; Feelings which
form the Innocent and Profitable Recreation of the Youthful

Student, 209; Inactivity and Self-Indulgence the Result of

Indifference to Excellence, 210; The Youth of Celebrated
Personages—Examples—No Pursuit free from . Solicitude,
211; Exhortations to the Youthful Student, 212.

Essay :—Lasor NECESSARY TO EMINENCE

General Reflections— Sir Edward Coke’s Motto— The
Rugged and Cheerless Path of Literary Exaltation, 213;
Analogy between the Mental and Physical World in the
Growth of Excellence—Sentiments of the Ancients on this
Subject, 214; The First Efforts of the Intellect unsatisfactory

—Productions admired as Extemporaneous often the result of

Deep Thought—Illustration of this—General Desire to de-
ceive on this Subject, 215; Probation of Vigilance and Toil
in Eminent Moderns, 216, 217 ; Influence of such Examples—
Mental, like Artistic, Excellence, calls for Seasoned Material
—The Necessity of Extensive and Laborious Research, 218.

PAGE

. 197

. 205

213
CONTENTS. xi
PAGE
Lerrer to Mrs. Rusu, rrom Lonpon, DESCRIBING A VISIT
In 1836 to Grove Park, THE SEAT OF THE HARL OF
CLARENDON . : : ; ; ; : : . 219

Topics and Occupations during the Visit, 221; Citation
of a Passage from Milton, 222; Historical Paintings and
Portraits—Lord Falkland, killed at the Battle of New-
bury—His’ Careful Dress in anticipation of Death, 223;
Country Gentlemen on-a Rainy Day—Portraits of Queen
Elizabeth, Queen Anne, and Frederic the Great—The Old
Lord Chancellor’s Bed—The Library—The Park, 224; The
Fox-Chase—The Ferret, 225; The Herd of Deer, 226; Re-
newed Intercourse with Lord Clarendon, 227; His Quali-
ties, 228; The Owner of Kenilworth, 229; Lady Clarendon
—Prayers in the Household—“ Life and Correspondence of
Lord Collingwood”—Conversation about President Jack-
son’s Message recommending Letters of Marque against
France, 230; ‘‘Old Hickory’s” Pluck admired in England—
Pleasure of the Visit, 231.

Lerrer To Mrs. Rusu, FRoM LONDON, DESCRIBING A VISIT
AT Curistmas, 1836, To Hacuzy, THE SEAT or Lorp
LyfrrLTon ; é i : . : : . 233

Personal Recollections, 235, 236; Description of the House
—Christmas Evergreens, 237; Cordial Manners of Lord
Lyttelton—Difference among the English in this respect—
The Library, 238; Lady Lyttelton and the Family Group—
Her Welcome—Numerous Guests, 239; Violent Snow-Storm
—Daily Additions to the Dinner-Company—Regularity of
Home Education, 240; Family Portraits, 241; Hagley
Church, 242; Picture-Gallery and other Rooms, 243; The
Park, 244; Occupations, 245; Lady Lyttelton: her Charac-
ter and Manners, 246; Family Prayers, 247; Lunch—Boar’s
Head and Christmas Pie—Dinner, 248 ; Evening Occupations
—Dirge to Louis XVI.—The Harp at Hagley, 249; Unpre-
tending Allusion by the Family to the Beauties of Hagley—
England’s Meridian far off, 250 ; Washington Irving, and Hag-
ley—His Article on Rural Life in England written in that
Vicinity, note, 251; Artificial Ruin, 251; Pope’s Monument—
Milton’s Seat—Church-Bells on Sunday Morning, 252; The
Lyttelton Family— Autographs of Queen Elizabeth and
Charles the Second, 253; “The Royal Oak”—The Original
xu CONTENTS.
PAGE
Edition of Thomson’s Seasons, 254; Recollection of Dinner
at Lord Bagot’s, and of the Conversation upon the Attempt
to assassinate Lord Palmerston, then Secretary of War, 256;
Conclusion, 256, 257.

Lerrer to Mrs. Rusu on THE DEATH OF WILLIAM THE
FourtH, AND ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA TO THE
THRONE , ‘ é és 5 e ¥ : . 259

Close of Christmas Festivities in England, 261; Remark of
the Duke of Wellington after; the Battle of Waterloo—Wash-
ington, Jackson and the Duke, 262; Dinner at the Marquis
of Lansdowne’s—Premature Announcement of the Death of
William the Fourth—Conversation in Anticipation of the
Probable Event—The Princess Victoria: her Careful Educa-
tion, 263, 264; Dinner at Lord Clarendon’s—Death of the
King—Lord Clarendon’s Narrative on returning from Ken-
sington Palace—Meeting of the Privy Council on the Demise
of the Crown, 264; The Youthful Princess appears before the
Council and takes the Oath as Sovereign of the Realm—Cere-
monies—The Young Queen’s Bearing and Discretion, 265 ;
Dinner-Table Pleasantries in reference to the English Throne
and the Presidency of the United States—Different Ways of
reaching each—A Constitutional Question not yet raised in
the United States, 266; English Loyalty, 267; Conclusion,
268.

CoRRESPONDENCE WITH THE SECRETARY OF StTaTE, Mr.
Marcy, UPON THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE First AR-
TICLE OF THE TREATY OF 1818, IN RELATION TO THE
NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES : : 5; : . 269

Mr. Rush’s Explanatory Letter to his Executors, 271; The
Fishery Question a Marked Question in American Diplomacy
—Importance of all Information attainable in regard to it,
273; The American Construction of the Convention of 1818
—Long Acquiescence in, and subsequent Construction of, the
Treaty by Great Britain—Motives for the Publication of the
Author’s Views on this Question, 273, 274.

Letter from Mr. Marcy, Secretary of State, 275.

Mr. Rush’s Reply, 277; Personal Recollections to be
distrusted after Lapse of Time—Documentary Evidence,
278; Circumspection with which the Convention of 1818
CONTENTS. xl

PAGE
was entered into, 279; Responsibility of the American Nego-
tiators to their’ own Government—their Sources of Informa-
tion, 280; The Extent of the Fishing Grounds a prominent
Principle in the Negotiation—Documentary Information re-
maining in the Author’s Possession, 281, 283 ; National Conside-
rations, in Support of the American Construction—Novelty of
the Line from “ Headland to Headland”—The British Crown
Lawyers, 284; Relations between the United States and Great
Britain, prior to the Convention of 1818, in regard to the
Fisheries— Rights under the Treaty of 1783; Effect of the
War of 1812 upon its Stipulations, 285; The Motto of the
Elder Adams—Its Connection with our Right to the Fish-
eries—Firmness of the American Government on this Sub-
ject at the Treaty of Ghent, 286; Mr. Adams’ Diplomatic
Notes to Lord Bathurst and Lord Castlereagh, 287; Termina-
tion of the Convention—Its cotemporaneous Construction by
the American Negotiators—Re-affirmed by subsequent Ame-
rican Ministers, 288; Bay of Fundy not under the exclu-
sive Dominion of Great Britain—Probable Course of the
American Negotiators had such Dominion been asserted—
Clause of Renunciation in 1st Article, 289; Its true Mean-
ing—Reasons for its Insertion, 290; Immediate Adoption
by the British Government of the American Construction
on the Termination of the Convention—First Assertion of a
Different Construction by Great Britain, 291, 292; Convic-
tions of the Author that the American Construction of the
Treaty was entirely acceptable to the British Government at
the Time of its Adoption—Reasons for this, 293; The Liver-
pool Ministry assailed by outside Clamor in Consequence of
the Fishery Article—Its Adherence to the American Con-
struction, 294; Concluding Remarks—Mr. Webster’s Letter
in 1852 upon the Fishery Article, 295.

A GLANCE AT THE CouRT AND GOVERNMENT oF Louis
Puruipre In 1847 748, anD THE FrRencH REVOLUTION
or 1848 WHICH FOLLOWED, WHILE THE AUTHOR RESIDED
As Envoy EXTRAORDINARY AND MuinisterR PLENIPo-
TENTIARY OF THE UNITED Staves aT Paris é . 299
Appointment as Minister to France, 301; Arrival in Paris,
302; Interview with M. Guizot, 302; Presentation to the King,
303; Dinner at the Palace, 306; Visits of Ceremony, 309;
Evening at Neuilly, 310; Reception at St. Cloud, 313 ; Spanish
Marriage Question, 314; King’s opinion of the English Press,.
xiv CONTENTS.
PAG)

315; Versailles, 316; Princess Lieven—Humboldt, 319 ; Con-
versation with the King on Mexican Affairs, 321; Mr. Prescott
—Homage of King’s Government to Letters, 323,324; Dinner
with Minister of Foreign Affairs, 324; Further Conversation
with the King on Mexican Affairs, 327; International Com-
mercial Topics with the King, 330; Tobacco Monopoly, 331;
King’s Habits of Business, 332; Prosperous Financial Condi-
tion of France, 333 ; Private Theatricals at St. Cloud, 334; Re-
flections on State of Parties, and Condition of France at cluse
of 1847, and King’s Dynasty, 337, 344; Opening of the Cham-
bers—King’s Speech, 345; Reference to Letter from Duke of
Wellington on French Invasion, 346; Reception at Tuileries,
349; Approaching Reform Banquet in Paris—Remark of the
King, 353; Reception at M. Thiers’s—Party at Duchess de
Rochefoucault’s—Reform Banquet a Topic—No Uneasiness
—Ball at Belgian Ambassador’s—Reform Banquet again
spoken of—Confidence of the Government, 354, 355.

Revotvution—Consternation in Paris, 355; Reform Banquet
prohibited at last moment—Resignation of Ministers, 357;
People in possession of the Tuileries, 358; Wild Disorganiza-
tion—Abdication of the King—Duchess of Orleans with her
children in the Chamber of Deputies, 359; Flight of the King
and Queen, 360; Reflections, 361; Provisional Government,
362; Lamartine at the Hotel de Ville, 363; Major Poussin’s
Appeal to the American Minister ; Determination of the latter
to recognise the Republic without waiting for Instructions,
364-369 ; Calls on the British Ambassador and communicates
his intentions, 370, 373; The American Minister's Official
Recognition of the French Republic, at the Hotel de Ville,
373 ; His Address to the Provisional Government, 374; Reply
of M. Arago, 375 ; Demonstration of the Populace as his Car-
riage leaves the Hotel de Ville, 376; Archbishop of Paris—
Letter of Pope’s Nuncio, 377 ; Triumph of Lamartine—Louts
Narotzon Bonaparre desires to rank himself under the Flag
of the Republic, 378; Reappearance of Order—Funeral of
the Citizens who fell in February, 379; Remark of Lamar-
tine—Letter of Pope’s Nuncio, and Address of American
Minister, 380; The British Ambassador and the new Repub-
lic, 382.

Dissensions in the Provisional Government, 384; The double
Legislative Chamber—Conversation with M. de Tocqueville
—The Rappel, 385, 386; Count Caraman, 387; Rumors of a
New Revolution, 388; Prompt Energy of the Provisional Go-
vernment—Letters of Credence of the Am rican Minister to
CONTENTS.

the Provisional Government, 389; Opening of the new Na-
tional Assembly, 392; Surrender of Power by the Provisional
Government to the National Assembly, 393 ; Proclamation of
the Republic by the Representatives of the People in the open
Air, 394; Opinions in the National Assembly of the future
Form of Government, 395; The Author’s Remarks upon and
Review of the Course of the Provisional Government in its
Home and Foreign Policy, 398-403 ; The Executive Committee
of Five—The New Ministry, 404; The Joint Resolution of
Congress, 405; Insurrection of the 15th of May, and Events
attending it, 405-411; Arrest of Three Hundred Conspirators,
and Address of National Assembly to the People of France,
411; Féte in Honor of the Republic—Presentation of the
Joint Resolution of Congress to the Executive Committee—
Address of the American Minister, and Reply of M. Lamar-
tine, 411-416;. Decree of the National Assembly on receiv-
ing the Joint Resolution of Congress, 416-418; Decree of
Perpetual Banishment of Louis Philippe and the Orleans
Family, 418; The Republic recognized by Spain and Bel-
gium, 419.

Louis Napoleon—His Communication to the National As-
sembly, 419, 420; M. de Tocqueville and the new Constitu-
tion, 420; Unofficial Letter from the American Secretary of
State, upon the Federative and National Principle in the Ame-
rican Constitution, 420, 421; Commodore Read and the Ame-
rican Naval Force in the Mediterranean, 422, 423; Louis Na-
poleon—Sensation and Rumors in the National Assembly in
regard to him, 423; Remarks of General Cavaignac, 424;
Louis Napoleon—His Election as a Representative of the
People for three Provinces and for Paris, 424; Major Poussin
appointed Minister to the United States, 425; The National
Assembly and Louis Napoleon—Proposal to enforce against
him the Law of 1832, banishing the Napoleon Family, 425-
429; Vote of the National Assembly to admit him to his Seat
—Opinions for and against his Admission—Influence of that
Vote upon the Republic, 429, 430; Letter from Louis Napoleon
to the President of the National Assembly, enclosing Letter
of Thanks to the Electors—Proceedings in the National As-
sembly on Receipt of these Letters, 431-434; His Letter of
Resignation—lIts Effect upon the National Assembly, 435, 436.

The New Constitution, 436-441; Report on the Finances
—Workmen out of Employ—Uneasiness of the Government,
441; Insurrection of the 23d of June—General Cavaignac
Dictator—Paris in a state of Siege—Fall of the Archbishop

XV
Xvi CONTENTS.

of Paris at the Barricades—Desperate Fighting—Incidents—
Insurrection Suppressed—Appearance of parts of Paris, 442-
449; General Cavaignac resigns his Extraordinary Powers—
Vote of Thanks to him—Decree confiding to him the whole
Executive Power, 450; Address of the French Chamber to
the Nation, 451; Decree in Honor of the Archbishop of Paris
—Foreign Gold—Insinuation in the National Assembly in
regard to its Influence in the Insurrection—Protest of the
British Ambassador, 452; Funeral of the Archbishop of
Paris, 453; Examination by the Author of the Causes and
Possible Consequences of the Insurrection, 454-462; Dinner
at the Sardinian Ambassador’s—Recognition of thé Republic
by Sardinia, 462; Vote in the Assembly for a Camp of Fifty
Thousand Men, to be stationed in the City or its Environs—
Legislative Restrictions on the Press and Political Clubs,
463; Appropriation of upwards of Half a Million of Franes
in Aid of the Theatres and Opera, 464; Contrasts seen in
Paris—The Author’s Reflections, 465; First Public Recep-
tion by General Cavaignac as Executive Head of the Re-
public, 466.

Louis Napoleon—Report to the National Assembly of his
Regular Election for Corsica—His Letter of Resignation to
the President of the National Assembly, 467; The English
Ambassador presents his Credentials to General Cavaignae,
468; Official Dinners, 468-476; Louis Napoleon elected a
Representative for Paris—Takes his Seat in the National
Assembly—Surprise and Curiosity at his Entrance, 476 ; His
First Address from the Tribune, 477, 478; Proposal in the
Assembly of Ineligibility as President or Vice-President of
any Member of a Family that had reigned in France—Re-
marks of Louis Napoleon before the Vote was taken, 479 ;
The Tobacco Monopoly and French Tariff, 480, 481; Address
of Louis Napoleon from the Tribune, 482-484; Siege of Paris
raised—The Author’s Remarks, 485 ; Report to the Assembly
upon the Insurrections of May and June—Revelations, 486 ;
The French Consulate at Boston and Richmond, 487 ; Princess
Lieven and her supposed Silent Mission, 488 ; Celebration of
the Féte in Honor of the New Constitution, 488-491; The
Author’s Doubts of the Durability of the Constitution, 491;
Charges in the National Assembly against General Cavaignac
oo Vote in his fayor—His Crowded Reception,

Manifesto of Louis Napoleon as a Candidate for President
of the Republic, 492-494; His Election—Official Anunounce-
CONTENTS. Xvii

ment of the Result in the National Assembly—Proceedings
therein, and Address of the President of the National Assem-
bly proclaiming him President, 494-497; Louis Napoleon as-
cends the Tribune and takes the Oath as President of the
Republic—Words of the Oath—His Address to the Assembly,
497,498; His Bearing toward General Cavaignac as he leaves
the Tribune—His New Ministry, 499; The Election of Louis
Napoleon indicated by the Course of Previous Events, 500;
Reception of the Diplomatic Corps by the Prince-President at
the Palace de l’Elysée Bourbon—His Personal Appearance—
The Author’s Reflections at the Scene, 501-505; Informal In-
quiries by the Migister of Foreign Affairs as to the Course in
the United States when the President and Congress disagree—
Informal Communication to him from Mr. Rush on this Subject,
507; Mr. Bancroft—General Sir Phineas Riall, 508; Ball
at the Palace—The Green and Gold Livery of the Emperor,
509; The President acknowledges in Conversation the In-
formal Communication of Mr. Rush to his Minister of Foreign
Affairs, 509,510; Anniversary of the Proclamation of the Re-
public—Conflict of Authority between the Executive and the
Chamber, 510; Mr. Wikoff, of Philadelphia—his Cordial Re-
cognition by the Prince-President when presented to him by
Mr. Rush, 511,512; Entertainments at the Palace, 512-514;
Attempted Insurrection—Promptitude of the Government,
515-517 ; Visit to La Grange and Fontainbleau—Mr. George
Lafayette, 517, 518 ; Close of the Mission-—Audience of Leave,
519, 520.
INTRODUCTION.

In publishing the volume announced in the title page,
2 Author’s Executors desire to explain its nature.
iroughout a long life the pursuits of Mr. Rush were
voted almost exclusively to public affairs. The official
spatches which record his negotiations and other duties,
rformed abroad whilst Minister Plenipotentiary to Eng-
ad in early life, for upwards of seven years; and subse-
ently to France, for a shorter though memorable term,
a more advanced period; his reports to Congress
uile Secretary of the Treasury ; and his opinions while
ttorney-General of the United States ; which latter post
held during the war of 1812, and until the close of
e Administration of President Madison; are on the
chives of the Government, as part of our public history
those spheres, while he held the above situations.

Mr. Rush’s pen was used upon many important public
\estions, otherwise than officially, before, during, and
ter the War of 1812; and after returning from his
reign employments. The pieces he wrote appeared
rgely in the journals of the day, sometimes on calls
yon him from his own State, and from other and dis-
nt parts of the Union, and sometimes voluntarily.
any of these political papers, as they appeared from
ne to time, when great home or foreign questions
‘sorbed the public mind, attracted the thoughtful portion
‘his countrymen ; and it might not be thought inappro-

X1xX
xX INTRODUCTION.

priate to give to such a place in this volume. But he lived
long enough to see and remark how many discussions of
this sort, supposed to have been of importance, under the
excitements and exaggerations of the hour, had passed
away and been forgotten. Influenced by this sentiment,
he found agreeable occupation during the last few
years of his life, in uniting with the pursuits which
his library afforded, the review of his correspondence,
and of papers, political, diplomatic, and social, which
had largely accumulated during his long public career,
and while in retirement. And as he reviewed, he de-
stroyed, much the larger part of his manuscripts. A few
there were of general interest, which he preserved ;
some, published at different periods of his life and sub-
sequently revised; some, printed for private circulation
among friends; and some which have not appeared
before. A portion of these he committed to the dis-
cretion of his Executors, for posthumous publication ;
and of such this volume is composed. They will here
be touched upon a little more in detail, for the reader’s
information.

The first is an article which aims to give a slight view
of, and some reflections upon, ‘“‘ Washington in Domes-
tic Life,” as suggested to the writer by a few of his
familiar and unpublished letters while President, and
afterwards from Mount Vernon, to his private Secretary,
Colonel Lear, put into the writer’s possession by his vene-
rable widow. A few copies were first published in 1857,
and largely from considerations connected with the
wishes of Mrs. Lear, expressed during her life. Since
the first appearance of the article, much has been given
to the public from various sources on the same subject.
But it is a subject from its permanent interest not soon
to tire; and this brief “synopsis” from Mr. Rush’s pen,
prompted originally by his desire to do what he thought
would be agreeable to Mrs. Lear, is based upon authentic
materials, and is perhaps worth preserving. The original
INTRODUCTION. _XXi

“Yntroductory Explanation” to the article, which has
been retained, states in a few words its origin. Its object
was, to speak of Washington at home, and thus to deduce
from the ‘“‘small facts which drop familiarly from these
private letters,’’ whether they touch upon his house-
hold economy, his friends, kindred or- servants, reflec-
tions upon his domestic character, in proof of its com-
prehensiveness and richness. . '

The article as now presented to the public was
revised by the Author; some emendations added, and
three letters and a short note (believed to be now for
the first time published) given in full. Nearly all these
letters being entirely domestic and private, obvious rea-
sons suggested themselves why the portraiture of do-
mestic life they reflect, should be looked at in the mode
adopted, rather than by the republication of the whole
of each letter, written, as each was, without any reserve,
or perhaps the thought that it would ever be seen again.
The approbation of this guarded course which reached
Mr. Rush, on the first appearance of the article, from
more than one eminent source, confirmed his own judg-
ment on that point. He spoke of it as a ‘literary
trifle,” and dedicated it, “though hardly worth a dedi-
cation,” to an intimate friend, between whom and him-
self existed an uninterrupted friendship of sixty years ;*
one, let it be added, whose genius, and knowledge and
eloquence, were early and long conspicuous in the coun-
cils of his country, and whose private virtues endear
him to the wide circle in which he has been so long
known and honored.

The two narratives at the end of the article, as it first
appeared, are also retained. The first is from the Diary of

‘Col. Lear, kept by him at Mount Vernon in 1786. It re-
cords an account of Arnold’s treason, given by Washing-
ton at his own dinner-table at Mount Vernon, and in

 

* Mr. Ingersoll.
XXil INTRODUCTION.

his own words, which, although familiar to us in history,
remarks Mr. Rush, seems to acquire new interest from
his lips. The other is a narrative, also by Colonel . . ..
Lear, of Washington’s remarkable conduct and language,
on hearing of the defeat of General St. Clair, com-
missioned by him while President, to command the
military expedition of 1791, for the defence of the
Northwestern frontier of the United States, which had
suffered severely under Indian depredation. It is
believed that these two narratives were first given to
the public in this article. The latter has been quoted
in full by Mr. Irving.*

The next article, “Washington, Lafayette, and Mr.
Bradford, a Sketch in part from Memory,” first ap-
peared in 1846. In addition to some interesting per-
sonal allusions to Washington while President, and
residing in Philadelphia, it calls up a domestic scene in
his private residence, when the fate of La Fayette,
then a prisoner in the dominions of the Emperor of
Austria, was a topic in the evening’s conversation; Mr.
Bradford—his attorney-general of the United States—
being present, besides the family circle.t Under the
circumstances narrated, this scene may now possess inte-
rest for some readers.

Mr. Calhoun, late Vice-President of the United States,
filled so large a space in the public eye as an American
Statesman of the highest order, that the notice of his
character which appears in these pages, may not be un-
acceptable, coming as it does from one who, entering
into public life at about the same time, knew him long

 

* Irving’s Life of Washington, 5th vol. pp. 107, 8, 9.

+ A close relationship and intimacy existed, through Mrs. Bradford,
between the families of Mr. Bradford and Dr. Rush, which points to the
source of this narrative. It has, since its first appearance, been quoted
in the “Republican Court,” a work published in New York some years
ago, and by Mr. Lossing, in his very interesting «Mount Vernon and its
Associations.” The “Lament” is given in each.
INTRODUCTION. XXiil

and well. Mr. Calhoun was Secretary of War in President
Monroe’s Cabinet, while Mr. Rush occupied the English
Mission. Although on the return of the latter from
England to a post in the Cabinet of President Adams,
party organization separated them as public men, he
always appreciated very highly Mr. Calhoun’s elevated
patriotism and rare abilities; and, while not sympathiz-
ing with some of the political opinions of his later years,
offered, on the occasion of his death, this tribute to his
memory. It was published in 1850, and favorably re-
ceived by his countrymen, more especially in South
Carolina. Some corrections and modifications will be
found in it, as it now appears.

While the Author’s executors have been careful, under
the discretion confided to them, to withhold from this
volume every thing of a party nature, they feel that
they may, nevertheless, insert two productions, even
though they should seem at first to partake somewhat
of that character. In 1850, a crisis overtook the Union.
At that time arose one of those agitations, founded in
permanent causes, growing out of the existence of Afri-
can slavery in the Southern portion of the Confederacy,
which led to the Compromise Act, passed by Congress
in that year. The Union was believed to be in danger,
and its friends, in each of the two great parties in the
country, united their efforts to ward it off. Mr. Rush’s
opinions were sought and freely expressed. On one of
these occasions he addressed a careful letter to a large
body of his fellow-citizens, his friends and neighbors, who
had requested his presence at a political celebration, and
took various views of the question of African slavery,
as existing in the United States, and as bearing on the
Union; especially of the “international phase of the
question, which has worked itself into our feelings,
helping to hurry us into rash extremes of opinion and
conduct;” and warns against the influence of such ex-
tremes upon the stability of the Union, saying, that the
xxiv INTRODUCTION.

great “Compromise Act” must henceforth be followed
up by mutual concession and forbearance ; above all, by
the faithful performance of constitutional obligations.
Our Union was otherwise gone. It was not “good
speaking, good writing, or an array of the advantages
of the Union, however powerfully put forth,” that
would be likely to save it much longer. It must be
“by deeds, to be done and abided by.”

A meeting of the friends of the Constitution and
Union, irrespective of party, was soon afterwards held in
Philadelphia. It was a great assemblage, such as every
crisis calls forth in this country, when any great national
question arises. Mr. Rush was called for; and his observa-
tions on that occasion are given inthis volume. He notices
many of the historical incidents connected with the
formation of the Constitution, with the remark that the
* Declaration of Independence, bold, deliberate, inevit-
able, as it was, only threw into being the disjointed parts of
a great nation; it was the Constitution which cemented
them together ; and urges, that if all which it had already
achieved was not enough to rouse the country to its
support, the great name of Washington, who adopted it,
with its full sanction of the rights of the South, should
in itself be enough.” He closed with a spirited account
of the “Federal procession” in ’88, which the speaker
witnessed as a boy, and with a patriotic appeal for the
Union. These two short articles—with no pretension
to elaborate discussion—are placed in this collection, as
expressing, in general terms, the steady convictions of
the Author on the great questions to which they refer.

Next in order are two Letters to William Henry Tres-
cot, of South Carolina, on “diplomatic and other sub-
jects.” Persons who saw these letters in manuscript
when first written in 1851, thought that they would be
read with interest by more than could have an oppor-
tunity of seeing them in that form. A few copies were
therefore printed for private distribution among friends.
INTRODUCTION. XXV

Although Mr. Trescct had no agency in their publica-
tion, the hope was indulged and expressed by Mr. Rush
that he would not object to it; the less, as his own ex-
cellent production to which they referred, was in print.*
The same hope has led to their insertion in this volume.

The first touches the general question of the foreign
policy of the United States, as applied to diplomatis
concert between this Government and that of Great
Britain,—a policy which the “similarity of national
attributes between the United States and Great Britain,”
seems to point out as wise for both countries, but upon
which the Author doubts the disposition of a majority
of his countrymen to look favorably. He refers, as ex-
planatory in part of this unfavorable disposition, to the
“political habit” in the United States of regarding
England with distrust, and of looking to France, rather
than England, for any transatlantic connection; and
examines the cause of this distrust. He alludes to the
continued watchfulness of England, of the progress
of the age, and to the fallacious opinions entertained
among the American people in reference to other Goy-
ernments. These are among the topics of the letter,
which concludes with a reference to the “Monroe de-
claration,’”’ as the first attempt in American diplomacy
towards concerted movement with Great Britain.

The second letter refers to the “ three periods” marked
out by Mr. Trescott in his proposed review of diplomatic
history. The third period—from the peace of Paris in
1763 to the present time—the Author thinks the most
important: and stirring; remarking “that it comprises
startling revolutions among nations; the most formi-
dable operations of war, with results the most momentous
by land and sea; and the most wide-sweeping transac-
tions in diplomacy of the last century, and the early

 

* «A Few Thoughts on the Foreign Policy of the United States,” by
William H. Trescot, 1849.
Xxvi INTRODUCTION.

part of the one in which we live.” The letter recalls
the place which the United States must hold in diplo-
matic history at that period ; refers to the early and
lofty aims of her diplomacy, and, in striking ways, to
points of international law, for which, as a neutral power,
during the European wars of the latter end of the last,
and beginning of the present century, the United States
earnestly contended in their diplomatic negotiations;
with references to their achievements upon the ocean in
vindication of neutral rights during the war of 1812.
Mr. Rush was a member of President: Madison’s Cabi-
net while those splendid achievements were in progress,
and was transferred to the English Mission very soon
after that war, when their renown was resounding
throughout the world. After the lapse of nearly forty
years, he writes about them, with a fervor and patriotism
they were naturally calculated to awaken.

The Character of Mr. Canning was written while Mr.
Rush was Secretary of the Treasury, and a member of
the Cabinet of President Adams. It appeared in 1827,
in the National Intelligencer at Washington, a day or
two after the news of Mr. Canning’s death reached the
United States. From the tone of its composition, and
acquaintance shown with British statesmen and British
and European policy, it was ascribed to the accomplished
and powerful pen of the President, himself the imme-
diate predecessor of Mr. Rush at the English court. It
was extensively republished and circulated in England,
and advantageously quoted in the House of Lords. Mr.
Rush had been thrown into much intercourse with that
great English statesman during his mission, and was
prompted to offer this American tribute to his departed
genius and public services to his country. It was repub-
lished in pamphlet form, and much called for. After
thirty-four years, this article, with corrections by the
writer, is here offered to the public, in this more authen-
tic, and it is hoped more durable, form.
INTRODUCTION. XXvil

A public, though not official, Letter from Paris, in
1848, containing all the parts material to its object, will
be found in these pages. It is addressed to Benjamin
F. Hallett, of Boston, in reply to a letter written by Mr.
Hallett,.as Chairman of a Committee of the National
Convention of the Democratic Party, to Mr. Rush, as
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the
United States, enclosing to him resolutions of congratula-
tion from the Convention to be presented to the French
Republic. Mr. Rush declined to present them ; thus attest-
ing his repudiation of all party, while representing his
whole country in the diplomatic service, and in his letter
to Mr. Hallett, briefly explains the part he acted, as
the representative of the United States, when the revo-
lutionary storm swept away the throne of Louis Philippe,
and set up a republic for France in its place. Neither
while Minister to England or France did he ever allow
himself to act as a party man; a principle which, it is
one of the objects of his letter to show, should govern
the public conduct of the diplomatic representative.

Two Essays, published more than half a century ago in
the “ Port Folio,” then a well-known periodical in Phila-
delphia, are inserted, as intended to show the writer’s
early appreciation of intellectual ambition, and the
laborious industry indispensable to accomplish its
objects. They were written when Mr. Rush was about
twenty-three years of age, and was a close reader and
admirer of Dr. Johnson’s works, as is apparent from the
style of these youthful essays. In more mature life, he
thought this style not the best model, however potent
in the hands of Dr. Johnson.

Following these essays, are three Letters addressed
to Mrs. Rush, from. London, in 1837. Precedents
exist, without stint, for the posthumous publication of
family letters of public men. Unexpectedly invited by
General Jackson, while President of the United States, to
go to England in 1836, to recover from the Court of Chan-
XXViil INTRODUCTION.

cery the Smithsonian legacy to the United States, a duty
he performed successfully, and towards his success in
which President Jackson supposed his ‘previous official
residence in that country, might open facilities, he went,
unattended by his family, a youthful son excepted.
Away for two years, his home correspondence from a
country where himself and family had resided so long,
was among his agreeable occupations. From very many
of his letters, written at that time, these three have been
taken, one describing a visit to Grove Park, the seat of
the Earl of Clarendon; the second, a Christmas visit to
Hagley, the seat of Lord Lyttelton; and the third, on
Queen Victoria’s ascent to the throne. The two first
give some view of rural hospitalities in England in the
winter. The scenes are presented with the familiarity
of such a correspondence, blended with recollections,
naturally called up, of former days in that country.
Passages being omitted not necessary to be printed, the
publication of these letters, after the interval that has
elapsed, as in part illustrative of English social life in
his day—a day now verging on the historical—may, per- .
haps, be acceptable to some readers; as also the descrip-
tion, in the third letter, of the forms observed when
Queen Victoria came to the throne. Mr. Rush was
ever very guarded in touching with his pen upon the
scenes and topics of private society. Thoroughly
American in heart, he appreciated, nevertheless, the in-
fluence upon some of her individual and national charac-
teristics, of the social system of England, of which he
was a close and thoughtful observer. Hence, he has
occasionally devoted his pen to it, as it came under his
eye in private life; but always with strict restraint.

A letter to the Secretary of State—then Mr. Marcy,
the head of President Pierce’s Cabinet—and never yet
published, on the construction of the Fishery Article in
our Convention with Great Britain of 1818, is included
in this posthumous volume. It was written in 18538, on
INTRODUCTION. XX1X

an official call from the Secretary of State; and Mr.
Rush left a direction in his will, that this letter, with
that of Mr. Marcy to him, which drew it forth, should be
published, with a letter from himself to his executors,
giving the reasons for the publication.’ -

“High names, in the Senate and elsewhere,” remarks
Mr. Rush, “have so well defended our construction, that
it might seem unnecessary for me to bring before the
public the views presented in this letter to the Secretary
of State, were they not derived from facts intrinsic to
the negotiation itself. In directing its publication by
my executors, I aim at rendering justice to revered
names in our history, whose humble associate I was in
this portion of our public affairs. I aim at showing
that this solemn international compact, made under
their instructions, and receiving their sanction, did not
give up American fishing rights of long existence and
great magnitude; but, on the contrary, secured them
with the greatest care. In here vindicating their memo-
ries against imputed errors or oversights in a matter
so grave, and in desiring that the vindication should
become known to their country, I trench upon no sense
of propriety. As an official document, upon an inter-
national subject, no secrecy belonged to this letter,
written on a public call upon me by the Government,
other than exemption from premature publicity.”

At the time of Mr. Marcy’s call upon Mr. Rush, he
was the sole survivor of the negotiators of that Conven-
tion, and of all others officially connected with it. He
was of opinion that the ‘‘ Reciprocity Treaty” of the 5th
of June, 1854, had only for the time being put at rest
this question of the Fisheries. At its expiration the
question will no doubt again be open in all its fulness
and importance to American interests. When that time
comes, the record here presented of its early history,
and the undoubted evidence thus furnished, that the
“extent” of the fishing grounds was well considered by
XXX INTRODUCTION.

the negotiators of the Convention of 1818, may perhaps
aid in the consideration of this subject. The reader
will no doubt be impressed with the fact, as stated by
the author, that during the seven years of his residence
at the English Court as Minister, after the signature
and ratification of that Convention, no complaint was
hinted at by the British Government that the American
fishermen had resorted to their old fishing grounds in
the large gulfs and bays upon the colonial coast of
British America. Equally may it strike attention that
when Mr. Rush, towards the end of his Mission, in 1824,
was engaged in an extensive negotiation, while Mr.
Canning was Secretary for Foreign Affairs—a minister
especially watchful of British interests—and during the
progress of which negotiation our entire intercourse by
sea and land with the British North American Colonies
was brought under consideration, no allusion was made
to any misconstruction by the American Government
of the Fishery Article. Mr. Rush was very strong in
his convictions that the American construction of the
Convention was entirely acceptable to the British
Government “at the time of its adoption ;’ and that
although the Treaty was sharply assailed by journals
of prominence in London, the British Cabinet “knew
their position, and were prepared for its responsibilities.”
They paid respect to the convictions of the American
Government that American rights, established by the
Treaty of 1788, were not lost by the War of 1812, and
consented to their re-aftirmance in the Convention of
1818. The author does not pass by, in his review of
this important subject, the remarkable fact that the
Attorney-General and Advocate-General of England
gave an opinion to Lord Palmerston, “twenty-two years
after the date of the Convention,” based upon words
which are not used in it, and of which they “assumed
the existence.” And he touches with reluctance upon
the letter of Mr. Webster while Secretary of State,
INTRODUCTION, XXX1

written in July, 1852, in which the latter speaks of “an
oversight in the Convention of 1818,” in making con-
cessions to England of American rights in the “inlets”
and “recesses of the ocean,” against which Mr. Rush
endeavors to. show that. the American negotiators most
carefully guarded. When Mr. Webster’s letter ap-
peared, Mr. Rush was strongly urged to give to the
public his views on this subject, the rather as Mr. Web-
ster referred to the opinion of the English Crown Law-
yers, from which he dissented without noticing the
grave error referred to. He declined to publish any-
thing at the time; and while this posthumous publica-
tion of the letter to Mr. Marcy explains itself, as to the
public principles discussed, it is hoped that the allusion
to Mr. Webster is in such a spirit as to be free from
exception on the part of any of the friends of that
great statesman.

The volume closes with some account of Mr. Rush’s
Mission to France. This is the longest and most recent
article in the collection. Mr. Rush was very unexpect-
edly called upon by his Government to assume the duties
of that Mission, in March 1847, and arrived in Paris in
July, a few days after the fétes in commemoration of
the Revolution of 1830. -He presented his credentials
on the 81st of July,.1847,-at the Palace of Neuilly, to
Louis Philippe, the citizen king; and his letter of recall,
on the 8th of October, 1849, at the Palace de l’Elysée
Bourbon, to Louis Napoleon, the Republican President.

In this “Glance” at the Court of the former and
the Revolution which followed, Mr. Rush has given a
narrative of some of the more important political, diplo-
matic, and social incidents of his Mission, with such
reflections from time to time as the particular subject
suggested.. As Minister of the United States, he was
received by Louis Philippe in a spirit which bespoke in
the King the most friendly feelings towards the United
States, commencing with the day of his presentation,
Xxxil INTRODUCTION.

when he was requested by His Majesty to return to
dinner, and was invited to a conversation with him in
the gardens of Neuilly in the “long twilight of a summer
evening,” to his last conversation in the Tuileries, two
days before he became an exile. On the first named
day, the then Monarch of France called up with interest
his personal recollections of the United States. On
subsequent occasions, his conversations with Mr. Rush
upon public topics, and especially his expression of
confidence, two days before his abdication, that “order
would be maintained,”’ and that the “ Government was
under no apprehension,” may now perhaps strike the
reader’s attention. So also may the author’s allusion
to the popular element, occasionally showing itself in
the palace under the Monarchy, when large parties from
the provinces, and working. men from Paris, in blouses,
were seen in the gilded rooms, silently looking at the
pictures, or wandering about the gardens, and all ap-
pearing “trained to decorum.” bya

As a “looker on,” and taking sides with neither
party, the author’s observations and reflections upon
the state.of parties and the. nation at the.close of the
year 1847, may aid the inquiry, whether the condition
of things which preceded the Revolution of 1848, fore-
shadowed in any way that great event. But it is ap-
parent that, whatever the organic defects of the King’s
Government, and the doubts and distrust of that part
of the nation which accepted it as a political necessity,
he is among those who thought it had accomplished
much for the power and prosperity of France.

From the Monarchy, these pages pass to the Revolution
of February, 1848... Unable to receive instructions from
his Government, Mr. Rush acted promptly without them
at this crisis. On the 26th of February the Provisional
Government was proclaimed; on the 27th, Mr. Lamar-
tine, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, gave official
notice of the fact to the Foreign Ambassadors and
INTRODUCTION. XXXili

Ministers; and on the 28th of February, Mr. Rush, as
American Minister, formally acknowledged the French
Republic, and offered to it the congratulations of the
Republic of the United States. The assurance of this
sentiment was received by the Provisional Government
with lively satisfaction. The narrative of these events
is consecutively given, and the public and diplomatic
considerations which prompted the step are succinctly
stated. The President of the United States made this
official act of our Minister the subject of a special and
approving message to Congress. Mr. Rush was ac-
credited to the Provisional Government, and subse-
quently presented to the Executive Committee the joint
resolution of the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States, in Congress assembled, conveying
the congratulations of Congress to the people of France.
The American Minister was the first diplomatic repre-
sentative in Paris to take this course; a fact. which
appears not to have been lost sight of by the new
Government during the remainder of his stay in Paris.
His opinions and suggestions during the formation of
the new Constitution were unofficially sought and
given; he steadily urged, whenever opportunity pre-
sented itself, the necessity of two legislative chambers;
and, when the Constitution was finally adopted, was
unable to “ yield an assent to any encouraging prospect
of its durability,” from the absence of the double cham-
ber, and the existence of other anomalies, as viewed by
an American. e

The author remarks that it is no part of his purpose
to write, a full history of the Revolution. He has pre-
ferred to present its leading features. As a part of the
history of this important epoch, he gives a careful re-
view of the course of the Provisional Government, after
recording its surrender of power to the new National
Assembly ; enumerating some of its acts, “ elementary
and beneficent,” and remarking that, “from its incon-

3
XXXIV INTRODUCTION.

gruous composition, the wonder is that it held together
until the National Assembly met.” Looking to its
foreign policy, the author observes that it is to be re-
membered with approbation, as it kept the peace of
Europe, when the “ Revolution threw out fuel broadcast
for kindling fearful strife among nations,”’—a policy
maintained in a great measure through the “intellectual
and moral power of Lamartine;” and an allusion is
made to the numerous voluntary private acts of patriot-
ism of the people at this crisis, under the financial
embarrassments of the new Republic. The meeting of
the new National Assembly, and the reorganization of
the Government; the insurrection of the 15th of May;
the féte in honor of the Republic, participated in by
half a million of people, and paid for by a million of
francs; the decree of perpetual banishment against
Louis Philippe and the Orleans family ; the insurrection
of the 23d of June; the heroism of the Archbishop of
Paris, and his fall at the barricades, with the solemn
decree of the National Assembly in regard to that
event; its decree under the joint resolution of Con-
gress; the author’s examination of the causes of this
great insurrection; the overthrow of the Executive
Committee, and consolidation of the executive power
in General Cavaignac; the public acts of the Assembly
to strengthen the Government after the insurrection;
the striking report to the National Assembly of the
committee appointed to examine into the Insurrections
of May and June, and the light thrown upon the
Revolution of February by the confession of some of
the contrivers of the movement; the rise and fall of
Lamartine ; the féte in honor of the new Constitution,
and an analysis of its contents; with the events which
preceded and followed the election for President of the
Republic, on the 10th of December, 1848: these are
among the topics of interest to which he alludes.

Lovis Napotron also has his place in this narrative;
INTRODUCTION. XXKV

his first letter to the Assembly; his election for three
provinces and for Paris; his letter to the President of
the National Assembly and to his constituents; his first
resignation as a representative of the people; the effort
on the part of some of its members to enforce, as against
him alone of the Napoleon family, the decree of per-
petual banishment of 1832; his second election for
Corsica, and second resignation; his third election for
Paris, and first entry by a side-door into the National
Assembly as a representative of the people—the eye of
curiosity turned towards him, as he seated himself by
the side of his former tutor—his well-weighed addresses
in the National Assembly; his manifesto as a candidate
for the Presidency; his election, and oath from the
tribune to remain faithful to the Republic: these sub-
jects and incidents, rapidly sketched in the order in
which, with other events, they arose, give to the reader
an accurate glance at his steady ascent to the summit
of power. Mr. Rush witnessed his installation as Presi-
dent, was at his first reception of the Diplomatic Corps
at the Palace de l’Elysée Bourbon, and gives his reflec-
tions suggested by that scene, in connection with the
extraordinary career and down fall of the First Napoleon,
—the nephew himself having been, but a year before, a
wanderer and an exile, with a reference to the solitary
attitude of England and the United States in the re-
markable review.

This article not having been divided into chapters by
the author, and occupying nearly half the volume, it is
hoped that this notice of its character, longer than might
otherwise seem necessary, may not be inappropriate.

The article was written during the last few months
of industry in Mr. Rush’s always extremely industrious
life,—the last few months which preceded the linger-
ing illness that bore him to the grave. The continuing
vigor of a ripe old age, with the intellectual ardor
which never forsook him, caused him perhaps to devote
XXXVi INTRODUCTION.

to his self:assumed duty, more constant labor by night,
as by day, than was salutary for one on the very verge
of fourscore. He revised his diplomatic labors of that
day, and called up and re-embodied the entries of his
official and personal journal, with the unremitted and
cheerful effort of very much earlier life. In thus re-
calling the more prominent events of his Mission to
France, the author has adhered to the mode adopted in
his “‘Memoranda of a Residence at the Court of Lon-
don,” by blending his recollections of public.and social
topics and scenes.

Mr. Rush died on the 30th of July last. He died at
his house in town, to which he had removed some eigh-
teen months before from Sydenham. Born on the 29th
of August, 1780; another month, and he would have
entered his eightieth year.

No filial biography will be attempted. But the ex-
ecutors of Mr. Rush venture to hope, that in issuing
to the public the following of his occasional pro-
ductions, a few of the tributes paid to his memory
by others, may here be very briefly referred to, so
much of his life having been passed in the public ser-
vice. If the favorable judgment of his countrymen, be
the rich reward of him who devotes himself to the ser-
vice of the State, may not a part of the simple record
of the judgment be prefixed to a little of what he did,
even if prefixed by filial hands? It is hoped that this
may be done consistently with the strictest observance
of dictates, from the least infringement upon which they
would shrink.

Here, in his native city, and in other and distant parts
of the Union, Mr. Rush’s death was announced by
journals of various shades of opinion in ways which
attested the sense of his fellow-citizens of his public
and private character.

That “few men have served the nation more faith:
INTRODUCTION. XXXVI

fully ;” that “he performed the duties intrusted to him,
through the confidence of successive administrations,
with an eye single to the honor and interests of the
country ;” that “his private life was free from reproach ;”
that ‘he outlived all personal and political animosities ;”
that “he was singularly truthful and fearless ;’’ that “he
wronged no one;” that “in passing from the ranks of
men, he enjoyed the precious consciousness of knowing
that he did not leave behind him an enemy,” and that
‘he died with the calmness of a Christian ;” such tributes,
appearing immediately after his death, and proceeding
in some instances from those who had differed with
him on public questions, were very grateful.

_ Two only, which record the proceedings of public
bodies, will be given in full.

“At astated meeting of the Historical Society of Penn-
sylvania, held at its Hall on Monday evening, the 8th of
August, 1859, Judge Cadwalader occupied the chair.
It being announced that, since the last meeting of the
Society, one of its oldest and most honored members,
Richard Rush, had died, the Librarian stated that he
had received from Mr. Henry D. Gilpin, one of the
Vice-Presidents,* whose ill health prevented his attend-
ance, a paper expressing his deep emotion occasioned
by the occurrence just announced, and containing some
remarks which he would have desired to make if
present.

“Tn the language of Mr. Gilpin, in this paper :—

“Never since he had been connected with the Society, had it
fallen to his lot to mourn with more sincere distress:the loss of a
fellow-member. Yet the event should not be regarded as a cause
of sorrow; he had but passed the inevitable portal, to which we
are all tending, after a long life of unsullied probity, great public
usefulness, the cultivation and enjoyment of refined literary tastes,
and a deportment sincere, generous and urbane in every social

 

* Late Attorney-General of the United States.
XXXVI INTRODUCTION.

relation. Still, we feel that a link has been struck from the chain
of grateful association.

“For myself, I do not approach the subject without feelings
which are independent of his merit, in the light of which the
world and history will judge him. For me a long vista is closed
of generous friendship; of stores of knowledge poured out; of
manly truths, mildly but resolutely communicated ; of a social
nature ever genial, and a hospitality simple, but ever generous.
By those who enjoyed the twenty years of his intercourse at
Sydenham, can its charms ever be forgotten? Can they fail to
recall the feast of reason and the flow of soul, by which a refined
nature doubles every charm of friendship? I recall the low-
walled ancestral cottage, shaded by its ancient trees, and remember
how books and works of art adorned them, and especially the me-
morial gifts of friends, which added peculiar objects of association.

“The step and bannister brought from Milton’s house and in-
serted in his own staircase; volumes with some kindly notice from
Rogers or Campbell, or Hallam or Lyttleton; the pictures of
statesmen and men of letters, both in England and in France,
with tokens of their regard; all these seemed justly to augment
his natural desire to linger to the last in the homestead which he
had inherited, until the progress of the vast encroaching city took
from it the last vestige of rural tranquillity. There must be many
of those here assembled who can remember his venerable figure,
as the summer evening closed, standing upon the last step of the
cottage portico, to wave them his courteous adieu—the words of
his conversation lingering on the ear of his retiring guest, as the
wise and mild lessons of the aged Nestor dwelt in the heart of the
parting Telemachus.

“The life of Richard Rush must be nearly the history of his
country for half a century, for perhaps no American citizen has
ever been so constantly engaged in its public events. In early life
he studied law in Philadelphia, where he commenced, and for a
time pursued, its practice. for several months he was attorney-
general of the State. His marriage, however, to a lady of Mary-
land,* many of whose connexions resided in Washington, and the

 

* Miss Catherine Eliza Murray, daughter of Dr. James Murray, of
Annapolis. She was the youngest of three, one of whom married Go-
vernor Lloyd, of Wye House, on the Eastern Shore of Maryland; the
other, Mr. Mason, of Clermont, Virginia.
INTRODUCTION. XXX1X

eye of Mr. Madison having been fixed upon him, as a young man
whose talents and personal qualities would make him both accept-
able and useful to his administration, in the troublesome times
which were at hand, led to his removal to that city, at the instance
of the President, in the year 1811. He was appointed Controller
of the Treasury, an office which, as then organized, largely re-
quired the exercise of legal talents.

“Tn 1814 he was called by Mr. Madison into his Cabinet, suc-
ceeding Mr. Pinckney in the post of Attorney-General of the
United States, the President having offered him the choice of this
office or that of Secretary of the Treasury. He continued to hold
it until the close of Mr. Madison’s administration.

“The other office, that of Secretary of the Treasury, he subse-
quently filled during the administration of Mr. Adams. In all
the business of that office he proved himself to be an able admin-
istrator. His opinions upon the great financial question of the
day, leading to a policy of protective duties, and his judgment in
favor of it, were advocated with much ability. The question is
one scarcely yet withdrawn from the disputed topics of govern-
mental policy, either in this country or in Europe. He urged his
convictions with candor, and did not shrink from their avowal at
any period, even when they became subjects of partisan and vehe-
ment discussion. However correct or incorrect we may ourselves
deem them to be, it is not to be denied that he found supporters
of his views on this subject in some of the ablest American
statesmen.

“The most continuous portion, however, of Mr. Rush’s public
life was his representation of America as her Minister in England
and France. The former post he held for eight years, the latter
for two.*

“Tt fell to his lot to take a leading part in some of the ques-
tions- which subsequently proved to be of great national importance.
In these measures he was aided by the great ability of the Secre-
tary of State, Mr. Adams. Without attempting to trace, or even
narrate, these measures, which is the work of history, it should
not be forgotten that he pressed with incessant activity the rights

 

* Mr. Rush was appointed to the English Mission by President Monroe,
in 1817, at the age of thirty-seven, having been for the previous six
months his acting Secretary of State; to the French Mission he was ap-
pointed by President Polk, in 1847.
xl INTRODUCTION.

of the United States upon the Northwest coast of America; and
that his minute historical researches, as well as able arguments,
disclosed most, if not all, the points of controversy upon which.
that angry question subsequently turned.

“Tt is no longer a question of doubt that, after the close of the
great wars of Europe, some of its most powerful sovereigns, who
were united in the so-called Holy Alliance, entertained views of
interference on the American continent, the character of which,
never completely developed, would necessarily partake of the spirit
and aims of that alliance. This disclosed itself to the sagacity: of:
Mr. Canning while Mr. Rush was in London. His views were
communicated to Mr. Rush, and their negotiations became the
basis of that quiet, but decisive, expression of the American
Government, without which the conduct of some of the European
Governments would,.in all probability, have led to consequences
disastrous in American history.

“ Without investigating the inferences, in regard to the policy
of the United States, which, in subsequent political controversies,
have been deduced from the language of President Monroe, and
without expressing an opinion as to their applicability to subse-
quent events, which may or may not be similar—for this would be
entering on the province of the historian—it must be admitted
that the measure itself, adopted at the time and in the manner in
which it was, has scarcely been surpassed in importance in the
foreign policy of the United States. In its conduct, Mr. Rush
displayed throughout great ability, discretion, vigilance, and
temper. These qualities, indeed, marked in a high degree his
whole diplomatic career in England.

“Though his services as Minister in France occupied a much
shorter period, yet his residence in Paris embraced a portion of
the reign of Louis Philippe, the whole of the Republic, and part
of the government of Louis Napoleon as its President. Notwith-
standing his personal relations with the former sovereign, he did
not hesitate in his duty, as the representative of America, and,
without awaiting the course of the representatives of other coun-
tries, to recognize, as far as it was in his power, the free govern-
ment established by the French people. Although such an
emergency could not have been anticipated by his instructions, he
rightly judged the feelings and sentiments of his government and
countrymen. His diplomatic conduct through the erratic course
INTRODUCTION, xhi

of events in France, which succeeded each other in quick succes-
sion, was marked, in each emergency, by the ability, promptness,
resolution, and temper which characterized his first important
movement; and when he retired from his mission, and with it
from active public service, he returned to the United States with
increased distinction and untarnished honor.

“One feature remains to be noticed. His literary ability was
superior. He loved habitually the best English authors. He was
careful in-the formation of his style. His mind was richly stored,
perhaps, beyond any of his cotemporaries, with the minute history
of the men and times among which he lived. His judgment of:
individual character was less obscured by prejudice, than is usual
among politicians who lived through stormy times. If he could
ever err in accuracy in regard to events, it was from no want of
an anxious search for truth, which he possessed excellent oppor-
tunities to ascertain. In his opinions on public measures, it would
be vain to say that all his judgments could be right; but they
were always conscientious.* ¢

‘“‘ After some appropriate remarks from the Chair, it
was unanimously resolved that the memoir of Mr. Gil-
pin be entered on the records, with an expression of the
Society’s deep regret at the loss of their venerable and
distinguished member.”

At the annual meeting of the Board of Regents of
the Smithsonian Institution, held at Washington on the
28th January, 1860, Mr. Pearce, of Maryland, a Senator
of the United States, and one of the Regents on behalf

 

* This tribute of friendship was dictated from the sick bed to which Mr.
Gilpin was at the time confined, and which he only left at brief intervals
until he was himself borne to that ‘inevitable portal” to which he so feel-
ingly refers. His death was followed by the universal regrets of a large cir-
cle of friends and admirers here and in other parts of the Union. His pure
character, and benevolent dispositions, his bland intercourse, cultivated mind
and extensive knowledge, with the liberal tastes and pursuits to which the
closing years of his life were devoted, not less than the qualities which
gave him a public reputation, made him w delightful friend, as well as a
valuable and distinguished citizen. Many warm ties were severed by his
death ; » death too soon announced, with most appropriate tributes, in the
same learned body.
xii INTRODUCTION.

of the Senate, under the Act of Congress, addressed the
Board, as follows :—

“Since the last meeting of the Board of Regents, one of its
earliest and most distinguished members, the Honorable Richard
Rush, has departed this life.

“The history of his public career is familiar to all the Regents,
to whom I scarcely need detail even its more prominent incidents.
But I may remark, that it is seldom the good fortune of any man
to fill so many important offices and to execute so many respon-
sible public trusts, not only with credit, honor and usefulness,
but with ever increasing reputation. Mr. Rush’s life was a long
one, and he entered into the service of his country while yet in
the spring of manhood. He was Comptroller of the Treasury at
a time when the fiscal affairs of the government were in disorder,
and the public accounts, were numerous and complicated, and often
required difficult legal adjustment. He was next Attorney-General.
Soon after the peace of 1815 he was Minister to England, and
occupied that important post during eight years, when various
national questions of difficulty and delicacy, required diplomatic
skill, firmness and caution, for their settlement. He was Secretary
of the Treasury when measures of revenue and finance were violently
disputed ; Minister to France when the monarchy was a second time
overthrown and a Republic again proclaimed.

“To the discharge of these great employments, he brought
integrity, ability, intelligence, firmness, courtesy, and a directness
of purpose, which scorned all finesse, and which served his country
to the full extent of all that could have been demanded or hoped.
He was a good scholar, having graduated at Princeton College,
and cultivated literature, as well as the severer studies of his pro-
fession, with great zeal and success. Withal, he was remarkable
for the kindness of his temper, the amenity of his manners, and
the charm of his conversation.

“With this establishment he had the earliest connection,
having under the authority of the government caused the institu-
tion of legal proceedings, in England, for the recovery of the fund
with which it was founded and endowed, and superintended their
progress to the close. The Act of Congress of 1846, having es-
tablished the Smithsonian Institution, he was appointed one of its
first Regents, and was constantly continued by Congress a member
INTRODUCTION. xhii

of the Board. His zeal for the ‘increase and diffusion of know-
ledge among men,’ and his sound judgment, contributed to the
adoption of the system of operations, which, so far, has borne the
happiest fruits; and his interest in and care for its successful
management, furnished one of the enjoyments of a tranquil and
dignified old age, ‘attended by reverence and troops of friends.’

“On motion of Mr. Pearce, the following resolution was
unanimously adopted by the Board :—

“ Resolved, That the Board of Regents have learned with deep
regret the death of the Hon. Richard Rush, one of their members;
whose long and distinguished career of public usefulness com-
manded their entire respect; and whose moral and social worth
won their highest esteem and regard.”

An account of these proceedings, it may be added,
was ordered to be included in the Annual Smithsonian
Report to Congress, Mr. Rush having been one of the
Regents whose appointment, under the Act establishing
the Institution, was made by Congress.

This is not the place, still less is it for the pen now
employed, to speak of those private tributes which, if
not more grateful, are apt to be founded on more inti-
mate knowledge or closer opportunities. As such were
alone intended for, so they are confined to, the imme-
diate circle of which he was the honored and affectionate
head. He was buried at Laurel Hill. He left in writing
his wishes with respect to his funeral; among them, that
the Rev. Dr. Hare, Rector of St. Matthew’s Church, in
the near neighborhood of Sydenham, should officiate at
it, and his wishes were complied with. In his family
vault—a secluded spot on the banks of the Schuylkill—
his remains were placed by the side of his wife, who
preceded him to the tomb.

PHILADELPHIA,
July, 1860.
SYNOPSIS

OF A FEW FAMILIAR LETTERS OF
WASHINGTON,
TO HIS PRIVATE SECRETARY, COLONEL LEAR,
ILLUSTRATIVE OF HIS DOMESTIC LIFE;

WITH SOME REFLECTIONS.

TO WHICH ARE ADDED

FOUR LETTERS IN FULL.
TO CHARLES J. INGERSOLL.

Tuts literary trifle is hardly worth a dedication; yet
it has dared to touch, though with incompetent hands,
a high subject, and, trifle as it is, I dedicate it. to you.
At an agreeable little dinner at your table lately, where
we had the new Vice-President, Mr. Breckinridge,
whose maternal stock, the Stanhope Smiths and Wither-
spoons, so rich in intellect, we knew at Princeton, you
said we had been friends for upwards of sixty years.
You were right, for we were merry boys together in
Philadelphia before our college days at Princeton; and
I may here add, that our friendship has never been

interrupted.
RICHARD RUSH.

26
INTRODUCTORY EXPLANATION.

THE manuscript or paper here published was pre-
pared from a collection of original letters from General
Washington on matters, for the most part, purely do-
mestic and personal, addressed to Colonel Tobias Lear,
his private Secretary for a part of the time he was
President; and then, and during periods much longer,
his confidential friend. They came into my hands
through the voluntary kindness of Mrs. Lear, of the
city of Washington, the estimable relict of Colonel Lear,
and niece of Mrs. Washington, whose friendship it was
my good lot and that of my family to enjoy; as we did
that of Colonel Lear while he lived. The latter died in
Washington in 1816. Mrs. Lear first informed me of
these letters ten or twelve years ago when in Washing-
ton, and offered them to my perusal and examination,
telling me to take them home and retain them as long
as I chose, and use them as I thought best, for I trust
she knew I would not abuse this privilege. I brought
them home as requested, being then. too much engaged
in the business of the Smithsonian Institution, as one
of the Regents on its first organization, to examine

them while in Washington. She afterwards read, ap-
27
28 INTRODUCTORY EXPLANATION.

proved, and for some time had in her hands, the paper
I drew up from them.

It consisted of notices of, and extracts from, these
original letters, the matter being abridged, connecting
links used, and omissions made, where the illustrious
author himself marked them private, or,from parts other-
wise not necessary to go before the world. So guarded
and prepared, and with a commentary interwoven, Mrs.
Lear left its publication to my discretion. I returned
the original letters, in number more than thirty, in the
state I received them from her. I never allowed any
one of them to be copied; but gave one away, or two,
for I am not at this day certain which, to Mr. Polk
while he was President of the United States, having
first asked and obtained Mrs. Lear’s consent. She
also gave me two of them not very long before her
decease, which I value the more as her gift. I have
other original letters from the same immortal source,
derived from the son of Colonel Lear.

This excellent lady, who long honored me with her
friendship and confidence in the above and other ways,
after surviving Colonel Lear forty years, died last De-
cember in Washington. There she had continued to
live as his widow; beloved as a pattern of the Christian
virtues, and enjoying the esteem of the circle around
her, asan interesting survivor of days becoming historical,
but ever elevating in the associations they recall. Now
that she is gone, I am induced to give to the public the
paper in question. In doing so I have the best grounds
for believing that I perform an act that would have
been grateful to her were she living. She was fully
informed of my intention to publish it, and could not
INTRODUCTORY EXPLANATION. 29

but be sensible that the long respect and affectionate
attachment of General Washington which her husband
enjoyed, as so indelibly shown in these letters, is a
record of his probity, capacity and worth, than which
none could ever be more precious, or likely to be more
enduring. This consideration it might be thought
affects only the descendants of Colonel Lear, or others
devoted to his memory; but I have ventured to think
that the publication may not be wholly unacceptable on
broader grounds. Nothing, indeed, in authentic con-
nection with Washington’s great name, can ever be un-
welcome to the American people; and, although it may
have happened that some few of these letters have
heretofore found their way into print, in whole or in
part, the number, as far as was known to Mrs. Lear, is
believed to be very small. Hence the publication need
not be forborne on that account; more especially if it
should be found to carry with it the slightest general
interest in the form now presented. The brevity of the
commentary will the more cgmmend it to indulgence.

In regard to the narrative of Arnold’s treason, as
given by the great Chief at his table at Mount Vernon,
and afterwards written down by Colonel Lear, which I
have appended to the synopsis of the letters, it was not
within Mrs. Lear’s knowledge, nor is it within mine at
present, that it has ever been in print before.

RICHARD RUSH.

SYDENHAM, NEAR PHILADELPHIA, February, 1857.

4
WASHINGTON IN DOMESTIC LIFE.

Wuew first I opened and cursorily read the
original letters from General Washington, men-
tioned in the foregoing introductory explanation,
and noticed the domestic topics which ran so
largely through them, they struck me as possessing
peculiar interest. They were interesting as coming
from that venerated source, and doubly so, consider-
ing how little is known, through his own corre-
spondence, of his domestic life; scarcely, in fact,
any of its details. Reading the letters again, I
found the matter to be somewhat more varied
than my first eager inspection of them, as hastily
unfolded, had led me to suppose; but they were
desultory, and much broken as to dates. The
occasional intermingling of other matter, especially
public matter, with the domestic topics, did not
diminish the interest of the letters, but the con-

trary. In this publication I follow the order of the
31
32 WASHINGTON

dates. Where wide chasms occur, I have merely
supplied a link in the chain by an explanatory
remark here and there, in aid of the reader, not
hazarding other remarks until all the letters are
mentioned. Thus much as to the plan. I proceed
to speak of the letters themselves.

The first in date is of the fifth of September,
1790. It is written in Philadelphia, where Wash-
ington had.just then arrived from New York, Mr.
Lear, as may be inferred from it, being in New
York. He states that he would proceed onward to
Mount Vernon on the day following if Mrs. Wash-
ington’s health would permit, as she had been in-
disposed since their arrival in Philadelphia; that
before he arrived, the city corporation had taken
the house of Mr. Robert Morris for his residence,
but that it would not be sufficiently commodious
without additions.

This house was in Market Street on the
south side near Sixth Street. The market house
buildings then terminated at Fourth Street; the
town in this street extended westward scarcely
as far as Ninth Street; good private dwellings
were seen above Fifth Street; Mr. Morris’s was
perhaps the best; the garden was well inclosed
by a wall.
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 33

He describes the house, remarking that even
with the proposed additions the gentlemen of his
family would have to go into the third story,
where also Mr. Lear and Mrs. Lear would have to
go; and that there would be no place for his own
study and dressing-room but in the back building;
there are good stables, and the coach-house would
hold his carriages; but his coachmen and postillions
would have to sleep over the stable, where there
was no fireplace, though the room might be
warmed by a stove. The other servants could
sleep in the house, he adds, if, in addition to the
present accommodations, a servants’ hall were built
with one or two lodging-rooms over it. These are
samples of the particularity with which he writes.
He tells Mr. Lear that he had left his coach and
harness with the coachmaker, Mr. Clarke, in Phila-
delphia, for repairs, and requests him to see that
they are well done, and at the time appointed. The
residue of the letter relates to the bringing on
of his servants from New York. It begins “ Dear
Sir,” and after saying that Mrs. Washington joins
with him in best wishes to Mrs. Lear, concludes,
“T am sincerely and affectionately yours, Geo.
Washington.” The letter fills the four pages of a
sheet of letter paper in his compact but bold and
legible hand, with a few interlineations made very
distinctly.
84 WASHINGTON

The next letter is dated Mount Vernon, Septem-
ber 20,1790. After saying a few words about Mr.
Morris’s house, he reverts to the subject of bringing
his servants from New York to Philadelphia,
naming several of them, but doubting the expe-
diency of bringing all by sea, especially the upper
servants. The steward and his wife are mentioned
as perhaps best not to be brought at all; he has no
wish to part with them: first, because he does not
like to be changing; and secondly, because he did
not know how to supply their places, but was
much mistaken if the expenses of the second table,
where the steward presided, had not greatly ex-
ceeded the proper mark; he suspected there was
nothing brought to his own table of liquors, fruit,
or other things, that had not been used as pro-
fusely at the steward’s; that if his suspicions were
unfounded, he should be sorry for having enter-
tained them; and if not, it was at least question-
able whether any successor of * * * * * * might
not do the same thing, in which case there might.
be a change without a benefit. He leaves it with
Mr. Lear whether to retain him or not, provided
he thought him honest, of which he would be
better able to judge on comparing his accounts
with those of his former steward, which he (the
General) had not done. He concludes, “ with sin-
cere regard and affection, Iam yours, Geo.. Wash-
ington.”
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 35

At this epoch, the seat of government had
just been removed from New York to Phila-
delphia, making it necessary for General Wash-
ington to establish himself in the latter city,
which leads him into the details given and to
follow.

The third letter is from Mount Vernon, Sep-
tember 27, 1790. It begins by saying that since
his last, the date of which is not recollected, as he
kept no copies of these letters, two had been re-
ceived from Mr. Lear, of which he gives the dates.
He approves of his mode of removing the furniture,
and asks, “How have you disposed of the Pagoda?
It is a delicate piece of stuff, and will require to be
handled tenderly.” .

Alluding to the house in which he had lived in
New York, the lease of which was unexpired, he
says that he expected * * * * * would endeavor to
impose his own terms when he found he could not
get it off his hands; we are in his power and he
must do what he pleases with us. As the “ Lustre”
is paid for and securely packed up, and may suit
the largest drawing-room at Mr. Morris’s’ house in
Philadelphia, he does not incline to part with it;
there is a mangle in the kitchen, which Mrs. Morris
proposes to leave, taking his mangle instead ;* he

 

* The mangle was believed to be a fixture in Mr. Morris’s house.
36 WASHINGTON

would not object provided his was as good, but not
if he would be the.gainer by exchanging. He
concludes, Mrs. Washington and all the family
joining in best wishes to Mrs. Lear and himself,
“T am your sincere friend and affectionate servant,”
signing his name as before.

The next is dated Mount Vernon, October 3,
1790. In this letter he refers to the declaration
of the ministers of Britain and Spain as published
in the newspapers,* and requests Mr. Lear to give
him the earliest information of these or any other
interesting matters, beyond what the newspapers
say; remarking that Mr. Jefferson’s absence from
New York [Mr. Jefferson was then Secretary of
State] might be the means of delaying the receipt
of official advices to him longer than usual. He
requests Mr. Lear to use his endeavors for ascer-
taining the best .schools in Philadelphia with a
view to placing Washington Custis, Mrs. Wash-
ington’s grandson, at the best. If the college is
under good regulations, and they have proper
tutors to prepare boys of his standing for the
higher branches of education, he makes a quere
if it would not be better to put him there at once,
the presumption being that a system may prevail
there by which the gradations are better connected

 

* Alluding probably to the Nootka Sound controversy then
pending between these courts.
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 37

than in schools which have no correspondence with
each other. Adverting again to his servants, he
reminds Mr. Lear that no mention had been made
of John’s wife, and asks what he understands to
be her plans. He incloses a letter from John to
her, and another from James to his “del Toboso.”
[These were four of his black servants.] He
requests him, when able to get at Count d’Estaing’s
letters, to send him a transcript of what he says of
a bust he had sent him of Neckar, together with a
number of prints of Neckar, and of the Marquis la
Fayette; and concludes in the same cordial and
affectionate style as before.

Mount Vernon, October 10,1790. This is next
in date. The early parts of this letter have refer-
ence to the steps for removing his furniture and
servants from New York; to the getting rid of the
house still upon his hands there, and to the proper
care and instruction of his niece, Miss Harriet
Washington, when he should be established in
Philadelphia. Referring again to Washington Cus-
tis’s education, whom he had adopted as a son and
in whom he appears to have taken great interest,”

 

*The affectionate interest General Washington took in this
adopted son is well known. Mr. Custis still lives (1856), and still
dispenses the hospitalities of Arlington, his estate and home in
Virginia near the city of Washington, which it overlooks from
its beautiful heights. His house exhibits paintings, illustrative
38 WASHINGTON

he wishes inquiry to be made as to the higher
branches taught at the college, with a view to
placing his nephews, George and Lawrence Wash-
ington, at that Institution in Philadelphia. He
speaks very kindly of these nephews, and of their
desire for improvement. Having left the languages,
they are engaged, he adds, under Mr. Harrow, in
Alexandria, in the study of the mathematics and
learning French. Concludes as usual.

Next comes one from Mount Vernon of October
27, 1790. He tells Mr. Lear that on his return
from a twelve days’ excursion up the Potomac,
he finds three letters from him, which he acknow-
ledges under their dates, and is very glad to learn
that he had arrived in Philadelphia, and that the
servants and furniture had got safely there. It is
equally agreeable to him that the steward and his
wife had come. He leaves to Mr. L. the arrange-
ment of the furniture, with remarks of his own as
to its disposition in some of the rooms; and wishes
the rent of Mr. Morris’s house to be fixed, before
the day of his going into it. He desired to pay
a just value; more, he had no idea would be
asked; but intimates his fears that the committee

 

of our revolutionary annals, the work of his amateur pencil and
leisure ; whilst the productions of his patriotic pen have charmed
the public by the anecdotes they record in attractive ways of the
personal, rural, and other habits of the great Chief.
IN DOMESTIC LIFE, 39

(of the city councils of Philadelphia is probably
meant) were holding back under an intention
that the rent should be paid by the public, to
which he would not consent.* It would be best,
he thinks, if all the servants could be accommodated
without using the loft over the stable, as no
orders he could give them would prevent their
carrying lights there, if they were to use it as
lodgers. By return of the hand that takes this
and other letters from him to the Alexandria
post-office, he hopes to receive later dates from
Mr. Lear, and, possibly, something more indicative
of peace or war between Spain and England;
and concludes, “I am your affectionate friend,
Geo. Washington.”

Mount Vernon, October 31, 1790, is the next
date. After expressing concern lest his house in
Philadelphia should not be ready in time, and
pointing out arrangements for his journey to
Philadelphia, he speaks again of his carriage at
the coachmaker’s in Philadelphia. He thinks that
a wreath round the crests on the panels would
be more correspondent with the Seasons (allego-

 

*F. M. Etting, Hsq., of Philadelphia, obligingly sent me
for perusal some of the original proceedings of the city councils
on this subject. They were found, with other MSS., by those
who have charge of the State House building, and Mr. Ktting
had the patriotic intention of passing them all over to the Histori-
cal Society of Pennsylvania.
40 WASHINGTON

rical paintings probably in medallion), which were
to remain there, than the motto; and that the
motto might be put on the plates of the harness,

but leaves it to Mr. Lear and the coachmaker to

adopt which they thought best, when the whole

was looked at, as he could not himself see it as

a whole. He speaks of the boarding schools in
Philadelphia, and is anxious that full and careful

inquiry be- made with a view to securing proper

advantages in the education of his niece, but to

be made in a way not to give any expectation of

a preference between rival seminaries, as he had

come to no decision in regard to his niece. As his

family, on removing to Philadelphia, will have new

connections to form with tradespeople, he requests

Mr. Lear to find out those in each branch who

stand highest for skill and fair dealing, saying it is
better to be slow in choosing, than be under any
necessity of changing. Concludes “with affection-
ate regards I am your sincere friend, G. W.”

Mount Vernon, November 7, 1790. A letter full
of minute details. It sets out with expressing his
renewed anxiety respecting the education of his
adopted son Washington Custis, remarking that if
the schools in the college are under good masters,
and are as fit for boys of his age (he was probably
about eight at this time, for we were schoolmates
in Philadelphia at the dates of the earliest of these
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 41

letters) as a private school would be, he is still of
opinion he had better be placed there in the -first
instance ; but the propriety of the step will depend,
he thinks: 1. Upon the character and ability of the
masters; 2. Upon the police and discipline of the
school; and thirdly, upon the number of the pupils.
If there be too many pupils, justice cannot be done
to them, whatever the ability of the masters, adding
that what ought to be the due proportion is in
some measure matter of opinion, but that an
extreme must be obvious to all. He leaves it with
Mr. Lear to decide that point, if nothing else should
be finally resolved upon by himself before he
reaches Philadelphia. He next incloses a letter
from Mr. Gouverneur Morris, then in Paris (but
not our minister at the French court at that time),
with the bill of charges for certain articles which
he had requested him to send from Paris. The
plated ware far exceeds in price the utmost
bounds of his calculation; but as he is persuaded
Mr. Morris had only done what he thought right,
he requests Mr. Lear to make immediate payment
in manner as he points out. Among the articles
of this plated ware, were wine coolers, for holding
four decanters of cut glass, also sent by Mr. Morris;
and he seems as little satisfied with the size and
fashion of these coolers, from the description he
has received of them, as with their unexpected
cost. He thinks more appropriate ones of real
42 WASHINGTON

silver might be made, the pattern being different
and work lighter, giving his own ideas of a pattern,
and a little draft of it on the page of the letter, and
requesting Mr. Lear to talk to a silversmith on the
matter, remarking that perhaps those sent by Mr.
Morris might give hints for the pattern; which, if
not found too heavy, as he had not yet seen them,
might after all answer. He approves of the
Pagoda’s standing in the smallest drawing-room,
where Mr. Lear had placed it. Whether the green
curtain, or a new yellow one, is to be used for the
staircase window in the hall, may depend on his
getting an exact match in color for the former, say-
ing that in things of this sort one would not regard
a small additional expense, to save the eye from
bad contrasts. He expresses the hope that his
study will be in readiness by the time he arrives,
and that the rubbish and other litter made by those
“men of mortar and the carpenters,” will be re-
moved, so that the yard may be made and kept as
clean as the parlor. This, he says, is essential, as,
by the alterations made in the house, the back
rooms had become the best, and there was an unin-
terrupted view from them into the yard, especially
from the dining-room. He concludes by saying
that as Mrs. Washington writes to Mrs. Lear, he
would only add his best wishes for her and
affectionate regards for himself, “being your sin-
cere friend, G. W.”

 
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 43

Mount Vernon, November 12, 1790. This letter
is a duplicate, written to inform Mr. Lear that he
depended upon P * * *.*’s coach, horses, and
driver, for taking on the children to Philadelphia.
His reason for writing the duplicate was, that Giles
(one of his servants), who was sent on Wednesday
to Alexandria with his first letter with directions
that if the stage had gone, to pursue it to George-
town so as to overtake the mail, had put the letter
into the hands of a passenger, who “all but forced
‘it from him,” so anxious was this passenger to do
an obliging thing, as he “knew General Washing-
ton.” This passenger told his name, but it was
“so comical,” he could not recollect it. This was
Giles’s story; and the General adds, that as he
knew what little dependence was to be placed on
the punctual conveyance of letters by a private
hand, he writes this duplicate by post to repeat his
request that Mr. Lear will inform him, by return
of post, what he has to expect with certainty as to
the coach hired for taking on a part of his family
to Philadelphia. His house is full of company, he
adds, and concludes as usual.

Mount Vernon, November 14,1790. This letter
manifests his concern about the house in Phila-
delphia; for, besides that it is still unfinished, the
rent, he says, has not yet been fixed, though he
has long since wished it; he is at a loss to under-
44 WASHINGTON

stand it all. He hopes that the additions and
alterations made on his account whilst neat, have
not been in an extravagant style. The ’ latter
would not only be contrary to his wishes, but re-
pugnant to his interest and convenience, as it
would be the means of keeping him from the use
and comforts of the house until a later day; and
because the furniture, and everything else, must
then be in accordance with its expensive finish,
which would not agree with his present furniture,
and he had no wish to be taxed to suit the taste
of others. The letter is of more length than
usual and marked “private;” being, with one other,
the only ones in the collection so marked. I will,
therefore, notice its contents no further than barely
to add, that in a part where he alludes to the still
possible intention of making the public in Phila
delphia pay his rent, his terms of dissent become
very emphatic. In reference to his coach, he
would rather have heard that, as repaired, it was
“plain and elegant” than “rich and elegant.” Con-
clusion as usual.

Mount Vernon, Nov. 17, 1790. This, he says,
is a very bad day. He is just setting off for Alex-
andria, to a dinner given to him by the citizens of
that place. The caps (jockey caps) of Giles and
Paris (two of his postillions), being so much worn
that they will be unfit for use by the time he has
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 45

completed his journey to Philadelphia, he requests
that new ones may be made, the tassels to be of
better quality than the old ones; and that a new
set of harness may be made for the leaders, with
a postillion saddle; the saddle-cloth of which to be
like the hammer-cloth, that all may be of a piece
when necessary to use six horses. This he some-
times did in travelling. The letter concludes as usual.

“Spurriers,” November 23, 1790.

He is now on his journey to Philadelphia in his
own travelling carriage with Mrs. Washington; the
children, and the servants in attendance on the
children, being in the stage-coach hired for the
occasion.

He dates from this tavern twelve or fourteen miles
south of Baltimore. The roads, he says, are in-
famous—no hope of reaching Baltimore that night,
as they had not yet gone to dinner but were wait-
ing for it. The letter is only of a few lines, and
evidently written in haste, though he never makes
apologies on that account.

Georgetown, March 28, 1791.

The General and family arrived in Philadelphia
and took possession of Mr. Morris’s house. The
session of Congress passed over. It was the short
46 WASHINGTON

session. He was now on his return to Mount
Vernon, having reached the above town on the
Maryland side of the Potomac, from which he
dates.

This letter is on his private affairs. He expresses
dissatisfaction at the conduct of * * * * * * one
of his agents in the State of , in letting out
his property and receiving his rents; he is too well

 

acquainted, he says, with facts that bear upon the
case, to be imposed upon by the tale he tells; and
even his own letter proves him to be what he
would not call him.

Mount Vernon, April 3, 1791. This letter is
also in part on his private affairs. It contains
further complaints of this agent. In the closing
parts of it, there being at this time growing appre-
hensions of trouble with the Indians, he makes
the remark, that until we could restrain the turbu-
lence and disorderly conduct of our own borderers,
it would be in vain he feared to expect peace with
the Indians; or that they would govern their own
people better than we did ours.

It was in the following autumn that General
St. Clair’s army was defeated by them in the neigh-
borhood of the Miami Villages.
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 47

Mount Vernon, April 6, 1791. A short letter.
It mentions his intention of continuing his journey
southward the next day; his horses being well re-
cruited, he hopes they will go on better than they
have come from Philadelphia. He incloses Mr.
Lear, who remains in Philadelphia, some letters to
be put on file, and requests him to pay a man who
had been working in the garden.

The journey southward next day was the com-
mencement of his tour to the Southern States,
having made one into the Northern States’ before
he became President, or soon afterwards. Having
completed his tour, he passed several days in
Georgetown to execute the powers vested in him
for fixing on a place for the permanent seat of
government for the United States under the new
constitution.

Richmond, Virginia, April 12, 1791. This is a
letter of four closely written pages, mainly, though
not exclusively, about his servants, and the diffi-
culties with them under the non-slavery laws of
Pennsylvania; but as he requests that the know-
ledge of its contents, and the sentiments he ex-
presses, may be confined to Mrs. Lear and Mrs.
Washington, I notice no more of it.
48 WASHINGTON

Savannah, May 13,1791. He here says that the
continual hurry into which he was thrown’ by
entertainments, visits, and ceremonies, in the course
of his southern tour, left him scarcely a moment he
could call his own. He gives directions as to where
his letters are to be sent, that they may strike him
at the proper points whilst travelling; his horses
are much worn down, he says, by the bad roads,
especially the two he bought just before leaving
Philadelphia, “and my old white horse.”

Fredericksburg, Virginia, June 12, 1791. He
informs Mr. Lear that he had reached this place
the day preceding, and expected to get back to
Mount Vernon the day following. He would
remain there until the 27th, which was the day
appointed for him to meet the commissioners at
Georgetown to fix on the spot for the public
buildings to be erected in the new Federal City,
and writes to give Mr. Lear this foreknowledge of
his movements.

Mount Vernon, June 15,1791. The early part
of this letter relates to certain blank commissions
signed and left with Mr. Lear to be filled up under
the direction and advice of the Secretary of the
Treasury. He next adverts to a vacancy in one of
the United States judgeships—that of the district
of Pennsylvania—by the death of the late incum-
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 49

bent. Some have applied, he says, for the appoint-
ment, and others will. In reference to this and
other offices that will be vacant (naming them), he
wishes Mr. Lear to get the best information he can
as to those who it is thought would fill them “with
the greatest ability and integrity.” Several meri-
torious persons, he adds, have already been brought
to his view.

He is glad to hear that the affairs of his house-
hold in Philadelphia go on so well, and tells Mr.
Lear it might not be improper for him to hint how
foolish it would be in the servants left there, to
enter into any combinations for supplanting those
in authority, (meaning the upper servants). The
attempt would be futile, and must recoil upon
themselves; and next, admitting that they were
to make the lives of the present steward and
housekeeper so uneasy as to induce them to quit,
others would be got, :and such, too, as would be
equally, if uot more, rigid in exacting the duty re-
quired of the servants below them; the steward
and housekeeper were indispensably necessary in
taking trouble off of Mrs. Washington’s hands and
his own, and would be supported in the line of
their duty, whilst any attempt to counteract them,
would be considered as the strongest evidence the
other servants could give of their unworthiness. A
good and faithful servant, he adds, was never afraid
of having his conduct looked into, but the reverse.
50 WASHINGTON

Mount Vernon, June 19, 1791. He acknow-
ledges the receipt of several letters from Mr. Lear,
and approves what he has done. He tells him
that in the fall he shall want blankets for his
servants and people* at Mount Vernon; and the
summer being the best time for buying them, he
wishes inquiry to be made on this subject, saying
he should want about two hundred. He wants to
see Paine’s answer to Burke’s pamphlet on the
French Revolution, and requests it may be sent to
him. He says that “Paris” has grown to be so
lazy and self-willed that John, the coachman, says
he has no sort of government of him, as he did
nothing that he was told to do, and everything he
was not. The General adds that his incapacity as
a postillion was such, that he had determined to
leave him behind when returning to Philadelphia,
which would make one or two boys necessary in
his stable at that place, as assistants, and asks
whether it might not be possible to find emigrant
Germans to answer the purpose. He concludes,
“Be assured of the esteem and regard of yours
affectionately, G. W.”

Mount Vernon, September 26, 1791. He refers
to the house in Philadelphia; says that he never
expressed any dissatisfaction at want of accommo-

 

* The latter mean his slaves.
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 51

dation in it since he got rid of the workmen; and
that such a supposition must not be adduced as a
motive for causing a public edifice to be built for
his use or occupancy; that he has no intention of
interfering with the politics of Pennsylvania, or
the household accommodations of his successors in
the Presidency; but that, for himself, personally,
he had wholly declined living in any public build-
ing. This subject appears to have engaged some
of his sensibility, and he tells Mr. Lear he is glad
to learn he has put in writing his views in regard
to it, as that will protect him against misconcep-
tion on any point.

Mount Vernon, October 7, 1791. He writes
again about the blankets; some have been offered
to him in Alexandria, but he likes neither the size
nor price, and speaks of those to be had in Phila-
delphia as intolerably narrow. He cannot think
of being disappointed in his supply, as his people
would suffer in the ensuing winter. He wants one
hundred of the largest size and best quality, and
one hundred of the middle size but good in quality.
“T recollect asking you,” he continues, “if among
my pamphlets you have seen the journal of my
tour to the French” (the word post was probably
omitted here) “on La beauf in the year 1753. I
understood you, no; but Mrs. Washington thinks
52 WASHINGTON

you said, yes. Pray decide the point for us—I
have searched in vain for it here.”

Mount Vernon, October 14,1791. In this letter
he begins by saying he is glad of the intimation
given of the intentions of the minister of France
(not stated what they are), and pleased, though
distressed, at the information that the 24th instant
is the day for the meeting of Congress. He had
supposed it to be the 31st, and intended to spend
Monday and possibly Tuesday in Georgetown; but
now he would endeavor to reach Bladensburg on
Monday night, and lose no time afterwards in
pursuing his journey onward to Philadelphia, as
scarce any time would be left to him for preparing
his communications when the session opened, if the
members were punctual in attending. This makes
it the more necessary, he says, that Mr. Lear
should look with accuracy, and without delay,
into his speeches and the laws of the past sessions;
that all might be at hand for his own review and
consideration. And he requests Mr. Lear, should
anything else have occurred to him as fit for re-
commendation or communication in his speech to
Congress, to note it, that it might be ready for his
consideration in case it should not be among his
own memorandums. The conclusion is in his
usually cordial way.
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 53

This session of Congress passed over. It was the
long one, and ran into May 1792. I find in the
collection only three letters to Mr. Lear dated in
that year. The first is from Mount Vernon, July
30, 92, soon after he had left Philadelphia, and is
familiarly descriptive of his journey homewards.
His horses plagued him a good deal, he says, and
the sick mare, owing to a dose of physic adminis-
tered the night he reached Chester, was so much
weakened as to be unable to carry Austin (one of
the postillions) further than the Susquehannah ;
had to be led thence to Hartford, where she was
left, and two days afterwards, “gave up the ghost.”
As he travelled on, he heard great complaints of
the Hessian fly, and of rust or mildew in the wheat,
and believed that the damage would be great in
some places; but that more was said than the case
warranted, and on the whole the crops would be
abundant. On arriving in Georgetown, he found
many well-conceived plans for the public buildings
in the new city, and remarks that it was a pleasure
to him to find in our new country so much archi-
tectural ability displayed. Concludes, “I am your
affectionate friend, G. W.”

The second is dated Mount Vernon, September
21, 92. He tells Mr. Lear that he had written
him but one letter since arriving at Mount Vernon,
but was on the eve of writing a second, when his of
54 WASHINGTON

the 5th of August got to hand, with such informa-
tion of his movements (Mr. Lear having been away
from Philadelphia), as might now enable him to
direct a letter to him without danger of its “rever-
berating back.” He thanks him for the information
afforded in his letter of the 5th of August, and in
another of the 21st of July; says he has nothing
agreeable of a domestic nature to relate. Poor
George (the General is here supposed to allude to
‘Mr. George Lewis, one of his nephews, then stay-
ing at Mount Vernon),* he fears, is not far from
that place whence’ no traveller returns; he is but
the shadow of what he was; has not been out of
his room, scarcely out of his bed, for six weeks; has
intervals of ease which flatter us a little, but he,
the General, has little hope of his surviving the
winter. It is so he writes of this nephew, adding
that the subject gives him much distress. Con-
cludes, “with sincere and affectionate regard I am
always your friend, G. W.”

The third is dated Mount Vernon, October 1, 92.
In the expectation that this letter will find Mr.
Lear again in Philadelphia, he wishes him to begin
in time to compare all his former speeches to Con-
gress with the subsequent acts of that body, that he
might see what parts of them passed altogether un-

 

* Mr. Custis has since informed me that it was his nephew,
Major George Washington, who is here meant.
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 55

noticed or had been only partially noticed, that
thus he might be enabled to judge whether any,
and what, parts should be brought forward again.
He requests him also, as before, to note everything
that may occur to him as fit to be noticed in his
communication to Congress this year, as he desires
to have all the materials collected for his considera-
tion in preparing his speech. He speaks again of
the illness of “poor George,” and says that others
of his family are unwell. Concludes in his usually
kind and affectionate manner.

This session of Congress—the short session—
came to its regular close on the 3d of March, 1793.
The General is again at Mount Vernon in April,
and writes to Mr. Lear on the 8th of that month on
some of his private affairs. He tells him that his
letter of the 3d had been received transmitting
Mr. * * * * * ©", yental, and Mr, * * * + #%
profession of his inability to discharge his bond.
The latter he thinks more candid than the former,
but supposes that he must be satisfied with both,
knowing he will never get better terms from either.
He intimates that before doing anything with
respect to the lands the latter had from him, he
wishes Mr. Lear to have some conversation with
* * * * on a point he (the General) did not clearly
understand, as he would not “put it in the power
of malice itself to charge him with any agency in

é
56 WASHINGTON

measures that could be tortured into impropriety in
this matter.” In regard to the former person (the
same mentioned in his letters of March 28, and
April 3, 91, as having the charge of some of his
property), he requests My. Lear to endeavor to find
out through members of Congress, if he can, the
name of some individual in the State in question
who would be likely to make him a faithful agent,
as it would not do to leave his concerns in the
hands of * * * * * any longer; he was too de-
pendent, he feared (besides other objections to
him), for his election to the legislature, to fix his
rents at a just medium, or collect them in the
manner he ought to do. The conclusion of this
letter has reference to the will of his deceased
nephew, Mr. George Lewis, who had died at Mount
Vernon.*

Mr. Lear had now ceased to be his private
Secretary; but the most intimate correspondence
was still kept up with him. On the 21st of June,
1793, there is a letter to him from Philadelphia
(Mr. L. then being in Georgetown), which the
General writes on purpose to say that he con-
siders it a very kind and friendly act in him to
go to Mount Vernon. The letter finishes with a
few lines of allusion to his private affairs.

 

* See correction, anfe, note, 54.

s
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 57

Philadelphia, May 6, 1794. This is a letter
written to Mr. Lear when the latter was in
England. It treats of private matters, and ex-
presses his pleasure at the reception he had from
the Earl of Buchan, Sir John Sinclair, and others
in England to whom General Washington had
given him letters. He tells him he was much
obliged to him for the several communications in «
his letters, and placed great reliance on them; that
the opportunities he derived from mixing with
people in different walks, high and low, and of
different political sentiments, must have afforded
him an extensive range for observation and com-
parison; more so by far than could fall to the lot
of a stationary person: always revolving in a par-
ticular circle. The General then touches on our
home affairs. He was still President, it will be
remembered. He says that to tell him the
British order in council of the 8th of June last
respecting neutral vessels had given much dis-
content in the United States, and that the order
of 6th of November had thrown the people into a
flame, could hardly be new to him.* In reference
to all the existing difficulties with England he tells
him that many measures had been moved in Con-

 

*The “provision order,” as it was called, which authorised
British cruisers to stop, and send into British ports, neutral vessels
carrying provisions to French ports, to be dealt with as the order
prescribed.
58 WASHINGTON

gress, some of which had passed into acts, and
others were pending; that among the former, was a
law for fortifying our principal seaports, and
another for raising an additional corps of eight
hundred artillery-men for the defence of them and
other purposes; and that the bills pending were:
1st. One to complete our present military establish-
ment; 2d. One to raise an army of twenty-five
thousand men in addition to it; and 3d. A bill to
organize, put in training, and hold in readiness at
a minute’s warning, a select corps of eighty thou-
sand militia. He seemed to think that the first
and last would pass, but that the result of the
second could not be so well predicted. He men-
tions the appointment of Mr. Jay as_ special
minister to England, in the hope of settling all
our difficulties in a temperate way by fair and
firm negotiation, and that he would sail in a few
days, with Mr. John Trumbell as his private
Secretary; tells him also of Mr. Randolph’s ap-
pointment as Secretary of State, and that Mr.
Bradford, of Pennsylvania, was made Attorney
General in Mr. Randolph’s place. In conclusion,
he alludes to “little Lincoln” (Mr. Lear’s son) and
his “lottery tickets,” which, “poor little fellow!”
he exclaims, will never be likely to build him a
baby-house even; the whole Washington lottery
business having turned out a bed of thorns rather
than roses. He terminates the letter by telling
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 59

him that his public avocations will not admit of
more than a flying trip to Mount Vernon this
summer, and that this not suiting Mrs. Washing-
ton, he has taken a house in Germantown* (the
vicinity of Philadelphia) to avoid the heat of
Philadelphia in July and August, and that Mrs.
Washington, Nelly (one of the Miss Custis’s), and
the rest of the family united with him in every
good wish for his health, prosperity, and safe re-
turn; and he begs him to be “assured of the sin-
cerity with which I am and always shall be your
affectionate friend, G. W.”

Mount Vernon, August 5, 1795. Mr. Lear had
got back from England, and was now residing in
Georgetown or its neighborhood. The present
letter incloses him a power of attorney to vote on
the General’s shares in the Potomac Company, at a
meeting of its stockholders to be held on the day
following, in Georgetown. He says he would be
there himself to vote in person if possible; but
that having sent to the post-office in Alexandria
every day since Friday for letters, without receiv-

 

* A letter from Mr. Littell has informed me that this house is
still standing. It is owned and occupied by T. B. Morris, Esq.,
who keeps the whole, with its garden, in the best order as a con-
secrated spot; preserving with care the internal arrangements
of the house, and its external aspect, as when inhabited by Wash-
ington.
60 WASHINGTON

ing any from any of the officers of the govern-
ment, he might probably receive a great accumula,
tion of them on the day following (which was
again Friday, and a post day), to which he would
have to give his attention and prepare answers. It
was therefore that he sent the power of attorney,
to meet the contingency of his not being present.
This power of attorney was in his own hand-
writing.

Philadelphia, March 13, 1796. There are brief
letters since the above that touch on private busi-
ness. In this of the 13th of March, 1796, allud-
ing to his pecuniary affairs, he says, that for the
few years he has to remain here, the enjoyment of
less, with more ease and certainty, will be more
convenient to him, and more desirable ; had _ his
resources been adequate to it, he would have pur-
chased the lot and houses in Alexandria which Mr.
Lear pointed out; but that as his resources de-
pended on contingencies that might baffle his calcu-
lations, he chose to. tread on sure ground in all his
engagements,. being as unwilling to embarrass
others by uncertain contracts, as to be deceived
himself in his expectations.

Philadelphia, April 29, 1796. This is one of a
few lines in which he requests Mr. Lear’s accept-
ance of some garden seeds for his garden and farm.
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 61

They were portions of some sent to him from
England to be planted at Mount Vernon.

Philadelphia, November 16, 1796. This relates
to the sale of some of his agricultural produce, and
to the disappointments he had experienced in pay-
ments promised to him.

Mount Vernon, March 25, 1797. The General
is now relieved from all public duties and cares.
On the 3d of March of this year he ceased to be
President by voluntarily retiring from the post,
after writing that farewell address which a British
historian* has pronounced unequalled by any com-
position of uninspired wisdom. He is now a pri-
vate citizen returned to his country estate at Mount
Vernon on the banks of the Potomac. Mr. Lear is
in Georgetown. In this letter to him of the 25th
of March ’97, he speaks of plans for repairing and
refitting his ancient and loved home; but adds that
in that rural vicinity he finds difficulty in getting
proper workmen, and requests Mr. Lear’s aid in pro-
curing some from Georgetown, or the new “Fede-
ral City,” as Washington at that day was usually
called. Skill and dispatch would be necessary
qualifications, and he thinks that his “ Old Sergeant
Cornelius” might do for one of the workmen. It

 

* Alison. - -
6
62 WASHINGTON

seems that this person had been heard of in those
parts, and he adds that he would give him the pre-
ference as knowing his temper and industry.

Not long, however, is he permitted to remain a
private citizen reposing at Mount Vernon amidst
all its endearments. The next succeeding year
finds him again summoned by his country to her
service. At the eager solicitation of the govern-
ment, the elder Adams then being President, and
Mr. Adams’ own desire being seconded by the
nation’s voice, he was prevailed upon to accept
the supreme command of the Army during the
difficulties and even quasi-war that had risen up
with our old ally, France. He accepted, on con-
dition of receiving no pay or emolument until
actually called into the field. Nevertheless this
conditional acceptance threw upon him burdensome
duties. It exposed him to “many official calls, to
a heavy correspondence, and to a flow of company.”
It is so he expresses himself. In this conjuncture
he writes to his attached friend and faithful secre-
tary Mr. Lear. Under date of August the second,
1798, from Mount Vernon, he describes to him
those fresh duties as hinderances to putting his
private affairs in that order so necessary before
he embarked in new scenes; it being his desire,
before quitting the scene of human action, to
leave his concerns in a condition to give as little
trouble as possible to those who would have the
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 63

nagement of them afterwards. Under this view
his situation he had written to the Secretary of
ir to be informed whether he was at liberty to
soint his secretary, who should be entitled to the
ial and proper allowances; and concludes with
ing Mr. Lear if he would join him in that
racity, if the Secretary of War answered in the
rmative. Mr. Lear assents.
[his is the last letter in the series. I learn from
s. Lear that others not in this collection, be-
‘aking a high degree of intimacy and confidence,
re written to her husband by the same hand.
is may well be conceived when it is known that
. Lear’s connection with this illustrious man
san prior to the year ’86, and continued until
death in ’99; that he was at his bedside when
died, and drew up the authentic narrative,
ich was verified by the physicians, of his last
1ess, from its commencement to the closing
me. This was published at that time to meet
» anxious feelings of his mourning countrymen,
uck down at first by his death, as by a shock
at went through every heart.

From one of the letters there dropped out, as I
folded it, a slip in Mr. Lear’s handwriting, dated
ay the first, 1791, containing the copy of a mes-
ze to General Washington from Lord Cornwallis,
which Captain Truxton had been the bearer
64 WASHINGTON

from the East Indies. His lordship, whom Captain
Truxton had seen there, being then Governor
General of India, “congratulated General Wash-
ington on the establishment of a happy govern-
ment in his country, and congratulated the coun-
try on the accession of General Washington to its
Chief Magistracy.” The message wished “General
Washington a long enjoyment of tranquillity and
happiness,” adding that, for himself (Lord C.), he
“continued in troubled waters.”

I have thus noticed succinctly, perhaps I might
more appropriately say described, these letters. In
abridging and connecting the train of them, Wash-
ington’s language is used to the extent that will be
seen. The style is different from that of his official
productions and other letters of his voluminous
correspondence. He naturally stepped into one
more familiar when writing to a confidential friend
on family matters relating to his home at Mount
Vernon, or as it was to be arranged in Philadelphia
while he was President. But the style has the
directness and sincerity of all his writings. It is
apparent that the letters are written without re-
serve. With two or three exceptions, no copies
appear to have been kept; yet everything 1s
frank and straight-forward. Understanding human
nature thoroughly under all its phases, he deals
wisely with men in small things as in great; but
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 65

he does no one injustice. When others are acting
disingenuously towards him, though seeing through
it, he is considerate and forbearing, not taking
steps hastily, but ready to make allowances where
they could be made. Dishonesty, or suspicion of
it, he never overlooks. In the second letter he sus-
pects his steward of extravagance, in spending too
much for supplies of the table kept for his upper
servants; yet he authorizes Mr. Lear to retain
him, if, on looking into his accounts, he finds him
honest; intimating that any successor to him
might act in the same way, and a dismissal might
be only a change without a benefit. His reproba-
tion of all dishonesty is seen in more than one of
the letters, as well as his restrained modes of deal-
ing with it whilst affecting only his own interests.

As regards the minutiz seen in the letters; the
details respecting his house, furniture, servants,
carriages, horses, postillions, and so on, these will
be read with curiosity and interest. They suggest
a new test by which to try Washington, and let
him be tried by it. We have not before had such
details from himself. It is for the first time the
curtain has been so lifted by his own hand.

All great men, the very greatest, Cesar, Crom-
well, Napoleon, Frederick, Peter the Great, Marl-
borough, Alexander, all on the long list of tower-
ing names, have had contact with small things.

No pinnacle in station, no supremacy in excellence
5
66 WASHINGTON

or intellect, can exempt man from this portion of
his lot. It is a human necessity. Washington
meets it with a propriety and seemliness not always
observable in others of his high cast, but often
signally the reverse. In dealing with small things,
he shows no undue tenacity of opinion; no selfish-
ness; no petulance; no misplaced excitements.
He never plays the petty tyrant. He does not
forget himself; he does not forget others; he
assumes nothing from any exaltation in himself,
but is reasonable and provident in all his domestic
and household arrangements.

Shall we seek for comparisons, or rather con-
trasts? With as much of Washington’s domestic
portraiture before us as these letters hold up, shall
we turn to look at others? There is no difficulty,
but in selecting from the vast heap.

Frederick thought coffee too expensive an in-
dulgence for common use in his kingdom, saying
he was himself reared on beer soup, which was
surely good enough for peasants and common fel-
lows, as he called his people. He wrote directions
to his different cooks with his own hand, the better
to pamper his appetite with every variety of the
dishes and sauces he liked best. He stinted Vol-
taire in sugar while a guest in his palace, or gave
it to him cheap and bad. He praised him face to
face, and ridiculed him behind his back. Napoleon
played blind-man’s buff at St. Helena. He lost his
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 67

temper at his coronation, on perceiving that some
of the princesses of his family who were to act as
trainbearers were not in their right places. Ceasar
was versed in all the ceremonials of State. It was
said that he would even have been a perfect
Roman gentleman, but for a habit of putting one
of his fingers in his hair. Yet such a master of
forms gave grave offence to the Roman Senate by
not rising when they intended him a compliment;
sO unwise was he in small things. Cromwell ina
frolic threw a cushion at Ludlow, who in turn
threw one at him. He bedaubed with ink the face
of one of the justices, who, with Cromwell himself,
had just been condemning Charles to the block.
Peter the Great travelled about with a pet monkey,
which unceremoniously jumped upon the shoulder
of the King of England, when the latter visited the
Czar in London. Some great men have played leap-
frog; some practised this affectation, some that.
The book of history records, too amply, the child-
like diversions among those who have flourished
on the summits of power and renown. We hear
of none of this in Washington; no idle whimsies,
no studied or foolish eccentricities; none of the
buffoonery of ripe years. They were not in him;
or if they were, self-discipline extirpated them, as
it did the bad ambition and moral callousness that
have disfigured too many of the great names of
the earth, ancient and modern; whilst his match-
68 WASHINGTON

less purity and deathless deeds raise him above
them all. This verdict is already more than half
pronounced by the most enlightened and scrutiniz-
ing portions of mankind, and time is silently ex-
tending its domain, as he is longer tried by the
parallels of history, and by the philosophy of great-
ness itself.

Before his fame, steadily ascending from its ada-
mantine foundation, gave signs that it was to en-
circle the globe, some imagined him too prudent.
Some thought him devoid of sensibility; a cold,
colossal mass, intrenched in taciturnity, or enfolded
in a mantle of dignity. The sequel disclosed that
his complete mastery over passion, moving in har-
mony with his other powers and faculties, lent its
essential aid towards his unrivalled name. Opinion
and passion were strong in him. The latter existed
in vehemence ; but he put the curb upon it, turning
it into right directions, and excluding it otherwise
from influence upon his conduct. He stifled his
dislikes; he was silent under sneers and disparag-
ing innuendoes, lest inopportune speech might work
injury to the great cause confided to.him. To the
success of that cause he looked steadily and exclu-
sively. It absorbed his whole soul, and he threw
off none from its support capable of rendering
support, no matter what their opinions of himself.
The complicated dangers which encompassed it, he
knew, from his position, sooner and better than
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 69

others; but he would not make them public, lest
the foe might hear them, or others whose. prepos-
sessions were unfriendly ; preferring that temporary
odium should rest upon himself. Hence his reserve ;
and thus it was that the grand results of his life
came out in manifold blessings to his country; thus
it was that some, at first distrustful, and others long
distrustful, of his superiority, came to admit it in
the end. Be it added, that his native good sense
teaching him the value of social restraint, and his
knowledge of the world its approved observances
in intercourse, the tone of the gentleman on its best
models, ever also graced his public glory.

An anecdote I derived from Colonel Lear shortly
before his death in 1816, may here be related, show-
ing the height to which his passion would rise, yet
be controlled. It belongs to his domestic life which
I am dealing with, having occurred under his own
roof, whilst it marks public feeling the most in-
tense, and points to the moral of his life. I give it
in Colonel Lear’s words as nearly as I can, having
made a note of them at the time.

Towards the close of a winter’s day in 1791, an
officer in uniform was seen to dismount in front of
Washington’s mansion in Philadelphia, and, giving
the bridle to his servant, ascend the steps and
knock at its door.* Learning from the porter that
the President was at dinner, he said he was on public

 

* Major Ebenezer Denny, whose interesting ‘Military Journal” has
just been published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.—Epirors.
70 WASHINGTON

business and had dispatches for him. A servant
was sent into the dining-room to give the informa-
tion to Mr. Lear, who left the table and went into
the hall, where the officer repeated what he had
said. Mr. Lear replied that, as the President's
Secretary, he would take charge of the dispatches
and deliver them at the proper time. The officer
made answer that he had just arrived from the
western army, and his orders were'to deliver them
with all promptitude, and to the President in per-
son; but that he would wait his directions. Mr.
Lear returned, and in a whisper imparted to the
President what had passed. There had been dark
rumors, as if coming in the wind, about that Army.
General Washington rose from the table, and went
to the officer. He was back in a short time, made
a word of apology for his absence, but no allusion
to the cause of it. He had company that day.
Everything went on as usual. Dinner over, the
gentlemen passed to the drawing-room of Mrs.
Washington, which was open in the evening. The
General spoke courteously to every lady in the
room, as was his custom. His hours were early,
and by ten o'clock all the company had gone. Mrs.
Washington and Mr. Lear remained. Soon: Mrs.
Washington left the room.

The General now walked backward and forward
slowly for some minutes, without speaking. Then
he sat down on a sofa, by the fire, telling Mr. Lear
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 71

to sit down. To this moment there had been no
change in his manner since his interruption at
table. Mr. Lear now perceived emotion. This
rising in him, he broke out suddenly, “J?’s all over
— St. Clair’s defeated—routed ;—the officers nearly all
killed, the men by wholesale ; the route complete—too
shocking to think of—and a SURPRISE into the bargain!”

He uttered all this with great vehemence. Then
he paused, got up from the sofa, and walked about
the room several times, agitated, but saying nothing.
Near the door he stopped short, and stood still a few
seconds, when his wrath became terrible.

“Yes,” he burst forth, “HERE on this very spot, I
took leave of him; I wished him success and honor ;
you have your instructions, I said, from the Secretary
of War, I had a strict eye to them, and will add but
one word—BEWARE OF A SURPRISE. I repeat it, BE-
WARE OF A SURPRISE—you know how the
Indians fight us. He went off with that, as my last
solemn warning thrown into his ears. And yet!! to
suffer that army to be cut to pieces, hack’d, butchered,
tomahawk'd, by a SURPRISE—the very thing I guarded
him against!! O God, O God, hes worse than a
murderer ! how can he answer it to his country ;—the
blood of the slain is upon him—the curse of widows
and orphans—the curse of Heaven !”

This torrent came out in tones appalling. His
very frame shook. It was awful, said Mr. Lear.
More than once he threw his hands up as he
72 WASHINGTON

hurled imprecations upon St. Clair. Mr. Lear
remained speechless; awed into breathless silence.

The roused Chief sat down on the sofa once
more. He seemed conscious of his passion, and
uncomfortable. He was silent. His warmth be-
ginning to subside, he at length said in an altered
voice: “This must not go beyond this room.” An-
other pause followed—a longer one—when he said
in a tone quite low, “General St. Clair shall have
justice ; I looked hastily through the dispatches, saw
the whole disaster, but not all the particulars; I will
receive him without displeasure; I will hear him with-
out prejudice; he shall have full justice.”

He was now, said Mr. Lear, perfectly calm.
Half an hour had gone by. The storm was over;
and no sign of it was afterwards seen in his con-
duct, or heard in his conversation. The result is
known. The whole case was investigated by Con-
gress. St. Clair was exculpated, and regained the
confidence Washington had in him when appoint-
ing him to that command. He had put himself
into the thickest of the fight and escaped unhurt,
though so ill as to be carried on a litter, and
unable to mount his horse without help.

A passage from one of Mr. Jefferson’s letters
which the historian Sparks records, may here be
given, as its spirit covers the private as well as
public life of Washington. Mr. Jefferson with-
drew his services as Secretary of State from the
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 73

administration of Washington towards the close
of his first term in the Presidency. His retire-
ment from that post took place when party spirit
was violent and bitter in the extreme; never was
it more so in the annals of our country; and it is
known that he had differed from Washington on
political questions of the greatest importance.
Nevertheless, writing of him at a later period,
Mr. Jefferson says: “ His integrity was most pure ;
his justice the most inflexible I have ever known;
no motives of interest or consanguinity, of friend-
ship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. He
was, indeed, in every sense of the word, a wise, a
good, and a great man.” Hear Mr. Jefferson again.
A few years before his death, one of his family ex-
pressed a fear that posterity might be misled by the
adulatory terms in which Washington was often
mentioned. It was at Monticello, on a night when
the stars were out in that glory which they assume
in the clear atmosphere of the Virginia mountains.
Looking earnestly at a constellation which hung on
the rim of the blue ridge, Mr. Jefferson replied :
“ His fame will go on increasing, until the brightest
constellation in yonder heavens is called by his
name.”*

I retyrn to his letters to Mr. Lear. In superin-
tending his domestic affairs, these letters exhibit

 

*T take this beautiful passage from Randall’s Life of Jefferson.
74 WASHINGTON

him as the head of a well-ordered family, himself
the regulator of it all, under maxims that best
conduce to order because not too rigid. We see
that he was truly hospitable; kind; devoted to his
kindred, whom he gathers around him, interesting
himself in their education and welfare; cheering
them with a welcome at Mount Vernon, and
soothing them in sickness and sorrow. The kin-
dred of Mrs. Washington alike share his solici-
tudes, paternal care, and constant kindness. All
this is discernible from the facts that drop. out
in these letters. They point to a heart affection:
ately alive to the best social and family feelings.
We see his attention to the comfort of his servants,
slaves, and others. His government of them, upper
and subordinate, appears to have been perfect, by
his union of discipline with liberality. He knew
that his postillions, if they slept over the stable,
would carry lights there whether he forbade it or
not, for they would do it when he knew nothing
about it, and not tell on each other. He therefore
allowed no sleeping there at all; and he gives salu-
tary warning to the under servants when disposed
to cabal. As to John’s wife and “James’s del To-
boso,” his own hand kindly encloses their letters.

I could not avoid remarking, as characteristic
throughout the whole of this correspondence, that
there is never any complaining of his labors.
Letter-writing alone would have been a heavy
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 75

labor to him but for his system and industry.
Promptitude in using his pen there must neces-
sarily have been, or he could not have written so
much. The history of the times will show, that
when he wrote these letters, he was simultaneously
writing others on public business, which, as the
world knows, he never neglected in any jot or
tittle, no matter what else he might be doing.
The domestic letters must therefore have been
struck off with great facility. Let us call to
mind also the more than two hundred volumes
of folio manuscript of his public correspondence
which Congress purchased, and then remember
that the sum of all he wrote is as nothing to
what he did, in his long career of activity in his
country’s service, military and civil.

Next I remark, as a new corroboration of the
modesty ever so prominent in him, that not once,
throughout the whole of this correspondence, does
he make any, the slightest, allusion to himself, in
connection with the Revolutionary War, compara-
tively recent as it then was. Besides that the
general tenor of the correspondence might have
supplied occasions for such allusions, special op-
portunities were at hand, while skirting the battle-
grounds and other localities of his military opera-
tions in the war, even in his journeys between
Mount Vernon and Philadelphia; yet they are
never once made. The casual mention of his
76 WASHINGTON

“Old Sergeant Cornelius,’ whom he happened

want as a workman about his grounds at Mou
Vernon, is the sole reference that could wake

the mind to his having had anything to do wi
the Revolution. He had helped to pave the w
for that great event, by the influence of his hi
character, thrown into the scale when the eai
questions of resistance or submission were in a
tation; he had helped it on by his attachment
constitutional liberty at that epoch, though |
fortune was at stake, and friendships among t
high-born and cultivated from the parent Sta
then among his associates in Virginia—could
bosom like his have been swayed by such thought
he helped it on by the special weight of name |
won in arms fighting against the Indians, side |
side with the proud generals and troops of Brita
confident of victory, but saved from annihilati
by his inborn fearlessness and superiority, wh
death was all around him, and dismay everywhei
in Braddock’s defeat, England’s glittering hc
breathing silent homage to their deliverer; |
triumphant sword at Yorktown put the crowni
hand to the immortal work—the work that found
this great nation; yet we could never infer from
word or hint in the course of these letters, frc
first to last, that he had anything to do with t
work, except as the name of “Sergeant Cornelia
incidentally falls from his pen, with only a rw
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 77

object. What a lesson! Some extol themselves
openly. Some do it under cover of self-humilia-
tion, called by a French writer the pomp of
modesty. Washington is simply silent; he will
slide into no allusions to the closing glory of his
life in the midst of temptations to it.

Finally: the charm of these letters is in their
being so familiar, so out of the sphere of his cor-
respondence generally, and therefore holding him
up in lights that seem new. Mankind, long fami-
liar with the external attributes and grandeur of
his. character, looking up to his vast fame as hero
and statesman, uncertain which predominates, have
known less of him at home with his family, his re-
lations and his friends. The inner parts of his
character, the kindlier impulses of his nature, his
sympathies with those dear to him, dependent on
him, or looking to him for the solace of his kind-
ness, seem to have remained less publicly known.
Mr. Sparks, in his preface to his “ Life and Writ-
ings,” remarks that “it must be kept in mind that
much the larger portion of his life passed on a con-
Spicuous public theatre, and that no account of it
’ can be written which will not assume essentially
the air of history.” He adds, that while in his
work “ anecdotes are interwoven, and such incidents
of a private and personal nature as are known, they
are more rare than could be desired.”

The synopsis of the letters which I have given,

7
78 WASHINGTON

may perhaps tend in some small degree to supply
this desideratum in his illustrious life, alongside of
the more copious anecdotes and reminiscences sup-
plied by the patriotic and filial devotion of Mr.
Custis. This is my humble hope.

Since the foregoing Letters were received from
Mrs. Lear, she has favored me with the perusal of
other manuscripts introducing us to the domestic
hours of General Washington. Among them is a
Diary kept by Mr. Lear at Mount Vernon in 1786,
anterior therefore to the time when Washington
became President. From this document I am per-
mitted to copy a passage entire. It is dated the
23d of October, ’86. Mr. Drayton and Mr. Izard,
gentlemen of South Carolina, had been spending
the day at Mount Vernon. After dinner, the
company still round the table, Washington was
led to speak of Arnold’s treason, and Mr. Lear
wrote down his account of it in his Diary of that
day. Although history has made us familiar with
that whole transaction in its essential facts, to hear
it again from the lips of Washington, seems to im-
part to it new interest. We listen with revived
curiosity and attention when such a narrator
speaks. The copy from Mr. Lear’s Diary, in
which is recorded this interesting dinner-table
narrative, is in the words following :—
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 79

“ Mount VERNON,

Monday, October 23d, 1786.

“Mrs. Washington went to Arlington with the
two children. Sent a.letter directed to Mr. Sa-
muel Storer to the post-office by Charles, who
went up to town (Alexandria) with Master Thomp-
son and Lawrence Washington, who had spent their
vacation here. Mr. Drayton and Mr. Izard here all
day. After dinner General Washington was, in the
course of conversation, led to speak of Arnold’s
treachery, when he gave the following account of
it, which I shall put in his own words, thus: ‘I
confess I had a good opinion of Arnold before his
treachery was brought to light; had that not been
the case, I should have had some reason to suspect
him sooner, for when he commanded in Philadel-
phia, the Marquis la Fayette brought accounts from
France of the armament which was to be sent to
co-operate with us in the ensuing campaign. Soon
after this was known, Arnold pretended to have
some private business to transact in Connecticut,
and on his way there he called at my quarters; and
in the course of conversation expressed a desire of
quitting Philadelphia and joining the army the
ensuing campaign. I told him that it was pro-
bable we should have a very active one, and that
if his wound and state of health would permit, I
should be extremely glad of his services with the
80 WASHINGTON

army. He replied that he did not think his wound
would permit him to take a very active part; but
still he persisted in his desire of being with the
army. He went on to Connecticut, and on his
return called again upon.me. He renewed his
request of being with me next campaign, and I
made him the same answer I had done before,
He again repeated that he did not think his
wound would permit him to do active duty, and
intimated a desire to have the command at West
Point. I told him I did not think that would
suit him, as I should leave none in the garrison
but invalids, because it would be entirely covered
by the main army. The subject was dropt at that
time, and he returned to Philadelphia. It then ap-
peared somewhat strange to me, that a man of
Arnold’s known activity and enterprise, should be
desirous of taking. so inactive a part. I however
thought no more of the matter. When the French
troops arrived at Rhode Island, I had intelligence
from New York that General Clinton intended to
make an attack upon them before they could get
themselves settled and fortified. In consequence
of that, I was determined to attack New York,
which would be left much exposed by his drawing
off the British troops; and accordingly formed my
line of battle, and moved down with the whole
army to King’s ferry, which we passed. Arnold
came to camp at that time, and having no com-

4
IN DOMESTIC LIFE, 8l

mand, and consequently no quarters (all the houses
thereabouts being occupied by the army), he was
obliged to seek lodgings at some distance from the
camp. While the army was crossing at King’s
ferry, I was going to see the last detachment over,
and met Arnold, who asked me if I had thought
of anything for him. I told him that he was to
have the command of the light troops, which was a
post of honor, and which his rank indeed entitled
him to. Upon this information his countenance
changed, and he appeared to be quite fallen; and
instead of thanking me, or expressing any pleasure
at the. appointment, never opened his mouth. I
desired him to go on to my quarters and get some-
thing to refresh himself, and I would meet him
there soon. He did so. Upon his arrival there,
he found Col. Tilghman, whom he took a-one side,
and mentioning what I had told him, seemed to
express great uneasiness at it—as his leg, he said,
would not permit him to be long on horse-back ;
and intimated a great desire to have the command
at West Point. When I returned to my quarters,
Col. Tilghman informed me of what had passed.
I made no reply to it—but his behavior struck me
as strange and unaccountable. In the course of
that night, however, I received information from
New York that General Clinton had altered his
plan and was debarking his troops. This informa-
tion obliged me likewise to alter my disposition and
82 WASHINGTON

return to my former station, where I could be:
cover the country. I then determined to com
with Arnold’s desire, and accordingly gave him
command of the garrison at West Point. Thi
remained in this situation about a fortnight, w.
I wrote to the Count Rochambeau desiring to x
him at some intermediate place (as we could neit
of us be long enough from our respective comma
to visit the other), in order to lay the plan for
siege of Yorktown, and proposed Hartford, whe1
accordingly went and met the Count. On my
turn I met the Chevalier Luzerne towards eveni
within about 15 miles of West Point (on his y
to join the Count at Rhode Island), which I
tended to reach that night, but he insisted u
turning back with me to the next public hot
where, in politeness to him, I could not but s
all night, determining, however, to get to W
Point to breakfast very early. I sent off

baggage, and desired Colonel Hamilton to
forward, and inform General Arnold that I we
breakfast with him. Soon after he arrived
Arnold’s quarters, a letter was delivered to Art
which threw him into the greatest confusion.

told Colonel Hamilton that something required
immediate attendance at the garrison, which wa:
the opposite side of the river to his quarters;

immediately ordered a horse, to take him to
river; and the barge, which he kept to cross
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 83

be ready; and desired Major Franks, his Aid, to
inform me when I should arrive, that he was gone
over the river and would return immediately.
When I got to his quarters and did not find him
there, I desired Major Franks to order me some
breakfast; and as I intended to visit the fortifica-
tions I would see General Arnold there. After I
had breakfasted, I went over the river, and in-
quiring for Arnold, the commanding officer told
me that he had not been there. I likewise in-
quired at the several redoubts, but no one could
give me any information where he was. The im-
propriety of his conduct when he knew I was to
be there, struck me very forcibly, and my mind
misgave me; but I had not the least idea of the
real cause. When I returned to Arnold’s quarters
about two hours after, and told Colonel Hamilton
that I had not seen him, he gave me a packet
which had just arrived for me from Col. Jemmi-
son, which immediately brought the matter to
light. I ordered Colonel Hamilton to mount his
horse and proceed with the greatest despatch to a
post on the river about eight miles below, in order
to stop the barge if she had not passed; but it was
too late. It seems that the letter Arnold received
which threw him in such confusion was from Col.
Jemmison, informing him that Andre was taken
and that the papers found upon him were in his
possession. Col. Jemmison, when Andre was taken
84 WASHINGTON

with these papers, could not believe that Arnold
was a traitor, but rather thought it was an imposi-
tion of the British in order to destroy our confi-
dence in Arnold. He, however, immediately on
their being taken, despatched an express after me,
ordering him to ride night and day till he came
up with me. The express went the lower road,
which was the road by which I had gone to Con-
necticut, expecting that I would return by the
same route, and that he would meet me; but
before he had proceeded far, he was informed that
I was returning by the upper road. He then cut
across the country and followed in my track till I
arrived at West Point. He arrived about two
hours after, and brought the above packet. When
Arnold got down to the barge, he ordered his men,
who were very clever fellows and some of the
better sort of soldiery, to proceed immediately on
board the Vulture sloop of war, as a flag, which
was lying down the river; saying that they must
be very expeditious, as he must return in a short
time to meet me, and promised them two gallons
of rum if they would exert themselves. They did,
accordingly ; but when they got on board the Vul-
ture, instead of their two gallons of rum, he ordered
the coxswain to be called down into the cabin and
informed him that he and the men must consider
themselves as prisoners. The coxswain was very
much astonished, and told him that they came on
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 85

board under the sanction of a flag. He answered
that that was nothing to the purpose; they were
prisoners. But the Captain of the Vulture had
more generosity than this pitiful scoundrel, and
told the coxswain that he would take his parole
for going on shore to get clothes, and whatever else
was wanted for himself and his companions. He
accordingly came, got his clothes and returned on
board. When they got to New York, General
Clinton, ashamed of so low and mean an action,
set them all at liberty.”

This closes the account. It terminates also the
use I have been permitted, through the valued
friendship of Mrs. Lear, to make of these manu-
scripts.

1858.

But I have now to add three original Letters in
full, and a short note, from General Washington to
Colonel Lear, which did not appear when this pub-
lication was first issued. They were given to me
in 1830 by his son, Lincoln Lear, Esq., who died
soon afterwards in Washington, lamented by all
who knew him for his virtues and worth.

The first is dated Philadelphia, March the fourth,
1795, and has reference in part to certain improve-
ments then going on in the navigation of the Poto-
mac, but chiefly to lots in the city of Washington.
It would seem that a question had arisen, or was
86 WASHINGTON

anticipated, as to what local circumstances were
necessary to constitute Water Lots in the new
Federal City; and it will be seen what care
Washington took, in his superintending duty as
President, lest any injury to the public property
in the new city might result from the settlement
of this question. In the beginning of the Letter
he alludes to the off-hand way in which he writes
to his acquaintances and friends.

The next is from Mount Vernon, the tenth of
November, 1797, referring to an expected visit
from the British minister, Mr. Liston, (Washing-
ton being no longer President,) and authorising
Col. Lear to say to Mr. Liston, in the manner he
mentions, that his carriage would be in attendance
at Alexandria to bring the minister on to Mount
Vernon at any hour he would name. Col. Lear
was probably in Georgetown.

The short note is one, also from Mount Vernon,
familiarly written on the thirty-first of July, 1797,
when Col. Lear must have been in the neighbor-
hood, though no place is mentioned on the outside
of the note. The fact that Mrs. Washington and
himself had not dined by themselves in twenty
years, is an item in his domestic life his country
may not be unwilling to hear in the playful way
he alludes to it.

The remaining Letter, though inserted last, pre-
cedes the others in date. It is one of condolence to
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 87

Col. Lear on the death of his first wife, written in
Philadelphia, on the thirtieth of March, 1796, in
the warmest terms of sympathy and friendship.
Mrs. Washington joins in it, adding her name to
his at the close. Col. Lear subsequently married
the lady from whom I receiyed his manuscripts, who
survived him forty years, as stated in the Introduc-
tory Explanation.

The Letters follow in the order as above, copied
from the originals.

PHILADELPHIA March 4 1795.

My pear Sir,

Your favor of the 23? instant came
duly to hand.—The letters which I write to ac-
quaintances, or friends, are done at no great ex-
pense of time, or thought.—They are off-hand pro-
ductions; with little attention to composition or
correctness ;—and even under these circumstances,
are rarely attempted when they interfere with my
public duties. -

From what you have written, and from what I
have heard from others, I hope M: Weston is on
the Potomack ’ere this; and that much benefit may
be expected from the visit.—He is certainly a judi-
cious man; with both theory and practice united.
—I am pleased to hear that the Locks which have
been erected at the little falls have stood the test
of a first trial, so well;—and this pleasure will be
88 WASHINGTON

increased if M' Weston should make a favorable
report of them.—

An unlucky dispute has happened or is likely to
happen, I find, between the present commissioners
and M' Johnson (one of the old set)—These things,
under any view in which they can be placed are
extremely unpleasant, and are rendered more so
when they are brought before me.—The points in
dispute have not come before me in detail ; the main
one, I am told is, whether the lots adjoming Rock
Creek above the stone bridge come under the de-
scription of Water lots; and would be so construed
in the contract between the former commissioners
and M* Greenleaf.—From what I have learnt, it is
a question of some magnitude; inasmuch, as estab-
lishing a principle, applicable to that case, will
have an extensive effect in favor of, or adverse to,
the public property in the city.

This being the case, let me ask you, to collect
the sentiments of the judicious about you, in the
city and in George Town, as far as it is to be drawn
from casual (at least not from forced) conversations
respecting the dispute; and to inform me thereof.
—You will readily perceive that it is for my own
private information, my request to you proceeds:
both the request and answer to it will then of
course, be confined to ourselves.

With affect? regard, I am y'
sincere fr4,

M* Lear. G° Wasuineton.
IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 89

Mount Vernon 10% Novr 1797.

DEAR SIR,

I have received both of your letters
dated yesterday; thank you for the information
given in them.

If M: Liston’s arrangement to proceed from
Alexandria to this place by water appeared to you
to proceed from the want of carriages (for I do not
know in what manner he got to the city) say to
him, that you are sure mine would attend upon
him at any hour he would name at that place, to.
bring as many of them as it would contain to M‘
Vern".—This, however, as the presumption is that I
am unacquainted with his intentions and movements
must go as from yourself. Yours always and

Affectionately,
G2 WASHINGTON.
From the nature of the subject of the next Lette
and its having the joint signatures of General a
Mrs. Washington, it has occurred to the Editors th
it might be interesting to give it in fac simile, togeth
with the note of invitation to Mount Vernon, spok
of by the Author.
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WASHINGTON,

LAFAYETTE, AND MR. BRADFORD:

A SKETCH, IN PART FROM MEMORY.
WASHINGTON,
LAFAYETTE, AND MR. BRADFORD.

A SKETCH, IN PART FROM MEMORY.

WaLkine lately down Market Street. from the
western part of the city, I looked about, after pass-
ing Sixth Street, for the former residence of Gene-
ral Washington. I thought I had discovered it,
though greatly changed, in a house some half dozen
doors below Sixth Street, on the south side, which
still retained a little of its old fashion in front,
with dentils pendent from the cornice; but on
inquiry, I found that it was not. The mansion of
Washington stood by itself. It was a large double
house, few, if any, its equal at present in Phila-
delphia, the house built by Mr. Bingham in Third
Street near Spruce Street excepted, though that is
much cut down from its original size and appear-
ances. The brick of the house in which Washing-
ton lived was, even in his time, dark with age, and
may have been brought from England, as was then
sometimes the case when the best colonial houses

were built. Two ancient lamp-posts, furnished
8 93
94 A SKETCH,

with large lamps, which stood in front on the pav:
ment near the street, marked it, in conjunctio
with its whole external aspect, as the abode of op
lence and respectability before he became its augu:
tenant. No market-house then stood in the stree
To.the east, a brick wall, six or seven feet high, ra
well on towards Fifth Street, until it met othe
houses. The wall enclosed a garden which ws
shaded by lofty old trees, and ran back to what
now Minor Street, fronting upon which were tk
stables. All is now gone. Not a trace is left «
that once venerable and stately residence, for

had intrinsically something of the latter characte
istic by its detached situation, and the space le
around it for accommodation on all sides. To tl
west no building adjoined it, the nearest house :
that direction standing at a fair distance from i
at the corner of Sixth and Market Streets, whe:
lived Robert Morris, one of the great men of tl
Revolution and the well known friend of Washin
ton. What hallowed recollections did. not th
neighborhood awaken! The career of Washingto
his consummate wisdom, his transcendent service
his full-orbed glory! Let no future Plutarch, sa
one of his biographers, attempt a parallel. I
stands alone. In the annals of time, it is record:
as the single glory of Republican America to ha
given to the world such an example of human e
-cellence. History has consecrated it to the instrt
IN PART FROM MEMORY. 95

tion of mankind; and happy if Republican America
shall hold to the maxims which he bequeathed to
her in a Paper, pronounced by an eminent English
historian, to be unequalled by any composition of
uninspired wisdom.

In Holland there is still to be seen the building,
small and shed-like as it is, carefully kept in its
original state, in which Peter the Great of Russia
lived whilst working in the naval Dock Yard at
Sardam in 1697; but I could find no vestige of the
Philadelphia domicil of Washington, relatively re-
cent as was the day when his living presence sancti-
fied it. In this city, he lived longer than he ever
did in any part of the United States, his own Vir-
ginia excepted. Disappointed, almost. saddened, I
next turned down Sixth Street to take a look at
old Congress Hall, at the corner of that street and
Chestnut Street. There it still was, now used as a
court-house; changed in outward appearance and
still more within. Gazing upon it, I recalled a
scene never to be forgotten. It was, I think, in
1794 or ’95, that as a boy I was among the specta-
tors congregated at that corner and parts close by,
to witness a great public spectacle. Washington
was to open the session of Congress by going in
person, as was his custom, to deliver a speech to
both houses assembled in the chamber of the House
of Representatives. The crowd was immense con-
sidering the size of our city; for although then the
96 A SKETCH,

largest in the country, its population was perhay
hardly more than forty-five thousand. It fille
the whole area in Chestnut Street before the Stat
House, extended along the line of Chestnut Stree
above Sixth Street, and spread north and sout
some distance along Sixth Street. A way key
open for carriages in the middle of the street, we
the only space not closely packed with people.

had a stand on the steps of one of the houses i
Chestnut Street, which, raising me above the ma
of human heads, enabled me to see to advantagi
After waiting long hours, as it seemed to a boy
impatience, the carriage of the President at lengt
slowly drove up, drawn by four beautiful bay horse;
_ It was white, with medallion ornaments on th
panels, and the livery of the servants, as well «
I remember, white turned up with red; at any rat
a glowing livery; the entire display in equipages ¢
that era, in our country generally, and in Philade
phia in particular while the seat of governmen’
being more rich and varied than now, though fewe
in number. Washington got out of his carriag
and, slowly crossing the pavement, ascended th
steps of the edifice, upon the upper one of whic
he paused, and, turning half round, looked in th
direction of a carriage which had followed the lea
of his own. Thus he stood, for a minute; di
tinctly seen by everybody. He stood in all h
civic dignity. His costume was a full suit of blac
IN PART FROM MEMORY. 97

velvet; his hair, in itself blanched by time, pow-
dered to snow whiteness, a dress sword at his side,
and his hat held in his hand. Thus he stood in
silence; and what moments those were! Through-
out the dense crowd, profound stillness reigned.
Not a word was heard. It was a feeling beyond
that which vents itself in shouts. Every heart was
full. In vain would any tongue have spoken. All
were at gaze, in mute admiration. Every eye
was riveted on his majestic form. It might have
seemed as if he stood in that position to gratify
the assembled thousands with a full view of the
father of their country. Not so. He had paused
for his secretary, then I believe Mr. Dandridge or
Colonel Lear, who got out of the other carriage—
a chariot—decorated like his own. His secretary,
ascending the steps, handed him a paper—probably
a copy of the speech he was to deliver—when both
entered the building. Then it was, and not until
then, that the crowd set up huzzas, loud, long, and
enthusiastic.

I return to Market Street. On the north side
of the way, nearly opposite to General Washington’s
residence, lived William Bradford. He was among
the most gifted men Pennsylvania has produced,
an honor and ornament to the State. Cut off in
the year 95 at the early age of thirty-nine, in the
midst of public honors and usefulness, his memory
is still fondly cherished by those who had the good
98 A SKETCH,

fortune to know him. He was an. able lawyei
More than this: his mind, by its enlargement, wa
able to rise to the vantage ground of jurisprudence
and survey its broadest principles, as the nobles
of human sciences practically applicable to man
kind. Amongst the testimonials of so expanded a
understanding, was his treatise on capital punish
ments; a work written at the request of Governo
Mifflin, and intended for the use of the Legislatur:
of Pennsylvania, in the nature of a Report, wha
that subject was first under consideration in tha
body. He had, before that time, been Attorney
General of Pennsylvania. To abilities of the firs
order as a lawyer, he added the accomplishment:
of a scholar and orator, the zeal of a patriot, anc
the virtues of a man and gentleman. Such quali
ties did not escape the notice of Washington, pro
verbially correct in his insight into the character:
of men; and accordingly, on the advancement of
Mr. Edmund Randolph to the office of Secretary of
State, he called Mr. Bradford to the post of Attor
ney General of the United States. He was married
to the daughter and only child of the Honorable
Elias Boudinot, a distinguished citizen of New
Jersey, a patriot of the Revolution, and one of the
Presidents of Congress during the Confederation
This estimable pair won upon the esteem of the
Washington family; and the official intercourse
which Mr. Bradford necessarily had with the Presi:
IN PART FROM MEMORY. 99

dent, was followed by their both becoming par-
ticipants, not merely of the dinner hospitalities
and drawing-room entertainments of their illus-
trious neighbors, but the sharers of a social in-
timacy more endearing as well as gratifying. At
that memorable epoch, the French Revolution was
raging. Its first shocks seemed to be unhinging
the world. Its magnificent promises and early
deeds of freedom, the romantic and triumphant
valor of millions of armed Frenchmen in that
cause, who rushed to battle under the inspiring
chorus of the Marseilles Hymn; with all the
horrors that came afterwards, were natural and
frequent topics at the fireside of Washington; and
no single incident among the group of events, was
ever called up with more intensity of interest than
the doom of Lafayette, then a prisoner in the do-
minions of the Emperor of Austria.

One evening,-when Mr. Bradford was there, and
no company; none present but the family circle,
consisting of the General, and Mrs. Washington, his
private secretary, with young Custis and his accom-
plished sisters ; and the conversation going on with
the wonted dignity and ease of that illustrious
circle, the suffermgs of La Fayette again became
the theme. Washington, as he dwelt upon them,
in contrast with the former fortunes and splendid
merits of Fayette in our cause, and recalling scenes
also that awoke anew the warmth of his friend-
100 A SKETCH,

ship for him, became greatly affected. His whol
nature seemed melted. His eyes were suffusec
Mr. Bradford saw it all; and what a spectacle t
be witnessed by a man whose own bosom was ope:
to every generous impulse! If the great Condé, a
the representation of one of Corneille’s tragedie:
shed tears at the part where Cesar is made to utte
a fine sentiment, what was that, in its power to sti
the soul, though Voltaire has so emblazoned it, t
tears shed by Wasuineton over the real woes 0
LarayetteE! Washington—a nation’s founder, an
Lafayette, his heroic friend, who had crossed a
ocean to fight the battles of liberty by his side
Tears, tears they were, fit for the first of heroes t
have shed !

Going home in the pensive tone of mind whicl
a scene so moving, at the fireside of Washington
had created, Mr. Bradford sat down and wrote th
following simple but touching little stanzas, th
off-hand gushings from the heart of a man of sensi
bility and genius.

_ As beside his cheerful fire,

Midst his happy family,
Sat a venerable sire,

Tears were starting in his eye;
Selfish blessings were forgot,
Whilst he thought on Fayette’s lot.

Once so happy on our plains,
Now in poverty and chains.
IN PART FROM MEMORY. 101

THE LAMENT OF WASHINGTON.

Fayette, cried he, honored name!
Dear to these far distant shores,
Fayette, fired by freedom’s flame,
Bled to make that freedom ours.
What, alas! for this remains,
What but poverty and chains!

Soldiers on our fields of death,
Was not Fayette foremost there ?
Cold and shivering on the heath,
Did you not his bounty share?
What reward for this remains,
What but poverty and chains !

Hapless Fayette! midst thine error,
How my soul thy fate reveres;

Son of freedom, tyrants’ terror,
Hero of both hemispheres!

What reward for all remains,

What but poverty and chains!

Born to honors, ease and wealth,
See him sacrifice them all;
Sacrificing also health,
At his country’s glorious call.
What, for thee, my friend! remains,
What but poverty and chains!

Thus with laurels on his brow,
Belisarius begged for bread ;
Thus from Carthage forced to go,

Hannibal an exile fied.
Alas! Fayette at once sustains,
EXILE, Poverty, and Cuains!
102 A SKETCH,

The distinguished visitor of the illustrious famil:
circle, yielding to the flush of his feelings, had ver
tured, so far, to express, in his own form of metre
the lamentation heard from the lips of Washington
Warmed by the theme, and giving way to the hop
of Lafayette’s final liberation, he closes with th
following invocation to the suffering prisoner an
exile, in a strain hopeful and animating :-—

Courage, child of Washington !

Though thy fate disastrous seems,
We have seen the setting sun,

Rise and burn with brighter beams.
Thy country soon shall break thy chain,
And take thee to her arms again.

Thy country soon shall break thy chain,

And take thee to her arms again !

It must be borne in mind that the foregoing line:
were not written for publication. The publication
however, may now well be excused as _historicall;
bringing to light, from the sleep of half a century
the incident which they embody from the domesti
hours of Washington; for will not Americans for
ever welcome, with increasing reverence and aflec
tion, whatever may be new to them in the domesti:
life of the great founder of their empire? Thi
lines were the impromptu outpouring of a feelin;
mind impressed with the scene of moral beaut
and deep pathos, which he had just witnessed
As far as I know, they have never been in prin
before. Private copies passed from hand to ham
IN PART FROM MEMORY. 103

at the time they were written; and sometimes they
were sung, with the accompaniment of the piano
or harp, to the plaintive dirge composed on the
occasion of the execution of the Queen of France,
current in Philadelphia circles after that melan-
choly tragedy. It is known that Washington con-
tinued to the last to manifest a keen sensibility to
Lafayette’s situation; nor did he content himself
with passive regrets. Our ministers at European
courts were instructed to avail themselves of every
proper opportunity for expressing the interest which
the President took in his fate; and to employ the
most eligible means in their power to obtain his
liberty or mitigate his hardships. When he was
transferred to the dungeon in Austria, the auto-
graph letter which he finally wrote to the Emperor
of Germany to procure his liberation, though it
failed of its purpose at the time, will remain as a
model of dignity and high feeling, proclaiming to
crowned heads how harmoniously friendship and
humanity can be made to blend with the duties of
chief magistracy, when their just voice was uttered
by Washington.

This sketch would be more imperfect than it is,
without a few concluding words of one of the per-
sonages belonging to the group. The widow of
Mr. Bradford still lives, in an ancient town on the
banks of the Delaware, a beautiful relic of the
days here recalled; her house the abode of hospi-
104 A SKETCH, ETC.

tality as abundant, as it is cordial and elegant; ar
fourscore years and more, not having impaired tl
courtesy, the grace, the habitual suavity and kin
ness, or even that disciplined carriage of the perso
all made part of her nature by her early intercours
and the school in which she was reared; for if Po
tia, speaking of herself as Cato’s daughter and wii
of Brutus, could exclaim, “Think you I am n
stronger than my sex, being so fathered and s
husbanded?” it may be permitted to us to say o
this venerable lady, once of the Washington circk
and being “fathered and husbanded” as we hay
also seen, she could not be other than she is.

SYDENHAM,
1846.
CHARACTER

OF

MR. CALHOUN.
MR. CALHOUN,

LATE VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

“If I could have but one hour more to speak in the
Senate, I could do more good than on any previous
occasion of my life.”

THESE were among the last words of Mr. Cal-
houn. How appropriate to a patriot and states-
man as the lamp of life was going out! We cannot
know precisely what Mr. Calhoun would have said
in that last hour, but we are sure he would have
spoken with sincerity what he thought, and with
love of country in his heart. This great American
statesman has passed away; and his death recalls
points in his character of which it is the highest
praise to say they were like Washington’s. Wash-
ington did not flatter the people. Nor did Mr. Cal-
houn. Both loved Republicanism, but knew that
men individually are prone to error from passion,
ignorance, and other causes; and that communities
speaking and acting through majorities of men,
must often be in error. Mr. Calhoun was never

107
108 CHARACTER OF

afraid to express this sentiment or act upon it. |]
Washington had not put himself against popul:
error on the subject of the militia and short enlis
ments, it may be doubted whether he could hai
carried us through the Revolution, incomparab
as were his achievements as a soldier, and state
manlike as were his counsels to Congress from i
commencement to its close. The Revolution ove
his fame overshadowed all competition; but |
could hardly be prevailed upon to accept the Chic
Magistracy of the Union. He yielded at last on]
to the unanimous voice of his country. As Pres
dent, party never swayed his conduct. Mr. Ca
houn, though belonging to a party, rose above it.

Of all Americans, he was among the few n
carried away by the great shock in Europe in 184!
That our citizens should have given the Frenc
Republic a cordial first welcome, and that bot
Houses of Congress should have done the sam:
was natural; but in his place as Senator, in tk
midst of enthusiasm for France, Calhoun pause
He did not believe that by suddenly “ proclaiming
Republics, they were to be made. He knew thé
change was not always for the better, and when t
rapid could scarcely be good. He knew all exce
lence to be of slow growth, with nations as person:
that it comes of patience, education, and long trai
ing. His mind, full of light, inferred that suc
quick convulsive movements in the other hem
MR. CALHOUN. 109

sphere must be the work, with rare exceptions, of a
few selfish or deluded men in some places, and, in
others, of what Lord John Russell called, in the
House of Commons, “a society of circulating re-
volutionists.” The real masses, he believed, would
be placed by so violent an overthrow of existing
things in a worse condition than they were before.
He saw also that these suddenly “proclaimed” Re-
publics were totally different from ours. His know-
ledge of the Constitution of the United States, and
every thing that led to the establishment of our
Republic, taught him this. He believed that the
inherent tendencies of Republics starting into life
instantaneously, were to disorder. He feared their
deteriorating influences upon us. More especially
did he fear it from our predisposition summarily
to applaud all movements against existing authority
in Europe, no matter what their nature, or who
their instruments. He appreciated too much the
immense value of our own institutions, to behold
without grief the danger of disparagement to them
by the odium likely to be brought upon Republics
through the abuses of that word abroad.

Mr. Calhoun’s ambition was of the noblest kind.
Beautifully did his colleague say, in announcing his
death to the Senate,* “ We saw him a few days ago
in the seat, near me, he had so long occupied; we

 

* Mr. Butler.
9
110 CHARACTER OF

saw the struggle of a. great mind to overcome |
infirmities of a sinking body: it was the exhibit
of a wounded eagle, with his eyes turned to 1
heavens in which he had soared, but into which -
wings could never carry him again.” The fig
was happy and touching. No man was more pw
rarely a public man as pure. He had the
reliance of genius, without a particle of arroganc

When, as a Democrat of the Jefferson school,
entered Congress before the War of 1812, he sc
opposed himself to embargoes and non-intercour
as weapons unsuited to our people for preventing
redressing wrongs and insults. Yet they had be
the policy of his party. To arraign it was haza)
ing his popularity. He was then young, just ent
ing into political life. He did, however, arraign
promptly and openly. He was for drawing t
sword against the gigantic mistress of the se
The step was perilous. It was even darir
although, weighing our inherent resources, if '
would draw upon them, a step which his enlarg
mind. told him was as due to a true estimate of «
interests, as it was imperiously demanded by o
rages upon the national honor. His speeches
support of the war lifted up the feelings of 1
nation. They never contained impassioned wor
but always strong thoughts. His mind was d
tined to lead. His erect form at that day, his fi
eye, his constant energy and buoyant spirit, blenc
MR. CALHOUN. 111

with a personal courtesy intrinsically attractive,—
who that remembers all this can fail, now that he
is gone, to exalt to the proper height his manly
bearing and devoted patriotism? He did honor to
Carolina. He was one of the props of the Union.
The times were dark. Britain was our foe; her
formidable armies were upon our shores, fresh from
victory over Napoleon’s troops in Spain. Some
among our friends quailed, and hosts of our people,
fair in character and rich in means—especially in
the cities—were against us. The vindication of
the national rights fell upon the Middle and
Southern States—the new-born West co-operating ;
the latter limited at that time in population and
resources. The North, in their corporate capacity
as States, although there were splendid individual
and local exceptions, protested against firing a gun.
The South stood up for the whole Union. Compa-
ratively, she had scarcely a ship to be plundered, or
a man to be impressed, and Calhoun never faltered.
His fidelity to his country’s rights, and exertions in
her behalf, were unremitting. The elder Dallas
called him a young Hercules. He largely helped
to teach the public how to think, by the frank ex-
pression of his own thoughts at that trying epoch.
Nor did he ever disguise his thoughts. His great
competitor of Massachusetts, Mr. Webster, magna-
nimously made this declaration in the Senate last
month.
112 CHARACTER OF

The war ended, he assumed, at the call of P:
dent Monroe, the direction of the War Departm
In that post, his administrative abilities prove
be of the highest order. His brilliant career in
Senate since, has been so eloquently portrayed
his great associates of both parties in that body,
by speakers in the other House of Congress, w
his death was announced, that inferior hands
warned not to touch upon it. Nor is there
need to dwell upon his dignified incumbency of
Vice-Presidential office, or the ability with wl
he used the pen while Secretary of State.

His whole public life was in harmony with
nature. A paramount principle of duty was e
present to him. He sought public ends by me
varying as facts varied and time rolled on.
forty years; in an age of ceaseless activity; in
complications of policy and legislation incident
the shifting wants of a young and rapidly grow
country, teeming with production, and still new
many of the schemes and operations of natio
industry, Mr. Calhoun may be found the advoc
of opinions which he afterwards saw cause
modify, alter, or abandon. So among his illustri
compeers in the Senate you might have beheld
around him those who had been tariff and ai
tariff in opinion and conduct; bank and anti-bat
strict constructionists and latitudinarians. 1
difference is, and may here be adverted to not
MR. CALHOUN. 113

vidiously, that he ended for free trade ; the principle
to which the most prosperous nations would seem
to be more and more inclining, though conflicting
facts have hardly yet put at rest the conflicting
theories. And he ended a strict constructionist of
the Constitution; the doctrine which time and our
expanding confederacy seem more and more to
sanctify as the only doctrine for giving stability to
the Union.

We do not design in this imperfect sketch to
approve of all the opinions of Mr. Calhoun, though
we might be slow to condemn some that others may
have condemned; but we think his death a public
loss at this juncture. Jefferson loved him, Madison
loved him, Monroe loved him. The two latter con-
fided in his counsels. All three honored him. Nor
is it that we have been deprived of his talents that
his loss is alone to be felt. Talents, and great
talents, are never wanting in the world. We have
them here in abundance. In France you cannot
count them up. In Britain, in Germany, in Prussia,
in all great countries, they are exuberant. Not so
resolute integrity and honor in public men. It was
Washington’s supremacy in these that placed his
fame upon its matchless pedestal. It was his
uniform supremacy in these, at all times and under
all circumstances, which caused a gifted Frenchman
to exclaim in 1848, that “THE WANT OF THE AGE

was A European Wasuineton.” The talents of
8
114 CHARACTER OF

Calhoun could be matched; but not so easily :
strength and steadiness of his virtue; not so eas
his exemption from all that was underhand; not
easily his repudiation of all truckling as the pr
of his own exaltation.

A few concluding words. Our material pi
perity has been amazing. Is it as certain that p
tical morality increases in our country? There.
those who anxiously ask themselves that questi
The widening arena of contests for the Presidenc
the passions, intrigues, disappointments and ex
perations, they stir up under our rapidly augment:
population, making the prize more tempting, and
calculably increasing the competitors for it,—th
things are enough, without other foreshadowings,
start solicitudes to the bosoms of the reflecting.
there be cause for solicitude in all or any of th
omens, let every occasion be improyed for striv:
to avert it. Let Calhoun’s death be one of the
Let our young men imitate his moral course as |
best public safeguard. A great country is to be
their hands. Its institutions, its freedom, its p
and prospective renown, open a magnificent futu
But not if subordinate men with cunning mu
bear sway. This, in the end, would undermine
for all that is highest, purest, and most lasting;
all that is truly great in nations. And this wo
happen, though our fields might continue to prodi
their crops, our workshops their fabrics, our §
MR. CALHOUN. 115

ports their ships and steamers, our mines gold, and
our population indefinitely to increase.

The Senate has resolved that, at the call of his
family, the remains of Mr. Calhoun are to be re-
moved to his native State for interment. They
will be in charge of the Sergeant-at-Arms, as
specially appointed to that solemnity. A deputa-
tion of Senators will form the solemn escort. In
that State repose the ashes of the Marions, the
Sumpters, the Laurenses, the Gadsdens, the Pinck-
neys, the Lowndeses, the Rutledges—these are of
her honored dead. The ashes of Calhoun will
mingle with the sacred heap. Like Germanicus,
he departed in life to return in death; and as the
ashes of the great Roman were borne back to Italy,
so Calhoun’s to his beloved Carolina. Mourning
crowds will await their approach. The widowed
partner of his heart will be in their thoughts,
deepening the general gloom—as when Agrippina
bore the urn of Germanicus. But let her, let all,
take consolation in the thought, that his tomb will
be as a shrine, at which the youth of Carolina and
the nation, may reanimate the patriotism and virtue
which his life illustrated.
LETTER

TO A COMMITTEE OF INVITATION FROM THE DISTRICT OF PENN,

IN THE COUNTY OF PHILADELPHIA,

REFERRING 0

THE QUESTION OF AFRICAN SLAVERY,

AND

THE COMPROMISE ACT OF 1850.
LETTER

ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION.

SYDENHAM, PHILADELPHIA COUNTY,

2 November, 1850.
GENTLEMEN :—

Your kind invitation of the 30th of
October, on behalf of the Democratic citizens of
Penn District, to attend the celebration in honor of
the success of the Democratic cause in this county
and State at the late election, has been received.
I regret that I am deprived of the satisfaction of
assembling with you by a previous engagement; but
as festive celebrations like these are apt to be made
the occasion of expressing political sentiments, I
would frankly have expressed some of mine, had I
been able to assemble with you.
It is of the slavery question I would have spoken;

for this has become a question which absorbs, at
119
120 LETTER

present, all others in importance. I am of those
who think that our Union has been in danger from
it; not a visionary danger worked up in the heated
fancies of a few ultras at each end of the Union,
but real danger. The question has such deep roots,
that the “Compromise Act,” however good as far as
it goes (and for one I would have voted for it), can
never cure the bitter dissensions and menacing
aspects it has been long engendering. That act,
framed amidst complicated difficulties, and sup-
ported by the ablest men of both parties, Clay,
Calhoun, Webster, Cass, and others in Congress,
must be followed up by mutual concession and for-
bearance; above all, by the faithful performance of
constitutional obligations. Our Union is otherwise
gone. Itis not good speaking, good writing, or an
array of the advantages of the Union, however
powerfully put forth, that will be likely to save it
much longer. It must be saved by deeds, to be
done and abided by. I would have alluded, had I
been with you, to the sentiments lately expressed
by Mr. Justice Grier, of the Supreme Court of the
United States, on the fugitive-slave law. I would
have approved them with my whole judgment; and
in this connection I would have asked permission
to mention a case that came under my knowledge
nearly forty years ago.

When Judge Washington was on the bench of
the Supreme Court of the United States, and hold-
ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 121

ing, as such, a Circuit Court in Philadelphia, he
lost one of his slaves. He had run away, and was
supposed to be in Philadelphia. I was at that time
Attorney-General of Pennsylvania. It was not
long before the War of 1812. Judge Washington
sought my aid, in the legal steps under the State
laws for recovering his slave, and I afforded it.
The slave was recovered. There was nothing more
than a brief hearing before an Associate Justice of
the Court of Common Pleas of this county. No
popular clamor was raised. It was a simple ques-
tion of evidence under the Federal Constitution.
Did the slave belong to Judge Washington, and had
he absconded? Both points being settled in the
affirmative, the owner recovered him, and the de-
cision was acquiesced in as a matter of course.

But mark the difference since that era. Nobody
supposed that Judge Washington was a bad man or
a bad citizen. Like his immortal ancestor, he
owned slaves.* He treated them justly and kindly.
General Washington liberated his by will, as other
Southern slaveholders have done, and the number
who would do the same would probably be greater,
if the Northern people would abstain from inter-
ference. The South were the pioneers in forming
the Colonization Society. They organized, they
put it into operation, that they might be able to

 

* He was the nephew of General Washington, and inherited
Mount Vernon.
122 LETTER

send their emancipated slaves to Africa, in the hope
of achieving a great good. The distinguished and
upright Judge Washington was its first President.
Mr. Crawford, another distinguished Southern man,
was, I think, its second President; and Mr. Clay,
also of the South, its third. But again mark the
difference. Mark the strides of intermediate ageres-
sion upon the South. Witness the Northern clamor,
not only since the recent fugitive-slave law passed,
but for ten or twenty years anterior, when a
Southern owner has ventured to follow up a claim
for his absconding slave. Men of the North, other:
wise good citizens and good men, have long been
sanctioning, if not urging, resistance to the claim,
until it has almost reached the verge of treason.
Yet the claim rests on the same constitutional
obligations as when Judge Washington made good
his claim in Philadelphia. Who that reflects upon
this course towards the South can fail to see that
their rights are disregarded? And are philanthro-
pists of our day superior, as pure men, as wise men,
patriotic men, to Washington and his great asso-
ciates, the Franklins, Adamses, Madisons, Jeffersons,
Hamiltons, Jays, with the sages in their train, who
signed or approved the Federal Constitution with
all its sanctions, that of African slavery among
them?

The historian of the downfall of this Republic,
if doomed to premature downfall, will point to the
ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 123

emancipation by England of her West Indian slaves,
as the epoch when the Northern hostility to hold-
ing Africans in bondage in the Southern States,
first assumed its active inveteracy. England took
this step twenty odd years ago, paying to the
owners of these liberated Africans in her islands,
twenty millions of pounds sterling as a compensa-
tion for the loss of their property. As a citizen of
the Middle States, I have desired to avoid the bias
of North or South; to view this slavery question as
from middle ground; to view it as an American, on
national ground; and to view it, internationally, as
between the United States and Europe. This inter-
national phase of the question which has worked
itself into our feelings, has been helping to hurry us
into rash extremes of opinion and conduct. We
hide it from ourselves too much. In its nature it is
affronting, and merits emphatic notice, if only brief
notice.

When it was my lot to be in Europe as Minister,
proud of the country in whose name it was my
privilege and duty to speak, regardless of geogra-
phical or party divisions, nothing weighed upon me
more than the errors with which I found the ques-
tion of African slavery in this country so invariably
surrounded. These errors, if not produced, were
always reinforced and extended in that hemisphere,
by acts proceeding from our side of the water.
The Red Republicans of France, men ignorant of
124 LETTER

the first maxims essential to political liberty in
popular government as we understand them, even
they, in the first ecstasies under the sudden libera-
tion of their African slaves in the West Indies after
the revolution of ’48, could yet rail, and did rail, at
African slavery in America. And they could, and
did, cite American publications, too often one-sided
and inflammatory, to give color to their sarcasms.

Let us ask ourselves what claim France has, or
England, or any part of Europe, to shape our con-
duct upon this subject; to denounce it as incom-
patible with the alleged freedom of our institutions.
Let us try these lessons coming to us from abroad
by a pertinent test. Are we not predisposed to
bring into view the vast value of our own political
system? Do we not like to dwell on our rapid
advances under it; our vast strides into prosperity,
opulence, and power? Would we not, in some sort,
wish to exclude all European interference from this
continent, that the blessings of our system may the
more surely pervade all parts of it? Do we not
sometimes imagine it to be our mission finally to
overset, by our example, other forms of government,
that our better ones, as we think them, may stand
in the place of theirs, marked by injustice, ex-
clusiveness, and the oppression of the masses? It
is not to be concealed that our tendencies are
to indulge in this kind of self-complacency and
European disparagement.
ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 125

Now, let us keep in mind that it is the imperial
and royal governments, and those sharing their
sympathies, who put themselves against African
bondage in the United States; and that they do the
same against our democratic government. Most of
them hate it. Some of them would wish it destroyed.
None of them like it. We do not allow them to
dictate to us in government. The bare thought
rouses us. Why, then, are they to guide our opinions,
influence our conduct, or waft. over for our amend-
ment their lacerated sensibilities at the fact of
Africans being held in bondage here? They know
as little of its bearing upon the interests and obli-
gations of our country, as they do of our political
institutions. Can we forget the attack made a few
years ago in England by a public man, in a public’
speech, upon the American Minister in London, a
distinguished Southern man, because he owned
slaves?* These efforts by our own people to bring
about abolition in the United States becoming
known in Europe, through exaggerated facts and
misplaced commentaries upon them, by aggravating
the animosity between the Northern and Southern
States, are doing their work towards undermining
the very foundations of our democratic government.
The inference seems natural. Should the overthrow
of our Union be helped on by this kind of European

 

* Mr. Stevenson, who was so attacked by Mr. O’Connell.
10
126 LETTLIR

influence, Europe will be prone to believe that our
democratic forms have failed. Their failure, we
may presume, would cause little sorrow with heredi-
tary governments, or any governments - upholding
privileged classes; and neither with these, nor with
the people living under them, would our political
creed be likely to gain much in future should this
great Union fall.

England forced upon us the importation of slaves
from Africa. We strove to prevent it while colonies,
but could not,—England objecting. The race came
over here from a terrible state of existence in Africa:
a condition cruel and barbarous beyond description.
The three millions of the race now in the Southern
States have risen in the scale of human beings in
a period incalculably short, when we consider how
slowly the characteristics of a race change. This
could only have come about through good treatment
of them. I visited Mr. Madison at his estate in
Virginia just before he ceased to be President.
Slaves had descended to him from his father. I
rode with him over his estate. I saw them at their
various work and in their quarters. I saw how
well clad, well fed, well lodged, they were, and how
contented they appeared. The sick were attended
to, the aged and infirm exempted from labor and
made comfortable; and I saw every sign of attach-
ment in them all to their excellent master. More
recently I was in Maryland. There, too, on landed
ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 127

estates,—some large, some small,—worked by the
same race, scenes much of the same nature came
under my observation; and I could not repress the
wish that enlightened people of the North could
behold similar scenes, so numerous in the Southern
States, and witness the tone of manners, hospitable
intercourse, and good habits. going hand in hand
with them, in the proprietors of such estates. It
might serve to dispel many of the unfounded
opinions now entertained of our Southern brethren,
All ought to bear in mind how the industry of this
race, in their improved aggregate condition through
Southern instrumentality, has aided in augmenting,
beyond all power of safe computation from the mag-
nitude of the items, (cotton chiefly,) the reseurces
of our country, where all are parts of a grand whole.
The North have their abundant share, and have
had from the first, in the wonderful results. Good
results they may become to mankind at large, if our
example in government is to go for any thing among
nations. To the Africans themselves the results
may eventually prove beneficent.

Even while I write, the newspapers are stating that
a generous bequest has been made by a Southern
man, the late Mr. McDonough, of New Orleans, in
aid of the Colonization Society; the funds of which
have hitherto been enriched chiefly by Southern
contributions. Through that Society many libe-
rated Africans have already got back to the land

N
128 LETTER ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION.

of their progenitors, and many more may follow;
not only improved and civilized themselves, but dif-
fusing rays of civilization throughout that continent.
Such, at least, I am sure was the hope of those who
founded that Society. But deplorable under all
views will be the result, if this noble Union is to be
dashed to pieces by the spirit of abolitionism. Hap-
pily, there are found in the North patriots of great
intellect and fame, who, with just feelings towards
the South, go on striving to ward off that great
calamity.

These are some of the sentiments I would have
expressed had I been able to be with you. In my
absence, please to accept them in this form. The
answer I send to your invitation must be taken as a
proof that I value it; and much the more as coming
from those with whom I have been long living in
amity and good neighborhood.

I pray you, gentlemen, to accept for yourselves
and those whom you represent, assurances of the
respect and cordiality with which I am

Your fellow-citizen and friend,
Ricuarp Russ.

To Messrs. Joun 8. Nicuoxas, GeorcEe EsHER, and others,
Committee of Invitation.
SPEECH

AT THE MEETING OF

THE FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION AND UNION,

HELD IN PHILADELPHIA, NOVEMBER 21, 1850.
SPEECH

AT THE MEETING OF THE

FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION AND UNION,

HELD IN PHILADELPHIA, NOVEMBER 21, 1850.

Ir is with some reluctance, Mr. Chairman and
fellow-citizens, that I rise before you. I have been
little accustomed of late to address meetings of this
size; and you have already been addressed by those
more competent to the task, and will be addressed
by others. I declined being one of the regular
speakers, although honored by a request from the
committee to that effect, desiring to come here as a
listener only; but I cannot refuse myself to your
call. With you entirely in feeling, I will not with-
hold the contribution of my voice. To the reso-
lutions I need not speak specially, for already they
have been well explained. We are assembled to-
night not so much to convince each other of the
excellence of our cause,—for of that I assume all
here are satisfied,—as to strengthen each others’
convictions, to animate each other in feeling; so

that when we separate, each may labor in his own
131
132 SPEECH:

way with but the more zeal in support of the cause.
This I understand to be the great object which has
brought us together. Our cause is national, the
cause of both parties, of all parties, the paramount
cause of the ConsriruTion and the Union. I rejoice
at such a meeting as this in this great city. I
rejoice that we are adding our example to others
elsewhere set of similar meetings.

I call this a great city; and so it is, if we only
count numbers; but we may claim something more.
Events of which it has been the theatre in American
history make it memorable in the eyes of the Union.
Some of them are well alluded to in one of the reso-
lutions. Yes, fellow-citizens, in ’76 we were the
first city of confederated America in population,
trade, and finance; but we have still more pride in
saying that here assembled, from the thirteen old
Colonies, that noble band from whose unconquerable
spirit of freedom the great charter of Independence
issued. Here it was declared. From this city it
was first proclaimed to the nations of the earth. It
fixed their attention by its boldness, and could have
been ventured upon, in face of the vast power in
arms against us, by none but a race trained to
freedom, and knowing how to assert and secure it.
But that deed, transcendent as it was, might have
been of no value, might have turned out worse than
useless, but for the Federal Constitution which fol-
lowed.
THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION. 133

It is known to us all that from the close of the
bloody struggle of seven years to the adoption of
that constitution, we had fallen to the lowest point
of depression. Internal prosperity, we had none;
respect from abroad, we had none. Portentous
clouds hung over the future; the hearts of our
people were beginning to sink; disappointments
came over all, the more bitter from hope having
been so high; and for a while it seemed as if no
blessings, but the reverse, were to flow from our
triumph in arms over Britain. The government
which held us together whilst fighting, utterly
failed afterwards. The war over, that government
proved no better than a rope of sand, to which it
was often likened.

Then assembled, also in this city, from the thir-
teen States that had won the great battle, another
band of patriots and sages, with Washington at their
head. From their wisdom, experience, and long-
tried devotion to their country, the Federal Consti-
tution came into being. In that consecrated building
close by us, in the shady walks of the ancient elms
that surrounded it, were carried on from day to day,
from month to month, the anxious consultations and
discussions, which ended in establishing the Const
TUTION OF THE Unitep States. As a political fabric
entire and complete, combining the federative with
the national principle, complex in its parts; yet
harmonious in their operation, it would hardly be
134 SPEECH:

going too far to say that that great work, all things
considered, has never perhaps been equalled by
human hands. Do not let me seem to exaggerate ;
T desire to say only what judgment would approve.
The Declaration of Independence, bold, deliberate,
inevitable, as it was, only threw into being the dis-
jointed parts of a great nation. It was the Consti-
tution that cemented them together.

If, fellow-citizens, I had with me here to-night a
volume of the “Federalist,” I would dare to encroach
upon your time by reading a few short passages from
some of its earlier numbers. In looking into them
lately, I was struck beyond expression at their
applicability to the discussions going on at this
immediate juncture. I paused in admiration at the
force and beauty of language descriptive of the evils
we suffered under the old Articles of Confederation,
and of the advantages which the new Constitution
could scarcely fail in securing to us. In this con-
nection I will ask your permission to relate an
incident, occurring when I was Minister to France.
M. Guizot was then Prime Minister of the French
Government. Being Minister of Foreign Affairs
also, I was brought into frequent intercourse with
him. I need hardly say to you that he is reputed
to be among the most profound of living states-
men; many think him, as for one I also do, among
the purest. I once had a conversation with him
about the “ Federalist.” It took place in his parlor.

4
THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION. 135

Portraits were hanging there; among them one of
his own sovereign, Louis Philippe; one of Washing-
ton, and one of Alexander Hamilton. It was while
looking at the last that we were led to speak of the
“ Federalist ;” and I was delighted, though not sur-
prised, to find him perfectly familiar with the work.
Our conversation finished with these remarkable
words from him, for I afterwards wrote them down
as well as I could recall them: he said that “in the
application of elementary principles of government to
practical administration, it was the greatest work known
tohim.” See the scope of thought, the just analysis,
the able criticism, compressed in these few simple
but comprehensive words! The greatest work known
to him, under the views he indicated. Think of the
value of this homage. Known to him, perhaps the
best-read statesman in Europe, who was at the same
time engaged in the highest public affairs in a great
nation; to him, a daily debater, an able debater,
perhaps the most able, in the French Chamber of
Deputies, at that time abounding in able men!

To give this tribute from such a source, the more
application to our meeting of to-night, let me recall
to your recollection the great purpose of that work.
Its sole end and aim, from first to last, is to explain
the provisions, enlarge upon the advantages, and
pronounce the sober eulogy, of the ConstrTuTION oF
THE Unirep Srares.

Indulge me in saying something more of this
136 SPEECH:

justly-famed work. It was the production, with
slight exceptions, of those two master minds in our
history, Hamilton and Madison, each of whom had
so largely helped to form the Constitution. Not
ephemeral statesmen were these; not of the class
extolled when their party is uppermost, and drop-
ping into oblivion afterwards; no, they were not
such men. They were men of the highest order of
intellectual power; men observant of the present as
it was before them, instructed in the past, and there-
fore the better enabled to estimate the future; men
fitted to found systems of government, by their
ability to penetrate into the permanent wants and
interests of communities. This praise from M.
Guizot to the authors of the “Federalist,” is but a
portion of the exalted testimonials to the work,—a
single tribute, though high and precious; the intel-
ligent and reading public, wherever the work is
known, have long since put upon it the stamp of
their lasting approbation.

These two great men, Madison and Hamilton,
differed widely on points of public administration,
whilst actirig together so cordially and usefully in
the vast work, the difficult work, at times almost
the hopeless work, of forming the Constitution.
Let those’ assembled here to-night imitate their
high example in this respect. However we may
differ on various points of our public policy, let us
all rally round the Constitution and the Union.
THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION. 187

Here is a basis broad enough for all to stand upon.
May it prove one of adamant.

I have claimed, fellow-citizens, as proud memorials
of our city, that here Independence was declared,
here the Constitution formed. Here also was pre-
pared Washington’s Farewell Address. Here came
forth that immortal document—immortal, for should
the Union be destroyed, that document will survive.
It will survive to fill with pain our bosoms and
those of our descendants, that the Union was ever
allowed to be destroyed. Reconstructed it never
could be. If, fellow-citizens, all that has accrued
to us of prosperity and renown since the Union
was formed; if the success, almost incredible, which
under its powerful wing we have had as a nation in
the grand aggregate of our affairs, no matter what
errors or deficiencies, ingenuity and partial discon-
tent may be able to invent or even fairly to state;
if all this and more be insufficient to rouse us in
support of the Union, let Washington’s parting
advice do it. Let that bind all hearts together.
He helped to form the Union; he took it, as the
best and wisest step possible for us; he took it—
he would have fought, he would have bled for it.
But, himself of the South, he took the Union and
the Constitution with their full sanction of the
rights of the South.

Fellow-citizens, I feel that already I have been
trespassing upon your time; yet I feel that I cannot
138 SPEECH:

sit down without obtruding upon you one more
personal recollection. Born here, I have a boy’s re-
membrance, dim in some things, vivid in others, of
the “Federal Procession” in this city in ’88, to
celebrate the adoption of the Constitution. A
great day it was, for it was also the 4th of July. I
have seen coronations since, and other pageantry,
abroad, but they made not the impression upon me
which that day made. The procession passed along
our principal streets; those at least then built up
with lines of houses. It commenced from South
Street. Moving up Third Street, it went north-
ward to Callowhill Street. Passing through other
streets, Market Street among them, it finally turned
off to Bush-Hill, one of the country-seats of William
Hamilton, then rural and beautiful in all its scenery
and appearances, now covered with compact streets
and squares and houses. - Such details may be
mentioned to a Philadelphia audience, who now
only know their city as going westward over what
was then the romantic Schuylkill, and northward,
almost reaching Frankford, on the Delaware. At
Bush-Hill the procession halted. There, on an
extensive lawn, gently sloping downward in front
of the mansion, the festivities of the day wound up,
amidst the firing of cannon, bands playing, sports,
good cheer, and all other manifestations of national
joy. In the salons of the hospitable proprietor,
tables were spread for his friends and guests.
THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION. 189

There, after the procession had passed through the
streets, we beheld from the steps and windows of
the mansion the whole grand spectacle as con-
gregated on the lawn.

The procession embraced all trades and arts,
printers working at their craft, farmers guiding the
plough, troops in the uniform worn in the battles of
the Revolution, a temple with emblems conveying
the Judges, banners, glittering domes, and I know
not what besides. More than all, there was a
SHIP. She was equipped man-of-war : fashion.
She had her commander, lieutenants, midshipmen,
a seaman heaving the lead, a pilot on board, and all
complete. Canvass painted to resemble the sea,
dropped almost to her water line, and so nearly
touched the streets as to hide the machinery that
moved her. It looked as if the wind did it. What
reflections crowd into the mind of the patriot now
looking back upon that procession! What a sight
that ship for a boy! How emblematic it was of
our boundless commerce at present, as you heard
it stated by our distinguished first speaker to-night,
the late Vice-President of the United States. And
those stars and stripes at her mast head—how did
they prefigure our naval glory! How foretell the
deeds of those gallant spirits who, in our few
frigates, won victories over the mighty flag of
Britain, such as no nation had ever won from her
before! The Decaturs, the Stewarts, the Biddles,
140 SPEECH.

the Burroughs’s,—I name only those of our own
Philadelphia, not going on with the list; how pro-
phetic of all this, was the part of the procession I
am recalling!

The name of the ship I thus beheld moving as if
by enchantment, was the UNION. It was the
glorious name, seen waving in the air in her flags,
and placed in letters of gold upon her stern. Was
not this enough to make Union men of all? The
feeling ran through my boyish veins, grew stronger
in manhood, and has been a settled conviction in
riper years. At all times, fellow-citizens, under all
circumstances, at home and abroad, in peace and
war, under all Administrations, Republican or
Federal, Whig or Democratic, let us rally round
the Union.
LETTER

TO

WILLIAM H. TRESCOT,

OF SOUTH CAROLINA,

UPON PUBLIC AND DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS.

11
 
LETTER TO MR. TRESCOT,

OF SOUTH CAROLINA,

ON PUBLIC AND DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS.

SYDENHAM, NEAR PHILADELPHIA,

March 31, 1851.
My pear Sir:—

Your favor of the 23d would have been
sooner acknowledged, but that the season was upon
us here when those whose home is on a few acres
in the country, are apt to be called off by their
small rural occupations. This was my case when
your letter got to hand, but I now find myself at
leisure to write to you.

The pamphlet you were so good as to send me,
entitled “A few Thoughts on the Foreign Policy of
the United States,” written in ’49, and printed for
private distribution, came with your letter, and it
is with peculiar interest that I have read it. It
takes enlarged views of this constantly expanding
field of our public affairs, and some of them are
very striking by the independent turn of thought
they exhibit. It is so I regard the production.

Not confining myself to its mere acknowledgment,
143
144 PUBLIC AND

I will, with your permission, venture to go a little
into some of its points. The subject at any rate
offers some variety, from the discussions on home
topics which have been so largely absorbing us all
of late.

Taking up, for this occasion, only one of your
points, I must say, that the manner in which you
unfold the policy of harmony between ourselves
and England, and even of concerted movements if
necessary, merits, in my opinion, much attention.
The latter policy is not new with us, but has been
acted upon, and usefully, in a memorable instance,
to which I will refer before concluding.* The
objects, time and manner of applying such a policy,
would always be under the safeguard of our own
approval. It would therefore be free from danger;
and I can conceive of conjunctures when its appli-
cation might give hope of advantage to both coun-
tries, if not of being useful to other countries. We
have arrived at a point in time when the magni-
tude and quick succession of new events, arrest
the attention of all. New developments among
nations, and new geographical relations opening
between oceans and continents, are not simply
extraordinary, but must become in many respects
revolutionizing upon the intercourse, interests, and
opinions of mankind. Vast changes, at hand, must

 

* See p. 157, and note to p. 158.
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 145

necessarily affect some of the rules of our political
conduct. Sooner or later, we shall have to review
former opinions. We are part and parcel of Chris-
tendom, and it is no longer possible that a great
nation like this can be wholly detached from the
movements of Christendom, lest we should get into
“entangling alliances.” This was a wise rule when
we would have been the weaker party. Then, con-
certed movements of any description might have
been improper. Amidst the agitations of the
present, and uncertainties of the future, in Europe,
where can we so well look as to England for
national characteristics, intermediate between arbi-
trary systems of government on one side, and those
ideas which would topple down all government on
the other? What other nation is so near to us in
the great attributes of national and individual
freedom, or runs so parallel with us in the pros-
perity resulting from both, as Great Britain? Cer-
tainly no other.

As to mutual interests, I imagine that our deal-
ings with Britain and her dominions exceed con-
siderably, in amount and value, those we maintain
with all the rest of the world put together, France
and her dependencies included, though I have not
examined the latest statistical reports under this
head. The commercial interest has become a re-
cognised element in the calculations of nations.
Great Britain and the United States are the repre-
146 PUBLIC AND

sentatives of that mighty influence, becoming still
mightier as it more and more sweeps away the
small remnants of feudal influence. Why there-
fore should not two such nations, the one con-
fessedly foremost in this respect on the American
continent, the other actually so (of all European
nations) on the Asiatic continent, together discuss,
and if possible together arrange by joint counsels,
if seen to be reasonable, commercial and other in-
tercourse; discuss the principles belonging to such
intercourse; not like advocates, pressing logic beyond
its just limits in the hope of gaining advantage, but
like great umpires, conscious of mutual strength, as
of mutual interest? One of your remarks which I
have here repeated in your own words, assures me
that you will confirm this sentiment. Long ago
has public wisdom taught, that the prosperity of
nations is linked together, each being apt to prosper
the more, as all prosper. In concerted operations
with England, it might fall to our lot to be auxi-
liary to the interests of other countries for the
common benefit.

But my dear sir, few among us, I imagine, would
find the predominating numbers of our countrymen
prepared to look with favorable first impressions on
the policy you suggest and so well explain. We
have become too powerful. So it would be thought.
Through our freedom, industry, boundless com-
mand of fertile lands, and the happy adaptation of
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 147

our institutions to the character, habits, and in-
terests of our whole people; through these, as the
great impelling causes for drawing out an exube-
rant prosperity, our population, riches and power,
have been augmented rapidly and prodigiously.
It would be nothing strange, but rather a little
excusable, if it produced in us moments of patriotic
intoxication. If our increase in the past has been
prodigious, it baffles calculation in the future. Of
our present power we are naturally proud, and it
has increased proportionably our confidence in our-
selves. England is powerful too, but we think her
less so than she is. These twofold considerations
render it unlikely that we would be willing to share
with her a policy aiming to counteract influences
among any of the great continental powers of
Europe, however far they might stretch Absolutism
on the one hand, or run into Red Republicanism
on the other; or to concert with her, measures for
any other purposes.

So long also have we been accustomed to regard
England with suspicion, and to look to France as
our true connection in the other hemisphere, if any
connection we are to have there, that these feelings
have become political habits with us. We should
scarcely know how to change them. New phases
in the political horizon, some visible, others ap-
proaching, to recommend to our dispassionate con-
sideration new and different feelings, might not at
148 PUBLIC AND

first be seen. An impediment more powerful is to
be taken into the account. It is the more liable to
mislead, because soothing to our strongest national
feelings. We are beginning to count upon our own
supremacy on the water. Our thoughts lift them-
selves up to supremacy in other things sooner, it
may be, than we shall acquire it in all things, even
upon this continent. In these miraculous days of
steam, and electricity, and material advancement
otherwise, in ways never expected or dreamed of,
“progress” is not confined to ourselves, amazing as
ours has been. Other nations have caught its
spirit. Especially is England imbued with it; and,
in conjunction with the increasing liberality of her
legislation and sagacity of her policy, is making
full profit of it in carrying forward her resources
and strengthening her dominion, at home and
abroad. She sees what the age is doing, and is
harnessed for the race. She bounds forward in
spite of all supposed or real drawbacks upon her.
In some things she leads; as in establishing a great
system of ocean steamers, suited to commerce and
war; and in cheap postage, which we have copied
from her, and will improve upon, I hope. I do not
mention other things; but all who watch what she
is about, may perceive that she is alive to the new
age with all its requisitions upon enterprising and
energetic nations. She knows also that mere num-
bers do not always constitute the sole element in
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 149

national strength any more than in national
wisdom.

Moreover, the opinion spreads among us since our
power became manifest, that it is now more than
ever our allotted destiny, through the overshadow-
ing influences of our example, to change the govern-
ments of the world. Instead of “all nature’s differ-
ence keeping nature’s peace,” the wish appears to
be growing upon us to behold all nations alike—all
like ourselves. But is it reasonable to suppose that
all governments will ever be alike, any more than
that the earth will be overspread with only one
plant, though it were wheat, for example—the very
best of them? Your views on our foreign relations
and policy, my dear sir, open a large field, and I
should not do you justice unless I held them all
up as treated in your pamphlet. It is also the field
least susceptible of being closely inspected, and is
least accurately explored in point of fact, of any
other falling within the usual scope of thought and
inquiry among our people. The foreign relations
of all countries le more out of sight from general
view, than home concerns, and -are less studied,
because less apt, at first, unless under extraordinary
conjunctures, to affect the immediate or perceptible
interests of a people. What I very much like in
your discussion is, that, whilst in its general drift it
is awake to the changes of the age, it does not ex-
clude, as an element in reasoning, truths in govern-
150 PUBLIC AND

ment that never change, no matter what may be its
external forms. Another good quality must com-
mend it to all; namely, that you avoid all “ fright-
ful confidence,” as a French writer calls it, in asser-
tion or opinion on subjects intrinsically devoid of
certainty.

Turning then to your letter, weighing with it the
general matter of the pamphlet, and having more
immediate reference to your suggestions’ respecting
England and ourselves, I would take the liberty of
saying, as you do not at all seem to have made up
your mind to write more, proceed with the discus-
sion—amplify and enforce it as you could do from
your attainments and power of applying them,—were
I not somewhat checked in such counsels at present
by incipient signs of some totally new feelings into
which we seem to be sliding towards England.

Scarcely do I know how to portray the novel
feelings to which I have allusion, but will touch
upon them. In the day of our comparative weak-
ness, we had a feeling of uneasiness towards
England. It was prone to think evil; and, from
many and obvious causes, was largely a harsh
feeling. It never rose to fear, but was anxious
and brooding, from the sense we had of her power.
At the present era, the consciousness of our own
power, appears to be creating an ‘insensibility to
hers. The change, so far, is intelligible, to what-
ever extreme it may have gone. But the new
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 151

position towards her at which we have arrived in
regard to that great test among nations, their
power, seems to be bringing in its train another
new feeling; even a new doctrine, hitherto as
strange. The more strange is it, as the very
reverse might rather have been anticipated with
the ascending influence of the American name.
We would throw her off altogether as our parent
stock. We would strike at the very root. on which
so majestic a political fabric has been raised by us
in this new land! In portions of the Middle States,
in parts of the great West, and in the North-West,
a doctrine is started, yes, truly, a doctrine is occa-
sionally started and struggles to peep upwards, that
we are not of the Anglo-Saxon race! This, at first
blush, may seem incredible. Indications of it may
not have reached you at the South; but so it is.
How much farther the notion is to go, what new
shapes take, how much more of history is to be
changed into fanciful and novel shapes for its sake,
and for what ends, passes my comprehension, as it
probably will yours.

Some of the causes of it may be easily read.
Others I need not recount. That the English are
a mixed race is true; and so much the better for
them, as Macaulay has forcibly pointed out in some
of the best pages of his history. That Scotland
and Ireland are of her home empire, all know.
That from these portions of it we had large num-
152 PUBLIC AND

bers of our people during and before the Revolu-
tion, of the highest ability and merit, as well as
those of German and Dutch ancestry, and of French,
from the Huguenots, is also true; and equally true
that the great American family has been strength-
ened and enriched by subsequent incorporations
into it from these and other sources. It was so
that Rome attained her final grandeur. But that
the charters of the thirteen original colonies which
founded this great nation were all derived from
England; that Independence was declared in the
English language; that that is the language of the
nation, its laws, literature, state papers, journals of
Congress; of those who sit in its judgment-seats ; of
all the records of its wonderful colonial growth and
importance, as Burke truly, philosophically and
gorgeously described both, in his imperishable
speeches; the language which embalms the im-
mortal story of our Revolution, with Washington
at its head, himself of full English descent; the
language which its other heroes and sages spoke,
and the rich treasures of which formed their
minds, taught them to think, and supplied them
with the most effective of all their intellectual
weapons, for arguing down the exercise by England
of arbitrary power over us, more, far more, than
Grecian or Roman authors, who so often side with
power against right; that it is the language in
which goes the word of command to our army
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 153

and navy, and embodies the general orders after
victory—such facts belong to the past, as well as
that we inherit trial by jury from the English, the
habeas corpus from the English, and the great
elements of the English common law. The solid,
effulgent memory of all, cannot be obliterated.
They belong to the past. The retrospect of them
is the richest that any people under heaven have
ever been able to claim as establishing their origin,
and stamping the causes of their stupendous ad-
vancement in so brief a period of time. England,
no other race; England, with her host of famous
men, in genius, science, letters; in hardy, persever-
ing, and bold enterprise; in a high spirited sense
of independence and freedom; famous in peace,
famous in war; famous all over the globe, by sea and
land, before we were founded—this England, with
her wide circle of faults, wider of glory,—is the true
parent stock of this great nation, deny it who may ;
and that she is, will stand out in all time as her
greatest glory of all. I pass from the seeming
digression, though it may probably strike you as
not irrelevant to the subject in hand to us.

No part of your effort has drawn more of my
attention than the part about Cuba. This question,
from whatever point surveyed, is, as you intimate,
beset with difficulty. I think with you, that the
immense shipping of England, her commercial inte-
rests and sympathies, her long-existing Gulf settle-
154 » PUBLIC AND

ments, and her adjacent interests in the West Indies,
entitle her to a reasonable share of our attention
on those subjects. To such considerations, as you
unfold them, I would emphatically add, that the day
of dread of her power of aggression upon us, has
gone by. But would the popular voice of our
country permit this counseling with England, al-
though we retained, as of course we should retain,
the right of decision im our own hands? Our
jealousy of her is not at an end, however able we
now may be to counteract its injurious effects,
should she meditate any; and it is the popular voice
which, whether hastily or deliberately uttered, will
henceforth, and more and more as our power in-
creases, decide without appeal these and other great
coming questions in our foreign policy, before the
Executive or Congress can consider them. That
voice will be likely to proclaim absolute American
ascendency in this gulf, as on this continent and its
adjuncts. With its present predispositions, it would
probably listen to no participation with England.
It would distrust her motives. It would underrate
her present power,and turn with incredulity from °
those sources of it which, in the opinions of her own
intelligent and ruling people, promise to give it
increase for long periods to come.

These are some of my impressions. You may not
share them with me. I, indeed, might incline to
say, as you also perhaps might, why should two
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 155

powerful nations, each knowing its own power, and
each in possession of its independence and circum-
spection, distrust each other? It is for the weak
to be jealous and fearful. The strong are neither.
Or why should two nations like the United States
and Britain, in their altered attitude to each other,
continue to quarrel in their thoughts, because they
have been twice at war? Why should we fear any
joint movement with Britain? Is it because we
would aim to do wrong, or claim too much for our
share in the counsels? I am unwilling to believe
it. We shall inevitably have enough of territory,
influence, and every thing else, as time goes on, if
we keep together. Is it because her government
differs in its constitutional forms from ours? Would
this be wise? Surely we cannot imagine that she
will overturn ours. Our noble institutions of free-
dom, with all their preponderating excellence, never-
theless intermingle with them defects interwoven
with the works of man. Our well-founded national
pride, running to the borders of too much self-
exaltation, couples itself with an insensible prone-
ness to disparage nations whose institutions are
unlike our own; and chiefly do numbers among us
give themselves to the belief that England is an
impoverished, sinking country, yet always thinking
of mischief to other countries. Some of our presses
—strange to say—would have it, that the “World’s
Fair,” soon to open at her crystalline palace in the
156 PUBLIC AND

Park, that imposing scene of the industry and genius
of modern nations, to be concentrated in peaceful
rivalry within her metropolis, and of which she has
given the first example in modern times, is only a
contrivance to hoodwink mankind and save herself
a little longer from ruin, by collecting money in
London for the benefit of her own impoverished
and taxed people! How to reconcile apprehensions
that she may injure us, with a belief that she is
tottering under burdens too much for her to carry,
and that she cannot cast off, would seem not an
easy task. But I must separate myself from such
topics, lest I should be running into dissertations.

I must by no means omit to remark, that the diffi-
culty of practical arrangements to any just and
guarded extent, between ourselves and Great Britain
in regard to Cuba, the Gulf, and parts adjacent,
would be augmented by the great question of the
day, one still deep-rooted and angry,—I mean that
of African Slavery among us. Of the true nature
of this question, as one exclusively internal to our-
selves, England is as ignorant, as we in general are
of her home affairs, perhaps more so; yet she decides
upon it even more confidently, than we do on things
belonging to her internal condition and prospects.
But this need not check concert between us on occar
sions more free from. embarrassment, should any:
such arise and give hope of good results.

At your request, I send with this letter other
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 157

copies of the political essays transmitted after
receiving your first pamphlet, but which it appears
did not reach you. I send also, for your indulgent
acceptance, the second volume of a work published
by me a few years ago, where you may see, in the
places indicated on a slip of paper, notices of the
first attempt in our diplomatic annals towards inter-
national co-operation, on our part, with England
against other powers. This is the instance to which
I have heretofore referred. [Ante, page 144.] The
object was highly just, and the result sufficiently
_ successful, though not under the forms proposed,
owing to a single impediment at that time existing.
The main proposal was, and its first suggestion came
from the English Foreign Secretary (Mr. Canning)
to the Minister of the United States in London, I
then being in that capacity, that the two powers
should make a joint declaration before Europe, to
the effect that if the Holy Alliance, after over-
throwing the then existing constitution in Spain,
established by the people under the auspices of the
Cortes (which ultimately they did overthrow by the
instrumentality of a French army), attempted, by
force of arms, or force of influence, to arrest the
progress of emancipation and independence in the
Spanish colonies on this continent, the two powers
would put themselves against so arbitrary a project.
The project was stopped effectually. England

would have stopped it herself, but sought our co-
12
158 PUBLIC AND.

operation; and the knowledge by the Allies. that
if things had proceeded to extremity, such co-ope-
ration would have been afforded, was doubtless of
full value in raising a bar to the least attempt at
such a course. There will also be found in the
same book a condensed history of the celebrated
“Monroe Declaration” on the subject of European
interference in the affairs of this continent, put
forth in the Message of President Monroe to Con-
gress in 1823.

In conclusion, I pray you, my dear sir, to believe in
the cordial consideration and esteem with which I am

Your faithful servant
and. correspondent,
Ricuarp Rusu.

NOTE.

Mr. Canning was unwilling to comply with the condition pro-
posed by Mr. Rush, that Great Britain would “unequivocally
and immediately acknowledge the Independence of the Spanish
American Colonies,” as a preliminary to Mr. Rush’s concurrence
as American Minister, in a “joint declaration before Europe” by
the two powers. The history of this proposal by Mr. Canning
to Mr. Rush is given, in authentic detail in the 21st and 22d
chapters of the 2d volume of his Residence at the Court of Lon-
don, pages 412, 443. After a lapse of now nearly forty years,
with the subsequent history of those colonies, it may not be
without interest to recall the narrative of the interviews of the
two functionaries. In presenting this condition to the English
Foreign Secretary, Mr. Rush acted without instructions.. In
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 159

his despatch to the Secretary of State, Mr. Adams, giving an
account of the proposal of Mr. Canning, in his note of the 23d
August, 1823, Mr. Rush uses this language: “Should I be
asked by Mr. Canning, whether, in case the recognition be
made by Great Britain without more delay, I am on my part pre-
pared to make a declaration, in the name of my government, that
it will not remain inactive under an attack upon the independence
of those States by the Holy Alliance, the present determination
of my judgment is that I wil? make such a declaration explicitly,
and avow it before the world. Iam not unaware of the responsi-
bility which I should by such a measure assume upon myself.”
In thus being the interpreter of his own powers, Mr. Rush
had the satisfaction to receive subsequently the approbation of
his government. His despatches—transmitted in quadrupli-
cate—reaching the United States in time to engage the delibera-
tions of President Monroe and his Cabinet before the meeting
_of Congress, in December, 1823, may have had their just in-
fluence in producing in the President’s Message, the celebrated
‘Monroe Declaration ;” the condensed history of which is given
in the same volume, chapter 23, pages 455, 460 —Epirors.
SECOND LETTER

To

WILLIAM H. TRESCOT,

OF SOUTH CAROLINA,

UPON PUBLIC AND DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS,

WITH REFERENCES TO THE COURSE OF THE UNITED STATES AS A NEUTRAL POWER
AND THEIR ACHIEVEMENTS UPON THE OCEAN DURING THE WAR OF 1812.
SECOND LETTER TO MR. TRESCOT.

SYDENHAM, NEAR PHILADELPHIA,
May 3, 1851.

My pear Sin:—

I have received your letter of the 26th
of April, and will reply to it at once.

In a review of diplomatic history, should you
undertake such a task, a division into the three
periods you indicate—Ist, from the peace of West-
phalia to the peace of Utrecht; 2d, from the peace
of Utrecht to the peace of Paris in 1763; 3d, from
the peace of Paris to the present times—would
unfold a large plan, full of matter highly interesting
in international affairs.

The third period would be the most important
and stirring. Parts of it fall within the personal
knowledge of many still living, and the easy re-
searches of all. It comprises startling revolutions
among nations; the most formidable operations of
war, with results the most momentous by land and
sea; and the most wide-sweeping transactions in

diplomacy of the last century and early part of the
163
164 PUBLIC AND

one in which we live. Under this period, oppor-
tunity would open of doing justice to our country
for the part it took in the cause of neutrality; and
also of recalling an outline of our achievements in
arms, that ultimate negotiator to which we were
finally obliged to have recourse. Without recalling
these achievements, the spirit and compass of our
diplomacy could not be adequately illustrated. The
two, together, give us a marked place in history,
had we done nothing else. The subject is ample
and inviting. It is remembered only partially
among ourselves; and I am somewhat tempted by
the opportunity your letter affords, to say something
more of it than would otherwise be necessary, in the
possible hope of being able to create in your mind
some little inducement to go into it all yourself. I
must do this at the risk of perhaps not always saying
what you may concur in,—a risk I had to run in my
former letter; but my errors may start truths to you,
and I will knowingly fall into none of fact. It is
only by recalling facts in connection with principles
that justice can be done to this young Republic.
From the commencement of the wars of the old
French Revolution, and earlier, the state papers of
the United States which aimed at upholding the
fair rights of the neutral flag, and thus maintaining
the domain of commerce and civilization, would
probably form, were all collected and arranged, the
best international code under this head to be found
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 165

in any one volume extant of the same compass.
The increase of our tonnage during these wars, was
very great. In addition to our large exports and
imports, for we then manufactured but little, we
took the lead of all nations in an immense carrying
trade. This greatly exposed our merchant vessels
in all seas to high-handed molestation in all ways.
Besides the heavy outrages we received from the
first French Republic; outrages within our territory
and ports as well as at sea; there was the British
“ Provision order” of June, 1793;* the French con-
sular and imperial decrees of Berlin, Milan, Bayonne,
Rambouillet ; the British orders in council issued
and re-issued ; the application of their old rule of
’56 ;+ vast nominal blockades, half the world over,
by England, and the enforcement by France of the
“continental system,” so called, of Napoleon—both
alike desolating to lawful commerce; the impress-
ment of our men by England, with her deeply aggra-
vated attack upon our frigate Chesapeake in time
of peace; each nation striving, as if in the rivalry
of belligerent fury, which could wrong us the most
—all these, and more than these, made up the viola-
tions, indignities, and losses to which we were ex-
posed. To settle, as between these two great

 

* An order of the British government which declared provisions
to be among the articles contraband of war.

+ The rule which prohibited to neutrals trade with British
colonies in time of war, not open to them in time of peace.
166 PUBLIC AND

nations, the proportion of belligerent. aggression
against us, would be extremely difficult. Altogether,
they brought us into a position to stand up for the
neutral cause, and we became foremost in that
championship for not much less than a quarter of a
century while the world was in arms. It was a
most eventful epoch. Many of the liberal principles
which had been gaining head under maxims incul-
cated by a long list of pure and able publicists, and
the consent of nations, were beaten back by the
fearful height to which the war passions of Europe
were roused. These for a time swept away all
reason and justice. A ruthless law, the law of
force, or “retaliating force,” as it was often termed,
usurped their place, seeming to portend the entire
extinction of reason and justice among the nations
of the earth.

Yet, in 1814, when Napoleon was first struck
down, the great Allies took no notice of us in their
treaties of peace and settlement at Vienna, multi-
tudinous as those documents were, and compre-
hending almost all other subjects between nations.
Not one word of intercession had we from any one
of them. In regard to our situation, they all
became mutes. We had gone to war against
England single handed. The war was still raging.
Nevertheless, they left us to be crushed by her
enormous power; for her undivided strength by sea
and land, was now free to be used exclusively
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 167

against the United States. Such was the condition
of things. Events flowed from them among the
most striking that have ever occurred between
nations. To portray them fitly, might tax the
ablest pen. The calm retrospect of them, now that
the passions and partisanships of that day are over,
seems like the marvels of history.

The European Alliance left us, I have said, to be
crushed. This they must have believed. This in-
ference was forced upon them, when they looked
only to the overwhelming preponderance of British
naval power. Consider what it was! Not only
did it preponderate to an extent making all numer-
ical comparison absurd, over any we had in a state
of equipment, but over that of all Europe combined.
Still, it was absence of all wisdom in those conti-
nental powers, either through fear of offending
England, or dislike to the principle of our govern-
ment, coldly to stand aloof from us. Most especially
was it so in France and Russia. We were fighting
for the just freedom of the seas. We were fighting
their battles as well as ourown. We were fighting
them with a more sterling and well directed courage,
with a superiority of skill, and, as it turned out,
with more effect, than ever marked any, the greatest,
of Napoleon’s battles or most splendid of his cam-
paigns. Let not this be called American boast.
Rather let facts be recalled.

The very act of our going to war was heroic.
168 PUBLIC AND

No language could be too strong in describing it.
We were to fight against incalculably more odds
than ever Napoleon did. We went out upon the
deep with only a sling in our hands. We went
upon the deep against a foe that it might have
been thought would at once consign all our ships to
its dark caverns. That foe had vanquished French
ships wherever to be found, brave as the French
ever are, until all their ships were captured, sunk,
or had to seek shelter from destruction by running
into their own ports. This was their sole refuge.
Not one of them could venture any more upon the
ocean, singly or in fleets. Not another gun could
Napoleon mount at sea, with all his vast power
on land. A similar doom had awaited the navies
of Holland, Spain, and all other nations. The idea
of our coping with England, even elicited sarcasms
in the House of Commons. Canning, in one of his
speeches, alluded to our flag as “that little bit of
striped bunting.” Not only did we begin our war
after Napoleon had exhausted, to no purpose but
disasters to himself, his resources and efforts against
England; but there was more to appal us, had that
feeling been in us. He had drawn upon the whole
maritime border of the Mediterranean and Atlantic,
among European nations of the continent conquered
and tributary to him (and which among them were
not?), to aid him in ships and seamen to go against
England on the seas, or invade her in her island.
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 169

All these were scattered or demolished. England
had. driven them all back to port, or made wrecks
of them. Duncan at Camperdown, Howe on the
Ist of June, 94, Nelson at the Nile, Cochran in
Basque Roads, Parker at Copenhagen, Nelson again
at Trafalgar,—these names recall vividly, but only
in part recall, the destruction which the naval
thunders of England dealt among her foes, wherever
it was possible for her to assail them. Never
before was there such havoc on the sea by one
nation against all the rest. All had yielded in
hopeless submission to that one. For warlike pur-
poses, it is not too much to say that Europe was
annihilated upon the seas. The banner of the
United States, alone, floated in solitary fearless-
ness. Lastly, we began the fight with a navy which
was as nothing in size to the French navy, when
Napoleon first had the direction of it against Eng-
land. When then, in all time, were such odds seen
as we had against us? I am unable to remember
anything like it.

And what was the progress, what the issue, of the
contest upon the great highway of nations, as we
maintained it, after the daring manner in which we
went into it? Instead of our ships of war, few in
number as they were, being driven from the seas, as
Napoleon’s were, they increased in number as the
war went on. They increased in the activity of
their service and brilliancy of their victories. They
170 PUBLIC AND

were in all seas. They ran down to Cape Horn.
They scoured the Pacific. They were all over the
Atlantic. They went into the West Indies and the
East Indies. Skilfully avoiding the enemy’s fleets,
they hunted up his single ships. They watched in
their paths. They entered the British Channel,
In all latitudes they sought this gigantic foe on his
own element. They strove to be foremost in the
attack. They encountered him ship to ship, witha
chivalry, with a perfection of discipline, with a
constant superiority in gunnery,* and with a success,
utterly before without example by any other nation
in the world. In vain did he plead that our ships
were heavier than his. Sometimes they were. In
some instances it was the reverse. In others his
were not merely subdued, but shot to pieces and
sunk, in an almost incredibly short time. Glory
then to this young and dauntless nation, which,
relying upon itself alone to vindicate neutral rights,
while Europe with folded arms was waiting to see it
sacrificed, speedily and triumphantly broke the
terrific spell of English invincibility upon the
ocean.

The result riveted universal attention. Britain
had: ruled the waves. So her poets sang. So

 

* This is fully admitted by Major General Sir Howard Douglass,
in his “Treatise ‘on Naval Gunnery,” a book of high authority,
published with the approbation of the Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty in England. '
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 171

nations felt; all but tis young nation. Her trident
had laid them all prostrate; and how fond was she
of considering this emblem as identified with the
sceptre of the world! Behold, then, the flag, which
had everywhere reigned in triumph supreme, send-
ing forth terror from its folds—behold it again, and
again, and again, lowered to the stars and ‘stripes
which had risen in the new hemisphere. The spec-
tacle was magnificent. The European expectation
that we were to be crushed, was tumed into a feel-
ing of admiration unbounded: Our victories had a
moral effect far transcending the number or size of
their ships vanquished. For: such a blow upon the
mighty name of England, after many idle excuses,
she had at last no balm so effectual as that it was
inflicted, and could only have been inflicted, by a
race sprung from herself.

Here let me say, that no one in our whole nation
did more towards infusing into Congress the lofty
tone that led to these memorable results, than your
Mr. Calhoun. Congress was backward at declaring
war, from the terrible odds against us, and the out-
door belief, almost universal: except among our
naval officers, that we could not face England.
Calhoun went with the very foremost of those
patriotic and high-spirited men in both houses who
were for. throwing the nation upon its courage and
its sword. Happen what would, they knew we
should not be dishonored in battle; whilst ignoble
172 PUBLIC AND

submission was sinking us as a great people. We
began to build ships of the line as the contest drew
to a close, our energies rising with the contest. On
the lakes, we had only fleets of small size. England,
to meet us there in like fleets, sent over through the
Canadas the frames of vessels, and her naval officers
and men. There, also, our victories, in each instance
where the fleets met, were alike decisive and re-
splendent, though won with great loss of blood on
both sides for the numbers engaged.* But the
matchless deeds of our frigates and sloops of war
on the ocean, did more than was ever done before
for the neutral cause; more than was done by the
famous “Armed neutrality” of 1780. Turn to the
account of that maritime league, one of mere words,
which England disregarded, and see how little it
achieved, compared to American ships at. this
glorious maritime epoch for America. As to the
“ Armed Neutrality” of 1800, England shivered that
to pieces in a day with her naval cannon.

Equally true is it that Napoleon was blind to our
naval efficiency and capabilities. It was perhaps
the greatest of his mistakes. He judged us from
our having no ships of the line when the war
began, though even then we had a larger commerce

 

* In the engagement on Lake Erie, Barelay, the British com-
modore, a gallant officer who had served under Lord Nelson,
having the wind at first, bore down on our fleet with the bands of
music on board his ships playing “ Rule Britannia.”
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 173

and tonnage than any nation but England, per-
haps double of all that France had; and who does
not know that commerce and tonnage create navies?
He ought to have remembered this, and, in con-
nection with our established aptitudes for the sea,
to have drawn the proper conclusions.

Napoleon seemed ignorant that to keep up a
large navy in peace was no part of our system.
Our co-operation with him, had he sought it in
time, and on terms to which a spirited nation could
have assented; would have been of more conse-
quence to him than any one of his European alli-
ances. We were the only nation to make head
against England at sea; and England was the
nation that, by her exhaustless resources for war
by herself, for sometimes she was left alone; her
subsidies to other powers; her indomitable courage;
her leadership of the combinations against him, and
perpetual defiance of him, while Russia, Austria,
and Prussia, each in turn cowered or rushed into
his embraces; England, by never giving up, but
always fighting on and inciting other powers to go
on with the fight—caused his empire to come down
with a crash. He never did anything for neutral
rights. He never cared anything for them. His
iron grasp was at ubiquity of dominion. England
stood in his way. England was the barrier against
which all his hatred, all his array of power, all his

bulletins, all his threats, were in vain. His efforts
13
174 PUBLIC AND

for her downfall, under plea of restoring the liberty of
the seas—for this was among his pleas—efforts that
overleaped all international law in his treatment of
us upon the seas, ended in his own downfall, leaving
Lugland, in effect, at the head of Europe, and himself
borne to his exile in an English ship. So ended the
great war drama of those days. It closed like a
mighty epic, full of bloody grandeur—nations, kings
and principalities its characters, the globe its theatre.

But we had no downfall. We rose. In looking
back upon our share in the battles, they seem like
the romance of real war—the consummation of
its triumphs upon the waves. Nor can I quit
this part of the glowing theme without adding, that
the martial beauty it has forever imprinted on our
shield, is enhanced by the signal courtesy with
which our victors invariably treated the foe when
the battle was won.

Call to mind, also, what our diplomacy has
always been striving to do in other fields, new
until we entered them, for the interests of hu-
manity and the right kind of progress among
nations. Besides our early treaty with Prussia for
the abolition of privateering, you will find, page
576 of the book sent to you, the proposals this
nation has made to all maritime nations, for
ABOLISHING ALL PRIVATE WAR UPON THE OCEAN.
This goes beyond the abolition of privateering. It
aims at tying up the hands of Governments from
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 175

becoming plunderers of private property on the
high seas. The effect of adopting the principle
would be, that natTionaAL ships could no longer
capture merchant vessels engaged in lawful trade,
though belonging to one of the belligerent parties.
Bear in mind, also, that the nation making these
proposals to all other nations, had been able, with
her national ships and letters of marque, to capture
twelve or thirteen hundred British merchant vessels
during our short war of 1812. Hence, we were not
likely, in the long run, to be the losing party among
nations, had we stood upon the base calculations of
rapacity fostered by privateering, and the capturing
of merchantmen by national ships. It is a vicious
old principle, the relic of a barbarous age. It has
not for a long time been acted upon by armies on
land. These do not make war on private property;
but the barbarity has been kept up at sea in a
spirit little better than that of the buccaneers; no
better, even worse, considering the intermediate
advances in civilization and refinement. Neither
England, nor France, nor, as far as I am informed,
any other nation, has yet acceded to these our bene-
ficent proposals. They originated in Mr. Monroe’s
time, while Mr. Adams was Secretary of State.*

 

* Tt will be seen from this review, that the propositions of the
American Secretary of State, Mr. Marcy, upon this important
question of maritime law, presented to all Maritime Nations by
direction of President Pierce, as mentioned in his Annual Message
176 PUBLIC AND

On page 465 of the same volume you will also
find, briefly mentioned, the manly homage which
that eminent English statesman, Mr. Canning, when
Foreign Secretary, and who was not thought to
have been over-friendly to us at earlier periods of
his life, ultimately paid in Parliament when the war
was past and gone, to some of our neutral doctrines.
These doctrines were first essentially laid down by
Mr. Jefferson,in his able and rich compositions pre-
pared when Secretary of State to Washington, and
under his sanction, in regard to our foreign rela-
tions. They were afterwards more fully main-
tained and extended in the numerous state papers,
and masterly as numerous, from the pen of Mr.
Madison, during the eight years he filled the de-
partment of State under Mr. Jefferson’s Presidency.
They are doctrines that will probably receive more
and more approbation from all nations, as time goes
on and continues to bring with it, as we may
reasonably hope, further meliorations to the code
of war. They are as replete with international
wisdom, as with American dignity and spirit. It
was their persevering resistance to the encroach-
ments of England and France; above all, it was

 

of ‘December, 1856, were in harmony with the enlarged and
humane views and aims of this Government at an earlier day, and
formed a prominent topic of discussion in our Convention with
Great Britain at London, of 1824, in the time of President
Monroe.—Ep1iTors.
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 177

their immovable stand against impressment; their
noble reiterations that our flag should sacredly pro-
tect all who sailed under it; it was these great state
papers which finally opened to us our path of glory
upon the ocean; a glory the purer, as it blazed up
only in defending ourselves against long continued
and enormous wrongs. Come what may in the
future, we can never be deprived of this inherit-
ance. It is a proud and splendid inheritance.
We owe lasting gratitude to the illustrious men
of that early day of the republic, Jefferson and
Madison, who (after Washington) were the pri-
mary sources of it. It has been my lot to know
them both, but chiefly the latter, of whose Cabinet
after he became President, I was the youngest,
humblest, and now am the only surviving member;
and I fulfil a grateful duty in here recalling their
high merits, linked, as they ever must be, to the
fame of this great nation. Their counsels re-
founded the nation. Until the war of 1812, we
were still half colonial. Its issue conferred upon
us a new and commanding position. Until then,
we were in danger of losing the glories we had
gained in the Revolution. It was even alleged
that the absorbing spirit of commercial gain had
at length broken in upon our martial characteristics
of that era. The war corrected the mistake. Mr.
Jefferson took upon himself to reject, without even
submitting it to the Senate, the treaty negotiated
178 PUBLIC AND

by Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney, in 1806, solely
because it contained no stipulation against impress-
ment, although sufficiently satisfactory at that time
in other respects. Our ministers first sent to Eng-
land after the war, were fully instructed to let her
government know,* that any attempt in future to
renew it, although the question was not brought
into the treaty of Ghent—the practice having
ceased by the general peace—would immediately
be resisted. But who can suppose, after the events
of that war, so unspeakable an outrage upon us
would be repeated? It was that very outrage, com-
bined with the special remembrance of the attack
on the Chesapeake in perpetration of it, that turned
the war scale against England rather than France.
The latter had done enough to justify our going to
war with her. According to her means, she had
captured more of our vessels than the English.
She would even consume them by fire upon the
ocean, cargoes and all, fearing that, as her ill-gotten.
prizes, British cruisers would intercept them if she
attempted to send them into her ports. But who,
I again ask, who can dream of England ever re-
newing the outrage of impressment on American
decks? It is impossible. In this age, Britons
themselves would not think of it. They would
no longer practice it among themselves if war came

 

* Mr Rush was of the number.—Eprrors.
DIPLOMATIC SUBJECTS. 179

on. The horrors of the press-gang are gone for-
ever. I need scarcely remind you that a party has
always existed in England opposed to impressment.
It fully existed when I was there. Young, the
author of the “Night. Thoughts,” took the hint of
his Ode entitled “Ocean,” from a recommendation
- in the king’s speech (George II.) to Parliament,
urging at that day the increase of seamen by en-
couragements to enter into the service of their
country without being forced by press-gangs.

In fine: If you view this whole subject at all in
the lights I do, and can make up your mind to take
it im hand, a chapter of surpassing interest might
be written upon it. It is therefore that I would
presume to commend it to your investigations,
under aspects I touch upon and others that would
fully occur to you.

I do not at this moment remember any special
biography of M.de Vergennes. There is a good
deal said of him in one of the volumes of Flassan’s
history of French diplomacy. Gratefully appre-
ciating, as we all do, the services we had from
‘France of that day and age, I nevertheless do not
incline to place M.de Vergennes as high as some
others do. It has always appeared to me, that
your accomplished Colonel John Laurens accele-
rated his steps in our cause.

There is a book, published in 1801, mentioned in
the preface to De Pradt’s “Congress of Vienna,” en-
180 PUBLIC SUBJECTS.

titled “The Three Ages of Colonies.” I have not
read, and do not know, the book; but from-its title,
possibly something might be obtained ‘from it bear-
ing upon the review into which I would draw you.
I dare say you know the work entitled “Diplomacy
of the United States,” published in Boston in 1826.
It is a well written octavo of three or four hundred
pages, embodying useful facts and principles belong-
ing to our diplomatic history. The author’s name
is not given in my edition of it. Wheaton’s work
on the “Hlements of International Law,” I regard
as one of the most valuable books under that head
in my library. I often consult it, and always with
advantage.

If, as you intimate, you should be disposed in the
course of the summer to ask information on any
point contained in the book sent to you, I will ©
always be ready to afford it if in my power.

‘Apologizing for the length of this letter, into
which I have been enticed by the intrinsic interest
of its topics, I renew to you, my dear sir, assurances
of the cordiality and respect with which I am

Your sincere
and faithful servant,
RicHarp Rusu.
CHARACTER

OF

MR CANNING.
MR. CANNING.

Tue death of Mr. Canning naturally leads, on
both sides of the water, to conjectures on the conse-
quences likely to flow from an event so important.
Our impressions, under the first intelligence of it,
were, that the system of which he was the centre
would also fall; but we have less confidence in
those impressions, as we reflect upon them, and
especially if Lord Goderich should be his successor.
We are amongst those who think very favorably of
Lord Goderich. From our observation of his course,
we believe, that, if his powers be’not absolutely of
the first order, they place him near to that class of
men; not, indeed, as a Parliamentary orator, that
great touchstone of the popular and historic fame
of a British statesman, and without which it never
gets up to the highest pitch; but as a clear-headed,
diligent, and efficient man of business. In his suc-

cessive posts of President of the Board of Trade,
183
184 CHARACTER OF

Treasurer of the Navy, and Chancellor of the
Exchequer (the last beyond comparison the most
trying of any under the British Government, that
of Prime Minister excepted), he has evinced these
attributes, and has been steadily gaining upon the
public confidence and esteem, both as a man of
affairs and a speaker, as the orbit of his duties has
enlarged. His fine education and admirable temper
fit him to bring about, by conciliation and address,
what the more transcendent and uncompromising
abilities of Mr. Canning would carry by storm.
But the latter, poising himself upon his own
strength, was so ready, on the slightest excitement,
to hurl defiance and scorn into the ranks of his
opponents, to launch upon their heads such bursts
of vituperation, that a more exasperated resistance
to the system in his hands, might, in the end, have
placed it in more peril than may attend it in those
of a successor like Lord Goderich; who, though, it
may be, not the person to have introduced, may be
found able, with enlightened colleagues, to go on
with it. Lord Goderich belongs to the class of
statesmen where Lord Liverpool stood, although
there are individual differences of character be-
tween them. The former has more of promptitude
and sprightliness in his mind, with a natural and
highly cultivated suavity; the latter is more grave,
more systematic, more inflexible. Lord Liverpool
MR. CANNING. 185

was far from being endowed with a genius of the
first order. But, by the force of a good judgment,
long exercised upon public affairs on a great scale;
by unwearied pains in acquiring all the knowledge
necessary to his station; by respectable parliament-
ary powers, notwithstanding the slurs of Madame
de Staél, for he was ardent and sometimes even
vehement in debate; by a courteous yet firm tem-
perament, and by a reputation for probity always
of the highest and most unblemished kind, he rose
at last to a height of influence, that has rarely, if
ever, been surpassed by any Prime Minister of Eng-
land. It was an influence resting upon the weight
of character, never upon the splendor or might of
intellect. Lord Goderich, who has scarcely yet
reached his prime, may be destined, under the guid-
ance of kindred qualifications, to a career of the same
distinction, though not able to ride in the whirl-
wind and govern the storm, like George Canning.
And who is there in England, just now, it has been
asked, who can? For seasons of extraordinary
agitation, Lord Goderich might be less fitted to take
the helm; but we see nothing in the immediate
situation of Britain or of Europe to appal him from
the task. We should not have judged, however,
that his predilections would have led him to scenes
of perpetual and fierce contention.

We have spoken of Mr. Canning’s system; but,
in truth, we do not know that he had a system.
186 CHARACTER OF

Until 1823, the public history of his country, an
its literary history too, identify him with un
equivocal, zealous toryism. Like Pitt, it is true
and some others of this stamp, he advocated th
Catholic claims. But here was the chief, if no
only, exception to his high-toned English maxims o:
Church and State. On other points, and those th:
most leading, he took the very creed of the Stuarts
as far as it could be applied to his own day. He
openly gloried in Lord Clarendon’s illustrations oi
it. In particular, he held, that the Constitution oi
England was essentially monarchical, and he per
petually and vehemently beat down with all hi:
arguments, and ridiculed with his wit, every idea o:
popular representation or parliamentary reform
wherever it. came in his way, in the House of
Commons or out of it. Hobhouse and Wilson, anc
even Burdett, he would scathe with his sarcasms
as often as they obtruded the topic upon his hatrec
in the House of Commons; while with Macintost
and Brougham, when they took it in hand, he
would grapple with higher and more earnest exer
tions of his strength. Wit, logic, and eloquence
were the weapons that he wielded, according to the
nature of his adversaries and his subjects. Thev
united force gave him the mastery of the House of
Commons, making him irresistible. His eloquence
and wit were vivid and glittering, and his logic, les:
elementary than practical, was, nevertheless, learned
MR. CANNING. 187

enough for debate, and always clear, earnest, and
powerful. On the point of the original and funda-
mental monarchical character of the British Consti-
tution, one of his speeches at Liverpool embodies a
defence under doctrines some of which Hobbes
himself scarcely transcends. Nor, until the recent
period indicated, did he spare reform, or liberalism,
or republicanism, or any popular movement for
political melioration, upon the continent, any more
than at home.

But, in 1823, a crisis came. In that year the
armies of France were marched across the Bidassoa,
to trample down the Constitution of Spain. Eng-
land, already out of humor by the previous en-
croachments of the Holy Alliance upon her supre-
macy, broke loose entirely at this fresh and more
alarming disregard of her will. The British Lion,
kept under by Lord Londonderry, was now roused.
Then sprung into being the liberalism of ‘Mr. Can-
ning. Then, on motives of his own, and for objects
of his own, was he first seen in these lists. It was
not, in him, an individual selfishness—No, his soul
was above that. It was British selfishness. This
was its beginning and its end; this its inspiring
principle, and only aim. It was not a liberalism
devoted to the freedom of this hemisphere, for
freedom’s sake; but a feeling that flew into sudden
and indignant action to counteract the part that
continental and French ambition were playing in
188 CHARACTER OF

the peninsula of Europe. Of the tyranny of that.
invasion, no denunciations escaped Mr. Canning.
He had never any delirious philanthropy, as M. de
la Bourdonnaye called it, in the French Chamber
of Deputies, for the sovereignty of the people. We
are not saying this in disparagement of the illus-
trious deceased. We are saying it as descriptive of
him. We repeat it from himself. He made it his
boast, and it was cause of boast to him, that British
policy, British interests, the hope of British sway,
were ever uppermost in his aspirations and schemes.
To secure these, he called, as he said, the new States
of America into existence. Truly he did, so far as
the share that England had in that great work was
concerned; and it goes to make up a rich portion
of his fame; as the earlier forecast of Henry Clay,
acting upon an expanded love of human liberty,
earns for him laurels, still richer, in the same field.
If this be not the award of justice to Mr. Clay, the
part which the United States first took in that great
work, must forever pass for nothing. If it be not
the award of justice, the recollection, that the
United States recognized them in 1822, must be
struck from history, because England recognized
them in 1825.

Mr. Canning’s settled devotion to the principles
of monarchy, as illustrated in the constitutional
monarchy of England, where the king is little more
than nominal; his constant, and, doubtless, his
MR. CANNING. 189

honest conviction of its intrinsic superiority over
all other forms for the government of man, marked
the policy which he meditated towards this hemi-
sphere. His official conferences with Prince Polig-
nac, the French Ambassador at London, record his
preference of this form for the new States: agreeing
here with the equally avowed predilections of
France. Nor is it believed that, to the day of his
death, he abated anything of this preference, though
its practical establishment in the new States he had
too much of practical wisdom to pursue. Hence,
Mr. Canning’s system was not of his own formation
or choice. Nor did he look to it as a system for
the world at large. It was thrown upon him by
the force of circumstances; and how much longer
it might have lasted, or into what new or eccentric
paths it might have sparkled off, had he continued
in charge of its destinies, is perhaps not easy to
affirm. He suddenly found himself the champion
of liberalism, certainly without ever having been its
child ;—unlike Napoleon, who had been pronounced,
by a former British premier, the child and champion
of democracy. Whilst he held this championship,
such is always the political station of Britain, that
the eyes of the world turned to him with alternate
hope and dread. He was enthusiastically cheered
by the friends of liberty everywhere. They ‘re-
garded not so much the fortuitous causes that had

unexpectedly invested him with so high and perilous
14
190 CHARACTER OF

a championship, or the motive, or even sincerity
his allegiance to its tenets, as the good that
might achieve, whilst exercising it, de facto, wit
fearless spirit and a giant’s arm. The same porti
of mankind hailed, also, in his brilliant arriva
the summit of power, under the first monarchy
Europe, the triumph of genius over all the obsta
that a gorgeous aristocracy, and, as a whole, of h
intellectual culture too, threw in its way.
James Macintosh said of him once, in the House
Commons, that he had incorporated in his m
all the elegance and wisdom of ancient lite
ture. Beautiful tribute, from such a source!
was offered at a period when they were politi
opponents, but each generous, exalted, and acc
plished.

With all our admiration of the mental powers
Mr. Canning, whether as inherited from nature,
carried to their highest pitch by culture and di
pline; whether we marked their efforts wl
brought to the most momentous trials, or 0!
gazed at them when they dazzled in lighter or
truth compels us to state, that he was never |
political friend of this country. He was a Brit
through and through;—British in his feelin
British in his aims, British in all his policy a
projects. It made no difference whether ‘the le
that was to raise them was fixed at home or abrot
‘MR. CANNING. 191

for he was always and: equally British. The influ-
ence, the grandeur, the dominion, of Britain, were
the dream of his boyhood. To establish these all
over the globe, even in the remote region where the
waters of the Columbia flow in solitude, formed the
intense efforts of his riper years. For this he
valued power; for this he used it. Greece he
may almost be said to have left to her melancholy
fortunes, though so much alive to all the touching
recollections and beauties of that devoted land,
because the question of her escape from a thraldom
so long, so bitter, so unchristian, was a Turkish and
European, not a British, question. If involuntarily
hurried, for a moment, into the highest strains of
even poetry and enthusiasm, at the thoughts of
those classic shrines at which he had so often wor-
shipped, the dictates of the British statesman called
him back from his intellectual and moral transports,
making him careful in his steps. For Britain’s
sake, exclusively, he took the determination to
counteract France, and the Continent, in Spanish
America. So, for Britain’s sake, he invariably
watched, and was as invariably for counteracting,
the United States. He had sagacity to see into the
present and latent resources of our commercial, our
navigating, our manufacturing strength. Upon the
knowledge of these, actual and prospective, he took
his measures; and, if we may, or do think, that
they were not always wisely taken, since true libe-
192 CHARACTER OF

rality in the intercourse of nations is, in the e
apt to prove true wisdom, each in turn being be
fitted by it, still he took them in a spirit that v
British.

It is remarkable, that, long as he was in offi
there is no one occasion upon which he lent |
sanction to any treaty or convention with 1
United States. That of 1815, one of fair recip
city, as far as it goes, both as to commerce a
navigation, was the work of Lord Castlereagh,
the side of Britain. Its renewal in 1818 was unc
the same auspices. From Mr. Canning, litera
nothing has been obtained—no, never; though -
have held frequent and protracted negotiatic
with the British Government, during his admin
tration of the Foreign Office. It was he w
openly disavowed, almost with contumely, the |
rangement of the British Minister, Mr. Erskine,
1809, which might have prevented a war, had
stood. It was he who held the pen of Gre
Britain in 1807, when Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pir
ney were in London; wielding it, we will not pat
to say how, during moments when the materials
strife most abounded between the two countri
and when this country was writhing under t
daily infliction of exasperating wrongs. It was
who presided over the foreign relations of Engla
in 1824, when the elaborate negotiations of }
MR. CANNING. 193

Rush also fell through, though the time was espe-
cially auspicious to their success, in that temporary
alliance of opinion, and virtual concert of action,
that were seen between the United States and
Britain, against the arbitrary tenets and incipient
military movements of Continental Europe; and
although Mr. ‘Rush, at the very utmost, was in-
structed to contend for nothing more, in regard to
our commerce and shipping, than Mr. Pitt, the
Tory Minister, would have granted in 1783. Long
ambitious of treading in the footsteps of his great
patron in all things else, we are here struck with
the awakening fact, if more had been wanting to
awaken us upon this point, that, in the matter of
according to our flag a substantial reciprocity of
trade and navigation in the West Indies, Mr. Can-
ning would not tread in the footsteps even of Mr.
Pitt. The friend of Plato, but always more the
friend of Britain! Thus the proud, the unyielding,
the universal supremacy of Britain, was, under all
political circumstances, the absorbing element of his
soul. Finally, it was Mr. Canning, who, in 1826,
refused to resume the negotiations of 1824, and,
standing upon his perpetual desire to promote more
fully the aggrandizement of the British flag in the
whole range of colonial, as at every other point of
competition with the United States, abruptly closed
the door of those negotiations, whilst our Minister,
Mr. Gallatin, was within but a few hours’ sail of
194 CHARACTER OF

the English shores. The latter Minister, too, in
spirit of the highest conciliation on the part of o
government, had at length been authorized
forego* the point for which it had antecedent
been the duty of our government to contend (t
very point once conceded to us by Mr. Pitt) ;.
thereby removing, as was presumed, the only c
stacle to a treaty. They who, after this rapid 1
view, even rapid as it is, can imagine that
Canning would have stood to any arrangement wi
us, one single day after its abrogation would ha’
suited his purposes of benefitting British navigatio
unless he had been bound by treaty to stand to at, mu
have more of credulity in their nature than of pr
dential and salutary distrust. His very speech :
Liverpool, that went the joyous rounds of our new
papers in the autumn of 1823, in which he thre
his compliments over the United States, as tl
powerful daughter of Great Britain, had no oth:
object, and originated in no other feeling, than tl
hope of leading them captive, for the time being, i
order to subserve purposes upon which he ha
deeply meditated, and which he was then ardent!
following up, as exclusively British.

But we will stop. Mr. Canning’s name belon
to history, and we are presuming to touch it whil

 

* Reciprocity by treaty, in regard to the West India trade.
MR. CANNING. _ 195

the shock of his death still rings in our ears. To
departed genius reverence is due. Britain has en-
tombed him side by side with her most illustrious
sons, and will raise monuments to his exertions to
extend her power and elevate her renown. Those
who knew this highly gifted man more nearly,
testify, that his intercourse in the relations of
private and social life was as attractive, as his
public career was brilliant and commanding. He
was, indeed, the grace and ornament of a society
refined by age, by education, and by wealth ; ascend-
ant in the highest literary circles, and adding
dignity to those of rank. He was amiable in his
family, devoted to his friends, magnanimous among
his foes. That his career has been as brief as
brilliant, does but tell us how fleeting are human
hopes! He had ascended to the pinnacle of his
earthly ambition—only to die.
LETTER FROM PARIS

TO

BENJAMIN F. HALLETT,

OF BOSTON,

CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE
DEMOCRATIC PARTY, ASSEMBLED AT BALTIMORE,

DECLINING, AS MINISTER OF THE UNITED STATES, TO PRESENT
TO THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND THE EXECUTIVE
GOVERNMENT OF FRANCE RESOLUTIONS OF CON-
GRATULATION FROM THAT CONVENTION.
LETTER FROM PARIS

TO THE

CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION
OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES.

LEGATION oF THE UNITED SratEs,

Paris, July 31st, 1848.
DEAR Sir:

I received only day before yesterday your
letter of the 10th of June, written on behalf of
the Democratic National Convention assembled at
Baltimore on the 22nd of May to nominate candi-
dates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the
United States. Your letter was accompanied by
certain Resolutions of the Convention tendering
their congratulations to the National Assembly of
France, and conveying the earnest wishes of the
Convention, both to the National Assembly and
whole people of France, for the consolidation of
their liberties on the basis of a democratic consti-
tution founded upon the principles of popular
rights as we hold them. A copy or counterpart of
the Resolutions came with your letter; the primary
set being addressed “‘To the President and members
of the National Assembly of the Republic of France,”

and the other set “To the Executive Government
199
200 LETTER FROM PARIS.

of the Republic of France.” A vote of the Conven-
tion appended to the Resolutions, directs that a copy
of each set “be forwarded, through the American
Minister at Paris, to the National Assembly of the
Republic of France, and to the Executive Govern-
ment thereof.” It is thus that, in fulfilment of the
obligation devolved upon you as “Chairman of the
Democratic National Committee,” I receive them
from you.

The source whence these Resolutions emanate
commands my utmost respect, and this fills me with
but the more regret that they should have come to
my hands for the object enjoined upon you in trans-
mitting them. I would willingly, if I could, take
upon myself the instrumentality they charge me
with; but the more I reflect upon the position in
which it would place me as the American Minister,
the more I feel myself unable to assume it. I have
appeared officially before the constituted authorities
of this new Republic on three different occasions;
and the nature of the communication you honor
me with on behalf of the Convention, and the
answer I am constrained to give, make it fit that I
should briefly explain these occasions.

The first was a few days after the birth of the
Republic in February last, when I went in person to
the Provisional Government at the Hotel de Ville,
almost before the barricades were removed, and
tendered, in advance, the good wishes of our Govern-
REPUDIATION OF PARTY. 201

ment and Country for the prosperity and happiness
of this our ancient and renowned ally, under the new
form of government she had proclaimed. No ambas-
sador or minister of any of the European Powers had
at that time acknowledged the new Republic.

The second occasion was in the month of April
following, when I was instructed to ask an audience
for the purpose of delivering to the proper inter-
national organ of the same Provisional Government,
a letter of credence from the Executive Power of
the Union, constituting me, in due form, the
Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to the
French Republic, as I had previously been to the
French Monarchy; the Executive Power of the
Union accompanying this letter of credence by its
sanction of my conduct in recognizing the new
Republic, in advance of instructions from my
Government.

The third occasion was in May. I was then
instructed to perform a duty still more solemn and
impressive; the duty of presenting to the Executive
Committee of the French Republic, which had super-
seded the Provisional Government, the Joint Resolu-
tions of Congress, the President concurring, which
offered, from the supreme representative authority
in our country, the congratulations not only of Con-
gress, but of the whole American People, to France.
To this act on the part of Congress, the National
Assembly replied by an unanimous decree, in lan-
202 LETTER FROM PARIS.

guage adapted to the simple dignity of the Joint
Resolution of Congress.

If anything further is now to be done by any
association or body-in our country less than the nation,
can I be the instrument? On all the foregoing occa-
sions, I appeared for the whole United States; the
United States in their aggregate character, great,
powerful and known. I acted in my representative
capacity. Iam here in no other. Can I waive it;
or step. down from it? These are party Resolu-
tions. It is so avowed with frankness on their face.
They point to the existence and necessity of parties
in free states. But are parties to be exhibited
when nations speak to each other? Is it for me to
exhibit the political parties into which we divide?
Being here on national grounds, I can only hope
to speak or act with due effect when speaking or
acting in full identity with the national will; not
as fluctuating through the different parties among
ourselves, but as heard in the voice of the nation,
which wields the strength of all parties. Then we
are really powerful. What are we in the eye of
Europe without this unity of name and power?

Since I came to this mission, I have not felt
myself justified in acting at all in a party
sense. Numerous communications, resolutions, ad-
dresses and letters for the French Republic, or some
of its functionaries, from towns, counties, districts
and persons throughout the United States, have
REPUDIATION OF PARTY, 203

been transmitted to me for presentation. But as I
have not been instructed to present them by the
Secretary of State, I should not have been authorized
to do so officially; and I did not feel at liberty to
ask interviews of this government for the purpose
of presenting them otherwise. Yet I have generally
caused these communications to reach their destina-
tion and become known, in informal ways, where
they have not been of a party character, as evidences
of friendly feelings in my countrymen towards
France under her new institutions. I have not
answered these various communications, because it
was not practicable; and because I ventured to
trust to the candor and kindness of my fellow-citi-
zens to infer that I would deal with them as seemed
best when they arrived; the rather as public affairs
here had often quite changed from the state of
things supposed to exist when the communications
were framed on our side of the Atlantic. 2
But in the case of the Resolutions received under
your transmission, I make an exception. The Con-
vention you represent, is coextensive with the
Union. I therefore answer it; and the more fully,
from the respect in which I hold that distinguished
body and its constituents, with which, when at
home, I am identified. Compelled to abstain from
presenting the Resolutions, I owe to the members of
the Convention an early statement of the reasons
that have operated with me. Although all may
204 LETTER FROM PARIS.

not concur in them, I dare to hope that some will;
and that all will weigh them candidly. I will even
hope that allowances may be made for the different
feelings apt to sway an American here in European
atmospheres, than when, as political partisans, we
assail each other at home; neither party being as
bad as the other represents it, and both alike intent
upon augmenting the resources, advancing the hap-
piness and extending the renown of the country,
which belongs alike to both.

Not knowing what may be the decision of the
Committee as to the further disposition of the Reso-
lutions, I will keep them subject to its order. My
difficulty in sending them by a private hand to the
National Assembly, or Executive government of
the Republic, or sending them at all otherwise than
officially, arises from my being named on the
record as the organ of delivering them; and I can
discern no proper mode of separating myself on the
occasion from the public trust I bear as American
Minister. Nor can I know if it would be the
pleasure of the Committee that the Resolutions
should be delivered through any other channel or
authority, less known and recognized than mine
before this Republic.

I beg you to believe in the entire respect with
which I have the honor to be,

Dear sir, your sincere
and faithful serv’,
Ricaarp Russ.
ESSAYS:

I.

VALUE OF EARLY EFFORTS AT EXCELLENCE.

Il.
LABOUR NECESSARY TO EMINENCE.

FROM THE PHILADELPHIA PORTFOLIO OF 1803—1804.

16
ESSAY.

VALUE OF EARLY EFFORTS AT
EXCELLENCE.

THE present season naturally disposes us to con-
nect with it that period of life, upon the just im-
provement of which is to depend the fruitfulness or
sterility of the portion that will follow. Spring is
the season of promise and of expectation, and youth
is the period of enterprise and of hope. The heart,
in the morning of life, dilated with noble and gene-
rous expansion, is filled with anticipations of every
enjoyment, and prepared for the reception of every
delight. In the estimates which, at this season,
are made of future life, difficulties are not to
embarrass, or accidents to frustrate. The obstacles
between plans and their success are overlooked, ex-
perience has not taught disappointment, or long-
tried efforts at distinction wearied the constancy of
diligence, or lessened the eagerness of ambition.
Fancy, active in its projections, and plausible in its
means, heats to enthusiasm the mind of the youth-

ful candidate for renown. Every pen is to acknow-
207
208 ESSAY.

ledge the merit of his established excellence, and

from every voice he is to hear the grateful music

of applause. The claims of undoubted genius are

to silence competition, and the laurel of victory to

decorate his brow. Fame, with all its allurements,

in close perspective, flushes his soul with joy; and °
imagination, passing through different scenes of

human elevation, riots in the luxury of its own

creation.

How often such expectations are fallacious, we
want not to be informed by the living mortals who
are monuments of it, or by any of the thousands
on whose obscurity the grave has heaped its mould.
We know how small is the number of those on,
whom decided superiority is conferred, how many
are the causes, by which fruition may be inter-
rupted, and hope cut off. But ungracious is that
philosophy which inculcates despondence, and holds
out examples to depress; which would restrain
youthful enterprise, by telling that its expectations
are deceptions, and its attempts vain. Rather let
every encouragement be given to ardor so com-
mendable. Let it not be checked by the sugges-
tions of the indolent and insignificant, or abated
by the counsels of the unsuccessful or the timid.
When eminence is reached, this spirit is ever found
to have been its prelude. It is the grand incite-
ment to emulation, the nurse of noble sentiment.
The philosopher, who attracts notice by the in-
VALUE OF STUDY. 209

genuity of his speculations, or the usefulness of his
discoveries, has often relieved the painfulness of
thought by mixing anticipations of celebrity with
his early meditations. The orator of established
reputation has viewed from a distance the envied
height on which it stands. Often, in the chambers
of his alma mater, and while submitting to the dis-
cipline of preparation, has his heart been swelled
by fancied plaudits, or his ear caught the sound of
bursting acclamations. The commander of legions
has vanquished the foe in other places than the
field. The surrender of fortresses, the humbled
submission of haughty adversaries, and the full dis-
play of the triumphant standard, have marked the
early reveries of his ambitious soul.

These are the feelings which form the innocent
and profitable recreations of the juvenile mind.
Innocent, for they save it from wanderings that
may be dangerous; profitable, for they strengthen
the resolutions of diligence, and support the labor
of exertion. A celebrated heathen, upon being
rallied on his belief in the immortality of the soul,
and told it was but an idle dream, replied, that, if”
it were so, he wished not to be awakened from a
delusion so pleasing. To arguments that would
discourage ardor, let such be the answer of the
enterprising youth. If he be told his expectations
are illusory, let him reply, he will continue a mis-
take that exalts the dignity of his nature, keeps
210 ESSAY.

his attention from whatever is degrading, and fixes
it upon objects animating and elevated. Labor
is so wearisome, that the force of incentives, exert-
ing on the mind an active and uniform influence,
can alone impart to it vigor, and endue it with
perseverance. The desire of distinction, whatever
shape it may assume, whether it is to arise from
political advancement, or military renown, from
extensive opulence, or literary pre-eminence, forms
such an incentive, and the moment of its forgetful-
ness marks the relapse into inactivity and self-
indulgence.

The desire of fame has ever characterized the
youth of celebrated and illustrious personages. He,
who feels not such a desire, will keep his course of
calm and unenvied obscurity. The greatest orator
and the greatest statesman Rome ever produced,
Cicero, whose name reminds us of all that is ex-
alted in genius, and splendid in reputation, had his
soul always filled with this animating passion.
Pleading for the poet Archias, and celebrating his
fame in letters, “I have been convinced,” he says,
“from my youth, by much instruction, and much
study, that nothing is greatly desirable in life but
glory, and that, in the pursuit of this, all bodily
sufferings, and the perils of death and exile, are to
be slighted and despised.” Most men of illustrious
fame might be equally full with the Roman orator
in acknowledgments of their sensibility to glory.
VALUE: OF STUDY. : 211

Themistocles, upon being asked what music, or
whose voice, was most agreeable to him, answered,
“that man’s who could best celebrate his virtues.”
The Macedonian conqueror made the Iliad the con-
stant companion of his marches. By having ever
present to his mind the exploits of heroes and the
lustre of conquest, he kept in full blaze the fire of
his own ambition. Arrived at the tomb of Achilles,
“Happy youth,” he cried, “thou couldst find a
Homer to blazon thy fame.” The sons of indo-
lence may affect the consolation that early ambi-
tion is a troublesome and sometimes corrosive in-
mate of the breast; that it gives to the mind feel-
ings unfriendly to its tranquillity, and produces
infelicity by the mortifications to which it exposes;
that it robs the pillow of its slumber, and casts a
paleness on the cheek. Whatever foundation there
may be for this, it is not to be listened to as a
motive to dissuade. What pursuit, however in-
glorious, is free from its solicitudes? and who, but
the listless disciple of torpor, will be repulsed,
because his course is not always pleasant, or his
path always smooth? The solicitudes of ambition
are admitted, but they are less to be dreaded than
the mischiefs of inactivity, or the repinings of in-
significance.

Let the youth, in the spring of life, press on with
alacrity in the career he has chosen. He has all
the motives of future eminence to kindle up his
212 ESSAY.

enterprise, and animate his zeal. Every analogy
of nature will remind him of his obligations, and
encourage him in his attempts. See how the fruits
of the earth, from small beginnings, spread into full
luxuriance. Like the husbandman, let him sow
while the season is auspicious, and the toil kind.
The prospect of harvest will mitigate his soil, and
be as refreshing dews to his exertion. After a
model of successful diligence—Cicero—let him not
be prevented by indolence, seduced by pleasure, or
diverted by sleep from the objects his ambition
would attain. Let him nourish emulation by the
frequent presence of great and distinguished ex-
amples. Let the volume of Piutarcn be often
open before him, and let him constantly recollect,
that, if he gain not the heights of uncontested
superiority, laudable endeavors seldom go without
some reward.
ESSAY.
LABOR NECESSARY TO EMINENCE.

Amone the candidates for literary distinction,
there is no truth more frequently lost sight of than
that of the necessity of labor, to qualify them for
the eminence of which they are in pursuit. Indo-
lence is always suggesting expedients for the post-
ponement of exertion; we grow weary of toil when
reward seems distant; and even among those who
commence their career with every determination to
steady perseverance, ardor will often cool, and dili-
gence relax. Sir Edward Coke, when entering upon
the study of law, is said to have taken as his motto,
“Lex est tutissima cassis.” By having this monitor
constantly before him, he lived under the habitual
impression of the high importance of his profession,
and thereby lessened the danger of falling into self
indulgence. Those who are striving for literary
exaltation, cannot be too often told how rugged and
how cheerless is their way. They cannot be too

frequently reminded by what slow degrees and repe-
213
214 ESSAY.

titions of industry, excellence is conferred upon
human productions.

It is a remark in physical creation, that plants
flourish long, in proportion to the time they take in
arriving at maturity, and among animals, those
only are found to reach longevity that are of slow
growth. It is the same in the moral world. Men
who are conspicuous for intellectual acquirements,
become so by severe and unabating assiduity. The
preceptor of Alexander, when his pupil complained
of the difficulty of his task, told him “ there was no
royal road to geometry.” We are informed, in the
Rambler, that “Statius was the only author of
antiquity who ventured to mention the speedy pro-
duction of his writings, either as an extenuation of
his faults, or as an evidence of his facility.” This
is a very remarkable fact. It shows that among
the ancients it was not only regarded as necessary,
but that it was always expected the greatest labor
would be bestowed upon all their compositions. As
a proof of the high conceptions they had of the
difficulty of good writing, we further learn, from the
source just referred to, that “no man among them
is recorded to have attempted more than one kind
of dramatic poetry.” A limited survey of ancient
biography will readily supply instances of the per-
severing diligence with which the ancients arrived
at eminence in their different pursuits.

Whenever a writer’s performance has cost him no
VALUE OF STUDY. 215

labor, he ought, on that very account, to question
its merit. The first essays of the human mind are
imbecile and unsatisfactory. When, upon an acci-
dental animation of thought, a writer fills up his
page with rapid execution, he finds, upon the fall
of his excitement, much of confusion to clear up,
and much of absurdity to expunge. The most
exalted intelligencies do not claim an exception to
this remark. It was a heathen saying, that the
gods gave nothing to. man without great labor. Pro-
ductions that have been admired as the extempora-
neous offspring of genius, have been the result of
thought deep, painful and continued. Poems that,
from the easy flow of their numbers, have been
thought to rise in the mind as easily, have been the
effect of previous design and systematic meditation.
Perhaps there is no subject on which the desire to
deceive is so general as this. Doubt should always
be awake when boast is made of the promptitude
of the mind’s performances. In the time of Charles
the Second, the Karl of Dorset wrote an admired
song on the then expected conflict between the
English and Dutch fleets. The Earl was on board
one of the English ships, and as his poem came out
on the night before the battle, it gained him every-
where the reputation of a ready wit. The biogra-
pher of the Earl relates, that he was informed
by one likely to have good intelligence, a whole
week had been employed upon this little cantata.
216 ESSAY.

There are many such rapid writers as the Earl of
Dorset.

All the eminent moderns have risen to their
heights by passing through probations of vigilance
and of toil. Milton wrote his great work at an
advanced period in life. He had long conceived
the plan of it, but deferred the execution until
study and mature years had enlarged and diversified
his learning, shed before him new lights, and ex-
tended, to their utmost bound, the ranges of his
mind. Pope wrote and corrected with the nicest
care ; he repressed publication until “new beauties
had accumulated, and new thoughts were supplied.”
The easy elegance of Hume was acquired by a
studious disposition, and a long course of silent
industry. A great part of Robertson’s history is
said to have been written in detached sentences on
fragments of paper and the backs of letters. In
the composition of a single page he has been known
to walk the floor of his study half a day, laboring
for expression, and tuning periods to his ear. John-
son’s confessions tell how he felt the languor of appli-
cation. Until the age of forty he was an unremit-
ting and a solitary student, and after that period he
gave to his labors only a partial relaxation. Junius,
in stating his claims to public notice, asks, “ And do
these letters cost me nothing?” It was the most
diligent application in early life, that gave to BuRKE
his various and profound erudition. In the course
VALUE OF STUDY. 217

of a single speech, the moralist, the metaphysician,
the antiquary, the poet, the statuary, the architect,
and the general philosopher, all find he had toiled
in their fields. And hear with what expedition he
wrote! His celebrated work on the French Revolu-
tion, was ten months in maturing. This was an
octavo volume of less than three hundred pages.
We have lately been told of the labor of Cowper at
that metre, which has so simple and so inartificial a
flow. But what shall be said of Gibbon? he whose
mind, as. himself acknowledges, was slow and deli-
berate: what were the achievements of his wonder-
ful industry? Let the man who envies him the
splendor of his page, go to his memoirs, and learn
through what struggles it was acquired. The books
that he read only as a preparative to a journey into
Italy, would, in number, serve many for their
journey through life.

Examples like these, however familiar, cannot
be too frequently brought into view; they give a
fresh spring to the schemes of diligence, repress the
vanities of the superficial, and hold out consolation
to the sons of perseverance. They are the more
proper in a country where elementary learning is
uncommon, and where distinction is caught at with-
out a compliance with the requisites it demands.
There seems, in this respect, to be a connection in
the United States between works of the mind, and
the products of. manual exertion. Most of our
218 ESSAY.

manufactures, owing to the imperfect and un-
seasoned materials of which they are composed, are
found to want the durability of those we get from
other countries. The artist who would give per.
manency to his labors, must employ in them mate-
rials that are well seasoned for use; and he who
seeks applause from mental attainments, must mul-
tiply his ideas, and become skilled in the arts of
expression, by extensive and laborious research.
LETTER TO MRS. RUSH,
FROM LONDON:

DESCRIBING A VISIT IN 1836 TO GROVE PARK,

‘

THE SEAT OF

THE EARL OF CLARENDON.
LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

‘

VISIT TO GROVE PARK.

Lonpon, December 14, 1836.
My pear WIFE:

Week before last I went to Grove-Park,
according to Lord Clarendon’s invitation. My stay
was short, even less than three full days, for I was
unable to stay longer, though urged to wait the arrival
of guests expected the day I came away. I have
written home since making the visit, but said nothing
of it, reserving the account of it for you. I write
occasionally to one or other of our sons on business;
to you as a recreation. I hope this may make my
letters, whether short or long, the more welcome.

Grove-Park is not far from London; so that a
post-chaise took me there in time for dinner the
evening of the day I set out. Then and afterwards
our topics and occupations were various. Of the
former, matters in Spain, where such furious war is
raging between the Carlist and Christinos parties,
were among them. Sir George Villiers, heir pre-
sumptive to Lord Clarendon’s title and estates, is

now British Ambassador at Madrid, which led us to
16 221
222 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

talk but the more of the things going on there.*
Lord C. spoke much of the Duke of Wellington, whose _
intercourse and friendship he had largely enjoyed.
He told anecdotes of Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Can-
ning, remembering my ample intercourse with each
when I was minister here. Some of the anecdotes
were new to me, well as I supposed myself to have
known both; which shows that we live and learn.
He quoted from the Italian poets and from Milton.
During our second evening he went into his library
for a volume of Milton’s prose works, and read to
me, for greater accuracy than his quotation of it
from memory, the following passage, where the great
author is speaking of King Charles who was be-
headed: “Zo descant on the misfortunes of a person
fallen from so high a dignity, who hath also paid his
final debt both to nature and his faults, is neither of
itself a thing commendable nor the intention of this
discourse.” He applied the passage to a point we
had been talking about. It is the more creditable
to the immortal bard when we remember what a
sturdy republican and king-hater he was.

The hall, dining room, drawing room, sleeping
rooms, all contain paintings. Many are portraits

 

* This nephew afterwards became Earl of Clarendon, was Eng-
lish Minister of Foreign Affairs, and one of the representatives of
England at the Peace Congress assembled in Paris in the spring
of 1856, after the war against Russia closed by the fall of Sebas-
topol.
VISIT TO GROVE PARK. 223

historical in name and costume, the ancestors of
Lord Clarendon among them, though he said it ill
became people to be talking of them, adding,
“better try to have merit in themselves.” Of fancy
pieces there is a picture in connection with a riddle
addressed to Lord Burleigh. I might fail in de-
scribing it, but perhaps may obtain a copy of it.
Should I go again to Grove-Park, I will ask for a copy
to be taken by an American artist of great promise
now here, young Healy. The request would be
granted, I doubt not, and the picture will then
come home with me to hang up at Sydenham, when
the riddle would speak for itself. What say you to
this? Over the mantel-piece in my chamber hung
a portrait of Lord Mansfield, Chief-Justice of Eng-
land in times past. In the saloon was one of Lord
Chancellor Clarendon, the historian of the civil wars.
In the hall was one of a favorite name in English
annals, Lord Falkland, a statesman, scholar and
good man, who was killed at the battle of Newberry.
He dressed himself very carefully on the day of
the battle, in which he took part as a volunteer,
from an expectation that he would fall, intending
to expose himself freely, lest the strong desires he
had expressed for peace should be misinterpreted
by the king’s party, to which he belonged; and not
choosing, as he said, that his body should be found
in a slovenly condition. It:was-one-of his sayings
that he pitied country gentlemen who had no
224 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

taste for reading when a rainy day came. These
may serve as specimens of the collection, which is
reputed a very good one in the line of original por-
traits, many of them full length. Queen Elizabeth’s
is there, and Queen Anne’s; and there is one of
Frederick the Great, of Prussia, presented to an
ancestor of Lord Clarendon who was minister at
his court.

I slept in the old lord chancellor’s bed. Not the
identical feathers, you will exclaim! I don’t say
that; but the curtains had been his, and that was
enough for the imagination to work upon, had I
been given to dreaming. To my eye they looked
like satin damask interwoven with gold, for it was
the age of costly furniture, the fashions of Louis
XIV., or some of them, having reached England in
the time of the Stuarts, who truckled to Louis in
things not quite as harmless as copying his fashions
in furniture.

I have said enough of the house and paintings,
my stay being too short for more than a bird’s eye
view. I could only glance at the library; that
appendage of every English country mansion I
have been to, and which seems to go down as an
heir-loom.

The park is about three miles in extent, enclosed
by a wall and iron railing. Walking in it the
morning of my second day with Lord and Lady
Clarendon, suddenly we saw a fox-chase. The wall
VISIT TO GROVE PARK. 225

was low, but the railing high: The horses, hounds,
huntsmen, sportsmen, all seen through the iron
railing scudding along outside of the wall, was to
me an unusual sight, and very animating. I
stopped short to look at it. Then I ran ahead to
get anearer view. The fox, it seems, had got inside
of the park, and his lordship’s consent was asked
through a messenger hastily sent, and freely given,
for pursuing it within the enclosure. The hounds
came in at full speed through a gateway in the wall
near to the part where we had arrived in our walk.
The whole array, in gay costume, came hurriedly in
soon afterwards, well mounted, as you may imagine,
the horses smoking and foaming as all quickly
drew up. What a sight it was! I wish you could
have seen it; but you must take it at second hand
through my poor account of it. The whole hunt,
gathered eagerly round a huge old tree. I did not
know why, but advanced to the spot. The ground
about the tree formed a little hillock, and under
one of its roots was a dark-looking hole or opening,
through which water trickled. This made a hiding
place for the fox, and into it he had darted. The
hounds could not get into the opening; but it was
scon learned that one of Lord C.’s people had a
ferret. The ferret was procured in a trice, and
sent in after the fox, with shouts from the sports-
men, which seemed to say, “Now we have him!”
But they were too quick. The fox got the better
226 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

of them, though every expedient was tried to rout
him out. The hole proved something of a labyrinth,
which Reynard guessed at, we may suppose. At any
rate, it saved his life. I could not grieve at his
victory, won against such fearful odds of hounds,
horses, men, ferret and all. The jolly sportsmen
had to bear their disappointment—some with looks
of chagrin, methought. One of them showed me
a printed list of the hounds, fifty odd in number,
the-name of each given in full—a sporting docu-
ment I must bring home for the curious in such
matters to see. Some of your Maryland friends
might like a peep at it.

After bowing acknowledgments to Lord Clarendon
for admission into the park, the whole array
galloped out through the gate at which they entered,
bent on fresh sport to make up for their first bad
luck. :

Returning from our walk, we came upon a herd
of more than a hundred of the park deer. I had
seen none since the days I was with you at your
sister Lloyd’s at Wye, and then saw only a few
stragglers. I quickened my pace to get nearer to
them, though, as I broke from my walking com-
panions, I saw that they were distrustful of my
getting much nearer. Cautiously did I advance,
however, step by step. They suffered me to come
within fifty yards or less, when all stood gazing at
me, some full face, some sideways. Suddenly, as
VISIT TO GROVE PARK. 227

if at a word of command, they all bounded off fleeter
than the hounds. They seemed to fly, so soon were
they out of sight. It was a good finish to the fox-
chase, and scarcely inferior as a rural spectacle, in a
beautiful English park on one of the most delightful
days of early winter, with the turf still green. We
were three hours out, and so ended our walk and
the scenes in the park.

I greatly enjoyed this renewed intercourse with
Lord Clarendon. The agreeable dinners at his
town house in North Audley Street when he was
Mr. Villiers, you will remember, as you shared thém
with me; and you will remember the pleasant little
sobriquet we had for him. Tell it to our daughters;
you can explain it better than I could write it. Here
in the country, he has an ampler home than in Lon-
don, and is surrounded by facilities for a hospitality
larger and more various than town residences afford. —
The first night of my arrival he accompanied me to
the door of my chamber, as his servant went before
with alight. The last night of my stay, having gone
up to my bedroom, after bidding Lady Clarendon
and himself adieu as well as good-night, expecting
to go off before I could see them in the morning,
his servant brought up a note of a few lines, thank-
ing me for my visit, with a request that I would
repeat it. It was midnight when handed to me,
the ink scarcely dry. I give you these little samples
of him. Some might think them too slight for
228 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

notice, but you will not; they come home to a
guest and are grateful to him. Gentlemen in sub-
stantially good behaviour are of all times and
countries; the character never dies, and in that
sense is much the same everywhere, as is often
said. But the accomplished gentleman at all points,
can only come of culture under a train of favorable
circumstances not open to everybody; and, after
all, nature must give aptitudes for this latter cha-
racter, or it cannot be always alive to the nice feel-
ings, and ready to do the graceful things, that belong
to it. This defines Lord Clarendon. His cheerful
tone, his acquaintance with the topics of the day,
his mind in the mellowness of age without its pre-
judices, his care in dress, as time creeps upon him
and the person requires it more, with his constantly
land manners, presented, in a person of seventy-
eight, a model to be remembered. Say you not so?
Yes, you reply, and to be imitated, too. Agreed, I
say, if one lives that long and can imitate it; but
there’s the rub. Still, it is left to all to admire
such a character. He is the man of the world un-
corrupted; full of benevolence, and applying to
good uses and agreeable pastimes, his fortune and
leisure. I shall not displease you by saying what I
do of him, for I know what you always thought of
him when we were here. He likes reading in the
country, without the compulsion of a “rainy day.”
I must tell you he likes horses too; and possibly
VISIT TO GROVE PARK. 229

you may remember, as a middle ornament on his
dinner-table once in North Audley Street, a prize
cup gained by one of them on the turf. This is my
remembrance of it; but I will not be positive. You
must correct me if I am wrong.

I went with him through his stables. After
seeing his horses and other things there, he pointed
out to me, in a detached stall elsewhere, an Alder-
ney cow; a thin, dun-colored, raw-boned, ugly little
animal, but valued for the rich cream it gives. The
man in attendance said something of its habits,
which I forget; but suppose I bring one home with
me, and we will find out all about it? Itold you in
a former letter that Lord C. owns Kenilworth. A
print of the old castle, now in ruins, was engraved
some time ago, representing it as it was in Elizabeth’s
time when the Queen made that visit to Leicester,
immortalized by Scott in his Kenilworth. Don’t
you remember how you used to read these famous
novels as they came out while we were here, and
tell me of the parts I could not read myself on
packet days? He has promised me one of these
prints—a proof copy; and this at least we can
hang up at Sydenham if I do not get the Alderney
cow or the riddle picture.

Of Lady Clarendon another word. You will be
glad to hear how well she is. She walked the full
three miles with us in the park. She was among
the whole field of sportsmen by the old tree where
230 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

the: fox saved himself—the gentlemen of the hunt
all bowing to her as they reined up. She said she
enjoyed the sight, though nothing new to her, from
the interest I appeared to take in it. This was just
like her, you will say. Being a little late that same
morning at breakfast, she gave as an excuse that
she had been reading the morning prayers to the
household, and had just come from that employment.

Mentioning to Lord C. that our son Madison had
just entered the navy, he remarked that he had
lately been reading the Life and Correspondence of
Lord Collingwood, and that the letters struck him
as being calculated to make good men as well as
good officers, and perhaps my son might like to
read the work. He asked what we would have
done if France had resented President Jackson’s
Message to Congress, recommending letters of marque
under our complaint of her non-fulfillment of the
treaty of indemnity, as we had few or no ships
of the line as far as he knew, and our whole navy
being small compared with that of France. I said
that our actual navy afloat was small, but our
commercial tonnage much greater, two or three
times, probably, than that of France. This made
navies and seamen; so that, even had war followed,
we should probably have been the gaining power by
sea, if it had lasted long enough to draw out our
naval strength. He avowed himself a man of
peace, as I did, and was glad war did not follow, as
VISIT TO GROVE PARK. 231

it might have dragged other parties in; but I
mention the subject for the sake of adding that I
thought I could catch his leaning to be on our side,
though he did not say itin words. In fact, in my
conversations with the English about the Message,
(and a good deal has been said about it), it has
seemed to me that they liked “old Hickory’s” pluck
on the occasion. It tells well for their descendants
on our side of the water, they think.

I must now stop. Whether the topics were
naval, rural, political, or whatever else; whether in
his park, at his table, or among his pictures and
books; I found my visit a truly pleasant one. In
nothing was it more so than in the recollections it
called up of our residence in this country, such
frequent references did Lady Clarendon make to
you; Lord C. doing the same.

On my return to town, I found a letter from Mr.
Coke, inviting me to Holkham at Christmas, when
he expects a party of his friends. A famous assem-
blage it will, no doubt, be, from the hospitality of
that renowned old homestead; but I am unable to
accept the invitation, being already engaged to go to
Hagley, as you are aware. The last words of Mr.
Coke’s letter convey his remembrances to you. You
will not, I suppose, object to the same remembrances
from me, uor to extending them to all around you
at home; being Yours and

theirs devotedly,
R. R.
LETTER TO MRS. RUSH,
FROM LONDON:
DESCRIBING A VISIT AT CHRISTMAS, 1836,

TO HAGLEY,

THE SEAT OF LORD LYTTELTON.
LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

VISIT TO HAGLEY.

Lonpon, April 4, 1837.
My pEAR WIFE:

I feel that I have been remiss in
suffering months to go by without yet giving you
the promised account of my Christmas week at
Hagley. More than once I was on the eve of doing
so, when interruptions drew me off. And now,
during an interval when I shall probably escape in-
terruption, and have composed myself to that agree-
able occupation, I fear I shall recall but imperfectly
the incidents of the week; but I will do all I can
with the aid of memorandums made while there, or
as soon as I returned.

I went, as one of my letters told you, under the
invitation received from Lord Lyttelton last fall,
soon after I arrived in London. Christmas week
was a good one for the visit,—certainly the best I
could have had in the winter. To be sure, it was
different from the almost feudal week I spent at
Holkham when you were here; but, under other
views, it was a visit to be remembered as long as

tliat. Iwas at Holkham in the long days of mid-
235
236 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

summer. Gentlemen only were there, though, as
Mr. Coke told you, ladies would have been invited
if you had consented to go. Our movements were
in the fields and on horseback, going out at ten in
the morning to see agriculture carried on in different
forms over the thousands of acres which his estate
contained, until all the guests came in at a late
hour, to be seated at immense banqueting tables—
reminding you of old baronial days. At Hagley
every thing was under the roof. All went on in
the house. The whole scene was domestic. Winter
had commenced in earnest, blowing and snowing;
and we saw home life under some of its best
aspects in Old England. And what thoughts do
not these words wake up in you! Do you not
remember the kindness we had in a thousand ways
as we lingered on here from year to year? I am
sure you do, and that it came not alone from the
high in station or title to whom my letter of cre-
dence first made us known, but from those who had
only their good qualities to speak for them, which
gained upon us the longer we staid and the more
we knew of them. This is the Old England we
cannot forget; and the Hagley visit has vividly re-
vived many of the recollections belonging to our
long residence in this country, which we so often
dwell upon in looking back to it.

Without more words, I will give you as faithful
a picture as I can recall of the whole week there.
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 237

A mere description of the house, if given pro-
perly, might fill a letter longer than this ought to
be. You enter by flights of steps branching right
and left from the front door, broken by landings,
‘like those at Wanstead House in Essex, the superb
dwelling of Wellesley Pole, which we visited with
our boys, just before it was stripped of its furniture
and the whole pulled down; the bare mention
of which house makes me remind you of what
* & * & * * told us the rich proprietor once told
him; that no wonder he was brought to the hammer,
when every one knew that to keep it up with its
accustomed hospitality, adding the carriages and
servants necessary for the London season when
Parliament was sitting, required at least seventy
thousand sterling a year, when all that he had was
but sixty thousand! The house at Hagley, however,
is not so large as Wanstead House. On entering at
Hagley, you come into a hall with statuary in the
niches. It was decked in evergreens for Christmas ;
these old customs being kept up, it would seem, as
when Washington Irving told us of them in his
“Christmas Eve,” and “Christmas Dinner,” in the
Sketch-Book, which came out when we first knew
him here. Lord Lyttelton received me before a
blazing fire in this hall with great cordiality, giving
Harry a like reception.* The English of this class

 

* A son of Mr. Rush, about twelve years old, then in England

with him.
17
238 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

differ much in outward manner, as you know, some,
and perhaps the greater portion, showing a. reserve
at first, little encouraging to strangers; for often
have we remarked that it took well-nigh our first
three years to get even partially domesticated among
them, when, at length, it came we hardly knew how.
Others greet you cordially at first, like the best of
our American gentlemen, when you go to see them
in the country; and such was Lord Lyttelton’s re-
ception of us—certainly the most acceptable to a
guest everywhere. .

First salutations in the hall over, we passed into
a room of amplé size containing the library. The
book-cases appear to be built into the wall, but
stand a little out from it, which shows the books
better and leaves space for paintings in the alternate
recesses. The crimson paper and hangings of this
room seemed to add warmth to the glowing fire;
and here we found Lady Lyttelton and the sons
and daughters. It was the family sitting-room
during our stay, and wore an ensemble of comfort
the more grateful, as the cold was piercing for the
last ten miles of our journey. The wind had been
roaring down the avenue of Spanish chestnuts,
leading to the house, as we drove up, the post-boy
and my servant feeling its bitings outside, while l
and Harry, though wrapped up in overcoats, shivered
inside. From the family group we had a welcome
like that in the hall, Lady Lyttelton taking Harry's
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 239

hand, and accosting him as if she had known him
all his life, which happened not to be the case, for
she had never set eyes on him before, his English
nativity notwithstanding; but it took his heart at
once. It was five o'clock, and fully dark, when we
arrived. We were the only arrivals that evening.
Our first dinner was, therefore, im some measure en
famille, and came on after we had been up in our
rooms a short time, Harry having one communi-
cating with mine, and changed our heavy travelling
clothes before a good fire for a dinner dress.

The subsequent arrivals were Mr. and Mrs.
Yorke, from Cornwall, the former of the Hardwicke
family, the latter a niece of Lord Lyttelton; Mr.
Clive, a clergyman, with a good living (in other
words, income) in one of the neighboring shires;
the Earl and Countess of Dartmouth, from his
estate, Sandwell Park, Warwickshire, and their
young son, Lord Lewisham, with Miss Barrington,
the countess’s sister. The Dartmouths came in
their travelling carriage and four, the whole equip-
age English in its completeness. These made up
the house guests, Lord L. saying he had also invited
Sir Charles Bagot, former British Minister at Wash-
ington, whom he knew to be an acquaintance of
mine, the Bishop of Llandaff, and Dr. Buckland,
the eminent geologist, to join the Christmas party.
The first was kept away by the approaching mar-
riage of a daughter; the two others by a snow-
240 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

storm exceeding almost any I can remember in our
part of the United States for depth, and the ob-
structions caused along the roads by drifts. Each
day made additions to the dinner company, through
invitations sent to some of the neighbors in visiting
intercourse with the Lytteltons, these guests going
away the same night; but by increasing the number
at table it gave more variety to the daily dinner-
party, where we always had the chief conversation,
as then we were concentrated, whilst during the day
we were scattered about the house.

I return to the description of the house, thinking
you may all like to hear it. From the library you
pass to Lady Lyttelton’s morning sitting-room, and
from that to the one allotted to the governess. In
the latter the studies of the youngest daughter,
probably about fourteen, go on; and I leave you to
judge with what regularity, when I mention that
during this festive week at Hagley this young lady
dined at table but once, as well as I remember,
and did not mix with the company in the daytime,
though she generally came out in the evenings.
The next door opens to the billiard-room. This
was freely resorted to by the gentlemen, and ladies
too; for as the snow kept us within doors, billiards
came in aid of the library for passing time, and gave
us exercise. The next door takes you into Lord
Lyttelton’s private room or study, where he and I
had rambling ¢éte-d-tétes; our country, in regard to
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 241

which his inquiries were not few, coming in for a
full share of our talk. From his room you are
ushered into a spacious saloon. The communica-
tion from room to room is in every instance by a
single door on the side, these being of full size. In
this saloon hung the family portraits. On first
looking round it, my eye caught a full-length like-
ness of the second Lord Lyttelton, dressed in his
robes as a peer. This person was a prodigy in his
day. He was an accomplished writer and scholar,
though not the author of those letters published
under his name, one of which, dated the morning
after his father’s death, began, “I awoke, and behold
-I was a lord,” and another of which contained a
horrid description of an evil spirit, as if the writer’s
brain had been on fire by dreaming of a legion of
devils. Lord Lyttelton told me he did not write
them, though a belief was abroad at first that he
did, for he could do almost anything; and the
letters imitated sufficiently well his rich and glow-
ing style, and his versatile genius. He was also a
good speaker in Parliament and a close student
withal, being ambitious both of literary distinction
and of statesmanship. How he found the time for
all this is the wonder; for now comes the reverse of
the medal, as Sully says of Servin in his memoirs.
He too was a libertine of the very first order; and
although not dying precisely like Servin, with the
glass in his hand, cursing and denying God, died
242 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

prematurely at thirty, worn out by his excesses. A
female figure like a ghost predicted his death to
him at a fixed time. When the night arrived, he
was from home with a party of his friends at
supper in high revelry. They determined to cheat
the said ghost by putting back the clock; but he
died at the time appointed. So, or in some such
way, the story runs. The traditions of Hagley
abound in anecdotes of him.* His remains lie
entombed in the romantic little Hagley Church
within the park, where we went on Sunday. There
also repose the ashes of that pattern of a woman
and wife as handed down by the mourning muse of
the first Lord Lyttelton, in a monody become classic
in English poetry. A beautiful monument to her
memory, erected by her husband, is seen in this
church ; nevertheless they do say he married again
soon afterwards, freaks of that nature sometimes
coming over men in spite of their woe. Probably
you may have “heard of such things before,” as our
friend the Saxon minister in London used to say in
that droll way he had.

But again to the house. This spacious saloon
faces the hall, a vestibule interposing. From this,

 

* A well-written article in the London Quarterly Review some
years ago, ascribes the Letters of Junius to the pen of this re
markable person. Many reasons were assigned, some of which
seemed plausible at least, considering the long mystery hanging
‘over their authorship.
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 243

two staircases spring, one of oak with a massive
hand-rail and balustrades, the other of white stone.
Crossing the saloon, you come to the drawing-room,
the walls covered with tapestry, the ceiling and
other parts fashioned and furnished richly; but it
was not used during the more family-like scenes of
our Christmas week. From the drawing-room you
enter the picture gallery, eighty feet long, but so
planned as to destroy the sense of undue length.
At the opposite extremity of this gallery a door
corresponding to the one by which you enter it
from the saloon, conducts you into the dining-room.
This completes the suite on the main story, the
dining-room bringing you back again to the hall.
Thus, in a word, if I have not already tired you
out, entering this noble building from the grand
steps in front with their low rise and broad tread,
(there is also an entrance through the basement
story,) you get into the beautiful hall. The dining-
room is on your right; the library to your left; the
saloon, which is beyond the vestibule, faces you and
runs back to the northern extremity of the building,
its front being south. It is a hundred and fifty-
five feet front by eighty-five deep, two lofty stories
in height, with four towers rising from the top, one
from each corner. The whole is of Portland stone,
as I took it to be, so often used for buildings in this
country. Now at last I have done with my poor
sketch of the house, if you can make anything of
244 LETTER TO MRS. BUSH.

it, and must go to something else. I think I hear
you saying it is high time.

Paintings are seen all over it. I took a note of
several from the printed catalogue. Having spoken
of one, the wicked Lord Lyttelton, as I heard him
called at Hagley, which they can afford to do, as the
good who have borne the title so much predominate,
I will mention only one more at present, lest my
letter should get beyond all bounds. It was the
portrait of two brothers, on the main staircase wall,
who perished in early life, sons of Sir Thomas
Lyttelton, an ancestor of the family. Both were
drowned at Oxford, in the Cherwell, on the banks
of which are the gardens of Magdalen College, to
which both belonged. The youngest fell into the
water; the other perished with him in endeavoring
to save him. Here was devoted affection fit to be
commemorated in a family picture.

I will attempt no description of the grounds or
out-door decorations, but refer you to some of the
books in our library for an account of them. Try
“England Illustrated,” in the two old quartos, or
“Brewer's England,” in two smaller volumes.
They will only disappoint you, however, by meager
descriptions, if they give any. The park here, as at
Lord Clarendon’s, is stocked with deer; but, truly.
it was under very different circumstances that I[
first saw them. Looking from my chamber window
when I first rose, on the morning after my arrival,
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 245

I saw a large collection of them stalking slowly
about on the lawn: some stood gazing; others would
thrust their noses deep into the snow. I under-
stood they did this to get at the grass, their breath
melting the snow a little, so that they could nibble
it. I had also in view from my windows an obelisk -
and a Grecian temple that adorn the grounds, both
loaded with snow and looking beautifully white.

But the part you will be waiting to hear more of,
T am now to come to. How did we get on during a
week of almost total confinement to the house?
What did we do? Where did we ramble within its
walls? what occupations had we, what amusements
besides billiards and books? Did we not, in spite
of what was so pretty all around, inside and out,
fall into hum-drum-ism now and then? I think I
hear you say, “Inform me of this: I am all impa-
tience to hear; tell me all.”

Within limits, I will. A little has dropped out
already; but I will take a fresh start by making
you better acquainted with Lord and Lady Lyttel-
ton, better than I knew them myself hitherto.

Lord L. has the capabilities for entertaining his
friends which a sprightly mind, and the best inter-
course long enjoyed, are fitted to give. When first
we knew him, you will remember, he was in the
House of Commons, as Mr. Lyttelton. Now, he is in
the House of Lords, of course, though seldom
attends. He was all in all when able to be with
246 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

us; but this, I am sorry to say, was not the case
every day, from the state of his health, although his
desire to be with us kept him up at times when he
was scarcely able to be out of his room.

Lady Lyttelton was consequently the more called
-upon to dispense in all ways the hospitalities of the
scene. I thought I knew her formerly, but found I
did not know the half: ample cultivation, without
seeming conscious of it; conversation to charm all;
a quick eye and attentive ear among her guests,
forgetting none; a winning ease and self-possession
—so it is I would imperfectly tell you of the quali-
ties and accomplishments implanted and trained in
her. Her manners are natural, and you see that
they are derived from home. They are of the kind
inculcated by the descendants of the Calverts,
Carrolls, and others from the stock of those first
Cavalier emigrants who arrived at the ancient little
colonial capital of your little State of Maryland,
and brought over good manners with liberty and
toleration. In doing the honors of the house, she
had therefore to put on no unusual courtesy, or it
would not have been what it was, the habit of good
breeding at home passing naturally into society.
You know how often we have recalled that first
dinner we had with them in Saville-Row, her father,
Earl Spencer, Sir Humphry Davy, Lady Davy,
Miss Fanshawe, and others, forming the party.
And what sprightliness of conversation, to which
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 247

she so much contributed, had we not on that occa-
sion! We thought it one to be remembered, even
in the great dinner-giving world of London, where
they can always make up dinner-parties without
bringing together uncongenial guests, from the abun-
dant numbers to choose from in their cultivated
circles, which seem almost endless. This was some
twenty years ago, when she was scarcely more than
beginning life, blooming and beautiful. Now her
sphere is greatly enlarged; and most happily does
she meet its every call upon her.

Many calls there were throughout such an esta-
blishment during such a week. Among them, she
became “domestic chaplain.” Lord Lyttelton, she
said, had commissioned her for that office, being too
unwell to read the prayers himself. Every morning
at half-past nine she read them. Those able to
come down at that time, as I believe all did, at-
tended; as did the servants, upper and lower, men
and women. These all entered, arranging themselves
opposite the family and guests. This morning the
assemblage was in the saloon, the full-length family
pictures looking down upon us, “wicked” Lord
Lyttelton’s among the rest, (pray pardon me, but
the contrast was almost enough to start irreverent
thoughts.) One sentence in the prayer ran thus,
“Teach us to be just to those dependent upon us,
and kind to our friends.” The words touched us
the more from the soft tones of her voice. You
248 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

will remember similar habits at Lord Bexley’s
country home in Kent when we were staying there;
though no picture of a wicked ancestor was there
to be looking down upon us.*

At ten o’clock we went to breakfast; and nowhere
could her attentions to her guests have been better
seen. What seemed best to say to each, followed
her morning salutation to each. At two o'clock we
had lunch. On Christmas day a boar’s head, and a
genuine old English Christmas pie, were served up
at it. The dinner hour was half-past six. When
announced, we crossed the hall, two and two, from
the library, where all had then collected, into the
dining-room; the latter brilliant with light, paint-
ings and the table plate, the entire first service,
plates and all, being of silver, so common in these
classes that I remember your once saying it was the
absence of it you began to miss; porcelain being seen
in the after-courses. A couple of hours, more or less,
spent at table, the time depending on the turn con-
versation took, and this was little apt to flag,

 

* Lord-Lyttelton died in 1837, soon after Mr. Rush’s visit. In
the second volume of his “Residence at the Court of London,”
published in 1845, he speaks thus of Lady Lyttelton: “ After
Lord Lyttelton’s death, the accomplished mind of Lady Lyttelton,
pure principles, and mingled sprightliness and dignity, pointed her
out, among the illustrious women of England, for the high trust
of superintending the early education of: the children of Queen
Victoria.””—Epirors.
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 249

especially when Lord L. was well enough to be
with us, all returned to the library.

A word about wine. Old Falernian was among
the varieties on one of the days. One of the com-
pany being tempted to take a third glass of it,
another remarked that the rule in such cases was,
that he must take a fourth or quote Horace; where-
upon the offender paid the penalty, exclaiming, Jam
satis terris nivis ;—in plain English, there had been
snow enough, in all conscience, at Hagley that week.
We had no dissertation on wines, save what was
said of Falernian.

Back again in the library, coffee was first handed.
Tea came an hour or so afterwards. Then we had
the piano, harp, conversation, badinage,—anything.
At eleven or later, some lingering till past midnight,
we began to move off for our chambers.

Now a precious little morceau for you. On one
of the evenings Miss Lyttelton, as if she had seen
into my heart, struck up upon her harp the dirge
to Louis the Sixteenth composed after he was be-
headed. Don’t you remember when Bee, of South
Carolina, used to play it for us on the piano, at Miss
Boardley’s in Philadelphia, in days of yore? You
have probably not heard it since. It took me by
surprise. You cannot imagine the memories it
awakened. Night after night, as long as I staid, I
called for it; and never shall I hear it again with-
out thinking of the harp at Hagley.
250 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

Tell me, now, would you not rather have been
here, such nights as these, than back again at any
of the Court entertainments at Carlton House, or
Buckingham Palace, in the magnificent days of
George IV.? All agree that he was great at corona-
tions, dress-balls, and such things, but the nights at
Hagley, I ween, would have borne off the palm, in
your eyes.

I run on from one thing to another, but shall
have enough left to talk about when I get home.
I cannot think of all now, or take time to write all;
but must not omit to say that the good work of
relieving the poor of the neighborhood was not
overlooked by the inmates of this attractive abode,
when winter was howling, and their guests enjoying
good cheer and warm fires under its roof.

The unpretending way in which they speak of it
whenever its beauties are alluded to by others,
struck me. You might think they considered them-
selves as no more than plainly established in a
simple country residence in Worcestershire. Eng-
land, old as she is, continues to improve on the past.
Where she is to stop would be hard to say; but
comparing her condition when we first arrived, with
all that I see now of increase, I should think that
her meridian is still a good way off. It may be
that the Lytteltons, familiar with estates and man-
sions which wealth and art have been embellishing
throughout ages, but which their permanent owners
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 251

go on to cultivate and adorn, are less awake than
strangers to the beauties of their own Hagley. At
any rate, they show good sense in not talking of
them, others perceiving them none the less. Long
ownership takes away boast. Those, it has been
said, shaded by the foliage of their old trees, have
no need to talk of the roots. In size and costliness,
the house and estate at Hagley are doubtless sur-
passed by many others; but in diversified forms of
rural beauty throughout the grounds, hills, slopes,
gardens, streamlets, avenues, where art seems to
vie with nature for superiority, the well-informed in
these matters think it would not be easy to point
out places in England that excel Hagley.* All
might agree that it has good claim to rank among
what Mrs. Hemans calls “The Stately Homes of
England.”

A ruin was built by the first Lord Lyttelton near
one of the boundaries, to make the prospect in that
part more picturesque. Before the week ended, I
walked through the snow to see it, the Vicar’ of
Hagley and Harry my companions. The former

 

* All remember Washington Irving’s beautiful description of
rural scenery in England. We have before us an original letter
from Mr. Irving, written in 1820 to Mr. Rush, in which is this
passage: “ As to the article on rural life, (in the Sketch Book,)
though the result of general impressions received in various ex-
cursions about England, yet it was sketched in the vicinity of
Hagley, just after I had been rambling about its grounds, and
whilst its beautiful scenery and that of the neighborhood were
fresh in my recollection.” —Ep1rors,
252 LETTER*TO MRS. RUSH.

pointed out Pope’s monument, Milton’s seat, and
Thomson’s, as well-known spots at Hagley, which
the weather prevented our seeing before; also
grottoes, now glittering with icicles, and superb old
oaks and elms. The ruin had the appearance. of an
old edifice or castle fallen to pieces under the hand
of time. Ivy grew thick on its apparently ancient
walls and mouldering fragments. Fit abode they
seemed for the “moping owl.” From this artificial
ruin, the eye sweeps over a wide expanse of country
highly improved. I wish I had seen it in the
glories of spring or summer; yet the winter pros-
pect told upon the fancy and feelings. Clad
in snowy white, mansions, hedges of evergreen,
churches, spires, came out distinctly enough to
reveal a most beautiful landscape. As we stood
looking at it, we called up lines from the poets,
arraying the wintry scene in verse. It was on a
week-day. Otherwise we might have heard the
sound of church-bells in the distance. Such sounds
I did hear afterwards near Stoney Stratford, in
Buckinghamshire, where we were detained a short
time on the road by the snow, the day I was return-
ing to London. I had walked on in advance with
some of the passengers, and as I leaned over a bridge,
waiting for the coach to come up, intermingling
chimes from the turrets of three ancient towns in
view, stole into my ear through the stillness of a
cold Sunday morning. Shakespeare somewhere
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 253

alludes to the humanizing effect of such sounds.
You can look up the passage, as I know how you
like to turn to him.

The Lyttelton family was ancient in Worcester-
shire before the first Lord Lyttelton, known as
statesman, author and poet, was created a peer.
Among its archives are some curious autograph
letters; one, for instance, of condolence from Queen
Elizabeth to a maternal ancestor of the family, on a
death that occurred in it. It was folded up like a
“cock’d hat,” as we used to say when sometimes
receiving notes twisted into that shape from octoge-
narians of the West-End of London. Another of
the autographs was from Charles II. to Sir Henry
Lyttelton, dated Brussels, January the 8th, 1660,
thanking him for his friendship, and that of his
relations in Worcestershire, when the Stuarts were
in trouble. This shire is somewhat historical in
reference to that period, to say nothing of the battle
of Worcester, where Cromwell so completely routed
the King’s forces. Mr. Clive once mentioned at
dinner that the family of the Penderills, descend-
ants of those four sturdy brothers mentioned by
Hume, have a small allowance charged on each of
the ecclesiastical livings of the shire (as I understood
him), which they still receive in the light of a
pension, for their services to Charles when he was
an outcast and a wanderer in those parts. Lord

Dartmouth said, on the same occasion, that one of
18
254 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

Lord Bagot’s family was married to a descendant of
the Mrs. Lane, also mentioned by Hume as so faith-
ful to fallen royalty. And it was stated that the
oak which saved Charles stands not very far from
Hagley; or rather what was the oak; for the old
tree is gone, a fresh one growing round its root, sur-
rounded by an iron palisade. It was mentioned in
this connection that Charles, in honor of that tree,
contemplated the introduction of a new order into
England, to be called the “order of the royal oak;”
but it came to nothing; the best fate it could have
had, as sensible people would now say, I suppose.
Charles once, in his woe-begone state, speaking of
the tree that saved him, is said to have mournfully
ejaculated, (if ever that merry king was mournful
in anything,) “As I cannot have a hole with foxes
in the earth, I must seek a retreat with the birds
upon the trees.” The ancient homestead of the
Lytteltons stood near the site of the present man-
sion, but was burnt down during the devastations
of that era.

I came across a literary curiosity during the visit.
Peering through the bookcases one evening, a small
volume, old and in plain binding, met my eye. I
took it down; and what should it be but the original
edition of Thomson’s Seasons, much thumbed?
Glancing at the pages, I perceived marginal notes in
writing, made, I was told, by the first Lord Lyttel-
ton. Thomson was then a favorite visitor at
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 255

Hagley. I asked permission to take it to my
chamber. There, in gown and slippers, before the
fire, I enjoyed until past midnight that charming
poet, and thinking that perhaps he might have had
the very chamber I was in. The marginal notes
were curious. I copied some of them roughly in
pencil to send to you, but learning that no publica-
tion of any of them had ever been made by the
family, I would not risk sending them, lest of some
mischance to the letter, so burnt them; but you
shall hear of them when I come home.

With the mention again of the first Lord Lyttel-
ton, let me add that my kind friend presented me,
on coming away, with a copy of his works in three
volumes. To Harry he gave a miniature edition of
Virgil, a bijou from its size. Let me further say of
my hospitable friend, in this connection, that while
at Oxford he made his mark for skill in the classics,
and has kept up his taste for them.

At last I must begin to think of bringing this
long letter to a close; but as it was put off a good
while, I seemed the more bound to eke it out to
what you see; and well do I know that it is to come
under eyes that will willingly read all I write while
absent, no matter in what rambling ways.

Finally, I must tell you of the inquiries about
you. Lady Lyttelton made them most kindly, as
did Lord L., of course. Lord Dartmouth had not
forgotten you. He reminded me of having met you
256 “LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

at dinner at Lord Bagot’s soon after our arrival,
and made obliging reference to the occasion. You
will remember that dinner, I am sure; but there will
be no harm in freshening up to you an incident at it.
It will make my letter but a very little longer, and
‘brings up Lord Palmerston, now Foreign Secretary
here, and growing in fame. He was then Secretary
of War, which was not a Cabinet post at that day.
An attempt had been made to assassinate him by
a dismissed army-lieutenant, and the event was
talked of at table. He was wounded; but sufficient
time had not elapsed for it to be known if the
wound would prove mortal. Whereupon one of the
company (you know who) gravely avowed his
readiness, should Lord Palmerston die and the
assassin escape hanging on the plea of insanity, to
hang up one of his relatives in his stead! The idea
was playfully handled, but received no quarter, not-
withstanding that the gentleman who started it
was full of precedents from French history to help
it along. The anecdote may perhaps revive in you
other souvenirs of that dinner; as, for example, the
mode of announcement of some of the personages
among the evening company as they entered the
drawing-room.

I fancy it will not be soon that you will have
another letter as long as this, for it is not always
that I shall have Hagley and its scenes to write
about. Lord Dartmouth invited me to go over to
VISIT TO HAGLEY. 257

Sandwell ‘Park, and make him a visit while the
holidays last, as he expects’ friends; but I had to
decline, for I am anxious to hasten back to London,
to watch the Court of Chancery, from which that
precious Smithsonian fund for the United States is
to come. As yet I have been able to do little more
than make a beginning in the work; and if I do not
follow it up, I might perchance have to spend an-
other seven years in England, as when you were
here. I flatter myself Sydenham would rebel
against this, in which feeling I send to you all my
affectionate adieus.

R. R.

17
LETTER TO MRS. RUSH,

FROM LONDON:

ON

THE DEATH OF WILLIAM THE FOURTH, AND ACCESSION OF
QUEEN VICTORIA TO THE BRITISH THRONE.

’
LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

 

DEATH OF WILLIAM THE FOURTH, AND ACCESSION
OF QUEEN VICTORIA TO THE THRONE,

Lonpon, June 21, 1837.
My pear WIFE:

Not long after my letter in December
describing my visit to Grove Park, Lord Clarendon
came to town. The festivities in England in the
country at Christmas, begin to draw to a close after
Twelfth Night, as you know. The members of Par-
liament generally come back to London from their
country homes on the assembling of the two houses
in February, except those who choose to remain
longer to indulge in rural sports or for any other
reason. Lord C., not being of these for the present
season at least, came to town in good time; and
more than once I have again found myself at his
table in his ancient looking town house, North
Audley Street, as in days of yore when we first
knew him as Mr. Villiers.

261
262 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

I was about to tell you of a dinner there a few

weeks ago, chiefly for the sake of what was said of
Washington and General Jackson, in connection
with the Duke of Wellington. Our hospitable en-
tertainer, in speaking of the Duke, said, that after
the battle of Waterloo he, the duke, dined with
Lord Fitzroy Somerset, one of his aids, in Brussels;
Lady Fitzroy Somerset, who is connected with the
Bagots, as the Duke also is, being at that time in-
disposed in Brussels.* When the crowning victory
just won over Napoleon was dwelt on with joy,
the Duke’s eyes were seen to be moistened with
tears; and he said that the next. painful thing in
war after being defeated was to gain a victory,
from the number of the killed among those you
loved. Lord C. here added, that three men re-
nowned for success in war, Washington, Jackson
and the Duke, had each inculcated upon their re-
spective nations the maxims of peace, and each
within his sphere endeavored to maintain it.
_ Lintended to write to you about this and other
things that passed on that occasion, from your ac-
quaintance with several of the names at table; but
interruptions that came upon me thwarted my
intention.

 

* Lord Fitzroy Somerset was long and closely connected with
the Duke of Wellington. He lost an arm in battle whilst his aid.
He afterwards, as Lord Raglan, commanded the British force sent
to the Crimea in 1854.
ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA. 263

’ But to-day I will write you some account of what
passed at dinner there yesterday, lest anything
should chance to thwart my purpose this time, or
delay it; for now I am to tell you of something
that does not happen here every day, namely, the
death of the king and a new sovereign ascending
the throne.

To give it in the connection in which I had it, I
must mention that I dined at the Marquis of Lans-
downe’s the day preceding, with a somewhat large
company. The guests, as they successively arrived,
among whom were the Archbishop of York and
others of distinction, were full of the announce-
ment, which a second edition of some of the even-
ing papers contained,of the King’s death; but Lord
Lansdowne, as President of the council of ministers,
was able to contradict it, having the latest intelli-
gence by express from Windsor. He said, however,
that the event might be looked for every hour, the
King being extremely ill, and the physicians con-
sidering a recovery hopeless. The conversation in
anticipation of the event became engrossing. The
steps to invest the young Princess Victoria with the
regal power; the novelty of the occasion; the fact
that more than a century had elapsed since a
female reign in England; the careful training the
young Princess had been going through; the
assiduity with which it was stated she had at-
tended to her studies, under the best direction,
264 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

for understanding her constitutional duties; all
this, with more bearing upon a female reign, im-
parted to the conversation, in which peers and
commoners joined, unusual interest.

Yesterday, at Lord Clarendon’s, we had the
subject in hand, not as an anticipation but a reality.
The King died at three o'clock yesterday morning.
Our dinner-party this second day was small and
friendly, consisting mainly of those allied in one
way or another by marriage; the Earl and Countess
of Surrey, the Countess of Grosvenor, the Duchess
Countess of Sutherland, a son of Lord Surrey, and
two other young gentlemen, with Lord and Lady
Clarendon, making the whole. Most of these you
know.

Lord Clarendon, as a Privy Councillor, had been
to Kensington Palace, the residence of the Princess
Victoria, where the Privy Council were assembled
on the demise of the crown, as the legal term is;
for although the King, as a mortal man, must die,
the kingly office continues for the next lawful heir
to step into, whether man or woman. He was
there nearly all the morning, to bear his part in
the ceremony of the crown’s passing from one
person to another; and to his narrative, fresh from
the scene, we all listened, as you may imagine, from
curiosity if no other feeling.

The Lord President (Lord Lansdowne) announced
to the Council that they had met on the occasion of
ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA. 265

the demise of the crown; then, with some others of
the body, including the Premier, he left the Council
for a short time, when all returned with the young
Princess. She entered leaning upon the arm of her
uncle the Duke of Sussex. The latter had not before
been in the council room, but resides in the same
Palace, and had been with the Princess in an adjoin-
ing apartment. He conducted her to a chair at the
head of the Council. A short time after she took
her seat, she read the declaration which the sove-
reign makes on coming to the throne, and took the
oath to govern the realm according to law, and
cause justice to be executed in mercy.

The members of the Council then successively
kneeled, one knee bending, and kissed the young
Queen’s hand as she extended it to each; for now
she was the veritable Queen of England. Lord C.
described the whole ceremony as performed in a very
appropriate and graceful manner by the young Lady.
Some timidity was discernible at first, as she came
into the room in presence of the Cabinet and Privy
Councillors; but it disappeared soon, and a becom-
ing self-possession took its place. He noticed her
discretion in not talking, éxcept as the business of
the ceremonial made it proper, and confining her-
self chiefly when she spoke, to Lord Melbourne, as
official head of the ministry, and her uncle the
Duke of Sussex.

This is the substance of what he related. I do
266 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

not repeat all, for his words were apt; and in such
a matter, it is best I should be sparing in what I
say, lest I might misquote him. Occasional ques-
tions were thrown in by the company. I did
nothing but listen, as the sole stranger present. All
seemed glad to be dining there by chance on the
day of the event. We heard all about it before it
could get into the newspapers; a rare thing in
England, his lordship having come almost imme-
diately from the Palace to greet his friends expected
at this dinner.

But before it was all over, I was drawn in, whether
or not, to say a little in turn. The important
points of the story of the day told, and the desert
course finished, our accomplished host, addressing
himself to me, with his mild expression of counte-
nance tinged with archness, blandly remarked, “ How
sadly you in your country have departed from the
example of your good old English stock !” “How?” I
asked. “How 2” he replied : “why, could you elect a
Lady, President of the United States?” This was
something of a posing question under the event and
topics of ‘the day. I sheltered myself by saying it
was a constitutional quéstion we had not yet raised.
“Ah,” he said, “you know you could not; but we in
old England can now call up the classic days of our
good Queen Anne, and the glories of Elizabeth ; but
as for you, you are in love with that Salic law—you
will have none but men to rule over you; no lady,
ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA. 267

however beautiful or accomplished, can you ever
put at the head of your nation, degenerate race
that you have become!” It was so he pushed me.
TI parried his thrusts as well as I could. Then he
varied the attack. “And what a hubbub you made
for a year before electing Mr. Van Buren President!
See how quietly a Queen comes to our throne; walk
the streets, and you would not know of a change: to-
morrow will be as yesterday, except that everybody
will have a joyous face at the thoughts of a young
Queen. We shall all be proud to look up to her;
honored when allowed to kiss her fair hand at the
drawing-room; happy even to have our ears boxed
if we deserve it!” It was so he went on in a vein
of badinage. The occasion was not one for political
dissertation. I stuck to my country by saying,
that if we could not elect a Lady, President, I hoped
we should have credit for keeping up the character
of our English descent by doing pretty well in
other things on our continent. None of the
company dissented from this; least of all Lord
Clarendon himself, who had been running me so
hard, though so playfully. And thus passed off
this pleasant little dinner-party and talk about
Queens and Presidents. Here I must end the
present letter, thinking this one subject enough
just now.

Hoping it may find all well at home, and barely
268 LETTER TO MRS. RUSH.

adding that I follow up the Smithsonian Legacy i in
a way that I hope may induce the Chancery. lawyers
to make an end of the business the sooner, if only
to get rid of my teasing, i

I remain as ever yours,

R. R.
CORRESPONDENCE

WITH

THE SECRETARY OF STATE, MR. MARCY,

(UNDER AN OFFICIAL CALL,)
%

SETTING FORTH THE CONSTRUCTION PLACED UPON THE ARTICLE IN RELA:
TION TO THE NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES IN THE CONVENTION AT
LONDON OF 1818 BY THE NEGOTIATORS OF THAT TREATY.

WITH AN EXPLANATORY LETTER
FROM THE AUTHOR TO HIS EXECUTORS,

19
EXPLANATORY LETTER.

To my Execurtors:

Having requested you in my will to
publish a letter I wrote in July, 1853, to the Secre-
tary of State, then Mr. Marcy, in answer to an
official application from him for my views on the
construction of the Fishegy Article in the Conven-
tion with Great Britain, of 1818, it seems proper I
should give the reasons’for this request.

I was the surviving negotiator of that Conven-
tion, all others officially sharing in it directly or
otherwise, namely, President Adams, (the younger,)
Mr. Gallatin, President Monroe and President Madi-
son, having passed away. Hence the call upon me.
It was made while negotiations were going on
between the United States and Great Britain to
arrange this and other matters of international con-
cern. Great Britain, it may be inferred, expected
equivalents if yielding anything to us on this
Fishery Question. It was the most important and
pressing of any then pending. How it ever became
a question, and when, I have endeavored to show;

but, once raised by Great Britain, she adhered to it,
271
272 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

to the extent of instructing her ships of war to
order our fishing vessels away, if found on what she
claimed as exclusively her fishing grounds. Lord
Elgin, then Governor-General of the British Pro-
vinces north of us, was the British negotiator, and
the Secretary of State, ours. The negotiations
dragged heavily for some time, and, out of doors,
were thought to have been on the brink of a fruit-
less termination. Finally, the “ Reciprocity Treaty,”
for regulating our trade and fishing concerns with
the Canadas and other British Provinces north of
us, was concluded and signed at Washington on the
fifth of June, 1854. ™

If asked, did not this Tyeaty put the question at
rest? I answer that it did, for the time being. But
the subject is open to other views. <A future day
may witness the revival of the question. We
thought it at rest under the old Revolutionary
Treaty of 1783; but it returned upon us after the
war of 1812. That war over, we again thought it
at rest forever, under the Convention of 1818; but
again it came back upon us. It would be unwise
to consider the Reciprocity Treaty perpetual, what-
ever its presumed or real merits. When it does
come to an end, this question may be upon our
hands once more. The power of England is not
on the decline, by any evidences yet before us, but,
on the contrary, increases; and her adherence in
the future, as in the past, to the policy which
THE AUTHOR TO HIS EXECUTORS. 273

tends to foster her commercial interests and mari-
time strength, may naturally be inferred. It would
hence seem no more than prudent that both coun-
tries, ours especially, should be in possession of all
the lights still attainable, on the true nature of ‘this
Fishery Question; which, altogether, is a remark-
able one in our diplomatic history.

For more than twenty years the Convention of
1818 was in full operation in the sense in which
our Government understood the article relating to
the Fisheries. After this long acquiescence, Great
Britam applied a new and different rule for the
operation of the article. Whether she had good
grounds for this change in its construction, is the
essential inquiry. High names, in the Senate and
elsewhere, have so well defended our construction,
that it might seem unnecessary for me to bring
before the public the views presented in this letter
to the Secretary of State, were they not derived
from facts intrinsic to the negotiation itself. In
directing its publication by my executors, 1 aim at
rendering justice to revered names in our history,
and whose humble associate I was in this portion
of our public affairs. I aim at showing that this
solemn international compact, made under their
instructions, and receiving their sanction, did not
give up American fishing rights of long existence
and great magnitude, but, on the contrary, secured
them with the greatest care. In here vindicating
274 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

their memories against imputed errors or oversights
in a matter so grave, and in desiring that the vindi-
cation should become known to their country, I
trench upon no sense of propriety: As an official
document, upon an international subject, no secrecy
belonged to this letter, written on a public call upon
me by the Government, other than exemption from
premature publicity. Whilst the Reciprocity Treaty
was under discussion, it was withheld from print by
the eminent functionary to whom it was addressed,
for reasons deemed sufficient, no doubt, at the time.
A voluntary publication of it by me at that time
would have been out'of place. But the treaty
having been perfected, its execution in good faith
by both countries, as long as it lasts, cannot be
affected by historical facts, or any opinions I may
have left for posthumous publication.
Ricwarp Rusu.

SYDENHAM,
December, 1854.
LETTER

FROM

THE SECRETARY OF STATE.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Wasuineaton, July 6th, 1853.
Sir:

You are probably aware that within a few
years past a question has arisen between the United
States and Great Britain as to the construction to
be given to the Ist Article of the Convention of
1818, relative to the Fisheries on the coast of the
British North American Provinces. For more than
twenty years after the conclusion of that Conven-
tion, there was no serious attempt to exclude our
fishermen from the large bays on that coast; but
about ten years ago, at the instance of the Provin-
cial Authorities, the Home Government gave a con-
struction to the Ist Article, which closes all bays,
whatever be their extent, against our citizens for
fishing purposes. It is true, they have been per-
mitted to fish in the Bay of Fundy. This permis-
sion is conceded to them by the British Government
as a matter of favor, but denied as a right. That

2 275
276 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

Government excludes them from all the other large
bays.

Our construction of the Convention is, that
American fishermen have a right to resort to any
bay, and take fish in it; provided they are not
within a marine league of the shore. As you nego-
tiated the Convention referred to, I should be much
pleased to be favored with your views on the sub-

ject.
I have honor to be,
With great respect,
Your obedient servant,
W. L. Marcy.
Tue Hon™

RicHarpD Rvs,

SYDENHAM, NEAR
PHILADELPHIA.
MR. RUSH’S REPLY

TO

THE SECRETARY OF STATE.

SypDENHAM, NEAR PHILADELPHIA,

July 18, 1853.
Sir:

I had the honor to receive your letter of the
6th of this month, relating to the question which
has arisen within a few years past between the
United States and Great Britain as to the construc-
tion to be given to the first article of the Conven-
tion of 1818, concerning the Fisheries on the coast
of the British North American Provinces; and I
beg leave to express my regret that unavoidable in-
terruptions have prevented an earlier reply.

Your letter gives me to understand, that for
more than twenty years after the conclusion of this
Convention, there was no serious attempt to exclude
our fishermen from the large bays on that coast;
but that about ten years ago, at the instance of the
Provincial Authorities, the Home Government in
England gave a construction to the first article,
which closes all bays, whatever be their extent,
against our citizens, for fishing purposes; and that,

although they have been permitted to fish in the
arr
278 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

Bay of Fundy as matter of favor, the Home Govern-
ment denies their right to fish there, or in any of
the other large bays.

On the other hand, you inform me that our con-
struction of the Convention is, that American fisher-
men have a right to resort to any bay and take fish
in it, provided they are not within a marine league
of the shore.

Under these conflicting constructions, you are
pleased to invite my views on the subject, as I was
one of the negotiators of the Convention.

Honored by such a call upon me, I feel that the
national rights and interests at stake in the just
construction of this convention, are of a description
so high as necessarily to command my obedience to
the call.

At the same time, with the public duty which
your letter devolves upon me, I cannot be insensible
to the peculiarity of its nature, coming, as the call
does, more than thirty years after the negotiation
was held. I might well be distrustful of my per-
sonal recollections, and would hardly dare to draw
upon them on an occasion so solemn, after this
long interval, unless under the corroboration of
documentary and other evidence. Treaties and
conventions, as other written instruments, are to
be interpreted by their own words, in conjunction
with the antecedent and collateral facts necessary
to the elucidation of their words.
CONSTRUCTION OF CONVENTION OF 1818. 279

Premising thus much, I may be allowed to say,
and here at least I am able to speak with confidence,
that the Convention of 1818 was entered into with
great circumspection on our side. Mr. Monroe was
then President, and Mr. Adams Secretary of State.
Looking to their qualities with reference to this
particular question, the former was calm-minded
and wise; while the latter, besides all his other
high qualities of mind, had little disposition to
yield opinions carefully formed on the basis of his
country’s rights. From Mr. Adams, my colleague
Mr. Gallatin, and myself, received in due form our
instructions, accompanied by full information, the
better to guide us in understanding and applying
them. I need only recall the name of Mr. Gallatin
for all to remember how experienced, sagacious,
and highly gifted he was. To allude once more to
Mr. Adams, it may be safely affirmed, that no one
of our public men ever understood the fishery
question better in all its extent, or examined it
more sedulously in detail. It might almost be said
that, in instructing us, he went to the work with
something of filial reverence, which might have
exalted, if possible, his sense of public duty. He
yemembered the share which his great Revolutionary
sire, the elder Adams, had in concluding the treaty
with Great Britain in 1783, and knew that he
would have preferred surrendering his commission,
to surrendering our rights to the fisheries in any of
280 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

the seas, bays, or gulfs, off the colonial coast of
British America. The negotiators of the Conven-
tion had before them, therefore, supposing they
could have been negligent themselves, the prospect
of rebuke from their Government if, by the use of
incautious words, or omission of apt ones, they
became the means of depriving American fishermen
of the right to resort to any bay off that coast and
take fish at pleasure. There was, in fact, but the
single exception you mention: they were not to go
within three miles of the shore. You will gather .
from this remark that, as the surviving negotiator
of the Convention, I coincide in the construction of
its first article which our Government puts upon it;
and I proceed to state the considerations which im-
press upon me the soundness of this construction.
Among the documents forwarded to us from
Washington, as in part our guide in framing this
article, were divers letters and representations
obtained from proper sources in New England,
particularly Massachusetts, containing information
on the whole subject of the fisheries. It was
obtained at the instance of Mr. Adams, under
queries which he probably propounded on every
branch of the subject. Familiar more or less with
it all his life, his attention had been specially
drawn, while Minister in England, to the state
into which it had fallen after the treaty of Ghent;
and to the state also in which he found it on his
CONSTRUCTION OF CONVENTION OF 1818. 281

arrival in Washington in 1817, when recalled from
London to be the incumbent of your Department.
Some steps for its settlement.in Washington, which
proved unavailing, were taken by Mr. Bagot, who
first came over as British Minister to the United
States after the Treaty of Ghent.

The queries propounded, as I suppose, by Mr.
Adams, sought, very pointedly, amongst other
things, information as to the extent of the fishing
grounds necessary to us. When I first received:
your letter, I was not sure that I had in my posses-
sion any of this documentary information, as then
furnished to us; but, on since looking carefully into
places where I had deposited ancient papers, I have
discovered a portion of it, the remainder having
been probably taken away by Mr. Gallatin. Or it
may be that the whole is still’ to be found among
your files. The fragments in my possession have
afforded me much satisfaction, as they go to
strengthen the views which I have so uniformly
entertained of the meaning of the first article,
before knowing that I had them.

From one of the documents, viz., a letter of some
length from Daniel Rose, dated Boothbay, January
22, 1818, I make the following extract :—“A great
disadvantage of having a particular, limited extent
of coast is, that our vessels must then go to that
only ; and this would render the prospect of making
a fare expeditiously very uncertain. It is well
282 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

known that in some years fish are plenty on
grounds where in other years few or no fish are to
be found. It is the practice of our fishermen to
try the different grounds as they proceed eastward,
and where they find fish plenty they stop. Thus,
they sometimes get their cargo on this side of the
Straits of Belleisle; at other times, they pass
through the straits and proceed far north before
they find plenty of fish.” In the same letter it is
said, “If any privilege is to be given up, that of
curing fish is of the least importance, because that
inconvenience may be obviated in a great measure
by the fishermen making different arrangements.”
And again, he says, “The Cape Sable shores are
most used, and of the most importance for us in
the District of Maine, comprehending the Bay of
Fundy, and the coast as far east as Whitehead at
least.”

A letter from J. F. Parrott, dated from the
House of Representatives of the United States,
February 6, 1818, states that the fishermen of New
Hampshire “would view with extreme apprehension
and concern the adoption of any stipulations having
a tendency to deprive them of the privilege which
they have heretofore enjoyed, of frequenting the
coasts of the Bay of Fundy and Nova Scotia, and
entering the coves for the purpose of procuring
bait.” Other doeuments agree to the importance
of our holding this fishing ground, as may be
CONSTRUCTION OF CONVENTION OF 1818. 283

inferred from the above extract. All likewise
concur in the great importance to us of the Gulf
of St. Lawrence and Bay of Chaleur. The latter
is represented as having been “famous fishing
ground” before the Revolution, and still productive.
Heavy injury is anticipated should we not secure
it. There is a long letter from Israel Trask to
Mr. Silsbee, member of Congress, dated Gloucester,
January the 20th, 1818, giving valuable informa-
tion; and a general concurrence is seen as to the
importance of our securing ample fishing ‘ground,
even if we did not get shore privilege; though the
latter also was desirable. If my memory does not
fail me, there were strong representations from the
Honorable James Lloyd, then an eminent Senator
from Massachusetts, on this head, and especially as
to our not losing the Bay of Chaleur; though I do
not find them among my papers.

Forewarned by information of this nature and
much more not now in my possession, it ought not
to be lightly supposed that the negotiators of the
Convention would sign away the right of entering
the fishing grounds in any of the large outer bays
or gulfs. It would have been a severe blow upon
all the fishermen of New England. It would have
been to forget the whole spirit and object of our in-
structions; to disregard the information which in
part dictated them; and to yield up or endanger
great public interests, naval ‘and national. The:
284 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

Senate of the United States never could have
ratified such a convention. We had come out of
the war of 1812 under too high a tone of national
feeling, most especially as regarded our rising naval
capabilities and all the sources for sustaining them.
The idea of fencing us out by a line drawn from
“headland to headland” of any of those large outer
bays is perfectly new. It has burst upon us as
altogether an ex post facto affair. No such words
‘are in the Convention. I was amazed when I first
heard such arumor. Since receiving your letter, I
have searched through all my papers, including the
memorandums and informal notes which passed,
from time to time, between the negotiators on both
sides whilst the negotiation was in progress. I find
no trace or shadow of any such words, on any pro-
tocol or elsewhere, from the beginning to the end
of the whole negotiation. Yet the presence of such
words in the convention is asswmed in an opinion,
as published in the newspapers, which the Attorney-
General and Advocate-General of England have
given against our construction of the instrument;
and this assumption would seem to be an essential
prop of their opinion. It was drawn forth, as is
stated, under the requisition of Lord Palmerston, at
the instance of the public authorities of Nova
Scotia in 1841, who were certainly no parties to
this international compact. The period of invoking
such an opinion against us, was, it will be perceived,
CONSTRUCTION OF CONVENTION OF 1818. 285

somewhat remote. It came twenty-two years after
the date of the Convention!

It is indispensable to the just construction of this
high international compact, to which the attention
of both nations is now directed, to recall the state
of things existing when it was formed; and although
this has been a well understood branch of the ques-
tion hitherto, its summary but distinct recapitula-
tion in outline will be appropriate at the present
juncture to your call upon me. -

By the old treaty of peace of 1783 which. sepa-
rated the two countries, we secured these valuable
fishing rights. Britain said we lost them by the
war of 1812. We denied it. Her doctrine was
that war abrogated all pre-existing. treaties... We
admitted this to be the general rule, but insisted
that there were exceptions to it, and denied alto-
gether its application to the treaty of 83. That
was not a treaty to be judged by common rules.
It split an empire in twain.. Britain did not grant
us independence by that treaty, but acknowledged
it. She did not grant us our boundaries. She
agreed to them. She did not grant us our fishing
rights. She agreed to them. All these we won in
arms. We treated with our great adversary for
peace, and desired it; but we treated as a coequal
sovereign nation. Had not the fishing rights we
insisted upon been agreed to, the treaty of peace

would not have been concluded. It may be here
20
286 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

incidentally mentioned, as both curious and illus-
trative, that the elder Adams took as a motto for his
seal, “Piscemur, venemur; ut olim” the latter then
having reference to the Mississippi as our western
boundary. We did not, after the separation, claim
the right to cure and dry fish upon her shores.
That would have been to trench upon her territory;
but we did émsist upon our full right to fish in the
sea, and in all the open bays and gulfs where we
had been accustomed to fish before. We considered
these rights as fixed and irrevocable—like our bound-
aries, or our Independence. They were founded
in beneficence, as producing human food and sub-
sistence—a reason why they should be the more
liberally interpreted and extended. They had also
a paramount foundation in equity for us from the
historical fact that in past time before the Revolu-
tion, when we were all British subjects together,
the people of New England had done more by far to
discover and use all these very fishing grounds, than
any other people of the British Empire. Mr. Mon-
roe, while Secretary of State under President Madi-
son, and therefore imparting the views of the latter,
while giving instructions to our ministers at Ghent
in 1814, in regard to the fisheries, used the follow-
ing emphatic language, in case any attempt should
be made by Britain to demand their surrender:—
viz., “they [with other rights mentioned] must not
CONSTRUCTION OF CONVENTION OF 1818. 287

be brought into question; and if insisted on, your
negotiation will cease.”

Our whole doctrine was powerfully argued and
illustrated by Mr. Adams when Minister in London
after the treaty of Ghent, in two diplomatic notes,
one to Lord Bathurst in September, 1815, the other
to Lord Castlereagh in January, 1816. Lord
Bathurst replied in an elaborate note to Mr. Adams
of October, 1815. In this note he fully. made
known that England was not less unequivocal in
the opposite doctrine to that which we had. taken.
The two countries being decidedly at issue, and,
according to the ground England took, no treaty
regulation of the subject being in existence after
the war of 1812, her cruisers began to capture our
fishing vessels in the waters where we thought our
right to go was as good as hers. The danger was
imminent. Collisions might take place at any
moment. Then it was that further captures were
forborne until the two governments could calmly
and deliberately interpose in the hope of some
satisfactory adjustment. This summary presents
the precise attitude of the two nations when the
negotiation of 1818 opened.

After protracted difficulties, anxieties, and hesita-
tions, on this momentous topic, momentous because
we on our side thought that a rupture between the
two countries would ultimately follow the failure
to arrange it, the negotiation, which commenced
288 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

in August, 1818, happily terminated in the signa-
ture of the Convention on the 20th of October of
that year.

In signing it, we believed that we retained the
right of fishing in the sea, whether called a bay, gulf,
or by whatever other term designated, that washed
any part of the coast of the British North Ameri-
can Provinces, with the simple exception that we
did not come within a marine league of the shore.
We had this right by the law of nations. Its con-
firmation was in the treaty of ’83. We retained it
undiminished, unless we gave it up by the first arti-.
cle of the Convention of 1818. This we did not
do. The article warrants no such construction.
Mr. Everett, when minister in London, writing to
Lord Aberdeen, August 10, 1848, under instruc-
tions from the Secretary of State, remarks that
“the right of fishing on any part of the coast of
Nova Scotia (consequently in the Bay of Fundy)
at a greater distance than three miles, is so plain,
that it would be difficult to conceive on what
ground it could be drawn in question, had not
attempts been made by the provincial authorities
of Her Majesty’s Government to interfere with its
’ and Mr. Stevenson, Minister in London
before Mr. Everett, while writing to Lord Palmer-
ston, March 27, ’41, in reference to our right to fish
in the large outer bays, says, “The stipulations of
the treaty (convention) of 1818 are believed to be

exercise;
CONSTRUCTION OF CONVENTION OF 1818. 289

too plain and explicit to leave room for doubt or
misapprehension.”

As to the Bay of Fundy, part of its coast belongs
to one of the States of the Union—viz., Maine.
Hence Britain cannot claim it as her exclusive
dominion. Had Mr. Gallatin been told by the
British Plenipotentiaries that the first article of
the convention would close the extensive waters of
that. bay against our fishermen, I do not believe he
would have signed it. I am sure I would not have
signed it. The spirit, context, all the concomitants,
of the article, pointed to a different meaning. I
need not cite all its words. You are familiar with
them. It will be enough to bring into view the
proviso which follows the clause of renunciation.
That part runs thus:—“And the United States
hereby renounce forever any liberty heretofore
enjoyed or claimed by the inhabitants thereof, to
take, dry, or cure fish, on or within three marine
miles of any of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbors
of His Britannic Majesty’s dominions in America not
included within the above mentioned limits, (those
set out for us in the beginning of the article;) pro-
vided, however, that the American fishermen shall
be permitted to enter such bays or harbors, for the
purpose of shelter and of repairing damages therein,
of purchasing wood, and of obtaining water; and for
no other purpose whatever.”

These are the decisive words in our favor. They
290 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

meant no more than that our fishermen, whilst fish-
ing in the waters of the Bay of Fundy, should not
go nearer than three miles to any of those small
inner bays, creeks, or harbors, which are known to in-
dent the coasts of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. ,
To suppose they were bound to keep three miles
off from a line drawn from headland to headland on
the extreme outside limits of that bay, a line which
might measure fifty miles or more, according to the
manner of drawing or imagining it, would be a
most unnatural supposition. I cannot think that
it entered the minds of the British Plenipoten-
tiaries any more than ours. For would it not be
useless to tell fishermen, when half wrecked, that
they might cross such a line for the purpose of seek-
ing shelter in bays, creeks, and harbors, lying at an
immense distance inside of it? Tempest-tost outside
of a great sea line like that, damaged in sails and
rigging, how were they to reach the sheltering
havens they desired? To suppose it, is a mockery;
and similar reasoning applies to all the other large
bays and gulfs.
We inserted the clause of renunciation. The
British Plenipotentiaries did not:desire it. Without
it, room might have been left for the inference that
what we got under the Convention was a grant from
Britain; whereas our ground of argument being
that, with the exception of shore privilege, our fish-
ing rights remained as under the treaty of ’83, we
CONSTRUCTION OF CONVENTION OF 1818. 291

could receive nothing which had been agreed upon
by the first article in the light of a concession or
Javor from her. We took it only as part of a co-
equal agreement, and in the sense of a compromise.

In conformity with our construction was the
practice of Britain herself after the convention was
ratified. Our fishermen were waiting for the word
not of exclusion, but admission, to those large outer
bays. They had been shut out from them, some
captured, and all warned away, after the Treaty of
Ghent. The interval was an anxious one to them.
Accordingly, as soon as the Convention went into
operation, they eagerly hastened to their ancient
resorts; reinstated by the provident care of their
Government. Hence the significant motto of our
Revolutionary patriot and sage, that we would both
jish and hunt over the same grounds as heretofore.
No complaint was made or whispered by any mem-
ber of the British Government of that day, of which
I ever heard.

I remained Minister at that Court nearly seven
years after the signature and ratification of this
convention. Opportunities of complaint were, there-
fore, never wanting. If intimated to me, it would
have been my duty to transmit at once any such
intimation to our Government. Nor did I ever hear
of complaints through the British Legation in Wash-
ington. It would have been natural to make objec-
tions when our misconstruction of the instrument
292- NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

was fresh, if we did misconstrue.it. The occasion
would have been especially opportune when I was
subsequently engaged in extensive negotiations with
England in 1823-4, which brought under considera-
tion the whole relations, commercial and territorial,
between the two countries, including our entire in-
tercourse by sea and land, with her North Ameri-
can colonies. Still, silence was never broken in
the metropolitan atmosphere of London whilst I
remained there. Your letter informs me that for
more than twenty years after the convention there
was no serious attempt to exclude us from those
large bays; and Mr. Everett, writing as Secretary
of State, only on the 4th of December -last, to Mr.
Ingersoll, then our minister in London, renders
more definite the time you would indicate, by say-
ing that “it was just a quarter of a century after
the date of the Convention before the first Ameri-
can fisherman was captured for fishing at large in
the Bay of Fundy.” I find it extremely difficult,
under any lights at present before me, to explain
the extraordinary circumstances which environ this
international question consistently with the respect
due to the high party on the other side; feelings
the most friendly bemg ever due to her from the
magnitude of the interests bound up in the sub-
sistence of harmonious relations between the two
countries.
CONSTRUCTION OF CONVENTION OF 1818. 293

It is impossible for me to doubt that the Conven-
tion, as we now construe it, and have always con-
strued it, was entirely acceptable to the British
Government at the time of its adoption. But I
remember also that other feelings were afloat at
that epoch, beyond the pale of the Home Govern-
ment in England. The fishery article was sharply
assailed out of doors. Journals of prominence in
London represented it as sacrificing high maritime
interests of England, following up like sacrifices
which, they said, she had made to France and other
powers, in the treaties of Vienna. The Legislative
Assembly and Council of Nova Scotia, sent for-
ward murmurs, deep and loud, from that quarter.
They alleged that the prospects of British colonial
industry and .advantage in North America were
exposed to a shock in the competition which this
fishery article opened anew to the Americans. The
commingling tides of complaint from the London
press and from the Colonies served to swell, for a
time, popular clamor in England against us; a feeling
not without example in that country, as those know
who may have had opportunities of close observa-
tion, when her Government has kept aloof and
been friendly to us. The clamor had its run, and
died away. The British statesmen then wielding
her power—Lord Liverpool was Premier, and Lord
Castlereagh Foreign Secretary—had probably not
294 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

been unaware that there would be, to some extent,
an outside feeling of dissatisfaction under that
fishery article. They knew their position, and
were prepared for its responsibilities. Paying re-
spect to the convictions prevailing in the United
States, that our fishing rights were not lost by the
war of 1812, though so contrary to the British
opinions, they determined upon the compromise
which the Convention effected.

It was in this spirit of amity that a formidable
source of dissension was removed, without impl-
cating the honor of either nation; whilst the ulti-
mate interests of both were thought, by the wisest
in both, to have been best advanced by the com-
promise.*

I render with satisfaction this passing tribute to
the Liverpool ministry, and especially to Lord
Castlereagh; due the more, as is was not the only
occasion during my long mission when its amicable
counsels in regard to the United States interposed
to ward off trouble to the two nations when there
was no adequate cause for it on our side, but much
out-door English clamor against us. It may be
added, as not an irrelevant fact, but pertinent to

 

* In the Author’s “Memoranda of a Residence at the Court of
London,” vol. i. chapter xix. pp. 388 to 403, will be found a full
account of the progress of the negotiation of 1818; the con-
clusion of the Convention, and the settlement, among others, of
the Fishery article, as here explained—Eprrors.
CONSTRUCTION OF CONVENTION OF 1818. 295

the matter I have in hand, that it was the same
ministry, Tory as it was, with which we negotiated
in London the Convention of July, 1815. This
international compact secured for us, as far as it
went, the fairest measure of reciprocity in our com-
merce, and especially our navigation, with Britain,
which, up to that period, we had ever been able to
obtain from any British ministry, Whig or Tory,
since the day of our separation. Another aus-
picious circumstance may be said to have gone hand
in hand with the labors of Mr. Gallatin and my-
self. It was a ministry the most strongly seated,
perhaps, in influence and power, of any that had
preceded it for a century, because governing Eng-
land at the epoch of Napoleon’s downfall. Such a
ministry had no fears in being just to us on the
Fishery question. It was not to be shaken by out-
door clamor, and disregarded it.

Nothing but the great importance of the subject,
and the peculiar dilemma in which this disputed
question has come to be placed, could justify me in
making this letter so long. I must venture to hope
that this will be my shield in your eyes.

A brief, a reluctant, reflection must close it. It
relates to the letter from Mr. Webster, written in
July, 52, when he was Secretary of State. I desire
to speak with nothing but reverence of an American
statesman whom death has canonized. To his
great abilities, exalted patriotism and inappreciable
296 NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES.

services, all do homage; none more fully than I
do. An inadvertence found its way into that
letter, which, under the public obligation cast upon
me by your call, I am not at liberty to pass over.
It is the passage in which he states that it was “an
oversight in the Convention of 1818 to make a con-
cession to England, since the United States had
usually considered that these vast inlets or recesses
of the ocean ought to be open to American fisher-
men as freely as the sea itself, to within three
marine miles from the shore.” The letter was
written when he was away from his department.
Full of diversified public occupation, and with his
mind under corresponding solicitudes, he may well
have been momentarily at fault; at a season too
when his health was perhaps feeling the approaches
of that fatal malady which was so soon afterwards
to deprive his country of his valyable life, and take
from the world one of its towéttig names. This
inference is the more strongly forced upon me, as
in the same letter he refers to the opinion of the
English crown lawyers, without noticing the grave
error stamped upon its face; that they assumed the
existence of words not in the Convention. I should
reproach myself for this allusion, but for the influ-
ence which the great name of Mr. Webster might
otherwise lend in directions unfavorable to the just
rights of the country he so dearly loved. Happy
am I to think, that his letter nevertheless closes
CONSTRUCTION OF CONVENTION OF 1818. 297

with a dissent from the construction given by
the crown lawyers of England, to that solemn
Convention which it is the aim of this letter to
show is chargeable with no such oversight as he
supposed.
I have the honor to remain, with great respect,
Your obedient servant,
RicuarD Rusu.

Tur Hon. W. L. Marcy,
Secretary of State,
WASHINGTON.

Note.—The Editors have thought it might be useful for reference to
insert here the first article of the Treaty of 1818.

CONVENTION OF LONDON, OF 20TH OCTOBER, 1818, BETWEEN
THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN.

Tue United States of America, and his Majesty the King of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, desirous to cement the good un-
derstanding which happily subsists between them, have, for that purpose,
named their respective Plenipotentiaries, that is to say: The President
of the United States, on his part, has appointed Albert Gallatin, their
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of France;
and Richard Rush, their Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten-
tiary to the Court of his Britannic Majesty: And his Majesty has ap-
pointed the Right Honourable Frederick John Robinson, Treasurer of
his Majesty’s Navy, and President of the Committee of Privy Council
for Trade and Plantations; and Henry Gouldbourn, Esq., one of hig
Majesty’s Under Secretaries of State: who, after having exchanged their
respective full powers, found to be in due and proper form, have agreed
to and concluded the following articles :

Arr. 1, Whereas, differences have arisen respecting the liberty claimed
by the United States, for the inhabitants thereof, to take, dry, and cure
fish, on certain coasts, bays, harbours, and creeks of his Britannic Majesty’s
298 FIRST ARTICLE.

dominions in America, it is agreed between the high contracting parties,
that the inhabitants of the said United States shall have, forever, in common
with the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, the liberty to take fish of every
kind on that part of the southern coast of Newfoundland, which extends
from Cape Ray to the Rameau Islands, on the western and northern coast,
of Newfoundland, from the said Cape Ray to the Quirpon Islands, on the
shores of the Magdalen Islands, and also on the coasts, bays, harbours,
and creeks from Mount Joly, on the southern coast of Labrador, to and
through the Straits of Bellisle, and thence northwardly, indefinitely along
the coast, without prejudice, however, to any of the exclusive rights of
the Hudson Bay Company; And that the American fishermen shall also
have liberty, forever, to dry and cure fish in any of the unsettled bays, har-
pours, and creeks of the southern part of the coast of Newfoundland, here-
above described, and of the coast of Labrador; but so soon as the same, or
any portion thereof, shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said
fishermen to dry or cure fish at such portion so settled, without previous
agreement for such purpose, with the inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors
of the ground. And the United States hereby renounce, forever, any
liberty heretofore enjoyed or claimed by the inhabitants thereof to take,
dry, or cure fish, on or within three marine miles of any of the coasts,
bays, creeks, or harbours of his Britannic Majesty’s dominions in America,
not included within the above-mentioned limits ; Provided, however, that
the American fishermen shall be admitted to enter such bays or harbours,
for the purpose of shelter and of repairing damages therein, of purchasing
wood, and of obtaining water, and for no other purpose whatever. But
they shall be under such restrictions as may be necessary to prevent their
taking, drying, or curing fish therein, or in any other manner whatever
abusing the privileges hereby reserved to them.
rs

A GLANCE

AT THE
COURT AND GOVERNMENT OF LOUIS PHILIPPE,
IN 1847—1848 ;

AND

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

WHICH FOLLOWED,

WHILE THE AUTHOR RESIDED AS ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES AT PARIS.
“A Glance at the Court and Government of Louis
Philippe, and the French Revolution which followed.
Detached incidents, political, diplomatic, and social, the
last brief and infrequent, of the Mission to France in
1848, and portions of 1847 and 1849, from occasional
notes during the Mission, put into their present form
after my return, to show the prominent events of the
Revolution in February, 1848, which drove Louis
Philippe from the throne, and what followed that ex-
pulsion. Of the general business of the Mission, these
notes do not design to present more than the smallest
part. Conscious of deficiencies and imperfections in
the parts they even aim at explaining, I yet leave them

for publication after my death.”
R. R.

300
A GLANCE

AT THE

COURT AND GOVERNMENT OF LOUIS PHILIPPE
AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

On the 12th of June, 1847, I embarked at New
York for France as Minister from the United States,
under the appointment of President Polk, and the ap-
probation of the Senate. Mr. Buchanan was Secre-
tary of State, with whose well-prepared instructions
I was charged. The post was as unexpected as
unsought, which made me the more sensible to the
confidence of the government in putting it into my
hands when there were others better qualified for
it. lL arrived at Havre on the 8th of July. Two
of my daughters accompanied me, a third remain-
ing at home with her Mother, who was in impaired
health. I had also an attaché to the mission, in
young Mr. Stanton, of New York, son of Colonel
Stanton of the army. These, with our servants,
made up my family.

Staying two days at Havre, we left it on the
10th for Paris by railway, but stopped again at

21 301
302 A GLANCE AT THE

Rouen, further to recruit after the voyage. On the
15th we reached Paris. At the railway depot we
found the Secretary of Legation, Mr. Martin; Mr.
Trwin, late chargé d’affaires of the United States
at Copenhagen, and Mr. Corbin, of Virginia, to
welcome us on first arriving. Others were there,
whose names I cannot recall. We went to the
Hotel Windsor, Rue Rivoli, opposite the gardens
of the Tuileries, where apartments had been taken
for us. Our front rooms looked out into those
beautiful gardens.

July 21. My baggage gets to Paris to-day. It
comes by the Roulage, a slow conveyance. It was
promised in four or five days. This is the ninth.
It was left in charge of our acting consul at Havre,
who forwarded it, the necessary orders having been
transmitted by the French government for passing
it free at the Havre custom-house.

July 21. On this same day I have my first inter-
view with M. Guizot, Minister of Foreign Affairs
sand President of the Council. I hand him a copy
of my letter of credence from the President to the
King, asking when I may hope for the honor of de-
livering the original to His Majesty in person. The
minister replies that he will take the King’s orders
and inform me. I express a hope that the King is
well. The minister says his health is very good,
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 303

and that he speaks with interest of the time he
spent in the United States. He represents his
memory as remarkably retentive of what he saw
there; sometimes he went into details, and was
not backward on those occasions in mentioning the
straits to which he was put at periods when his
remittances were stopped, or did not reach him
punctually. He told him that during such times
he had lived on two shillings a day.

July 30. A note from the “Aide-de-Camp de
Service prés du Roi’ of this date, from the Palace
“de Neuilly,” informs me that the King will receive
me at that Palace to-morrow at one o'clock.

July 31. Go to Neuilly, attended by the Secretary
of Legation. On entering the Palace, I was con-
ducted by an Aide into the room where the King
was to receive me. In a few minutes the King
entered. He was attended by three of his Aides-
de-Camp, and dressed in military uniform, as were
the Aides. I wore the diplomatic costume of my
country. The Secretary of Legation was also
present. Approaching the King, I said that I felt
honored in presenting to His Majesty, a letter from
the President of the United States, which consti-
tuted me their Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary at his Majesty’s Court. I felt this
honor the more, as France was the great ally of
304 A GLANCE AT THE

the United States at an early day after the declara-
tion of our independence. To fulfil my instruc-
tions in doing every thing in my power during my
residence towards strengthening the friendship and
good understanding between France and the United
States would naturally yield me the highest satis-
faction; and I added that if, in performing these
duties, I should be fortunate enough to perform
them in a manner acceptable to His Majesty, the
measure of my gratification would be full.

_ Here I might have stopped. But the fétes in
Paris in celebration of the three days of Revolu- '
tion in July, 1830, having just terminated, that
subject was still fresh; and I went on, in conclu-
sion, to say, that I could not but consider myself
fortunate in arriving in France during the cele-
bration of the anniversary which had placed His
Majesty upon the throne. And that he might
witness many returns of it, continuing to behold
Europe enjoying the peace which he had done so
much towards securing, and live surrounded by the
affections of his august consort and family, was, I
felt sure, the wish of the President; and I hoped
His Majesty would permit me to say it was mine
also.

The King, on receiving the letter of credence, said,
in reply, that he had listened with interest to the
sentiments I expressed. He begged I would assure
the President that he reciprocated them fully.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 305

The President could not estimate more highly than
he did the value of friendly relations between the
United States and France; great and mutual bene-
fits hung upon them, and it would be his constant
desire to secure them as far as possible; he remem-
bered the ancient ties between the two countries,
and always recurred to them with pleasure; new
motives and duties prompted to the continuance
of their friendship, and nothing on his part should
ever be wanting towards confirming it. Of all this
he requested I would make the President sensible,
and I could not do it im a manner too strong to
convey his wishes to see the two countries promo-
ting in all ways each other’s welfare. He concluded
with a kind word in reply to what I said on my
own part.

The King spoke with cordiality and emphasis.
He spoke in English, with perfect command of the
language. His prime minister, M. Guizot, when
I talked with him, seemed equally master of it,
though his pronunciation was not as thoroughly
English as the King’s.

The ceremony of reception over, the King asked
me to return and dine at the palace at half-past six.
Honored by the invitation, I did not fail to accept
it. He would then have an opportunity, he said,
of introducing me to the Queen and others of his
family. He included the Secretary of Legation in
the invitation, and said, familiarly, as we came
306 A GLANCE AT THE

away, “And we will all take off our official costumes
before meeting at dinner.”

Larrived at half-past six. We assembled in one
of the. beautiful rooms of the Palace, which, although
not a large one, strikes favorably upon the eye in
every part I saw; as do the grounds in driving up
to it. On entering, I was presented to the Queen
by the King; then to the King and Queen of Belgium,
the latter his daughter, now on a visit to her father
with her royal consort. Afterwards he introduced
me to Madame Adelaide, his sister; then to the
Dukes de Nemours, d’Aumale and Montpensier, his
sons—the last having married the beautiful young
lady of the royal house of Spain; then to the Duchess
of Orleans, relict of the King’s eldest son, who lost
his life by a melancholy accident near Neuilly.
Other persons were assembled, making eighteen or
twenty perhaps in all—the gentlemen all in plain
dinner dress like the King.

In going into dinner I took on my arm the
Duchess of Montpensier; an honor doubled by that
of sitting-next to the Queen and on her right. The
King of Belgium sat on her left. In the middle
of the table, opposite to the Queen, was the King.
The Queen of Belgium sat next to him. I do not
remember how the rest of the company entered or
were placed, only that all were soon seated. The
array of the company; the flowers, porcelain and
silver on the table; the homestead where all were
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 307

seen, might well call to recollection the phrase
which embodies so much—La Belle France.

My position at table was fortunate. The topics;
intonations; the dignified form of the Queen; her
bland words and manner to the representative just
arrived from a distant and friendly Power, are still
fresh in my memory. She hoped I would like
France—hoped I had found good apartments—she
too remembered the ancient ties between France
and my Country—the King often spoke of the kind-
ness he received there when a wanderer in early
life—kindness he was fond of calling up and never
could forget. Conversation like -this with Her
Majesty as the dinner continued, was at moments
varied by the exchange of a few words with the
King of Belgium, whose hospitality I had expe-
rienced, as Minister of the United States, at Marl-
borough House, in London, where he then lived as
Prince Leopold, survivor of the Princess Charlotte,
heiress apparent to the British throne.

The dinner over, all returned to the drawing-
room in the order we left it. The servants began
to hand coffee; when the King, with some of the
ladies, walked out upon the lawn through windows
opening to the floor. Others did the same, whom I
accompanied. Here the grounds had a rural beauty
the more striking from being simple. The servants
followed with the coffee, serving it as we stood.
The King came up to converse with me, but after a
308 A GLANCE AT THE

few words, invited me to a seat with him under a
tree near us, where he said we could finish our
coffee. I sat there with him half an hour in the
long twilight of this summer’s evening. While we
were conversing, some of the company returned to
the Palace ; some took other rural seats; some were
moving about the grounds. The King dwelt with
interest on his visit to the United States, more than
half a century ago; mentioned places where he had
been, some of which were known to me; spoke of
our rivers, our mountains, our cataracts; and now
and then would touch upon incidents personal to
himself, or his brothers, during their travels through
our towns, hamlets, and forests. He seemed to
derive pleasure from recurring to these scenes of his
early and eventful life. Before separating, he in-
quired what part of my family had come with me.
I told him two daughters. He said I must bring
them to Neuilly on Wednesday evening, that he
might introduce them to the Queen. It was not
until twilight was departing that my carriage was
announced, and I left the attractive scene which,
inside of the Palace or outside, had thus marked
my first official and social day in France.

August 1. Go to Mr. Corbin’s, at Versailles, his
present country residence, where he entertains
several of our countrymen at dinner. Before
dinner we walked in the gardens of the Palace
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 309

and saw the fountains play. This great Palace,
with its fountains and gardens, took my fancy
less than the simple beauties at Neuilly; or,
if I am not carrying heresy still farther, than
Warwick Castle and its grounds in England,—to
bring together things so dissimilar. In the latter,
though relatively small, and baronial in structure,
Nature stands out grandly by the side of Art. At
Versailles, Nature seems hidden by Art.

August 2. Devote the day to making visits of
ceremony to members of the Royal family, Cabinet
Ministers, the Diplomatic Corps, and other function-
aries connected with the Government and Court,
upon whom it is usual for Foreign Ministers to call
after being officially received by the King.

August 3. Nearly all on whom I called yester-
day, called on me to-day. The rest send cards.
M. Guizot sits fifteen or twenty minutes. I refer
to his speech in the Chamber of Deputies yesterday,
in which he alluded to Washington; always a
grateful theme to Americans, and which M. Guizot
knows how to touch. The Spanish ambassador,
General Narvaez, is of those who call in person
and sat a short time. Lord Normanby, the English
ambassador, not calling to-day, I received a note
from him expressing regret at his inability to call,
from being out of town.
310 A GLANCE AT THE

August 4. This evening I take my daughters to
the Palace at Neuilly, according to the King’s re-
quest, and introduce them to His Majesty. They
are presented to the Queen, who receives them
kindly, as she receives all. The company was not
large. The Queen sat at a circular table, where
ladies of the Royal family were also sitting, some
with fine embroidery-work before them.

August 7. We pass the evening at Mr. Walsh’s,
our consul at Paris, now staying with his family at
St. Germain’s. Hear from Mr. Walsh things that
may prove useful in my mission.

August 10. We dine and spend the day at Mr.
Moulton’s, an American gentleman, settled in Paris;
the day made the more agreeable by Mrs. Moulton
and the attractions of his chateau, twelve miles off,
where they are for the summer. We ramble
through the garden and grounds before going to
dinner. Mr. and Madame Hottingeur are of .the
company.

August 12. We are at the marriage of Miss
Green to Mr. Vendenbrock, of Holland; the bride a
daughter of the eminent American banker. The
marriage ceremony takes place in the first instance
before the Mayor of the arrondissement of Paris, in
which Mr. Green resides, and is repeated at the
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 311

French Protestant Church, of which M. Coquerel
is the eminent rector. The scene winds up with
a déjeuner & la fourchette suited to the festive occa-
sion, given at the mansion of the bride’s father,
where many guests assemble in honor of it.

August 19. We dine at Mr. Montgomery’s, Rue
de Matignon, a gentleman of Louisiana, where he
spends part of the year and rejoins his family, living
in Paris during the other parts.. Here, in a house
which tradition says was formerly a royal residence
in miniature, he dispenses, with Mrs. Montgomery,
a kind hospitality, in which we shared.

August 23. Dine at the Swedish Minister’s, Count
de Lowenhiélm, who entertains the Diplomatic Corps,
most of whom are present. -A topic at: table was
Mr. Guizot’s defence of the Ministry against the
eloquent Montalembert’s attack, just before the
Chambers rose. A pithy sentence was repeated
from it,—that it was pleasant for the minister to
hear the government reproached by the noble peer
' for governing too much, when it was so often ac-
cused of not governing at all. I sat next to the
Prussian Minister, Count d’Arnim, to whose conver-
sation I listened with benefit.

Another topic came up, which all Paris talks
about just now—the murder of the Duchess de
Praslin. It took place a few nights ago, in her own
312 A GLANCE AT THE

bed, at Hotel Sebastiani, not far from where we were
dining. Screams from her maid awoke the men
servants, who hastened to the door of their mis-
tress’s chamber, which was locked; but they got in
through a window by the garden, and found her
body bruised and gashed, as if she had been strug-
gling for her life. What makes the matter worse
is, that her husband comes under suspicion of being
the murderer. They slept in different chambers;
and one of the servants swore that he saw the
Duke, as he supposed, though it was midnight,
leave her chamber through the door, as he entered
by the window. These were circumstances men-
tioned. The parties were known to some of the
company; he about forty, she younger, and daughter
of General Sebastiani, Marshal of France. They
have children, and had just returned from his
country estate near Melun, on the mansion and
grounds of which, it was said, he had been expend-
ing large sums to adorn still more its ancient
beauties. What makes more talk about the
murder is, the coupling the name of a governess
with it who was sent out of the family on suspicion |
of improper conduct; to whom, nevertheless, the
Duchess granted a pension for life. So it was
stated.

Our entertainer had long enjoyed the confidence
of his sovereign, and been many years in the diplo-
matic service of Sweden. He was full of sprightli-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 3138

ness, and enlivened us with anecdotes—some of the
past, others of the present things in Paris.

September 1. Go to the King’s at his Palace, St.
Cloud. It was reception-night. The Diplomatic
Corps were nearly all there, a few of the Cabinet,
and others of the Court circle.

The King asks me what my accounts are from
the United States. I tell him that I think our
army has entered Mexico, though we have no
official accounts of it. He asks for my daughters,
and hopes they like Paris. It could not be other-
wise, I reply. He hopes they will like it better
as they know it more. He introduces me to the
Prince de Joinville, his naval son, much a favorite
with the French, whom I had not seen before.

September 2. Leave Hotel Windsor and go to
Versailles. We find good apartments at the Hotel
de Reservoir, near the gardens of the palace, to
which we have convenient access from the hotel.

September 4. The feeling of horror at the murder
of the Duchess de Praslin is not lessened by the
fact, which the papers mention, that the Duke has
taken arsenic and died by his own hand; thus
turning the suspicion of his having been the mur-
derer of his wife, into belief. Letters to him from
her, published since her death, show a mind of the
314 A GLANCE AT THE

highest culture, with sensibilities tender and affec-
tionate, agonized by the temper and conduct of her
husband; towards whom she appears to have been
forgiving to the last. So ends this remarkable
tragedy in domestic life, half romantic in its

horrors.

September 13. Go this evening from Versailles
to the King’s, at St. Cloud. ‘The Diplomatic Corps
are there. We offer our congratulations on the
birth of a daughter to the Duke d’Aumale; and.on
the escape of the Duke de Nemours from being
shot by the Prince de Joinville, when they were
out shooting together yesterday. It appeared, how-
ever, that he received only a slight wound on the
cheek.

The King honored me with some conversation.
The subject of it was the tone of the English press
on the Spanish marriage question. General Nar
vaez, lately the Spanish Ambassador here, had re-
turned to Madrid, and some of his movements
there had, it seems, roused the English press anew,
as His Majesty said. He then expressed himself
much to this effect, that having refused for one of
his sons (the Duke de Nemours) the crowns of
Belgium and Greece, and having long resisted a
marriage with the Queen of Spain, pressed upon
the Duke d’Aumale until his refusal had become
hardly respectful, he was now to be called to
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 3815

account because another of his sons (the Duke de
Montpensier) had married the sister of the queen.
He spoke of Lord Palmerston in a few words not
necessary to repeat, it being well known that the
King’s preferences were for Lord Aberdeen, as
England’s Foreign Secretary, rather than Lord Pal-
merston, and that the former held Mr. Guizot in
high esteem. I listened to His Majesty’s remarks
with attention, the topic being a prominent one.
It was not for me to comment on the question of
two crowns, or titles to them, concentrating in one
Royal House; and as he only alluded to the
English press, I confined myself to remarking on
its unrestrained tone at all times and on all sub-
jects. In that characteristic of it, I said, might
be found the errors it so often falls into in regard to
my country. The King replied that he knew the
nature of the English press, as Europe did; it
would say anything and stop at nothing. Yes, Sir,
I rejoined, we know this on our side of the Atlan-
tic; but the press will have its say in free countries.
It runs riot in ours; and strong countries can bear
it. His Majesty wound up by saying that its
clamor would not alter his purposes; it did him in-
justice as to his course towards Italy, Switzerland,
and Spain, but he would be true to his policy,
which was to respect the rights of other states,
and be glad as the condition of each grew better, as
all would reap the benefit, France among the rest.
316 A GLANCE AT THE

September 29. Return to Paris after a month of
delightful weather spent at Versailles. Our visits
to the Palace, whenever inclination led us to see its
memorials of art in painting, statuary, and every
thing; our walks through the gardens and grounds,
sometimes extending them to the Grand and Petit
Trianon, will make this month memorable in our
recollections of France. Troops passed in front of
our windows every morning, to music from mounted
bands; but among incidents less usual, and there-
fore less to be forgotten, were the working-men in
blouses we would so often see in the gilded rooms
of the Palace, silently looking at the pictures, or
wandering about in the gardens. Not a picture,
not a flower, did they touch. They seemed trained
to decorum. It was the condition on which they
seemed glad to be there to derive pleasure, if not
imbibe thoughts to bear good fruit. Whole parties
from the provinces would also come to see the
Palace and grounds, all France appearing to have
a pride in them. They were open to all, free of
expense, the humble as well as the high. Artists of
_ both sexes might be seen there every day of the week
in fine weather, sitting on portable chairs, copying
any picture they chose from the vast collection in
the rooms, or taking landscape views from: the
gardens and grounds.

I went daily to Paris by railway in case I
had been wanted at the Legation, returning to
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 317

dinner by five or six o'clock, though the Secretary
of Legation was always there. It was the “dead
season” for diplomatic men in Paris, the King not
being there, and the members of the Cabinet partly
out of town.

October 1. Again in Paris, I establish my resi-
dence at 63, Rue de Lille, Faubourg St. Germain.
We have the rez-de-chaussée of a moderate-sized
but good hotel, well situated. A few paces from
the conciergerie bring you to Quai d’Orsay, from
which opens a view of the gardens and Palace of
the Tuileries; as we had both before us from
another point of sight when first at the Hotel
Windsor, Rue Rivoli.

October 5. Visit Princess Lieven, at her apart-
ments, Rue St. Florentine, in the hotel once occu-
pied by Talleyrand. She invites me to her recep-
tions, and calls on my daughters. I had the honor
of knowing her in London when Minister there
while her distinguished husband, then Count Lie-
ven, was Russian Ambassador in London, and had
much agreeable intercourse at their house. We
spoke of those days. I learn that she holds the
place in Parisian society to have been expected
from her talents and accomplishments, which were
not unknown in London.

22
318 A GLANCE AT THE

October 6. To-day the King enters his seventy-
fourth year. I hear that it is not expected of the
Diplomatic Corps to go to the Palace or leave cards
there in compliment to the occasion—a form usual
in England on the King’s birthday.

October 9. At Mr. Guizot’s last night. It was
reception night. Many gentlemen were there, and
the Diplomatic Corps in part. One of them told me
there was great satisfaction on the part of the King
and Cabinet at the new ministry in Spain, from
Narvaez being at its head.

In one of the rooms hung portraits of Louis
Philippe and the Queen, with a very few others.
Prominent among the few was General Washing-
ton’s; and there was also one of Alexander Hamil-
ton. Conversing with Mr. Guizot about the latter,
the “Federalist” was spoken of; that great pro-
duction of three of the eminent men of our Revo-
lutionary period, to which Hamilton and Madison
contributed so largely, and which purports to ex-
pound, by the lights of history and reason, the
mixed principles in which the Constitution of the
United States is founded. Of this production Mr.
Guizot thus expressed himself: he said, that “in
the application of elementary principles of govern-
ment to practical administration, it was the greatest
work known to him.” I make a note of this well-
expressed eulogy of the “Federalist,” as Mr. Guizot,

1
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 319

besides being Prime Minister of France, and dealing
with the practical affairs of a great nation, is also
deeply read in the science of government, ancient:
and modern. His words are therefore the more to
be valued and remembered.

October 18. I was last night at Princess Lieven’s,
by her invitation. She introduces me to Count
@Appony, the Austrian Ambassador, and the
Countess d’Appony; also to the Marquis Brignoli,
Ambassador from Sardinia, and the Marchioness
Brignoli. Other persons of distinction are there;
among them, M. Guizot.

A gentleman enters the rooms, towards whom
many eyes turn. He is advanced in life. Insignia
of merit and honor are seen on his person. As he
advances towards Princess Lieven, her manner at
once indicates how cordially he is welcomed. She
extends her hand, which, with a grace not to be
exceeded, he brings to his lips. It was Baron
Humboldt, the philosopher, the man of genius, the
votary of science; possessing knowledge so universal,
with worth and modesty so great, that all respect
him—all desire to do him honor. The Prussian
Minister, Count d’Arnim, introduced me to him.
I was gratified at his remembering that he dined at
my father’s, in Philadelphia, long years ago, when
on his way to enter upon his travels in Mexico and
South America, with Montufan and Bonpland.
320 A GLANCE AT THE .

And I can remember that his conversation, on that
occasion, showed an acquaintance with English
literature which made its impression on all at table.
He spoke to me of Mr. Prescott, our historian, in
the highest terms; saying that his fame was higher
perhaps in Germany than in England, justly as he
was appreciated in England. I understood that
this illustrious philosopher was near his eightieth
year. He is now in Paris, to attend the sittings of
the National Institute, and receives the most dis-
tinguished attentions.

October —. Dine at the Marquis Brignoli’s, Sar-
dinian Ambassador. <A large and brilliant dinner.
The Pope’s tendency towards reforms in govern-
ment, was spoken of. At ten o'clock go to the
soirée of Countess d’Appony, where a good portion
of the dinner company also go.

October 21.’ Dine with our American friend, Dr.
Daniel, of Georgia, at the Trois Fréres, Palais
Royal. He crossed the sea with us from New
York, with a son and daughter; the latter win-
ning the esteem of my daughters, as of all who
knew her; the son full of intellectual promise, but
lost to his family by having fallen in a duel in
Georgia after he returned from France.

October 28. At the King’s reception last night at
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 321

St. Cloud. His Majesty talks to me about our affairs
in Mexico. He began by asking what were my ac-
counts from the United States. Good, I said, as to
the success of our army in Mexico. Yes: that I per-
ceive, he said: it is nothing so far but glory for your
arms; but what of peace? I am thinking of that.
When will you have peace? that is my wish. I wish
it as the friend of the United States. Your Majesty
cannot wish it more than we do, I replied; but we
must have it on just terms. War, he rejoined, was
always bad, and nations did not get from it what
they expected, but only injured each other, as you
and Mexico are doing. But, I remarked, when one
nation has been aggrieved by another, as we think
we have been by Mexico, and could get no redress,
what was to be done? War with her, he again,
said, could do us no good, and reiterated his opinion
on the inutility of wars. I remarked, that Mexico
had struck the first blow in this war, and. asked his
Majesty if he would permit me to express frank
opinions. Certainly, he said; it was what he was
doing, and in the most friendly manner. I then
said that our error had been in submitting too long
to indignities from Mexico, and that had my country
acted,:as France acted ten years ago, when his
gallant son, the Prince de J oinville, was sent with
Admiral Baudin to Vera Cruz to obtain redress at
the cannon’s mouth; for fewer affronts, as we believed,
than the United States had received, we would
322 A GLANCE AT THE

probably have had no war at all with her. The
King’s comment upon this was, that France did not
get what she sought by it, after all. He went into
no particulars, but passed to the peculiarities of the
Spanish race, as seen in history, and seen very
memorably when Bonaparte overran Spain. He
beat the Spaniards in the field; trampled on them;
but like grass under the foot, it rose up again when
you took your foot off. Two hundred thousand
Frenchmen had found graves in Spain at his bidding.
I said I was sure His Majesty did not mean to iden-
tify the conduct of the United States with Bonaparte’s
in Spain, who made little seruple of avowing his pro-
jects of sheer conquest against the known will of
the Spaniards. By no means, he said, but only
that he thought we should find the Mexicans as
hard to deal with as Bonaparte found the Spaniards.
I dissented, with all deference, as our cause was
wholly different, and because we had not yet sufhi-
ciently used our strength against Mexico; that
hitherto, after every victory, our army had paused
to hold out the olive-branch ; for all which we got
no other returns than defiance. To this effect were
my remarks. The King still dwelt upon peace. It
was the topic constantly coming back to him. I
had no aim to change his opinions, my only aim
being to do justice to my country; the King’s
friendly feelings towards which were constantly
expressed.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 323

Count Walewski, late Minister from France to
La Plata, having returned to Paris on the raising
of the blockade by England in those waters, through
the interposition of the British Minister, Lord
Howden, and there being rumors that the Count
had come back under a hope that France would
send a considerable force to that country,—six
thousand troops, the rumor said,—my conversation
with the King seemed to present the opportunity of
alluding to this subject. The spirit of His Majesty’s
remarks about Mexico, pointed to the improbability
that such a body of French troops would be sent
there by France; and so I ventured to intimate.
You are right, was his reply: I shall not send six
thousand men there, nor six hundred, nor one man.
I said I was glad to hear it, and would let my
Government know it; and hoped I might be. able
to add that the blockade would be raised on the
side of France, as it had been by England, the com-
merce of the United States being interested in its
complete removal. The King was not so definite
on this point; the subject, he said, was sub judice
between the Governments of France and England.

October 30. I receive a letter from Mr. Prescott,
which states that for some years he has been col-
lecting manuscripts from the different capitals of
Europe, to illustrate the history of Philip the Second
of Spain. He has ascertained, it also states, that
324 A GLANCE AT THE

the papers of Cardinal Granville, comprismg an
important mass of documents bearing upon his
investigations, are at Besangon; and that he has,
under this information, sent an agent there to
examine the archives. His agent learns that the
papers have been removed to Paris, and are in
course of publication by the French Government,
but will not be on sale. Under these circum-
stances, Mr. Prescott goes on to state, that a friend
of his in Paris, Count de Circourt, having en-
couraged him to believe that an application by me
to the French Government for a copy of the papers
might be favorably received, I consent at once to
make the application; and accordingly I address
a note to the Minister of Public Instruction on the
subject. Almost on the next day I receive an
answer from the minister, M. Salvandy, comply-
ing with my request, accompanied by six quarto
volumes, comprising the whole collection of Cardinal
Granville’s papers. I cause the volumes to be for-
warded to Mr. Prescott, in Boston, appreciating
this prompt homage to letters on the part of the
King’s Government, under my official application,
and I inform our Government of the fact.

November 5. Dine with the Minister of Foreign
Affairs. It was my first dinner there, and first at
the house of any member of the French Cabinet.
The company was very large, perhaps forty or
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 325

more, all gentlemen, and nearly all official persons,
consisting of the home ministers, foreign ministers,
and others. The venerable Humboldt appeared to
be the only person present: not official. The official
persons were all announced by the servants under
their titles of office. This is not done in England,
or was not in my day, in regard to the home
ministers. These, when of the nobility, are an-
nounced by their titles; when not, by their names
simply. The difference may arise from different
national customs in small matters as in great; or it
may be that the English prefer to be designated by
the family patent of dignity, as more durable than
titles of office—so apt to be fleeting.

In going in to dinner, Mr. Guizot led the way. I
did not perceive under what other observances a
company so large entered; nor is it material. All
probably went in and were arranged under forms
known to all, an attention to which prevents con-
fusion. The porcelain and silver appeared to be
marked with the official stamp of the Foreign
Office. At night the drawing-rooms were fully
attended, ladies coming in large numbers as well
as gentlemen.

Before going in to dinner, the company being a
good while in assembling, I had conversation with
Baron Humboldt. He hoped we would soon make
peace with Mexico; we were the stronger party,
and could afford to stop; he felt for Mexico; he
326 A GLANCE AT THE

remembered his early visit to that fine country, so
rich in nature’s gifts. I said we should hardly
stop, I thought, until we got California, as due to
the ‘expenses the war had put us to, and our pro-
vocations to it, as we viewed the subject. The
venerable Baron said he was not acquainted with
the merits of the dispute, but it struck him that
England seemed careless under our advances in
that region; to which my reply was that, as
regarded the future commerce of the Pacific, we
sought no more than our just share with England
and other nations.

“November 8. We dine at Mr. Ridgway’s, a
fellow-townsman and friend from Philadelphia,
who has come to Paris and taken a hotel in Rue
de Varennes, faub. St. Germain, where, with Mrs.
Ridgway, as the graceful head of his house, they
give their attractive entertainments. After dinner
we go to the grand French Opera, where we see
Cherito.

November 13. We were at M. Guizot’s reception
last night. The rooms were full; the Diplomatic
Corps and members of the Cabinet largely attending,
with many others. The mother of the minister
was present, and his two daughters. One of them
presented strangers to their venerable grandmother,
who did not rise from her chair, appearing to be
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 327

miuch advanced in years; and I could not avoid
observing in Mr. Guizot’s manner towards her a
courteous, I had almost said pious, reverence. To
me this was touching, in a son whose own talents,
with few other aids, had raised him to the premier-
ship of this great nation; a sphere in which he was
daily encountering the ablest men of France in
debate, in the Chambers, with consummate ability.
From this reception we go to the British Embassy,
where there is a large assemblage. The Princess
Lieven is there. I hear whispers that she resides
in Paris, at the instance of the Emperor Nicholas,
as an informal ambassadress, (sub rosa,) having
succeeded to much of the confidence her husband
enjoyed at the hands of the Emperor Alexander,
whilst Russian Ambassador in London; but the
whispers are faint as I catch them. Appearances
at her establishment, Rue St. Florentine, would
seem to indicate no more than eminent private
life.

November 15. I was last night at the King’s, at
St. Cloud, and held conversation with His Majesty,
somewhat more full than usual, about Mexico and
other things, he, of course, inviting it.

Authentic details being known here of the
battles of Contreras, Churubusco, Molino del Rey,
and Chapultepec, which ended in General Scott's
entry into Mexico, the King began by asking,
328 A GLANCE AT THE

“What news of peace, Mr. Minister?” I answered
that I feared it was farther off than when I last
had the honor of talking with His Majesty on the
subject; that the Mexicans not only rejected our
offers of peace, but violated an armistice, granted by
General Scott when on the eve of entering their
city; they had turned the interval of suspended
hostilities to their own account, by strengthening
the city with fresh troops and otherwise, while
our army, reduced still lower by the killed and
wounded in these sharp battles, received no increase
whatever; thereby causing a further and needless
effusion of blood on our side before the American
banner was planted in their capital; that such
conduct had not only prostrated once more the
hopes of peace, but created a feeling in the
United States for carrying on the war more effec-
tively.

The King’s first words were those of Polonius :—

“ Beware
Of entrance to a quarrel; but, being in,
Bear it, that the opposer may beware of thee.”

I thanked His Majesty for these words from the
great poet of our language: they applied in all
things to my country just now. I would not forget
them. We had been slow to go. to war with
Mexico; we desired to avoid it; but the time had
come when there would probably be an exertion of
force on our side which. would be likely to warn
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 329

her for the future. The King replied that this
might be burdensome, if not exhausting, to us. I
thought not; nothing would be considered burden-
some while vindicating our rights. But what of
your finances? They are ample, I rejoined; they
had not been much drawn upon as yet, although
all the supplies of our army since entering the
territories of Mexico had been fully paid for in
cash from our own army-chest; but henceforth, per-
haps, the enemy might be made to bear some of
the cost, in the hope that an appeal in that form
might operate in favor of peace. Although His
Majesty commenced with the apt quotation I give,
he soon reverted to his favorite theme of peace.
Whatever might be our power, he devoutly wished
for peace, as the friend of the United States ; not that
he was the foe of the other party; that was not his
feeling ; it was not for him to decide on the grounds
of dispute between us; in all wars each side thought
itself in the right. Might we not, he asked, by
drawing out our military power, get too fond of war,
and keep up large standing armies to retain con-
quests if we made them? though it was not for him
to predict results of any kind, nor did he. I said
there was little fear of our keeping up large stand-
ing armies; our institutions were against them, as
well as the nature of our population, which would
be always likely to yield volunteer forces. Our
distance also from the great Powers of the Old
330 A GLANCE AT THE

World, made large standing armies unnecessary.
But, as wars would happen, and as Mexico had
forced this upon us, as we believed, I asked the
King whether the prospects at present did not
suggest ultimate views, bearing favorably upon
French interests, which His Majesty could judge
of better than I could. In the commerce of the
North Pacific, the United States or England, I re-
marked, seemed destined to predominate ; at present
we were ahead in the whale fishery, and other
branches of a growing trade in those regions; and
the blindness of Mexico was throwing upon us the
obvious necessity of consolidating our interests on
the shores of the Pacific from California to Oregon.
I spoke in no ill spirit towards England, with
whom our interests inculcated the best relations
of friendly good will at all times, but was only
glancing at a future that might be before us. Such
were my remarks to the King.

His Majesty gave no opinion as to the future
predominance of England or the United States in
those seas, though rather expressed a belief that
our commercial flag would prevail there; he re-
membered how we laid the foundations of early
success by our activity in the carrying trade
during the wars of the French Revolution; as to
France, she deprived herself of benefits she might
obtain in commerce, by being too restrictive; but
what were to be all the results of the English
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 331

policy, which had latterly gone so far the other
way, seemed uncertain as yet; he did not defend _
monopolies; free trade, with some regulation, being
the best. It was to this effect he expressed
himself.

The Mexican war was lost sight of in what the
King had been. saying on commercial policy; and
as it was among my instructions to get better terms
in trade with France than existed, she still keeping
up heavy duties on our productions, while we have
been reducing ours on hers, I improved the oppor-
tunity of alluding to this subject. Bringing up one
item, I expressed a hope that the tobacco monopoly
might be made to give way for the sake of our
Southern States, in some of which that commodity
had always been grown, and could be produced in
much larger quantity. Considering the present
consumption of tobacco in France, I could not
avoid the conclusion that if our tobacco were ad-
mitted into the country under a moderate duty, its
increased consumption would so augment importa-
tion as in the end to make amends to France even
in revenue for the loss of the monopoly. It was
so I spoke; but His Majesty did not acquiesce. The
monopoly yielded more than a hundred millions
of francs, he said, in annual revenue, and he was
not prepared to say what would be the effect of a
change. Besides, even were he disposed to think
well of it, that would make no difference; his was
332 A GLANCE AT THE

but “a voice in the wilderness,” and a public con-
viction long entertained in France on matters of
trade was not to be easily changed.

My hopes for our tobacco were in some degree
damped by these remarks from this source. I did
not, however, consider the subject as put to rest,
meaning to return to it again with the King’s
Minister for Foreign Affairs, whose enlightened mind
I knew; but I dropped the conversation about it at
the Palace. It would have been out of place in me
to originate this part of the conversation; but the
King opened the way to it, and I was aware of the
business mind and habits of His Majesty; knew
that he was industrious; looked into every branch
of the public administration; informed himself of
every thing, seeking out details as well as principles;
and therefore naturally inferred that his experience
and knowledge, gained throughout the vicissitudes
of an eventful life in various countries, would pre-
dispose him but the more to seek truth upon the
throne. The King beckoned me to the chair next
to him when he began the conversation; this memo-
randum of which will come under the notice of my
Government. Generally he stands while in con-
versation with the foreign ministers.

In mine with him this evening relating to
Mexico, I was led to infer, but it was only an in-
ference, that he silently desires our success, now
that he thinks the war is sure to go on; but that
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 333

he is distrustful of our power to command success
to the extent we suppose.

November 16. Dined yesterday at Mr. Rumpft’s,
chargé d’affaires of the Hanse towns, who enter-
tained the Diplomatic Corps. He married an
American lady, which seems a link to my country.
If this may have led to the commencement of
friendly relations between us in Paris, his own
worth strengthens them. After dinner I go to
Mr. Walsh’s.

November 19. We dine at Mr. Hottinguer’s, the
eminent banker, long known in Paris for his friendly
hospitality to Americans, and his just estimate of
our country. In conversation in the course of the
evening on the state of public opinion in France,
outside of partisan circles, it was stated, as a good
omen of the financial condition of the country, that
the large loan of upwards of three hundred millions
of francs, authorized by the Chambers at the close
of the session, had gone off well, notwithstanding
the manner in which opposition papers assailed the
terms. The fact was mentioned as showing public
confidence in the Government, and as auspicious to
the further prosperity of the country, the loan
being for the benefit of the public works. It was
said that the terms were thought fair by first-class

business men who had taken no part of the loan.
23
334 A GLANCE AT THE

November 26. At St. Cloud last night, with my
daughters. All who were there were specially
invited. It was not a very large assemblage. It
was given in honor of the anniversary of the
marriage of the King and Queen, though not so
announced in the invitation.

Arriving at the Palace, we ascended the grand
staircase and moved about in the rooms where the
company were assembling. In one were seen Gobe-
lins tapestry, representing paintings with such
perfect skill that they might readily have been
taken for the originals. The Royal Family were
all present. The Duchess of Orleans had by
her side her two children, the Count de Paris
and Duke de Chartres, the former heir apparent
of the French throne. The Diplomatic Corps
were nearly all present; the King’s Ministers,
and others connected with the court. The King
and Queen spoke to all present with their usual
cordiality, the latter using words to my daughters
of kindly import. Soon the King and Queen
advanced, the King with the Queen on his
arm, into a verdant passage or avenue, called
the orangerie, somewhat serpentine, which opened
from one of the rooms, and led I knew not
whither at first. They were followed by the Royal
Family and rest of the company, the ladies walk-
ing together two and two, preceded by those
of the Royal Family—the gentlemen all follow-

r
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 335

ing in the same order. The Duchess of Orleans
and her young sons remained in the rooms we left.
The orangerie was partially lighted up. Roses,
jessamine, flowering shrubs and orange-trees, were
ranged on each side as we walked through the
middle. Its termination brought us into the theatre
annexed to the palace. This was brilliantly lighted
up. The company took their seats in the boxes,
the King, Queen, and Royal Family going into the
large box in front of the stage. The parterre was
already filled with military officers, or appearing to
be such, in full uniform. Music welcomed all as
we entered the theatre through the avenue of
flowers and sweets. The play was “Le Bouquet
de l’Infanta,” a comic opera in three acts, followed
by the “Hungarian Dancers” as an after piece.
Between the two pieces, the servants of the Palace,
in their liveries, handed refreshments to the com-
pany in the boxes. Good humor prevailed, as if
Thalia had suddenly descended among us on her
wings. The King seemed to forget public solici-
tudes in an occasional smile which the Queen
shared. Others of the Royal Family joined with
the company in mirth more audible as the actors
drew it out. The decorations of the theatre were
of crimson and gold, and the whole scene was
beautiful. It was quite late before we got home.

November 29. We go to-night to the reception
336 A GLANCE AT THE

at St. Cloud. A large company, the Royal Family,
Diplomatic Corps, and others. The beautiful play
we had seen here a few nights ago was fresh in our
memories. The Queen receives all with the gentle-
ness and dignity ever belonging to her.

November 30. Attend the funeral of Mr.
Tschann, the Diplomatic Representative of Switzer-
land. The Diplomatic Corps attend; also M.
Guizot and some of the King’s Ministers. Two of
the royal carriages were there, and other attentions
had been shown by the King, grateful to the friends
of the deceased. The funeral proceeded from the
domicile of Mr. Rumpft, chargé d’affaires from the
Hanse towns, and friend of the deceased.

December 21. Last night we were at Mr.
Walsh’s. The party was large. Among those
present were the venerable Humboldt; both the
Dupins; M. de Tocqueville; a grandson of La-
fayette, in the person of Mr. Oscar Lafayette; some
of the De Kalb family, whose French ancestors
rendered gallant services in our Revolution; and
others of note in French society. Many of our
own country, including ladies, were there. The
whole evening went off well; the animated courtesy
of our consul, and kind attentions of the ladies of
his family to all present, making it agreeable to all.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 337

There was much intellectual conversation, and much
that was sprightly, with music at intervals.

December 23. The king held a reception at the
Tuileries last night, having left St. Cloud for the
season. I took Mr. Bancroft, United States Minister
in London, here at present on a visit. The King
did not appear, having a bad cold. The Queen
received everybody, making apologies for the King
with her accustomed grace. All were in black,
under a court mourning for the Archduchess Maria
Louisa, Duchess of Parma, and widow of Napoleon.

December 25. At M. Guizot’s last night, happy
to take Mr. Bancroft with me. Baron Humboldt
was there, most of the Diplomatic Corps and others.
Among the English present was Dr. Huet, of Trinity
College, Cambridge, to whom I was introduced; a
person of high repute for learning and ability. He
spoke very highly of the works of our Mr. Wheaton
and Judge Story in the fields of jurisprudence and
public law, seeming familiar with them.

December 26. The near close of the year may
be a suitable time for noting down a few thoughts
on the state of parties, and condition of France,
since my arrival in the summer.

I had hardly been a day at Havre before I heard }
of the unpopularity of the King and his govern-
338 A GLANCE AT THE

ment. When I got to Paris I found complaints
against both greatly increased. In official circles,
and those in intercourse with them, I received,
indeed, other impressions; but out of these discon-
tent and crimination were more or less heard. The
press was pouring forth its daily fire upon all public
measures. One paper, and only one of any account
that I could at first hear of, gave the ministers
“support. This was the Journal des Débats. The
~ general fault-finding appeared to be coupled with
distrust of the King. He was accused of being
selfish, hypocritical, crafty; forgetting his promises,
forgetting his duties to the nation, in exclusive de-

' yotedness to the interests of his family, and per-
__petuation of his dynasty. The Republicans said
' he had deceived them, and the Legitimists continued
to be his foes. The Bonapartists had no sympa-
 thies with him, though the remains of the Emperor
had been brought from St. Helena in a frigate com-
manded by the Prince de Joinville, and his statue
replaced on the column in Place Vendome, equally
by his orders; for those things were imputed to
selfish promptings. The Bonapartists, however,
were few. They did not exist as a party by any
external symbols, and if alive anywhere were
necessarily against him. All combined their voices
to render Louis Philippe unpopular, and draw down
upon him suspicion and hatred. At a great reform
‘banquet held at the Chateau Rouge, near Paris,
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 339

where more than a thousand persons were said to
be at the tables, and among them many members

of the Chamber of Deputies, the acts of the Govern- .

ment since 1830 were sweepingly condemned, and
every unfavorable implication was embodied against
the King that ingenuity could work up or party
inflame. I heard of affiliated societies throughout
the country, simultaneous movements in which
were to take place on his death as the signal; for
it seemed admitted that his own reign was not to
be disturbed. At his death the movement was to
come on; none professing to know what was to
follow or who be uppermost. I heard of a society
in Paris holding nocturnal meetings, where the sons
of peers might be seen, and denunciations heard
against the king and whole policy of his govern-
ment, sometimes in terms polished but significant;
at others in the French vernacular.

Seeking for the causes of. all this, I was brought
toastand. Were they real? If.so, where should
I find the proofs of so many and such grave accusa-
tions? It was not for me to take sides with any
of the parties in France. I was only a looker-on.
I desired to make my inquiries in that spirit. Was
France going down? was her prosperity under-
mined? was taxation weighing ruinously or heavily
upon her? had her poor increased? where was I to
look for signs of depression and misery? Or was
the King a tyrant, or trained in a school of idleness
340 A GLANCE AT THE

or vice, or goaded on by a guilty ambition because
looking to the continuance of his dynasty? Were
the laws neglected, or the people tongue-tied? On
the contrary, the King and his Ministers were
governing through the laws. The press was
‘abundantly free, as witnessed by the unsparing
attacks upon the King, his Ministers, and measures.
If I looked to the country, instead of the news-
papers, or speeches at political banquets, I should
have thought I had come to a country abounding
_in prosperity of every kind and full of content-
‘ment. France appeared as well off as could be
expected of any country where opulence, prosperity,
and power, existing on a large scale, must have
drawbacks: None seemed to doubt that her agri-
culture had improved, and perhaps never was as
good as at present; that her manufactures flourished
_ and were flourishing; and it was shown, by statisti-

_ cal returns, that her foreign commerce and internal
trade had been advancing more rapidly during the
present: reign, than for half a century anterior.
Production was everywhere increasing, and tran-
quillity everywhere prevailed. If alleged that a
large army kept her tranquil by being ready to
enforce the laws, though of their effective execu-
tion otherwise I heard no complaints, the army she
maintained was not larger in proportion than that
of other great continental Powers, upon whom she
had to keep watch, as they kept watch on her. If
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 341

taxes were heavier than sometimes when Napoleon
was in his glory, they derived no aid, as then,
from the contributions of conquered states to his
military chest and other wants of his Imperial
Treasury; besides that taxes in this King’s time
have been augmented by calls for great public |
works, which, when completed, will. add to the
permanent riches and strength of France; as the
fortifications round Paris, recently constructed at
heavy cost, will add to its security. The loan
of three hundred and fifty millions of francs raised
to make good the Government’s portion of the
money to be applied towards the public works,
had shown the pecuniary ability of the country,
in the fact that more than a thousand millions
of francs were supplied by individual subscription
and payments.

The increase of Paris had been great and striking
during his reign. All agreed to this. Entire new
streets and avenues were built up. Ancient gardens
had given place to rows of lofty houses. The
Champs Elysées, rural in appearance a few years
ago, were fast becoming part of the city. Other
parts, old or unsightly, had been renovated and
improved; so that, with all that Napoleon did for
Paris, this King, it was said, had done more, except
in setting up trophies of war. He had asked for
no new Palace. He had, in effect, divested him-
self of the best of them all. He no longer used
342 A GLANCE AT THE

Versailles as a residence for himself, or any of his
family; but had converted it, partly at his own
expense, into a grand museum, where memorials
of the history of France, her statesmen, warriors,
kings, philosophers, authors, poets, her names of
renown in all fields, from the earliest times to the
present, may be seen and their examples studied.

Her electoral law is very bad. It is a contrast
to much else indicating advancement and liberality.
Two hundred thousand voters for choosing the
whole representative body of a nation so populous,

spirited and free, was a mockery upon representa-
\tion. Yet it is not very long since free England
chose her House of Commons by voters not greatly
exceeding these in number; and if the meliorations
brought about in France of late, formed any rule
for the future, it might not unreasonably be inferred
that the number of her electors would in good time
be adequately enlarged, to meet the new age she
was in and her own wishes for a better electoral
law. England petitioned and clamored for par-
liamentary reform, and continued to abuse her
rulers for not granting it, more than half a century
before getting what she now has.

The King is beset with complications and dangers.
This must be the case with any King of France.
It is difficult to be king and republican on the
same throne. The French are not the people they
were. They have made large steps forward in
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 343

political freedom; the ultimate fruits of the old
revolution, and of the constitutional governments
or charters under which they have lived since the
revolution. They are bold and impulsive. They
will find fault with their rulers, when there is cause
and when there is not. Thus does England forever.
Take any period of her prosperity; and the opposi-
tion, in Parliament and out of Parliament, stoutly
deny it all. They make out that she is oppressed,
ground down by taxation and debt, with ruin staring
her in the face, from which nothing can save her
but turning out the ministers. So act the United
States under party spirit. You can always prove
any amount of corruption, folly, and every thing
bad in government, if you adopt the outcry of the
opposition. If Louis Philippe desires to perpetuate
his dynasty, what King would not? What did
Napoleon do for his family? or rather what was it
that he did not do for all of them? And if Louis
Philippe aims at continuing one of his sons on the
throne, by striving to make the country prosperous
by a pacific policy, after the exhausting wars France
has gone through, is that wrong? His sons are not
drones. They have been well educated, are said to
be intelligent, and known to be brave. One charge
against the King is, that he appointed the Duke
d’Aumale Governor of Algeria, because he was his
son; forgetting that among his qualifications is the
344 A GLANCE AT THE

gallantry he conspicuously displayed, in fighting
against the fierce and warlike natives of that land.

I cannot close without a glance at the Spanish
marriage question as mingling with French politics
since I have been here. Some think war may grow
out of it between France and England, involving
half the world before it ends, the United States
with the rest; for to that it might come in case of
war. I am not of this way of thinking. France
would not begin it; and is it to be imagined that
England would stir up a war for such a cause;
excite its flames because an ancient treaty* inter-
dicted such a marriage; when, since that day, France
and England have so changed places in America,
Asia, throughout the globe and upon the ocean, as
hardly to recognise each other, from the preponde-
rating gains of England? That the latter, with her
sagacity, would provoke war for such a phantom,
seems incredible. The bare idea of it may well
excuse sensibility in Louis Philippe.

The foregoing thoughts are hazarded with all
distrust, but in all sincerity. The substance. of
them has been distinctly imparted to my govern-
ment; more’ extended on some points, less so on
others.

December 28. Yesterday the King opened both

 

* Treaty of Utrecht, a.p. 1718.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 345

the Chambers in person by a speech, which he read.
I witnessed the ceremony from the box allotted to
the foreign ministers. Official persons, civil and
military, in great number, the appearance of the
national guard and troops, with other pageantry,
made up an imposing array; and good order pre-
vailed. When the Queen entered the chamber, she
was greeted with exclamations of Vive la Reine!
Vive la Reine! The King when he came ascended
a platform, richly carpeted to receive him. As
he approached his chair, under a canopy facing
‘the peers and deputies, they all rose, as did all
within the chamber. Vive le Roi! broke forth from
all parts of the assemblage. When he acknow-
ledged this by bowing, the same exclamations were
renewed. He then proceeded to read his speech.
It was not long, but comprehensive. Scarcity of
food no longer affected the country; France had

not felt, as severely as some other States, the °

late commercial shocks; the great public works
were advancing, and, with the co-operation of the
Chambers, would go on, and in their completion,
open new sources of prosperity to the whole king-
dom; the receipts would cover the expenditures
under all the ordinary heads; the duty on salt
would be reduced, and the postage on letters less-
ened; the relations of France with foreign Powers
inspired a confidence that the peace of the world
would not be interrupted,—these were among the
346 A GLANCE AT THE

things announced. He said, the more he advanced
in life, the more did he feel it his duty to consecrate
to the service of his country all the energy still left
to him; in the midst of agitation and blind passion,
he was supported by the conviction that France
possessed, in her constitutional monarchy, the means
of surmounting all obstacles, and satisfying all the
material and moral interests of her people; and he
concluded with exhorting all to join in maintaining
social order and public liberty as guaranteed by the
charter. ,

1848.

January 8. Attended Mr. Guizot’s reception last
night. One of the. ministers told me that the
famous Arab chieftain, Abd-el-Kader, who so long
stood out against the French arms in Algeria, was
about to come to Paris, under permission from the
French Government; but that it would not allow
him to go to Egypt, which was his desire.

The late letter of the Duke of Wellington, on the
little difficulty the French would have in landing
an army on the shores of England with the aid of
steam, was spoken of in the rooms. I talked about
it with two Englishmen who were present, who
both regretted its publication. It was addressed to
a general in the British service, Sir John Burgoyne,
written with no view to publication; but by some
mischance got into print. The veteran warrior
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 347

unbosoms himself to his military friend, and seems
to do it with a comprehensive eye. Something,
perhaps, is to be set down to the account of the
duke’s uneasy feeling at seeing his country less pre-
pared than he thinks she ought to be. Yet one of
the Englishmen drew hope from what the duke
himself says in the letter: namely, that if the
army were increased by as much as half a million
would pay for, and militia organized and trained to
the number of 150,000, he would himself, with all
the modern facilities for transporting and concen-
trating troops, be willing to engage for the defence
of England on her own ground.

January —. Yesterday we dined at Mrs. Haight’s,
of New York, now residing in Paris; a dinner
kindly given to us. The company, Americans,
French and English; so well composed as to make
the whole evening pass off very agreeably.

January 9. This evening I dined at the Duke de
Caze’s, Grand Referendary of France. The dinner
very large, consisting chiefly of official persons.
English gentlemen were there, the Duke having
formerly been French Ambassador in London.

M. Guizot was of the company. I spoke to
him on the case of Brown, a seaman from Boston,
confined in jail in Paris on a heavy criminal charge,
on whose behalf I had already written an official
348 A GLANCE AT THE

note to the French Government. I intercede for
him informally by a few words before going in to
dinner. I admit that appearances are against him;
but that, on examining the particulars of his case, I
found extenuating circumstances, as they struck me;
and I plead for mercy. The minister says he will
consider the case.

January 16. Dined yesterday at the Prussian Min-
ister’s, Baron d’Arnim. The Diplomatic Corps in
large number, nearly all the French Ministry, and
other persons of prominence, made up the distin-
guished company.

In the drawing-room I had conversation aside
with two official persons, which had reference to
some of the public men here. Want of time alone
would prevent a memorandum of it. It was very
piquant; and these things had often better not be
written down. Our host, besides being distinguished
as a diplomatist and otherwise, was so obligingly
courteous to me, in my early intercourse with the
Diplomatic Corps here, that I cannot forbear this
mention of it.

January 22. Last night we were at Mr. Guizot’s
reception. Next we went to the Countess of Sand-
wich’s, and afterwards to the Turkish Ambassador's.
Mr. Guizot told me that Brown, the Boston seaman,
would be liberated. “He is a bad fellow, we fear,”
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 349

he said; “but, from the report of the case to me,
there are some extenuating circumstances; and we
desire to give every consideration to your wishes.”
I thanked him; and so ends that case.

January 27. At the Tuileries last night. King,
Queen, and royal family present; the assemblage a
very large one—peers, deputies, and many others,
attending in full number. All were in black, ex-
cept military officers and others in official costume,
under a court mourning for Madame Adelaide, the
King’s sister, who died the last of December. When
this event took place, cards were already out from
the King for agrand dinner to the Diplomatic Corps
and high officers of State, as is usual at the Tuileries
at the beginning of the year. But the dinner was
immediately given up by countermanding notices to
us all.

Last night was the first occasion of our reassem-
bling at the Palace since this death occurred. The
King having spoken to me, as to others of the Diplo-
matic Corps, I afterwards passed on into another
room, preparatory to going home. While talking
with a gentleman there, a message came to me by
the Duke de Rochefoucault, one of the aides of the
King, informing me that the King wished to see me.
I returned with the duke to the room where he
still was. His Majesty at once opened a conversa-

tion about our affairs in Mexico. “How do you
24
350 A GLANCE AT THE

go on with Mexico now, Mr. Rush?” the King
asked. I took the grounds I had formerly taken,
reinforcing them under new points presented in
the President’s message to Congress since my last
conversation with His Majesty. In this conversa-
tion, the King seemed to be awake, for the first time,
to the success of our arms. He said nothing of our
inability to take and hold the country, which I said
we should probably do, until the altered tone of
Mexico would justify us in relaxing our hold. The
King heard my remarks without making any com-
ment; but did not swerve from his doctrines of
peace and moderation. He brought the conversa-
tion to a close by reiterating his confidence in the
wisdom and policy of that course for all nations in
the present improving state of the world.

January 29. We were at a musical party last
night at Mme. Hottinguer’s, where Castellan sings.
We went afterwards to a similar party at the
Countess of Sandwich’s, where we heard Alboni
and Persiani, two other fashionable singers.

January 30. Dined yesterday at the Turkish Am-
bassador’s. The dinner immense—sixty probably
at table, if not more; the whole French Cabinet, as
far as I could observe; the whole Diplomatic Corps,
with other official persons, and persons not official,
but prominent otherwise. The Ambassador and his
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 351

suite received the company, as all were successively
announced, with a dignity and grace very striking.
The whole arrangements of the dinner were in the
European forms; and no dinner of the same size
could have gone off better.

February 2. We were last night at the recep-
tion of Count and Countess de Circourt; he known
to high public and scientific men in Paris, and the
friend and correspondent of our Prescott; the
countess’s conversation and accomplishments con-
tributing to draw the best intercourse to their rooms.
We were often there, and derived pleasure other-
wise from their society; and I, advantage also, from
his familiarity with French affairs, and his kindly
manner of imparting his knowledge of them.

February 9. We were last night at a ball at
the Austrian Ambassador’s, Count d’Appony; the
rooms brilliantly filled, the Countess d’ Appony
doing the honors of the night most graciously ;
the supper and whole entertainment very distingué.

February 12. And last night we had a similar
entertainment at the British Embassy, the domicil
being even larger. A thousand or twelve hundred
were in the rooms, it was supposed. Dancing con-
tinued until a late hour. The ample arrangements.
for the supper and refreshments accommodated all ;
352 A GLANCE AT THE

and the Marchioness of Normanby seemed not to
tire in her attentions ‘to all.

February 14. We were this evening at M.
Jollivet’s, a member of the Chamber of Deputies;
the apartments small, but fitted up beautifully.
Nowhere that we go in Paris do we see rooms
alike. All differ in appearance and decorations;
yet all please the eye. Mr. Walsh was of the
company. I talk with him on French affairs. He
thinks the Ministry in danger. I listen the more

to him, from his knowledge of France and some of
~ her chief public men. He is full of information,
derived from a long residence here.

February —. Dined with the Minister of Marine,
the Duke de Montebello. The company large and
official. The members of the French Cabinet were
announced by their titles of office, as at the dinner
of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Napoleon’s
career makes known to us the origin of our enter-
tainer’s hereditary title, which he wears so be-
comingly. He is established in a fine hotel. The
same may be said of all the residences of the French
Cabinet—the Government providing them.

After dinner, I go to. the reception of the Minister
of Finance; after that, to M. Guizot’s.

February 18. Dined yesterday at M. Sauzet’s,
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 353

the President of the Chamber of Deputies; a large
official dinner, at which the Foreign and Home
Ministers were all, I believe, present, with many
others.

I sat next to M. Guizot, and was led to speak of
our prospects in the Pacific since our successes in
Mexico. I alluded to the Mediterranean as a
“French Lake,” according to Napoleon’s term, and
to Selden’s “ Mare Clausum,” as doctrine the Eng-
lish liked. The Minister said little under these
heads; but what he did say harmonized with the
King’s policy,—peace, and no ee

title fed

February 20. At the Tuileries a t night, where
there was a large assemblage. Many persons of
rank and power were distinguishable in the rooms.

Amidst the restraints usual at the Palace, it was,
nevertheless, observable that conversation seeming
to be earnest, in subdued tones, was going on in
little groups, where Cabinet Ministers and military
officers might be recognised. The King, not far
from whom I was standing, advanced to me, and,
alluding to the approaching banquet in Paris, ex-
pressed himself thus: “Order will be maintained.
The Government has taken every precaution, and
we are under no apprehension.” _

‘Leaving that subject, and referring to the rumor
that General Scott was under arrest and suspended
from his command in Mexico, the King remarked
354 A GLANCE AT THE

that he knew nothing of the causes for this step;
but that his military operations appeared to have
been skilful, and certainly the results must earn
him glory with his country as achievements of

war.

February 21. At a reception at M. Thiers’s
last night. It was small, but full of interest from
the topics we had, and the character and conversa-
tion of this remarkable Deputy, Financier, Parlia-
mentary debater, and Historian.

February 22. We were last night at an invited
party at the Duchess de Rochefoucault’s. The Diplo-

tic Corps were there, and others. The party not
large, but very agreeable. The Reform banquet, so
close at hand, was spoken of; but no one seemed
ainder any uneasiness.

From this party we go to a large ball at the
Prince de Ligne’s, the Belgian Ambassador. The
whole Parisian world of fashion seemed to be there.
Not the Arab chief himself, Abd-el-Kader, but one
of his train, was seen among the circles, richly
dressed in the costume of his native land. He was
pallid and silent; but a wounded, restless spirit
was discernible in his dark eye. The glitter of a
European ball was evidently lost upon him. The

Canes was talked of in intermissions of the dance,
‘ but in no feeling of apprehension, and I continue to
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 355

hear that the Government feels confident that order
will be maintained.

February 23. A Revolution has come like a
cades, troops, cannon, mobs, cavalry in quick move-
ment, some in full gallop, wheeling into one street
and issuing from another; numerous heads looking
out from upper windows in amazement. This was
the state of things yesterday.

IT went to the office of the Legation, Rue de
Matignon, at one o’clock. Crossed the bridge by the
Tuileries, the one at Place Concorde being blocked
up by the military. Soldiers and crowds of people
all along the streets. Stay half an hour at the
office. Leave it to go home, the Secretary of Lega-
tion, Mr. Martin, accompanying me. First send Mr.
Stanton. to my house the shortest way he can get
there, to tell my daughters not to go out in the
carriage. As we turn into Rue St. Honoré, increas-
ing crowds are seen, and more troops, Some of the
people were breaking lamps. As the troops press
towards the crowd to keep it back, they cry out
Vive la Lngne! the crowd wanting to propitiate the
troops by this cry. The distance was considerable
to my house; and as we had the river to. cross, we
could only get along slowly. Sometimes the crowd

 
356 A GLANCE AT THE

obstructed our way entirely. At length we reached
the archways leading to the bridge by the Tuileries.
Here we found all closed and guarded by troops.
Mr. Martin makes known that I am the Minister of
the United States, and desire to get to my house.
The officer replies that his orders are positive . to
allow no one to pass. It was no time to seek a
permit from the Government. I try a bridge further
on, and in that way reach home. Evening was now
approaching. Mr. Martin left me before I got home
to return quickly to the office, in case of danger to
the papers of the Legation, for all was uproar, and
none could say what was coming.

At ten at night I get a note from the Marchioness
of Wellesley, written under anxiety to know if I
thought she was safe in Paris.

Thursday, the 24th. Here at my residence, 63
Rue de Lille, we heard the noise of cavalry through
the night. Throughout the day (yesterday) our
servants were bringing in rumors of firing and
bloodshed on the other side of the river. All is

| rumor and uncertainty. People seem stunned. The
fighting is said to be in the direction of the Boule-
vards and Montmartre. Mr. George Sumner, of
Boston, came in to see us, and gave graphic accounts
of what was going on. He said the municipal
guards were in great odium. This corps fights for
the King and Ministers. At five o'clock I walked
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 3057

over to Hotel Brighton, Rue Rivoli, to see the
Marchioness of Wellesley, (originally) of Annapolis,
Maryland, and grand-daughter of Mr. Carroll. I
found: it hard to get there. Place Concorde was
lined with cavalry and the municipal guards; the
latter mounted. Cannon was also placed in range.
I told the marchioness I thought it might be best to
leave Paris, unless she had strong reasons for re-
maining; but that, if she remained, I would be
ready to afford her the shelter of my Legation if
desired. I caught a rumor, while out, that the
Ministers had all resigned, M. Guizot alone re-
maining until a new ministry could be got together.
The Banquet was forbidden at the last moment.
Hence the suddenness with which the bolt fell. At
ten at night I drove over to the office of the Lega-
tion. Crossed the bridge of the Invalides, and met
with no obstruction in that quarter. Found all
safe at the office.

February 25. The revolutionary movement
advances with inconceivable rapidity. Fighting,
bloodshed, dismay, everywhere. Constant fighting
all last night. All manner of reports. No coming
at facts—except that the Ministers have certainly
resigned. Another report is, that the King sent
for Count Molé yesterday to form a new ministry;
but that would not do, he not being an oppositionist,
and the troops of the line having shown reluctance
358 A GLANCE AT THE

to-fire upon the people; some refusing altogether.
The national guards would not go against the
people. In this emergency the reports say that
General Lamoriciére rode through the streets with
his aides, declaring, in the King’s name, that Odillon
Barrot (prominent in opposition) was to form a
new ministry, and that Mr. Thiers would join him.
~ Another report is, that the Duchess of Orleans had
entreated the King to let her accompany, on horse-
back, Odillon Barrot and Mr. Thiers through the
streets, and appeal in person to the people; but the
King would not consent.

Friday, the 25th. The belief seems to be that a
_ complete Revolution has been effected, the _people
‘having the upper hand everywhere, and none of the
troops or national guards any longer acting against
them. They are in possession of the Tuileries,
made a bonfire of the King’s carriages, the King,
Queen and Royal Family escaping through the
gardens. I go to Quai d'Orsay, in front of my
house; see the people looking out of the Palace
windows; see them throwing furniture out of the
windows; see them pass by the place where I
stood. They shout out, with guns and sabres in
their hands; they display trophies brought from
the Palace, such as patés, cooked meats, bread, and
other eatables. Also caps, artificial flowers, and
other finery. Soldiers mix in with the people and
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 359

shout too. Some of the soldiers stick loaves of
bread on the points of their bayonets, holding them —
up exultingly. Anxious to know how things are
at the Legation, I leave my stand at Quai d’Orsay
and attempt to go there by the bridge of the
Invalides, it being impossible to cross any other. I
go on foot. Arriving at this bridge, I see an im-
mense crowd on the other side, women as well as
men, all hallooing, singing, dancing, and shouting.
Some are rolling empty wine-casks along the ground
—so says my servant George, who is with me.
Others hold them over their heads with uplifted
arms, sending forth louder shouts and playing off
antics, as if inflamed with drink. I do not cross
the bridge. On this side, broken squads of the muni-
cipal guard are to be seen riding here and there, and
detachments of horse artillery hurrying, I know
not where. All is wild disorganization. I return
to my house, after being baffled in this attempt to
reach the office, fatigued and glad to get home.

At home once more, Mr. Martin comes in with
the first assurance that every thing is safe at the
office of the Legation. He had been out the whole
morning, seeking information. His report is, that
the Revolution is over; that the King signed an
abdication reluctantly, in favor of the Count de |
Paris, the Duchess of Orleans to be Regent; that
she had gone to the Chamber with the Count de
Paris and her other young son, the Duke de
360 A GLANCE AT THE

Nemours, accompanying her; that on her way she
was surrounded by the people, who did not ill treat
her; that when she first entered the Chamber,
things seemed somewhat encouraging to her, but
that soon afterwards all was dismay and terror.
Odillon Barrot made a short speech in her favor, or
attempted it, but in vain; the people, with muskets
and sabres, broke in tumultuously, said it was too
late, got into the seats of the members, threatened
| them, pointed muskets at them, and drove them
‘out; Ledru-Rellin spoke, and Lamartine, but could
hardly be heard amidst the uproar. That the
members fled in different directions, some of the
opposition members going off with the people to
| the Hotel de Ville, where they set up a Provisional
A | Government, proclaiming it to be Republican, and
calling out the names of the persons to form it.
That the Duchess of Orleans, with her children
and the Duke de Nemours, escaped with difficulty,
but were safe; and that the King and Queen were
supposed to have gone to St. Cloud,.in the first
hackney-coach they could find, or got off by railway

to Rouen, wishing to reach the coast, and cross to
England. The rest of the Royal Family had gone,
nobody knew where. Mr. Martin went on to state
that all accounts seemed to agree in things having
gone favorably for the King as soon as the people
learned that Odillon Barrot and Thiers were minis-
ters; that they considered this the triumph of their
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 361

cause ; they had carried their point over King and
ministers, and were rejoicing; but that afterwards,
when the regular troops fired upon the people from
the garden of the Hotel of Foreign Affairs, the tide
turned; that this firing was not from any orders of
the Government, but through some mistake; but
it killed a good many of the people in that wide
street, exasperated all, and swelled their numbers
tenfold. They flew to arms from all quarters;
they neither would, nor could, hear explanations
when musketry and cannon were roaring; fighting
was renewed with double fury; the Tuileries came
near to being sacked before the inmates could
escape, and the Monarchy fell to pieces..¢ . » ; |
T almost ask myself, Can this be a reality? Only
on the night of the twentieth I was at the Tuileries,
the King, Queen, and Royal family feeling secure
in fancied strength. Every thing brilliant around
them; ladies to have graced the highest, or any
spheres ; functionaries of state, and military officers;
all the patronage, all the honors, of a great monarchy
in their hands,—its army in their service. So it
was a week ago. Now the King and Queen are
outcasts; destitute for the present, and uncertain of
their fate. The others, all scattered and gone.
Many Americans call on us to-day under these
astounding events. We talk them over. Some
stay to dine with us, Mr. Martin among them; and
we have Mr. and Mrs. Coppinger, of Boston. At
362 A GLANCE AT THE

table the topics are renewed. We compare notes
of the marvellous rapidity of the movement and
its results. Before going to dinner, Mrs. Coppin-
ger had assisted in making a Flag of the United
States for the Legation. I express a hope that no
necessity to use it would arise. I had never used
one, and had none. No outrages on private
property had. as yet been committed, that I had
‘heard of, much less on the houses of Foreign
~—~Ministers, during the raging of this tempest. On
the contrary, it was stated that some of the
fighting bands among the people, on hearing that
thieves had broken into a shop to rob it, shot
themonthe spo tts

February 26. The Revolution, it would seem,
is all over. A Provisional Government was pro-
claimed. yesterday, late in the day, declared_to be
Republican, and its members are announced in the
morning papers, as follows: viz. Dupont (de ? Eure),
Lamartine, Arago, Ledru Rollin, Crémieux, Gar-
nier Pagés, Marie; these forming the Executive
Head.

Armand Marrast, Louis Blanc, Flocon, Albert,
to be Secretaries.

The Provisional Government by decree appoint
Dupont (de? Eure) President of the Council, with-
out portfolio; Lamartine, Minister of Foreign Affairs;

Crémieux, Minister of Justice; Ledru Rollin, Minis-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 363

ter of the Interior; General Bedeau, Minister of
War; Goudchaux, Minister of Finance; Bethmont,
Minister of Commerce; Carnot, Minister of Public
Instruction; Marie, Minister of Public Works;
General Cavaignac, Governor of Algeria; Garnier
Pagés, Mayor of Paris; Flotard, Secretary-General ;
Colonel de Courtais, to be Chief in Command of the
National Guard. These appointments to be pro-
visional; but the persons filling them empowered
to act in all things needful.

Of the foregoing names, some were widely and
favorably known by their writings or otherwise ;
and I obtain through one of my countrymen, long
a resident in Paris, information as to others as yet
less known.

The Provisional Government proceeds to per-
form as many of the functions cast upon it as cir-
cumstances will permit. It obtains the allegiance
of the Army and Navy; secures for itself the exist-
ing agencies of the late Government in Paris and
throughout the departments; and does other things
to impart immediate efficiency to its operations. /
The conduct of Lamartine commands admiration
from all. Already he has told the people, from the~
front of the Hotel de Ville, disregarding a thousand
muskets levelled at him, that they should not have
the red flag (for which they clamored) as the
symbol of the new Republic; but the tri-color, |
which had made the tour of the World with glory,
364 A GLANCE AT THE

while the red flag had only made the tour of the
Champs de Mars, trailed through torrents of blood.
This made the muskets drop, saved Paris from
horrors, and inspires hope.

- Admiral Baudin accepts the command of the fleet.
The war stores of all kinds at the Ecole Militaire
have been secured by the new Government; and
courts of law recognize its authority.

The Bank of France has accepted bills drawn
upon it, promising their payment in cash at ma-
turity. Shops are reopening in Paris; and to-day

, it is stated that Baron Rothschild is prepared to
fulfil all his engagements towards the heavy loan
effected by the late Government.

Saturday, the 26th. On this same day Major
Poussin calls upon me. He makes an earnest
appeal to me to recognise the new Republic in my
capacity as Minister of the United States, and says
it will be of unspeakable service. He believes:
this,—believes it fully; and knows, is sure, that
my appearance at the Hotel de Ville to make. the
recognition in that capacity, will be very acceptable
to the Provisional Government. He entreats me to
take the step: to-day, if possible; if not, to-morrow.

It may be supposed that I was little prepared. for

. this call. The Revolution had been sudden in the
extreme. Hardly could we believe our eyes in
| seeing a Republic, where a Monarchy stood firm,
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 365

apparently, a week ago; and which was only first
attacked by force five days ago. Were the barri-
cades yet removed? Frenchmen might’ think the
Republic stood firm; but could the world believe it?

I so expressed myself. Major Poussin tried to
obviate these objections; putting forward, as one
ground, that my taking the step would add im-
mediate strength from abroad to France in her
new position. Would I withhold my aid to Re
publicanism? Did I not wish well to that cause?
Yes: he was sure I did.

I did, was my answer; but that was not the
point between us. Other considerations must be
weighed. I had no notice, as Minister of the United
States, even of the existence of the Provisional
Government. Without that notice, to say no more,
could I in my official capacity take any step?

He thought forms might be overlooked in a case
of such magnitude, giving some of his reasons; and,
in connection with them, told me that the members
of the Provisional Government had been agreed
upon the night preceding the day they were
announced at the Hotel de Ville, viz., last Wednes-
day night. I need not repeat all he said on that
head.

Our interview closed by my telling him I would
reflect on the subject, and that he should hear from
me. In the course of the interview, he mentioned

new facts, to show the energy with which the Pro-
25
366 A GLANCE AT THE

visional Government was acting, and how fast all
classes were giving in their adhesion to it.

The subject of Major Poussin’s visit was not new -
to my thoughts, though his visit was unexpected.
My surmise was, thaf he had not come without the
knowledge of the Provisional Government, but, for
obvious reasons, had no authority to say so. I re-
flected on the situation I was placed in. I had pre-
viously known Major Poussin as an honorable
Frenchman. When a young man, then in the
French army, he accompanied General Bernard to
the United States, soon after Napoleon’s downfall.
The fame and abilities of General Bernard, as a
high officer in the engineer branch of Napoleon’s
service, commended him to my Government, for the
superintendence and construction of ‘works belong-
ing to our national defences; and Major, then
Captain, Poussin was his young assistant in those
important operations. He then became a naturalized
citizen of the United States; and I knew him then.
He was on all accounts entitled to my esteem;
and I was on the best personal relations with
him in Paris, before the Revolutionary tornado
which brought him to me on this anxious errand
for his country. Still, my own judgment was to
guide my steps. The responsibilities of my public
station were upon me. What would my Country
expect from me? and what did I owe to my Country
a

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 367

under this emergency? These were the questions
I was to deal with.
I did not view the King’s Government, just over-
thrown, as did the opposition to it among the
' Frénch. ‘I was aloof from their party conflicts.
To have mingled in them would have been im-
‘proper. I was as a neutral. I desired to think
well of the late Government, rather than ill. I
aimed at conciliating it in all just ways, as befitting
the diplomatic trust, and as tending to shed a good
influence on my steps as Minister, when seeking to
serve in France my Country and countrymen. As
long as the King was on the throne, I felt the pro-
priety of this course, and pursued it. But the
French people were themselves the arbiters: of
the conduct of their Government, and the sole

judges of what form of Government they would eo

have. Whether a majority of them could—have
had opportunities of expressing a preference for a
Republic, in the first moments after the Monarchy
fell, was not an inquiry for me to propound. The
United States were a Republic. It was their rule,
in all their foreign intercourse, to acknowledge
every new Government abroad, when seen to exist
de facto, without inquiring by what means it was
set up, or what its form. I might be thought hasty
in inferring the new Government of France to be a
Government de facto, so very soon; yet it was
: apparent to me, as to all, that it was exercising the

et

A
368 A GLANCE AT THE

actual powers of Government, in ways the most
telling, with none to thwart it. No party, no class,
/was moving against it. All seemed to acquiesce,
‘silently, if not share the enthusiasm that was rally-
| ing all to its support. Would it be right or expe-
dient in me to wait for instructions before recognis-
ing it? A month, or more, must elapse before in-
structions could reach me. Was it for me to be
backward, when France appeared to be looking to
us? The Nation whose blood flowed with ours in
our Revolution, and whose sympathies in our cause
were still a tradition, ever ready to excite our sym-
pathies for her? Most especially would these spring
into life, when she announced herself to the world
as a Republic. I could not be blind to the satisfac-
tion with which our People would regard her great
name as enlisted on the side of Republicanism.
True, I looked anxiously on so great a Republican
experiment. Yet I was unwilling to scrutinize too
closely, at first, the considerations, which might seem
at war with the hope of its full success. I there-
fore felt it my duty, after weighing every conside-
ration, to lend my Representative name towards
cheering it on. I believed I should have the
approbation of the Government and people of the
United States by anticipating instructions. The
old feeling of good will towards France was still
so much in the American heart, that the formularies
of diplomacy, founded in good sense for the most
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 369

part, would be grudgingly accepted as an excuse
for lukewarmness in their Minister when she had
started up before his eyes as a Republic. They
would hail its first birth, and hope for the best
afterwards. With the more reason would they do
this, when so much of the high intellect, so many
of the good names and a portion of the great
names, of France, were seen to go with the Re
public from the beginning.

Thoughts like these decided me to act, not
instantly, but promptly. Before the dinner-hour, I
walked over to the office of the Legation. The
Secretary of Legation was there, and two of my
countrymen: one, Mr. Corbin, of Virginia; the other,
my friend and fellow-townsman from Philadelphia,
Mr. Ridgway. I imparted to them my decision,
with a summary of the reasons; adding, that I
would forbear recognition until hearing from M.
Lamartine that he is the organ of the new Govern-
ment with foreign Powers. From the office of
Legation I go to Major Poussin, Mr. Corbin accom-
panying me. I inform him of my determination,
and that the time will have arrived for acting upon
it when I am informed that M. Lamartine repre-
sents the Provisional Government in its intercourse
with other nations. Major Poussin is unable to_
give me any present assurance on this point, but
supposes there will be no difficulty. We talk
about it, he zealously urging the great importance
370 A GLANCE AT THE

of the step; I remarking on the propriety of what
I have said about M. Lamartine.

Sunday, February 27. Appreciating the enlight-
ened mind of our consul, Mr. Walsh, I communicate
to him, in a personal interview, the course I am
about to take. He concurs with me in the pro-
priety of the step.

Unwilling to take it without the knowledge of
the Diplomatic Corps, not one of whom had I seen
since the Revolutionary whirlwind, I determine to
inform the. English Ambassador, and, after my inter-
view with Mr. Walsh, I call on Lord Normanby.
Meeting Mr. Martin on my way, I invite him to go
with me. His well-trained judgment, concurring
with that of Mr. Walsh in the propriety of thé
course I had resolved on, gives me the united voice
of my Legation in its favor.

I found Lord Normanby at home. On the first
intimation of my object, he mentioned what the
morning papers had announced, but what I had
not seen ; namely, that I had already acknowledged
the Provisional Government. I told him it was not
the case, but that I was about to do so; perhaps
to-morrow. It was not agreeable to me, I said, to
separate myself from my colleagues of the Diplo-
matic Corps on this occasion, even temporarily,
as would probably be the case; but I would not
place myself in that situation without giving them
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 371

information, and trusted to their liberal estimate of
my position for rightly viewing the step I was about
to take. I was too far off from my country to wait
for instructions. Before they could arrive, events
here might show that I had fallen into undue
delay. The Provisional Government proclaimed a
Republic as the Government of France. France
was our early friend and ally, when we were strug-
gling for admission into the family of nations. She
had now proclaimed a Government like ours; and
my belief was that my Government would. expect
me to be prompt in acknowledging it. These
were the considerations appealing to me in the
present exigency. It was to this general effect I
made known my intention; adding, that I came to
him first, from the great intercourse between our
two countries, as well as from my personal relations
with himself.

It was plain that the English Ambassador had not
expected such a communication from me. He asked
if I designed it merely as a communication of my in-
tention, and nothing more; or whether I wished the
expression of any opinions from him. I said I should
be happy to hear any opinions he would express.
He then said, that as to my distance, it was indeed
peculiar to my case; neither upon that, or the other
considerations to which I had adverted, was it for
him to offer any opinion ; it was for me alone to attach
to them whatever weight I thought fit. But other-
372 A GLANCE AT THE

wise my course, he must say, struck him.as unusual.
What was the Provisional Government? Had I
yet received any information from itself of its own
existence? He had not, and presumed that not
one of the Diplomatic Corps had. Would I, under
such circumstances, separate myself from them?
Would it not be better that we should act in con-
cert; see our senior, the Marquis Brignoli, confer
with him and others, that we might know each
others’ views? Where would I go to make my
acknowledgment? To whom address myself, in
the absence of all notification from the true and
proper organ of communication between the new
Government and foreign Powers?

The foregoing embraces the substance of his
remarks; which were enlarged upon and urged, as
decidedly as an amicable manner and tone would
allow. Our interview closed by my saying that
what had fallen from him had not escaped my
thoughts, and was reasonable in itself; and that I
did not design to ‘take the step until receiving a
suitable communication from the Provisional Go-
vernment of its own existence.

From the English Embassy I go to our own office
of Legation. While there, Mr. Martin, who went
in another direction. on first leaving the English
Embassy with me, comes in, and says he hears
that M. Lamartine is now preparing an official
note, announcing to the Foreign Ambassadors and
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 373

Ministers the existence of the new Government,
and that he is now the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
T request Mr. Martin to write a line in my name
to Major Poussin, telling him what he has heard.
Before the day closes, the official note to me from
M. Lamartine arrives at my house corroborating the
above. Its date is Sunday, the 27th.

This seems a fit occasion for saying, that an es-
teemed colleague of the Corps from South America,
called on me as soon as the Provisional Government
was formed, to learn my intentions as to recognising
the new Republic. I told him it was my intention
to recognise it at a period as early as I could pro-
perly see my way to that course. His motive in
inquiring was, that he might prepare himself for
following my example; and this, he presumed,
would be the case (though he did not speak for
them) with the other Diplomatic Representatives
from South America accredited to the Government
just overthrown.

Tuesday, February 29th. The official comruni-
cation from M. Lamartine having given me the
authentic document I desired, I yesterday proceeded
to the Hotel de Ville, to perform the duty I had
resolved upon. I wore my diplomatic dress, and
requested the Secretary of Legation, whom I took
with me, to wear his. I also invited Major Poussin
to a seat in my carriage, as a naturalized citizen of
374 A GLANCE AT THE

the United States, as well as Frenchman, possessing,
as I believed, the confidence of the Provisional
Government. I arrived at the Hotel de Ville at
two o'clock. Persons were inside, waiting recep-
tions, or business otherwise to be transacted with
the Provisional Government. These came to a
pause when I was announced.

Conducted into the room where the Provisional
Government was sitting, I addressed myself to its
President and Members, by saying; that, too distant
from my Country to wait instructions, I sought the
first opportunity of offering my felicitations to the
Provisional Government, believing that my own
Government would transmit to me its sanction of
the early step I was taking; that the remembrance
of the ancient friendship and alliance which once
joined together France and the United States, was
still strong among us; that the cry would be loud
and universal in my Country for the prosperity and
greatness of France under the new institutions she
had proclaimed, subject to ratification by the national
will; that, under similar institutions, the United States
had enjoyed a long course of prosperity; that their
institutions had been stable; and while they left to
all other countries the choice of their own forms of
government, they would naturally rejoice to see
this great nation flourish under forms like their
own, which had been found to unite social order
with public liberty. I concluded with a repetition
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 375

of the hope General Washington expressed to the
French Minister, Adet, at Philadelphia, in 1796 :—
that the “friendship of the two Republics might be
commensurate with their existence.”

M. Arago, on the part of the Provisional Govern-
ment, replied, that its members received without
surprise, but with lively pleasure, the assurance of
the sentiments I expressed; France expected them
from an ally to whom she now drew so close by the
proclamation of a Republic; he thanked me, in the
name of the Provisional Government, for the wishes
I had expressed for the prosperity and greatness
of France, and concluded with responding to the
words .I had recalled of the great founder of our
Republic.

The venerable Dupont de lure, official head of
the Government, and eighty years of age, then
approached me. Taking me by the hand, he said,
. “Permit me, in thus taking you by the hand, to
assure you that the French people grasp that of
the American nation.”

The ceremony here ended. Three members of
the Provisional Government accompanied me to the
outside door of the Hotel de Ville. The guard pre-
sented arms. Loud cries of Vive la République des
Etats-Unis! were heard. The building is one of the
largest in Paris. Crowds were in front and all
around it when I drove up. These had not
diminished as I was coming away, and their
376 A GLANCE AT THE

renewed shouts of Vive la République des Etats-Unis!
went up freely.

March 1. My address to the Provisional Govern-
ment appeared in the French newspapers of yester-
day. It was not for me to publish it. I was only
to transmit it to my own Government. My answer
to M. Lamartine’s official communication of the
27th of February, which informed me of his being
charged with the duties of the Foreign Office, has
also appeared in the newspapers, equally without
my instrumentality.

This being reception-day at my house, large
numbers of our countrymen and others call upon
us. Among the latter, Count de Circourt. He
gives me the whole account of Lamartine’s triumph
over the votaries of the red flag at the Hotel de
Ville. He called it a critical and noble triumph.
A savant; a man of letters; a patriot full of anxious
hopes for his country, his words and manner were
impressive. He gave details of the revolution
which I had not heard before. All pointed to
favorable changes in the French people, from the
frenzies and cruelty of their old Revolution, when
Queens were killed with frantic joy; religion
tumbled down to enthrone a Goddess of Reason;
cart-loads of victims daily sent to the guillotine;
or tied back to back and thrown with horrid profa-
nations into the Seine. But I need not here insert
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 377

the Count’s details. My own entries of facts occur-
ring during the days and nights of the Revolution,
as derived from the Secretary of Legation, and my
own opportunities of observation, were not contra-
dicted by his details. I let them remain, therefore,
as noted down, with only verbal corrections and no
amplification, it being no part of my intention to
write a full history of this Revolution, and willing
to hope that it may disclose, in its further progress,
as much improvement over the old one in rational
liberty, as it has thus far shown in humanity.

March 2. The Archbishop of Paris, in an
address to the clergy, holds up to them the duty
of yielding obedience to the authority of the Pro-_’
visional Government, with orders that the colors
of the Republic be placed in their churches.

The Nuncio of Pope Pius the Ninth, resident in
Paris under the Monarchy, in a letter to M.
Lamartine has expressed his profound satisfaction
at the respect shown by the people of Paris to
religion, in the midst of the great events that have
been accomplished; and his conviction that the
Holy Father would call down in all his prayers
the blessings of God on France. The letter was
in answer to M. Lamartine’s communication in-
forming him, as he had the other foreign repre-
sentatives, that the Provisional Government had
clothed him with the functions of Minister of
378 A GLANCE AT THE

Foreign Affairs. This letter of the Nuncio—the
same who represented the Pope, while the King
was on the throne,—is regarded as equivalent
to a recognition of the Republic by His Holiness,
and, it is thought, will not be without its influence
with large classes.

The turbulent times bring up the ex-King of
Westphalia, Jerome Bonaparte. He has addressed
a letter to the Provisional Government. He asks
that a decree may be issued by the Republic to
annul the proscription imposed on his name by
foreign: Powers in alliance with the Bourbons, the
Revolution having destroyed the treaties of 1815.

The Revolution also brings before the world a
letter from another of the Bonaparte family, Prince
Louis Napoleon. Returned to Paris from exile, he
declares his desire to rank himself under the Flag of
the Republic, and assures the Provisional Govern-

’ ment of his: devotion to the cause they represent,

and of his personal sympathy for them.

In making visits to-day, I was in districts where
I had not been since the Revolution. Nearly all
the shops appeared to be open again. Workmen
were engaged in repaving the streets in the parts
torn up for barricades. Things have already, with
a few exceptions, their old appearance, or nearly
so. I did not see any private carriages, although
I was: in thoroughfares where, before the Revolution,
they were always seen at the hour I was out.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 379

Hackney coaches, cabs and other vehicles, were in the
streets much as usual. The theatres are reopened,
and street amusements go on in the daytime along
the Champs Elysées, as if nothing had happened.
The recovery, judging merely by the outside view.
of things along the streets, has been very quick '
after this great convulsion. I had little inclination
to stroll on to Neuilly, where that beautiful summer
Palace of the King was burnt; for who could take
pleasure in looking on its ruins?

March 4. To-day the funeral of the citizens
who fell in the combats of the 23d and 24th of
February took place, under an order of the Pro-
visional Government. The bodies were deposited
in the vaults of the Column of July, where the old
Bastile stood, and religious service was performed
in all the churches. The throng drawn together
was chiefly concentrated in the neighborhood of
the church of the Madelaine, and filled the Boule-
vards for a great distance. I saw one edge of it in
going to the Legation ; and before leaving my house
a large body of the people also passed within view
on their way across the bridge at Place Concorde to
join the funeral procession. I went out to see this
detachment of it. Numerous tri-colored flags were
displayed, and all were singing the Marseilles Hymn.

March 5. Make a personal call on Mr. Lamar-
380 A GLANCE AT THE

tine this evening. He told me he was engaged in
public business day and night almost incessantly,
and that the labor pressed heavily on him. I con-
gratulated him on his victory over the bloody flag
on the memorable Friday of the 25th of February.
He says that when he has a little more command
of his time, he will hope to see more of me. Just
as I entered his hotel (the same Mr. Guizot had), a
deputation of pupils from the colleges of France
was coming out of his salon. I heard their shouts
on leaving him. They had been to offer their
homage, and give expression to their hopes and
devotedness under the great political change. He
had replied in a kind and stirring speech. He is
always ready on such occasions; happy also in
his language and illustrations, especially when
addressed to the young, who fire up under the off-
hand bursts of his animation and genius.

March 7. Mr. Lamartine came to see me, but I
was not in. I hear that he said to Count Circourt
that two good things had happened for the Re-
public: the letter of the Pope’s Nuncio, and the
address of the American Minister; the one repre-
senting the head of Christianity, the other the
head of Republicanism.

March 24. Count de Lasterie and Major Poussin
dine with us. The former was a member of the
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 381

late Chamber of Deputies. Our conversation was
on the present state of things in Paris, and par-
ticularly on the component parts of the Provisional
Government. It is more than half believed that
divisions exist among the members on some im-.
portant points.

March 25. This evening I went to M. Lamar-
tine’s. The Belgian and Sardinian Ambassadors
were there, with a few other gentlemen. Madame
Lamartine was present. M. Lamartine had been
annoyed by an occurrence at his house shortly
before I came. A deputation of fifty, from the
whole body of Poles in France, waited upon him
with a request, that the Provisional Government
would supply them with arms and money to enable
them to make a campaign into Poland to liberate ty
their country. He reasoned briefly with them. on
the impropriety of their request that he should
kindle up a war in Europe, telling them it would
come to that. They did not, or would not, under-
stand his reasoning. He expostulated with them
more earnestly. They did not regard that, either,
but became boisterous in his very salon. He then
put them down, firmly regardless of their clamor;
for they even threatened him with a hostile “de
monstration” against the Government on the day
following. Though he was somewhat moved at

the occurrence of such an incident in his own
26
382 A GLANCE AT THE

domicil, he enters into conversation with his
company with his usual buoyancy, not despairing
of the Republic because of the behavior of this
Polish deputation.

March 31. I hear that early this month Lord
Normanby said to M. Lamartine, in the name of
his Government, that as soon as the Provisional
Government was changed into a definitive one by
the National Assembly, Great Britain would ac-
credit her Ambassador to the new Republic; and
in the interim keep up the necessary business
relations, as well as those of good will and friend-
ship, with the Republic. That the Republic should
desire to keep on good terms with England is
both natural and wise. Mr. Lamartine sees this.
All reasonable Frenchmen see it. Ambitious and
dangerous men suddenly arrived at power, if able
to get up a cry that England had put herself
against the Republic, might use it to blast the
hopes of internal quiet, so necessary to France
when about to mould her new institutions into
form.

The Poles, who were brim-full of anger when
they left Mr. Lamartine’s house lately, came back
the next day with a larger deputation. He ad-
dressed the increased number, doing it with such
good sense and conciliation that, instead of the
hostile demonstration threatened, he brought them
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 383

over to his side with expressions of regret at the
unreasonableness of their first expectations.

April 2. Among those at our table to-day was
Mr. George Lafayette, member of the late Chamber
of Deputies, and son of General Lafayette: a name
ever dear to our country as the companion in
arms of Washington; who left France, then a
young nobleman born to honors and fortune, to
fight in our Revolutionary battles as a volunteer
aide by his side. He holds the Republican prin-
ciples for which his gallant and noble-minded
father fought, and inherits his virtues. Though a
Republican of the Washington school, he said to-
day that the number of Frenchmen in favor of
that form of government, take France throughout,
was, he believed, very small. For himself, he
desired to see a Republic; but his fears were that
France was not ready for one. My ear could —
be deaf to these words from this source. His
home is in the country, on the ancient estate of
his father. He thought, nevertheless, that the
Republic would stand, so many parties were for
upholding it; each party, probably, thinking it
might the better arrive at its own ends, through
the great change so suddenly come upon France by:
the proclamation of a Republic.

April 10. Count de Lasterie tells me that Mr.
384 A GLANCE AT THE

Lamartine is opposed to a double branch for the
Legislature in the Republican Constitution to be
formed for France, and thinks that almost all

France will be against it.

April 15. Went this evening to Mr. Lamartine’s.
He was not at home, but with the Provisional
Government. A small company is present, and
no more than two of the Diplomatic Corps. I
collect from the conversation of the evening that
‘a ‘divisions of opinion exist strongly in the Provisional
Government, and that serious clashing among its
members is even apprehended before the National
Assembly can meet, which will be in May; the
elections, or preparatory steps for them, beimg in
progress.

April 16. M. de Tocqueville, the well-known
author of the celebrated work on the political
institutions of the United States, comes to see
me. We get into conversation on some of the
points of Republican Government. I mention what
IT had heard of M. Lamartine’s objections to a
double branch for the Legislative power under
the new Republic. We converse on this part
of the subject. I say that American experience
is all in favor of two branches. For the illustra-
tions from history showing the dangers of a single
branch and advantages of a double branch, I
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 385

refer him to the learned and logical work of the
elder Adams, formerly President of the United
States, and one of the foremost patriots and sages
of the American Revolution, written against the
attack of M. Turgot, the French statesman, who
regarded our preference of the double legislature
as only a misplaced fondness for the English model
of two houses of Parliament; but, apart from the
value of that model, Mr. Adams’s reasoning and
illustrations seemed to me, and to others who were
better judges, to be founded on the elementary
maxims of government and the nature of man.
M. de Tocqueville seemed familiar with the his
torical facts and reasoning in favor of the double
branch, but wished to know what work of re-
pute there was in our country which defended
the single branch. I replied, none that I knew of;
that not only did the Constitution of the United
States establish a double branch in the two houses
of Congress, but all the States, amounting to
thirty, which composed the Federal Union at
present, had adopted the double branch; or, if
exceptions existed, I was not aware of them. The
only exception in our past history was in the
Constitution first formed by Pennsylvania after
the breaking out of the Revolutionary War. I
remembered no other. But the same State changed
it afterwards for a Constitution with the double
branch. Was there any work in Pennsylvania,
386 A GLANCE AT THE

he asked, embodying the arguments for the single
branch when her first Constitution was formed?
None that I was able to specify, 1 said. The
journals of the day, and debates of the body
which formed it, would, doubtless, contain the
arguments its advocates used; but these I could
not easily command unless at home. It is proper
for me to add, I remarked, that Dr. Franklin
was friendly to the single branch; but he rarely
spoke in legislative bodies, and never at length.
Here our conversation stopped short. M. de
Tocqueville heard the rappel beating in the streets.
Rising from his chair, he left me, hardly pausing
a moment, to join his regiment in the National
Guards. Author; man of genius; independent in
his circumstances; addicted to study; not robust
in frame; yet off he goes for his musket at the
first summons of the drum, to take his stand as a
private in the ranks. So martial is France!

April 16. This same day, Count de Caraman
and Count Mandelslow dine with us. The latter
(of Wurtemberg) was my esteemed colleague in
the Diplomatic Corps at London, whom it has been
my good fortune to meet here in Paris, where he is
on a visit; and my renewed intercourse with whom
has a double value, from his amiable Countess and
accomplished daughter being here with him.

T introduce the name of Count Caraman first, for
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 387

the sake of saying that, when we talked of the
Republic, he was for accepting it, not because he
held its opinions, (for he is known to his friends as
a frank and honorable legitimist,) but because,
thrown upon France even bya delusive show of
popular opinion, as he thought it was, all should,
nevertheless, accept it for present peace. Like
others of his political faith, he appeared to have
little idea that it. would succeed. Apart from this
motive for alluding to him, I am afforded, in doing
so, the opportunity of a passing tribute to his
worth. Long known to me,—first in Washington, as
an attractive young attaché to the French Legation
when M. Serurier was Minister, in Napoleon’s day,
during both his grandeur and fall; again knowing
him as belonging to the French Embassy in Lon-
don, when the Marquis d’Osmond was Ambassador
from France; and now here,—his society has
always been highly valued by myself and family.
Especially has it been agreeable and useful to us
in all social ways since we came to Paris; and not
unfrequently from the political matter and con-
jectures he catches in his own circles, where, as in
all circles, he listens with an intelligent and cul-
tivated mind.

April 18. I learned again to-day that heart-
burnings prevail among some of the members of
the Provisional.Government, which cause intense
388 A GLANCE AT THE

anxiety, though happily they are still kept out of
the newspapers.

The rappel which so suddenly snatched from me
the enlightened companion with whom I was in
conversation day before yesterday, was caused by
a ‘great “demonstration” of the working-classes,
who had congregated in the Champ de Mars.
‘The assemblage, which went on to increase by
various reinforcements arriving at this well-known
point as a rendezvous, moved off, to the number, it
was said, of fifty thousand, with banners denoting
- their object, which was to form. an_organization of
laborers to procure work. Their march was towards
the Hotel de Ville, where the Provisional Govern-
ment sits; at which point they intended openly to
announce their object. An alarm was raised. It
spread quickly. Rumor succeeded rumor, and
many feared a new Revolution was at hand;
though the procession appeared to be moving
along peaceably and unarmed. When the rappel
was beaten, the National Guards came together
from all parts of Paris. It did not begin to beat
till noon; but in a few hours it was computed that
scarcely fewer than a hundred thousand of the
guards had turned out, ready to protect all the
important points of the capital, had there been a
fresh outbreak to bring about another Revolution.
The Hotel de Ville was secured against attack
inside and from without. Lamartine and Marrast
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 386

appeared on the balcony, and were greeted by the
plaudits of thousands in the streets. Their ap
pearance was hailed as symbols of the Republic’:
safety. This prompt exertion of authority, backed
by such an armed force acting with order and
discipline, speaks well for the energy of the Pro.
visional Government; which derives also a new
moral support from the evidences of public opinion,
which the occasion seems to have arrayed on its
side. An impression exists that a plot to overturn
it was certainly at the bottom of this movement.
I find it difficult to get authentic information on
the subject, and leave it under as much as I have
noted down.

April 21. To-day I received a dispatch from
the Secretary of State, conveying to me the appro-
bation of the President for the part I took on the
28th of February in acknowledging the French
Republic, and enclosing me a letter of credence to
the Provisional Government.

April 22. I addressed an official note to Mr.
Lamartine, informing him of this communication.
I also send him a copy of the letter of credence,
and request an interview to know when I may
have the honor of delivering the original to the
Provisional Government in person.

The letter was in the customary form of such
390 A GLANCE AT THE

communications from the executive heads of Go-
vernments, whether Monarchies or Republics.

April 23. Mr. Lamartine informs me that he
will give me the interview to-morrow at twelve
o'clock.

April 24. Icalled at the Foreign Office at twelve
o'clock. Mr. Lamartine said that my formal ap-
pearance before all the members of the Provisional
Government for the delivery in person of the letter
of credence, could scarcely, he feared, be brought
about at as early a day as he wished, from the diffi-
culty of getting them all together. He added,
that if I would overlook the form of appearing
before all, he would himself receive the letter from
me as representing them all. I assented to his
proposition.

April 26. I presented my letter of credence to
M. Lamartine at the Bureau of Foreign Affairs,
as agreed.

The same arrival from the United States brought
me another dispatch from the Secretary of State,
informing me that the President had appointed the
Secretary of this Legation Chargé d’ Affaires of the
United States at Rome. The dispatch added that
whomsoever I would name as successor to Mr. Mar-
tin, the President would appoint to the situation.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 391

In this transfer of Mr. Martin to another sphere
of public duty, I lose an experienced and highly
competent official assistant, and a man of honor-
able principles and deportment.* Many names are
placed before me as his successor. I select the
attaché to the Legation who came with me from
the United States, Mr. Stanton, still young in
years, but who has earned this confidence from
me by his intelligent attention to the business’ of
the Legation, the quickness with which he has
learned French, and his correct principles and
conduct.

April 80. M. de Tocqueville and Mr. Bancroft
dine with us. We had much conversation on the
new form of government for France; especially as
regards the federative principle and centralization.
M. de. Tocqueville gave an account of the powers
and jurisdiction of the Parliaments as now existing
in the departments. He sees great difficulty in
constructing out of them anything like our State
governments for France. She is too much disposed
to centralization from long habit, which had become
a conviction....-His ‘views were perspicuously pre-
sented. Mr. Bancroft, himself not uninformed in

 

* Mr. Martin died soon after arriving at Rome to enter upon
his mission. With a luminous mind, scholarly attainments, and
his whole nature anti-selfish and generous, his friends will long
regret his talents and virtues.

{
392 A GLANCE AT THE

| this field, was the better enabled to draw out M.
de Tocqueville’s opinions and give point to what
was said. For my share in the conversation, I
went in favor of the federative system, as exempli-
fied in our Union, from its combining with fede-
ration the strength of consolidation; federation
taking charge of the whole internal concerns of
our States; consolidation (centralization) present-
ing us with one front to foreign Powers.

May 10. The opening of the National Assembly
took place on the 4th of this month.

At eleven in the morning, members began to
enter the building erected since the Revolution
for their accommodation; and before one o'clock
upwards of six hundred were in the chamber. The
body was temporarily organized, and the members
took their seats. The whole body had an aspect
of great respectability. I witnessed the scene from
the box or tribune allotted to the Diplomatic Corps.
Fewer young men were among them than perhaps
might have been anticipated. The majority ap-

“peared - to hbe..of middle age, above rather than
below it, and a portion more advanced. Among
the members are many names conspicuous for
intellect and reputation in France.

Soon after one o'clock, cannon and drums
announced the approach of the Provisional Govern-
ment. As they entered the vast Chamber, all the
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 393

members rose and welcomed them with upraised
hands, exclaiming and reiterating, Vive la Répub-
lique! Vive le Gouvernement Provisoire! The
galleries echoed back the greetings. The Presi-
dent of the Provisional Government, the venerable
Dupont, then made a brief address. The moment
had arrived, he said, when they were to hand over
to the Representatives of the people, as depositaries
of the nation’s will, the power with which the
Revolution had invested them; that they had pro-
claimed the Republic, which sprang into existence
in February; that they had passed through difficult
circumstances, and now looked with hope to the
supreme power of the Assembly to give to France
a Republican constitution that would suit her-
The address was enthusiastically received amid
new cries of Vive la République. The address
struck me favorably by its brevity, and its simple
and appropriate language.

The Provisional Government then withdrew.
They were followed by the Representatives, who
went into their different bureaux for the purpose
of verifying their returns under the election. This
occupied an hour or more, when they returned to
the Chamber. The Provisional Government also
returned. In a little while it was proposed that
a solemn proclamation of the Republic should be
made by the Assembly. Some said this was un-
necessary. The Republic, they said, already existed
394 A GLANCE AT THE

by spontaneous acclamation. It was like the sun:
—all saw it. Finally, it becoming known that
the National Guard and more than a hundred
thousand people outside desired to witness the
proclamation of the Republic in the open air, all
the Representatives and the members of the Pro-
visional Government went out on the steps of the
old Chamber of Deputies, which the new hall
adjoins; and there, with increased enthusiasm, the
Republic was proclaimed, amid universal shouts.
Their reverberations and the roar of cannon from
the Champs Elysées and Hotel des Invalides made
the scene very animating.

The Assembly met again on the fifth, when
seven hundred and fifty members were present.
They chose for their presiding officer Mr. Buchez.
The presiding officer is to be chosen once a month.
Six Vice-Presidents and six Secretaries were next
elected; and the Assembly has held its sittings
every day since.

How the members, nine hundred in all, stand
as to political parties, has not yet been distinctly
revealed, About two-thirds seem at present to be
“ gent member tells me this is doubtful. Mr. George
Lafayette is chosen; and his meritorious son, Mr.
Oscar Lafayette. Several bishops, and others of
the clergy, have been chosen. The army and navy
are well represented, six generals of division being
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 395

among the former, as well as other high officers.
Vice-admirals are among the naval officers. It is
supposed that a hundred Legitimists may probably
have been chosen, with some Orleanists, and others
not Republicans before the 24th of February. But-
no one, of any class or party, appears to, think
of any other form of government but Republican.
The Abbé Lacordaire, the distinguished ecclesiastic,
has so expressed himself in the Assembly. He
declared that before the events of February he was
a monarchist, but was now for a Republic. So with
the whole body. Twice has their constitutional
Monarchy failed. A Republic has come, as a fate.
Let it be fairly tried. This seems the feeling, this
the apparent determination, of all. Fortunate also
is it that so many eminent men are seen in the
Assembly, whether taken from civil or ecclesiastical
life, or the army and navy. It holds out good
assurances that intellect and knowledge of a high
order will not be wanting to its deliberations.
This was foreseen as the result of universal suf
frage, which was the rule in choosing the members.
It was foreseen and foretold, as its practical opera-
tion, that large bodies of the working and labor-
ing classes among the people, when coming up to
vote, or before the day, would probably seek the
aid of prominent and trustworthy persons known
to them in the various departments or communes,
to make out suitable nominations for them; ex-
396 A GLANCE AT THE

pressing ‘their willingness to support freely tickets
prepared in that way and put into their hands.
This is understood to have been the mode pursued
in the elections throughout large portions of rural
France.

Several important reports were laid before the
Assembly by the members of the Provisional
Cabinet on surrendering up their posts. Amongst
them, M. Lamartine’s manifesto, issued early in
March, is memorable. It considers the treaties of

\ 1815 as abolished. It announces to foreign nations

that France, as a Republic, does not desire to enter
the family of nations as a disturbing phenomenon
of European order; that war was not her principle,
but peace; but that “if conditions of war were
laid down to the French people,” they would be
accepted; that “the Republic was only the intel-
lectual ally of nations desiring to live by the same
principle as its own; France, as a Republic, aimed
not at setting the world on fire, but only to shine
from her place on the horizon of nations.” These
are some of its words. The document shows the
fertile thoughts of a rich mind, rather than the
usual tone and diction of state papers. While
declaring that “the treaties of 1815 exist no longer
as law in the eyes of the French Republic,” it
admits the “territorial circumscriptions” of those
treaties as a basis; a point de départ, in its relations
with other nations.

“
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 397

The Reports from the Minister of the Interior;
of Finance; of Public Instruction; of Justice; of
Agriculture and Commerce; and of War; made
known what had been done in those several depart-
ments. The Report of the Minister of War shows
an army larger than under the monarchy; namely,
five hundred thousand men, with eighty thousand
cavalry; and the Garde Mobile, about fifteen thou-
sand strong, has been added to the military force
of Paris.

There was also a summary Report from the Pro-
visional Government as a body, which was read by
M. Lamartine; and the Assembly passed a vote
that the Provisional Government had deserved well
of the Country.

By as much as I can learn thus far of the
opinions of the members, through intercourse with
some who are eminent, the predominating feeling
is for centralization. The unity of France, her
martial .character, her position in Europe—which
imposes on her the duty of being ready for war
now as much as ever—all point to centralization;
and the members appear ‘to think that a single
legislative chamber will best subserve all these
great conditions of her existence. A plural Execu-
tive seems to find favor with some.

Now that the Provisional Government has come
to an end, brief notices of its course may not be

27
398 A GLANCE AT THE

out of place as part of the history of this remark-
able epoch in France.

The sudden prohibition of a political banquet
which the opposition intended to celebrate on the
22d of February drove the King from his throne.
He reached England in safety with his incom-
parable Queen. That this prohibition was the
immediate cause of his expulsion, even if other
causes existed for trouble of some kind, all agree.

The first demonstrations of violence under the

Se

suppression of the banquet were appeased by the
dismissal of the Ministers; and had it not been for
the accidental firing of the troops upon the people,

_ from the garden of the Hotel of Foreign Affairs,
“many among the well informed think there would

have been no Revolution at all, more especially as
revolutions generally come when nations are in a
suffering state, not when they are prosperous. If
there be dissentients from this opinion, all with
whom I conversed admit that France, as a nation,
had no intention of creating, and was in no ex-
pectation of seeing, a Republic. It took the nation
by surprise. It sprang into being, as the venerable
Dupont said in his address. It presented itself
with the same suddenness as the Monarchy fell.
He equally spoke the truth in saying the Pro-
visional Government had “passed through difficult
circumstances.” Considering its incongruous com-
position, the wonder is that it held together until
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 399

the Assembly met—a result attributable in a great
degree to the influence of Lamartine. It had to
enter upon its functions instanter. There was
no interval for deliberation; none for reconciling
jarring opinions, even if all its members could ever
have moved in concert. Whatever was to be done,
was wanted on the moment. The chasm opened
by the political earthquake, was to be closed. To
have left it open, would have invited evils greater
than any which could arise from the injudicious
exercise of the new-born authority. This all saw.
All rallied round that authority, as the only safety
for all.

To mention all that this new-born authority did,
is no part of my purpose; but the most important
of its acts may be summarily brought into view.

It abolished all titles; and removed all shackles
from the press.

It decreed universal suffrage by ballot to all
Frenchmen twenty-one years old, except convicts,
without requiring any qualification of property.

It abolished death for all political offences, and
liberated from prison all who were confined for
such offences; and abolished imprisonment for
debt.

It gave br bread to all workmen thrown out of
employ by by the Revolution, not ee but for
a seagon. rs
400 A GLANCE AT THE

It promised them employment, and did employ
large numbers in the public workshops.

It ordained that. the citizens slain in the streets
while fighting against the Monarchy were to be
adopted by the nation.

It. decreed that in addition to existing taxes (the
payment of which was urged in advance), the direct
taxes should be increased fifty-five per cent. for the
present year; an increase which would have added
a hundred and ninety millions of francs to the
national income of the year.

It emancipated at once the slaves in all French
colonies, and made a ratable proportion of them
eligible as members of the National Assembly
equally with members chosen in France.

These were among the primary acts of the Pro-
visional Government promulgated, and, as far as
possible, executed, very soon after it “sprang” into
being. A multitude of others growing out of them,
or in separate fields, followed quickly in their wake.
Most of those I specify were elementary. Some were
beneficent; some necessary to keep down fresh out-
breaks; but scarcely any one would say that all were
wise. More might think that it would have been
‘better to leave a portion of them for the Represen-
tatives of the whole nation to act upon when the
National Assembly met.

Looking to the foreign policy of France, all its
early steps towards other states may be remem-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 401

bered, with approbation. It kept the peace of
Europe, when the Revolution threw out fuel broad-
cast for kindling fearful strife among nations. It
nipped in the bud an onslaught on Poland, in
which whole thousands of the French would
eagerly have joined. It kept down belligerent
inroads into Italy, which the impetuosity and fire of
Frenchmen were ready to make. It did the same
towards Belgium. This pacific policy was kept
steadily in view by M. Lamartine, and maintained
by his intellectual and moral power. It was the
best commentary-upon his own manifesto; rendering
clear, parts.which might have been thought obscure
through the redundancy and rhetoric of its periods.
Nor did he receive encouragingly, but the contrary,
deputations from Ireland, who came over with
warm congratulatory addresses on the Revolution,
in the hope, possibly, of aid for Irish grievances;
any step towards which must have compromised
the new Republic with England, and brought the
two countries to the eve of war, if not actual war.
The great difficulty was with the finances. The
taxes were not paid in advance, as urged; and the
decree for increasing so largely the direct taxes
was of doubtful policy and uncertain of success.
Money disappeared. Credit was down, and could
not be revived, while the future was uncertain and
the new expenses great. The shops of Paris had
reopened, as if by magic, after the first shock of the
402 A GLANCE AT THE

Revolution. They lost no time in making a dis-
play to keep up appearances, natural where with
so many their all was at stake in the revival of
business. But those who walked about in the
streets found that to reopen shops was not to
bring back custom. Stepping into one near Rue
Ju Bac for some gloves, I received from those in
attendance the assiduous attentions always to be
met with in French shops. On coming away, I
learned that they had sold nothing else that day!
[t was then near evening, and the shop one in good
vogue. This was perhaps a month after the Revo-
lution; and hundreds of shops, if not in the same,
were probably in predicaments not very different.

The first wants of the Provisional Government
led to enormous expenditure. For a while it drew
upon the funds left by the Monarchy; but these
rapidly diminished. Demand upon the public
purse was constant; supplies to it precarious.
Small dealers were straitened, many ruined; and
large firms began to give way. A loan of a hun-
dred millions of francs was meditated, but fell
through from the stagnation of business and gene-
ral distrust. It was supposed that there had been
an average monthly payment of more than three
millions of francs since the close of February, to
support unemployed workmen in Paris and its
vicinity, leaving out what was paid in the
provinces.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 403

Amidst the financial embarrassments of the Re-
public, inevitable to its premature birth, it was
cheered by numberless voluntary acts of patriotism
throughout the land. Workmen, fortunate enough
to get employment, made known their desire to
give up a day’s wages in every week to the State.
Peasants in the country made an offering of their
silver forks and spoons for the public; for with
these it would seem that a large portion of the
peasantry of the country were supplied. Bankers
came forward with liberal donations, side by side
with private individuals who made smaller ones.
Admirals in the navy renounced a portion of their
pay and emoluments. Even needle-women, so badly
paid everywhere, perhaps, desired that a portion of
their earnings should be accepted by the Republic.
I give samples only of this feeling. While the sum
total of all such oblations is of little account when
the treasury of a great nation is in straits, there
was something in them honorable to the French,
especially to the common people, when their coun-
try was suffering—suffering under evils which,
although believed to be temporary, pressed le
upon the middle and lower classes.

May 11. The power of the Provisional Govern-
ment being extinct, the National Assembly yester-
day chose the following persons to be the Executive
404 A GLANCE AT THE

Committee until the new Constitution comes into
existence : namely—

M. Arago, M. Garnier Pagés, M. maria M. La-
martine, and M. Ledru Rollin.

May 12. Yesterday the President of the As-
sembly announced that the Executive Committee
had selected the following persons to compose the
Ministry :—

Jules Bastide, Minister of Foreign Affairs; M.
Crémieux, Minister of Justice; M. Recurt, Minister
of the Interior; M. Carnot, Minister of Public In-
struction, with M. Reynaud as Under Secretary;
M. Bethmont, Minister of Public Worship; M. Flo-
son, Minister of Commerce and Agriculture; M.
Trélat, Minister of Public Works; M. Duclerc,
Minister of Finance; M. Charras, Minister of War
wd interim [General Cavaignac became so a few
Jays afterwards]; Admiral Casy, Minister of
Marine; M. Marrast and M. Caussidiére to retain
their respective situations as Mayor of Paris and
Prefect of Police.

May 12. Receive a letter from the President,
wccompanied by a joint Resolution of Congress,
tendering the congratulations of the American to
the French people upon the success of their recent
2fforts to consolidate the principles of liberty in a
Republican form of government. I am directed
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 405

by the President to present an authenticated copy
of this Resolution to the French Government.

a

May 13. . Wait on M. Bastide, the new Aster’
of Foreign Affairs, this morning, to to inform him
that I had received the joint Resolution of Congress,
and requesting to know at what time it would suit
the convenience of the Executive Committee to
grant me the honor of. an audience to present it,
as directed by the President. The Minister pro-
mises to make known my request and give me
an answer. I leave with him a copy of the Reso-

lution.

May 1 in Great commotion in Paris; the rappel
beating’; streets filled with the military; alarming
rumors of fresh trouble. I hasten to the office of
the Legation; troops obstruct my passage over the
near bridge at Place Concorde, and I go another
way. Return at two o'clock by the bridge of the
Invalides. I stop at the residence of my countryman,
Mr. Aiken, a gentleman of South Carolina, living in
Rue St. Dominique, where our former Minister, Mr.
King, lived. I there learn that thousands of
soldiers are surrounding the National Assembly;
the cause not known. On reaching home, I hear_
that another Revolution is in progress. Go out
again, trying to ascertain, from acquaintances at
hand, what the alarm amounts to. Hear that
406 A GLANCE AT THE

mobs of disorganizers and Red Republicans from
the clubs of Paris, the communists, socialists, and
such like, broke suddenly into the National As-
sembly and stopped its deliberations.

May 16. It turns out that not only was the
Assembly invaded yesterday: and nearly all the
members driven by violence from their seats, but
that the assailants proceeded to proclaim a new
Revolution. The Assembly, however, regained its

authority in the evening, and the assailants were
discomfited.

May 17. The Assembly took steps yesterday,
and are adopting further steps to-day, against the
‘conspirators and others concerned in this outrage
Upon its authority. Arrests have been made;
“amongst them Barbés, Sobrier, Huber, Rey, Albert
(late one of the Secretaries of the Provisional
Government), and Raspail. The last is editor of a
paper called the “ Friend of the People.” Treachery
is charged upon some of the National Guard, par-
ticularly General Courtais, the commander, who
has been arrested.

May 18. Further arrests are made of the con-
spirators and their confederates.

May 19. Receive a note from the Minister of
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 407

Foreign Affairs, in answer to my verbal communi-
cation to him of the 13th, informing me that the
Executive Committee will receive me on the 22d,
at the Petit Luxembourg, at twelve o'clock. The
Minister gives as a reason for not having named an
earlier day, the disturbed condition of things that
has existed in Paris.

May 19. Receive a dispatch from the Secretary
of State relative to the tobacco monopoly. It
encloses a memorial from merchants in Baltimore
interested in the trade, and instructs me to use my
best endeavors to have the whole subject placed
on a better footing than it has been hitherto in
France.

May 20. I will note down some of the par-
ticulars of the late bold attempt to overset the
Republic.

The 15th of May had been fixed upon for-a
debate in the National Assembly on the Polish
and Italian questions. It was expected that on
this occasion Mr. Lamartine would fully explain
what had been the course of the Provisional
Government towards those countries, and unfold
the future intentions of France. The expectation
of this debate had created excitement in Paris. It
was known that the violent party, dissatisfied at |
the issue of the elections, had given strong ex |
408 A GLANCE AT THE

pression to their discontent at the clubs and in
other ways; and it was apprehended that when
the day for the debate arrived, the occasion might
be turned to mischief. Accordingly, on Monday,
the 15th, a great procession was arranged by the
malcontents. It was termed a “demonstration
in favor of the Polish cause.” The Poles were
marshalled in all their force in the streets. With
them were thousands of violent persons from the
clubs, and their deluded and desperate associates,
who had made the known popularity of the Polish
cause a cloak for their designs. The whole
marched in a body, formidable in number, towards
the Assembly, avoiding at first all outward signs
of disorder or bad intentions. Many of them,
however, had concealed weapons, as bayonets and
knives, under their clothes. The Government was
on its guard, and had . sufficiently protected the
Assembly, as was believed, against approaches on
that day by any multitudinous procession, what-
ever its pretext. But, through treachery some-
where, the procession was allowed to pass the main
barrier; when its desperate bands, with well-
planned movements, burst into the Assembly,
drove nearly all the members from their seats,
and actually proclaimed from the tribune a new
Provisional Government for France.

The violence and consternation of the scene,
equalled for a while, it is said by those who wit-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 409

nessed it, anything that occurred in the Chamber
of Deputies when the Monarchy was overthrown.
The Representatives did not, however, move from
their seats, until compelled by violence. The
conspirators hurried off ‘to the Hotel de Ville to
consummate their work of usurpation; but in the
mean time the cause of order was collecting its
strength for a triumph. Whatever may have been
the individual instances of treachery in the National
Guard, its aggregate force rallied to put down the
daring outrage. The perpetrators were scattered
without the necessity-of bloodshed, so prompt and
overpowering was the turn-out of bayonets against
them, with cannon in reserve. They had possession
of the Government at four o'clock in the afternoon;
but by seven in the evening, the Assembly had
resumed its sitting and the Executive Committee
its authority.

This, in a few words, is an account of what
happened, as far as I have been able to sift it out.
Numerous arrests have been made. The ring-
leaders are not yet all known, but will be ferreted
out, it is presumed. On the whole, the Republic.
appears to have gained, by the prompt suppression
of this attempt. to overturn it. Yet that such men_
should have carried their point, even to a moment-
ary success, awakens uneasiness, though it may not
all be expressed.

They called themselves the People, in presence
410 A GLANCE AT THE

of the nine hundred Representatives just chosen
by the different sections of the eighty-five depart-
ments of all France under universal suffrage. But,
said the conspirators, they do not represent the
Democracy of France! The names of those who
were to have formed the new Provisional Govern-
ment were given out by the conspirators in the
National Assembly, as far as could be heard in the
confusion, and were afterwards announced at the
Hotel de Ville. The newspapers published them.
In the house of Sobrier, who was arrested, as men-
tioned, decrees were found ready prepared. The
first among them begins with saying, that the
National Assembly was composed in a great degree
of reactionaries; that it had violated its mission,
lost time when misery demanded relief, refused to
create a “ Ministry of Labor;” and, after further
recitals, declares that the people of Paris, as an
advance guard, had taken upon themselves the
charge of watching over the trusts committed to
the Representatives who had violated them; then
it creates a Committee of “Public Safety,” (as in
the old Revolution,) to be invested with unlimited
powers for constituting a truly Democratic Republic,
and stifle reaction by the most energetic means.
This is an extract from it. By other decrees,
“known patriots’ were to form a new National
Guard, to be called “ La Force Ouvriére ;” and capi-
talists, whom they accuse of hiding their money
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 411

since February, were to be taxed to the amount of
half their incomes, by a process of calculation
which the malcontents had carefully made out.

May 22. Arrests have been made of more than
three hundred of the conspirators, and the Assembly
has issued an address or proclamation under the
event. It is headed “The National Assembly to
the People of France,” and states that these sedi-
tious men have attempted the greatest of crimes in
a free country—the crime of treason against the
National Sovereignty; but that order would come
out of this great trial, and justice reach the guilty.
It fills the third of a column in a newspaper. It
was adopted on a strong vote of the Assembly, and
is to be printed and posted up in all the depart-
ments, and in every commune in France.

A Féte in honor of the Republic was celebrated
yesterday. It was in contemplation since the first
meeting of the Assembly, but had been retarded
by circumstances, and, amongst them, this con-
spiracy. Coming on after it was crushed, the cele-
bration was the more animated. The weather was
remarkably fine. The procession was from the
Place de la Bastile to the Champ de Mars, and
comprehended every thing in the way of street ex-
hibition, real and allegorical, that Paris could effect.
A colossal Statue, emblematic of the Republic, was
not wanting to the display. The members of the
412 A GLANCE AT THE

Assembly, the chief feature in it all, moved off in
columns four deep from the main front of their
chamber, each with a small badge or ribbon in his
coat, to be distinguished from the mass. They were
greeted by thousands and thousands ; shouts going up
of Vive la République! Vive Pr Assemblée Nationale!
They marched towards the Champ de Mars, falling
in with the grand procession at or near that spot.
The National Guards and troops of the line were out
in great number, the former especially. Tri-colored
flags floated everywhere, and other banners were
displayed. At night there was a grand illumination.
We drove out to see it. Along the whole Champs
Elysées, from Place Concorde to the Triumphal
Arch, was one blaze of light, under all the variety of
French pyrotechnics. Order was maintained during
the whole féte, in which probably half a million
of people, military and civil, men and women,
young and old, may have mingled,—most of them, to
all appearances, full of joy. The cost of the whole
was a million of francs. I have not the proceed-
ings of the Assembly by me at this moment, but
think that was the sum voted. When the appro-
priation for it, in advance, was proposed, a member
rose to remind the Chamber that Paris was full of
workmen out of employment and fed by the Govern-
ment: nevertheless, the grant went promptly
through, with the greatest enthusiasm.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 4183

May 23. The Minister of Foreign Affairs having
appointed the 22d as the day when the Executive
Committee would receive the Joint Resolution of
Congress, I repaired yesterday to the Petit-Luxem-
bourg at twelve o'clock, where the five members
were assembled to receive me.

On being introduced, I said that I had the honor
to present to their Excellencies a RrEsoLutTion of
the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States in Congress assembled, passed on the
13th of April, tendering, in the name and behalf of
the American People, the congratulations of Con-
gress to the People of France, upon the success of
their recent efforts to consolidate the principles of
liberty in a Republican form of government. The
Resolution had the sanction of the President of the
United States, in the form prescribed by their Con-
stitution, and I, as their Minister Plenipotentiary,
had been instructed, under a clause of the Resolu-
tion, to present it.

In fulfilling this duty I was charged by the
President to say, that these congratulations of the
Legislative and Executive branches of the Govern-
ment did but reflect the general feeling of the
People of the United States, who never could view
with indifference the progress of civil liberty in any
part of the world, and least of all in the great nation
ever associated with the establishment of their own

freedom and independence. The President, behold-
28
414 A GLANCE AT THE

ing with admiration the spirit of order and peace
which reigned as soon as the late Revolution was
achieved, had the anxious hope that the same spirit
would continue; he hoped that France might be
blessed with internal tranquillity, whilst occupied in
the great work of building up her new institutions
of government, and be spared the miseries of
foreign war. He believed that those institutions,
calmly constructed with the best wisdom of France,
would thus have auspicious opportunities to become
improved and strengthened in a manner to com-
mand the approbation of mankind, and secure to
France a long career’ of prosperity and happiness.
The People of the United States, whose birthright
was freedom, required time and peace after their
Revolution successfully to found and consolidate
their system of government, republican in form,
popular in principle, and stable from the elements
of order inherent in its structure; for its efficiency,
like its duration, was the offspring of the checks it
imposed on power.

These were the sentiments, these the hopes,
cherished towards France by the President, speak-
ing under this Resolution of Congress, in the name
of the American People, and in the spirit of their
ancient attachment to their renowned and generous
ally in the days of Washington. And I concluded
by saying how much I felt honored in being the
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 415

instrument for conveying them on the part of the
President and of my Country.

M. Lamartine, on behalf of the, Executive Com-
mittee, replied to the above address. Generally, in
these memorandums, I have not deemed it neces-
sary to set forth the contents of documents or
dispatches otherwise than by a faithful indication
of their meaning ; but in this instance I depart from
that course, and will give Mr. Lamartine’s reply in
his own words. After having been delivered, it
was printed in the Moniteur as follows :-—

“Sir: The Resolution which you present to us on
the part of the Senate, the Legislative body, and
the President of the American Republic, is a happy
confirmation of the recognition of the French Re-
public which you were the first to proclaim. The
new Government of the Republic would view with
a. just susceptibility, foreign Governments mixing
up counsel with the expression of their good wishes;
but, in the intimate relations which exist between
the French Republic and that of America, every
word that the latter may address to us will be
received on the score of perpetual friendship. The
Senate, the Legislative Body, and the executive
power of the United States may be convinced that
their wise counsels serve in advance as a law to the
French Republic; not only will it follow in their
path, but it will follow the examples which they
give of the order of regular institutions, of atten-

a
416 A GLANCE AT THE

tion to its neighbors, of solicitude for labor, instruc-
tion, and the prosperity of the people. The names
of Washington, Jefferson, and Jackson are inscribed
on the banner of the new Republic; and if France
is fortunate enough to find in its future annals
names worthy of these, liberty will assume its real
character on the old Continent, as it has done on
the other side of the Atlantic.”

May 24. In the National Assembly, yesterday,
Mr. Lamartine stated that the American Minister
had just presented to the Executive Committee a
Resotution from the Congress of the United States,
to recognise the French Republic, and to congratu-
late it on its existence. Up to the present time the
executive power had always acted of itself in such
circumstances; but on this occasion it was the
whole Congress of the United States which had
directly addressed the representatives of the French
Republic. Such being the case, it would be advisa-
ble, he thought, to respond to such a proceeding by
one of a similar nature; and, in consequence, he
had to propose, in the name of the Executive Com-
mittee, that the Assembly should nominate a com-
mittee to draw up an address to the American
Congress, which should be forwarded with as little
delay as possible.

The announcement of this proposition was fol-
lowed by cries from all parts of the Chamber of
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 417

Yes! yes! It was immediately referred by the
Assembly to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

May 25. In the National Assembly, to-day, M.
Drouyn de l’Huys rose, and spoke to the following
effect :—The Assembly, he said, had charged the
standing Committee of Foreign Affairs, of which he
was Chairman, to prepare an Address in answer tc
the felicitations of the Senate and House of Repre
sentatives of the United States; that when France
changed her form of government by a striking
exercise of national sovereignty, the American Re.
public at once, through its Minister, hastened tc
recognise a sister in the French Republic; anc
when the events were known at Washington, the
President declared that the American Minister had
perfectly comprehended the intentions of his Go
vernment, and that the whole nation joined in the
language he had used. Congress had now, in addi
tion, decreed that felicitations should be addressed
to the French Republic in the name of the Ameri
can People; and, in view of so marked a proceeding.
the Committee of Foreign Affairs conceived that
the usual course ought also to be departed from. by
France. In place, therefore, of an address, a decree
by the Assembly appeared to be the mode of com-
munication best suited to the friendly character of
the communications between the two nations. The
418 A QLANCE AT THE

Committee. therefore proposed a decree in the terms
following :

“Article J. In the name of the French Republic,
the National Assembly, deeply affected by the feel-
ing which has dictated to the American Congress
the decree of the 13th of April last, offers to the
American people the thanks of the French Re-
public, and the expression of its fraternal friend-
ship

“Article II. The Executive Committee is charged
to transmit the present decree to the French Lega-
tion at Washington, with an order to communicate
it officially to the American Congress.”

The decree was unanimously adopted.

May 27. <A decree yesterday passed the National
Assembly banishing in perpetuity Louis Philippe
and the Orleans family from the territories of
France. Sixty-two members voted against it.
Some of these spoke against it, placing their objec-
tions rather on the ground of magnanimity, as the
Republic had now nothing to fear from them. The
word @ perpétwité being objected to, M. Ducoux,
who reported the bill from the committee, said it
meant nothing, as its insertion in the decree would
not prevent the decree being changed should the
time arrive.

May 29. In the National Assembly to-day, the
*

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 419

Minister of Foreign Affairs stated that the Govern-
ment of the Republic had received formal recogni-
tion by the Courts of Spain and Belgium.

May 30. Prince Louis Napoleon makes a com-
munication to the National Assembly. It is dated
London, the 25th of May. Having learned, he
says, that it had been proposed in the committees
to maintain against him alone the decree of banish-
ment against his family in 1816, he calls upon the
Representatives of the people to say how he has
deserved such severity. Was it, he asks, because
he had publicly declared his opinion that France
was not the appanage of any one man, family.
or party? Was it because, wishing to make tri
umphant the principle of sovereignty of the people
which alone could terminate French dissensions
he had twice been made a victim to his hostility
to that Government which the Republic over
threw? Was it because, in deference to the Pro
visional Government, he returned to a foreigr
country, after hastening to Paris at the first repor'
of the Revolution? Was it because he refused t
be a candidate for the Assembly, having resolvec
not to re-enter France until the new Constitutior
was firmly established? Such are his earnest inter
rogations. He further says, that the same reason:
which made him take up arms against Loui
Philippe would lead him, if his services wer
420 A GLANCE AT THE

required, to devote them to the defence of the
Assembly, chosen by universal suffrage; and, he
adds, that in face of a king elected by two hundred
deputies, he could boast of being heir to an Empire
founded by the assent of four millions of French-
men. In conclusion, he says, that he will claim no
more than the rights which belong to him as a French
citizen; but these he would incessantly claim, with
all the energy which the consciousness of never deserv-
ing ill of his country could give to an upright mind.

May 31. M. de Tocqueville visits me. He is
one of the committee of eighteen appointed by the
National Assembly to prepare a draft of the new
Constitution. We have much conversation on the
subject. The work is advancing, and he thinks from
present appearances that the committee will report
in favor of a single Executive and a single Chamber.

Mr. Buchanan, our Secretary of State, had trans-
mitted to me, unofficially, some thoughts, embody-
ing the great American doctrine that our State
Constitutions were the only sure pillars of the Con-
stitution of the United States, which works by its
own inherent force in some things, and through the
States in others; the latter instrumentality exem-
plifying the federative principle, the former the
national principle; and the combination of the two
giving to our Union its efficiency, and securing thus
far its duration. Mr. Buchanan’s paper was well
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 421

drawn, and pointed to the elementary differences
of our system from the Swiss Confederation, that
of the seven United Provinces, and the federation
of the former circles of Germany; the defects in
all which confederacies, and in others more ancient,
were in the view of the framers of our Constitution,
and sufficiently guarded against as we believed. I
had shown this paper to M. de Tocqueville, that
he might judge how far, in the new Constitution
preparing for France, the French Provincial Parlia-
ments might be more or less assimilated to our
State Governments, so as to make the political
machine work efficiently to results such as we
witnessed in the United States. We had conversed
before on these topics, and now again; but I found
him little sanguine of the successful application
of the two principles in France, where the idea
of centralization was so deep-rooted.

June 1. The papers state that the Executive
Committee have presented to the Assembly a full
Report on the conspiracy of the 15th of May, and
that the details are very voluminous.

June 2. At Madame de Tocqueville’s reception
last night I had more conversation with M. de
Tocqueville on the new Constitution. Among
prominent names on the committee are those of
Dupin, Dufaure, Cormenin, Odillon Barrot, Coque-
422 A GLANCE AT THE

rel, Lamennais, Marrast. The Abbé Lamennais
resigned his membership after preparing a draft of
the Constitution which was not adopted by the
committee but in several parts approved.

June 5. In a letter from Commodore Read, com-
manding our squadron in the Mediterranean, written
from his flag-ship in the Bay of Naples, he informed
me that he received: numerous applications for the
presence of vessels of war at various points within
his command; but that his small force would not
admit of his complying with the wishes of all
who apprehended inconvenience and even danger in
various ports of the Mediterranean at this juncture
of European affairs.

Considering the disturbed state of Europe, and
that countries bordering on the Mediterranean may
be agitated more than they have yet been; con-
sidering also the unsettled condition of France, and
that none can say what irregularities may chance
to happen in her ports before she gets through all
the consequences of her late Revolution, though I
would not foreshadow ill of the Republic, it would
seem to me best that our force should be increased
in that sea. Accordingly, I wrote last week to our
Government to that effect. I advert to ‘the fact
that thirty years ago our naval force in the Medi-
terranean was much larger than that now under
Commodore Read, although our commerce at that
eos

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 423

day was scarcely half its present amount; nor was
it so large then to protect our vessels from capture
by Algiers or other Barbary Powers, whose piracies
we had previously stopped by our cannon—the sole
argument they would listen to. Happily for com:
merce and civilization, France, by converting Algiers
into Algeria, had broken up that nest of pirates.

June 10. There was a bustle in the Nationa
Assembly to-day.

Several members were observed contending fo1
the tribune, each desiring to speak. The Presiden:
decided in favor of M. Heeckeren. This membei
announced to the Assembly that rumors had jus
been circulated that when the National Guard wen:
out from Troyes to meet a regiment of infantrj
arriving there, it saluted the troops with Vive 1:
République! to which the troops replied by the cr)
of Vive Louis Napoleon!

Numerous voices called out, Why tell sucl
rumors ney are all false.

a Winistes of War, rose and Sieilireal tha

the Government of the Republic had received nx
information of the kind, and pronounced it calum
nious. He accused no one; he had no right to do so
no right to believe guilt in the person whose nami
was unfortunately put forward; but added that hi
would hold up to public execration any man whi
424 A GLANCE AT THE

would sacrilegiously lay his hands on the public
liberty. Immense applause followed, the whole
Assembly rising and shouting, Vive la République!

General Cavaignac resumed :—Honor to the man
who is faithful to his duties, and devotes his talents
and fortune to the service of his country; but
shame on him who would attempt to turn to his
own account a glorious name, when beholding his
country under present embarrassment and diffi-
culty. Again vehement applause, with repeated
cries of Vive la République!

Members on the left exclaimed, No reaction of
any kind—no pretenders, no imperial despotism,
no military despotism.

A member on the right exclaimed, A vile im-
posture to injure Louis Bonaparte!

The scene closed by an adjournment of the
Assembly.

The cause of all this was in the fact that Prince
Louis Napoleon had just been elected a member
of Assembly at the special elections in Paris and
the Provinces. He was chosen for three Provinces
as well as for Paris.

June 12. Mr.George Lafayette was elected a Vice-
President of the National Assembly on Saturday,
in the place of M. Bethmont, appointed Minister
of Justice. It is so much in the heart of an
American to love the name of Lafayette, that I
FRENCH REV-OLUTION OF 1848. 428

rejoice at this compliment to the meritorious sor
of the companion in arms of Washington.

There note down also the appointment of Majo.
Poussin as Minister Plenipotentiary to: the Unitec
States. He was a Republican in principle before
the days of February; but, from all my knowledge
of him, never violent or impracticable in his
opinions. I received official information of his
appointment on the 6th instant, from the Secretary
of Foreign Affairs.

June 13. Another scene in the National As.
sembly.

As soon as the President took the chair yester.
day, M. Napoleon Bonaparte ascended the tribune.
and said, that although not present at the sitting
on Saturday, when General Cavaignac so nobly
treated as calumnious the infamous rumors against
his relative, he would, nevertheless, as his friend
and cousin, claim to address the Assembly; not tc
make any apology for him, for he needed none, and
had he attempted any thing wrong he would be
the first to blame him. He then reviewed his
conduct since the Republic commenced, to show
that it had been in every sense proper; and he
protested against imputations being thrown upon
him without proof. This is what he had a right
to demand for his relative. To deal with him
otherwise would be to withhold common justice.
426 A GLANCE AT THE

He introduced collateral matter, in which I need
not follow him.

A little while afterwards, M. Lamartine rose,
and, after some discussion of other matters, which
he suspended, and left the tribune from. fatigue,
returned to it, and resumed his speech in a tone
of increased animation. This was caused by con-
fusion in the Chamber from rumors that shots had
been fired at the National Guards outside, where
crowds were assembled and troops known to be
stationed. The startling part of the rumor was,
that blood had been shed under a cry of: Vive
(Empereur. Returning to the tribune, M. Lamar-
tine stated, with great earnestness of manner, that
the Executive Committee had that very morning
prepared a declaration, which events now com-
pelled him to read immediately, and which, as
conspiracy had been taken flagrante delicto, and
blood been shed, ought to pass by acclamation.

A member called out—No vote by acclamation.

Noise and excitement followed. The President
demanded silence from the whole Assembly, that
the communication from the Executive Committee
under such grave circumstances might be heard.

Mr. Lamartine then read the following decree :—

“The Executive Committee, looking at Article
IV. of the law of June, 1816, and

“Considering that Louis Napoleon Bonaparte is
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 427

comprised in the law of 1832, which banishes the
family of Napoleon:

“That if that law has been departed from by
the vote of the National Assembly, in favor of
three members of that family who were admitted
to take their seats as Representatives of the
people, such departure from the law is quite
-personal, and by no means applies to the said
Louis Napoleon Bonaparte :

“That Louis Napoleon Bonaparte has twice
come forward as a pretender, and that his pre-
tensions might compromise the Republic:

“That the Government cannot accept the re-
sponsibility of such acts, and would fail in the first
of its duties if it did not take measures to prevent
the recurrence of them : —-

“Declares, that it will cause the law of 1832 to
be executed against Louis Napoleon Bonaparte,
until such time as the National Assembly shall
decide otherwise.” ios

The reading of this decree produced cries of
Bravo! bravo! the whole Assembly, rising with
shouts of Vive la République !

M. Larabit shouted in his loudest voice—Vive
la République, but no proscriptions !

After further remarks from M. Lamartine and
M. Larabit,—

M. Pierre Napoleon rose, and said, Shame on
those who have cried Vive lEmpereur while
428 ‘A GLANCE AT THE

shedding blood! The Emperor, to avoid civil war,
sacrificed himself and all his family in 1815. For
my part, I shall be found in the first rank of the
defenders of the Republic. Loud applause.

M. Napoleon , Bonaparte rose. He applauded
with all his heart these words of his relative,
and desired to appeal to the reason of the As-
sembly at such a moment. M. Lamartine had,
eloquently told them that the horrible crime he
denounced was’ committed at the cry of a name
never accused of fomenting discord; yet it was
under the feeling of execration against such an
attempt that he had proposed a bill of proscrip-
tion. He wished to say nothing to cause excite-
ment, but felt it his duty to protest against a
decree inspired by a crime to which the person
intended to be proscribed was a stranger.

The Minister of Commerce stated, that the
decree was prepared beforehand.

M. Napoleon Bonaparte. “What a moment, then,
have you chosen to present it! It will be enough
to make any wretches use a name to cover criminal
designs.” He protested against the connection which
M. Lamartine appeared to establish between this
crime and the name of his relative, exclaiming,
with animation—“ The Empire! who wishes for it?
It is a chimerical notion; it will remain as a great
epoch in history, but can never be revived.”

This ended the scene. No vote was taken on
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 429

the decree. It came up only as an incident. The
Assembly proceeded to its regular business, but
soon adjourned, impatient of other discussions.

June 14. Yesterday ‘the Assembly voted, by a
great majority, to admit Louis Napoleon Bonaparte
to his seat as a Representative. The debate about
it occupied nearly the whole sitting. Its substance
may be presented thus :— .

The members who were for admitting him, said
that he had been fairly elected ; why, therefore, not
let him take his seat? why did not the Executive
Government object to his being a candidate? that
would have been their time. They knew of it,
and ought to have warned the electors against
misplacing their suffrages; but at that time no
one had any fear of the person whom the Govern-
ment had now made formidable. There was no
real danger from him as a pretender ; the Republic
was too great, too strong; it had planted its
standard too high to feel any such alarm. To
exclude him from the Assembly, after the people
had so fully chosen him, would be to affront their
sovereignty and give him a fatal importance. If
he had committed a crime, proceed against him,
but do not proscribe him. A renewal of such
attempts as he made against the Government of
Louis Philippe, would. be like idle dreams, im-

29
430 A GLANCE AT THE

possible to succeed, and only exposing himself to
the contempt of his fellow-citizens and posterity.

The members for excluding him alleged that
the present time was different from that of the
first elections. It was then unknown from what
point strength or danger might arise to the Re-
public; but, now that the Executive Committee
was formed, and the precise position of the Govern-
ment known, it would be an act of folly to admit
any one to a seat in the Assembly who might
trouble its tranquillity. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte
was not a simple Representative, but a Prince and
Pretender. Each time he attempted to enter
France, his ambition prompted him to the step:
He was for coming as the nephew and heir of the
rights of the Emperor Napoleon. There was no
being blind to this; and would the Chamber invest
a Pretender with the inviolability which covered
every one of its members? If any election dis-
trict had chosen, as a member, the Count de Paris
or Henry V., would not that have been a false
step? To exclude Louis Napoleon was now a law
of necessity, which the Assembly ought to enforce.

When the Assembly divided, and it was found
those for admission had triumphed, it created great
sensation ; and an adjournment quickly followed.

We read in this vote a defeat of the Executive
Government of the Republic.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 431

June 16. Yesterday, near the close of the sitting
of the Assembly, the President rose, and ‘said he
had that moment received a letter from Louis
Napoleon Bonaparte, which he proceeded to read.

It was addressed to him, as President of the
Assembly, dated London, the 14th instant, and
stated that, as he was about to set off in order to
be at his post, he learned that his election had
been made the pretext for disorders and disastrous
errors: he repudiated all the suspicion of which he
had been the object, for he sought not for power;
if the people imposed duties on him, he would
know how to fulfil them, but disavowed all those
who had made use of his name to excite disturb-
ance; the name he bore was, above all, a symbol
of order, of nationality, of glory; and. rather than
be the subject of disorder and anarchy, he would
prefer remaining in exile; he sent enclosed a copy
of a letter of thanks to all the electors who had
given him their votes, and concluded with request-
ing the President to communicate to his colleagues
the letter addressed to himself.

Considerable agitation followed the reading of
this letter. Groups were formed in every part
of the Chamber. Several members went to the
tribune. The Minister of War, General Cavaignac,
said he would not. express his thoughts, but could
not help remarking that in the letter just read the
432 A GLANCE AT THE

word Republic was not even mentioned. Cries
of Vive la République!

M. Beaune protested, in the name of all his
colleagues, against this declaration of war of the
Pretender. They would have no Pretender; but
France ought to know how that imprudent citizen
had responded to the generosity of the Assembly.

M.A. Thouret. From the emotion of all in the
Assembly, it was evident that all were defenders
of the Republic; but one expression in the letter,
If the people impose on me duties, I shall know how to
fulfil them, was, in his opinion, an appeal to revolt;
and he demanded from the Assembly an immediate
decree that Louis Napoleon Bonaparte had ceased
to be a Representative of the people.

The Minister of War proposed that the Chamber
should adjourn the discussion until to-morrow.

M. Jules Favre. There is but one sentiment in
the Assembly.

A voice. That is not so sure.

M. Jules Favre. I repeat, there is only one
sentiment here—that of indignation. If, two days
after his admission as a member, he sends forth an
insolent challenge to the National Sovereignty, it
is our duty to repel it. Iam of opinion that the
Assembly cannot separate without passing a resolu-
tion that it is unanimous in opposing all dynastic
pretensions. If there: appears any indication of
plot, proceedings ought to be instituted. I de-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 43:

mand that the letter and enclosure be placed iu
the hands of the Minister of Justice. Cries of Yes
yes! [Before to-day, M. Jules Favre had strenu
ously supported the admission of Prince Louis a
a member. |

The Minister of Finance thought it would b
most.dignified not to act precipitately, but suspen:
any decision until to-morrow.

General Clement Thomas (commander of th
‘ National Guards of the Seine). A proposition i
made to suspend your decision until to-morrow
If information which has reached me be correct
it is in all probability a battle which you will hav
to fight to-morrow. Idemand that you declare tha
any citizen who dares to take up arms to suppor
the cause of a despot [yes, yes, Vive la République!
shall be placed hors du loi.

M. E. Arago and M. Duclere hurried to th
tribune; but the noise prevented any one fron
being heard.

The President rose, and said, “Gentlemen, in th:
midst of the various propositions, it appears to m
that it will be more dignified for the Assembly t
make no alteration in the order of its deliberations
Let us not give more importance than it deserve
to a matter which may not be as grave as it at firs
appears.”

The Minister of Finance remarked that the Re
434 A GLANCE AT THE

‘public would not perish because the Assembly post-
poned its deliberation.

The whole Assembly rose with cries of Vive la
République! and the sitting was brought to a close
a few minutes after.

Although the enclosure in Prince Louis’s letter
was not read to the Assembly, I will give its import.
It was dated London, the 11th instant, and posted
on the walls of Paris; addressed to the electors of
the Seine, the Yonne, the Sarthe, and the Seine
Inférieure, who had returned him to the National
Assembly. He says that their suffrages filled him
with gratitude; the more from being unsolicited,
and reaching hing at a moment when he regretted
being inactive, while the country had need of all
its children to extricate it from its difficulties; a
child of Paris, and now a Representative of the
People, he would unite all his efforts to those of
his colleagues to re-establish order, secure peace
abroad, consolidate democratic institutions, and
promote the prosperity and: grandeur of the coun-
try. The people had been free since the 24th of
February. Let all rally round the flag of the Re-
public, and give to the world the grand spectacle
of a people regenerating themselves without vio-
lence, civil war or anarchy. In conclusion, he
offered them the assurance of his sympathy and
devotedness.
v

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 435

June 17. Workmen and others collected yester-
day morning in large numbers in the neighborhood
of the Assembly, anxious to know how the case
of Prince Louis would be decided. The groups
increased as the hour approached for opening the
sitting. No troops were ordered out; but military
force would have been ready if wanted.

The President took the chair at the usual hour,
and rose amidst profound silence in the members.
He announced the receipt of a new letter from
citizen Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. It was de-
livered to him in the morning by a person who left
London yesterday evening, and he entertained no
doubt of its authenticity. It was dated the 15th
instant. He proceeded to read the letter amidst
cries of Hear, hear! Commencing with the usual
address to the President of the Assembly, he says,
that he was proud to have been elected a Repre-
sentative at Paris, and in three other departments:
that fact, in his eyes, was an ample reparation for
thirty years of exile and six years of captivity;
but the offensive suspicions his election had given
birth to, the trouble for which it had been the pre-
text, and the hostility manifested by the Executive
Government towards him, imposed on him the duty
of refusing an honor which was attributed to in-
trigue. He desired order and the maintenance of 2
Republic, prudent, grand and intelligent; and since,
involuntarily, he favored disorder, he begged leave.
436 A GLANCE AT THE

though not without deep regret, to place his resigna-
tion in the President's hands. Soon, he trusted,
calm would be restored, and would permit him to
return to France as the most simple of her citizens,
but also as one most devoted to the repose and
prosperity of his country. The letter ends with
requesting the President to receive the assurance
of his most distinguished consideration.

Approbation was manifested in all parts of the
Assembly when the reading of this letter was con-
cluded.

The President suggested its transmission to the
Minister of the Interior, to allow him to act on it
as he might deem proper, with a view to a new
election to fill the vacancy created by the resigna-
tion of Louis Napoleon.

The order of the day was then called for.

A voice exclaimed, Is the resignation accepted?

Yes, yes, from all sides of the Chamber. Then
let us proceed to the order of the day.

The Assembly accordingly proceeded to take up
its regular business.

This last letter of the Prince, with his letter
of the 11th instant to his constituents, unknown
to the Assembly when acting on his letter to their
President of the 14th, has had, from present ap-
pearances, a tranquillizing effect.

June 20. Yesterday the draft of the Constitu-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 437

tion for the Republic was presented to the National
Assembly by M. Armand Marrast, the Reporter
of the special committee appointed to draw it up.
He also read it. When the reading was concluded,
no remarks were made; but the Assembly, in con-
sideration of the- great importance of the subject,
took a recess of half an hour. The sitting was
then resumed. Its discussion will come up another
day.

As reported, a single Chamber is to constitute
the Legislative power. The Executive power is’
also to be single.

The Representatives to this single Chamber are
to be seven hundred and fifty in number, chosen
by universal suffrage, by ballot, for three years, and
are re-eligible. They must be twenty-five years old.
They are to be the Representatives not of the de-
partment or district which elects them, but:of all
France, and can receive no imperative mandate.
The National Assembly is to be permanent, but
may adjourn for a term not exceeding three months.
No Representative can be named, or promoted, to an
office held by Executive appointment.

The Executive power is to be in a President
chosen by direct and universal suffrage. His age
must be thirty at least. He is to be elected for
four years, and is not re-eligible until after an in-
terval of four years. He appoints to office and
removes; the latter not in all instances without
438 A GLANCE AT THE

the advice of the Council of State. The Ministers
of his appointment are to have seats in the As-
sembly and the right of speaking. He is to watch
over and assure the execution of the laws. The
armed force is at his disposal, but with no power
of commanding in person. He cannot dissolve the
‘Legislative body, or in any manner suspend the
Constitution or laws. His ‘salary is to be six
hundred thousand francs a year, and a residence is
to be provided for him.

There is to be a Vice-President “nominated for
four years by the Assembly, on the presentation
made by the President in the month following his
election.”* If the President is prevented fulfilling
his duties, the Vice-President acts for him. Should
he die or resign, a new President is to be elected
within a month.

The Council of State is to consist of forty
members chosen by the National Assembly. The
Representatives are eligible to it. Vacancies in
the Assembly caused by the election of members
to the Council of State are to be filled up by new
elections.

The J udiciary. Some of the Judges are ap-
_ pointed by the President; others by the National
Assembly, and all for life or good behaviour. Trial-

4

 

** Meaning (as I understand) elected by the Assembly on the
President’s nomination.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 439

by jury in criminal cases to be continued as already
existing. Conflicts of power between the adminis-
trative and judicial authorities to be decided by a
special tribunal of Judges (as explained) nominated
every three years in equal numbers by each con-
flicting authority.

Algeria and the French colonies are to be French
territory and governed by special laws.

The press is to be free—without censorship. All
religions are to be allowed, and the various ministers
of the acknowledged religions are to be paid by the
State. aa

The national debt is guaranteed. na

Slavery is abolished in all French colonies. [As
by the Provisional Government.] The punishment
of death is not to be inflicted for political offences.
[As by the Provisional Government. ]

France is styled “A Democratic Republic, one
and indivisible;” and “all power emanates from the
People.”

The motto of the Republic is to be. “ Liberty,
Equality, Fraternity.”

“Liberty, equality, safety, instruction, labor.
property, assistance” are guaranteed to all citizens.

Under the head of “Public Force,” it is declared
‘that every Frenchman owes military service in
person, with the exceptions fixed by law. “Sub.
stitutes are interdicted.”

Article 112, standing by itself in the same chap-
440 A GLANCE AT THE

ter, reads thus: “The public force is essentially
obedient. No armed force can deliberate.”

The foregoing are among the most important
provisions and declarations of this anxiously ex-
pected Constitution. It consists of one hundred
and thirty-nine articles, some running into much
detail. Those I bring into view may serve to
show the springs that will be likely to move it
when undergoing the tests of practical administra-
tion. A number of its clauses are similar to the
Constitution of the United States. Other parts,
and those elementary, are altogether different; as
to be expected when different races, acting under
different moral and physical causes, found systems
of government.

The opening words of the French- Constitution
are :—

“In the presence of God, and in the name of the
French people, the National Assembly proclaims '
and decrees as follows:—DrcLaRAtion or DutiEs
AND Ricuts. The duties of man in society are
thus summed up:—respect to the Constitution, obe-
dience to the laws, defence of the country, the
accomplishment of family duties, and the fraternal
practice of the maxim, Do not unto others what
you would not wish others to do unto you; what
you wish men to do for you, do unto them
likewise.”

These last words all nations may agree to, as
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 441

embodying the precept of universal justice as well
as Christian morality.

June 21. To-day the Assembly received the
Report on the finances from the Committee of
Finance. It takes less favorable views of them
than those held up by the Minister of Finance,
but compliments him on having resisted the issue
of paper money.

June 22. I went last night for the first time to
the reception of Mr. Bastide, the Minister of
Foreign Affairs. The attendance was not large.
Of the Diplomatic Corps we had none but the
Danish Minister and the Minister from Tuscany;.
but some of the Ministers of the Government were
present. They talked with each other as if
anxiously. The tone of the evening was more
grave than sprightly.

Major Poussin, the newly-appointed Minister to
the United States, was there. With him I chiefly
conversed. He thought the Government uneasy at
the present state of things. The numerous work- |
men out of employ were getting more and more
discontented. Their discontents were inflamed at”
the clubs. Many went there from idleness. The
speakers, knowing how they felt, and harboring bad
designs, ministered to their discontents. These
442 A GLANCE AT THE

were his fears, and, he imagined, those of the Go-
vernment.

I came away between ten and eleven o'clock.
Driving over the bridge, the rows of lamps that
skirt the Seine and seem to twinkle through the
gardens of the Tuileries, with the more brilliant
ones in Place Concorde, make the wide spaces of
this part of Paris as beautiful by night as day.
Every night you see them. They seemed to dim
the moonlight. The allied armies were reviewed
here in 1814.

June 23. Soon after daybreak this morning I
heard the rappel. It was beaten quickly, and
sounded as if from several drums beating together.
It awoke me, and continued to beat all around
where I live until breakfast-time. I went out to
learn the cause. Heard there was great alarm all
over Paris. I saw National Guards, singly or a
few together, hurrying along with their muskets.
I then went to the office of Legation. Groups of
people fill up the streets. I attempt to go over
the bridge at Place Concorde, but cannot, from the
guards and troops that block up the way. I go to
the bridge of the Invalides and cross there. At
- the Legation I learn that there is a great insurrec-
tion. The rappel had been beating the générale in
that part of the town. I return the way I went,
but find it still more difficult to reach home, from
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 443

the increased numbers of the military. They fill
up all the approaches to the National Assembly, as
if to guard it; and I learn that serious fighting is
going on in various parts of Paris.

June 24. The Insurrection rages. The générale
was beating throughout the night, and the tocsin
sounded. It was chiefly at Port St. Denis, Port St.
Martin, and streets in that quarter, and in the
Faubourg St. Antoine, that the Insurrection broke
out. Barricades were raised before daylight yester-
day morning, and so quickly on some spots as to.
get ahead of the Government. The Insurgents
even seized on one of the Government’s depots.
More barricades sprang up, with amazing quickness,
at different points in the course of the morning;
and to-day the fighting is more deadly, and has ex-
tended to positions secured by the Insurgents near
Notre Dame, the Sorbonne and the Pantheon.
Cannon may be heard, and volleys of musketry,
from my residence, which is not far from the
Assembly. I walk out, endeavoring to get to the
Legation, but find it impossible. I am stopped by
sentinels at every turn. Many have been killed,
and more wounded, of the National Guard and
troops. So, I am told, it is reported to the
Assembly. General Cavaignac is commander-in-
chief of the whole military, with powers to put
down the Insurrection. The Assembly has de--
444 A GLANCE AT THE

clared itself in permanent session. Several of the
Representatives go out to fight with the National
Guard, or give encouragement by their presence.

June 25. The fighting grows more fierce and
sanguinary. Nothing but cannon can break down
the barricades. The Insurgents got possession of
one, but it was soon taken from them. They fight
furiously, and, when driven from their barricades,
(fight hand to hand with knives, sabres, or bayonets.
The troops and National Guard fall in the greatest
numbers, the Insurgents firing upon them from
houses and windows close by the barricades, where
the streets are narrow and houses high. The
troops enter the houses through showers of bullets.
The Insurgents have opened communications from
house to house inside, through long distances. The
/ troops do the same. General Cavaignac is invested
i with the supreme Executive Authority—a dictator-
ship for the time being. He reports constantly to
the Assembly. He orders more troops to Paris by
the railways. The city is declared to be in a state
of siege. The Executive Committee of five is
superseded, but does service in the streets with the
National Guard. National Guards from the new
provinces come in to act with those of Paris, and
the Garde Mobile fight desperately and suffers
greatly; more than half at one barricade are said
to have fallen.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 445

I cannot get to the Legation; but in the after
part of the day I walked out in the streets near
me. All is silent, like a city of the dead. You
hear not a word. You see nothing but cavalry at
the corners, the men sitting on their horses, with
up-raised swords, to close all circulation through
the streets. I make my way with difficulty as far
as Mr. Ridgway’s, by taking a roundabout course.
This stoppage of circulation is especially strict
around the districts where the fight rages, that
reinforcements or aid of any kind may be cut off
from the Insurgents and their escape prevented
when vanquished.

June 26. The Insurrection continues, but is
losing ground. The Mayor of Paris writes to the
Assembly, from the Hotel de Ville, that most of
the long and narrow streets from that great point
to Rue St. Antoine were covered with barricades,
which the troops were taking one after another,
the “incredible desperation” of the Insurgents
yielding, at length, to the intrepidity and dis-
cipline of the troops. Never before, says the
Mayor, were the streets of Paris stained with so
much blood. The Insurgents wanted a parley for
terms; but Cavaignac would only listen to un-
conditional surrender. He led in person the
attack on the first barricade, and carried it. He

acts with great vigor and good generalship, La-
30
446 A GLANCE AT THE

moriciére aiding. Shells have been thrown on
barricades where resistance was the most obstinate.
The Assembly has voted a grant of three millions
of francs for assistance to the poorer classes unable
to get bread from the state of the capital, and
passed a decree that the wives and children of
all who fall in defending the laws are adopted by
the country. The Insurgents are well armed, and
supplied with ball cartridge to profusion.
At twilight this evening I walked into Rue de
Lille, the street in which I live. Circulation is
still closed by the cavalry at each end; but the
street is long, and in walking through it, while
scarcely a human being was walking there but
myself, I saw women sitting out by the conciergeries
in little groups, making up bandages and scraping
lint for the wounded among the National Guards.
‘The killed and wounded are known already to be
‘far greater than in the Revolution of February.
At night we could hear from our house the cry of
the sentries in lengthened-out tones, “Sentinelle, pre-
nez garde d@ v-o-us.” It passed along the bank of the
Seine, from sentry to sentry, until the ear caught
only the last word, @ v-o-us. The sound gave
token that all was safe in our neighborhood. My
residence seems in the very centre of alarms, being
between the Assembly and the Tuileries, and in
the neighborhood of barracks.
Yesterday, Sunday, the Archbishop of Paris
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 447

passed throvgh Rue de Lille, going by my house,
on his way to General Cavaignac, then at the
Assembly. He was in his ecclesiastical dress.
attended by some of his vicars: so my servants
reported, two of whom saw him as he passed. He
desired the General’s permission to go to the barri
cades as a mediator with healing words to the com:
batants, in the hope of staying the effusion of
blood. The General warned him of the danger
He said he could not pause on that account, wher
duty called him. The General assented, promising
all the protection possible, but alive to his danger
Forthwith he repaired to the scene of blood anc
mounted a barricade, the troops suspending thei
fire. Two of his vicars were by his side, and <
faithful servant behind him, who was there with
out his knowledge. His venerable form, and the
olive-branch borne before him, touched the con
science of the Insurgents, and their fire stopped
Soon it recommenced. He stood unmoved, whilk
bullets flew about him. At length he was struck
and fell, mortally wounded, his servant striving t
catch him in his arms. There is some uncertainty
where the fatal bullet came from, the Insurgent:
disavowing it; and perhaps, in the confusion, 1
was uncertain. In dying, this noble-minded prelat.
expressed the hope of the Christian martyr, tha
his death might do good to his country. Alas! the
448 A GLANCE AT THE

fighting continued! Overpowering numbers and
discipline alone put an end to it.

June 27. Yesterday, at an early hour in the
morning, it was announced to the Assembly that
the Government was in possession of all the strong-
holds of the Insurgents, except the Faubourg St.
Antoine. As their resistance became more hope-
less, it grew more bloody. When driven from

their rude, yet formidable ramparts, it was sup-
posed they intended to rally, in their desperation,
on Montmartre, outside, thinking fresh numbers
might the better join them there. They declared
they would die fighting, rather than surrender,
except upon terms. They got possession of a
large cannon, from which they poured a murder-
ous fire on the troops. The troops silenced it
with howitzers. Finally they gave way, but were
undismayed to the last, many turning round and
firing before throwing away their muskets. Some
horse-artillery of the National Guards pursued ;
but the cavalry was able to do this more effectually,
and made many prisoners beyond the barriers.
More were taken in the streets, and in the houses
from which they had been fighting, and from
which the troops prevented their escape, as far as
possible. Had they rallied on the heights of Mont-
martre, it was their insane hope to have recruited
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 449

their force for a fresh struggle by night signals tc
their confederates all over Paris.

June 28. The Insurrection appears to be now
entirely suppressed.

The day being fine, I walk out to various parts
of Paris to view the scenes of havoc and slaughter
I go to Port St. Denis, Port St. Martin, to the long
street St. Antoine, through which I walk, anc
through parts of other streets, not omitting Rue de
Charenton, Rue St. Jacques, and so onward to the
Sorbonne and Pantheon. My son, Madison Rush
Lieutenant in the United States Navy, who is witl
us on leave of absence from his ship, is the com
panion of my walk. We see where the numerous
barricades were raised, defended and overthrown
Crowds of persons are moving along the same
streets, with the same object as ourselves. Toc
plain to all are the traces of the sanguinary fight
Houses shattered by cannon-balls; many, many
more, so many that they could not easily be
counted, riddled through all the woodwork by the
musketry of the troops and National Guard. We
were only left to imagine those fierce hand-to-hanc
struggles where so many were killed. The horror;
of a battle-field, where the dead, the wounded anc
the dying are left exposed, we did not see; but it
was the battle-field of a dense city, where the slair
450 A GLANCE AT THE

and wounded were borne off as they fell, replete
with horrors less common, but not less frightful.
We also passed along the Boulevards, Place Con-
corde, and Champs Elysées in parts where, although
there was no actual fighting, every thing bespoke
the conflict there had been. The siege is still kept
up; and those spacious thoroughfares where the gay
and fashionable of Paris and Europe throng in their
equipages and morning promenades, and along
which I passed in my carriage, when all was so
silent, in going home from the Foreign Office, the
very night before the Insurrection, now look like
half-abandoned encampments. Scattered wisps of
hay and the litter of cavalry, horses tied to iron
palisades, detachments of infantry, their arms
stacked, the men lying down on straw, looking
jaded, some asleep, after this din of battle-—such is
the picture of these streets now.
In the Assembly to-day, General Cavaignac re-
signed his extraordinary powers. The Assembly
passed a vote of thanks to him, and a decree con-
_ fiding to him the whole Executive power, with
| (_ authority to appoint the Ministers. These votes
went through amidst the loudest cheers and clap-
ping of hands, the members all rising and waving
their hats as well as cheering. The General went
to the tribune (his appearance producing fresh
acclamations), and asked leave to propose that the
thanks should include the gallant army and National
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 46]

Guards, and various general officers who had sc
devotedly seconded him in his efforts to quell the
Insurrection. His proposition was received witl
another burst of applause.

In the evening sitting, he announced to the
Assembly the names he had selected for the ney
Cabinet, which I need not recapitulate, as change:
may occur. Some of the old members, whom the
Insurrection found there, are continued. All re
signed when the “Executive Committee” ceased t
exist by General Cavaignac’s investiture with thc
supreme command.

June 29. Soon after the Assembly met, the
President proceeded to read the draft of an addres;
to the French nation, which had been preparec
by order of the Chamber. Its first words are
“Frenchmen, anarchy has been overcome! Pari
is still standing! Justice shall have its course!’
It goes on: “Honor to the courage and patriotisn
of the National Guards of Paris, and of the depart
ments; to the brave and ever glorious army; to the
young and intrepid Garde Mobile; to the pupils of
the schools; and to the innumerable volunteer;
who threw themselves into the breach for the de
fence of order and liberty.” “The attacks of these
new barbarians were,” it says, “ against the civiliza
tion of the nineteenth century; in their code.
family was but a name, and property spoliation; but
452 A GLANCE AT THE

the Republic, the work of God, the living law of
humanity, could not perish; they (the Assembly)
swear it in the name of France, and by all those
noble victims who fell by their fratricidal hands.”
These are some of the words of the address. It
appeals to all Frenchmen to unite in love of their
country; to remove the last vestiges of civil dis-
cord; “to maintain firmly the conquests of liberty
and democracy, and to let nothing induce them to
depart from the principles of their Revolution.”
When the reading was concluded, all the members
rose, crying, Vive la République!

At this sitting, the President also read, in the
form of a decree, a tribute to the Archbishop of
Paris, in these words: ‘

“That the National Assembly regards it as a
duty to proclaim the sentiment of religious grati-
tude and profound affliction which it feels for the
devotedness shown by the Archbishop of Paris;
and for his death, so heroic, so holy.” It was
adopted unanimously, amidst evident marks of deep
feeling throughout the Assembly.

July 5. A member of the late Government
having insinuated in the Assembly, on the breaking
out of the Insurrection, that foreign gold had some-
thing to do with it, the British Ambassador, in a
note to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, protested
strongly against any possible application of the
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 453

words to his country. Mr. Bastide replied, that
the opinion of his Government, as well as his own,
was, that Her Majesty the Queen was too just tc
have taken any part in exciting the frightful events
in Paris; and says to Lord Normanby that he
would see with the greater pleasure publicity giver
to this declaration and Lord Normanby’s note, as it
would be a new proof of the sentiments of reciprocal
friendship which animated the two Governments.

July 8. The funeral of the Archbishop of Paris
took place yesterday. The concourse was great
Detachments of the military headed the procession
Various religious communities, with the clergy of
Paris and its environs, followed. Black banner:
were carried, on which were inscribed the dying
words of the Prelate. The body was borne bj
National Guards, the face being left uncovered; anc
six bishops were pall-bearers. Members of thi
National Assembly, headed by their President, at
tended, and deputations from various bodies of th:
State. The service was performed at the Cathedral
and is said, with the mournful music, to have bee
very touching.

Having mentioned the principal events of th:
Insurrection, closing with the sad ceremony jus
noted, I will succinctly advert to some of its cause
and possible consequences, as my impressions ol
454 A GLANCE AT THE

both were imparted to my Government after it was
over.

The Provisional Government gave instant relief,
and promised employment to the workmen of Paris
and its vicinity suddenly thrown out of employ-__
ment by the Revolution. This, as a temporary
messi? to S0DPIy the wants of a large une in
these men did their Seog of the fighting in
the cause that brought them to want. But, under
the maxims and movements of the Revolution, the
Provisional Government established national work-
shops, and undertook to provide work in m them for
these masses of the French population, as part of
the policy of the new Republic. This doctrine
had long been inculcated in the writings of the
Socialists, and they thought the time had arrived
for putting it in practice. English Socialists came
over to aid their French brethren in the work.
That some who held this creed were sincere, ought
not to be doubted; but it cannot be supposed all
were. The national workshops, in which work was
to be provided, did not accomplish the object. They

~~did not, and could not, employ every body. All who

worked in them were paid two francs a day. This
was too little for good workmen, and too much for
bad. The work was badly done; and the accumu-
lating excess of workmen who got no employment,
was thrown as a charity upon the Government at
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 455

some inferior allowance, that its promise might not
be wholly broken. This made a heavy aggregate
of expense to the Government, without satisfying
the workmen; and the consequence was discontent
among all. For the first days after the Revolution
their conduct was orderly, and for a longer time
they submitted patiently. But idleness created
bad habits, and actual or approaching want was
beginning to render some among them turbulent.
Evil-minded persons fomented their discontent, took
them to the clubs, and worked upon their passions.
Many desired to separate from the main body and
seek work as they could find it in Paris or in the
country; but this was not allowed by their more
resolute companions or by the clubbists, who kept
them in training, and kept them in Paris. The
Government sent some into the Provinces. This
they did not like, and tried to resist; which made
more bad blood. Things under such a system were
tending from bad to worse. The Provisional Go-
vernment saw the difficulty, without being able to
escape from it fast enough to appease all the bad
passions ripening for explosion. Finally, the same
body of men whose humanity and forbearance in
February, when the Revolution raged, were a
theme of admiration, and whose obedience to the
laws was witnessed for a month afterwards, were
converted into instruments for oversetting the
National Assembly for a brief moment on the 15th
456 A GLANCE AT THE

of May, and for this terrible Insurrection in June.
This may be taken, as it appears to me, as an
outline of the most important of its proximate
causes.

It was, indeed, a terrible Insurrection. My
summary entries while it was in progress do not
tell half its horrors. The number of the Insur-

‘gents has been estimated at from thirty to fifty

thousand. General Cavaignac said in the As-
sembly a few days ago that no one reckoned it
beyond fifty thousand; from which it would seem
that he inclined to that number rather than a
lower one. If a medium be struck, it leaves an
appalling number, when it is considered that all
were efficient for fighting and fought protected by
walls and stone barricades. The army in Paris
was twenty-five thousand strong when the fighting
began, and consisted of the war battalions and
other troops in high discipline. The regulars were
increased as the fighting continued. The National
Guard and volunteers more than doubled, it is
believed, the number of regulars. It seems ad-
mitted that the barricades were reared at the two
points for carrying the Hotel de Ville and National
Assembly; that some were admirably constructed,
and that the Insurgents obeyed signals and orders
which passed quickly through their lines from their
leaders and were suited to their objects. All this
may be explained by remembering that from their
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 457

great numbers, many among them must have seen
service in the conscription. Hence their effective
discipline, attested by their withstanding for four
days and nights military forces largely outnum-
bering their own, and directed by veterans who
brought against them all the apparatus of war.
They even perforated with loopholes the city wall
of Paris, at proper distances, where the wall is ten
or twelve feet high, and kept up through these
loopholes, which they took care should be near
some of their strong barricades, a fire upon the
troops, which the latter could not return—the In-
surgents getting outside of the barriers when
firing.

Of the killed and wounded among them, hardly
any thing appears to be yet known. Of the killed
and wounded in the army, Guards and volunteers,
no authentic list has yet appeared; but the number
must be fearful, when four generals were killed and
seven wounded, a majority of whom, it is said,
fought in Algeria. An estimate of the number
has been roughly made at from seven to ten
thousand. Of members of Assembly, four are
among the dead, and five wounded.

The Insurrection has left behind it difficulties,
if not dangers. Its watchwords were, “Down with
the Assembly! Vive la République Démocratique et
Sociale!” It hung out the red flag. Six thousand,
some say eight thousand, were captured; but
458 A GLANCE AT THE

greatly more escaped, notwithstanding the precau-
tions of the army for hemming them in. On some
of the women of the Insurgent force captured by
the troops were found deadly weapons, as well as
the ammunition they carried for the use of the
insurgents.

The overthrow of the “Executive Committee”
is a new starting-point in the administrative power
of the Republic. Anticipations of what is to come
baffle all; and the remark I now hear most fre-
quently is, though it may look like a paradox, that
nothing is certain except the uncertainty that
hangs over the political future of France. Speak-
ing of the present, it is evident that great changes
have been working in men’s minds. At the first
general election in April, M. Thiers cautiously
sought a candidateship for the Assembly, but failed;
and none could have imagined that Louis Napoleon
would ever be a candidate. At the special elec-
tions in June, both were chosen. The sensation
the latter then created, would not have lived a
moment in the political atmosphere of Paris in
February or March. The continued prostration
of industry and credit; the reduced means of in-
dividuals; the diminished revenues and increased
expenses of the State; an increasing want of confi-
dence felt by all, with under-tones of discontent
advancing more and more to utterance—these, with
plots and new combinations of bad men for bad
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 459

purposes, have all been ‘tending to impair the hopes
which the Revolution at first created. Those who
cherished them are reluctantly brought to perceive
that the future is not only full of uncertainty, but
overcast with gloom. The Insurrection is crushed,
but the Insurgents live; and live with hatred in
their hearts. The Assembly passed a decree for
banishing all who were captured; but to send off
to remote seas and islands six or eight thousand
of them would not be easy. It may prove more
difficult, though orders for it have gone forth, to
disarm all the malcontents among an excited and
spirited people accustomed to have arms, but in
whose hands it might now be unsafe to leave them.
Such. considerations are discouraging. Though
military power, directed by a strong hand, defeated
this formidable Insurrection, the feeling it has left
may reappear under other forms of trouble and
revenge. The French commonalty, once roused, are
quick to move, brave to ferocity when their blood
is up, and fertile in expedients. Their prowess
shown in the Insurrection, although it did not
triumph, may have revived traditions of the old
Revolution, and roused guilty hopes in bad men
who will always find leaders. These are fore-
bodings that steal into anxious minds. They
cannot be kept down after what has happened.
Martial law is still in operation in Paris, General
Cavaignac recommending it; and his voice is now |
460 A GLANCE AT THE

the most potent. Too true it also is that society
at large has come to feel more safe under its
shield.

Others say that the suppression of the Insurrec-
tion, however deplorable the cost, will be pro-
ductive of good. It has shown the power of the
Republic, in a face-to-face conflict, over the
dangerous doctrines which the Revolution stirred
up; that such a conflict was inevitable, and best that
it should have come when it did. This opinion
receives countenance from the facts that not only
were the National Guards of Paris hearty and un-
flinching, but that those from the Provinces hurried
to the capital to share in putting down the In-
surrection; and that even the rural population,
inspired by.the same good feeling, were seen to go
forward in the cause of law and order. The cry
~of Vive la République still goes up, in the Assembly
and out of doors, on every occasion to excite it. It
has been uttered from the beginning by those who
did not believe in a Republic for France. That
this class has been growing larger is evident; yet
all seem bent on giving the Republic a fair trial,
which it will have, they say, when the new Con-
stitution comes into being, and not until then.
Count Montalembert, M. Dupin, M. Thiers, Odillon
Barrot, Léon Faucher, Victor Hugo, and others
of high name in the Assembly are favorable to a
double Legislative Chamber. Should this altera-
FRENCA REVOLUTION OF 1848. 461

tion be made in the Constitution before its final
adoption by the Assembly, speaking as an Ameri-
can, I should have higher hopes of its successful
operation. Will the declaration which guarantees
labor to “all citizens” be retained, after the expe-
rience of the Insurrection, which grew out of the
impossibility of the Government’s being able to pro-
vide labor for all after having promised it to all 2
I am not able to reply to an inquiry so natural. |

And where is now the Executive Committee of
Five; they who dispensed the whole Executive
power of France; who received Foreign’ Ministers
and appointed them? Where is Lamartine, who
was all in all? who rode in the whirlwind and at
first kept down the fury of the storm? who saved
society by his courage and a flash of eloquence?—
who kept peace at home and abroad, receiving
plaudits from all but the Red Republicans, the
most dangerous-of whom he defied and tamed?
Where is he? Hardly seen, or seen only as a star
setting. But the good he did cannot soon be for-
gotten. His genius is left to him; and he knows
the delights of literature; a fondness for which
revolutions can neither give nor take away.

But I turn from thoughts which involuntarily
spring up from what passes around me, whatever
may be their errors. None can understand a coun-
try, or have full claim to speak of its future, but

those who belong to it, or live in it long enough to
31
462 A GLANCE AT THE

catch its whole genius and characteristics. There
are times when even these are brought to a stand
in judging—get perplexed by complications they
cannot disentangle. How much more liable to err
is the transient person! How often are those of
other countries baffled in passing upon the con-
dition of England! How often, and often how
soon, are predictions respecting her resources and
prospects overset by opposite results! There come
persons to the United States who carry away opi-
nions which, to ourselves, seem mistakes at every
turn—wrong inferences from imperfect knowledge,
even where truth may be honestly sought. How
then can strangers hope to look into the veiled
future of France?

July 10. To-day I dined at the Marquis Brig-
nole’s, the Sardinian Ambassador; the first time I
have dined out since the close of February. It
was a treat to get back to quiet intercourse with
the Diplomatic Corps, after the boisterous scenes
France has been going through; and I regretted
the unavoidable absence of my daughters, who were
to have been with me. I do not hear much of
social intermingling among its members since the
hurricane that scattered us all. Those here to-day
had each a little to say on what has been passing.
I learned that the Sardinian Government recognised
the Republic two days ago. Rather a large even-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 463

ing-party assembled in the rooms after dinner.
Rumors floated through them that another out-
break of some kind was expected on the 14th of
this month, being the anniversary of the destruc-
tion of the Bastile.

Mr. George Lafayette, who was chosen a Vice-
President of the National Assembly the early part
of June, to fill the vacancy created by M. Beth-
mont’s appointment as Minister of Justice, was
elected again to that station since the present
month came in. The vote for him was the
largest among several candidates. I mention with
renewed pleasure this second tribute to him from
the Assembly.

vi
Ss

bs
July 12. Yesterday the Assembly passed a ill,
by an overwhelming vote, for the formation of a
camp of fifty thousand troops, to be stationed
within the city or its environs. The measure was
proposed by General Cavaignac some days ago.
Secondly. The press has been laid under re-
strictions beyond any in the time of the Monarchy.
The Abbe de Lamennais gives up his paper in con-
sequence of one of them—the caution-money re-
quired; saying, he had not gold enough to pay it.
Thirdly. The political clubs are all to be bridled.
A bill to this effect has been brought forward in
the Assembly by the Minister of the Interior.
Citizens are at liberty to open a club, provided
464 A GLANCE AT THE

they make a preliminary declaration of their in-
tentions to the Prefect of Police at Paris, and to
the Mayor of the- commune in all the depart-
ments; all sittings to be public, with ample ac-
commodation to be reserved for those not members;
a Government functionary of the Republic to have
the privilege of attending, and a seat to be always
specially reserved for him; a record of the pro-
ceedings of each sitting to be drawn up by the
President and Secretary; no club ever to resolve
itself into a secret committee, or entertain’ any
proposition tending to excite disturbance or civil
war. These are its chief provisions, with penalties
to secure their observance. The bill can hardly
fail to become a law in all its essential parts.

The Insurrection dictated these measures. An
appropriation was proposed for another object,
which the Insurrection has made necessary. It
was that six hundred and seventy thousand francs
(670,000) be granted in aid of the Theatres and
Opera, crippled by the late turmoils. A bill for
carrying into effect this grant may be expected to
pass, if the other bills pass. What opposite things
are seen in this metropolis! The contrast is often
beautiful; sometimes startling. Places of amuse-
ment unrivalled; renowned schools of literature
and art; a National Library: incalculable in
value, the very manuscripts of which, ancient and
modern, fill a hundred thousand volumes; the
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 4685

richest endowments for fostering science; the most
beneficent establishments for alleviating human
misfortune and misery, under whatever forms seen ;
so that the philanthropist, the profound philosopher.
the deep student, the curious in’ the fine arts, the
votary of fashion, all come to Paris as a place
where something useful may be learned or some-
thing agreeable enjoyed, something to stimulate
the intellect or incite to pleasure.. Then, again, are
seen Governments uprooted and thrown to the
winds with scarcely a moment’s warning;. con-
sternation and horror appearing on the stage with
enthusiasm and hope; the good and bad principle
springing into activity and contending for the
mastery; plots and strife getting to work; want
and starvation stalking about; passion let loose:
conflicts following in quick succession; represent
atives of the people, chosen in the fairest possible
manner, driven from their seats; blood: flowing in
the streets like water; all true liberty attacked—
suspended—and when or how to be reinstated nc
one knows. Both sides of this picture have been
visible in Paris since I began these memorandums.

July 14. The anniversary of the destruction of
the Bastile comes and goes without an outbreak.

July 18. I went this evening to the reception
of General Cavaignac, at his new residence, Rue de
466 A GLANCE AT THE

Varennes. It was the first since his ascent to the
Executive power. The Minister of Foreign Affairs
had notified the Foreign Ministers that he would
hold one; and great was the attendance of army
officers, those of the National Guard, and other
persons, including Ministers of State. I presented
to him Mr. Stanton, Secretary of Legation, and my
son. He received numerous congratulations from
those who had no opportunity of offering them
before, and received them with soldierly grace,
heightened by a commanding person.

July 24. The National Assembly opened to-day
with an Address to the members by M. Marrast,
the new President under the monthly routine of
election. After acknowledging the honor conferred
upon him by electing him to the chair, he said it
was owing to their energy, and that of the Execu-
tive, that they were now able to pursue their de-
liberations, when peace not only reigned in the
streets, but was gradually returning to the public.
mind. He paid tributes to their gallant colleagues
who had shed their blood in the cause of the
Republic, and, after other appropriate remarks, sat
down amidst marks of approbation. :

The main business of the sitting was the passing
of a bill for a loan of one hundred and seventy-five
millions of francs, or two hundred, as the case
might be, at the price of seventy-five francs twenty-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 46%

five centimes. These terms were not considerec
the best, but agreed best with the wants of the
treasury and present state of the public credit
The Minister of Finance so expressed himself
frankly.

July 31. Last week the proper Bureau made
report to the Assembly that, on examining the case
of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, elected a Represent
ative for Corsica, the proceedings were found to he
regular, and that he was entitled to take his seat
under this election.

The President then read a letter addressed tc
him by Louis Napoleon Bonaparte from London.
It ran thus:—That he had just learned that, not.
withstanding his former resignation, he had been
elected to the Assembly for Corsica; that, although
deeply grateful for this mark of confidence, the
reasons which forced him to refuse the post of Re.
presentative for the Seine, Yonne and Charante.
Inférieure still existed, and imposed on him another
sacrifice; that, without renouncing the honor of one
day being a Representative of the People, he
thought he ought not to return to his country,
until his presence in France could in no manner
serve as a pretext to the enemies of the Republic;
he trusted that his disinterestedness would prove
the sincerity of his patriotism, and it was his wish
that those who accused him of ambition might be
468 A GLANCE AT THE

convinced of their error. He concludes with re-
questing the President to inform the Assembly of
his resignation, as well as his regret at not being
able to participate in its labors; and of his ardent
prayers for the happiness of the Republic.

It was not necessary to take any step under this
letter; but when the President finished reading it,
cries of “trés-bien! trés-bien !” were heard through-
out the Chamber.

August 17. Attend the reception of General
Lamoriciére, Minister of War. His rooms were
nearly filled with military officers. Most efficient
were the services rendered by him during the
Insurrection. Trained, like Cavaignac, in Algeria,
the latter paid the highest tributes to his ability
in the Assembly.

August 22. Go again to General Cavaignac’s
reception. A great crowd, as before, and chiefly of
the military. The Marquis of Normanby was there,
and the Marchioness. I learn that the former
presented his credentials as Ambassador from Eng-
land on Saturday, and was first received by General
Cavaignac on that day. The step came about
through the co-operation of England and France in
a mediation in the affairs of Austria and Sardinia.
France sent a special minister to London, in the
person of Monsieur de Beaumont, on the business
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 469

of this mediation, as soon as she learned that he
would be received in that capacity by the English
Government. This opened a door to the renewal

of diplomatic intercourse; and the reception of
Lord Normanby, by the Executive Head of the °
French Government, followed on the 19th of this
month. Such is the information I get. England,
shy in the beginning, was also wise. She felt the)
importance of keeping alive her intercourse with / _)\,
France, though the Monarchy had fallen; for the .
Nation stood. France, proud and sensitive, could —
not but feel the advantage of not breaking with
England when the Revolution came. England
again had her people scattered in thousands
throughout Paris, and other cities and towns of
France, spending their money for pleasurable and
other purposes; and large bands of her laboring
men working on French railroads; not to speak of
international interests, otherwise linking two such
neighboring countries together in ways beneficial to
both. Business operations between them have,
therefore, gone on from the first. M. Lamartine, _
while at the head of the movement, acted in
concert with Lord Normanby, in so sensible a
course, until matters have ripened into the recog-
nition stated.

August 24. Dine at M. Bastide’s, Minister of
Foreign Affairs. It was a very large dinner, given
470 A GLANCE AT THE

to the Diplomatic Corps, members of the Cabinet,
and other official persons, including members of the
Assembly. Among the latter were M. Drouyn
de ’Huys, chairman of the Committee of Foreign
Relations, Mr. George Lafayette, and his son Oscar
Lafayette. It was the first entertainment of the kind
given since the Republic was proclaimed. Appear-
ances were much the same as in the days of M.
Guizot.

General Cavaignac came to the drawing-rooms
after dinner. Other company also came. General
Cavaignac acts as President of the Council of Min-
isters, as the adjunct of his higher station as
Executive head of the Republic. I finished the
evening by going with my friend, Mr. Lafayette, to
the soirée of the President of: the National Assem-
bly, where there was a brilliant assemblage of
ladies, and a concert.

September 2. Dined at M. Marrast’s, President
of the National Assembly ; an entertainment larger
than the one at M. Bastide’s, and given to the
Executive head of the Government, the Foreign
Ministers, members of the Cabinet, members of the
Assembly and others. The dining-room and suite
in connection were extremely rich in architecture
and the hangings. They were once part of the old
palace of the Prince of Condé, renovated and fitted
up, in the wing or portion where we assembled, for
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 471

the official residence of the President of the National
Assembly. The whole suite, blazing with light
from chandeliers, ornate lamps, and candelabra,
presented a contrast to the relative simplicity of
the rooms in which M. Sauzet, as President of the
Chamber of Deputies, entertained the Diplomatic
Corps and home functionaries at dinner, as men-
tioned in a former page, a few days before the
King’s fall.

September 9. My memorandum of to-day is
of a dinner at the Marquis of Normanby’s, the
first at the British Embassy since the Revolution,
as far as known to me; and as it was given to
General Cavaignac in his capacity of Executive
Head of the Republic, I the rather make a memo-
randum of it.

General Cavaignac’s Minister of Foreign Affairs,
M. Bastide; General Lamoriciére, his Minister of
War, and Madame Lamoriciére; General Chan-
garnier, Commander-in-Chief of the National Guard ;
a good portion of the Diplomatic Corps, and some
English gentlemen, made up the company. I do
not name all, not knowing all. Twenty or more
appeared to be present. General Cavaignac led the
Marchioness of Normanby to the table, and Lord
Normanby Madame Lamoriciére. My chair was
next to General Cavaignac, Lord Normanby assign-
ing it to me.
472 A GLANCE AT THE

In the conversation I had with General Cavaignac,
he said, that because the former Republic of France
was attended by wars and commotion, persons
thought it would be the same now; but it should
not be, if he could prevent it. He was for peace,
and for a Republic over all other forms of govern-

yy; ment. He paid a compliment to the United States,
\S hich it was not for me to disown or question the

' sincerity of, his antecedents having bound him to
the Republican faith; although not to its dangerous
extremes, as all know.

This happened to be my first dinner at an Eng-
lish table in Paris, though not the first time I and
my daughters had received cards to dine at this table.
Notwithstanding the just fame of France in social
refinements, English dinners seem to have an
advantage in being smaller, which is more favorable
to conversation and tranquillity, if I may so express
it. I am, however, an incompetent judge, having
been to fewer French dinners than English, and to
very few in unofficial life; while in London private
dinner-parties are constant, the Diplomatic Corps
sharing largely in them. A profusion of rich plate
was on the table this evening, which is more the
English usage; porcelain predominating on French
tables.

I will close this entry with a little incident,
hoping the allusion to it will not infringe upon pro-
priety. An English Peer sat on the other side of
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 473

me. We get into conversation, and he asks me to
take wine. In accepting, I tell him I am thankful;
for although I had been in Paris a year, and seen
beautiful dinners, it was the first time I had
been asked to drink a glass of wine. Was it
national? The Anglo-Saxon race on our side
of the Atlantic did it, and now I would hope
to infer, from the kind challenge of my neighbor,
that the custom was not dead in Old England. It
was not, he said. Whenever you caught the eye you
wanted across the table, and took up your glass,
you were understood, and your friend filled too.
The custom came from good feeling, I thought;
and so thought my English friend through whose
courteous act I was able to welcome it in Paris.

September 16. Dine at General Cavaignac’s.
All the Diplomatic Corps were there, I believe,—all,
at least, whose Governments have recognised the
Republic,—and many military officers. I observed
none of the Cabinet, except M. Bastide, Minister
of Foreign Affairs.

My place at table was next to General Cavaignac,
who desired me to take it as we entered the dining-
room. Our conversation touched upon England, to
the freedom of whose institutions he did justice.
I learned from the Sardinian Ambassador, who
was near me, that General Cavaignac spoke the
Italian and Spanish languages, and had nearly
474 A GLANCE AT THE

mastered the Arabic. The latter he acquired at
snatches of leisure during his campaigns in Algeria.

I informed General Cavaignac of a letter ad-
dressed to him by the President of the United
States, which had reached me only to-day, in an-
swer to one from him to the President conveyed
by Mr. Poussin, Minister of the Republic at Wash-
ington; and that after dinner I would ask M.
Bastide to take his directions as to the time when
I might have the honor of delivering it to him. He
replied, off-hand, that he would receive it to-morrow,
at twelve o'clock, not knowing of any other engage-
ment to prevent him.

I mentioned this to M. Bastide, and asked at
what hour I might call on him in the morning with
a copy of the letter before I delivered it,—the form
usual when letters are written by heads of Govern-
ments to each other. He appointed nine o'clock.

In the drawing-room, after dinner, I spoke also to
General Cavaignac on re-establishing the consulate
at Boston, stating its importance from the popula-
tion and commerce of Boston. The subject seemed
new to him, and he was not aware of the reasons
for abolishing the French consulate there, but
would talk with M. Bastide and inform himself on
the subject. I also used the opportunity to ex-
press a hope that Mr. Isnard’s desire to be reap-
pointed consul at that port might be favorably
viewed, in case the French Government had formed
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 475.

no wishes for a new appointment, as, by the repre-
sentations made to me, he had performed his duties
in amanner altogether acceptable to the commercial
community of Boston.

September 17. As I leave my house to call on
M. Bastide, I receive a note from him regretting
that he cannot see me at nine, having, since we
parted last evening, been summoned to attend a
meeting of the Council at General Cavaignac’s this
morning; which also breaks up my appointment
there at twelve o’clock. Nevertheless, I go to the
office of Foreign Affairs and leave for M. Bastide a
copy of the President’s letter, as promised, adding
that I will be ready to deliver the original at any
time convenient to General Cavaignac.

The 28th of the month was afterwards named as
the day; but when I called on that day General
Cavaignac was confined to his bed by indisposition.
The President’s letter called for no act on his part,
my reception by the Republic being already esta-
blished. It contained renewed expressionsof friendly
hope for the prosperity and duration of the Republic
under the new Constitution in course of formation ;
replied in appropriate terms to the friendly tone
of General Cavaignac’s letter transmitted by Mr.
Poussin, and spoke of the latter as formerly known
and esteemed in the United States, and as having
acted with usefulness in their service. These sen-
476 A GLANCE AT THE

timents being all before General Cavaignac in the
copy of the letter I had furnished, it was agreed in
the end that a personal delivery of the original had
become only matter of form, and. might be dis-

pensed with.

September 30. Prince Louis Napoleon _ here
comes again into these desultory notes.

The elections for the National Assembly, held in
Paris on the 19th of this month, resulted in his
being returned by a larger vote than was given to
any of the other candidates chosen on the same
day. This renewed and large confidence induced
him to leave London; and, acting no longer on the
principle of resigning, he became a member of the
Assembly on the 26th of the month. Surprise and
curlosity pervaded the Chamber as he entered by
one of the side doors, and, for the first time, took
his seat as a member, by sitting down at the side of
M. Vieillard, his former tutor. All eyes turned to
that part of the Chamber. Some little bustle fol-
lowed, which the President checked by a call on
the members to keep silence.

M. Clement went to the tribune, and reported to
the Assembly that he had been charged by his
bureau to declare the election of Louis Napoleon
Bonaparte; that it was regular; that no opposition
was made to it, and that the bureau recommended
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 477

his admission, provisionally, until he should justify
his age and nationality.

Cries arose that the. case should be sent. back to
the bureau for an unequivocal report.

M. Vivien rose and stated that the bureau was
satisfied of the validity of the election, and that
the members of it then present in the house all
agreed that an absolute declaration in favor of his
admission might have been made, the notoriety of
his age and nationality supplying the place of docu-
ments. He therefore proposed that the election be
proclaimed valid, and that the citizen Louis Napo-
leon Bonaparte be admitted to his seat. Cries of
Yes, yes, came from the Chamber; and it now
became evident that there would be no opposition
to his taking his seat at once.

Louis Napoleon then rose from the seat he had
taken, and requested permission to speak. Mem-
bers from all parts of the Chamber exclaimed, “To
the tribune! to the tribune!”

He left his seat, and, ascending the tribune, read
from a paper the address following: Citizen Repre-
sentatives,—It is not permitted to me to keep
silence after the calumnies of which I have been the
object. I want to express here frankly, and on the
first day that I am permitted to sit among you, the
true sentiments which animate me—which have
always animated me. After thirty years of pro-

scription and exile, I at last recover my country,
32
478 A GLANCE AT THE

and all my rights of a citizen. The Republic has
given me this happiness : let the Republic receive my
oath and gratitude; my oath of devotedness. And
may my generous countrymen who have brought
me into this Assembly be certain that I shall en-
deavor to justify their votes by laboring with you
for the maintenance of tranquillity, that first neces-
sity of the country, and for the development of
the democratic institutions which the people have
a right to demand. Long have I been prevented
from devoting to France more than the meditations
of my exile and captivity. At present the career
in which you are all advancing, is open to me also.
Receive me, my dear colleagues, into your ranks
with the same sentiment of affectionate confidence
that I bring with me here. My conduct, always in-
spired by duty—always animated by respect for the
law—will prove, in relation to the passions which
have endeavored to blacken my character in order
again to proscribe me, that no one here more than
myself is resolved to devote himself to the defence
of order and freedom of the Republic.

The address was received with marks of appro-
bation. He returned to his seat; and, although no
strong sensation was roused, it was the incident of
the day. Other business grew languid, and the
Assembly rose without a lengthened sitting. I
did not hear the address. A member told me that
it was read distinctly, with a firm voice, though not
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 479

with a pronunciation purely French, but tinged
with the German.

October 10. In the Assembly yesterday, the
new Constitution being under discussion, the Presi-
dent read an amendment proposed by M. A. Thouret,
in these words: “No member of the families which
have reigned in France can be elected President or
Vice-President of the Republic.”

The mover of the proposition advocated it ina
few words. Another member, M. Woirhaye, rose
and stated that the subject of the amendment
had been under consideration in the committee and
rejected; for, although it was thought that royalist
and imperial families were not the best qualified for
acting upon Republican ideas, the democratic prin-
ciple was too deeply rooted in the country to cause
fears to be entertained of what were called pre-
tenders.

Other members spoke, some one way, some
another.

Louis Napoleon ascended the tribune, and briefly
said that he did not come to speak against the
amendment, or make complaint of calumnies; but,
in the name of the 300,000 electors who had chosen
him, to disavow the appellation of pretender so con-
stantly brought against him.

M. A. Thouret hereupon said, that after that
declaration he considered the amendment useless,
480 A GLANCE AT THE

and withdrew it. Nevertheless it was put to
the vote, and rejected; Louis Napoleon not voting
upon it.

October 16. After the Republic came in, I was
charged by the Secretary of State to give attention
to the subject of the tobacco monopoly. I brought
it to the notice of M. Bastide, who gave me no
encouragement, but the reverse. The new Govern-
ment wanted, he said, all the revenue attainable,
and could not afford to part with so considerable an
item as tobacco yielded,—but intimated his willing-
ness to look more into the subject hereafter. I
brought it to the notice of M. Drouyn de l’Huys,
chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations
in the National Assembly, with no better success,
his reasons being much the same; and I lost no
opportunity of introducing it as a topic in my in-
tercourse with such members of the Assembly as I
thought might be likely to appreciate what I said
about it, None gave much attention to the doctrine
I held up, that, by admitting our tobacco under a
moderate but fair duty, its increased importation
into France might result beneficially to the trade
of both countries. That might or might not follow;
but loss of present revenue would be certain if they
changed the laws relating to tobacco. It was in
this way all my advances were met.

But still more to the point :—On the 22d of June,
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 481

M. Thouret laid a proposition before the Assembly
that the sale of tobacco and snuff should no longer
be exclusively in the hands of the Government, but
be open and free. The proposition did not receive
twenty-five votes out of the whole Assembly, and
thus fell to the ground; that number of assenting
votes being required before any proposition can
come before the Chamber, even for consideration.
This vote would seem to show that public opinion
in France is in favor of the monopoly, when we
consider that the members have all so recently
been chosen by universal suffrage throughout all
parts of France.

The vote is discouraging to any favorable changes
for us in any respect, at least for the present, in
the French tariff, over the laws regulating it in the
time of the Monarchy. The King’s words to me
at St. Cloud, in November, that “a public convic-
tion long entertained in France in matters of trade
was not easily altered,” receives confirmation from
this vote. The Provisional Government, on coming
into power, abolished the Octroi, a duty on meats,
liquors, and other things within the limits of Paris,
but soon restored it. The Republic also kept up
the salt tax, of which the King recommended a
reduction. These matters I have made known to
my Government.

It ought not to be overlooked that the Republic

succeeded to heavy debts from the Monarchy; and
31
482 A GLANCE AT THE

that these debts and other arrearages, from the
subsequent falling off of trade and derangement of
credit, have been increasing, in the absence of all
ability, thus far, to effect any reductions of them.

October 27. Prince Louis Napoleon yesterday
went to the tribune, and read, amidst profound
silence throughout the Chamber, a paper to the
purport following :—

Addressing the body as citizen representatives,
he said, that the unpleasant incident which closed
the discussion of the preceding day did not allow
him to keep silence: he deplored being obliged
again to speak of himself; it was repugnant to his
feelings to be unceasingly-bringing personal matters
before the Assembly, when not a moment was to be
lost in attending to grave public questions. He
would not speak of his own sentiments: they had
already been explained: no one ever had occasion
to doubt his word. As to his conduct in the
Chamber, as he never could permit himself to call
any of his colleagues to an account for what they
did, he recognised in no one the right to demand
of him explanations of his course: he owed that
account only to his constituents. He was accused
of accepting from the popular feeling a candidate-
ship which he never claimed; he accepted that
honor because three successive elections, and the
unanimous decree of the National Assembly against
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 483

the proscription of his family, authorized him. to
believe that France regarded the name:he bore as
able to aid in the consolidation of society, shaken to
its foundations, and make the Republic prosperous.
(Loud exclamations of dissent among the members.)
They who accused him of ambition knew little of
his heart; his silence was turned into a reproach
against him; it was only a few who were gifted
with the power of eloquent language in the service
of just ideas in that Chamber. But was there no
other way of serving the country? What it wanted
was acts: -it wanted a wise and firm Government,
which would think more of healing the wounds of
society than of avenging them, and which could
overcome, better than bayonets, theories not founded
on experience and reason : (fresh dissent.) He would
not fall into snares set in his way; he would pursue
the straight-forward course he had traced out for
himself. Nothing should disturb his calm, nothing
make him forget his duty. He had but one object,
which was to merit the esteem of the Assembly
and of all men of worth, and the confidence of a
magnanimous people. He would reply, henceforth,
to no interpellation—to no provocation. Strong
in his own conscience, he would remain immovable
under all attacks, impassable against all calumnies.
His allusion in the commencement was to some
sharp-shooting on the day preceding, about candi-
dates for the Presidency. In the course of it, he
484 A GLANCE AT THE

had been charged with having agents in the depart-
ments appéaling to the less enlightened portions of
the people in his behalf. His cousins in the As-
sembly rose to repel the charge. Cries broke forth
that he would go to the tribune and speak for him-
self; but he continued in his seat.

During the same sitting, the time of holding the
election for President was also settled. There were
different opinions on this point: some were for a
day in November, some for a later day. Eminent
speakers shared in the debate—amongst them,
Odillon Barrot, Dupin, the distinguished Count
Molé, and General Cavaignac. The last was in
favor of an early election, and strongly expressed
his opinion that postponement a day longer than
was necessary would be hazardous. It was finally
fixed for the 10th of December.

October 31. The state of siege imposed on Paris
when the Insurrection raged, was removed on the
19th of this month.

The removal was founded on the report of a com-
mittee in the Assembly charged with the whole
subject. It stated that, on a full examination of
all the considerations belonging to it, the committee
had arrived at the conclusion that the siege might
end without any fresh dangers to the Republic;
and the Executive head of the Government
believed that the public tranquillity might now be
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 485

maintained without it. The vote for raising it-was
unanimous.

The peaceable and well-disposed people in Paris
were hardly sensible that they were living under
a state of siege, although it was in operation four
months within a few days. At first, all were
uneasy, from a sort of habit, lest outbreaks should
still happen, so common had they been since
the Revolution. This feeling wore away as each
successive week brought safety with it. Paris, in
effect, was a great camp, though no camp was _
visible. Fifty’ thousand troops were collected
within its limits, or were close by if wanted..
Eleven presses were suppressed by military power
while the siege lasted. The knowledge that the
same power would be used against the turbulent
and ill-disposed if they moved towards mischief,
kept them quiet. The wise and prudent acquiesced
in this course on the part of General Cavaignac,
believing in his abilities and his virtue—a belief
sanctioned by results. It made the Red Repub-
licans his foes, and raised up other opposition to him
among politicians.

When the numerous arrests were made of those
who invaded the Assembly on the 15th of May, it
was supposed that the ringleaders in that con-
spiracy would be brought to trial. This has not
yet been done. After the Insurrection in June,
the Assembly appointed a committee to inquire
486 A GLANCE AT THE

into all the facts belonging to that second and far
greater calamity, and to couple with this duty a
new inquiry into all the circumstances that might
shed light upon the outrage on the 15th of May.
This committee, clothed with ample powers for
the fullest investigations, finished its work and
presented its report to the Assembly in August.
It is a remarkable document. I have looked into
it from time to time, but shrink from the task
of attempting the merest outline of its contents.
It is very voluminous. Much of it is irrelevant.
Still more of it is encumbered with unnecessary
details and repetitions; but portions of it reach
back to the causes and incidents of the Revolution
in February. It lays bare the springs of that first
shock in ways, then not so well known, that are
startling. It shows how few were the real con-
trivers and instruments of the Revolution of
February; and, with honorable exceptions (too
few these also, unhappily), how selfish were their
motives. These confessions came from the con-
trivers and instruments of the movement; a good

‘portion of whom secured the personal advance-

ment for which alone they seem to have rushed

_ upon the work of overturning the Monarchy. I

hasten away from the reflections which these dis-
closures, seeming to be authentic, are calculated to
excite. I prefer to draw a veil over them until the
Republic reaches further stages in its destination.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 487

November 38. Dine at Mr. Ridgway’s, and after-
wards go to the reception of the Minister of Foreign
Affairs. The company not very large; the talk
chiefly about Vienna. One of the Diplomatic Corps
said that Windischgraetz, the Imperialist General,
is carrying all before him against the Insurgents,
as he called them, who have lately had the city in
their hands; but that Windischgraetz had stormed
the barricades with his troops, and was master of
the city, or soon would be.

I renew to M. Bastide the wish expressed to
General Cavaignac for the appointment of M.
Isnard as French consul at Boston; and use all the
strong words I can in favor of retaining Count
Montholon, son of General Montholon, as French
consul at Richmond. What I say of the latter
is founded on representations transmitted to me
from Richmond of his merits, and the desire
cherished by, the citizens of that place, whose
esteem he has largely won, that he should remain
among them.

November 7. Go to General Cavaignac’s recep-
tion this evening. I present Colonel McCall, of our
army, and Mr. Ridgway; as on a former evening I
had presented Lieut. Percival Drayton, of our navy,
and Mr. Corbin.

November 13. This evening we are at a party
488 A GLANCE AT THE

at the British Embassy. It is not large, but por-
tions of the Diplomatic Corps are there. In con-
versing with a member of it, I hear fresh hints,
like those I caught in these rooms a year ago, soon
after my arrival, that Princess Lieven, though living
in Paris ostensibly in private life, is looking to
Russian interests, by the silent appointment of the
Emperor Nicholas. This policy, and the fair in-
‘fluence sought in its aid, it was intimated, grew out
of an old understanding between the Emperor and
the ex Bourbon King, Charles X., that France was
not to thwart the former in his objects upon Con-
stantinople, and he not to thwart France in making
the Mediterranean a sort of “French lake,” after
she had planted herself in Algeria by the success
of French arms in the time of Charles. If this
were so, it might lend plausibility, with some, to
the alleged silent mission of this distinguished lady.
It might with me, but for that part of the bargain
which would assign to France the control of the
Mediterranean [Gibraltar, Malta, and English naval
power withal]. This seems to me so visionary that
my incredulity is not yet overcome.

November 18. On Sunday, the 12th of this
month, Paris was all alive, bad as the weather was,
with the celebration of the Féte in honor of the
new Constitution, all parts of which are completed.
The preparations for it were upon a magnificent
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 489

scale, and it was supposed that it would much
- exceed in display, as I believe it has in cost, the
one in honor of the Republic on the 21st of May.
Immense flag-staffs, which floated tri-colored flags
full of Republican inscriptions and emblems; a
dome of great height, richly ornamented, with a
cross as the pinnacle; a Statue of the Constitution,
crowned with laurels, holding the Constitution in
the left hand, and in the right hand a lance; a
vast assemblage of the Clergy; members of the
National Assembly, and all other officials; troops
in countless number; cannon roaring at intervals—
all this and more was to be seen in Place Concorde.
The day was raw and cold. Snow fell in large
flakes, whitening everything. When it stopped,
sleet came on, then a little more snow—so that
the bad weather hardly ceased. All the arrange-
ments were for fine weather; but sheds, open all
round, roofed over, and elevated on flooring, were
reared up with French quickness at fétes as in war,
when the day broke with appearances of a storm.
All was to begin at half-past eight in the morning.
On the board floors canopied over, the Diplomatic
Corps, where I was, and all other public function-
aries, found partial shelter. The President of the
National Assembly read aloud the whole Constitu-
tion for such as could hear it. General Cavaignac
was there in full uniform, and wore a badge of dis-
tinction won by his gallantry in Algeria. The
490 A GLANCE AT THE

presence of Prince Louis Napoleon was not ob-
served among the members of Assembly. The .
weather was unfavorable for enthusiasm. Cries
of Vive la République were few, or from those so
far off that I could not hear them, coming, it may
be, from streets in the vicinity of Place Concorde.

I did not hear a word of the Constitution as read
out; but all have seen by the papers that it is
much the same as contained in the draft reported
by the committee on the 19th of June, as summed
up in these notes the day following. The single
Legislative Chamber, single Executive, and most
of the other elementary provisions remain as then
framed, or with modifications unessential. The
abstract declarations in the beginning are varied.

As an accompaniment to the celebration, the
following document was addressed by the Minister
of the Interior to the Prefects of all the depart-
ments in France :—

That, the French Republic being now definitively
constituted, the National Assembly had decided
that the Constitution should be promulgated in
every commune by being read by the Mayor to the
inhabitants assembled; that the Constitution was
placed under the invocation of God, and its pro-
mulgation was to be a political and religious cere-
mony; that prayers were to precede or follow the
reading of it by the civil Magistrate, as the Bishop
or other clergy might prescribe; that as this great
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 491

national Féte ought to leave a souvenir among the
unfortunate, the Assembly had appropriated four
hundred thousand francs, which were to be equi-
tably distributed throughout the departments in
cases only of the most poignant misery.

Finally, the prefect of each department was to
cause the inhabitants to understand the importance
and solemnity of this act of a great People, who,
after eight months of uncertainty and disquiet, had
placed themselves under the empire of a strong and
durable Constitution and entered definitively upon
the path of free and regular governments.

And may it prove so. But, as a looker-on since
February, I cannot, with all the wishes I then had,
and desire still to cherish, for the success of the Re-
public,—I cannot, now that its new Constitution
comes forth, with but one Chamber, and other
anomalies to an American, easily yield my assent
to any encouraging prospects of its durability.

November 28. Go to General Cavaignac’s recep-
tion; an immense crowd, consisting almost exclu-
sively of military officers; nothing comparable to it
that I have before seen at any reception in Paris
for numbers. It was caused by the General’s speech |
in defence of his course in putting down the Insur-
rection. His friends and adherents came in multi-—
tudes to offer their congratulations. His adver-
saries brought charges against him of causing blood
492 A GLANCE AT THE

to flow unnecessarily at the barricades, by his acts
and by his omissions. An angry debate followed
in the sitting of the 25th, and the Assembly sus-
tained his course by a triumphant vote. Hence
the crowd this evening. His rooms were filled to
overflowing, so that hundreds had to remain in the
garden. In making my way into the rooms to
reach General Cavaignac, I was aided by my kind
friends the Lafayettes, father and son, who led me
along circuitous paths in the garden. The debate
in the Assembly and crowd this evening are the
better explained by the near approach of the
election for President, General Cavaignac being
prominent as a candidate.

November 30. At length I am to record the
manifesto of Prince Louis Napoleon. It is out in
full. On the eve, he says, of an election for the
| first Magistrate of the Republic, his name had pre-
" sented itself as a symbol of order and security.

He knew that this testimony of confidence was
more to the name he bore than to himself, who
had yet done nothing for his country. He was not
ambitious of subversive theories: reared in free
countries, and in the school of misfortune, he would
be faithful to the duties which the suffrages of his
fellow-citizens and the will of the Assembly might
impose on him. If elected President, he would
shrink from no danger or sacrifice to defend society,
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 493

so audaciously attacked. He would devote himself
to the strengthening of a Republic, prudent in its
laws, honest in its intentions, and great in its acts.
He should consider it a point of honor to leave to
his successor, at the end of four years, the govern-
ment strengthened, liberty intact, and a real pro-
gress accomplished. He would strive to reconcile
parties and calm hatreds. Real reforms would be
best effected by economy, without disorganizing
the public services; by a diminution of the most
burdensome taxes; by encouraging enterprises
which would develop the riches of agriculture, and

tend to benefit the poor without injuring the rich;
by restricting the number of places which depend
on the Government, which often make a free people
a nation of place-hunters; and by avoiding the_
fatal tendency which leads the state to do what
private individuals could do as well or better; and
by preserving the press from its two excesses, arbi-
trariness and license. These are points in his mani-
festo which touch upon home concerns.

War, he says, would be no relief to the evils of
France. Peace would therefore be his dearest of
desires. France in her first Revolution was warlike,
because she was forced to be so. To invasion she
replied by conquest. Not being attacked now, she

could devote her resources to pacific improvements.
33
494 A GLANCE AT THE

A great nation should be silent, or never speak in
vain. To think of national dignity, was to think
of the army, whose patriotism, so noble and disinte-
rested, had often been disregarded. Whilst the laws
which gave force to military organization should
be maintained, the burden of conscription should
be lightened. The present and the future not only
of the officers, but sub-officers and soldiers, ought to
be watched over, and an assured existence prepared
for the men who have long served under the flag.
In fine, when at the head of the French people, an
infallible means of doing good, was to resolve to
do it.
This is the substance of what he says. What-
ever the result of the election, he promises to bow
to the will of the people, and unite in all ends for
promoting the material and moral benefit of the
country. The manifesto is addressed to his fellow-
citizens, is in all the papers, and signed Louis Napo-
leon Bonaparte.

December 21. The election for the first Presi-
dent of the Republic opened on Sunday, the 10th
of this month, the day fixed by the Assembly,
and closed throughout all France on the day fol-
lowing. Seven millions, three hundred and twenty-
four thousand, six hundred and eighty-two votes
were given, and were distributed as follows :—For
Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, 5,434,426. For General |
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 495

Cavaignac, 1,448,107. For M. Ledru Rollin, 370,119.
For M. Raspail, 36,920. For M. Lamartine, 17,910.
For General Changarnier, 4,790. Lost votes 12,640.

The result was known some days ago; but not
the accurate returns. The official announcement
of the result in the National Assembly yesterday,
caused a very full attendance of the members, and
all others who could gain admittance within the
Chamber.

The committee appointed to examine the returns
entered the Chamber, attended by a number of the
‘Representatives, among whom was General Ca-
vaignac. ‘

Louis Napoleon Bonaparte entered, and took his
seat next to Odillon Barrot on one of the benches.

Waldeck-Rousseau, reporter of the committee,
then ascended the tribune and read the report,
deep silence prevailing. It stated that the nation
had deposited in the electoral urn the testimony of
its confidence; it had pointed out the citizen to.
whom it wished to confide the destinies of the
French Republic; Europe had been an attentive
observer of the movement of a nation rising in the
calmness of its strength, and showing itself worthy
of the liberty it enjoyed; it had pointed out the
object of its choice, not as the will of a few, but in
a great and patriotic designation as standing for the
will of the whole.

He then read out the votes as stated above, and
496 A GLANCE AT THE

declared the citizen Louis Napoleon Bonaparte to
be chosen President of the French people; the
Executive power was to go into his hands; the
Representatives of the people would come, it was
hoped, with patriotic eagerness, to offer to his Go-
vernment the strength they could impart to it; and
may God protect France.

These were the words with which the reporter
concluded. Ido not insert the report in full, but
the extracts given mark its character.

General Cavaignac rose, and stated that he had
just received the collective resignation of the late
Ministers; and that he had also to remit into the
hands of the Assembly the office of President of the
Council which had been intrusted to him. The
Assembly would better comprehend, than he could
express, all the gratitude he felt for the great kind-
ness shown to him while he exercised the Execu-
tive power. He sat down amidst loud cheering
from the Chamber.

The President of the Assembly, M. Marrast, then
put the report of the committee to the vote. The
whole Assembly (with the exception of five mem-
bers) stood up in its favor.

The President hereupon addressed the Assembly
thus :—Whereas, the citizen Louis Napoleon Bona-
parte has fulfilled the conditions of Article 4 of the
Constitution, as well as those prescribed by Articles
47 and 48; and whereas, in the ballot which has
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848 497

taken place, he has obtained the absolute majority of
votes, the National Assembly does hereby proclaim
him President of the French Republic from the
present time to the second Sunday in May, 1852:
T therefore call on the citizen Louis Napoleon Bona-
parte to ascend the tribune, and take the required
oath.

Louis Napoleon Bonaparte accordingly came for-
ward, ascended the tribune, and took the oath in
the words following :—“ BrrorE Gop, AND IN THE
PRESENCE OF THE FRENCH PEOPLE, REPRESENTED BY
tHE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, I SWEAR TO REMAIN FAITH-
FUL TO THE REPUBLIC, DEMOCRATIC, ONE AND INDIVI-
SIBLE; AND TO FULFIL ALL THE DUTIES WHICH THE
CONSTITUTION IMPOSES ON ME.”

The President of the Assembly then said :—
The Assembly, formally acknowledging that the
President of the Republic has: taken the oath re-
quired, orders that solemn mention of the fact
shall be made in the procés-verbal of the sitting,
and that notice of the same shall be posted up in
all the communes of the Republic.

Cries of Vive la République arose.

The President of the Republic then delivered an
address, in these words :—“Crtizen ReEpREsENTA-
tives: The suffrages of the nation, and the oath I
have just taken, trace out for me my future
conduct. I shall follow it asa man of honor. I
wish, like you, to place society on its true basis;

32
498 A GLANCE AT THE

to strengthen democratic institutions, and to alle-
viate the miseries of that generous and intelligent
people which has just given’me such a striking
proof of its confidence. Animated by a sincere
spirit of conciliation, I have called round me
capable and patriotic men, who, in spite of the
diversity of their political origin, are ready to
devote themselves with me to the happiness of the
nation. A Government coming into power owes a
debt of thanks to its predecessors when the deposit
of its authority is handed over to it intact; and in
particular I owe it to the honorable General Ca-
vaignac to say that his conduct is worthy of the
generosity of his character. It will not be the
smallest title of his glory. The Government and
myself are animated with a sincere love of the
country. Let me hope, citizen Representatives,
that your co-operation will be given to me, and
that with it we may found a Government just and
firm, which, without being either reactionary or
Eutopian, will secure the future welfare of the
Republic; and, if we cannot do great things, we
may at least, by our loyal intentions and conduct,
secure the welfare and happiness of the people by
whom we have been chosen.”

This address closed the ceremony, and was re-
ceived with loud cheers.

The President of the Republic then left the
tribune, and, in going down the -centre of the
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 499

Chamber, went to the seat of General Cavaignac
and shook him warmly by the hand. This act
was greeted by the Assembly in the heartiest
manner, by the clapping of. hands.

The sitting was then suspended for a short time.

The President of the Assembly, on resuming the
chair, stated that, by a communication just made to
him by the President of the Republic, M. Odillon
Barrot had been charged to compose a new Ministry,
and that as soon as it was formed, the fact would
be communicated to the Assembly by a message.

The President of the Republic then left the
Assembly, accompanied by Odillon Barrot and
other Representatives; after which the Chamber
rose, many of the members hastening out before
the adjournment was announced from the chair.

December 29. The ministry of the President is
composed of the following names: Odillon Barrot,
Minister of Justice, and President of the Council, in
the absence of the President of the Republic; Drouyn
de ’Huys, Minister of Foreign Affairs; M. Leon
Faucher, Minister of the Interior; General Rul-
hiéres, Minister of War; M. de Tracy, Minister of
Marine and Colonies; M. Falloux, Minister of Pub-
lic Instruction and Worship; M. Lacrosse, Minister
of Public Works; M. Buffet, Minister of Agriculture
and Commerce; M. Hippolyte Passy, Minister of
Finance. Some resignations followed the first selec-
500 A GLANCE AT THE

tions; but these are the present members of the
Ministry.

It is believed that Drouyn de lHuys, M. de
Tracy, and M. de Falloux, voted for General Cavai-
gnac. Their call to the new Cabinet is regarded as
a generous and graceful act.

All the Ministers are persons known. I will say
of the one to be the organ of intercourse with other
nations, that my previous knowledge of him, as far
as it has extended, has given me the most favorable
impressions of his highly eminent qualities and
accomplishments. :

The election of Louis Napoleon has not, perhaps,
been as unexpected to observers on the spot, as to

' those beyond the limits of France. When an

, _ amendment was proposed pending the discussion
of the Constitution, for changing the part which
provided for the election of President by the direct
vote of the people, so’ as to give the National
Assembly the power of electing him, and that
amendment was rejected, it was considered the
forerunner of the result now witnessed; though
so overwhelming a vote for the successful candi-
date was hardly anticipated by anybody. All
perceive that it clothes him with great power
to do good. General Cavaignac lost ground
with the Socialists and Red Republicans, by
the part he acted in the Insurrection and during
the siege; for, although their numbers were not
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848, 501

great throughout France, their activity was great,
and many of them had very sharp intellects, and
worked with unbounded zeal towards their objects.
Moreover, the belief which more especially began
to prevail after the vote on the above amendment,
which was strong for rejecting it, that, Louis Napo-
leon would be chosen, added daily to his strength ;
of which, doubtless, his name was at the root.

1849. ,
_ January 1. The President of the Republic has
taken as his residence the Palais Elysée Bourbon.
By an official communication to the Foreign Am-
bassadors and Ministers, they were informed that he
would receive them this morning. As the new
Chief Magistrate of France under a constitution to
commence its operation under his executive auspices,
the entire Diplomatic Corps would naturally desire
to offer their compliments and congratulations on
the proof he had received of his country’s confidence;
and it may be supposed it would be desirable on his
part to have an early opportunity of making their
acquaintance. Accordingly, the corps went, and
were severally presented to him in due form. Most
of them were personally unknown to him. This
was my case. Our presentations were made by his
Minister of Foreign Affairs. He spoke a few words
to me, as to all, the occasion not leading to much
conversation with any. I had seen him before;
502 A GLANCE AT THE

but only in the Assembly from the Diplomatic box,
and imperfectly. In stature below rather than
above the medium height, yet robust; a subdued
carriage; a thoughtful countenance; a blue eye, in
repose rather than vivid, and darker in complexion
than the French generally: this was his appearance
to me to-day.

The Palais Elysée Bourbon was a favorite resi-
dence of the Emperor Napoleon. He went there
as soon as he reached Paris, after his final defeat at
Waterloo, himself the first to bring the news of it.
Some accounts say that such was his fatigue from
his rapid flight that he could not at first articulate,
but threw himself on a bed in a state near to ex-
haustion; yet speaking somewhat incoherently of
the necessity of a dictatorship in his favor.

And who were in that Palace now? In looking
round, strange reminiscences obtruded themselves.
You saw the representatives of Austria, of Prussia,
of Sardinia, of Bavaria, of Saxony, of Wirtemberg,
and of Switzerland; of Spain, the Italian States,
and Portugal; of Sweden, Denmark, Holland, Bel-
gium; of German states and principalities, hardly
to be counted up, whose kingdoms he had overrun ;
whose territories he had invaded and despoiled ; the
blood of whose subjects had been made to moisten
half Europe during his wars of self-aggrandize-
ment, which grasped at all Europe; his cannon
seating his own family, some against their will and
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 503

remonstrances, on the thrones he overturned. All
these kingdoms and states and principalities—I can
hardly have named too many, when even the little
free Hanse towns did not escape—were forced to
yield to him; were doomed to see their people
mustered at the roll of his drum, to help him fight
his battles against their interests and their duties.
Some were humiliated past description; all sorely
aggrieved, under pretexts which ambition, with
armies at its back, is never at a loss in alleging,
and knows how to smooth over and gild. Now, I
saw the representatives of them all coming together
to offer their congratulations to the nephew of that
deposed conqueror ; the nephew himself an exile less
than a year ago, and previously a prisoner twice
condemned, and apparently left without hope.
What a sight! Not often has the wheel of Fortune
turned so marvellously. I did not chance to see
the Minister of Russia in this representation of
crowned heads and other sovereignties of Europe
assembled in honor of the nephew. Perhaps he
was away for reasons I was not acquainted with ; or
my eye may have missed him, so many were there.

The Ambassador of England could not be
missed. His presence was too memorable in the
history it recalls, ever to be forgotten. He was
the sole person in the group, as far as Europe was
concerned, whose nation never bent the knee to
Napoleon; the only one who from the beginning
504 A GLANCE AT THE

looked him steadfastly in the face undismayed, and
saw through him under his mask; whose Parlia-
ment, whose unfettered press, spoke the truth out
to nations trumpet-tongued, more resounding than
his war bugles on their frontiers, or in their
capitals; who shattered his marine to pieces,
whenever it ventured out of port, by her naval
thunders; drove him from the seas maddened and
helpless, except in his cherished, yet ever fruitless
vengeance, against the Power that thwarted his
plans of dominion, and held cheap his threats of
invasion, in the face of his boastful column at
Boulogne,—a Power that at one time fought against
him single-handed, Russia in turn having given
way, and fought with only the more vigor; who
fought him to the last, and by her invincible re-
solution and perseverance, encouraged and aided
others in going on with the fight, until, at length,
Europe was roused to indignation. under his stupen-
dous wrongs; and down he came, amidst peans of
universal joy, from the height gained by his re-
morseless sword—France, who had been mingling
groans with his glory, joining largely in her shouts
of gratitude at the general deliverance.

There was one other person in that group whose
country never was in fear of him, but protested
against his outrages from first to last,—the Minister
of the United States. He could readily contribute
his congratulations where the object of them, reared,
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 505

as he said, in the school of misfortune, had risen on
the free and immense vote of the tenth of Decem-
ber; and who declared that peace was the dearest
of his desires, and that he felt bound in honor to
deliver over the government to his successor at the
end of four years with the public liberty intact.

January 15. Go to the night reception of the
Prince President at the Palace Elysée Bourbon.
The Ministers of State were there, the Diplomatic
Corps, and many others connected with the new
Government.

Go afterwards to a ball given by the Prefect of the
Seine, at the Hotel de Ville. Large as that building
is, the company filled it. To see its spacious
rooms given up to music and dancing, and the
whole building blazing with light and joyous with
festivity, was truly a beneficent change from its
having been so long a great centre of revolutionary
alarms and fights.

January 23. Dine at the hotel of the Minister
of Foreign Affairs, M. Drouyn de l’Huys. It was
a very large dinner, the first under the new
régime. We had a great assemblage of the
highest official persons: the Prince President
heading the list; the Cabinet Ministers, the Diplo-
matic Corps, the President of the National As-
sembly, and others of distinguished name, though
506 A GLANCE AT THE

now holding no station, amongst whom were M.
Lamartine and Count Molé. The chair assigned
to me was next to the President of the Assembly ;
and next to him sat the President of the Republic.

January 24. This evening the Diplomatic Corps
dine at my house, with their ladies, and our
friends, Mr. and Mrs. Ridgway.

Our corps belongs essentially to the existing
government; and it must be confessed that we
have had our embarrassments on this head in
Paris. We had favorable allusions at table now
and then to the new Prince President, as derived
from the personal intercourse we have so far had
_ with him. The corps, for the most part, were for
~ General Cavaignac during the canvass, more or
less openly. I took no part, continuing to think
that we, as a body or individually, have nothing
to do with party contests here, though we may
write as we think fit to our own Governments
about French affairs.

January 28. Go this evening to the reception of
Odillon Barrot, Minister of Justice and head of the
Ministry. The President of the Republic was
there, the members of his Cabinet, the Diplomatic
Corps, and a very large company of ladies and
gentlemen.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs seeks conversa-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 507

tion with me as to what we do in cases where our
President and Congress disagree. I tell him that
when Congress does not act on recommendations of
the President, either by remaining passive under
them, or debating them without result, nothing
comes of the recommendation. It falls to the
ground for the time being; but may be, and often
is, renewed at another session.

On the other hand, if both Houses of Congress
pass a bill, either with or without a recommenda-
tion from the President, the bill not becoming a
law until the President concurs in it, he may, if
disapproving it, return it to the house in which
it originated, with his objections. If that house
passes the bill by a vote of two-thirds of its mem-
bers, and the other house does the same, it becomes
a law, notwithstanding the objections of the Pre-
sident. JI add, that it rarely occurs in our practice
that the President’s veto is overcome by the re-
quisite majority in both houses.

_The Minister asks if I would object to furnishing
him with a written memorandum of this part of
our system and its operation. He thinks the Presi-
dent of the Republic would like to see it. I tell
him I will readily do so.

January 29. Enclose the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, informally, a copy of the seventh section
of the first article of our Constitution, which relates
508 A GLANCE AT THE

to the veto of the President, adding the views I had
expressed to him of its practical operation with us.

February 4. I give a smaller diplomatic dinner
to-day, that I may have Mr. Bancroft’ company, now
here for a few days from London. Lord Howden is
one of my guests, an accomplished English diploma-
tist at present in Paris, who gives me the first infor-
mation of Sir Henry Bulwer’s appointment as British
Minister to the United States. I mention the fact
to my Government, in case it may not yet have
been known at Washington. We go this evening
to the reception of the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
I present Mr. and Mrs. Ridgway to the Minister,
and to Madame Drouyn de l’Huys, and have con-
versation with the Spanish Ambassador on the
appointment of Sir Henry Bulwer as Minister to
the United States.

February 12. Dine with General Sir Phineas
Riall, of the British army, at present residing here
with Lady Riall, in Rue St. Florentine.

During our war of 1812 with England, General
Riall was taken prisoner by our troops in one of
the battles on the Canadian lines, and remained in
the United States on parole until duly exchanged.
This dinner was given to me in remembrance of
the attentions and good treatment he received from
my countrymen while among them on his parole.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 509

There were sixteen or eighteen at. table, gentlemen
and ladies, all English—some of the army. Cer-
tainly no merit could be claimed in treating well
a gallant officer who had fallen into our hands.
But it was part of a generous mind to remember
it. I learned, not from himself, but others, that
my predecessors in the mission to France had
in like manner been recipients of his hospi-
tality.

I close the note of my second English dinner in
Paris, with the remark, that, remembering what
passed at the English Embassy, about taking wine
with the company, I ventured to act upon it at this
agreeable dinner at the hospitable table of the dis-
tinguished and gallant general.

February 16. We are at a grand ball to-night
at the Palais Elysée. Mr. and Mrs. Ridgway are of
our party, and Lady Augusta Bruce. Eminent per-
sons were there—some of the Bonapartes; the Mi-
nisters of State; the Diplomatic Corps, and distin-
guished foreigners. The Prince President opens
the ball by dancing with his relative, the Princess
Matilde Demiedoff. It was not easy to arrive or
get away, owing to the crowd of carriages in the
court-yard. The President’s servants wore the
green and gold livery of the Emperor. The Presi-
dent told me, in the course of the evening, that the

copy I had furnished of the part of our Constitu-
34
510 A GLANCE AT THE

tion relating to the Executive veto, was very
acceptable.

February 27. The anniversary of the proclama-
tion of the Republic was celebrated on the 24th
of this month. The religious part of the cere-
monial was in the church of the Madeleine.

The President of the Republic and the President
of the National Assembly each moved off for the
church, the former from the Palais Elysée, the
latter from the Legislative Chamber, at a signal
gun; so that each might arrive at the church and
go in at the same time. I heard that the President
of the Assembly determined to pursue this course,
lest the President of the Republic should have in-
tended to enter first, thinking it his duty to stand
up for the dignity of the Assembly.

There has been a conflict of authority between
the Executive and the Chamber, from which the
latter came out disadvantageously. This may the
more have determined the President of the Cham-
ber not to yield precedence in going into the church.
The conflict was this. The President of the Repub-
lic and his Ministers urged upon the Chamber seve-
ral measures of policy which they desired to see
adopted. The Chamber refused to adopt them,
leaving the Ministers in a minority on more than
one occasion. One of the measures urged was no
less important than that of dissolving the As-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 511

sembly; the Ministers alleging that its great func-
tion was fulfilled in the formation of the Constitu-
tion, and that it was proper to have a new As-
sembly chosen in the manner definitively settled by
the Constitution. The Chamber voted otherwise,
not choosing to annihilate itself. The Ministers
persisted. So did the Chamber. This brought
on a constitutional conflict, the first which has
arisen between the two authorities. The Chamber
said the Ministers ought to resign under their de-
feats. The Ministers answered no. The President
of the Republic represents the popular will as
much as the Assembly, and embodies a more recent
expression of it. The Ministers kept their places, *
the President refusing to dismiss them. The As : A
sembly have since shown a more acquiescing spirit ; .
and so things stand.

I wrote an account of this conflict to my Govern-
ment on the 20th of this month, venturing to
express the opinion that the Executive had the
best of the argument; but that we might read in
this first clash the future dangers to France under
an elective and representative government with but.

a single Legislative Chamber.

March 13. Mr. Wikoff, of Philadelphia, called on
me a few days ago, to request that I would present
him to the Prince President. What need of this, I
ask? you have known the President longer than I
512 A GLANCE AT THE

have. I had read the account of the visit he paid
the latter at Ham when he was a State prisoner,
and remembered the predictions it contained. He
replied, that, having recently come to Paris, he
would prefer, as a stranger and an American, to
be reintroduced by the Minister of his country. I
replied, that, although I had not been the first to
suggest this, I thought he judged rightly. Accord-
ingly, at the reception at the Palais Elysée, this
evening, I presented him. In doing it, I had to
watch the proper moment. The rooms were full.
Others were being presented by the Foreign Minis-
ters; and much of that ceremony was otherwise
going on. I advanced nearer and nearer to where
the Prince President stood, Mr. Wikoff keeping
close to me. At length his turn came, and I was
on the eve of doing my part, when the President,
seeing who was with me, and directing his eye
towards him, exclaimed, before I spoke, and in a
tone of cordial recognition, Mr. Wikoff! It thus
became unnecessary for me to mention his name
first. He then took the latter by the hand and
greeted him warmly. Mr. Wikoff bore himself
becomingly under a recognition so complimentary,
the incident having drawn attention from all near
enough to witness it.

March 26. We go to an invited party at the
Prince President’s. It is not large, and a con-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 513

cert. The most celebrated performers and singers
in Paris make up the music. So says to me a
member of the Diplomatic Corps present.

The same gentleman, who has been long here
and can discriminate people, whispers to me that
among the ladies of the company he does not
perceive a single one belonging to a Republican
family. All were of the old régime; Legitimists,

]

/
Orleanists, or Bonapartes. Thiers and Count Molé /

were there. They might be seen in a room a
themselves, talking together.

April 12. At a reception at the Palace Elysé¢e
this evening, I presented to the Prince President
Mr. and Mrs. William R. Palmer, of Philadelphia.
Also Mr. and Mrs. F. B. Stockton, of Washington,
Mr. Stockton being of the U. 8. Navy.

After presenting Mrs. Palmer, she shows me a
miniature likeness of General Taylor, the newly
elected President of the United States, executed on
satin. I say to her that, with her permission, I
will give it to the Prince President, as the likeness
of a brave soldier. She consents; and I tell her
that in offering it to his acceptance I shall represent
myself as her ambassador, commissioned by herself.
I fulfil the honorable commission I am charged
with. The Prince President receives the miniature,
and most courteously requests me to thank the fair
donor; of whom he speaks very flatteringly.
514 A GLANCE AT THE

«April 25. I dined yesterday with my daughters,
at the Palais de ’Elysée Bourbon. The dinner was
not a large one. The Diplomatic Corps were not
there. Some of the President’s friends and portions
of his household formed the company. Colonel Ed-
gar Ney, the name on which Marshal Ney has shed
such high military renown; General Fabvier, and
that devoted friend of the President throughout his
adversity at Ham and elsewhere, Doctor Conneau,—
these were present; with some of his own family,
and others belonging to his establishment.

In receiving his guests, the Prince President gave
his hand to all. The topics were familiar. He
was courteously attentive to his company, and all
the appearances of the dinner were in unison with
the palatial establishment. The servants, as they
moved about the table in the old green livery,
seemed to call up the shade of Napoleon, whose
sword won the palace we were in; whose saloons,
brilliant at one period under the glare cast upon
everything by his conquests, beheld also the hand-
writing on their walls.

June 8. We are at the Swedish Minister’s to-
night, invited with the Diplomatic Corps and others,
to hear Jenny Lind sing. We understood she had
declined singing on the stage in Paris, or elsewhere,
publicly; but the Minister of her country, and his
amiable consort, the Countess:de Lowenhiélm, in-
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848 515

duced her to come to their domicil and sing for the
gratification of themselves and their friends invited
to hear her. It was a treat to listen to this highly-
gifted songstress under such circumstances.

June 16. An Insurrection has been attempted
this week. The immediate cause of it was an
alleged violation of the Constitution, in sending a
French Army to Rome to put down the cause of
Italian liberty. Hatred of democracy, say the
Mountain party, which the Government scarcely
conceals on the banks of the Seine, breaks out
openly on the banks of the Tiber. The Govern-
ment reply that the portion of the French Army at
Rome under General Oudinot was sent there to
protect Italian liberty against its enemies the ultras
Here is presented a disputed point. General Ca-
vaignac, an avowed and uniform Republican, but
reflecting and prudent withal, had himself sent
troops to Rome, when Executive head of the Go-
vernment, with the same object. The Mountain
party raised an issue on this point, and preferred
charges of impeachment in the Assembly against
the Ministers, quoting the articles of the Constitu-
tion asserted to have been violated. The Ministers
were sustained by a large vote, their majority being
350. The vote of the Mountain party was 195.
Encouraged rather than daunted, the party asserted
more strenuously that the Constitution was broken,
516 A GLANCE AT THE

*

and, by various signs and manifestoes, announced.
their intention of appealing to a battle in the streets
against the Government. They raised imperfect
barricades, and took steps for constructing more.
They also met at the Conservatoire des Arts et
Métiers, to deliberate on further measures of re-
sistance.

The President and his Ministers were awake to:
their proceedings. Immediately Paris was put in a
state of siege—and, as it so turned out, by about
the same majority in the Assembly which had
rejected the charges of impeachment against the
Ministers. The military power of the Government
‘was drawn upon, and so energetically used by
General Changarnier, now commander of the troops
and National Guards of Paris, that the barricades
were destroyed, the meeting at the “ Conservatoire”
broken up, and a “demonstration” of twenty thou-
sand people, collected and moving in column in the
region of the Church of the Madeleine, effectually.
dispersed by a few battalions of the troops and
cavalry, without a battle, and with little or no
bloodshed. Entire quiet was restored in a few
hours.

By this prompt success, and his own proclama-
tion to the people on the occasion, the Prince Presi-
dent appears to have gained with the conservative
Republicans, in and out of the Assembly. General
Cavaignac voted with them, and spoke briefly and
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 517

well. So did Thiers; and the National Guard also
went with the Government. The feeling appears
to be general in society that, whatever the merits
of the question on this Italian policy pursued by
the Government, a resort to force by the defeated
party in the Chamber was, under:all circumstances,
wholly unjustifiable.

September 7. Returned last night, with. my
daughters, from a visit of three days to our friends
the Lafayettes, at La Grange, department of Seine-
and-Marne.

While away, we were at Fontainbleau. We
visited its Palace, saw all its curiosities, and the
gardens. We also walked through parts of the
forest close by, so well known to Royalty in French
history. In seeking out some of the majestic old
oaks and other curiosities of the forest, we might
have been lost among its intersecting roads and
paths, but for a peasant guide we had, who also
piloted us to a limpid rivulet among rocks, where
we were refreshed with cool water from a shaded
spring. .

Nothing could exceed the friendliness of our
welcome at La Grange. The very name of that
place is dear to Americans. We associate it with’
Mount Vernon, the home of Washington; to whom
General Lafayette seemed as a son; his: youthful
518 A GLANCE AT THE

and chivalrous sword having first been drawn in
our Revolutionary War under the auspices of our
great chief. The present head of the family is
Mr. George Lafayette, only son of the General,
whose name has been more than once mentioned
in these notes, and always in the affectionate spirit
_ Lever desire to cherish towards himself and that
family. His consort, the venerated Madame La-
fayette, still lives as the mistress at La Grange.
The sons and daughters and daughter-in-law under
the roof, while we were there, give to the guests
of that revered home the beau ideal of ancient
gentry in retirement, dispensing hospitality in ways
as cordial as refined. The building is of the fif
teenth century, castellated in appearance, standing
amidst the shade of old trees, and with ivy on its
walls. Their carriage was in waiting for us at the
last station; and when we arrived at the house, in
the evening of a fine autumnal day, the head of
the family, and other members of it, were already
at the portal, and received us, as we alighted, with
a kindly warmth and grace we can never forget.
The attentions we had during our whole stay were
in harmony with our first reception; and we took
our leave of their hospitable mansion and family
circle never to think of our visit but with plea-
surable and grateful recollections.
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. 519
1849,

October 8. My mission having come to a close,
and now desiring to embark on my return voyage
by way of England before winter sets in, I wait on
M. de Tocqueville, the present Minister of Foreign
Affairs, to tell him so. He had previously furnished
me with friendly passports, and attended to every
thing else to be done for a returning Minister, on
learning from me that my successor had arrived.
He had also, at my request, arranged it with the
President of the Republic, that my audience of
leave should take place to-day at three o'clock, at
the Palais Elysée. I went there in my carriage at
that hour.

In delivering my letter of recall, I said, in the
words of the Secretary of State, that the President
desired to see the relations between the United
States and France placed on the footing best cal-
culated to strengthen and perpetuate the most
amicable intercourse between the two countries.
The President of the Republic reciprocated these
sentiments very cordially; which terminated the
official part of the ceremony.

The Secretary’s last dispatch to me stated that
the President (General Taylor) had directed him
to say that he was not uninformed of my services
as Minister to France.

As I finally took my leave of the Prince Presi-
520 FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

dent, he used obliging expressions in reference to
my approaching departure, as M. de Tocqueville
had previously done. He requested I would pre-
sent his compliments to my daughters, with his
regrets that our early departure would prevent his
seeing us as often as he would otherwise have

done.
INDEX.

A.

Aberdeen, Lord, extract of note to, from
Mr. Everett, Minister in London, on
the Fishery Question, 288; Louis
Philippe’s opinion of him, 315.

Achilles, exclamation of the Mace-
donian conqueror at tomb of, 211.

Adams, President (the Elder), the
motto on his seal, illustrative of our
Fishing Rights, 286.

Adams, President (the Younger), his
knowledge of the Fishery Question,
279; his diplomatic discussion of it
in England, 287.

Adelaide, Madame, 306; court mourn-
ing for, 349.

Adet, M., 375.

Affairs, Foreign, Minister of, dinner
with, 324; inquiries by, in regard to
conflict of opinion in United States
between President and Congress, 507.

Agent, Washington’s objections to his,
because seeking an election to the
Legislature, 56.

Alison, remark of, upon Washington’s
Farewell Address, 61.

Allies, no notice by, of United States in
treaties of Vienna, 166.

Ambassador, Turkish, dinner with, 350.

Arago, M., reply of, to American Minis-
ter at the Hotel de Ville on recog-
nition by latter of French Republic,
375. ;

Archias the Poet, remark from an oration
of Cicero, in reference to, 210.

Arlington, residence of Mr. Custis,
hospitalities of, 37.

 

Arnold, treason of, 29; minute narrative
of, by Washington at his own table,
78-85.

Articles of Confederation, state of Na-
tion under, 133.

Assembly, National, opening of, 392;
Address of, to French Nation after
insurrection of 23d June, 451; de-
cree of, in honor of Archbishop of
Paris, 452; votes of, for public safety,
463; report to, on case of Louis
Napoleon, 467; elections for; first
entrance of Louis Napoleon into, 476;
reference to reports to, on insurrec-
tions of May and June, 486; decision
of, in regard to new French Consti-
tution, 490; announcement in of re-
sult of election for President of
French Republic, 495; address of
President of Assembly announcing
result, 496; oath to support the Con-
stitution, administered to Louis Na-
poleon in, 497; rivalry between Presi-
dent of, and President:of Republic,
510.

Author, Memoir of, read before Histori-
cal Society of Pennsylvania, Jntro-
duction, xxxvii.; Proceedings of Board
of Regents of Smithsonian Institution
on occasion of death of, 2. xlii.

B.

Bagot, Sir Charles, formerly British
Minister at Washington, 239; diplo-
matic efforts by, towards settlement
of Fishery Question, 281.

Bagot, Lord, 256.
521
522

Bancroft, Mr., United States Minister
in London, 337.

Banquet, Reform, a topic at the Tuile-
ries on eve of Revolution, 353; at
the Duchess de Rochefoucault’s; at
the Belgian Ambassador’s, 354; pro-
hibition of, immediate cause of Revo-
lution, 398.

Barclay, Commodore, ships of, bear
down on American fleet on Lake Erie
in War of 1812, playing “Rule
Britannia,” 172.

Barrot, M. Odillon, Minister of Justice,
reception at, 506.

Bastide, M., Minister of Foreign Affairs,
reception at, 441; diplomatic dinner
with, 469 ; appointments with, 474-75.

Bastile, anniversary of destruction of,
465.

Bathurst, Lord, reference to corre-
spondence between, and Mr. Adams,
Minister in London, on Fishery
Question, 287.

Bee, Mr., of South Carolina, recollec-
tions relating to, 249,

Belgium, King and Queen of, among
the guests at Neuilly, 306,

Bells, church, sounds of, near Stoney
Stratford, 252.

Berlin and Bayonne, decrees of, 165.

Bexley, Lord, his country home in
Kent, 248,

Bidassoa, armies of France march
across, to trample down Constitution
of Spain, 187,

Bingham, Mr., his residence in Phila-
delphia, 93.

Boardley, Miss, recollections of, in
Philadelphia, 249.

Bonaparte, Jerome, addresses a letter
to Provisional Government, 878, '

Bonaparte, Louis Napoleon, (See Na-
poleon, Louis.) |

Bonaparte, M. Napoleon, remarks of, in
National Assembly, in regard to his
cousin, Louis Napoleon, 425-428,

Boston, Consulate at, conversation with
General Cavaignac respecting the,

 

INDEX.

474; same with M. Bastide, Minister
of Foreign Affairs, 487.

Boudinot, Elias, of New Jersey, 98.

Bradford, Mr.,.Attorney-General of the
United States, 98; his official and
personal intercourse with Washington,
99; lines by, on the fate of La Fa-
yette, 100.

Bradford, Mrs., her home on the Dela-
ware, 104,

Breckinridge, Mr., Vice-President of the
United States, dinner with, at Mr.
Ingersoll’s, 26.

Brignoli, Marquis, Sardinian Ambassa-
-dor, and Marchioness, 319; dinners
with, 320, 462, (

Britain, Great, Nootka Sound contro-
versy, note, 36; supremacy of, on

_ the ocean, till wrested from her by
the United States, 167-71.

British, orders in Council; “ Provision
order,” 165; naval victories, 169.

Brougham, Canning’s conflicts with,
186.

Brown, Boston seaman liberated by
French Government, 348,

Bruce, Lady Augusta, 509.

Buchan, Earl of, 57.

Buchanan, Mr., Secretary of State; his
well prepared instructions, 301;
important unofficial communication
from, 420.

Buckland, Dr., the eminent geologist,
238.

Bulwer, Sir Henry, his appointment as
British Minister to the United States,
508,

Burdett, Canning’s attacks upon, 186.

Burgoyne, Sir John, reference to letter
to, from Duke of Wellington, on
French invasion, 346.

Burke, his diligent application in early
life, 216,

Burleigh, Lord, fancy picture at Grove
Park, in connection with, 223.

Butler, Mr., remark of, in Senate of U.8.
on death of Mr. Calhoun, 110.
INDEX.

C.

Calhoun, Mr., character of, 105; his last
words; points in his character, 107;
not carried away by popular errors,
108; noble ambition of, 109; Mr.
Butler’s remark in Senate on occa-
sion of death of, 110; reliance of
the country upon, during the war ;
tributes to, by Webster and the
elder Dallas, 111; administrative
abilities and opinions of, 112; reso-
lute honor and integrity of; great
regard of Jefferson, Madison, and
Monroe for, 113; example of, held
up to young men, 114; remains of,
escorted by Senators to South Caro-
lina, 115,

Canning, and “that little bit of striped
bunting,” 168; homage of, to some
of the neutral doctrines of United
States, 176; character of, 181;
reflections upon political conse-
quences likely to result from his
death, 184; his political system, 185;
high-toned English maxims of Church
and State; mastery in House of
Commons, 186; his British selfish-
ness; birth of his liberalism, 187;
his denunciation of Continental and
French ambition; boast of, in re-
gard to new States of America,
188; settled devotion of, to princi-
ples of monarchy, 189; beautiful tri-
bute to, by Sir James Macintosh;
never the political friend of this
country, 190; devotion to the glory
of Britain, 191; never sanctioned a
treaty with the United States, 192;
the friend of Plato, but always more
the friend of Britain, 193; his great
career, 194-95.

Caraman, Count de, 387.

Carrying trade and United States,
165.

Castle, Warwick, comparison of, with
Versailles, 309.

Castlereagh, Lord, his connection with
reciprocity treaty of 1815, with United

 

823

States, 192; with Fishery Question,
287, 293-294,

Cavaignac, General, remarks of, in re-
ference to Louis Napoleon in National
Assembly, 423,.431; Commander-in-
chief, 443; Dictator, 444; leads
attack on first barricade, 445; quells
insurrection, 448; resigns his extra-
ordinary powers, 450; invested with
supreme executive power, 451; first
reception by, 465; second reception
by, 468, 469; conversation with, 472;
dinner and further conversation with,
473; a candidate for the Presidency
of the Republic, 491; resigns the
Executive power, 496; his popularity
affected by his energy during the In-
surrection and Siege of Paris, 500.

Caze, Duke de, 347.

Chaleur, Bay of, “famous fishing
ground” before the Revolution, 283.
Chamber, Legislative, operation of the

single branch, 491.

Chancery, Court of, 257.

Changarnier, Gen., Commander of the
troops and National Guards of Paris,
516.

Charles and the Royal Oak, 254.

Chieftain, Arab, Abd-el-Kader, 346;
one of his train, 354.

Christmas, festivities at, 261.

Cicero, his desire for fame, 210; a model.
of successful diligence, 212.

Cireourt, Count and Countess, 351.

Clarendon, Earl of, visit to, at his seat,
Grove Park, 219; his personal quali-
ties, 227-28; dinner with, 264.

Clarendon, Lady, allusions to, 229, 231.

Classics, Lord Lyttelton’s skill in, at
Oxford, 255.

Clay, Henry, his laurels earned in
cause of Spanish American Inde-
pendence, richer even than those of
Canning, 188.

Clive, Mr., 239.

Clubs, French political, restraints on,
463.

Coach, Washington’s, decorations of,
40.
524

Cochran, Lord, 169.
Coke, Mr., invitation of, to Holkham at
' Christmas, 231.

Coke, Sir Edward, his motto when
entering on study of the law, 213.

Colonies, “The Three Ages of,” 180.

Colonization Society, origin of, in
Southern States, 121; Southern
Statesmen, its first Presidents, 122.

Committee, Executive, choice of Minis-
try by, 404; overthrow of, 444; its
overthrow a new starting-point in
administrative powers of the Repub-
lic, 458.

Compromise Act of 1850, reference to,
120.

Condé, effect upon, of one of Corneille’s
tragedies, 100; his ancient residence,
470.

Confederation, Articles of, state of Na-
tion under, 133. ,

Congress, resolutions of congratulation
from, to French Republic, 405, 413. .

Conneau, Dr., devoted friend of Louis
Napoleon at Ham, 514.

Constitution, Federal, the patriots who
approved it, 122; adoption of, 133;
agency of Madison and Hamilton in
formation of, 136; federal procession
in honor of, 137.

Constitution, French, committee ap-
pointed to draft, 420; its important
provisions, 436; féte in honor of,
488-90; document addressed by Mi-
nister of Interior to Prefects of De-
partments in reference to, 490-91.

Conflict of authority between Executive
of France and Chamber of Deputies,
510.

Convention, National Democratic, at
Baltimore, resolutions of congratula-
tion from, to French Republic, 200.

Convention of 1818, American con-
struction of, 273; circumspection
with which it was entered into, 279;
national considerations in support of
construction, 284,

Coquerel, M., Rector of French Pro-
testant Church, 311.

 

INDEX.

Corbin, Mr., of Virginia, 302; dinner
with, at Versailles, 308.

Corps Diplomatic, dinner to the; prefer-
ence of, for the most part, for General
Cavaignac as President, 506; dinner
to the, 508.

Cornelius, the “ old Sergeant,” 61, 76.

Cornwallis, Lord, message from, to
Washington, 64.

Council, Privy, assembled on demise of
British Crown, 264; homage of, to
young Queen, 265.

Cowper, the labor devoted to his metre,
217.

Cromwell, and the cushion thrown at
Ludlow, 67.

‘Cuba, question of its acquisition embar-

rassed by Slavery Question, 156.
Custis, Miss Nelly, 59.
Custis, Washington, 36, 37, 40.

D.

Dallas, the elder, remark of, upon Mr.
Calhoun, 111.

Daniel, Dr., of Georgia, dinner with, in
Paris, 320.

D’Appony, Count, Austrian Ambassa-
dor, and Countess, 319; Soirée at,
320; ball at, 351.

D’Arnim, Count, Prussian Minister,
311.

Dartmouth, Earl and Countess of,
239.

Dartmouth, Lord, 255-56.

D’Aumale, Duke, 306, 314.

Decrees, Berlin, Milan, Bayonne, Ram-
bouillet, French, Consular, and Im-
perial, 165. .

Deer, the herd of, at Grove Park, 226.

Del’Huys, M. Drouin, 470; Minister
Foreign Affairs, dinner with, 505.

Demiedoff, Princess Matilde, 509.

Denny, Major, Ebenezer, (note,) 69.

D’Estaing, Count, present from, to
Washington, 37.

Diplomacy of U.S., letter to Mr. Tres-
cot, of South Carolina, respecting the,
141; policy of concert between
United States and Great Britain, 144;
IND

how to discuss this policy, 146; nota
favored policy in the United States ;
reasons for this, 147; errors of opi-
nion in United States as to other
Governments, 149; reasons for confi-
dence between United States and
Great Britain, 155; first attempt to-
wards international co-operation with
England, 157; the “Monroe declara-
tion,” note, 158; the three eras in
diplomatic history proposed by Mr.
Trescot, 163; United States and third
era, 164; the carrying trade and
United States, 165; the law of “re-
tqliating force,” 166 ; efforts of, towards
interests of humanity and progress
among nations, 174; works on, 180.
Dorset, Earl of, aneedote of, 215.

4

Douglas, Sir Howard, Major-General, |

treatise by, on Naval Gunnery (note),
170.
Drayton, Mr., of South Carolina, at
Washington’s table, 78. ‘
Drayton, Lieut. Percival, U. 8. Navy,
487,
Duncan, Admiral, 169. ‘

E.

Elgin, Lord, British negotiator of “Re-
ciprocity Treaty” with United States
of 1854, 272.

Embassy, British, ball at, 351; party
at, 488. :

England, Old, home-life in, at Hagley,
236; her meridian still « good way
off, 250; her “stately homes,” 251.

Entertainments; dinner, English, as
compared with French, 472, ~

Essays: value of early efforts at excel-
lence; labor necessary to -eminence,
205.

Etting, Mr., of Philadelphia, 39.

Europe, ‘admiration of, at naval victo-

‘ties of United States, 171.

Everett, Mr., Minister to London, and
the Fishery Question, 288; Secretary
of State, extract of note from, to Mr.
‘Ingersoll, Minister to London, on same
subject, 292.

 

35

EX. 525

Evidence, documentary, in Convention
of 1818, in relation to Fisheries, 278,

F,
Fabvier, General, 514,

“Falernian, Old,” at Hagley, 249.

Falkland, Lord, killed at battle of
Newberry, anecdote of, 223.

Family prayers at Grove Park, 230;
at Hagley, 247; at Lord Bexley’s,
Kent, 248. 3

Federalist, remark on The, by M. Guizot,
135, 318,

Féte in honor of French Republic,
411.

Finances, French, prosperous condition
of, under the monarchy, 333; diffi-
culty with, under Provisional Govern-
ment, 401, 402.

Fishery Article, in Convention of
1818; correspondence with Secretary
of State, Mr. Marcy, in reference to
American construction of, 269-297;
statement of question, 273, 277; per-
sonal recollections to be distrusted
after thirty years, unless corroborated
by documentary and other evidence,
278; circumspection with which Con-
vention of 1818 was entered into,
279; American right to fish, secured
in any sea, bay, or gulf off colonial
coast of British America, reserving
British right within marine league
of shore, 280; extent of fishing
grounds a material point of negotia-
tion, 281; evidence before negotia-
tors, 282, 283;* national consider-
ations in favor-of American con-
struction ; novelty of line from “head-
land to headland,” 284; state of ques-
tion when negotiation commenced,
285; when it closed, 287; remarks
upon American right by law of Na-
tions, and under treaty of 1783 with
Great Britain, 288; clause of re-
nunciation, 289; Great Britain adopts,
in practice, American construction,
291; her long acquiescence in same,
292; opposition of portion of English
526

press on ratification of treaty, 293;
. disregard of same by English Govern-
ment, 294; dissent of author from
Mr. Webster’s letter upon the Fishery
article; unfounded opinion of Eng-
lish Crown lawyers, 296. First Arti-
cle of Treaty, in full, (note,) 297.
Fontainebleau, Palace and Forest of};
. peasant guide through latter, 517.

Fox-chase, seen from Lord Clarendon’s
park, 225.

France, aggressions of, upon United
States, 178 ; reflections upon condition
of, 337; Bank of, its eredit during
the revolution, 364. '

Frederick, and Voltaire, 66. |

Fundy, Bay of, British view of our
right to fish in, 275; American view
of same, 282.

'G,
Gallatin, Mr., 193, 271, 279, 289.
George the Fourth, his entertainments

at Carlton House and Buckingham
Palace, 250.

Germantown, Washington’s house in, |’

59.

Ghent, Treaty of, 280, 281, 286.

Gibbon, achievements of his industry,
217,

Gilpin, Henry D., Memoir of the author
by, Introduction, XXXVii.; notice of
death of, Jb. xli,

Goderich, Lord, the class of statesmen
to which he belonged, analysis of
his qualities as compared with Lord
Liverpool, 184.

Gold, Foreign, insinuation in National
Assembly of use of, in causing in-
surrection of 23d of June; note of
British Ambassador on this subject
to the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
452.

Government, French Provisional, pro-
clamation of, 362 ; acknowledgment of
by American Minister; address of
latter on the occasion, 374; dissen-
sions among members of, 384, 387;
surrender of power by, to National

 

INDEX.

Assembly, 393; notice of its course,
398; its difficulty with the finances,
401; enormous expenditures by,
402.

Grier, Mr., Justice of the United States
Supreme Court, and the Fugitive
Slave Law, 120.

Grosvenor, Countess of, 264.

Grove Park, seat of Earl of Clarendon,
letter to Mrs. Rush, from London,
describing a visit to, 219.

Guards, French National, and the
rappel, 388, 517.

Guizot, M., Minister of Foreign Affairs,
first interview with, in Paris, 302;
visit from, 309; defence of Ministry
by, 311; Lord Aberdeen’s opinion of,
315; conversation with, at his re-
ception, 318.

Gunnery, superiority of United States
in, naval treatise on, by Sir Howard
Douglas, 170.

H,

Hagley, seat of Lord Lyttelton; letter to
Mrs. Rush from London, describing a
Christmas visit to, 233; description
of the house, 237.

Haight, Mrs., of New York, dinner with
in Paris, 347. .

Harp at Hagley, 249.

Harrow, Mr., teacher of Washington’s
nephews, 38.

Havre, arrival at, 301.

Healy, an American artist of great pro-
mise, 223.

“ Hickory, Old,” his pluck liked in Eng-
land, 231,

Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
proceedings in, on occasion of author’s
death, Introduction, xxxvii.

History, Diplomatic, three eras in re-
view of, 163.

Hobbes and the British Constitution,
187.

Hobhouse, Canning’s allusions to, 186.

Holkham, seat of Mr. Coke, 231; agree-
able recollections of a former visit
to, and hospitalities of, 235.
INDEX.

Holland, navies of, destroyed by Na-
poleon, 168.

Hottinguer, Mr. and Madame, 310;
dinner with, 333; musical party at,
350.

Howden, Lord, accomplished English
diplomatist, 508.

Howe, Lord, 169.

Huet, Dr., of Trinity College, Cam-
bridge, 337.

Humboldt, Baron, at Princess Lieven’s;
author’s early recollections of him in
Philadelphia, 319; attentions to him
in Paris, 321; conversation with, 325,
336, 337.

Hume, his easy elegance, 216.

I.

Thiad, the, 211.

Impressment, noble stand against, in
American State Papers of United
States, 177; influence of, in turning
war scale against England, 178.

Independence, Declaration of, 134.

Indians, conditions preliminary to
peace with, 46; Washington’s allu-
sion to their mode of warfare, 71.

Ingersoll, Mr., Dedication to, 26.

Ingersoll, Mr., Minister to London, and
the Fishery Question, 292.

Insurrection in Paris of 15th May, 405 ;
of 23d June, 442; causes and
possible consequences of, 453-62;
prompt proceedings of Government
to suppress, 515-16.

Introduction, xix.

Irving, Washington, his “Christmas
Eve,” ete., in the Sketch Book, 237 ;
the latter composed in the vicinity
of Hagley, (note,) 251.

Irwin, Mr., late U. S. Chargé d’Affaires
in Denmark, 302.

Isnard, M., conversation respecting,
487.

Izard, Mr., of South Carolina, at Wash-
ington’s table, 78.

 

527

J, K.

Jackson, President, conversation with
Lord Clarendon, respecting his re-
commendation to Congress of Letters
of Marque against France, 230;
remark of same in reference to, in con-
nection with Washington and Wel-
lington, 262. .

Jay, Mr., special Minister to England,
58,

Jefferson, Mr., Secretary of State, 36 ; his
retirement from the Administration
of Washington; beautiful tributes by,
to Washington, 73; regard of, for
Calhoun, 113; State papers by, on
Neutral Doctrines, 176,

Johnson, how he felt the languor of ap-
plication, 216.

Joinville, Prince de, 313.

Jolivet’s, M., of the Chamber of Depu-
ties, entertainment at, 352.

Junius, 216; his letters ascribed to the
second Lord Lyttelton, (note,) 242.

Kenilworth, 229.

King of the French.
Louis.)

(See Philippe,

L.

Lafayette, his fate a topic at Washing-
ton’s fireside, 100.

Lafayette, George, 383; elected a Vice-
President of National Assembly, 424,
470.

Lafayette, Madame, 518.

Lafayette, Oscar, 470.

La Grange, visit to; description of the
house; pleasure of the visit, 517-18.
Lamartine, M., official communication
from, as Minister of Foreign Affairs,
373; triumph of, at Hotel de Ville,
376; receives a deputation of Poles,
381; opposed to a double branch in
Legislature, 384; official note to, 389 ;
reflections on his career; his genius,

461.

Lamoriciére, General, Minister of War,

reception at, 468.
528

Lansdowne’s, Marquis of, dinner at, |'

263.

Lasterie, Count de, of the Chamber of
Deputies, 380.

Lawrence, St., Gulf of, its importance
to the United States, 283.

Lawyers, British Crown, 284.

Lear, Colonel, private secretary and
confidential friend of Washington, 27;
ceases to be private secretary, 56;
visits England, 57; appointed mili-
tary secretary to Washington; pre-
sent at Washington’s death, 63;
Diary of, 78.

Lear, Lincoln, 85.

Lear, Mrs., allusions to, 27, 28, 29, 47,
78, 85.

Leopold, Prince, 307.

Letters of Washington to Colonel Lear,
32-63; Robert Morris’ house, 32; re-
moval of servants, 34; removal of
furniture, 35; school for Washington
Custis, 36; instruction of nephews
and nieces, 37; house-rent and ser-
vants, 38; decorations of carriage}
rival seminaries; prudent sugges-
tions in reference to trades-people,
40; considerations in deciding upon
a school, 41; purchases in Paris;
wine-coolers; arrangement of furni-
ture, 42; Giles’ trip to Alexandria
post-office, 43; alterations for house
in Philadelphia, 44; minute direc-
tions; coach and postillions, 45; dis-
satisfaction with his agent, 46; his
servants, and non-slavery laws of
Pennsylvania, 47; public buildings
of new Federal City, 48; appointments
to office; inferior and upper servants,
49; blankets for servants, his coach-
man and postillion, 50; desires no
Presidential residence; anxiety for
his slaves, 51; preparing to meet
Congress, 52; his journey home; his
sick mare “gave up the ghost,” 53;
solicitude for his nephew, “ Poor
George,” 54; prepares for Congress;
rental account and unpaid bond, 55;
“Little Lincoln,” 58; private affairs,

 

INDEX.

59; extreme prudence in money mat-
ters, 60; sale of his produce; plans
at Mount Vernon, 61; desire to
arrange his affairs, 62; directness and
sincerity of style of, 64; general re-
marks upon, 64-78; allusion to off-
hand character of letters, 86.

Letter on Slavery Question to a Com-
mittee of Invitation, from the District
of Penn, 117.

Letter from Paris, to Chairman of Com-
mittee of National Democratic Con-
vention at Baltimore, declining, as
American Minister, to present reso-
lutions of congratulation to French
Republic, 197.

Letter from the author to his executors,
directing publication of correspond-
ence with Mr. Marcy on Fishery
Question, 271.

Letters, curious autographs, at Hagley,
from Queen Elizabeth and Charles
Second, 253.

L’Eure, Dupont de, remark of, to Ame-
rican Minister, on recognition by
latter of French Republic, 375.

Lieven, Princess, visit to, 317; evening
at, 319; her supposed silent mission
to France, 327, 488.

Ligne’s, Prince de, Belgian Ambassa-
dor, ball at, 354,

Liston, Mr., British Minister to United
States; visit from, to Washington at
Mount Vernon, 86.

Littell, Mr., of Philadelphia; letter from,
in reference to Washington’s house in
Germantown, (note,) 59.

Liverpool, Lord, analysis of his quali-
ties, 184; Premier of England, 293.

Lloyd, James, of Massachusetts, 283.

Llandaff, Bishop of; guest at Hagley,
239.

Louis Sixteenth, dirge to, on harp at
Hagley, 249.

Louis Philippe, Glance at Court and
Government of, in 1847-48, including
French Revolution which followed,
299. (See Philippe, Louis.)
INDEX.

Lowenhielm, Count de, Swedish Minis-
ter, dinner with, 311.

Loyalty, English, 267.

Lyttelton, Lady, allusion to; monody
on death of, 242.

Lyttelton, Lady, charm of her manners
and intercourse, 246, 248,

Lyttelton, Lord, letter to Mrs. Rush
from London, describing Christmas
visit to, at his seat, Hagley, 233 =
cordial reception of his guests, 238;
attractive qualities of, 245.

Lyttelton, the second Lord, traditions
of, at Hagley ;. authorship of Junius
ascribed to, (note,) 242.

Lyttelton, Sir Thomas, two sons of,
drowned at Oxford, 244.

M.

Macintosh, Sir James, beautiful tribute
of, to Mr. Canning, in House of Com-
mons, 190,

Madison, President, regard of, for Cal-
houn, 113; visit to his estate in Vir-
ginia; kind treatment of his slaves,
126; agency of, in formation of Fede-
ral Constitution, 136 ; able discussions
of, in regard to neutral rights, 176;
and the Fishery Question, 269; in-
structions of his Secretary of State
to our Ministers at Ghent, in regard
to, 286.

Mandelsloh, Count, 386.

Marcy, Mr., Secretary of State, corre-
spondence with, in reference to Fishery
Article in Convention of 1818, be-
tween United States and Great Britain,
269, 297.

Marrast, M., reference to address of to
National Assembly on taking the
chair as its President, 466; dinner at,
470. ,

Martin, Mr., Secretary of Legation at
Paris, 302; appointed Chargé d’Af-
faires to Rome, 391.

McCall, Colonel, U.S. Army, 487.

Mediterranean, Selden’s doctrine of
«mare clausum,” 353.

 

529

Melbourne, Lord, Premier of England,
265. *

‘Men, the greatest, their contact with
small things; examples of, 67.

Mexico, conversations with Louis Phi-
lippe respecting, 313, 321, 322, 327,
350.

Miami Villages, St. Clair’s army de-
feated in neighborhood of, 46. i

Milan, decrees of, 165.

Milton, the composition of his great
work, 216.

Ministry, Liverpool, clamor against, on
Fishery Question, 293.

Ministry, selection of, by Executive
Committee of French Republic, 404.
Ministry, Louis Napoleon’s, first com-

position of, 499,

Molé, Count, 357, 506, 513.

Money matters, extreme prudence of
Washington in, 60. :

Money Paper, issue of, resisted by Mi-
nister of Finance of French Republic,
441,

Monroe Declaration, (note), 158.

Monroe, President, regard of, for Cal-
houn, 113; connection of, with Fish-
ery Question, 271, 279, 286. —

Montalembert, his attack on French
ministry, 311.

Montebello, Duke de, dinner with, 352.

Montgomery, Mr. and Mrs., dinner
with, in Paris, 311.

Montholon, Count, and French Consu-
late at Richmond, 487.

Montpensier, Duke and Duchess de,
306, 315.

Morris, Gouverneur, 41.

Morris, Robert, 32, 45.

Morris, T. B., owner and occupier of
house in Germantown in which
Washington resided in ’94, (note,) 59.

N.

Napoleon, naval efforts of, 168; his
insensibility to naval power of United
States, 172; limited views of, in rela-
tion to naval system of United States,
173; reflections on career of, 501.
530

Napoleon, widow of, Court mourning
for, 337. "

Napoleon, Louis, desires to rank him-
self under flag of Republic, 378;
communication from, to National As-
sembly, 419; excitement in National
Assembly in regard to, 423; elected
member of National Assembly for
three Provinces, and for Paris, 424;
decrees against, proposed in National
Assembly, 426; no vote taken upon
them, 429; vote of National As-
sembly to admit to his seat, 430;
letter from, to President of National
Assembly, informing him he was about
to leave London, 431; proceedings in
National Assembly on the occasion,
432-34; groups of workmen around
Assembly, inquiring in regard to
the admission of, as a member, 435;
letter from, of 15th June, to Presi-
dent of National Assembly, resigning
his seat; proceedings in National As-
sembly in consequence, 436; letter
from London to President of National
Assembly, on his election as arepresen-
tative for Corsica, 467; elected a re~
presentative for Paris; leaves London
to take his seat; surprise and curi-
osity of Chamber as he enters by a
‘side-door, 476; his election declared
from the tribune; proceedings in
Assembly on the occasion ; his speech ;
its reception, 477-78; disavows ap-
pellation of Pretender, 479; does not
vote on M. Thouret’s amendment,
480; important paper read by, in
Chamber of Deputies, in reference to
himself, 482-84; manifesto of, on eve
of election for President of Republic,
492-94; elected First President of
Republic by French People, 496;
ascends tribune and takes oath of
fealty to Republic, 497; address by,
to National Assembly, as President of
Republic, 497-98; interview of, with
Gen. Cavaignac onleaving the tribune;
charges M. Odillon Barrot to form a
ministry; names of ministry, 499;

 

INDEX.

remarks on election of, 500-01;
selects as his residence the Palace
Elysée Bourbon, 501; first reception
of diplomatic corps by, as President
of Republic; his personal appearance ;
author’s reflections on the scene ; Eng-
land and the United States, 501-05:
the green and gold livery of the
Empire, 509; entertainments by, as
Prince President, 512-13-14; remarks
of, to American Minister, at audience
of leave, 520.

Narvaez, General, Spanish Ambassador,
309, 314.

Neckar, bust and print of, 37.

Negotiation of 1818, names of those
officially sharing in it, 271.

Nelson, Lord, 169.

Nemours, Duke de, 306, 314.

Neuilly, Palace of, American Minister’s
official presentation to King of the
French at, 303; dinner at, 306; even-
ing at, 310.

Neutrality, Armed, 172.

Neutral rights, American State Papers
upon, 164; effect upon, of naval vic-
tories of United States, 172; able
compositions upon, by Jefferson and
Madison, 176.

Ney, Col. Edgar, 514,

Nootka Sound, 36,

Normanby, Lord, British Ambassador,
at Paris, 309, 370, 382; dinner with,
471.

Nova Scotia, Legislative Assembly and
Council of, remonstrate against Fish-
ery Article in Convention of 1818,
between England and United States,
293.

0.

Oak, Royal, Order of the, 254.

Ocean, spell of English invincibility
upon, broken by United States, 170.

Office, Washington’s requirements for,
49.

Opinions, quick changes of, among
French people during Revolution,
458.
INDEX.

Orangerie at St. Cloud, 335.

Order, British Provision, 57; in council,
165.

Orleans, Duchess of, 306 3 with her two
children, at St. Cloud, 334; in the
Chamber of Deputies, 360.

Orleans Family, decree of perpetual
banishment against, 418.

Oudinot, General, commander of French
army at Rome, 515.

P, Q.

Palmer, Mr. and Mrs. Wm. R., of
Philadelphia, 513.

Palmerston, Lord, anecdote with refer-
ence to, at dinner at Lord Bagot’s,
256, 315.

Park, at Lord Clarendon’s; the fox-
chase seen from, 224; at Hagley,
244,

Park, Sandwell, seat of Lord Dart-
mouth, 257,

Parker, Sir Hyde, 169.

Paris, Archbishop of; address by, to
clergy, 377; death of, at barricades,
447; decree of National Assembly in
memory of, 452; funeral of, 453.

Paris, Peace of, 163; increase of, during
reign of Louis Philippe, 341; appear-
ance of, after Insurrection of 23d
June, 449; contrasts seen in, 464.

Parma, Duchess of, widow of Napoleon,
337.

Parrott, J. F., letter from, with refer-
ence to extent of Fishing Ground,
282.

Parties, in intercourse of nations, not
to be exhibited, 202; reflections upon
state of, in France, 337-44.

Pearce, Senator, of Maryland, his ad-
dress to Board of Regents of Smith-
sonian Institution on occasion of
author’s death, Introduction, xli.

Peter the Great, 67, 95.

Philadelphia, its Revolutionary associa-
tions, 132.

Philippe, Louis, presentation to, 303;
dinner at palace of, 306; at St. Cloud,
814; conversations with, on Spanish

 

531

Marriage ‘Question, 315; on Mexican
affairs, 313, 321, 322, 327, 350; on
commercial topics, 330 ; reception by,
at St. Cloud, 334; reflections on Go-
vernment of, 340; opening of Cham-
bers by, 345; remark of, in regard
to approaching banquet in Paris, 353 ;
confidence of his Government in
ability to maintain order, 354; abdi-
cation of, 359; an exile, 360; decree
of perpetual banishment against, 418.

Plutarch, the volume of, recommended
to the youthful student, 212.

Pole, Wellesley, proprietor of Wanstead
House, Essex ; anecdote of, 237.

Poles, deputation of, to Lamartine,
381, 382; demonstration in favor of,
408,

Policy, Italian, merits of Louis Napo-
leon’s in 1849, 515, 517.

Polk, President, 301.

Pope, his mode of writing and correct-
ing, 216.

Poussin, Major, 364; appointed Minis-
ter to the United States, 425; conver-
sation with, 441.

Power, naval, preponderance of Bri-
tish over that of United States, at
commencement of War of 1812, 168.

Praslin, Duchess de, murder of, 311.

Praslin, Duke de, suspected of being
the murderer, 313.

Prescott, Mr., compliment to, by Hum-
boldt, 320; prompt acquiescence of
Louis Philippe’s Government in re-
quest from, for original documents,
324.

Presidency of United States, dinner-
table pleasantries in reference to, at
Lord Clarendon’s, 266.

Press, the English, conversation with
Louis Philippe respecting, 315; re-
strictions upon, by National Assembly,
463.

Prince President, representation of old
regime at entertainments of, 513.

Privateering, and private war upon the
ocean, efforts of American Diplomacy
to abolish, 174.
632

Procession, Federal, of 1788, 138.

Provisional Government, (See Govern- |

ment, Provisional.)

Queen of the French, 307.

Question, Spanish Marriage, conversa-
tion with Louis Philippe respecting,
314; remarks upon, 344.

R.

Rambouillet, Decrees of, 165.

Randall’s Life of Jefferson, (note,) 73.

Randolph, Mr., Secretary of State to
General Washington, 58, 98.

Rappel, the, M. De Tocqueville called
away by, in midst of conversation
with American Minister, 386, 388;
- sounds of, again heard in Paris, 442.

Read, Commodore, letter from, to Ame-
rican Minister, 422.

Republic, French, celebration of anni-
versary of proclamation of; question
of precedence between President of,
and President of National Assembly,
on occasion of, 510. (See Revolution.)

Resolutions, of congratulation to French
Republic from American National
Democratic Convention assembled at
Baltimore, 200.

Revolution, French, of 1848, Glance at,
including Court and Government of
Louis Philippe in 1847-48, 299;
comes “like a thunder-clap,” 355;
scenes in the streets of Paris, 356;
rumors, 357; Tuileries in possession

of the multitude ; wild disorganiza- |.

tion, 358; abdication of king, 359;
Duchess of Orleans and children in
Chamber of Deputies, 360; flight of
king and queen, 361; Flag for United
States Legation, 362; Provisional
Government, 363; Major Poussin,
364; American Minister’s reflections
upon course proper for him to pur-
sue in absence of instructions, 364—
70; M. Lamartine; official communi-
cation from, to American Minister,
373; recognition of Republic by
American Minister ; his address, 374;
reply of M. Arago, 375; funeral of

 

INDEX.

citizens, 379; approval of course of
American Minister by his Govern-
ment, 389; opening of National As-
sembly, 392; surrender of power by
Provisional Government, 393 ; reports
to National Assembly by same, 396;
Insurrection of 15th May, 405; ad-
dress of American Minister on pre-
senting resolutions of Congress, 413;
reply of M. Lamartine, 415; pro-
ceedings of National Assembly on
occasion, 417; draft of new Consti-
tution, 436-41; insurrection of 23d
June, 442; overthrow of Executive
Committee, and Cavaignac dictator,
444; Paris like a city of the dead;
Cavaignac leads in person attack on
barricades, 445; women making band-
ages in the streets; cries of sentinels,
446; death at barricades of Arch-
bishop of Paris, 447; Cavaignac re-
signs his powers, 450; becomes Ex-
ecutive Head of the Nation, 451; ad-
dress of Assembly to French Nation;
foreign gold, and Insurrection of 23d
June, 452; causes and consequences
of the insurrection, 454; formation of
a camp of fifty thousand troops, 463 ;
appropriation to theatres, 464; con-
trasts in Paris, 465; resignation of
Cavaignac as executive head of the
nation, on election of Louis Napoleon,
496. (See Napoleon, Louis.)

Riall, General Sir Phineas, of the Bri-
tish army, dinner with, 508.

Ridgway, Mr. and Mrs., of Philadelphia,
dinner with, 326, 487, 506.

Robertson, how a great part of his his-
tory is said to have been written, 216.

Rochefoucault’s, Duchess de, party at,
354,

Ruins, artificial, at Hagley, 251.

Rule, British, of ’56, 165,

Rumpft, Mr., Chargé d’Affaires of the
Hanse Towns, dinner with, 333.

Rush, Mrs., Letter to, from London,
describing visit to Grove Park, seat
of Earl of Clarendon, 219; letter
to, from London, describing visit to
INDEX.

Hagley, seat of Lord Lyttelton, 233 :
letter to, from London, on death of
William the Fourth, and accession
of Queen Victoria to the Throne,
259,

Russell, Lord John, 109.

8.

Sable, Cape, and the Fisheries, 282.

Sandwich, Countess of, reception at, 348.

Sauzet, M., President of Chamber of
Deputies; dinner with, 352.

Schools, considerations in selecting, 41.

Scott, General, 327-28; allusion to, by
Louis Philippe, 353.

Sebastiani, General, Marshal of France,
312.

Servants, upper and lower, in Washing-
ton’s household, 49; of Louis Napo-
leon, in the old green and gold livery
of the Empire, 509, 514.

Sketch, in part from memory, 91.

Slave-labor, effect of, upon aggregate
resources of the nation, 127.

Slavery Question, Letter upon, to a com-
mittee of Invitation from Penn Dis-
trict, 117; conservative feeling of
North upon; the South the pioneers
in forming Colonization Society, 121;
aggression upon the South in regard to,
122; British emancipation, an epoch
in Northern hostility; different views
of the question ; international phase,
128 ; errors in European opinion upon,
124; Mr. O’Connell’s attack upon the
American Minister, Mr. Stevenson,
because owning slaves, 125; condition
of Southern slaves; those of Presi-
dent Madison, 126; beneficial influ-
ence upon, caused by intercourse
between North and South, 127.

Smithsonian Institution, author’s con-
nection with, Introduction, xlii.

Somerset, Lord Fitzroy, afterwards
Lord Raglan, aid to Duke of Welling-
ton, 262.

Sparks, Mr., 77.

Spain, navies of, destroyed by Napoleon,
168.

 

533

Speech, at meeting of Friends of Consti-
tution and Union, 129.

Speech, King’s, on opening Chamber of
Deputies, 345.

Stanton, Mr., attaché to U.S. Legation
at Paris, 301; appointed Secretary
Legation at Paris, 391, 466.

Statius, the only author of antiquity
who speaks of the speedy production
of his writings, 214.

St. Clair, General, 46; reception by
Washington of news of defeat of,
69-72. 2

St. Cloud, Palace of, reception at, 313;
evening at, 314; reception at, 320;
invitation to, in honor of anniversary
of marriage of king and queen, 384.

Stevenson, Mr., Minister to London,
and the Fishery Question, 288,

Stockton, Mr. and Mrs, F. B., 513.

Story, Judge, tribute to, by Dr. Huet, of
Trinity College, Cambridge, 337.

Surrey, Earl and Countess of, 264.

Sussex, Duke of, 265.

Sutherland, Duchess, Countess of, 264.

Swedish Minister’s, evening at, with
Diplomatic Corps, to hear Jenny
Lind, 514.

T,

Taylor, General, the newly elected
President of the United States, 513.
Theatres, French, appropriation for,

464,

Theatricals, private, at St. Cloud, 335.

Thiers’s, M., reception at, 354, 513, 517.

Thomson, author of The Seasons, «
favorite visitor at Hagley, 254.

Thouret, M. A., amendment to new
French Constitution proposed by:
that no member of familics which have
reigned in France, can be elected Presi-
dent or Vice-President of the Republic ;
debate on amendment, 479.

Tobacco monopoly, conversation with
Louis Philippe respecting, 331; un-
successful negotiations with Govern-
ment of French Republic in regard
to, 480; public opinion in France in
534

favour of the; king’s words on the
subject at St. Cloud recalled, 481.

Tocqueville, M. de, conversations of,
with the American Minister, 384, 386,
391, 420, 421,

Trade, West India, (note,) 194.

‘Trask, Israel, reference to letter from,
to Mr. Silsbee, member of Congress,
on the Fisheries, 283.

Treaties, rule of interpretation of, 278.

Treaty, Reciprocity, between United
States and Great Britain, of 1854, 272.

Treaty, Revolutionary, of ’83, 272; its
character not to be judged by common
rules, 285.

Trees, old, 251,

Trescot, Mr., of South Carolina; first
letter to, upon public and diplomatic
subjects, 141; second letter to, on
same subjects, 161.

Triumphs, naval, of United States, 170.

Trumbell, John, private secretary to
Mr. Jay, 58.

Tschann, Mr., diplomatic representative
of Switzerland; funeral of, 336.

Twelfth-Night; close of Christmas fes-
tivities in England, 261.

U,V.

Union, The, danger to, from Slavery
Question, 120.

Utrecht, Peace of, 163; Treaty of, in
connection with Spanish Marriage
Question, 344.

United States, State Papers of, on Neu-
tral Doctrines, 164; leading nation
in carrying trade, 165; no notice of,
in treaties of Vienna, 166; unwise
policy of Continental Powers in
standing aloof from, during War of
1812 with Great Britain; heroism of,
in going to war, 167; solitary fear-
lessness of, upon the ocean, 169; at-
tention of Europe to naval triumphs
of; only nation to vindicate neutral
rights at that era, 170; insensibility
of Napoleon to naval power of, 172;
views of Government of, in 1824, re-
lative to private war upon the ocean,

 

INDEX.

174; efforts of diplomacy of, for the
interests of humanity and progress
among nations, 175; relations be-
tween, and Great Britain, prior to
Convention of 1818 in regard to Fish-
eries, 285.

Vendenbrock, Mr., his marriage to Miss
Green, 310.

Vergennes, M. de, 179.

Versailles, 309; recollections of a month
at, 316.

Victoria, Queen, Letter to Mrs. Rush
from London on, accegsion of, to the
Throne, 259; as Princess, appears
before Privy Council to take the oath
as Queen of England; her bearing
and discretion on the occasion, 265.

Vernon, Mount, associated with La
Grange, 517.

Ville, Hotel de, recognition of French
Republic at, by American Minister,
373; triumph of Lamartine at, 376;
ball at, given by Prefect of the Seine,
505.

Villiers, Mr., afterwards Earl of Claren-
don, 261.

Villiers, Sir George, British Ambassador
at Madrid, 221; afterwards Earl of
Clarendon, and at Congress of Paris,
222. é

Visits, of ceremony, 309.

Votes, result of, on election of Presi-
dent of French Republic, 495.

Ww.

Walsh’s, Mr., Consul at Paris, evening
at, 310; party at, 336.

Walewski, Count, conversation with
the King respecting return of, from
La Plata, 323.

Wanstead House, Essex, anecdote of
the rich proprietor of, 237.

War of 1812, triumphant naval achieve-
ments of United States in, 167-71;
private, upon the ocean; proposals
of United States to all maritime
nations to abolish, 174; effect of
the principle; origin of, in Mr. Mon-
roe’s time, 175,
INDEX.

Washington, synopsis of familiar
letters of, to his private secretary, Col.
Lear, 32-63; message to, from Lord
Cornwallis, 64; knowledge-of human
nature, 65; great in small things as
in large, 65-68; explanation of cha-
racter for reserve ; mastery of passion
68; analysis of some of his moral
qualities, 69; reception of news of
St. Clair’s defeat; self-command, and
subsequent outburst of passion, 69-
72; Jefferson’s opinion of him, 73;
method. order, and kindness of heart
as head of a family, 74; great indus-
try, 75; interior of character as seen
in his familiar letters, 75,78; dinner-
table narrative of Arnold’s treason,
78-85 ; had not dined alone for twenty
years, fac-simile, 86; condolence from,
to Col. Lear, on death of his first
wife, do., 87; house in Philadelphia,
94; his appearance on the steps of
the State-House in Philadelphia, when
about to open the session of Con-
gress, 96; fireside topics, 99; emo-
tion at fate of La Fayette, 100 ; refer-
ence to autograph letter to Emperor
of Austria, 103; remark of Gord
Clarendon in regard to, 262.

Washington, George and Lawrence, col-
lege for, 38.

Washington, Harriet, instruction of, 37.

THE

 

535

Washington, Judge, reclamation of his
fugitive slave, 121.

Washington, Major George, 54.

Washington, Mrs., 47, 59, 70, 74, 86;
letter of condolence from, to Col.
Lear, fac-simile, 87.

Water-lots in new Federal City, 86.

Webster, Mr., remark of, upon Mr.
Calhoun, 111; letter of, in relation
to Fishery Article in Convention of
1818, 295.

Wellington, Duke of, remark of, after
battle of Waterloo, 262; reference to
letter from, on French invasion, 346.

Wheaton, his “Elements of Interna-
tional Law,” 180; tribute to, by Dr.
Huet, of Trinity College, Cambridge,
337.

Wikoff, Mr., of Philadelphia, 511.

William the Fourth, Letter to Mrs. Rush
from London on death of, 259.

Wines, no dissertation on, at table, 249 ;
difference at English and French
tables in regard to taking, 473.

Y.

York, Archbishop of, 263.

Yorke, Mr. and Mrs., from Cornwall,
239,

Young, his ode entitled “ Ocean,” 178.

Youth, incentives to ambition, in the
spring-time of life, 211.

END.
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