sities pa nner ee en soe! SSS ea eee pereseee eemein ae fee eer nenene ewan eer ena eee manos : aoa cee a ee opin ase von ase NL N arteTna etees Cornell University Library DA 67.1.W8W74 ‘Wii ani 3 1924 027 996 952 im THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF JAMES WOLFE THE MEMOIRS OF THE DUCHESSE DE DINO. After- wards Duchesse de Talleyrand and de Sagan, 1831-1835. Edited with Note and a Biographical Index by Princesse Radziwill (née Castellane). ‘Translated from the French by G. W. Chrystal. One volume, demy 8vo. With photogravure frontispiece. Price 10s. net. THE TRIBUNAL OF THE TERROR. By G. Lenotre, author of ‘‘The Flight of Marie Antoinette,” ‘‘The Last Days of Marie Antoinette,” etc. Translated from the French by Frederic Lees, Officier d’Instruction Publique. One volume, demy 8vo. With many illustrations. Price 10s. net. THE RETURN OF LOUIS XVIII. By Gilbert Stenger. Translated from the French by Mrs. Rudolph Stawell. One volume, demy 8vo, With many illustrations. Price 10s. net. THE GREAT FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1789-1793. By P. Kropotkin, author of ‘‘ Mutual Aid,” ete., etc. Trans- lated from the French by N. F. Dryhurst. One volume, demy 8vo. Price 6s, net. A COTSWOLD FAMILY, HICKS AND HICKS BEACH. By Mrs. William Hicks Beach. One volume, demy 8vo. With many illustrations. Price 12s. 6d. Lonpon: WILLIAM HEINEMANN 21, Bedford Street, W.C. From the porctreut ty Joseph Fo ghonore’, tn the puwesworn of b Leotell Aumetiong Cig Uenrance 7 Oe THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF JAMES WOLFE BY BECKLES WILLSON AUTHOR OF ‘THE HUDSON’S BAY COMPANY, ‘THE ROMANCE OF CANADA,’ ETC. “ Being of the profession of arms, I would seek all occasions to serve”’ WITH MANY ILLUSTRATIONS AND PLANS LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN 1909 Copyright, London, 1909, by William Heinemann To Lieut .-CoLoneL C. A. M. WARDE, D.L., J.P. OF SQUERRYES COURT WITH THE NAME OF WHOSE ANCESTOR THAT OF WOLFE WILL EVER BE INSEPARABLY CONNECTED I GRATEFULLY INSCRIBE THIS BOOK PREFACE Tue singular privilege has fallen to my lot of being so familiar, through birth and residence, with localities, objects and writings associated with the subject of this memoir that I can scarcely recall a time when the man has not been an intimate—when I did not feel I knew this tall, battle-worn young soldier far better than many whose forms moved about me and with whom I spoke in the flesh. I have sought as far as possible to let the letters tell the story of his life, though I am fully conscious of the responsibility I incur in giving Wolfe’s letters to the world thus unabridged; for, in truth, they offer a much more intimate glimpse into this world- hero’s character (and into the domestic and official life of his day) than any yet offered, and in so far may expose him to the misapprehensions and the censure of minds little accustomed to appraise genius. Littera scripta manet. Wow many shadowy saints have emerged from the ordeal of publicity as certain sinners? No man is at his best in dressing-gown and slippers, and martial heroes are seldom heroic and often not very martial in the intimacy of the family relation. Scores of these letters of Wolfe’s are effusions prompted by the filial duty of a self-educating youth dealing with family and personal topics, and are by no means to be taken as reflecting or illustrating his rarer and public qualities. But there are others even amongst his letters to his parents of a different character, letters evincing sound sense, the process of his severe self-discipline, a clear insight into human nature. In the epistles to his friend Rickson and notably in the one to Thomas Townshend, there is further testimony to the truth of Napier’s dictum that no example can be shown in our military history of a great general who was not also a well-read man. vil CONTENTS PAGE I. EARLY KENTISH DAYS ‘ 2 , : ‘ s 1 II. FIRST CAMPAIGNING IN FLANDERS. ; : : . 18 III. A LIEUTENANT AT DETTINGEN . 3 a : : . 30 Ivy. AIDE-DE-CAMP AT CULLODEN. : : : : . 49 VY. AFTER LAFFELDT . ‘ : ; ‘ : ‘ . 67 VI. LIFE IN GLASGOW . : : . s : é . 92 VII. THE UNHAPPY LOVER i p si ; . ; - 120 VIII. A WINTER AT INVERNESS . ‘ 3 ‘ : : . 158 IX. FROM DUBLIN TO PARIS . ‘ : : j 3 « sl X. ADIEU TO SCOTLAND 5 A : : . 210 XI. EXETER AND THE WEST . ; a ‘ : : . 229 XII. WAITING FOR WAR i : 5 ; 4 . 258 XIII. AGAIN IN THE WEST : ‘ ‘ z 5 : . 290 XIV. THE ROCHEFORT EXPEDITION . : ‘ ; 3 . 313 XV. ORDERED TO LOUISBOURG. ‘ i : a ‘ . 334 XVI. THE CONQUEST OF LOUISBOURG. ‘ ; : 3 . 363 XVII. THE QUEBEC COMMAND. . ‘ : : . 399 XVIII. IN THE ST. LAWRENCE . i . 3 s . 421 XIX. THE REVERSE AT MONTMORENCI : : ‘ ‘ . 443 XX. THE FINAL PLAN. ‘ 3 ‘ 5 : t . 464 XXI. THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM A : ‘ A : . ATT XXII, CONCLUSION . : ; : é é ‘ A 495 APPENDIX ‘ ; é é . 3 ji ¥ . 510 INDEX . - ‘ ‘ “ : : 3 a . 513 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PORTRAIT OF MAJOR-GENERAL JAMES WOLFE . . Frontispiece To ) Dp. THE VICARAGE, WESTERHAM . ROOM WHERE JAMES WOLFE WAS BORN AT WESTERHAM, ee 6 ONTO e sa: a cet. oe j MAJOR-GENERAL JAMES WOLFE 2 MISS ELIZABETH LAWSON, MAID OF HONOUR TO THE PRINCESS OF 16 WALES 5 . ‘ . . . . . CENOTAPH TO MARK THE SPOT IN SQUERRYES PARK WHERE JAMES WOLFE RECEIVED HIS FIRST COMMISSION ss : i 38 JAMES WOLFE, AETAT 15. . . . . . . MAJOR-GENERAL JAMES WOLFE, BY GAINSBOROUGH LIEUT.-GENERAL EDWARD WOLFE. ‘ : ; ; j ‘ ‘ LORD GEORGE SACKVILLE . é : : ‘ ; : . 104 HENRIETTA WOLFE. ; ‘ : : : : : . 128 MAJOR-GENERAL JAMES WOLFE, BY SCHAAK ‘ ‘ ‘ . 160 COLONEL GUY CARLETON (LORD DORCHESTER) . : : . 198 MRS. BURCHER (ANNE WOLFE) . . : z 3 ; . 273 THE THOMPSON HOUSE AT YORK (FROM WHICH MRS. WOLFE WAS MARRIED) . : ; : : 3 : . ; 293 COLONEL WOLFE’S QUARTERS AT DEVIZES . JAMES WOLFE, BY GAINSBOROUGH ‘ : . 352 COLONEL WILLIAM RICKSON ; : : ‘ : F 407 SQUERRYES COURT, WESTERHAM . ‘ : : ; } GENERAL GEORGE WARDE . ‘ : é ; . 410 BRIGADIER-GENERAL HON. GEORGE TOWNSHEND . ; : . 414 MISS KATHERINE LOWTHER . ; ; . : j : . 418 VICE-ADMIRAL SIR CHARLES SAUNDERS, K.C.B. . , ! . 421 BRIGADIER-GENERAL HON. ROBERT MONCKTON. ; é . 428 RIGHT HON. ISAAC BARRE, M.P. (WOLFE’S DEPUTY ADJUTANT- GENERAL AT QUEBEC) . 2 ‘ ; ‘ ; ‘i . 430 xiii xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS MAJOR-GENERAL MARQUIS DE MONTCALM . . . To face p THE FALLS OF MONTMORENCY, SCENE OF WOLFE’S ATTACK, JULY 31, 1759 . ‘ ‘ : ‘ : : . ‘i ‘ BRIGADIER-GENERAL HON. JAMES MURRAY . : . ; QUEBEC HOUSE, WESTERHAM : ‘ 2 2 HALL OF QUEBEC HOUSE, WESTERHAM ‘ ; ‘ THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM : : : , : ; WOLFE’S WILL . A : ; 3 ‘ ; 5 : WOLFE AT QUEBEC. . : F 7 : ; THE DEATH OF WOLFE 4 : : : : : : THE DEATH OF GENERAL WOLFE, BY BENJAMIN WEST . ADMIRAL SIR JOHN JERVIS (EARL OF ST. VINCENT) . : HALL OF WOLFE HOUSE AT BLACKHEATH, WHERE WOLFE’S BODY LAY IN STATE 5 . . . 5 . . . SILK DRESSING-GOWN WORN BY GENERAL WOLFE AT MONTMORENCY CAMP, IN WHICH HIS BODY WAS BROUGHT TO ENGLAND INSTRUCTIONS FOR MRS. WOLFE’S BURIAL : 5 é . THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM, SHOWING MONUMENT TO WOLFE . DIAGRAMS PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF DETTINGEN, 27TH JUNE (N.S.), 1743 PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF LAFFELDT, 21sv gunz, 1747 PLAN OF ROCHEFORT AND LOCALITY . ; ‘ : ‘ SIEGE OF LOUISBOURG, 1758 2 : ; : : : PLAN OF THE OPERATIONS AT THE TAKING OF QUEBEC ; PLAN OF;THE BATTLE OF QUEBEC. ‘ : : ‘ 443 457 463 470 476 483 488 494 498 500 502 506 508 PAGE 33 76 327 371 449 492 I EARLY KENTISH DAYS In the unusually warm summer of 1726, rumour, after in- dustriously speeding through the Kentish lanes and by-ways, brought the news by post to Mrs. Appleby of Streatham Hill that a certain Colonel Wolfe of York was coming to take up his residence in Westerham —‘“a middle-aged Collonel,” adds the writer, “late married to a young and pretty Yorkshirewoman, Miss Thompson.” ! One can readily picture the pleasing inrush of interest and speculation on the part of the gentlefolk in the secluded little Kentish town concerning the advent from the North of the “middle-aged Collonel” and his bride. Westerham in the last year of the reign of his Majesty George I was in a state of transition. Old families had died out; some few new ones had come in. For centuries society in the place had revolved, as, indeed, it does to-day, about Squerryes Court, and Squerryes had been recently inherited by a petulant young Earl of Jersey who got on ill with his neighbours and dependents, making, meanwhile, little secret of his desire to sell the place to the highest bidder and be quit of Squerryes and Westerham altogether. Ere that same summer waned, Westerham, destined to be the birthplace of the hero of these pages, saw the arrival of Lieutenant- Colonel Edward Wolfe and his lady, and by autumn the pair were settled in a picturesque, square-built, gabled house at the foot of the hill, called “Spiers,” standing in two acres of meadow long known as the “ Parish Meade.” Gallant soldier and new-made Benedick, the new tenant of “Spiers” seemed destined (road-building and occasional visits to his regiment apart) to a long period of unmilitary repose. The pacific policy of the King’s minister, Sir Robert Walpole, dis- couraged all hopes of active military employment, and doubtless this reflection had decided him to embark at last upon matrimony. Although more than ten years had elapsed since Lieutenant- 1 Letter from Mrs. Mary Lewis to her sister, Mrs. Appleby, July 3, 1726. B 2 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Colonel Wolfe’s last active engagement with General Wade, chastising the refractory Highlanders in the rising of 1715, as his son was destined to do in that of 1745, he could yet look back on a busy and notable career. Born in 1685, at York, this Edward Wolfe was the son of Captain Edward Wolfe! and the grandson of Captain George Woulfe. The family of the Wolfes, or Woulfes, emigrated from Glamorganshire to Ireland in the fifteenth century in company with many impoverished and adventurous English gentry, amongst whom their kinsmen, the Seymours and the Goldsmiths, are conspicuous.” It seems clear that the Wolfes, before they emigrated to Ireland, were of respectable stock. By the middle of the sixteenth century they had acquired estates in Ireland and a settled position in the western counties of Limerick and Clare, doubtless coming to be, as has been truly observed of the English settlers beyond “the pale,” “more Irish than the Irish.” It does not appear, however, that at this period they had ever intermarried with any of the native Celtic families, and it is doubtful if their illustrious descendant had any Celtic blood in his veins. In 1605 we find a James Woulfe one of the bailiffs of Limerick, and eight years later the sheriff, George Woulfe, direct ancestor of Edward Wolfe, was along with his fellow-sheriff and the Mayor of Limerick summarily dismissed for refusing to take the oath of supremacy to the “heretic” James I of England.’ 1 The mystery concerning General Wolfe’s grandfather has been effect- ually cleared up by Mr. Charles Dalton, editor of the British Army Lists, He shows Edward Wolfe the elder to have been “turned out of the Irish army by Tyrconnel for being a Protestant.” In 1689, William III appointed Edward Wolfe captain in Sir George St. George’s Regiment of Foot. He served thirteen years in St. George’s regiment and was wounded at Terra Nova in 1695. His commission was renewed by Queen Anne in 1702, the same year his son Edward’s first commission was signed. 2 Sir Henry Seymour, of Wolfe Hall, who was knighted at the coronation of his nephew, King Edward VI, married Barbara, daughter of Morgan Wolfe, Esquire. 3 I have adopted the genealogy given by Ferrar in his History of Limerick, 1787; but there are several omissions and discrepancies in his account. Cromwell, writing from Ireland to the Speaker, December 19, 1749, reports that “‘ Lieutenant-Colonel Wolfe (a person eminently faithful, godly and true to you) is dead at Youghal.” The tradition is that this was Edward, the elder brother of George and Francis, who was early engaged in trade between Limerick and Bristol and afterwards joined the Parliamentary Army. There is a letter extant from Captain Edward Wolfe to Sir Thomas Barrington, chief man in Essex on the Parliamentary side, in which this passage occurs : “He did upbraid me, being a tradesman, concerning my profession. I told HIS GREAT-GRANDFATHER 3 A grandson of this contumacious sheriff, Francis Woulfe, joined the priesthood and became head of the Irish order of Franciscan friars, and, with his brother George, was destined to play a turbu- lent and fatal part in the wars of the Commonwealth. When the Duke of Ormond, eager on behalf of his royal master to defend the city of Limerick against the onset of Cromwell’s army, arrived in February 1650, he issued a proclamation to the inhabi- tants calling upon them to co-operate with his troops and permit the introduction of a military garrison. Within the gates was a priestly faction inimical to the Duke, led by Friar Francis, who contemptuously rejected all the ducal overtures. As the danger grew imminent, Ormond’s friends amongst bishops, nobility and gentry induced the people to consent to the quartering of a garrison just outside the walls of Limerick, but the Duke’s hope of actually entering the city was frustrated by the friar, his brother George, and their faction, the keys being forcibly taken from the sheriff. Within the gates the well-meaning and zealous Ormond was openly defied as an enemy to his country. Wiser counsels ulti- mately prevailed, but the Duke, sick of the business, cut the nego- tiations short by saying he had no mind to venture within a place “where the will of a Franciscan monk was set above ecclesiastical and civil authority.” Limerick might go its ways to its doom. Ormond departed to France. Duly the redoubtable Ireton laid successful siege to the city. In vain Friar Francis and his brother, Captain George Woulfe, urged the populace to protracted resistance: the accepted terms of capitulation secured the lives and goods of all but the fire-brands, the disaffected ones “ who had opposed and restrained the deluded people from accepting the conditions so often offered to them.” Amongst the twenty proscribed traitors were Friar Francis Woulfe and his brother the Captain, great-grandfather of Wolfe of Quebec. Another, it is not without interest to know, was the great-grand- father of Edmund Burke. So the miserable, plague-stricken garrison laid down their arms and evacuated the city, the citizens standing by helplessly while the Roundhead troopers seized the delinquents and executed summary punishment upon them. Father Francis met his death doggedly, but the Captain, his brother, somehow escaped, slipping through Ireton’s fingers and him, though a tradesman, I could show my coat.” Again, October 21, 1648, a draft order was issued for the payment of £100 to Captain Edward Wolfe, (House of Lords Calendar), Hist. MS. Comm.: Barrington Papers. B2 4 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE sailing across the Channel to England. Nor did fortune there desert him; he settled in Yorkshire, married, and adopted the Reformed faith. Thereafter the superfluous “u” is erased from his name, as it was from the Gouldsmiths. Of Captain George’s son, Edward, we know little. It is believed that he obtained a lucrative appointment in King William’s service in Ireland, married, and had several children, of whom Edward Wolfe, father of the future hero, was the eldest. In the first year of the reign of Queen Anne, when he was only sixteen, Edward was appointed second lieutenant of Marines, then commanded by Viscount Shannon. In 1705 his commission (still carefully preserved at Squerryes Court), shows him to have been made captain in Sir Richard Temple’s regiment of foot. Three years later, when but twenty-three, we find him serving as Brigade-major with Marlborough in Flanders. A quiet, capable man, rather than a dashing, valiant one, in whom everybody, from commander to subaltern, seems to have had complete confi- dence. He continued to serve abroad with Marlborough until the peace of Utrecht, and, as already noted, accompanied Wade through Scotland during the Highland rising of 1715. Here his tact and military knowledge, rather than any influence he could command, bore fruit in a lieutenant-coloneley a couple of years later, and with this rise, rapid in those days, when lieutenants of fifty and even sixty were common enough, Edward Wolfe had to be content for the next twenty years. One of his brothers, Walter, having also joined the army, was serving in Ireland as a lieutenant, and there, a bachelor, he ultimately settled.1 The Wolfes were a very clannish race, as we shall see, and very tenacious of their Irish connection both by blood and friendship. The prospect of further military advancement seeming hopeless, Edward visited his native Yorkshire, resolved to marry and found a family. He was lucky in his matrimonial choice, which fell upon Henrietta, daughter of Edward Thompson, Esquire, of Marsden in Yorkshire, and, on the maternal side, of the ancient family of Tindal of Brotherton, in the same county. Miss Thompson was, at the time of her marriage to Lieutenant-Colonel Wolfe, in her twenty-fourth year, some eighteen years her husband’s junior. A tall brunette, with a complexion of great brilliancy, “ you have, through your whole time,” her son wrote to her a quarter of a century later, “been a match for all the beauties, your contem- ' He entered the army in 1704 as ensign in the Earl of Orrery’s Regiment of Foot. WESTERHAM 5 poraries.” Making all allowance for filial partiality, Mrs. Wolfe may be conceded to have been a handsome woman. One physiog- nomical peculiarity she had—obscured, perhaps, by the fine colour- ing and the bold chiselling of her other features—namely, a marked recession of chin, which peculiarity she bequeathed to her eldest- born as an inheritance which he then, and we now, seem destined never to hear enough of. Some weeks were spent at the Thompson town-house in York, placed at the disposal of the newly-married couple. We do not know all the reasons why they elected to reside in the south of the kingdom. It is probable that a quiet country town was desired, at a distance convenient both to London and Portsmouth, where there was a likelihood of select, congenial society, and where it would be possible to live inexpensively. Westerham, two-and- twenty miles from the metropolis, fulfilled these conditions, and became for many years the home of the Wolfes. Two centuries have passed: Westerham has little changed. Its main features are untouched by time; even its population remains stationary. A single long street astride a narrow ridge at the bottom of a valley, a street lined with quaint taverns and many ancient houses, interrupted mid-way by a spacious green, and flanked by a fourteenth-century church capped by a square tower—these to-day strike the eye of the casual visitor. Pasture and blossoming orchard gird it round about, and on the chain of high hills, both north and south, flourishes much woodland wilder- ness, thick growths of oak, beech and pine. At the extreme western end of the town there lies, on the skirt of its wide estate, the red-brick mansion of Squerreyes Court, bosomed in stately trees, admired of the diarist, Evelyn. At the far other end, but on no flattering eminence, is Quebec House, then called Spiers, last house of all on the Maidstone road. It is a gabled Tudor dwelling, dating in its oldest part from 1507, with panelled hall, winding oak staircase and wide stone fire-places, over one of which is carved the arms of that royal Henry, in whose reign Columbus and the Cabots discovered America. In this house the errant veteran, whose life had been spent in camps and barracks, began to taste again the charms of home. His wife proved herself a skilful housekeeper, and not slow to make friends amongst her neighbours, the Lewises, the Prices, Mannings, and Allinghams. The months wore on, but the walls of the ancient, gabled house at the foot of the slope were not destined to echo to the first imperious cry of its fair mistress’s first-born, who was afterwards 6 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE to command armies. That signal glory was reserved for another dwelling, a stone’s throw distant. Away with his regiment was the Colonel, road-building may- hap, in Surrey, having promised to rejoin his lady on Christmas Eve, 1726. But the days were dark and lonely, and the Vicar’s wife, Mrs. Lewis, persuaded her neighbour to pass much of her time with her, the Vicarage being hard by. Thus an engrossing event, daily expected, happened, as such things sometimes happen in defiance of the best-laid plans. On the evening of what in our reformed calendar we call January 2, 1727, but which was then the eve of Christmas, was James Wolfe born into the world.! “ Claim to have seen Wolfe’s birth,” says Mr. Gibson Thomp- son, in his Wolfe-Land, “may well be relinquished by the gabled mansion, for, apart from that, has not Thackeray immortalized it in The Virginians ? He has drawn for us Colonel Lambert and Harry Warrington, riding into Westerham in Wolfe’s manhood days, their arrival at Quebec House, their welcome by their hosts—“a stately matron, an old soldier, whose recollections and services were of five-and-forty years back, and the son of this gentleman and lady, the Lieutenant-Colonel of Kingsley’s regiment, that was then stationed at Maidstone, whence the Colonel had come on a brief visit to his parents.” ? By reason of the reformed calendar we can now twist history into humouring our conceit: for was not January, in the old Saxon calendar, named the Wolf-month? “In this moneth a mighty Wulf was Y-comen,” saith the Aylesbury chronicler. Beneath the Vicarage roof at Westerham the future warrior remained for the space of three weeks, when he was baptized (January 11, O.S.) in the parish church of St. Mary, and brought by Mrs. Wolfe herself to Spiers. Exactly a year later came another son, baptized by the name of Edward, a family name on both sides of the house of Wolfe. How much later detail, copious and irrelevant, one would give for knowledge of the first twelve years of James Wolfe’s life! We 1 General George Warde (the Younger), writing to the Rev. T. Streatfeild, in 1822, declared ‘‘ he slept constantly on the bed in which Wolfe was born.” “This,” says Dr. Pollen, in his interesting little brochure on Wolfe, “ could only have descended to him as representative of Mrs. Wolfe’s executor, i. e. his uncle, the great General George. As the Vicarage was the home of the Rev. George Lewis and his large family, it is not likely Mrs. Wolfe furnished it; so the bed alluded to must have formed part of the furniture of Quebec House (Spiers), which we know was occupied by the Wolfes.”— Vide will of Frances Ellison, once of Spiers. 2 Wolfe-Land, p. 33. ROOM WHERE JAMES WOLFE WAS BORN AT WESTERHAM, JANUARY 2, 1727 HENRIETTA WOLFE . know that both he and his brother were delicate, sensitive lads, needing and receiving the watchful care of their tall, dark-haired mother, left much alone now, as is the common lot of a soldier's wife. To-day as one roams the ancient house,! peering into attics and secret closets, hidden doorways in the wainscotting which once led to mysterious compartments and convenient egresses, it is not hard to conjure up the kind of life the boys must have led at home. A housekeeper of the old-fashioned sort was Mrs. Wolfe. She had brought her husband but a slender jointure, and he had only his scant savings and regimental pay to live upon. So the strictest economy, consistent with gentility, was demanded. A comprehensive cookery book, written in her own hand, and not always careful as to spelling, for orthography was by no means a needful feminine accomplishment in those days, is still to be read. It is filled, too, with many elaborate potions for the sick and ailing, according to contemporary medical science. One—“A good water for consumption ”—deserves to be given here: “Take a peck of green garden snails,” so runs the prescription, “wash them in Bear (beer) put them in an oven and let them stay till they've done crying; then with a knife and fork prick the green from them, and beat the snail shells and all in a stone mortar. Then take a quart of green earth-worms, slice them through the middle and strow them with salt: then wash them and beat them, the pot being first put into the still with two handfulls of angelico, a quart of rosemary flowers, then the snails and worms, the egrimony, bears feet, red dock roots, barbery brake, bilbony, wormwood, of each two handfuls: one handful of rue tumerick and one ounce of saffron, well dried and beaten. Then power (pour) in three gallons of milk. Wait till morning, then put in three ounces of cloves (well beaten), hartshorn, grated. Keep the still covered all night. This done, stir it not. Distil with a moderate fire. The patient must take two spoonfuls at a time.” Was the boy Wolfe the unhappy recipient of many doses of this awe-inspiring mixture? If so, one can readily understand his diffidence in acknowledging any symptoms, pulmonary or other, which would send Dame Wolfe flying to his attic chamber armed with the terrible, malodorous phial and tablespoon ! 1 «© Quebec House,” wrote Mr. A. G. Bradley in 1895, “suggests infinite ssibilities for the hand of some reverent restorer.” Since this was written the restoration has been admirably carried out at the instance of its owner, Lieutenant-Colonel Warde, of Squerryes Court. 8 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE The nurse of both boys in their infancy was a devoted young woman, Betty Hooper, whom James never forgot to the close of his life. Betty married and duly brought two sons into the world. A time was to come when these sons were taken into Wolfe's regiment, and as their Lieutenant-Colonel he wrote his mother, “ My nurse’s sons are two of the finest soldiers in the camp.” One seems to see the slender, alert, eager-faced children (one, the elder, with the light-blue eyes and red hair of his father, the other more resembling his mother), scampering through the house, frolicking in the garden with the dogs, playing hide-and-seek in the coach-house and stables (then new-built, it is said, by the Colonel himself), fishing for minnows in the adjoining brook or sailing a miniature fleet of ships upon its waters. Again, seated in the hall, they are receiving such instruction at their mother’s knee as she could bestow; or, else, foregathered in the evening about the great fire-place listening, open-eyed and open-mouthed, to the stout, grim Colonel, their sire, while he tells them stories of his campaigns with Marlborough and Prince Eugene. It may be that the martial ardour of both these lads was fired and that they drank in battle-lore with their alphabet. Yet, truth to tell, in their childish years the career of a soldier was far from gay and full of laborious routine from which appeared no hope of escape for years to come. A momentary hope of fighting gleamed above the horizon when George I died—in the very year of James’s birth—but this had flickered out and Walpole was still at the helm, as strong or stronger under George II than under his royal predecessor. There came a new military road to be built from their house southward to Edenbridge, and the Wolfe family had their father at home steadily for a couple of years, for this was the kind of work his regiment was thought fit to do, itself hardly a phase of military life likely to appeal to a couple of high-spirited boys. To a school in Westerham, kept by a pedagogue named Lawrence, the Wolfe boys, in common with other gentlemen’s sons, were duly sent. ‘The school-house did not long survive, but the bell with which old Lawrence used to announce the approach of lesson hours is still intact and sonorous. Of traditions of James Wolfe’s school-days none endure. We know, however, that here at Westerham he formed one boyish friendship which was to last through his life, weaving the bonds of that hereditary connection with his fame which still subsists and of which the local Lords of the Manor are with reason proud. JAMES’S BOYHOOD 9 Some five years had the Wolfes been at Spiers when another newcomer purchased Squerryes Court from the third Earl of Jersey. This was John Warde, a widower, eldest son of Sir John Warde, who had been Lord Mayor of London in Queen Anne’s time, and nephew of another Lord Mayor, Sir Patience Warde, of Puritan times. John Warde had married a sister of the beautiful Countess of Buckinghamshire and of the equally fair Countess of Effingham, and on her death he wished to retire to the country to bring up his several children. The eldest and heir had seen ten summers when the Wardes came to Westerham, but the second son, George Warde, was just a year older than James Wolfe. A friendship ripened between the Wolfe and Warde families, the widower being no doubt very glad of the advice of such a pleasant, sensible woman as the Colonel’s lady, in the upbringing of his little flock. Famous became the intimacy of the two lads, George Warde and James Wolfe. At an early age each disclosed his secret military ambitions, despite parental wishes otherwise. Together they roamed the Kentish countryside on horseback or with their dogs; fought mimic battles, solved problems in strategy and participated in deadly ambushes. The tastes of Edward, the scholar of the family, were supposed to run more upon books than upon battles. A sweet-tempered lad, ever looking up to his elder brother, and miserable when they were separated. Nature had not given him James’s ardent disposition, but when the time came he was resolute, in spite of his mother’s tears, to follow where he led. He made a sterling young soldier and died, as we shall see, a miserable death in a foreign land. Of his friend George, writing years afterwards, when both were grown men, James tells his mother: “George Warde paid me a visit of four days. I could not help being astonished at the strength of his understanding, which I never discovered so fully before. To that he has added a just and upright way of thinking, very uncommon, and the strictest morals of any young man amongst my acquaintance. This last won’t surprise you, for he was never reckoned vicious. He is extremely indifferent to preferment and high employment in the army—partly from his defect of speech, but principally from an easiness, or rather indolence of temper, that makes him unfit to bear a heavy part in life.” James may have correctly gauged his friend’s character at that time, or he may have underestimated his fellow soldier’s qualities. Anyhow, we shall see this same indolent George becoming, afte 10 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Wolfe’s death, fired with a new spirit and rising to be a lieutenant- general, commander of the forces in Ireland, and the best cavalry officer of his day. Walpole and the era of peace under George II were now to be rudely shaken. With the death of Queen Caroline, which occurred in 1737, the powerful influence which had supported the pacific minister in his restraint upon the monarch, suddenly ceased. Affairs were approaching a parlous state on the Continent, and the Elector of Hanover (who happened to be King of England) wanted to lend a hand. A more vigorous foreign policy was inevitable, and in military circles the chances for and against war were discussed with ardour. Our Lieutenant-Colonel began to look forward to employment and promotion; it was decided to move nearer London and the Court, for the stout old soldier was a favourite with the King and the King’s Policy, and cordially detested Walpole. Migration was otherwise advisable in that James and Edward might avail themselves of somewhat better schooling. So it was, in the latter part of the year 1738, when James was approaching his twelfth birthday, Westerham was reluctantly given up for Greenwich. The Rev. Samuel F. Swinden, a very estimable scholar and amiable man had lately set up a school at Greenwich, to which a number of naval and military officers had sent or had promised to send their sons, and to Swinden’s care in 1739 James and Edward Wolfe were entrusted. It probably required no great degree of acumen on the part of the new tutor to perceive that one, at least, of his new pupils was no ordinary boy. He bestowed upon James infinite attention, taking pains to win his personal regard. The friendship for master towards pupil was reciprocated—it ripened into an intimacy which lasted both their lives. Swinden’s prophecies of his pupil’s future great- ness were not forgotten when all Britain rang with his fame, and his sympathy and understanding made him then the chief confidant and counsellor of a lonely mother, who hugged her sorrow un- ceasingly at Bath and Blackheath. Wolfe was indeed no ordinary boy, but even then one of the most precocious geniuses that ever lived. From his tenderest years he had resolved to be a soldier, just as the boy Pitt, a generation or two later, resolved to be a statesman, or Chatterton to be a poet. Everything which could conduce to that end was to be cultivated, everything which might hinder it—even games and pleasures—was to be swept ruthlessly aside. It is almost amusing, if it were not so pathetic, to note how habitually he stifles his feelings; how WAR AGAINST SPAIN yf through his boyhood and youth he is determined to play the grown man and the stoic, in spite of a feeble frame and delicate con- stitution, pushing aside obstacles and making light of difficulties, dreaming of glory from the very first, yet resolved that such glory should be no haphazard thing but paid for by hard work. Pro- fessional efficiency was, as we shall see, his goal, and this ideal of professional efficiency he partially derived from his father. Let us do the plodding old soldier justice; he was a thorough master of the details of his profession, and those in power knew it. When Wolfe left his native town, child as he was in years, his character was in all essential respects formed. Decided certainly was his choice of a future career. He was to return to Westerham again and again as boy and man, for besides his bosom friend, George Warde, there were other friends, and was there not at Squerryes an attractive sister of George’s whom he admired ? We may leave him, therefore, installed at his desk in Mr. Swinden’s school at Greenwich, poring over Latin grammar and Euclid, at which performance his brother Edward, in spite of his year’s juniority, made far better progress (James’s mental culture was to come later on), to glance at affairs in the world outside which were to have a very decisive bearing on his career. The overbearing dealings of Spain towards British commerce overseas were inflaming the nation. It was alleged that British merchandise was being virtually shut out of the Spanish colonies. A secret compact was generally suspected between Spain and France, in virtue of which the latter was supporting Spain in her anti-English policy. Walpole was at last powerless to resist the clamour. On October 30, 1739, England flung down the gauntlet, and amidst the pealing of bells and blazing of bonfires, war was decreed against the detested Spaniards. In vain did the old Whigs raise their voices warning their countrymen that this fateful decree bade fair to light a general conflagration throughout Europe which years might not extinguish. Turbulent, sick of peace, distressed by bad harvests, the nation was in no mood to listen to such croakings. Four months later came tidings of Admiral Vernon’s victory at Porto Bello, and England indulged in all the absurdities of joy. Ballads were bawled in the streets, banners were waved, illuminations and vinous carousings were the order of the day and night. Flushed with this triumph, the nation demanded the total destruction of Spanish power in the Western hemisphere. An expedition under Commodore Anson was got under way to ravage the coasts, while a great fleet foregathered at 12 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Spithead, wherewith to reinforce ,the hero Vernon in the West Indies and the Spanish Main. Nor was this all. Ten thousand troops assembled in the Isle of Wight, under Lord Cathcart, with orders to encompass as soon as possible the destruction of distant Cartagena. Colonel Wolfe’s employment came at last. A com- petent Adjutant-General was wanted, and in July 1740 the Colonel was instructed to proceed in this capacity to the Isle of Wight camp. Of what worth were the Reverend Mr. Swinden’s grammars, atlases, manuals, and copy-books, at this juncture? For weeks James had been in a fever of excitement. He had heard the sonance of drums and the fanfarade of trumpets in his ears, music sweet enough to drown the sound of class recitations, and in mid- Thames he had seen sights to blur the characters of arithmetic and algebra from his eager eyes. His father’s appointment as Adjutant- General decided him; the soul of the lean and lanky lad longed to be in the thick of the fray. He stated the case earnestly: as he meant to be a soldier, why not begin now? In short, would his father take him with him? He would go as a volunteer—as a member of the Adjutant-General’s household. His naive repre- sentations did not fall on deaf ears, for, indeed, the veteran knew the stuff the boy was made of, and secretly indulged his military precocity. Far otherwise was it with Mrs. Wolfe. What she had long dreaded was come to pass. She knew she could not prevent her eldest-born from finally embracing the profession of arms, but was it not madness that a child of his years and constitution should be exposed to the dangers and hardships of foreign service ? He was only thirteen-and-a-half, at an age when most boys are making their first acquaintance with the forms, dormitories, and playgrounds of a public school. But maternal tears and entreaties were in vain, the good-humoured Colonel would not recede from his promise. And so, on a hot July day, father and son took their places in the Portsmouth coach, the boy’s heart beating high with the prospect of glory and adventure. II FIRST CAMPAIGNING IN FLANDERS For a week after his arrival in the Isle of Wight, our young volunteer had his fill of martial sights and sounds. In the first flush of military activity domestic thoughts and the softer emotions were banished. Poor anxious Mrs. Wolfe had written ere the sun went down on their parting, and he had carried her letter in his pocket some days ere he sat down to indite the following boyish composition, perhaps the first he had ever addressed his mother— To wis MotuHer. Newport, Isle of Wight, August 6th, 1740. I received my dearest Mamma’s letter on Monday last, but could not answer it then, by reason I was at camp to see the regiments off to go on board, and was too late for the post; but am very sorry, dear Mamma, that you doubt my love, which I’m sure is as sincere as ever any son’s was to his mother. Papa and IJ are just going on board, but I believe shall not sail this fortnight ; in which time, if I can get ashore at Ports- mouth or any other town, I will certainly write to you, and when we are gone by every ship I meet, because I know it is my duty. Besides, if it is not I would do it out of love, with pleasure. I am sorry to hear that your head is so bad, which I fear, is caused by your being so melancholy ; but pray, dear Mamma, if you love me, don’t give yourself up to fears for us. I hope, if it please God, we shall soon see one another, which will be the happiest day that ever I shall see. I will, as sure as I live, if it is possible for me, let you know everything that has happened, by every ship; therefore pray, dearest Mamma, don’t doubt about it. I am in a very good state of health, and am likely to continue so. Pray my love to my brother. Pray my service to Mr. Streton and his family, to Mr. and Mrs. Weston, and to 13 14 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE George Warde when you see him; and pray believe me to be, my dearest Mamma, Your most dutiful, loving, and affectionate Son, J. Wore. P.S.—Harry 1 gives his love to Margaret, and is very careful of me. Pray my service to Will and the rest. Papa bids me tell you that Mr. Paterson will give Mr. Masterton two hundred pounds more. To Mrs. Wotrs, at her House in Greenwich, Kent. The boy-volunteer’s confidence in his health was ill justified. The rough-and-ready life on board ship soon brought out his weak points. Colonel Wolfe must have noted the growing pallor of his son’s cheek as the weeks wore on, delay succeeding delay in the Solent and far Carthagena as far off as ever. It was November before the fleet carrying Lord Cathcart’s troops sailed. By that time James was so pitifully ill that the father had no alternative but to put the precocious volunteer on shore at Portsmouth, with instructions for him to be carried home forthwith. Lucky it was that James did not accompany the Carthagena expe- dition. He could hardly have survived. Thousands, including Lord Cathcart himself, perished of fever. A more disastrous expedition probably never sailed from English shores. But it is not necessary to advert here to the gross mismanagement, the bickerings between the naval and military heads, the sufferings of soldiers and sailors, which have all been set forth by Smollett in the pages of Roderick Random. Weneed not dwell on the terrible business except to say that for two years it deprived the Wolfe family of its head, and that the experiences the old soldier then underwent in the tropics were never effaced from his memory, and left their mark even on his rugged constitution. To him the moral was, as he told his son years later, never to have anything to do with joint expeditions. But even he would have been open to conviction that it was all a question of personal character and administration. And James Wolfe was destined to show the world what joint expeditions might become, and himself go down to future generations as “the greatest master of amphibious warfare the world has ever seen since Drake took the art from its swaddling clothes.” 2 1 Streton. The Stretons were long neighbours and intimate friends of the Wolfes at Greenwich. 2 Corbett: England in the Seven Years’ War. HIS FIRST COMMISSION 15 Humiliating enough must have been the boy’s return into Greenwich. After all his hopes of immediate military service (and his school-fellows would not have been human if they had not rallied him on his foiled ambition), to go back to the daily hum- drum contemplation of desks, books, slates and ferulas! But he made the best of it, probably aware that he would be none the worse for a little more book-learning. He resolved, moreover, to train his weak body in all manner of useful exercises. With his neighbours and school-fellows, whose names figure so frequently in his after-correspondence, he was popular enough. Such a dashing, ardent spirit could hardly fail to be popular. One notes amongst them the names of the Stretons, the Pooles, Bretts, Masons, Cades, Hookers and Allens. Later on, the treasurer of Greenwich Hospital sent his little son, Jack Jervis, to the same school. The Jervises were close friends with the Wolfes. Long ere his day of renown as Admiral, Earl St. Vincent was proud to be the custodian of a sacred trust reposed in him by one of his earliest Greenwich friends, as we shall see in the conclusion of this history. Although he went back doggedly to his lessons, James warned his mother that he had not relinquished his design of entering the army as soon as any opportunity came. He had written his father, importuning him to exert his influence. The squire of Squerryes also bestirred himself, his own son’s military ambitions being now disclosed. There were frequent visits to Westerham, where James Wolfe was always welcome. The fateful moment in the boy’s life came at last. To the south of Squerryes Court, not far from the mansion, is a large, circular brick pigeon-house. It was the custom of the two friends to frequent this spot for fencing, pistol-shooting, and other pastimes. A few days before James's fifteenth birthday, the school at Greenwich having broken up for the Christmas holidays, James had ridden over to Westerham for a few days under his friend’s roof. One morning the sound of the post-horn was heard at the gates, and a few moments later the squire himself was seen approaching along the gravelled path, in his hand a large official packet “ On His Majesty's service.” The lads ran tomeet him. The packet was addressed to “ James Wolfe, Esq.” Quickly the boy tore open seal and envelope, disclosing a commission signed by King George II, and countersigned by Lord Harrington, appointing him second lieutenant in his father’s regiment of marines. It was dated, “St. James's, November 3rd, 1741.” There had been a delay in forwarding it, probably inten- tional. One can see the two—Damon and Pythias—locked in an 16 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE embrace, and the honest squire shaking his guest’s hand, roundly congratulating him on the commencement of a career. Beneath the tall trees on the spot where this pleasing incident, so fraught with possibilities, occurred, the heir of the estate raised long afterwards a pedestal, crowned by an ornamental urn. The visitor to-day may read thereon the following lines— “Here first was Wolfe with martial ardour fired, Here first with glory’s brightest flame inspired ; This spot so sacred will for ever claim A proud alliance with its hero’s name.” One might observe that the phrase, “ Here first was Wolfe with martial ardour fired,” has no exact reference to the incident just described ; for, as George Warde well knew, martial ardour had for many years been a characteristic of his friend. The joy of the youthful officer was tempered by some dis- appointment. The Marines, a corps which three-quarters of a century before had grown out of “The Maritime Regiment of the Lord High Admiral of England,” was hardly a body for which such a bad sailor as James Wolfe was fitted. But a beginning had to be made somewhere; it was his father’s old corps, and probably where his influence lay strongest. Mrs. Wolfe was ready to move heaven and earth to rescue her son from the terrors of such a service; and James himself soon recognized that as his father’s regiment was 5000 miles away there was no immediate chance of military activity. Fighting was what he wanted—fighting at sea if it could not be on shore. All around him the air was charged with war. Armaments for Continental service were in preparation. The neighbourhood of Greenwich was already astir with horses, artillery and red-coats. Eagerly, therefore, he embraced the first opportunity that came to exchange into the line; on March 25, 1742, the King signed a commission creating his impetuous young subject ensign in the Twelfth, then known as Colonel Duroure’s regiment of Foot. The business of signing military commissions had become somewhat perfunctory of late, but did not His Majesty make some remark upon this “ hiipfend fiillen” of the adjutant-general’s who only four months before he had sent to join the Marines? “Much too young,” was doubtless his comment then, as it was fifteen years later when he was asked to sign Wolfe’s commission as a colonel. Yet the “colt” had qualities rare enough amongst young officers in those days; with a lust for fighting, he combined extraordinary aptitude and a desire to excel. Although a child, he realized that war was a science and ‘Us ‘uosaT 2.L0NIG UYOr fo Worssassod ay) U2 ALNIDUIUE D WOLy yy Masa uanydn fq 19 UD WOT SGIVAL JO SSAONTIUA GHL OL UNONOH AO GIVI ‘NOSMVT HIST VZITa SSTIV GATOM SANVE TVUANTD-WOLVIT AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION IF to be taken seriously. And with such seriousness did he set about his duties as to attract the attention of his superiors almost from the moment of his entrance into the army. A Continental war in which England should participate had been for some time brewing. In October 1740, when Wolfe was being sent home sick from the Solent, news had reached England of the death of the Emperor Charles VI. Thereupon his daughter Maria Theresa’s title to his estates was disputed by the Elector of Bavaria, the Pragmatic Sanction flouted by the chief powers of Europe, and her dominions insolently invaded by an able and ambitious prince who had lately succeeded to the Prussian throne. The first result of Frederick’s victories in Silesia was to betray the weakness of the Austrian monarchy and to encourage other nations to share in the spoils. But there were those who regarded with a chivalrous interest the young Queen of Hungary and were ready to support her claims, and amongst such Great Britain soon took a first place. Albeit, in vain Walpole tried to act as intermediary between Maria Theresa and Frederick, in vain the aged Cardinal Fleury strove to prevent France from support- ing the Elector’s claims with arms. By the summer of 1741 the unhappy Queen had been compelled to flee from Vienna, then besieged by the Elector’s forces, and to take refuge in Hungary. There, amongst the faithful Hungarians, who hailed her not as Queen, but as King, she learnt that her rival had been chosen and crowned Emperor under the title of Charles VII. About the same time a large French army was in the field a Spanish armament was sailing from Barcelona to attack the Austrian- Italian domains. Such was the situation. Throughout Great Britain all this, taken together with the Cartagena and Cuba failures and the King’s private negotiation of a treaty of neutrality as regarded Hanover, occasioned a ferment of excitement. The odium, the guilt of all was hurled at the unpopular minister, and “ Down with Walpole” became a cry too powerful to be resisted. In February 1742, Walpole resigned. A new Parliament and administration, headed by Cartaret, resolved on vigorous measures to support the Queen of Hungary, and the Pragmatic Sanction which justified her title became a popular toast throughout the country in circles which would have been puzzled indeed to render a definition of that famous pact. The Commons voted Maria Theresa a £500,000 subsidy ; and more than five millions were granted to prosecute the war. In the very week of Wolfe’s commission as ensign it was c 18 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE decided to send a British army of 17,000 men to Flanders as auxiliaries to the Austrian forces. The command of this force was given to Lord Stair, who, after twenty years of unemployment, was made a field-marshal.1 It was ordered to be assembled on Blackheath, and on April 27 the King, accompanied by his sons, the Prince of Wales and the Duke of Cumberland, came to review the troops. Many years had passed since such a martial array had been seen in England. Monster crowds poured from the capital to witness the spectacle. Of cavalry there were three troops of horse - guards, the “Blues,” and five regiments of dragoons. There were thirteen regiments of infantry, who to the music of fife and drum, marched and counter-marched before the royal eye that day. Were there any in the vast throng of spectators, apart from relations, friends and school-fellows, who cast eye twice upon the slim, erect, bright-faced stripling who bore aloft gaily the colours of the Twelfth Regiment of Foot ? Probably none, for what oracle was there to say what this boy would become? Fifteen years and four months had passed over his head, that head whose red hair was already concealed by a powdered wig; yet his stature was already that of a tall man.? The sun shone and fife and drum wrought bravely as James Wolfe marched along with his regiment to Deptford, where trans- ports were lying in mid-stream ready to bear him away to Flanders, that ancient cockpit of Europe. No wonder, after so long a peace, there was a spirit of fervour amongst the troops and much eager speculation as to the adventures which awaited them in foreign parts. From the old veteran, his father, the young ensign had long since learnt much of Flanders and the campaigns of Queen Anne’s day, and knew something of the character of the country. It was great news to him that his bosom friend, George Warde, was also going out as cornet of dragoons. It was good to have an old friend in foreign parts. Night drew in and the whole fleet was in the Channel, the cliffs of the North Foreland receding before the _ gaze of the young watcher in the stern. But the wind dropped just off the Nore, and, much to the young ensign’s disappointment, there was a delay of some days before they could cross the Channel to Ostend. A very different place was Ostend in 1'742 to the 1 Stair had with him Generals Honeywood, Cope, Ligonier, Hawley and the Earl of Albemarle; Brigadier-Generals Cornwallis, Bragg, Pulteney, Huske, Ponsonby, Frampton, Lord Effingham and Lord Rothes. ° Wolfe eventually attained the height of six feet three inches. 3 Brigadier Frampton’s Order-book contains the following, May 20, 1742— “A return of each battalion be given in immediately in the following MARCH TO GHENT 19 pleasant Belgian watering-place of to-day. It had not yet yielded its commercial pretensions founded on its selection by Charles VI as the emporium of the East India Company. That choice had been revoked a dozen years previously, but much trade had been brought to the port in consequence, and traders and mariners of all nations were to be seen on the streets and quays, while on the beach not a solitary mortal, Fleming or other, so eccentric as to plunge into the high-rising surf for mere pleasure. After a day’s halt at Ostend the troops marched to Bruges between two serried lines of peasants who had turned out to see the unaccustomed spectacle of British red-coats. The ancestors of the modern Belgians were not a martial people; what patriotic zeal they had once possessed had been largely crushed out by a long period of foreign rule and by conditions discouraging any deep sense of nationality. They were content to be the subjects of Austria if that would ensure their peace and immunity from military sacrifices. But the cause of the Queen of Hungary was not calculated to awaken their enthusiasm, and the prospect of having Maria Therasa’s British auxiliaries quartered upon them was generally repugnant. In fact, the brief march to Ghent by way of Bruges was sufficient to reveal to officers and men the temper of the ignorant, priest-ridden inhabitants. “They hate the English and we hate them,” wrote a captain home, “and the Queen of Hungary holds them like a wolf by the ears.” 1 When Ensign Wolfe marched in at the close of a sultry June day into the ancient town of Ghent, he had no idea of the plans of his commander-in-chief or how long his sojourn there would be.? form :—captains’ names, number of officers, sergeants, corporals, drums and private men. No more than five women per company be permitted to continue on board the transports. A commissioned officer on board each transport to see the provisions delivered to the men and that there is no waste made. The commanding officer of each transport is to take care that neither officer nor soldier lie on shore. “‘A sergeant, a corporal and twelve men of each transport to be as a guard to keep things quiet and to place centrys on the officers’ baggage, and to suffer no man to smoke between decks. To take care of the lights, and to commit any man prisoner that is guilty of any disturbance, and that man will be severely punished. “ The tattoo and Revallee not to be beat on board any of the transports unless a gun is fired by a man-of-war, or till further orders. “The parole is King George.” —Townshend’s Life of Marquess Townshend, p. 5. 1 Gentleman’s Magazine, 1742, p. 528. ; 2 «The city of Ghent,” wrote one of the officers, “is very large 31 believe nearly as large as the city of London (within the walls) but the inhabitants not C2 22 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE letter from my father two days ago, by Captain Stanhope, which I intend thanking him for next post; and then, perhaps, I shall write to him from camp, for our colonel has desired us to have everything ready against Monday next. I have just now done packing up, and can be ready to march in two hours. I wish my uncle Brad! may be coming home as you heard, for I know it would give you great pleasure to see him. Iam very sorry my brother Ned complains of my not answering his letters ; I think I have never missed any nor ever will. Pray be so good to give my kind love to him. My shirts are in very good order, and, I hope, will last me a great while; but I fancy (by what people say) not so long as we are in Flanders. Pray my duty to my father, and love to cousin Goldsmith ; and with best compliments to my good friends at Greenwich, and hearty wishes for your healths, I must beg to remain Your dutiful and affectionate Son, James WOLFE. PS.—Cope’s Dragoons are expected here to-night. I often play my flute, and am going to it now. , The “Cousin Goldsmith” mentioned in the foregoing was Wolfe’s father’s sister’s son, Edward Goldsmith of Limerick, whose own father was first cousin to the Reverend Charles Goldsmith, the original of the Vicar of Wakefield and the progenitor of the celebrated author, Oliver Goldsmith. At this time Oliver, who used afterwards to say proudly, “I claim kinship with General Wolfe, the conqueror of Quebec,” was an Irish school-boy of thirteen.? With George Warde at Ghent we may be sure that the time did not pass unprofitably between the two friends. But Warde as a cavalryman did not have the same incentives to strategical pro- ficiency as the ensign who was already making a study of military fortification as well as trying hard to master an adjutant’s duties. He did not propose to remain an ensign longer than uncon- trollable circumstances ordered him to be. Both lads took pleasure in the play, seeing all the new French productions as well as the classical ones well acted by French companies. An excellent opera 1 Lieutenant-Colonel Bradwardine Thompson. 2 A reference to Reynolds’s famous profile portrait of Oliver Goldsmith at the National Portrait Gallery reveals a curious resemblance in facial peculiari- ties to those of James Wolfe, suggesting that the Wolfe chin was a paternal as well as a maternal inheritance. LIFE AT GHENT 23 house had been erected at Ghent only a few years before. His mother having written that one of her letters had miscarried and that she would only write in future when she could entrust her epistle to safe hands, James, in his next rallies her, as if her resolution had been inspired by economy— To uis MoruHer. Ghent, September 12th, 1742. Dear Mapam,—I got yours two days ago by Captain Guy. I'm heartily sorry to hear that the pleasure of hearing from you is now at an end. I fancy the expense is not so great as you imagine! I’m told by several gentlemen that *tis no more than sixpence, and that, once a month, wouldn’t hurt your pocket. I answered the packet you was so good to send me by Captain Merrydan ; I dined with him yesterday, and think he seems to be a very good sort of man. I'm glad you’ve got a house.t Long may you live to enjoy the blessings of a good and warm one !—a thing not easily found in this town, but that we young ones don’t mind. You desire to know how I live. I assure you, as to eating, rather to well, considering what we may come to. For drink I don’t care much; but there is very good rum and brandy in this place, and cheap, if we have a mind to take a little sneaker now and then at night just to warm us. The weather begins now to grow coldish: we have had rain for the last two weeks, and the people say "tis likely to continue till the frost comes in. I have not begun with fire yet, neither do I intend till I know where we shall encamp. This place is full of officers, and we never want company. I go to the play once or twice a week, and talk a little with the ladies, who are very civil, and speak French. Im glad to hear with all my heart that my brother is better. He says he goes to the cold bath and that does him good. Pray my love to him. I hope my father is well, and keeps his health ; be so good as to give my duty to him, and to my Aunt Allanson if she is with you, and believe me, Your dutiful and affectionate Son, J. Wore. I see my friend George often; he has just left me, and desires his compliments. 1 The Wolfes about this time took a town house in Burlington Gardens, the Cartagena affair having proved profitable to the Adjutant-General. 24 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Winter drew in; fainter grew the hope of marching from Ghent. The time-honoured institution of “ winter quarters” was too generally respected in those days (the boy must have conned well that line in Livy about winter being a season “quae omnium bellorum terra marique sit quies”) for Lord Stair to dream of impugning it. As he lay still, after a good deal of fighting in Bohemia, Marshal Belleisle retreated from Prague, and the other French generals, Maillebois and de Broglie, took up winter quarters in Bavaria. If Hanover were to be attacked by the French (and it was for this purpose the British army, reinforced by 16,000 Hanoverians in British pay, was in Flanders), it would not be before spring. Meantime, there was a prospect that the Wolfes would furnish still another soldier to the army. Edward, now fifteen, was eager to join his brother. To uis MorHer. Ghent, December 17th, 1742. Dear Mapam,—I should have answered your letter when I wrote last to my father, had not the business I was forced to write about prevented me. I was heartily sorry you got your new house with a cold. I hope it has left you, and you enjoy perfect health, without which there can be no happiness to you, nor consequently to me. My brother is much to be commended for the pains he takes to improve himself. I hope to see him soon in Flanders, when, in all probability, before next year is over, we may know something of our trade. Some people imagine we shall return to England in the Spring, but I think that’s not much to be relied on; however, ’m no judge of these things. There is a talk that some of the regiments of Foot will march to garrison two or three towns (the Austrians have quitted to go and join the army in Bohemia); they are about four-score or a hundred miles from hence. Their names are Mons, Charleroy, and another I don’t know; but it is not certain. We have had extreme hard frost for about a fortnight, so that all the rivers and canals, whereof there are great plenty about the town, are frozen, so that no boats can go, nor any commerce be carried on by water. There was a little thaw last night, so that we are in some hopes of its going away. I shall not miss writing to you every fortnight as you desire. A PAINFUL MARCH 25 Be so good to give my duty to my father, uncles and aunts, and love to my brother. Your dutiful and affectionate Son, J. Wo tre. Mr. Warde desires his compliments; mine to the family, if you please. I hope Miss is well. By the time the British army under Lord Stair quitted Ghent early in February 1748, James was joined by his brother, who had succeeded in gaining an ensigncy in the same regiment. They had a terrible march before them, these two delicate lads, before Duroure’s and the division of which it formed a part could reach the Rhine—bad roads, bad weather, bad food and bad water—and Edward was of even more tender make than his elder brother. At St. Trond they halted long enough for him to pen the following to his mother : To wis Moruer. St. Tron, in the Bishopric of Liége, February 12th, 1743. Drar Mapam,—I got your letter of the 23rd of last month, at Ghent, and should have answered it, as I told my father I intended, at Brussels, but was very much fatigued and out of order, so deferred it till now. This is our fifth day’s march; we have had very bad weather all the way. I have found out by experience that my strength is not so great as I imagined ; but, however, I have held out pretty well as yet. To-morrow is a very bad road to Tongres, so if I can I will hire a horse at this place, and march afoot one day and ride the other, all the rest of the journey. I never come into quarters without aching hips and knees ; and I assure you the wisest part of the officers got horses at Ghent, though some would have done it if their circumstances would have allowed it. We have lived pretty well all the way, but I have already been glad to take a little water out of a soldier’s flask, and eat some ammunition bread. I am now quartered at the head man of the Town’s house, one of the civilest men I ever met with in my life. The people where I was billeted refused to let me in, 1 Miss Warde, sister to George, afterwards Mrs. Clayton. Their town house also was in Burlington Gardens. 26 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE so I went to the townhouse and complained, and this gentleman took me and another officer that was with me to his house. I shall write to my father when we get to the end of our march; I’m glad to hear, with all my heart, that he is well. I’m in the greatest spirits in the world ; I have my health pretty well, and I believe I shall be very well able to hold it out with a little help of a horse. Pray be so good as to give my duty to my father. This is the best paper St. Tron affords ; I have got a sergeant’s pen and ink, which are commonly very bad ; so I hope you'll excuse everything that is bad in this letter. Your dutiful and affectionate Son, J. Wo LrFE. But “ the end of our march” was still far off, for nearly two months later the younger of the two brothers, who had been sharing a horse between them, was detached on a foraging errand to Bonn, and in the following letter gives us a glimpse of what was passing at that time. Epwarp Wotre to uis Farner. Bonn, April 7th, 1743. Dearest Sir,—I am sent here with another gentleman to buy provisions, for we can get none upon our march but eggs and bacon and sour bread; but I have lived upon a soldier’s ammunition bread, which is far preferable to what we find upon the road. We are within two leagues of the Rhine, which it is most people’s opinion we shall pass the 14th and then encamp. I have no bedding nor can get it anywhere ; not so much at this place, where the Elector’s court is, which I think a little extra- ordinary. We had a sad march last Monday in the morning. I was obliged to walk up to my knees in snow, though my brother and I have a horse between us and at the same time I had it with me. I seldom see him, and had I had the least thoughts of coming to this place, I am sure he would have wrote to you. This is the first opportunity I have had since I wrote to you from Aix-la-Chapelle, which letter I hope you have received. I do not expect a letter from you, if it does not come by my captain, this great while. I have often lain upon straw, and should oftener had not I known some French, which I find very useful ; though I was the other day obliged to speak Latin for a good dinner, which if I had not done, I should have gone with- AT FRANKFORT 27 out it. Most people talk that language here. We send for everything we want to the priest, and if he does not send what he has, we frighten him pretty much. The people are very malicious here and very poor except the priest and burgomaster, who live upon the republic ; but I have had the good luck to be a at their houses, where there is everything good but their read. We were here at the worst time, for they kill no meat be- cause it is Lent. They say there are many wolves and wild boars in the woods ; but I never saw any yet, neither do I desire. I think I may end troubling you with my nonsense ; but I flatter myself that you have a pleasure in hearing from Dear Sir, Your dutiful and affectionate Son, Epwarp Wo tre. Pray my duty to my mother, and I may venture very safely the same from my brother to you both. Hard canteen biscuit, hard floors and hard weather :—it was a severe trial for the two delicately-nurtured lads. The idea now was to effect a junction with the Austrian and Hanoverian troops at Hochst, near Frankfort-on-the-Main, which, on account of the winding of the river, was supposed to offer a capital strategic position. From Frankfort a letter from Edward seems to hold out a prospect of a good deal more marching. Epwarp Wotre to wis Moruer. Frankfort, May 4th, N.S., 1743. Dearest Mapam,—I don’t doubt but you will think me very neglectful in not writing to you, but I assure “tis no fault of mine, for whenever I had an opportunity of sending a letter to you I did it with a great deal of pleasure. I don’t expect to hear from you till we have beaten the French, and return to Flanders, which time is very uncertain. We are now within a day’s march of the French army, which it is reported we shall soon engage, but there is no credit to be given to half is said here. It is likewise said in case the French should go into Bavaria we shall follow them, which is about two month’s march ; so I reckon this summer will be spent in that agreeable manner, though I feel no more of it than anybody else, so I am as well contented as if we were marching in England. 28 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE I have at least bought my bedding at Frankfort, which place I think has a little the resemblance of London, though not half so large. I reckon you think I have forgot Mrs. Cade, but I assure you I have not, though I must confess there’s not a woman in Frankfort, nor indeed in all Germany, that has half beauty enough to put me in mind of her. Pray be so good to remember me to all our neighbours at Greenwich, and if Mr. Swinden or any one else should ask after me, you will be pleased to mention that was I in a settled place they should have no room to com- plain of my not writing to them, but now as I am always hurried about in mounting pickets, etc., I am not able to write to any one but where my duty forces me. I keep my health very well; live merrily, and if it please God that you and my dearest father do yours, nothing else will make me do otherwise. I hope and pray when you write to uncle Brad you will be so good as to make my compliments to them both; and my duty to my father concludes me, dearest Madam, Your dutiful and affectionate Son, Epwarp Wotre. Since the death of Cardinal Fleury the affairs of France were directed by D’Argenson and his priestly coadjutor Cardinal Tencin, the latter famous for his devotion to the House of Stuart. After Belleisle’s retreat from Prague the French army had wintered in northern Bavaria, thereby enabling the new Emperor to pass a brief period in security in his capital. But the Austrians were closing around him, a battle took place, and he was again driven forth, M. de Broglie not caring to risk a battle in his behalf. The French Ministry felt that some decisive blow must now be struck. The Duc de Noailles was sent with 12,000 troops to Broglie’s assistance, and a check offered to the Austrian advance, under their leader Prince Charles of Lorraine, husband of Maria Theresa. The unhappy Emperor took refuge in Frankfort, the neutrality of which as a free city continued to be respected, at the very time the British army was on the march from Flanders. En route Stair was reinforced by some Austrian regiments under Aremberg, and the 16,000 Hanoverians who had been wintering in the neighbourhood of Liége. It was to prevent the junction of this army with that of Prince Charles that the French bent all their energies. Marshal Noailles with 60,000 men was to engage Lord Stair’s forces, while, at the same time, 50,000 under AT ASCHAFFENBURG 29 Broglie were to guard Alsace and prevent the Austrians from crossing the Rhine. On May 14, Noailles crossed the Rhine six miles below Worms, and marched his army towards the Main, with the intention of seizing an elevated position near Hochst, which would give him a commanding advantage. This move induced Lord Stair to leave Hochst for Aschaffenburg, twenty miles east of Frankfort, where he established his head- quarters and wrote to Aremberg to join him. But Noailles was at his heels, out-generalling him at every point; and as for the Austrian general, he wrote back to say that as Lord Stair had “ got himself into a scrape it was his business to get himself out of it as well as he could.” The truth is, Stair was old and incompetent, and Aremberg, besides a natural jealousy, had but a poor opinion of his general- ship. In a day or two, deprived of the Austrian help, Stair found himself cut off from his magazines at Hanau and his expected supplies from Franconia, the enemy occupying all the principal fords and passes on the river. At this moment, with the two hostile armies only a few hundred yards from one another (although Stair’s intelligence department was so bad that he actually did not know of the close proximity of the enemy until he nearly stumbled on them in a wood when he went to reconnoitre in person),' France and Great Britain were nominally at peace, enacting merely the part of auxiliaries, and with the ministers of the respective countries still resident at London and Paris. No wonder if our young warriors, like many older and wiser heads, made little attempt to unravel the mazes of international politics, but were content to accept war as a natural dispensation for the exercise of mental talents, of courage and mere physical endurance. 1 The intelligence department in Lord Stair’s army would appear to have been very inefficient, and when that officer became acquainted with this move of the French he determined to advance. Accordingly the allied army marched to Hellinback, between the edge of the forest of Darmstadt and the river Main, where Lord Stair formed, in the opinion of all the generals, an impregnable camp. Want of supplies, however, and the need of securing the communications of the Upper Main, forced him to move on again to Aschaffenburg.—Townshend, p. 11. TI A LIEUTENANT AT DETTINGEN Very black it looked for the British under Lord Stair on June 19, 1743, when King George II, accompanied by the youthful Duke of Cumberland and Lord Cartaret, arrived from Hanover to join the army, now reduced to 37,000 men, on half-rations, and the horses of the cavalry dying for want of forage. They were cooped up in a narrow valley bordering the river Main, between Aschaffenburg and a village called Dettingen. Two days later Wolfe writes his father— To nis Farurr. Camp near Aschaffenburg, June 21st, 1743, N.S. Dear Sir,—Captain Rainsford joined the regiment yester- day ; he brought us your letter, and made us both very happy with the good news of yours and my mother’s health. We also gota letter from you by the post. Your kindness is better than our best behaviour can deserve, and we are infinitely happy in having so good parents. My brother is at present very much fatigued with the hard duty he has had for some days past. He was on a party last night, and saw shot fired in earnest, but was in no great danger, because separated from the enemy by the river Mayne. The French are on the other side that river, about a mile from us. We have now and then small skirmishes with those people. They attacked the other night a party of our men, but were repulsed with the loss of an officer and four or five men killed, and some made prisoners. They desert prodigiously ; there were yesterday no less than forty deserters in the camp, that came over in the middle of the day, and brought with them great numbers of horses, for the river is fordable. ”Tis said there are 2000 Austrian Hussars come to us ; I fancy they will harass them a little. The Hessians, Pulteney’s and Bligh’s regiments have not yet joined us, as likewise some Hanoverian horse. I believe we only wait for them to attack our enemy. We shall 30 EVE OF DETTINGEN 31 soon know what we are to do now that our King is come. His Majesty came two days ago. The Duke of Cumberland is declared Major-General. The Earl of Stair had like to have been hurt by an escort of two squadrons of English and Hanoverian cavalry (when he was reconnoitring the enemy), who retreated with a little too much haste before some squadrons of French hussars, who, upon their retreat fired upon them, and killed a trooper and dragoon of ours. The reason of the retreat, as I heard, was this,—the word being given to a sergeant and twelve men, who were an advanced guard, to go to the right about, the whole did it, thinking they were ordered, and, I fancy, at the odd and unexpected appear- ance of the hussars out of a wood. However, they were rallied by General Cope, and would have charged the hussars had they been permitted. Colonel Duroure, who acts as Adjutant-General, was thrown from his horse yesterday by a Hanoverian discharging his pistol just by him, and was much bruised. We are all sorry for it. He has been very good to his ensigns this march; we have had the use of his canteens whenever he thought we had occasion for them. We are now near forty miles from Frankfort, which we marched in two days and two nights, with about nine or ten hours’ halt, in order to gain a pass that is here, and now in our possession. ‘The men were almost starved in that march. They nor the officers had little more than bread and water to live on, and that very scarce, because they had not the ammunition bread the day it was due. But I believe it could not be helped. We have left a very fine country to come to the worst J ever saw. I believe it is in the Prince of Hesse’s dominions. The King is in a little palace in such a town as I believe he never lived in before. It was ruined by the Hanoverians, and every- thing almost that was in it carried off by them, some time before we came. They and our men now live by marauding. I hope we shall not stay here long, if we do I don’t know how it will be possible to get provisions. The French are burning all the villages on the other side of the Mayne, and we ravaging the country on this side. I am now doing, and have done ever since we encamped, the duty of an adjutant. Iwas afraid when I first undertook it that the fatigue would be too much for me, but now I am use to it, I think it will agree very well with me, at least I hope so. Brigadier Huske inquires often if I have heard from you lately, 32 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE and desires his compliments to you. He is extremely civil to me, and Iam much obliged to him. He has desired his Brigade- Major, Mr. Blakeney,’ who is a very good man, to instruct me all he can. My brother intends writing very soon. We both join in love and duty to you and my mother, and I am, dear Sir, Your dutiful and affectionate Son, J. WoLrFE. They were always ready enough—then, and since, in the army —to put extra work upon any one, however young, who showed any alacrity for work. It was clear even to the eyes of the new acting adjutant that something must be done to rescue the British army from the pre- dicament into which the incapacity of its commander had thrust it. It was decided, although by no means a simple move, in view of the superiority both in numbers and position of the enemy, to retreat upon Hanau, where were the magazines and reinforcements of Hessians. But Noailles was on the alert; he at once became apprised of the plan, and under cover of diversions by his hussars, threw a couple more bridges across the Main, making ready to pounce upon the foe, whom he had, as he believed, caught in a trap. On June 26 (N.S.), Lord Stair, at Aschaffenburg, issued the following orders— After Tattoo this night the tents of the whole army to be struck without any noise and all the baggage and artillery to hold themselves in readiness to march ; the army to remain under arms in front of their encampments. To-morrow at break of day every regiment to march into their new ground; and as soon as the army are arrived in their new camp, they are to remain under arms in front of the new ground in the same manner as they did the night preceding till further orders, keeping a profound silence, no fires iene suffered in the camp. Stair supposed the French would attack from the Aschaffenburg side. All his injunctions of secrecy were useless, for Noailles knew, quite as soon as Stair’s own generals, that the British intended marching on the night of June 26. And knowing this, he ordered his nephew, the Duc de Grammont, to cross the Main at Seilenstadt with 30,000 troops and entrench himself at Dettingen, thus blocking the British retreat. Moreover, the moment the British abandoned 1 A nephew of General Blakeney. THE FRENCH OPEN FIRE 33 Aschaffenburg, Noailles poured 12,000 men into it, Stair having courteously refrained from blowing up the bridge in his rear. At four o’clock in the morning of June 27, Duroure’s and the other Z Entrenched a0 Wood 9° Aschafenburg ud be —_ Bs 2 eRe x = E wes |- a oO a 3S & a a S ; E x» rm 8 < e w sn pal = a 8 ‘9 Z 4 2 do a e e eo oO oe a soe * a ee oa u ea e oe a se & A Boe = eee toe ° e2°t ow a e, 29 E 372 Oo P s e a°, \ 8 s2 WS s £ E =-SS , s 3 RB S$ e § : : i >= = = % 25 med) : SLaa ‘ See ° ef .S5u 4 eco Vers cc eae ee fs @ te ° o8a Pae 4 ° Pes © zc 2} o ¢ ae, ° ane Seals, e ere a Se 8 regiments began their march to Dettingen. At seven a French battery posted at a small chapel near Stockstadt opened fire on the British cavalry, putting the baggage-train into a panic, the D 34 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE drivers escaping from their wagons into the woods. A general loot ensued. At the beginning of the bombardment King George was at the rear. As it grew hotter he rode up to the head in full view of his troops, who cheered him enthusiastically. The French were now visible, drawn up in battle array between Dettingen and Welsheim, all in white uniforms and bearing white standards. It was a fine day; a few fleecy clouds flitted across the sky. Picturesque was the scene, illumined by the June sun, the red coats of the British, the black cuirasses and helmets of the German cavalry, the blue jackets and red breeches of the Uhlans, and the green and red of the Hungarian hussars. James Wolfe was about to suffer his baptism of fire. By a singular coincidence Jeffrey Amherst, his destined commander-in-chief in America, Robert Monckton and George Townshend, his second and third in command at Quebec, were also present. It was twelve o’clock. The French artillery had been firing all the morning and doing disastrous execution. All was now in readiness for King George and the Allies to advance. The Duc de Grammont with 30,000 men held the defile, an impregnable position and fatal to the British as long as he remained on the defensive. His chief Noailles on the other side of the river could hardly believe his eyes when he saw Grammont’s troops moving towards the British. The impetuous youth could not wait: the sight of the enemy had proved too much for his discretion. Noailles was in despair. ‘“Grammont,” he cried, “has ruined all my plans!” He spoke truly, for Grammont had voluntarily quitted his advantageous position to meet the Allies in the plain. The latter, cheering and full of zeal, made ready for the impact. Royal George galloped down the line, flourishing his sword, and addressing the British infantry, called out, “ Now, boys, now for the honour of England. Advance boldly and the French will soon run!” The King had chosen his charger with less felicity than his words: the animal began rearing and plunging desperately. Fearing the fate which overtook many officers that day, George dismounted and remained on foot, sword in hand, throughout the battle? As the Allies advanced the French fell back; their cavalry came on impetuously, and General Clayton ordered Bland’s Dragoons to charge. Bland’s Dragoons (now the 13th Hussars) obeyed, but so 1 We need not believe the malicious story circulated by Voltaire that the King went through all the sword drill he had been taught by his fencing- master, lunging in excitement at imaginary opponents, alternately advancing and recoiling, and perspiring with his harmless exertions. THE FURY OF BATTLE 35 fierce was the onset of the French Gens d’Armes that if a battalion of British infantry had not intervened the dragoons would have been cut to pieces. Cavalry charge succeeded cavalry charge before the chance of the infantry came. Wolfe busily doing an adjutant’s duties on the field, was in the very thick of the fight, as was his brother. The latter wrote three days afterwards to his mother the following account— Epwarp Wotre to unis Moruer. June 30th, 1743. Dearest Mapam,—I take the very first opportunity I can to acquaint you that my brother and self escaped in the engage- ment we had with the French, the 16th of June last [O.S.], and thank God, are as well as ever we were in our lives, after not only being cannonaded two hours and three-quarters, and fighting with small arms two hours and one-quarter, but lay the two following nights upon our arms, whilst it rained for about twenty hours in the same time; yet are ready and as capable to do the same again. We lost one captain and a lieutenant. Captain Rainsford is very well and not wounded ; he desires you will send his wife word of this as soon as you hear it. Our Colonel had a horse shot under him, but escaped himself. The King was present in the field. The Duke of Cumberland behaved charmingly. . . . Duke d’Aremberg is dangerously wounded. We took two or three general officers and two princes of the blood and wounded Marshal Noailles. Our regiment has got a great deal of honour, for we were in the middle of the first line, and in the greatest danger. .. . My brother has wrote to my father and I believe has given him a small account of the battle, so I hope you will excuse it me. The Emperor is come to Frankfort and we are encamped about two leagues from it; and it is said that the King is to meet him there and that there’s a peace to be made between the Queen of Hungary and the Emperor. I hope I shall see you some time or another and then tell you more; but think now that I have given you joy and concern enough, Pray, my duty to my dearest father, who I hope is well. I am, dearest Madam, Your dutiful and Affectionate Son, E. Wo tre. Pray be so good as to excuse my writing for this time, I am in such a hurry to send you this news. D2 38 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE speaking with him just as the battle began, and was often afraid of his being dash’d to pieces by the cannon-balls. He gave his orders with a great deal of calmness, and seemed quite uncon- cerned. The soldiers were in high delight to have him so near them. Captain Rainsford behaved with the greatest conduct and bravery in the world. I sometimes thought I had lost poor Ned, when I saw arms, legs, and heads beat off close by him. He is called “'The Old Soldier,” and very deservedly. A horse I rid of the Colonel’s at the first attack was shot in one of his hinder legs, and threw me; so I was obliged to do the duty of an adjutant all that and the next day on foot, in a pair of heavy boots. I lost with the horse, furniture and pistols which cost me ten ducats ; but three days after the battle got the horse again, with the ball in him,—and he is now almost well again,—but without furniture and pistols. A brigade of English and another of Hanoverians are in garrison in this town, which we are fortifying daily. We are detached from the grand army, which is encamped between Frankfort and Hanau, about twelve miles off. They talk of a second battle soon. Count Khevenhuller and Marshal Broglie are expected to join the two armies in a few days. We are very well situated at present, and in a plentiful country. Had we stayed a few days longer at Aschaffenburg we had been all starved, for the French would have cut off our communication with Frankfort. Poor Captain Merrydan is killed. Pray mine and my brother’s duty to my mother. We hope you are both perfectly well. I am, dear Sir, Your dutiful and affectionate Son, J. Wotr¥r. Such was the famous battle of Dettingen. A hollow triumph had been obtained, when so little lacked to make it an effective victory. The French had been repulsed across the river with 4000 killed and wounded, the losses of the Allies being, perhaps, half that number. Duroure’s had twenty-nine officers and soldiers killed and sixty-eight wounded, more than any other regiment. “The French, to the surprise of every one,” wrote one participant, “were suffered to escape unmolested. The King halted and the scene of action and military ardour was suddenly turned into a Court circle ---His Majesty was congratulated by every military courtesan on JAMES WOLFE, AETAT 15 IN JAMES a TO From the original at Syuerrycs Court COM- RECEIVED APPOINTED LIEUTENANT 39 horseback, on the glorious Event—the Hanoverian Generals gal- loped up with their reports—questions innumerable were asked and reports made; the British Generals returning lamented the loss of so interesting a crisis and some of them ineffectually represented upon it, yet the Enemy was suffered to quietly repass their bridge over the Mayne! although 6000 Hessians were at Hanau in perfect order for Action—the greatest part of the British army with great solemnity then passed the rivulet and encamped on the ground to the west of it where the Field Marshal de Noailles had left his first position.1 After the battle, the Allies spent the night in the open where they had fought. The rain came down in torrents, increasing the sufferings of the wounded. At daybreak the march—or more truly the flight—to Hanau was begun, leaving the maimed and dying to the tender mercies of the French, who behaved with great consideration. By this time Stair was for renewing the attack, but the King and his friends were in no mind to risk another battle. In the afternoon they reached Hanau, where an entry in Lord Stair’s order-book explains Acting-Adjutant Wolfe’s delay in writing home after the battle— June 19th, 1748, Hannau Camp. The commanding officers of troops to examine into the state of their troops and to make a return of what men and horses are now fit for service, what condition their arms are in, what camp necessaries they have lost the day of the action and are wanting in each troop. This examination to be made this day and the return to be given in by eight o’clock to-morrow morning to the adjutant. Wolfe’s ability, despite his years, and it must be remembered that he was but sixteen and a half, was shown so conspicuously at Dettingen that a fortnight later (July 13, N.S.) the King was pleased to appoint him adjutant of his regiment. Before the month was out at Hanau he had got his commission as lieutenant. Amongst those who had noted specially the conduct of Wolfe on the field was the young Duke of Cumberland, who at the age of twenty-two already exhibited a rare talent for command. It is the custom to give royal princes honorary military titles, but of the many such who have received their major-generalships with their majority, few had seemed more likely to become worthy of such high military rank than Prince William Henry. 1 Townshend’s Journal. 40 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Dettingen revealed the weaknesses of the British Army, a thing not to be wondered at after thirty years of. peace. But the moral and political effect of the battle upon the situation was marked. While Noailles was recovering at Offenbach, Prince Charles with 64,000 Austrians advanced upon him, compelling his rapid retreat across the Rhine into Alsace, blowing up his magazines as he went. The Allies made no attempt in pursuit, although again Lord Stair urged it upon the King and the military cabal with which he was surrounded. 'They moved on quietly and safely to Worms, where anew camp was formed. From hence Lieutenant Wolfe writes to his father— To us FaruHer. Camp near Worms, Sept. 1, N.S., 1743. Dear Sir,—By a letter I received from you some days ago, I have the happiness and satisfaction to hear that you and my mother are well ; but it being my brother’s turn to write (which we intend to do in turns every Saturday), I put off answering until to-day. The army passed the Rhine the 23rd [N.S.], a little below Mentz, and came to this ground yesterday. It was possessed by the French before the action of Dettingen. ‘The fortifications of the Swiss camp (who would not pass the Rhine) are just by, and those where the bridge was that the French went upon is close to it. The boats that made our bridge below Mentz are expected here to-morrow for the Dutch troops to come over, who, we hear, will be with us in six or seven days. There are numbers of reports relating to Prince Charles’s army, so that I won't pretend to send you any account of it, only that most people think he has not passed the Rhine. The French are now encamped between Landau and Wissemberg. Captain Rainsford says if they have any spirit they will attack us here before we are joined by the Dutch, and so I believe our Commanders think, for they have just given orders to have all encumbrances removed from before the front of each regiment, in order to turn out at a minute’s warning, and a chain of sentries are to be immediately placed in front of the camp. Our camp is tolerably strong ; we are open in the front, with hills, from which cannon cannot do us much harm. At the bottom of these hills is a little rivulet ; in our rear is the Rhine. The left is secured by the town of Worms, and the right is open; but neither the front nor right have greater openings than we have troops to fill them up; sol STAIR’S RESIGNATION 41 believe we are pretty safe. Iam just now told that a party of our hussars have taken a French grand guard; they have killed the captain and thirteen men, and have brought sixty-four to Worms. I’m convinced of the truth, because some gentlemen of our regiment saw them go along the line, and are going to buy some of the horses. I cannot tell if the Duke of Cumber- land knows what you mentioned in your letter ; I have never had any opportunity of inquiring. It is but a few days that he is come abroad: he has marched since we crossed the Rhine, at the head of his second line of English, which is his post. He is very brisk, and quite cured of his wound. His presence en- courages the troops, and makes them ready to undertake any- thing, having so brave a man at the head of them. I hope some day or other to have the honour of knowing him better than I do now; ’tis what I wish as much as anything in the world (except the pleasure which I hope to enjoy when it shall please God), that of seeing my dear friends at Greenwich. Poor Colonel Duroure is, I am afraid, in great danger; we left him on the other side of the Rhine very ill with a bloody flux. Our major is at the same place likewise, very much out of order. Our colonel was never more wanted to command us than now. I shall say nothing now of the behaviour of the Blue Guards ; I wish they may do better next time, and I don’t doubt but they will. It would give me a great deal of sorrow if they did not. We have a great deal of sickness amongst us, so I believe the sooner we engage (if it is to be) the better. I hope you, Sir, and my mother are perfectly well. I heartily wish it, and that you may continue so. My brother joins with me in duty and love to both. I am, dear Sir, Your dutiful and affectionate Son, J. Wo Fe. Three days later Stair, whose position had been one of great difficulty ever since the King’s arrival on the scene, resigned his command. Yet he had his adherents still. One officer writing home said, “If the general’s advice had been followed we should have been half way to Paris by now.” His resignation put an end to all notion of further engagements with the enemy, and soon afterwards the King and his suite returned to London to revel in the applause of the multitude, who magnified the business into 42 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE a glorious victory. While odes and Te Deums were thus the order of the day at home, the camp at Worms was broken up, Field Marshal Wade being appointed Stair’s successor as com- mander-in-chief of the British forces in Flanders. The fifth division (which included Duroure’s), under Lord Rothes, marched to Brussels, which they reached November 22, and from thence to Ostend for the winter, much to our lieutenant’s disgust. Edward, whose health had considerably suffered by the campaign, got leave to go home during the dull season, but his brother’s services as adjutant were too indispensable for him to be spared for any length of time. There was a great shortage of officers, and being in- tensely ambitious he dared not plead any excuse for a remission of his duties. That his promotion had come full early he well knew: it had doubtless occasioned comment: his great object was to deserve it. So he passed the whole winter in Ostend uncomplain- ingly, making himself meanwhile a thorough master of his work and winning the affection of both his fellow-officers and the men. Christmas and his birthday found him at Ostend. In February he heard with joy that his father had been promoted to the rank of brigadier-general. Thinking that all the Wolfes ought to have a share in titular advancement, he pleasantly promoted his brother, still under the paternal roof in London, to a captaincy in an amusing letter he wrote in the spring— James to Epwarp WolLFE. Ostend, March 21, O.S., 1743. Dear Nep,—I got yours yesterday from Dover by a gentle- man who was so good to take it up and bring it me from thence. I expected to have had my box at the same time, for I thought our going to England (or rather the appearance of it) was entirely laid aside. I shall be obliged to you if you will take the first opportunity of sending it. I want it very much. I have not a pair of boots I can wear. The regiment will very soon be out toexercise. You and I are to be tented together next cam- paign. The marquee is making and will cost us about £4. I shall send to Ghent very soon to bespeak a cart, which with harness for two horses I am told will come to ten pounds or thereabouts. I shall get everything I find necessary for us ; so you need not be in any pain about your equipage. I think Rainsford is not brutal enough to send you from England, who have done all his duty this three or four months ; sure he knows better. I have a better opinion of his understanding. ‘THE FAIR SEX’ 43 I hear of no promotion in the regiment, except that “ Thick- head”! has got his father’s company. Stephens is certainly going out, he is to be surgeon to the two troop of Horse Grenadiers and sell his employments with us; so you will get a step by that. Ryder I believe will buy the Surgeonship. I am glad you find the mantua-maker pretty. I thought so, I assure you ; I give up all pretensions. Pray use her kindly. Doubtless you love the company of the fair sex. If you should happen to go where Mrs. Seabourg is, pray don’t fall in love with her, I can’t give her up tamely, remember I am your rival. I am also in some pain about Miss Warde. Admire anywhere else and welcome, —except the widow Bright. Miss Paterson is yours, if you like her, and so is the little staring girl in the chapel? with twenty thousand pounds. Pray give my duty to my mother. I hope her cold is well. The plum cake she gave me was very good and of singular service to me. I do not believe the box would hold any, but—they say “tis particularly wholesome at Ostend ! I am, dear Ned, sincerely yours, J. Wotre. N’oublie point mes compliments a les adorables femmes que je viens de nommer. To Carr. Wore at Brig. Wolfe’s in old Burlington Street, Burlington Gardens, London. “Pray give my duty to my mother,” may seem a somewhat cold and formal phrase from a youth of seventeen, even though he be a seasoned soldier and an adjutant, but we must bear in mind the epistolary spirit and filial ceremony of the age, which tempers much that to us seems callous and anti-fervid. There still remains a residue, however, in Wolfe’s letters to his mother which discloses something of the peculiar character of their relations. We seem to see a good deal of the antique Roman spirit about them both : each sincerely loved the other, both were chary of expressions of relaxing endearment. Wolfe himself usually takes a stern, self- contained tone towards his mother, easily to be mistaken now-a-days for priggishness. But James Wolfe was no prig: moreover, his 1 “ Thickhead,” Lieutenant Romer, whom Edward Wolfe succeeded. —Wright. 2 The chapel of Greenwich Hospital, where the Wolfe family at one period attended service. 44 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE effusion of natural spirits is sometimes notable, as in the last quoted letter. Shortly after this Wolfe got his commission as captain, and was transferred to Barrell’s Regiment (the 4th Foot), and his brother rejoined Duroure’s as lieutenant. Both regiments marched away to join the army now assembled on the banks of the Scheldt under Marshal Wade, consisting of 22,000 British, 16,000 Hanoverians, 18,000 Austrians, and 20,000 Dutch—in all, 76,000 troops. Afterwards they were reinforced by 18,000 Dutch. While this large army remained inactive on the Scheldt, the French under Marshal Saxe, after being concentrated at Lille, proceeded to overrun the Netherlands. Wade was, as we see now, a pitiful sort of general, more at home in road-building than in planning and fighting battles. He considered himself too weak to offer any effectual barrier to the French, who took Courtrai, Menin and Ypres successively before their English opponent was spurred forward to action by in- dignant orders from home. ‘The surrender of Ypres was especially disgraceful, and Wade became so frightened that he sent away his plate for safe-keeping at Antwerp, a fact well known to British officers and men. “Tt is already past twelve o’clock, and I am tired and sleepy. .. . This is my birthday. I am now seven and twenty years of age. What an unprofitable lout I am.”—Froude’s Life of Carlyle, p. 171. BIRTHDAY REFLECTIONS 165 Nobody can be more persuaded of it than I am; but situation, example, the current of things, and our natural weakness draw me away with the herd, and only leave me just strength enough to resist the worst degree of our iniquities. There are times when men fret at trifles, and quarrel with their toothpicks. In one of these ill habits I exclaim against the present condition, and think it is the worst of all ; but coolly and temperately it is plainly the best. Where there is most employment and least vice, there one should wish to be. There is a meanness and a baseness not to endure with patience the little inconveniences we are subject to; and to know no happiness but in one spot, and that in ease, in luxury, in idleness, seems to deserve our contempt. There are young amongst us that have great revenues and high military stations, that repine at three months’ service with their regiments if they go fifty miles from home. Soup and venaison and turtle are their supreme delight and joy, —an effeminate race of coxcombs, the future leaders of our armies, defenders and protectors of our great and free nation! You bid me avoid Fort William, because you believe it still worse than this place. That will not be my reason for wishing to avoid it ; but the change of conversation, the fear of becoming a mere ruffian, and of imbibing the tyrannical principles of an absolute commander, or giving way insensible to the temptations of power, till I become proud, insolent, and intolerable :—these considerations will make me wish to leave the regiment before the next winter, and always (if it could be so) after eight months’ duty ; that by frequenting men above myself I may know my true condition, and by discoursing with the other sex may learn some civility and mildness-of carriage, but never pay the price of the last improvement with the loss of reason. Better be a savage of some use than a gentle, amorous puppy, obnoxious to all the world. One of the wildest of wild clans is a worthier being than a perfect Philander. [He had sat up composing this letter far into the night. Upon reading it in the morning a profound disgust seized upon him and he continued in a wholly different strain. ] I have had a mind to burn this letter. You'll think it too grave, unreasonably so ; or you may suspect I play the hypocrite, with design to lead you into an opinion of our reformation. Charles has bought me a French translation of Thucydides, and has not been paid. I wish you would desire my father to lay 166 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE down the money for me till we meet. It is a most incomparable book. I wish I may get £20, to pay these little incumbrances ; anything more would be unreasonable to expect. It is said that Lafausille is preparing to publish a new treatise of Discipline and Reflections upon the Government of Armies. I hope Loftus will add his Notes and Remarks, for the amusement of the public and great diversion of all his acquaint- ance. ‘There is already so much nonsense upon this subject, and it is in itself so barren and dry (in the manner it is commonly treated), that I wonder at any attempt of the kind. Lord Molesworth and General Kane—two very accurate writers—have expressed their thoughts in a very pretty, concise discourse, to the great advantage and improvement of those persons for whom they were intended. ‘These are the patterns for my brother lieutenant-colonel to imitate. Perhaps you'll imagine that this is all ill-nature in me, and that I envy him the reputation which must follow his labours. Upon my word, I do not; but I could wish that he could be contented with his share of fame. To speak fairly, I don’t believe what I have heard, from my opinion of my friend’s moderation. Mrs. Inwood’s great vivacity and great good-nature make her an excellent winter companion. She is very well in all seasons, but particularly in cold weather; her lively discourse in December makes some amends for her inactivity in May. One thing grieves me, that you must necessarily keep house while she stays; for I think I have heard you say that her wind won’t last her a hundred yards, and that her action soon fails. If you will do me the favour to present my compliments to her, and assure her that I do not rowll about the room now, nor am I in that desperate condition that she has seen and known, and laughed at! I was shamefully beat at chess by a Scotch laird about five months ago; this has put me out of conceit of my own play. I must again become a scholar under Mrs. Inwood, to make me attentive to the game and teach me to think. I beg my duty to my father, and am, Dear Madan, etc., James WOLFE. Wolfe by no means discontinued his studies at Inverness. Realizing the importance of mathematics he engaged a Mr. Barbour, who, like Dr. Samuel Johnson, “kept a schule and ca’d it an Acaademy,” and who enjoyed much local repute as a mathematician, REGIMENTAL PIETY 167 to continue him in principles of Algebra and Geometry. The Lieutenant-Colonel thus humorously describes the effect of his renewed studies. To wis FatHer. Inverness, 12th January, 1752. Dear Smr,—I have read the mathematics till I am grown perfectly stupid, and have algebraically worked away the little portion of understanding that was allowed to me. They have not even left me the qualities of a coxcomb; for I can neither laugh nor sing, nor talk an hour upon nothing. The latter of these is a sensible loss, for it excludes a gentleman from all good company, and makes him entirely unfit for the conversation of the polite world. However, a man may make a neighbourlike appearance in this cold region with a moderate competency of knowledge, and with a degree of gravity that may supply the deficiency. And whoever goes to kirk (as I do) once a week, and there comports himself with more reverence to the priest than consideration for the nature of the business—herein I sometimes fail—will most assuredly and deservedly obtain the reputation of great wisdom and discretion. We are allowed to be the most religious foot officers that have been seen in the North for many a day, and some words are thrown away every Sunday in prayers for our amendment and exemplary life and conversation. See the variety and constant change of things: in most of our quarters we have been looked upon no better than as the sons of darkness, and given up unto Satan; here we are white as the snow that cover all the hills about,—not from want of temptation to sin, you may believe, but from sudden conversion and power to resist. My uncle Wat has given over corresponding with me,—at least I imagine so. I believe we don’t agree in our system of military affairs, and therefore he drops me, as an innovator in discipline. I hear he is very well. Mr. Fisher is empowered to do prodigious things with my prize in the lottery ; amongst the rest he will pay for my French Thucydides—our historian—I speak as a soldier. I am thinking what a noble balance there will be on my side when our accounts are settled! I beg my duty to my mother, and am, Dear Si, etc., Jam. WotrFe. 168 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE There are worse—and less appropriate—ways of disbursing a prize won in a lottery than by purchasing the volumes of Voltaire. To unis MotHer. Inverness, Jan. 24th (O.8.), 1752. Dear Mapam,—lI don’t always understand myself and can’t therefore wonder that I am sometimes unintelligible to others. However, I don’t mean to be obscure in my discourse to you, and so my words generally bear the sense that they are most usually taken in; their common acceptation—when this is not the case, and the meaning not plain, pray be so good to burn the letter. I think your hardest task will be to make out the words. If I did not know the best part of what I had writ it would be some- times difficult to read my own writing. J am quite sensible that you are nohow concerned in military affairs, and have given me no positive orders to reside here, or there ; nor are you the cause of any evil that falls upon me; so I repent me much, if words have dropped from me that are unpleasant and unsuitable—or seem to proceed from a restless and fretful temper inconsistent with the regard due to your peace which I should be sorry to disturb for myself. I do not know what demon possessed me at that unlucky hour; but I have never known my thoughts less confused than of late, and easy stupidity and insensibility seems to have crept into me; and does the part of reason in keeping the vessel steady, with prodigious success. It is so pleasing a state that I prefer it to any conceit that the fancy can produce, any whirlwind of the brain, or violent chase after nothing—the one goes slowly, sedately, and heavily, the other distractedly to the same end. That I am still here, is a proof that you have no power to remove me—but you may be assured by way of comfort, that I can sleep through any mischance and dose away all my complaints. So may fine people concurring in the same views and dis- appointed at last; a union so well suited, that they justly obtain the name of agreeable, and get their ticket a blank—is a flagrant proof that these matters are wholly governed by chance and accident, and no sort of regard is had to the just pretensions of the select few: Are all your’s blank? ‘There are thousands in the same case, that can less afford the loss—I think it is very good in you to contribute so much to the public expenses. I hope when your houses are sold, you will be enabled to do more, and help to maintain the army and the fleet. MORDAUNT’S FRIENDSHIP 169 Charles says, there’s thirty sail, in the harbour at Plymouth. I got a letter from little Rickson the other day, who never forgets to make grateful mention of the civility he received from my father and you, and to offer his respects; he languishes and sighs for his native country ; though the affairs of that province are in a better way than formerly. Parry assures me that he will send some shells to Mr. Fisher by the first ship that goes from Edinburgh and he makes me believe that Major Innes will send sixty or seventy pounds of Minorcan honey from port Mahon as quick as possible. I am sure the jar you were so kind as to give me, has, and continues to be of great service, I can’t be too thankful for such a favour. What hinders you from meeting as usual? I hope your parties are not so scattered but you may collect again. The dull winter hours require some dissipation, people want to be enlivened in such a dead season. Mrs. Wilmot is the oldest of all my old friends and acquaint- ance, and I never see her but with great pleasure, and love to hear her name mentioned—is she as merry as heretofore? does she laugh away all her life? I hope her good humour will never forsake her. I have recovered my hearing, within these three weeks—a month ago I could not hear my watch strike with the right ear, and it has been so ever since I left London ; exercise and temperance have brought this about, and will do the rest in time. I am pleased to know that you are both in health—I beg my duty to my father and am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam. WolLFE. To Mrs. Wore, Greenwich, Kent, Sth. Britain. His absence in the Highlands had not caused his influential friends to forget him. His inamorata’s uncle, Sir John Mordaunt, tried to get him an appointment as aide-de-camp, fearing that a too long expatriation might put the young officer out of the lists of preferment, but the Duke of Cumberland had other views and the application was refused. Wolfe was not sorry, as the following letter shows. To us FaTHer. February 1st, 1752. Dear Sir,—I told you my reasons why I thought there was nothing to be expected in Ireland before I knew your sentiments 172 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE management of all your London affairs, that you may have an end to such unpleasant business. My washer-woman says she thinks I shall hold out till next autumn with her assistance: she has promised to keep everything very tight, and if she’s as good as her word, it will save you the trouble of sending any new linen. My compliments to Mrs. Inwood and to Miss Brett. I beg my duty to my father, and am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WotLrFe. To Mrs. Wotrs, Greenwich. To us Moruer. Inverness, 6th March, 1752. Dear Mapam,—The greatest pleasure your letters can give me is to know that you are both in good health, and, consequently, in the enjoyment of every good that follows it. If I could be always well assured of that, I should not insist any further, but leave it to any moment of your leisure to treat of light matters. An empty house is a very burdensome possession, and you are happy that you have got rid of yours,’ if there was no other reason than that it eases your mind of an encumbrance otherwise not easily shaken off’; for as we accustom ourselves from infancy to measure our real good by the condition of our little affairs, and do often place our happiness or misery in opinion, and the comparing our situation with that of other people, we are apt to torment ourselves with crosses and accidents much more than their nature deserves. This leads one to a conclusion that perhaps there is a possibility of going through the business of the world without any strong connection or attachment or anything that is in it, and with a kind of indifference as to what happens. The danger of this indifference is, that in time it may turn to dislike, and, unless reasonably curbed, may influence our conduct, and make us fall out with ourselves, which of all quarrels is the most dangerous, and the most difficult to reconcile. But, sure, every man of common sense will discover beauty and virtue enough to keep him in good temper ; and if not, he will try to possess himself of magnanimity to resist evil, and a certain portion of benevolence that shall incline him to think charitably of what is due to the crowd. 1 The Greenwich house was sold. MRS. FORBES 173 I have lately fallen into the acquaintance (by mere chance) of two young Scotch ladies, with whose conversation I am infinitely delighted. They are birds of a fine feather, and very rare in this country. One of them is a wife, the other a maid. The former has the strongest understanding, the other has the prettiest face ; but as I am not disposed to become the slave of either, the matron stands first. I mention this circumstance to clear up all doubt that might arise from the subject, and I speak of these ladies to show that we should not despair, and that some satis- faction may be found even where it is least expected. Lord George is the man of all my acquaintance that I most wish to see married : he has the necessary qualifications of riches (for we must put that first), honour, prudence and good temper, and is come to years of discretion, as it is called. Lord Bury comes down in April; he'll stay six weeks, and then swear there’s no enduring it any longer, and beg leave to return. “ Wolfe, you'll stay in the Highlands; you can’t with any face, ask to quit the regiment so dispersed ; and when you have clothed and sent them to their different quarters, to- wards the end of November you shall come to London, my dear friend, for three months.” This will be his discourse, and I must say, “ My Lord, you are very kind!” Here are people that remember to have seen my father at Fort William. I never heard him mention that. Perhaps he has been silent because. there is a circumstance attending it that does him honour. Of all men upon earth, I believe he speaks the least in his own praise, and that’s the reason why I never expect to see his name in the Gazette. Iam, etc., etc., Jam. WotrFE. “There is good reason to conclude,” observes Wright,! “that the ‘matron’ alluded to above was Mrs. Forbes, wife of John, only son of the famous Lord President. It will be seen that Wolfe entertained a high regard for that lady, concerning whose health he frequently inquires after he left Scotland. It is much more pleasing to look upon the old historic house as the scene of Mrs. Forbes’s genial hospitality towards the as yet comparatively undistinguished officer, than as the temporary abode of the young Chevalier and of his successful rival before and after the bloody battle that terminated the rebellion.” 1 Life, p. 198. 174 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To us Fatuer. Inverness, 20¢h March, 1752. Dear Sir,—The meeting of the whole regiment and Lord Bury’s presence will put me to the necessity of changing m manner of living, and if I don’t acquire more knowledge I shall certainly get more health by the change. I have already mentioned what kind of weather and how severe a winter we have had, and when I add the impossibility of stirring out of the town and the difficulty of finding a conversible fit companion in it, you may believe that my long confinement has perhaps been more from necessity than choice. I can’t drink nor play without the fear of destroying the officers, and some of them are already but too much inclined to that ruinous and disastrous vice. It will be in the middle of May before we are reviewed, and near the latter end when we send out our Highland detachment. June is everywhere a pleasant month, and in July we may begin to shoot. Lord Bury likes his diversion, and so doI. He'll keep me to carry his powder horn and flints; we shall ramble from post to post till he’s tired and goes off, and then I shall retreat into Fort William and remain there until further orders. Years roll on in this way, and are (unluckily for us) never to be recalled. Our friends forget us; we grow rustic, hard-tempered and severe, and insensibly fall into a course of thought and action that is more readily observed than corrected. We use a very dangerous freedom and looseness of speech amongst our- selves ; this by degrees makes wickedness and debauchery less odious than it should be, if not familiar, and sets truth, religion and virtue at a great distance. I hear things every day said that would shock your ears, and often say things myself that are not fit to be repeated, perhaps without any ill intention, but merely by the force of custom. The best that can be offered in our defence is, that some of us see the evil and wish to avoid it. I have shut my books and am every fair day on horse- back. I am sorry you have entirely given up that sort of exercise, because it is, beyond all dispute, the best. I hope you are persuaded that motion of some kind or other is necessary to your health. I take the freedom to put you in mind of it, be- cause you seem sometimes less solicitous about it than it really deserves. My mother suffers when you do, so that I am doubly interested in your welfare. I beg my duty to my mother, and am, etc., Jam. WotrE, BURY’S CHARACTER 175 To us Morurr. Inverness, April 10¢h, 1752. Dear Mapam,—However I may be disposed of, you may be secure and satisfied that I shall in all things consider my condition; shall bear any ill-treatment with patience and fortitude, and must always think that he who has Jost his liberty, or was never free, has nothing worth contending for. If it was left to my choice, I should run away to the Austrian camp at Luxembourg, or to the French army in Lorraine; for I don’t think myself quite secure in England, and my course of thought leads me to shun danger and seek improvement. The Lieutenant-Colonel you speak of (I suppose you mean Aldercron) is near the top of our list; he has been strongly recommended from Ireland, with the title of long service to support the recommendation. My success in that way depends upon events not to be wished or hoped for. I can only rise in war, by my willingness to engage in it. In these cooler times the parliamentary interest and weight of particular families annihilates all other pretentions ; when I am amongst the youngest of my own rank, and have had as great favour shown me as I could modestly expect. Don’t believe that I am insensible of your affectionate concern and my father’s in the matter; I know well from whence it flows, and that know- ledge will help me to bear little afflictions without wavering or repining; for I know no better reason to be contented than that you wish it, and when I’m not truly satisfied T' endeavour to appear so. I must send off my books and recommend them to your care; the weight grows too considerable for long journeys, and a few well chosen is a great library for a soldier. I am, etc., J. Wo re. Lord Bury appears to have been a somewhat difficult personage. It was in the highest degree improbable that two natures so diametrically opposed could work together without discomfort to at least one of them. Bury was but little Wolfe’s senior, but he was the son of a lord and heir to an earldom. He was arbitrary 1 Lieut.-Colonel John Aldercron, of the 7th Foot, succeeded to the coloneley of Richbell’s—39th (East Middlesex) in March 1752, Early in 1754 he embarked for Madras with his regiment,—‘‘ Primus in Indis,”—and was nominated Commander-in-Chief in India. He became a Lieut.-General in 1760, and died in July 1766.—Wright. 176 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE and capricious. Wolfe was conscious that Lord Bury, who had the ear of the Commander-in-Chief, perpetually stood in his way, and there were times when he felt an inclination to cut and run from it all. He was not a peace soldier. If he was to rise very high it must be through active service, and active service was not to be had in the Highlands of Scotland. An illustration of his Colonel’s temper was furnished when Bury finally joined his regiment. ‘To find an instance of such a want of tact would be to ransack history indeed. Wolfe’s manners and the behaviour that he had inculcated upon his men had almost entirely removed the aversion which the town of Inverness and the surrounding inhabitants had first felt for the soldiery. The latter had even grown popular. On the arrival of Bury on April 13 the Provost and Councillors requested his presence at a celebration of the Duke of Cumberland’s birthday. Bury observed that he was delighted to find the inhabitants of Inverness so loyal. But he believed that there was another occasion at hand whose cele- bration would give his Royal Highness even greater pleasure. This was the anniversary of the Battle of Culloden. Consternation appeared upon the faces of the deputation; they retired saying that they would consult their colleagues. From men with a particle of manhood, a tame acquiescence in such a suggestion could hardly be expected. They declined to celebrate the fall of their sons, brothers and kinsmen, and a further deputation waited upon Bury with an answer to this effect. Bury’s retort was to threaten them with a military outbreak as a result of the disappointment his soldiers would feel. This frightened the poor Provost and deputation into compliance; but what the Lieutenant-Colonel must have thought of the tactlessness of such a proceeding can best be conjectured. It is safe to say he took no part in this impolitic celebration of the Battle of Culloden. To unis FaTuer. Inverness, April 28rd, 1752. Dear Sir,—I am awakened from a state of indolence and inactivity by the recollection of what is due to you. This is the first letter that I have penned since Lord Bury came here. His Lordship pays my attendance upon him with fair words and promises ; and he thinks it highly reasonable that my long confinement should have an end, though he is far from being sure of the Duke’s consent. I tell him the matter of fact, that when I feel any extraordinary restraint, and am kept longer FORT AUGUSTUS 177 with the regiment than is equitable, I hate the sight of a soldier ; have, nevertheless, too much niceness to neglect the service, and too much indifference, as to reputation and applause, to exert myself to any high degree. Some of these young men have borrowed their notions of arms, and the people that compose them, from neighbouring nations, and seem of opinion that a stupid kind of obedience and conformity to their will supplies the want of military virtue and ability. Fifteen companies of Foot are to work this summer at the new fort. I an, etc., J. Wotre. The longest winter wears away at last, and Wolfe’s departure from Inverness drew near. He had now the prospect of leave of absence at a favourable season of the year, and he determined to take advantage of it. If he could not leave the kingdom he could at least go to Ireland, and for Ireland Wolfe always cherished a warm affection. Early in May, he bade a final farewell to his friends in Inverness. He had still a term to fulfil at Fort Augustus, before he could set out on his travels. Fort Augustus has been made familiar to us through the Highland journey of Dr. Johnson. To wis Moruer. Inverness, 16th May, 1752. Dear Mapam,—The best return I can make for your kind inquiry and care about my health is to inform you, as quickly as possible, that I am extremely well, much better than I have been since I came last to Scotland. I wish you would always entertain yourself with cheerful thoughts, believe your friends as you desire they should be, and put off your concern till you are convinced of the contrary. Though I would not willingly be forgot, nor even remembered with indifference, yet, rather than disturb your peace and felicity, I should be content to be not much thought of. Half of our misery arises from self-tormenting imaginations. The apprehension and dread of evil is the greatest of our misfortunes in this life. Take away the mischiefs that the fancy suggests, and it will considerably lighten our burden. Lord Bury first advised me not to ask leave of absence, but afterwards he changed his opinion. I have reason to think that N 178 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE it will not be refused. My curiosity and the necessity of riding about will put me upon undertaking a very long journey. I find that a sedentary life is a very dangerous one, and therefore propose this new plan by way of trial, and to refresh and amuse myself. At the end of this tour I shall have the pleasure of seeing my father and you, and if I find you in health I shall find what I most wish for. Teeth are valuable from their great use; the other day I broke a fine large one all to pieces. At Paris they put in artificial teeth that are every way as serviceable as the natural ones, and perhaps they may do the same in London. I see no harm in repairing any loss of this kind, as we really can’t eat or speak properly without them. Don’t let accidents of this kind disturb you a moment; there are looks for all seasons of our life. You may stand by any lady of your age in Christendom, and have through your whole time been a match for all the beauties your contemporaries. We have this comfort, that a leg, an eye, or a tooth lost, does not necessarily carry away with it any one good quality. We can be as charitable, as liberal, and as honest, wanting any of these members as with them. There is an old general mentioned in history that had but one left of what everybody else has commonly two; and yet with one leg, one arm, one eye and one ear, he was, for a drunken man, the best officer of his day. You cannot but pass your time agreeably. What addition of happiness could you desire? A pleasant house and garden, fine air, beautiful walks, plenty of good food, books, a sweet- tempered young lady to read to you and help to divert you. You have a great deal of company, you owe nobody a sixpence, and your friends and acquaintances love and esteem you. For my part, I think this a situation to be envied, and that all these fair appearances would be nothing without a conscience free from pangs and an universal benevolence to mankind. With these supports we enjoy the present hours, but are not therefore unmindful of our natural end. You say your trees are in bloom, and you wish not to kill them with too much fruit. The remedy is very easy ; pluck off the superfluity, and only leave as much as they can afford to nourish, and that will be but very little. Let other gardens find you fruit this year and the next, and then your own will supply you. 1 Josias, Comte de Rantzau of Holstein, died 1650. ALAN BRECK 179 Mr. Skinner has brought my shirts, and they please me much. Are not the ruffles a small matter too long? I have wore my old linen to shivers, and do really thank you for this seasonable relief. I sent a trunk to London with books and two pieces of Trish cloth, under the care of an old sergeant of the regiment. You may open it if you please. I beg my compliments to Miss Brydges.!_ My duty to my father, etc. Jam. WOLFE. While on the march, Wolfe and the few companies he took with him, heard much of the murder of Colin Campbell of “ Glenure.” This singularly dramatic crime has since engaged the pens of many historians and novelists from Sir Walter Scott to R. L. Stevenson and Mr. Andrew Lang. The supposed assassin was one Alan Breck, a cadet of the House of Stuart. To wis FatHer. Fort Augustus, May 28th, 1752. Dear Sir,—We have been here about ten days, and the garrison at present consists of two field-officers, five or six other officers, and fourscore recruits. Lord Bury was soon tired and went off to Fort William ; from thence he goes to Lord Breadal- baine’s, and in a little while after to England. I can’t find work enough to employ me here, and as the weather is tolerably fair, will visit some of our posts, and perhaps accept of an invitation from the Laird of Macleod, who offers to show me a very extraordinary old castle in the Isle of Skye.” Mr. Collingwood, our Lieutenant-Governor, is an old acquaintance of yours; he expresses great esteem for you, and desires me to tell you so. He is very agreeable to us all in his character of Governor, and if he can’t make the place quite pleasant, he endeavours to make it easy. You have heard of the strange murder that was committed about a fortnight since by two Highlanders, at the instigation, it is believed, of a lady, the wife of a banished rebel. The gentleman was an Argylshire man, and factor upon some of the forfeited estates. Several men are apprehended upon suspicion, 1 Catherine, fourth daughter of the Hon. and Rev. Henry Brydges, and sister to Mrs. Inwood. She afterwards married Lindley Simpson, Esq. , of Babworth, Notts. Mrs. Wolfe bequeathed her the sum of £200, ‘¢ together with my picture of her sister, and my painted dressing-glass and boxes, in my house at Bath.” —Wright. 2 Dunvegan Castle. N 2 180 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE but I'm sure it will be very difficult to discover the actors of this bloody deed. The factor intended to remove the old tenants and to plant others in their room, and this is supposed to be their reason for killing him. One of our officers has sent me a roebuck. It is a curious kind of deer, less than our fallow-deer, but seldom fit to eat. I intend to have it tamed and carried to England, as a present to my mother. It will be three weeks or a month before we shall be told whether we may go or must stay. They are more exact and ready in warning us of the expiration of our leave than in granting it. I wish you much health, beg my duty to my mother, and am, Dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. Not all of Wolfe’s officers were so little enamoured of the High- lands as he himself was. One of his captains, Alexander Trapaud, known familiarly to him as “Trap,” really expressed a preference for Fort Augustus over any other station. They doubtless indulged in much raillery on the subject, but a few months after Wolfe left “Trap” had an opportunity of testifying to his preference in a practical fashion. He applied for and obtained the post of lieutenant- governor of the fort, and there for three and forty years he remained. At Fort Augustus this friend of Wolfe married, reared a family and duly paid the debt of nature at the advanced age of eighty-four, happy in being the principal character in the locality and entertaining all strangers who visited that remote region with the utmost civility. Here in 1773 came Dr. Johnson and Boswell on their route to the Hebrides, and here they passed one August night. “It was comfortable,” wrote Boswell, “to find ourselves in a well-built little square and so neatly-furnished house, in good company and with a good supper before us; in short, with all the conveniences of civilized life, in the midst of rude mountains Mrs. Trapaud and the Governor’s daughter and her husband, Captain Newmarsh, were all most obliging and polite.” As for Dr. Johnson, he says in his own narrative : “ Mr. 'Trapaud, the Governor, treated us with that courtesy which is so closely connected with the military character. He came out to meet us beyond the gates and apologized that at so late an hour the rules of a garrison suffered him to give us entrance only at the postern.” IX FROM DUBLIN TO PARIS Wotre reached Perth on June 20, and here renewed his acquaintance with some of his old friends, officers in his father’s regiment stationed in the royal city. While at Perth he wrote Mrs. Wolfe, but did not complete the letter until he arrived in Glasgow, en route for Ireland. To nis MorHEr. Perth, June 26, 1752. Dear Mapam,—lI stopped three or four days in this place to divert myself with Loftus, who is, I think, rather more humorous and pleasant than he used to be, at least he appears so to me, who am almost grave. He goes with me to Glasgow, where I leave him, and proceed on my journey to Port Patrick. Loftus tells me that the physicians have all along mistaken his case; that so far from having his blood tainted (as they have been pleased to insinuate), it is to his fine habit of body, and strength of constitution that he is indebted for his recovery. Mr. Pattison sends a pointer to Blackheath; if you will order him to be tied up in your stable, or in Mr. Woodcock’s it will oblige me much. The dog is very ugly but very good. I have not yet determined when I shall go, nor how I shall travel, only in general that I intend to see the North of Ireland and the cities of Cork and Dublin. If you hear of a good servant that can, or will learn to dress a wig and save me that prodigious expense in London, it will be a favour done me to engage him, at least so far that I may take him or not when I see him; sometime towards the latter end of August or beginning of September. John is dirty and grows impertinent, the other I have turned away for killing one horse and for spoiling the rest. I have another favour to beg of you, and you'll think it an odd one; ’tis to order some currant jelly to be made in a crock for my use. It is the custom in Scotland to eat it in the morning with bread ; I find it not only a very pleasant custom but a very wholesome one. 181 182 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE You know what a whimsical sort of person I am and how variable and unsteady ; nothing pleases me now but the rougher kind of entertainments, such as hunting, shooting and fishing ; there’s none of that kind near London, and I have distant notions of taking a little, very little house, remote upon the edge of the forest, or waste, merely for sport, and keep it till we go to Minorca. Perth, 24th June, 1752. I writ the above portion of my letter at Perth, and I close it at Glasgow. Loftus is by and makes such a noise that I must finish as quick as possible. I should be glad to have the shirts made like the last as to the collars and sleeves, but a little longer and quite plain, for I must be at some expense for fine ruffles. Iam vastly glad to hear that you are both so well— may you long continue so. My duty to my father. I am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate Son, J. Wotre. Glasgow, June 26. The idea of a sporting lodge in the Highlands, so strikingly novel in 1752, has since become a familiar one to the natives of these islands. Without lingering at Glasgow many days, the Lieutenant- Colonel set off at the end of June from Port Patrick on his Irish holiday. We must rely upon tradition for Wolfe’s itinerary after his landing in the north of Ireland. It appears he visited Belfast and Londonderry, and no doubt spent some days near the scene of his ancestors’ feats of arms at Limerick. When our hero arrived in Dublin he saw the Irish capital at the height of its outward splendour and political importance, the seat of an Irish Parliament, and of the Viceregal Court. On the day following his arrival in Dublin he thus writes to his father— To wis FaTueEr. Dublin, 13th July, 1752. Dear Sir,—This is the first day of rest since I left Glasgow. I came here last night not a little fatigued, you may believe, with such continued hard exercise, but otherwise in better condition than I have known for fourteen months past, leaner than can be described, and burnt toa chip. I have seen your OPINION OF DUBLIN 183 letter to my uncle, and am greatly concerned that your health is not so perfect as I always wish it to be. If the season has been of the same sort that they have had in this country,—very wet and cold,—it may be accounted for, and a drier air, and more sun will, I hope, relieve you. My uncle has complaints in his back and limbs, and is obliged to put on flannels; whether it be the rheumatism or gout flying about him, his physicians cannot determine. He is otherwise cheerful and well. I stay here four or five days, and then set out for Cork, where I shall embark in one of the Bristol ships; and if I find myself strong in health and in circumstances shall continue my journey from Bristol through the West, and so home. I came yesterday from Drogheda, but not till I had seen that ground and the river so remarkable in our history. The protestants have erected a monument in memorial of their deliverance, very near the ford where the King crossed the Boyne. The inscriptions take notice of the happy consequences of the battle, and on one side of the pillar they do honour to the memory of Duke Schomberg. I had more satisfaction in looking at this spot than in all the variety that I have met with; and perhaps there is not another piece of ground in the world that I could take so much pleasure to observe. The north of Ireland and the neighbourhood of this city are very little inferior for beauty and fertility to any parts of England that I have seen, and others they exceed in both. And there is yet great room for different improvements, par- ticularly in planting and draining the boggy grounds. They have fine clear streams as can be seen, and very large timber where it is encouraged ; but I am told that the best estates are involved deeply in debt, the tenants racked and plundered, and consequently industry and good husbandry disappointed or destroyed. This appears to be a prodigious city, and they continue to build; the streets are crowded with people of a large size and well limbed, and the women very handsome. They have clearer skins and fairer complexions than the women in England or Scotland, and are exceedingly straight and well made. You'll be surprised that I should know this so soon, but I have seen a multitude already, for they take some pains to show themselves. My uncle seems to have preserved his cheerfulness and vivacity. He joins with me in wishing you both all manner of good. I am, dear Sir, etc., Jam. WOLFE, 184 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE It must have been a source of the most lively satisfaction to Major Wolfe to have his brilliant nephew with him. There is some reason for believing that he was Wolfe’s godfather: at all events, the Major stood in a fervently avuncular relation to him. Major Wolfe was an old bachelor. He had often visited his brother’s family when James was a child and detected unusual qualities in the boy. He was always urging him forward, and begging him to remember that his purse was ever open to his necessities. ‘Uncle Wat,” as his nephew always affectionately styles him, was a character not unlike “my Uncle Toby.” His talk was all of column, square and echelon, convex and concave fronts, and the formal tactics and complicated drill of Marl- borough’s day. Wolfe, like most young men, and especially those who had seen so much of the actual practice of warfare, was inclined to hold views which the elder man warmly denounced as heterodox. The Major probably resided at Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill, near the Castle. At all events, this was his favourite place of resort, as it was of all officers in Dublin, being indeed a sort of military rendezvous and officers’ club. The ground immediately in the rear of Lucas’s enjoyed a somewhat sinister reputation in those days, inasmuch as this was the scene of numberless duels. Such affairs of honour commonly drew a crowd of gallant spectators to the windows of the establishment, some of whom were prepared to back their favourite combatant with their money. It is much to be regretted that we possess no further account of Wolfe’s journeyings in the south of Ireland. About the middle of August he crossed the Channel to Bristol and made his way thence to Blackheath. The house which Wolfe now visited for the first time, and by which its owner and builder set great store, still survives with its sombre front facing Blackheath Common in nearly the same state as it was a century and a half ago. The land upon which the house stands and the not very extensive garden behind it are carved out of Greenwich Park, so that in those days, when the Park was not so much frequented by the populace, as it became at a later period, the General may be con- sidered as claiming its beauty and expanse as his own. It is in an elevated situation at the top of Croom’s Hill, and before it rose eventually a shaded avenue, now called Chesterfield Walk, out of compliment to the noble lord who established his suburban residence in the fine Queen Anne mansion a stone’s throw from that of the Wolfes. Chesterfield was, at the moment of Wolfe’s arrival in Blackheath, enjoying an unusual amount of celebrity as the pro- SETS OUT FOR PARIS 185 moter of the famous change in the calendar, by which the 3rd of September, 1752, became the 14th, and the new year was decreed to begin on the Ist of January instead of the 25th March.? At Blackheath Wolfe waited somewhat impatiently for a favourable response to his further application for leave to go abroad. Why this should have been withheld was something of a mystery unless it was that the General or Mrs. Wolfe secretly opposed the idea, as fearing that their son might contract an undesirable alliance either marital or military. We have already seen his half-threats to embrace the Prussian service, and it is believed Count Lacey offered him an appointment on his staff. Again, the Duke of Cumberland probably condemned as arrant nonsense the idea of any officer improving his ideas by foreign travel. His Colonel, Lord Bury, discouraged the notion out of purely selfish reasons, until he began to see his Lieutenant-Colonel’s temper rising, and fearing to lose him altogether interceded with the Commander-in-Chief. Very luckily for Wolfe, Bury’s father, the Earl of Albemarle, was British Ambassador to the Court of Versailles, and this promised to render Wolfe’s path a pleasant one. On October 2, therefore, armed with several letters to persons of influence, he set out for Paris. The young officer could hardly have visited the French capital at a more propitious moment. There was an interval—brief enough as it turned out—of peace between the two countries. Louis XV was in the height of his career of luxury, vice and splendour. But it was neither Louis nor his ministers, but the Marquise de Pompadour who governed the kingdom. This daughter of a humble army commissary, Francois Poisson, had been some time installed at Versailles, first as mistress and afterwards as ami nécessaire. It is amazing to read of the incessant artifices this woman resorted to in order to keep her power—* the everlasting huntings, concerts, private theatricals, late suppers and what not—anything to distract the royal mind and to make it think only of the clever purveyor of gaieties.” Being a woman of real ability she gradually became premier of France, and the ministerial council condescended to assemble in her boudoir. 1 This reform of the Calendar has been fruitful of much confusion as regards the dating of letters: particularly those written by Wolfe. But before 1753 it had been the practice to indicate both years in letters penned between January 1 and Lady Day—thus: 1751-2, or 173}, sometimes increasing instead of lessening the confusion. Or the writer forgot the precise year, leaving to posterity to ascertain it, if, in the case of his letters, it were worth ascertaining. 186 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To wis FatuHer. Paris, 9th October, 1752. Dear Sir,—As I am vastly sensible of the many favours and marks of kindness that you have heaped upon me, so I shall endeavour to make you as sensible of my gratitude. Your generous proceeding in enabling me to undertake this business shall never be forgot. I hope and I dare say you have overlooked and forgiven that part of my former conduct you had just reason to be displeased with in the belief that it arose more from my distemper than from my natural disposition. I think it was the 2nd of October that I left Blackheath. I lay that night at Canterbury; an old friend, a captain of Dragoons, supped with me, and helped to deliver me from my own thoughts. The 3rd I went to Dover, and as my old Lady Grey’s house was in the way I called on her, and was very graciously received! She pressed me to dine, but that could not be, as the time of the packet’s sailing was uncertain. At her house I met a Miss Scott, whom my mother has heard of. The good old lady diverted herself with us two, told each that the other was not married, offered her mediation, and thought it a very lucky encounter, for the young lady and I got to the house exactly at the same time. However, I escaped untouched, and left my old friend to make up matters as she pleased. The packet did not sail that night, but we embarked at half-an-hour after six on Wednesday morning, and got into Calais at ten. I never suffered so much in so short a time at sea. There were two English gentlemen of condition in the ship travelling my way; we agreed to come together, and on Saturday, the 7th, in the morning, arrived at Paris without any sort of difficulty or inconvenience. The people seem (as their character is) to be very sprightly, and to deal largely in the exterior ; for a man can hardly commit a greater crime than to be mal misé, ou mal coiffé. The buildings are very magnificent, far surpassing any we have in London ; I mean the houses of the higher nobility and peers of France. The Gardens des Tuileries, that you have heard so much of, is as disagreeable a sandy walk as one would wish. They are indeed near the Seine and the Louvre, but have little else to recommend them, The Mall, or your park at Greenwich, are infinitely superior. There are no fortified towns 1 Lady Grey of Howick, see post, p. 293. LORD ALBEMARLE 187 between Calais and Paris; the country is very beautiful in most places, entirely in corn, and quite open where the woods allow it to be so; that is, there are few or no enclosures. Mr. Selwin! has recommended a French master to me, and in a few days I begin to ride in the Academy, but must dance and fence in my own lodgings, for fear of a discovery. A letter would miscarry that had any strokes of politics in it, so I shall never touch that matter; besides, it is neither your taste nor mine. The Dauphin is perfectly recovered,? and I believe the people are very hearty and sincere in the satisfaction and pleasure they profess upon that occasion. The Duke of Orleans, to signify his particular joy, has given an entertainment at St. Cloud, in the highest taste and magnificence, and at prodigious expense. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. WoLrE. The Mr. Haren of the following was an old friend of the Wolfes in Burlington Gardens. To uis MoruHer. Paris, 26th October, 1752. Dear Mapam,—Having discovered that I understand but little of the French language, and that I speak it very incorrectly (Notwithstanding Mr. Haren’s honourable approbation), I am disposed to fall upon some method that may lead me to a better knowledge of that useful tongue. The first necessary step is to leave off speaking English, and to write it as little as possible. This resolution of mine shall not, however, extend so far as to cut off all communication between us, for I had rather lose this or a much greater advantage than be denied the satisfaction of expressing my regard for you in the plainest and dearest manner ; and I will borrow neither the language nor meaning of these airy people when I speak of that. Lord Albemarle is come from Fontainebleau to his country house within two miles of Paris, and will soon be fixed for the cold season. I went to Fontainebleau to pay my respects to him, and have very good reason to be pleased with the reception I met with. The best amusement for strangers in Paris is the Opera, and the next to that is the playhouse. There are some fine voices in the first, and several good actors in the last. The 1 An English banker in Paris. 2 Of the small-pox. 188 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE theatre is a school to acquire the French language, for which reason I frequent it more than the other. Besides it is a cheaper diversion. You'll be glad to hear that your nephew Whetham ! is in very good hands ; his governor, or companion, is a gentleman of Switzerland, who was formerly in the army, and is very well spoken of. My cousin is expected here in three weeks or a month, and he stays all the winter in Paris. Madame Pompadour is a very agreeable woman. I had the good fortune to be placed near her for a considerable time. I beg my duty to my father, and wish you both health and all the good you deserve. J am, etc., J. WotrE. Madame de Pompadour observed of the British Ambassador to France, “ Milord Albemarle passes his time agreeably here. The King of England who loves him, though I know not why, sends him his lesson all ready, and he comes to repeat it like a school- boy to the minister of foreign affairs.” A previous English visitor to Paris, Horace Walpole, wrote, “Lord Albemarle keeps an immense table there with sixteen people in the kitchen: his aides- de-camp invite everybody, but he seldom graces the banquet himself, living retired out of the town with his old Columbine [Mademoiselle Gaucher]. What an extraordinary man! With no fortune at all and with slight parts, he has seventeen thousand a year from the Government which he squanders away, though he has great debts.” One of the first of Wolfe’s new English acquaintance in Paris was none other than Philip Stanhope, natural son of General Wolfe’s Blackheath neighbour, the Earl of Chesterfield. This young man, who had not yet attained his majority, destined to attain celebrity as the recipient of some of the most extra- ordinary letters in the language, had arrived in Paris with his tutor, the Reverend Walter Harte, afterwards a canon of Windsor. To us Faruer. Paris, 2nd November, 1752. Dear Sir,—lIt is very obliging in you to make the continu- ance of your favour depend upon myself. There is nothing 1 John Whetham, Esq., of Kirklington Hall, Nottinghamshire, was the only son of Lieut.-General Thomas Whetham and Mary, daughter of Edward Thompson, Esq., of Marston, Yorkshire (Mrs. Wolfe’s sister). He was born in 1731; married Elizabeth, daughter of Evelyn Chadwick, Esq., of West Leak ; was sheriff of the county of York ; and died without surviving issue in 1781.—Burke’s Landed Gentry. PHILIP STANHOPE 189 upon earth that I value so much as your affection and esteem and I hope nothing will ever happen that will force you to withdraw either the one or the other. Your neighbours are kind in their enquiries after me. I believe they think they oblige you in so doing. I would rather owe their civility to a favourable disposition towards you than to any opinion they might entertain of me. Lord Albemarle has behaved to me in a manner that I could not presume to expect from him. Whenever he comes to Paris he immediately sends for me to his house, and puts me upon so easy and genteel a footing there that I have not language enough to return him proper thanks. If you should see Lord Bury, I beg you'll be so good to take notice of it. I have writ to his Lordship to acknowledge the effect of his letter, and to signify my grateful sense of his and his father’s excessive politeness. There’s but little company in town at present. In ten days, however, it will be crowded. Mr. Stanhope, Lord Chesterfield’s son, is here; he came to visit me the other day, after his arrival, but we have made no acquaintance yet, so that I cannot give you any judgment upon the offspring of so great a man; but I fancy, not without some grounds, he is infinitely inferior to his father. Lord Brudenell is at one of the academies, and is the direct reverse of the Earl. One could hardly believe that a creature of his stamp could have any relation or connection with aman of Lord Cardigan’s sweetness of temper. We have had the finest autumn that has been known for many years. The dry air and constant exercise have restored me to a condition to be envied. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. WoLrFe. So Wolfe was not long to be without relations in Paris. Whetham was three or four years Wolfe’s junior, and, as we shall see, his cousin James forms an excellent opinion of him. To uis MorHer. Paris, 14th November, 1752. Dear Mapam,—One would imagine that a great city would provide a great deal of furniture for a letter and that with such variety to work upon, a man of an indifferent genius would find his hands full. So much of my time is taken up in different 199 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE sort of exercises as to leave very little for anything else. For instance, I am up every morning at, or before seven o’clock, and fully employed till twelve; then I dress and visit, and dine at two. At five, most people (I mean strangers) go to the public entertainments, which keep you till nine, and at eleven I am always in bed. This way of living is directly opposite to the practice of the place; but I find it impossible to pursue the business I came upon and to comply with the customs and manners of the inhabitants at the same time. No constitution, however robust, could go through all. My cousin Whetham is near me, and lives much in the same way that I do. We are a good deal together, and as far as I can perceive he has an exceeding sweet temper. He has been strangely managed in his education, not in point of learning, but in other respects. However, his principles are right, and I hope unalterable. J. WoLrFE. To us Morner. Paris, November 25, 1752. Dear Mapam,—Some days ago I sent for a dentist to examine my teeth, he examined them; told me they were much better teeth and in better order than was common to our countrymen. However he found out that two of them stood in need of his art and he immediately applied himself to redress the evil and stuffed lead where it was necessary. When the opera- tion was over I told him that a lady of my acquaintance whose welfare I had very much at heart, complained of her teeth; he asked me several questions concerning the condition of your gums and teeth, what you had been accustomed to feed most upon, what you had used to clean your mouth with, and what remedies you had hitherto used to preserve your teeth. As I could not satisfy him clearly, he told me that if you would get any surgeon to state the present case of your teeth and gums and omit nothing that could contribute to give him a thorough knowledge of your disorder, he would advise you how to proceed, but he seemed to think by the description I gave him, that there is a humour in your blood that discovers itself in the parts above mentioned. He talk’d of incisions in the gums and other operations that I did not understand. If you think it worth your while to consult with a man at this distance you will do as he desires and leave the rest to me. I hope the meeting of the Generals will end in the punish- ment of those that deserve it and that have hitherto escaped HIS DAILY HABITS 191 the hand of justice. My father’s share in that business must necessarily stir him about, and I hope as he goes often to London, he will take some opportunity of doing what he never did in his life, I mean of speaking a good word for himself. It is extraordinary that a man so just to every body else, should all along forget what is due to his own person. My way of life that you enquire after is very singular for a young man that appears to be in the world and in pleasure. Four or five days in the week I am up an hour be- fore day (that is six hours sooner than any other fine gentleman in Paris), I ride, and as I told you in a former letter I fence and dance and have a master to teach me French. These occupa- tions take up all the morning. I dine twice or three times a week at home, sometimes at Lord Albemarle’s, and some time with my English acquaintances. After dinner, I either go to the public entertainments or to visit, at nine I come home, and am in bed generally before eleven. I can’t say I have any idle time ; nor do I live in the most agreeable manner, but I get what I came here for, I take great care of my health. I succeed much better in fencing and riding than I do in the art of danc- ing, for they suit my genius better ; and I improve a little in the French language. Lord Albemarle has done me the favour to invite me to his house when he has had the foreign ambassadors and some considerable men of this country to dinner, but I have no great acquaintance with the French women, nor am likely to have—it is almost impossible to introduce oneself amongst them- selves without losing a great deal of money, which you know I can’t afford ; besides these entertainments begin at the time I go to bed, and I have not health enough to sit up all night and work all day. If Ihad three or four female acquaintances that would be contented with an hour or two of conversation, it is all that I desire. You may perhaps think that my way of going on infers little or no expense, but I must assure you on the contrary, and that without the least extravagance on my side, unless wearing laced ruffles may be reckon’d so, which I am forced to do in conformity to the general practice, and that I may be the better received. I told you in my last letter what kind of a youth my cousin appears to be; we are likely to live well to- gether, he is very peacable and good-humoured, and I have no mind to quarrel with anybody, especially with friends or rela- tions. I thank you for the precaution about my clothes, but I shall be in no great danger. I have been at Lady Browne’s, and 192 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE have found her to be a very sensible entertaining woman. She sees but little company, takes great care of a little daughter that she has, who appears to be very well-bred and very clever. I have been introduced to Lady Archibald Hamilton too. She is so well known that I need say no more.? T'll stand to any bargain that you may make with Mrs. Morris, providing you are to reap any benefit by my sufferings. Tl kiss her till she cries out, if it can be of any service to you, though I think I should have enough to do to make her squeak. The poor people of this land are going into confusion upon religious matters, and at a critical time, when they might free themselves from an intolerable burden. I hate to see misery or the prospect of misery, even amongst those likely to become our enemies. ‘This is all that can be said upon the subject. All my letters are come safe. Rickson is lucky in the change and happy. I dare say he thinks himself to have escaped. We shall meet at Edinburgh in the spring ; in the meantime I beg you to assure him of my constant friendship. I wish I could send you the finest grapes that can be seen. They are gathered every day fresh for me in the gardens of a convent, and are the same that the King eats. It would be a far greater pleasure to offer them to you, than to use them myself. Fresh grapes in the latter part of November are a curiosity. I wish you both much health and much diversion. My duty to my father. I am, dear madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, J. W. An old lady of fashion, a relation of Col. Lafausille, has been extremely civil to me. If my father ever writes to the Colonel I should be glad, he would take notice of that. To nis Faruer. Paris, 4th December, 1752. Dear Six,—The post comes in almost as regularly as if there was no water-carriage, so that when you do me the honour to 1 Lady Jane, daughter of James, sixth Earl of Abercorn, was the second wife of Lord Archibald, youngest son of William, third Duke of Hamilton. Lord Archibald Hamilton, who was Governor of Jamaica and of Greenwich Hospital, died about a year after his wife, aged eighty-two. They had three sons, of whom the youngest was William, who became one of the King’s equerries, and M.P. for Midhurst. It almost startles us to reflect that this Ensign Hamilton, Wolfe’s “ friend and companion,” became Nelson’s friend, Sir William Hamilton and the husband of the famous Lady Hamilton. ENSIGN HAMILTON 193 write I get your letter very soon. That of the 27th November came to me on the 2nd instant. It is, as you say, Sir, some sort of advantage to me to have admittance to the Ambassador, and an honour to be under his protection ; but it does not include all the advantages that one would be apt to imagine. His Lordship does not see so much company as Ambassadors commonly do ; and though he is vastly liked and generally esteemed in France, his way of living and that of the people of the country is somewhat different. The Duke of Richmond is in Paris. I have met him some- times at Lord Albemarle’s, and by that means have the honour to know him. As far as my discernment goes, he promises to make a considerable figure in our way, to which his genius seems to lead him, and what is uncommon at eighteen he is not entirely taken up with the outward appearances and gildings of soldiership, but aims at the higher and more solid branches of military knowledge. Mr. Haren’s nephew is lately returned from his country house. He and a very civil old lady, his mother, have endeavoured to convince me that a recommendation from Mr. Haren has all imaginable regard paid to it. They have received me in a very polite manner, and sufficiently proved their affection for their relation and difference for strangers by that reception. Lady Archibald Hamilton died last night of a fever, after an illness of a few days. She had left her little family in the utmost grief and distress. Lord Archibald is extremely old and infirm; his son and daughter are both very young, and nobody to direct or assist them—I mean no relation, for I believe Lord Albemarle will do everything that is right and proper. The son is an ensign in the Third Regiment, and my friend and companion. You may believe that if I can be of the least use to him I sha’n’t neglect the opportunity. I have inquired after the Pretender, and can’t hear where he hides himself. ‘There are people that believe him to be secreted in Poland with some of his mother’s relations. My friend Colonel D has got a regiment of Dragoons. There is a sort of interest that man has crept into, better and of more efficiency than service, worth, or honour. It would almost make one forswear open, fair behaviour as lumber, and the impediment 1 He succeeded to the Dukedom in 1750. His future was distinguished, and he died a Field-Marshal. Entering political life he became in 1765 Principal Secretary of State in the Rockingham administration, oO 194 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE to success and a marischal’s staff; but, on the other hand, a man sleeps well that uses moderate exercise, and never dabbles in a dirty pool. There are multitudes of extravagant customs that divert, but there is one that makes me laugh every day. The coachmen here drive with enormous black bear-skin muffs, tied round their waists, and that, when their horses go on are turned behind. The people here use umbrellas in hot weather to defend them from the sun, and something of the same kind to secure them from the snow and rain. I wonder a practice so useful is not introduced into England, where there are such frequent showers, and especially in the country, where they can be expanded without any inconveniency.! I am, dear Sir, etc., J. WoLrFe. As my mother has signified her desire to have me dance and as I am very willing to oblige her in every thing I have asked my master, whether he thinks it possible ever to bring that matter about; his answer is that he is not positively sure he shall succeed ; but if four months close application does not effect it, he shall give me up. I intend to be beforehand with him and dismiss him by that time, or whenever I find myself incurable. Close application won the day, and Wolfe became an excellent dancer. To u1s Morner. Paris, 12th December, 1752. Dear Mapam,—I sit down to write a letter to you which, if it does not entertain you, will convince you, at least, that I think of you, and remember your kindness. If I should imitate the practice of this country, I should study how to talk, how to persuade you that I am the thing Iam not; but my experience tells me that I shall succeed better by doing what is right than by a handsome speech of empty consequence. ‘There are men that only desire to shine, and that had rather say a smart thing than do a great one; there are others—rare birds—that had rather be than seem to be. Of the first kind this country is a well-stored magazine; of the second, our own has some few examples. A Frenchman that makes his mistress laugh has no favour to ask of her; he is at the top of his ambition. Our ' It was not until some years later that Jonas Hanway, defying the jeers of the populace, strolled through London carrying an umbrella, derided, it is true, but dry. FOUR MASTERS A DAY 195 countrymen are too grave, too sanguine, too intent, to be satisfied with such success. I hear a piece of news from England that gives me, and all of us, great concern. We are told that Lord Harcourt and the Bishop of Norwich have resigned. Could Mr. Stone overthrow two such men? Could he, or anybody else, behave to them so as to oblige them to give up the most important charge in the kingdom?! Somebody more subservient, perhaps, is to be placed ; somebody who will lead the pupils to proper purposes, and bring them to think that only one set of men are fit to govern the kingdom. J’enrage, as the French say when they are provoked, that my trusty Lord Harcourt is deposed. He had the general voice of the people for him, and nobody was thought so proper for that high office. I told my uncle Wat that I had four masters every day, which he does not think sufficient! His concern for me goes so far as to make him wish that I had no time to eat or sleep. I have been forced to pacify his rage for improvement with assuring him that I can’t bear above so much at atime. Ill charge you with an office of great trust. Tl give you power to speak to Mr. Fisher, or anybody else you can think of, to renew my credit, as far as it will go, about the middle of next month. It would be almost as ungracious to want credit in an enemy’s country as it would be disagreeable to want money in a friend’s. I never think upon this subject without recollecting my good friend Fitz.,? and the cries of poor Arthur Loftus, who is afraid he shall starve in my country-house if I stay long at Paris. Your nephew Whetham is the best tempered youth that I know. He offers his respects to you. I am, etc., J. WoLrE. To His FaTHER. Paris, 22nd December, 1752. Dear Sim,—I wish I could send a piece of tapestry from the Gobelins, or a picture from the Palais Royal, instead of a letter, either would be a present worthy your reception, as either would be matchless in their kind. I had the good fortune to 1 The Rev. Mr. Stone was the deputy-governor under Lord Harcourt for the young Prince of Wales (afterwards George III), and his brother Prince Edward. Dr. Hayter, Bishop of Norwich, was tutor and Scott his deputy. A curious dispute arose as to the Prince’s education, detailed in the present author’s George III, 1907. 2 Lord Fitzmaurice. 02 196 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE see the manufacture of tapestry at a time when they showed it to an ambassador. Then it is that they produce all that invention and industry can contrive and execute. I was a good deal surprised to find that the principal director of that ingenious workmanship is a Scotchman. My friend Carleton sends me conjectures about a successor to Lord Harcourt.1 I am sorry any such person is necessary, because I think that high office was in fit hands before. It is melancholy that in an affair of such trust and importance there should be men so placed and so confided in, that the leaders are in a manner subordinate to their inferiors. The French have their domestic troubles too, as well as ourselves; but theirs are still of a more serious kind. The clergy and people are in opposite sentiments for the present, and it will require the exertion of very great authority to reconcile them to each other. The ecclesiastics have unluckily been the authors of almost all the mischief that has been done in Europe and in America since the first introduction of Christianity, and they do in some places continue their evil practices. It is surprising that there are so few potentates in Europe that are able to keep them in any order, and the more surprising that the example of these few has no effect upon the rest, notwithstanding the visible difference between a well-governed body of clergy and the reverse. Paris is full of people; that is, all the company is come in from the country, and an abundance of genteel persons of both sexes are every day exposed to public view. The natives in general are not handsome either in face or figure; but then, they improve what they have. They adorn themselves to more advantage, and appear with more outside lustre, than any other people, at least that I have seen or heard of. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. WoLrFE. How strange to reflect that a few years before the fall of the French dominion in America, the same small apartment should have contained the real ruler of France, and the man who was to wrest from France its finest jewel. The picture is striking. La Pompadour seated before her mirror, while her coiffeur arranges her massy chevelure, occasionally vouchsafing a word or smile 1 Lord Harcourt, thus commended by Wolfe, was afterwards chosen by young George III to demand the hand of Princess Charlotte of Mecklenbur, Strelitzin marriage. He became Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and was drowne accidentally in a well at Nuneham in 1777. MADAME DE POMPADOUR 197 to her entourage. Her eye rests upon the tall, youthful figure of the young English officer. One can fancy her asking, “ Who is that young man?” “That, madame, is Monsieur Wolfe, Lieutenant-Colonel of English Infantry.” “ Wolfe—ah—that is the same as le Loup; a terrible name for those mild blue eyes and kindly mouth! Ln verité, vous me faites peur, M. Wolfe!” The offer which came to Wolfe of a travelling military tutorship to the young Duke of Richmond was, although a lucrative berth, not regarded by him as “in his line.” If he would not take it himself, however, he took pains to recommend an intimate friend, a young officer who afterwards rose to great distinction, and whose name and fame is hardly less than Wolfe’s own, bound up in the history of Canada and the Empire. This was Captain Guy Carleton, who took part in the conquest of Quebec, as Governor of Canada, and died Lord Dorchester. To wis Mortuer. Paris, January 2nd, 1753. Dear Mavam,—I was yesterday at Versailles, a cold spectator of what we commonly call splendour and magnificence. A multitude of men and women were assembled to bow and pay their compliments in the most submissive manner to a creature of their own species. I went through the different apartments with our Ambassador, who did me the honour to allow me to wait upon him, and saw him do his part very gracefully, well received by the Queen, the Dauphin, the Dauphiness, the Infanta, the Mesdames, the Secretary of State, and lastly by the Marquise de Pompadour, who seemed to distinguish him from the rest by her civilities and courtesy. All the courtiers, as in England, go to court upon the New Year’s Day, and as they are more numerous here than there it makes a very fine show. The Duke of Richmond offered me a place in his coach, an honour that I could not refuse, especially as Lord Albemarle was so kind as to give me a room at his house, with invitation to sup with him. Lord Albemarle has proposed to present my cousin Whetham and me to the King, which I have no objection to but the fear of the expense of a new coat. However, as it comes from his Lordship in so handsome a manner, I don’t think it is to be rejected. This is the first time that I have been at Versailles, and luckily there was an installation of a Knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost, and we were placed in such a manner in the King’s Chapel by the master of the Ceremonies 198 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE that no part of the ceremony escaped us. The weather was so severe that it was impossible to see the gardens, or to examine the buildings. Sir John Mordaunt did me the honour to write to me from Bath, where he is, or has been for his old rheumatic complaint. He touches lightly upon a certain subject in his comic style, and, with a jest upon the sex, wonders at my perseverance. I have answered his letter, and have given him to understand that as I did not mean to conceal anything from him, I had mentioned the affair to him, but that I was extremely well pleased with my situation, and did not intend to be troublesome. The Duke of Richmond is to have a company in Lord Bury’s regiment; he wants some skilful man to travel with him through the fortified towns of the Low Countries and into Lorraine. I have proposed my friend Carleton, whom Lord Albemarle approves of ; but as things may take another turn, it must not be mentioned. It is reported at Paris that the Pretender has changed his religion. We are too well governed in England to apprehend that or any other change. I believe he might as well keep his confessor. An acquaintance of mine goes to England in a few days, and takes with him two black laced hoods for you, and a vestale for the neck, such as the Queen of France wears. I am, etce., J. Wo tre. Wolfe’s * perseverance” deserved a better fate, but it was hard to erase Miss Lawson’s image from his heart. His friend Carleton got the lucrative post for which Wolfe had recommended him. To wis Fatuer. Paris, 10 January, 1753. Dear Si1r,—There is so much reason to be satisfied and to thank you for what you have already done for me, that it would ill become me to require any further supply, especially as you tell me that the granting of it would be inconvenient. I have no particular attachment to Paris, the reason that brought me here is a sufficient one for my stay, and I am only sorry that my time and circumstances are so limited. Anybody that knows the ‘life I live may give testimony that I am not idle, but if I should break off after three months’ close application, my time COLONEL GUY CARLETON (LORD “DORCHEST ER) From a contemporary portrait PRESENTED AT COURT 199 will have been entirely thrown away, and your money very ill employed. You know, Sir, what difficulties I have had to get leave to come abroad. I never expect a second indulgence, and therefore must not lose this opportunity though it should cost me many hours of retreat hereafter. The Duke has consented to Carleton’s coming abroad to attend the Duke of Richmond as a military preceptor in his tour through the fortified towns of the Low Countries. It will be of singular use to the young man, and I hope of great service to my friend. Lord Falkland, Mr. Dawnay, Whetham, and myself, were introduced yesterday to the King and the Royal Family, and lastly to Madame Pompadour and Monsieur de St. Coutest, the minister. They were all very gracious as far as courtesies, bows, and smiles go, for the Bourbons seldom speak to anybody. Madame la Marquise entertained us at her toilette. We found her curling her hair. She is extremely handsome, and, by her conversation with the Ambassador and others that were present, I judge she must have a great deal of wit and understanding. Exclusive of Lord Albemarle’s being the English Ambassador, I observe that at Versailles they pay a particular respect and deference to his person, which is a proof that he is extremely in the King’s good graces; and I should wonder if it was not so, considering how accomplished a man he is for courts, and how particularly calculated he seems to be for the French nation. I wish you both health, and a happy New Year. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. Mrs. Wolfe does not seem to have understood her son’s motives in not offering himself as the ducal tutor. He enlightens her. To us Moruer. Paris, January 19th, 1753. Dear Mapam,—You have known me long enough to discover that I don’t always prefer my own interest to that of my friends. I was asked if I knew a military man fit to accompany the young Duke, and immediately named Carleton, who is appointed to attend him. It would have been as easy for me to hesitate about the question and afterwards to have offered my services; but, exclusive of my liking for Carleton, I don’t think myself quite equal to the task, and as for the 200 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE pension that might follow, it is very certain that it would not become me to accept it. I can’t take money from any one but the King, my master, or from some of his blood. The Duke of Richmond’s friendship will be an honour to me, provided he turns out well, and serves his country with reputation, which I think is very likely to happen. If he miscarries from bad principles, I shall be the first to fly from his intimacy. Though I suppose myself recovered in a great measure from my disorder that my extravagant love for Miss Lawson threw me into, yet I never hear her name mentioned without a twitch, or hardly ever think of her with indifference. Every good account of her helps to justify me, and the better you know her, the easier you'll find excuses for me. Pray tell Miss Haren that I’m obliged to her for helping to convince you that at least my choice was a good one. A man may be greatly prepossessed in favour of a lady without bringing many people to be of his opinion. My amour has not been without its use. It has defended me against other women, introduced a great deal of philosophy and tranquillity as to all objects of our strongest affections, and something softened the disposition to severity and rigour that I had contracted in the camp, trained up as I was from my infancy to the conclusion of the Peace, in war and tumult. I am often surprised at the little sensibility that I feel in myself at the sight of the finest and fairest females; though I have seldom supped out, yet whenever I have it has happened that some of the prettiest women in Paris, and particularly one, was at table. An eye to subdue the hardest heart had much the same effect upon me, as if the likeness had been drawn upon canvas, and set up to look at ; but don’t let this discourage you, or make you believe that I have abandoned the whole sex for one disappointment. There are times that a good constitution overcomes all difficulties. My exercises go on extremely well. Monsieur Fesian, the dancing-master, assures me that I make a surprising progress, but that my time will be too short to possess (as he calls it) the minuet to any great perfection; however, he pretends to think that I shall dance not to be laughed at. I am on horseback every morning at break of day, and do presume that, with the advantage of long legs and thighs, I shall be able to sit a horse at a hand-gallop. Lastly, the fencing-master declares me to have a very quick wrist, and no inconsiderable lunge, from the EXPENSES IN PARIS 201 reasons aforesaid. The General will explain the word Jlonge, or lunge. I pronounce the French tongue, and consequently read it, better than when I came; but in the capital of this great Kingdom, I speak more English than French, and therefore don’t do so well as I ought. Thus I have made my report to you concerning the reasons of my coming here, and shall conclude my letter with very hearty wishes for both your welfares. I am, etc., J. Wo tre. It would seem that the old General considered his son extravagant, and from this charge James defends himself in his next letter. To us Faruer. Paris, January 29, 1758. Dear Sir,—I am more concerned to be obliged to ask money of you, than you are to give it, and I should leave Paris six weeks sooner than I intended, rather than distress you in the smallest degree, if such a step would not destroy almost everything that I have been doing hitherto. I told you in my last letter how expensive a place this is, and to prove it, I can assure you upon my honour that the articles of play and women (the most extravagant in Paris) have not amounted to 20 Louis-d’ors, that my tailor’s bill for two suits of Clothes, a frock and liveries, does not exceed seventy pounds; the ruffles that I have been forced to wear, is indeed a considerable expense—the rest has been paid for my coat and lodgings, food, servants, and for the best masters, in this kind, that this city possesses. I believe there are few men that live in the manner I do, and though the object of my attentions are not in themselves the most essential, they are still such as have their uses in life and may help to advance me in the army. The fortune of a military man seems to depend almost as much on his exteriors as upon things that are in reality more estimable and praiseworthy. You may be assured I have no more demands to make upon you, already too well convinced of your kindness and generosity to abuse either. The good Bishop? is at last released from the misery and pain that he so long laboured under, oppressed by a disease at his time of life incurable. His death is not to be lamented 1 The famous Dr. Berkeley, Bishop of Cloyne. 202 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE otherwise than as concerns his family. If there’s any place for good men hereafter, I believe he is at rest, and entirely free from all complaints. By what you have said about matrimony, I judge you are averse to it. However, there’s a fit time, and ‘tis commonly later with us soldiers than with other men, for two reasons; the first is that in our younger days, we are generally moving from place to place, and have hardly leisure to fix; the other has prudence and necessity to support it. We are not able to feed our wives and children till we begin to decline. It must be a solitary kind of latter life to have no relations nor objects to take up our thoughts and affections,—to be, as it were, alone in the world, without any connection with mankind but the tie of common friendships, which are at best, as you have experienced, but loose and precarious. Our tastes for pleasures and debauchery have an end, or should have, when the excuse or pretext of youth and warm blood is no longer allowed us; and one terrible, frequent, and almost natural consequence of not marrying is an attachment to some woman or other that leads to a thousand inconveniences. Marshal Saxe died in the arms of a little w that plays upon the Italian stage,—an ignominious end for a conqueror. Though I think much better of this condition than most young people, and sometimes imagine (perhaps vainly and foolishly) that it would suit my disposition and turn of mind, yet I may safely say that it won’t produce any immediate consequence. My little experience has made me cautious and my circumstances and situation in life direct me to step slowly and circumspectly, and to sum up all, it would be sufficient that you opposed it to make me desist as long as I have the possession of my reason. I hope the severity of the weather is confined to the continent. It has not been known to freeze so hard since the Great Frost. 'The poor people suffer excessively, not only from the want of fire, but, as the navigation of the river has been stopped, provisions of all kinds are dearer upon that account. I am a sufferer in particular, for as I commonly go out at break of day, till lately that it has been impossible, the cold seizes my nose and fingers, and distresses me considerably. I desire you to accept of my thanks and acknowledgements for the last mark of your favour, and I wish to convince you that my greatest ambition is to deserve your esteem, I am, dear Sir, ete., J. Wo tre. MISS LAWSON’S COLDNESS — 203 To wuts Moruenr. Paris, 13th February, 1753. Dear Mapam,—I shall make but one step from this place to the foot of the mountains, and I shall hardly give you time to observe how many fine airs and accomplishments I have picked up at Paris. The north-east wind that blows in that country will disperse all my foppery, and ribbons and feathers, and snuff and essence in the air, and disorder my whole person, so that when I return you will hardly discover me to be a coxcomb ; at least, if it is so, I shall try to conceal it from you. I had a letter from my friend Gage? last post, in answer to one that I writ him by Lord Albemarle’s directions. He says the little Maid of Honour is as amiable, and alas! (as he expresses it, poor gentleman) as cold as ever. What can that lady mean by such obstinate self-denial? or is she as much mistress of her own as of the hearts of all her acquaintances ? Is she the extraordinary woman that has no weakness? or happily constructed without passions? or lastly, and most likely, does she bid her reason choose? She may push that matter too far, for common sense demonstrates that one should not be a maid —of honour too long. I writ a long letter to her uncle this post, and send him some books that he desired. I touched upon the tender string some time ago, as I told you; his answer was, that he was sorry to find me so serious upon the old story ; and there the matter rests for ever. I am, dear Madan, etc., J. WotrFe. We may assume that something of the foregoing was prompted by a lover's pique. Yet Miss Lawson’s conduct was strange, especially in view of the tradition that secretly she had given her heart to Wolfe, but that there were impediments in the way she could not and dared not disclose. If Wolfe had declined to accompany the Duke of Richmond in a tour of foreign camps, it was not because his desire to acquaint himself with the methods and discipline of foreign armies was not as keen as ever. When he saw a chance of achieving this wish, he jumped at it instantly, dreading at the same time that the stiff- necked Commander-in-Chief, Cumberland, would again stand in his way. 1 The Hon. Thomas Gage, afterwards Viscount Gage, Commander-in-Chief in North America at the beginning of the colonial revolt. 204 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To wis FaTHER. Paris, 22nd Feburary, 1753. Dear Str,—Lord Albemarle was saying a few days ago that the French King proposes to encamp a great part of his army early in the summer. His lordship judged that it would be agreeable to the Duke to have an officer of our troops sent to see what they were doing in their camps, and he did me the honour to say that he thought it would be right in me to propose myself, not asking it as a favour, but ready to obey the Duke’s command. The proposal agreed too well with my disposition to be neglected, and I writ immediately to Lord Bury to offer myself for the service, and told Lord Albemarle that the least hint from him would have more weight than all that I should be able to say. Whether the project takes place or not, it may not be amiss to be mentioned upon such an occasion by the Ambassador of Paris. The French are to have three or four different camps; the Austrians and Prussians will probably assemble some corps, so that I may, before the end of the summer, have seen half the armies in Europe at least, and that, I believe, at a very little expense. Lord Ablemarle must give me letters to the Commanders if the Duke accepts my offer, but, to tell the truth, I suspect his Royal Highness will not. J am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. Our hero’s fears were not groundless, as we shall presently see. Meanwhile he had been in Paris nearly five months and was already beginning to weary of his surroundings. He had attained, to a satisfactory degree, that which had brought him to the French capital; a facility in speaking the language and some skill in fencing and dancing, and felt that he had added a polish to his general deportment. He therefore looked forward all the more eagerly to further travel on the continent which would add to his professional experience. Towards the close of his stay his mother wrote him that his aunt, Mrs. Abthorpe, whose marriage we have before noted, had become a rabid convert to Wesleyism, her conduct being no doubt ona par with many of those who about this time fell under the spell of the great Revivalists. To wis Moruer. Paris, 1st March, 1758. Dear Mapam,—TIf the air of Blackheath has been as sharp as that of Paris, I don’t wonder at your complaints, nor that you PARIS CUSTOMS 205 give it as a reason for not writing. We-had a little interval of mild weather, and now the cold is returned more dangerously, though less severe. They have little spring in this country ; from cold and very wet it suddenly changes to excessive heat. What a melancholy account you give of Mrs. Abthorpe, her unhappy fanaticism preying upon weak nerves. A conscience at rest and free from guilt, with a tolerable portion of health, and moderate circumstances, are the utmost bounds of our felicity. If we would be happy here below, these are the objects, and no further ; refinements in religion, or any pursuit of exquisite pleasures, throw us quite out of the road of peace. Whetham has gone to Flanders; from thence he goes into Holland, back to Calais, and so home. What he will do with himself till he is thirty years of age, or till he marries, I am at a loss to guess. It is a misfortune not to have an employment or profession of some kind or other to fill up the intervals of our time. To live merely for the sake of eating, drinking, etc., without the prospect of any business, or of being useful, is, in my mind, a heavy condition. I was invited to a ball last night, where I saw some of the best company in Paris, and some of the handsomest women. At this season of the year the people of the first condition give balls by turns, and do it in a very genteel manner. Instead of tea and coffee they give ice, orgeat, lemonade, oranges, and sweetmeats, and in the morning (commonly by daylight) they have all sorts of cold meats. I never stay to see them eat, though, I believe, it would not be the least diverting part of the entertainment, for the ladies are well bred, delicate, and genteel. They are, nevertheless, a little inclined to gluttony, and are troubled with frequent indigestions. The women at these balls wear a sort of domino, or rather gown made of that kind of light silk, slightly trimmed, with sleeves of a very particular make, falling near a yard behind them from the elbows. Their hair is either combed behind, with little curls before, or their heads are all over curls, and an abundance of diamonds about their heads and necks. They dance genteelly, and I think their country dances preferable to ours; first because there is a greater variety of figure and step, more easy dancing, and they are not so tedious. ‘They dance four couples at a time and succeed each other, then partners change every dance. Some of the men are prettily-turned, and move easily and gracefully. ‘They have in general good faces and fine hair, but they have generally bad limbs, and are ill-shaped. I speak 206 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE of the nobility and those that are born or commonly live in Paris, for in the provinces remote from the capital, men are of a better figure. The Lent that succeeds the Carnival puts an end to all these pleasures, the delight and occupation of the younger people of Paris. Their thoughts are entirely employed upon the figure they are to make in public, their equipages and dress ; and their entertainments within consists of luxurious suppers and deep play. Some of them are elegant enough to be pleased with music, and they all sing well. A few there are—a very small number—that read and think. I begin to be tired of Paris. The English are not favourites here; they can’t help looking upon us as enemies, and I believe they are right. The best and ablest men amongst them respect the nation, admire the Govern- ment, and think we are the only men in Europe that act like men. ‘This party must be very inconsiderable, and very secret. I forgot to tell you formerly that the laced handkerchief that I bought did not go with the hoods, but you'll have it. I am, dear Madan, etc., J. WotFe. It would have been impossible for an observer like Wolfe not to have been struck by the entire artificiality of the French social fabric as it then existed in France. Compare his impres- sions of the dissatisfaction of the community, the admiration of the thinking minority for English institutions with those of later travellers much nearer the brink of the Revolution precipice. Wolfe was not left long in suspense about the permission to visit the continental armies. It appears in the first place that his parents looked coldly upon the project, for the same reasons that have previously been mentioned, and also because they may have thought that their son’s holiday had lasted long enough, and was sufficiently expensive. But it was Lord Bury who conveyed the unwelcome refusal. He too probably thought his Lieutenant- Colonel had had sufficient holiday. To uis FatTuer. Paris, 9th March, 17658. Dear S1r,—Lord Bury surprised me a few days ago with H.R.H. the Duke’s orders to return to England even before my leave of absence expires. I think I told you that I asked and begged to continue till the 20th of April: this is refused, and I am to hasten home. I dare not disobey openly, SUMMONED HOME 207 but I will venture as far as a slight reprimand. There’s an inconceivable obstinacy in this way of proceeding, a minute exactness that is quite unnecessary and excessively disagreeable. Everybody knows how difficult it is to get out of England, and yet they won't allow us to make use of the opportunity that offers, and that perhaps can never occur again. Twenty days or a month to me at this time is inestimable, the season and situa- tion of my affairs considered. A Major and an Adjutant (if the Colonel is to be indulged himself) are not to be considered as equal to the great task of exercising, in our frivolous way, a battallion or two of soldiers !—men whose duty and business it is, and who must know that. “ His Royal Highness expects and orders me to tell you to be with the regiment by the time they assemble.” These are the terms of his lordship’s letter, and he goes on to inform us that he believes the companies will be collected towards the latter end of this month. Notwithstand- ing these hints, I sha’n’t be in England before the 7th or 8th of April, and the only one thing that gives me any satisfaction or reconciles it to me is, that I shall have the pleasure of paying my duty to you and to my mother ; and though the time that I shall be with you will be very short, those few days will make me some amends for the many disagreeable ones that are to follow. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. There came a further letter from Lord Bury, which makes his return imperative. To wis MorHer. Paris, 13th March, 1758. Dear Mapam,—A second letter that I have received from Lord Bury (in answer to the offer that I made to go to the French and German armies), has cleared up everything and made it very plain, that I must hasten to the Regiment. He tells me that he himself don’t go down to Scotland this year, and he mentions a fit of an apoplexy that seized the Major some time ago and has impaired his health considerably. Could I have supposed so much indulgence and so much partiality, or had I known that the Major had been out of order, I should not have begged the small addition of twenty days to my leave of absence, nor proposed what I did. As I shall set out in the beginning of 208 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE April and as that time draws near, I must desire you'll be so good to keep any letters that may be directed to me till I come. I hope John has found some opportunity of sending my dog to the Regiment and that he has executed all the other com- missions you have charged him with. If you have any commands for me on this side, I beg to know them immediately that they may be obeyed to your wish. I make my letter short because there is several to write. I hope to find you both in perfect health ; my duty to my Father. I am, dear Madan, etc., J. W. On the eve of departure he received a letter from his mother expressing the General’s apprehensions about the now abandoned tour. He was afraid his son might have been tempted by an offer in the service of the great Frederick. To wis Moraer. Paris, March 22nd, 1753. Dear Mapam,—I beg you to remember how the undertaking I spoke of was proposed, and by whom, whether it was in my power to refuse it as it was offered, supposing that I had not liked the project. I mentioned to you that the ambassador was to have given me letters for the commanders to our ministers in Germany, and my business was to see only if there were anything new amongst them, and therefore there was no risk. You may believe I should never undertake anything of this kind if there was reason to apprehend what my father seems to think, nor would I throw away my time if it could be no manner of use. As to the article of expense I proposed to do it upon my pay, because I could not in reason require more than has been already done for me. I should have been oftener at Madame Haren’s if her grand- daughter’s illness had not shut her door. She is the most agreeable lady of fourscore that I have ever met. It is very polite of her to speak handsomely of me, because it is almost impossible to be less known to her thanI am. But you know how little it costs the French to be civil. My letters from Scotland came to me. The extraordinary direction covered a petition from a very good woman, who desires me to write to a friend in her favour. The women of the regiment take it into their heads to write me sometimes, and their letters are really HIS SOLDIERS’ WIVES 209 curious. I have a collection of them somewhere that would make you laugh.t I am, dear Madam, etc., J. Wotre. 1 One of these has been preserved : a curious proof of the quasi-paternal relation in which Lieut.-Colonel Wolfe stood toward his men. CottoneL,—Being a True Noble-heart’d Pittyful gentleman and Officer your Worship will excuse these few Lines concerning the husband of ye undersigned, Sergt. White, who not from his own fault is not behaving as Hee should towards me and his family, although good and faithfull until the middle of November last. . . . Petition of Anne White. xX ADIEU TO SCOTLAND Wuar change of environment in Europe then so striking as that from Paris to Glasgow! Wolfe left the French capital before March had drawn to a close, and after a brief sojourn at Blackheath with his parents, set out by post-chaise again for Scotland. The situation there greeting him let himself relate— To nis FaTueEr. Glasgow, 22nd April, 1753. Dear Sir,—It is almost impossible to suffer more than I have done upon the road, and quite impossible to find a regiment in more melancholy circumstances than we are. Officers ruined, impoverished, desperate, and without hopes of preferment ; the widow of our late Major and her daughter in tears ; his situation before his death and the effects it had upon the corps, with the tragical end of the unhappy man in everybody’s mouth; an ensign struck speechless with the palsy, and another that falls down in the most violent convulsions. He was seized with one the first night I came to the regiment (after supper) that so astonished and affected all that were present, that it is not to be described. I should have fallen upon the floor and fainted, had not one of the officers supported me, and called for im- mediate relief; and this, as well as I can remember, for the first time in my life. Some of our people spit blood, and others are begging to sell before they are quite undone; and my friend Ben will probably be in jail in a fortnight. In this situation we are, with a martinet and parade major to teach us the manual exercise with the time of the First Regiment. To leave this unpleasant subject for one that concerns me much less. I must tell you that I was beat to pieces in the new close post-chaises ; machines that are purposely constructed to torture the unhappy carcases that are placed in them. I was at length forced to have recourse to post-horses ; as they had been accustomed to wear harness, and to be supported by stronger powers than my arms, I was every minute in danger, and fell 210 FISHING PROSPECTS 211 twice, at the hazard of my neck. Add to this that the move- ments of these brutes were so rude, that I bled to the saddle. In short, it is not possible to travel more disagreeably, nor enter into a more unpleasing task than the present; and this, as you may believe, not at all at my ease, without horses, or other means to dissipate or divert. I saw my uncle Brad. in Yorkshire; he tells me he writ to my mother, but never received an answer from her. He was far from being well when I saw him. I forgot to ask for franks of the senators of my acquaintance, so that you must pay more for my letters, by far, than they are worth. We march out of this dark and dismal country early in August. By that time I imagine that ambition, and the desire to please, will be utterly extinguished and lost from amongst us. I did not hear, till I came here, that his Majesty sent his thanks in particular to Lord Bury’s regiment for their behaviour in the Highlands ; and immediately, I mean a month or two, or three perhaps, afterwards, Major Wilkinson steps in. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. He lets us see that he is as great a dog lover as ever—Juvenis gaudeat canibus—and probably one of the first Englishmen to go in for Highland sport, with rod and gun, before such diversion became a regular feature of the annual round. Although he is far from well and scarce more enamoured of Scotland, he certainly seems in better spirits. To wis Moruer. Glasgow, 13th May, 1753. Dear Mapam,—We are all sick, officers and soldiers. I am amongst the best, and not quite well. In two days we lost the skin off our faces, and the third were shivering in great coats. Such are the bounties that Heaven has bestowed upon this people, and such the blessings of a northern latitude. My cousin Goldsmith has sent me the finest young pointer that ever was seen; he eclipses Workie, and outdoes all. He sent me a fishing-rod and wheel at the same time, of his own work- manship that are inestimable. This, with a salmon rod from my uncle Wat, your flies, and my own guns, puts me in a condition to undertake the Highland sport in June, and to adventure myself amongst mountains, lakes, and wildest wastes. P2 212 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE It would take time to relate the variety of our amusements here ; but my share of the entertainments might be shortly told. We have plays; we have concerts; we have balls, public and private ; with dinners and suppers of the most execrable food upon earth, and wine that approaches to poison. The men drink till they are excessively drunk. The ladies are cold to everything but a bagpipe ;—I wrong them, there is not one that does not melt away at the sound of an estate; there’s the weak side of this soft sex. I have bought a horse for £7, a horse that was never meant to move under the dignity of a commander of an old legion; but there are times when our greatness lets itself down a little,—it was very near walking afoot, and can yet hardly be said to rise above the ground. I see by the papers that General Guise has got the govern- ment of Berwick. My father had better pretensions than that extraordinary person. I wish he would try; there might be some advantage even from being refused.1_ I told Lord Bury that my observation pointed out to me that to do one’s duty well, and not to talk of it, was the roundabout way to prefer- ment, and that I did not believe that a man could serve into favour ; to which one might have added, that "tis better to tell a story than fight; better bow than be honest! This is as it always has been in courts, and ever will be. The men that are forward to ask are supposed to have titles, and military men, of all others, should be the oftenest in the path of promotion. I wish you both health and riches ; but one may almost as well be sick as poor. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. Wotre. The horse humorously alluded to in the foregoing may have been the same as that remembered by a venerable Glasgow lady who survived the young Liecutenant-Colonel nearly seventy years. She recollected quite well having seen Wolfe on one occasion at Capelrig (Mr. Barclay’s, ten miles from Glasgow), where she was staying when a girl. “He rode up the avenue to pay a visit, on 1 Although hardly fit for field service, old General Wolfe was a candidate for any lucrative military post that the Government might have at its disposal. General Guise was commonly regarded in the army as an intrepid madman, addicted to uttering the most absurd nonsense. At a London dinner-party, he solemnly maintained that the Newcastle colliers fed their oie with fire-shovels in lieu of spoons.—Walpole to Mann, October 6, 1754. DUCHESS OF HAMILTON 213 a very spirited grey charger which plunged violently, and the inmates were afraid he would be thrown. He was an excellent horseman, however, and maintained himself well in the saddle; then dismounting gracefully, he entered the mansion, and con- versed for some time with great politeness. He remounted his charger and rode off to Glasgow. These circumstances and Wolfe’s subsequent fame, fixed his appearance firmly in the lady’s memory, and my informant often heard her relate these particulars,” To wis Fatuer. 24th May, 1758. Dear Sir,—I begin to have an inconceivable aversion to writing, and to all business that I am not absolutely forced upon, and yet now and then a spark breaks out through the surrounding obstacles, but is almost smothered in the birth. I have hardly passion enough of any kind to find present pleasure or feed future hope, and scarce activity to preserve my health. The love of a quiet life, I believe, is an inheritance which is likely to strengthen with my years; that, and the prospect your example gives me,—that a man may serve long and well to very little purpose, and make a sacrifice of all his days to a shadow,— seems to help my indifference, and to incline me to get off quietly and betimes to the edge of the forest. If a man tries on to forty and something more, I think he does very handsomely; and then, not finding it to answer, he may make his bow and retire. Our sickly infirm General could not proceed to review the corps in the north. He came back to Edinburgh from Perth, and he has since been in extreme danger. People that see him think that he is always a-dying, and yet the good-natured old man struggles with all and still holds out; but this mortal combat can’t be for long. Your regiment, is, I hear, upon its march to Fort George. That duty has some inconvenience, particularly to the officers, but it is of great use to the men, and keeps them healthy. I dined a few days ago with the famous Duchess of Hamilton.? They live about ten miles from Glasgow, and the Duke is civil to us. The lady has lost nothing of her bloom and beauty, is very well behaved, supports her dignity with tolerable ease to herself, and seems to be justly sensible of her good fortune. 1 Buchanan’s Glasgow, Past and Present, vol. iii. p. 759. 2 Elizabeth Gunning had married the Duke in the previous year, when she was but twenty. 214 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE After our detachments are sent out, I propose to go for a month to the Highlands. Our people work upon the side of Loch Lomond, in Argyleshire, where the country is beautifully rough and wild. There’s plenty of game, and the -rivers are full of fish. I intend to establish myself at the upper end of the lake, and live upon milk and butter, as the inhabitants do. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. Here we have some springtime reflections. To uis MotueEr. Glasgow, June 1st, 1753. Dear Mapam,—Your house and your garden and your park (I call it yours, as you have the possession of it) must be vastly pleasant at this time of the year. Nature puts on her best appearance at this season, and every production of the earth is now in the highest beauty. The beasts have their new coats, and the birds their fine feathers; and even our species, for whose pleasure all these seem to have been intended, are properly disposed for the enjoyment of them. Without doubt you walk a good deal in the fresh air, and taste the blessings that a bounteous Maker has bestowed. Happy those that have justice and piety enough to acknowledge and to thank the liberal hand that gives them! I have had frequent occasions to mention to you the many changes of weather we are subject to in this country, because I have frequently suffered from them. At present I don’t complain; I amassed such a store of health in France that I hope it will last during our stay here, though I am persuaded the consumption will be very considerable. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. Wotre. On the Western side of Loch Lomond, in a_ picturesque situation, with the slopes of Ben Lomond rising in the distance beyond the lake, is Inverdouglas, or, as now written, Inveruglas. Here in the month of June Wolfe and five companies halted. To us MotueEr. Camp of Inverdouglas, June 25th, 1753. Dear Mapam,—We are encamped with five companies of the regiment that are working on the roads. It will be late in August before we return to Glasgow, and consequently we can’t begin our HIGHLAND ROAD BUILDING 215 march until September. Though we are not much above twenty miles from the Low Countries, yet I think this part of the High- lands is as wild as any that I have seen. We are upon the side of a great lake, bordered round with exceeding high mountains whose tops are, for the most part, barren—either bog or rock ; but at the first of these hills there is a good deal of wood, some grass, and very little corn. A man in health might find a good deal of entertainment in fair weather, provided he has strength to climb up the mountains, and has keenness to pursue the game they produce. I am, etc., etc., J. WotrFe. Wade, whatever we may think of his generalship, was the pioneer road-builder in Scotland, and deserves due credit for the work he did between 1715 and 1730. He succeeded in convincing his superiors of the importance of the principle which helped, as much as their legions, to make the Romans masters of the world. Soon after the second rebellion had been crushed the authorities resolved to go on with the work on a large scale. Lieutenant- General Watson was placed in charge and a beginning made at Fort Augustus in 1747. Associated with this officer was General Roy, who was ordered to make a preliminary ordnance survey. Parties of soldiers were drafted from the several corps to assist in the work, which lasted in different parts of the Highlands for many years, each season’s camp terminating in rude military festivities, eating, drinking and sports. Before these military road-makers moved on they were wont to erect a wayside tablet, commemorating the date and the name of the regiment. One or two of these tablets, put up by Wolfe’s men, have since been recovered. One was found many years ago serving as a hearth- stone in a farm-house at Ardvoirlich. Others no doubt exist in a similar state or have been used as building materials. One wonders if any of Wolfe’s bore inscriptions such as that “ Rest and be thankful,” and “ A good work finished.” This was, on the whole, a happy summer for Wolfe. To uis MorHEr. Glasgow, 29th June, 1753. Dear Mavam,—I think I am not positively blind to my own infirmities, but that I oftener perceive my defects than I have power to correct or even disguise them ; and there are times and particular situations in which people are apter to lose that power 216 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE than at others. I believe we are so compounded of good and bad that accidents easily incline the balance on either side, and I am sure that none of us, even the most virtuous, are entirely free from faults, though some have the art to hide them. ‘The warmth of temper, which you so justly censure when it breaks out improperly, is what I depend upon to support me against the little attacks of my brethren and contemporaries, and that will find the way to a glorious, or at least a firm and manly end when I am of no further use to my friends and country, or when TI can be serviceable by offering my life for either. Nobody has perhaps more reason to be satisfied with his station and success in the world than myself, nobody can have better parents, and I have hitherto never wanted friends ; but happiness or ease, which is all we can pretend to, lies in the mind of nowhere. A man must think himself so or imagine it, or it cannot be; it is not circumstances, advancement, fortune, or good relations or faithful friends that create it, “tis the temper, or truly the force of overcoming one or more of the leading passions that otherwise must disturb us. These passions seem to be in our first composition or in nature, and the remedy, as you observe, in reason. But this often fails, at least in our younger days. ‘Those tempers are very ticklish that may under- go a considerable change by any alteration of air, diet, or exercise, and this I often experience. It is most true that no one has a better claim to my care and esteem than yourself, and no person is more truly the object of it; but as you have been indulgent and kind hitherto in everything that you believed for my advantage, so now your indulgence must extend to overlook, or forgive at least, those defects that are visibly in the blood, and hard at this time of life to overcome. And if you think I have any good qualities they may be set in opposition to the bad ones and that is what our feeble condition here seems in justice to require. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. WoLrE. Then comes a letter to the General in which he discloses his impecuniosity. To nis FaTueEr. Glasgow, 8th July, 1753. Dear Sir,—I do not know which is the greatest distress of the two, to want money or to be forced to borrow it; this I am LOCH LOMOND 217 sure that it is awkward and disagreeable to ask a favour of this kind even of you, and much more so of anybody else. I have been obliged to give up my allowance for a time to clear my French accounts and conscience. When I came from London I received a muster’s pay from 24th April, a great part of which was spent upon my journey here. Since my coming I have lived at a less expense than is almost consistent with my rank, to avoid the mischief above mentioned, and yet I am not in condition to buy horses for the march without your assistance. I must therefore beg the favour of you to allow me to draw upon your account for £40, which I believe and hope I shall be able to repay you in January, or perhapssooner. I hate the thought of being in arrear with a paymaster, as it subjects one in some measure to him, and hurts the affairs of a regiment, and yet this must have been my resource upon such an occasion, if I had not a better to apply to. I am ashamed to address myself to you upon the article of money, as you have so recently given me, in the most generous manner more than I could expect or had any title to ask, but, as I mean honestly to return this sum and clear myself entirely by the next spring, I do it with more confidence, and I have to plead that I always pay my debts when T am able. I go to-morrow into the Highlands for three weeks or a month, for fresh air and exercise. The odours of this place give me continual headaches. My retreat is about thirty miles from hence, near where the five companies of our regiment are at work. I wish you both much health. I beg my duty to my mother, and am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate Son, J. WoFE. After his brief holiday he thus wrote from the new camp— To His FarHer. North-west Side of Loch Lomond, 7th August, 1753. Dear Sir,—Though there have been great pains taken to put the regiment into order, yet for two reasons we shall make but a very indifferent appearance when His Royal Highness reviews us. The first is, that our clothes are vastly damaged by the work here and by long wear; and the other, that Lord Bury would have changed our exercise from very quick to very slow, so that at present, in attempting to conform to his Lord- 218 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE ship’s directions, we are between the two, and can neither do one nor the other as they ought to be done. All the soldiers know that it is not very material, but some of those that will be present at our review may have other notions. These are matters that give me as little concern as anybody. If a man does his duty to the best of his judgment and ability, the thoughts and reflections that arise from so doing are, in my opinion, sufficient satisfaction. I have been confined ever since my coming to this place to within the last few days, and now that I am able to go about the bad weather keeps me close. It is strange that neither temperance or exercise can preserve me in any tolerable health in this unfriendly climate. The moisture of this air overmatches all the precautions that I can take to resist its bad effects, and yet we have had a finer season in Scotland than has been known for many years. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wort. It seems strange to think that the metropolis at this time was without a police force, and wholly at the mercy of such rogues and robbers as chose to ply their vocation. This was more than ever true of the suburbs, and in this letter we find Wolfe anticipating that horse police and foot patrol which followed upon the Bow Street force established by Sir John Fielding. To us MorHer. Glasgow, 26th August, 1753. Dear Mapam,—I deferred answering your letter till my return from the Highlands—that is till I got out of a dirty smoky hut, and free from the noise of a camp. My stay upon the side of Loch Lomond would have been extremely agreeable and pleasant but for two or three interfering accidents. This mixture of good and evil waits upon us from our introduction into life to the latest hour ; the easiest are those who have no violent pursuits, for they are seldom disappointed. The loss of my poor facetious friend Loftus grieves me; he was preparing to make me a visit just before he went off! Since I came here I learned the death of our good General.? Lord Cathcart has made a judicious choice, and Miss Hamilton has a fair prospect of happiness with a man of his worth and honour. There are 1 Major Arthur Loftus died of fever July 31st at Fort Augustus. 2 Lieutenant-General George Churchill. POLICE FORCE SUGGESTED 219 very few young ladies that I have met with who, in my opinion, deserve better than she does. If I had not seen Miss Lawson, I should probably have been in love with Miss Hamilton. I can’t say the lady would have had a great conquest to boast of, but speak of it as a proof of my good taste. "Tis an unpleasant thing to be surrounded, as you are, by such numbers of villains ; whatever they do without doors, it is to be hoped they respect the inside of houses. There must be some strange neglect in the magistrates and officers of justice in the county, or these robbers would not range through it in this manner with impunity. I am surprised that in the counties near London they don’t establish a company of light horse to guard the public roads or pursue these vermin. They need not be military, but people hired for that purpose, with good pay, and entirely under the sheriffs directions. There are abundance of officers that would be glad of such employment, and proper men, if they pay them well, might easily be found. They have what they call maréchaussé in France to protect travellers, and people travel there in great security. Elections are the great business all over the island, and the competitors are struggling, not, I am afraid, for the public good, but for their private interest and advantage. The Parliament House is now the seat of profit, and people generally seek a place there as they would an income. We have everything to fear from these general self-interested views, but one must hope that these very men who are so sanguine for themselves will pay some regard to their posterity, and leave things at least in as good a condition as they find them. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. WoureE. His Scottish sojourn was now drawing to a close. To wis FaruHer. Glasgow, September 8th, 1753. Dear Sir,—The first division of our regiment marched out of town this morning, and I stay behind it one day to finish my business and to write letters. I have got myself tolerably well mounted upon a horse of poor Loftus’s. Donnellan! had bought him at the auction, but resigned him to me, knowing my necessity. I am glad to find that the promotion is gone in your regiment, 1 Captain Nehemiah Donnellan succeeded Loftus as Major in Wolfe’s regiment. 224 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE martial spirit would submit itself to his state of health, in which case he would not persevere in his resolution of seeing us. It is not a farthing matter, whether we are, or are not reviewed, but it is of consequence whether the Duke is well or ill. His inten- tion is to see the Regiment to-morrow, and I am sorry for it upon many accounts. We are four or five hours at exercise every day; the men of these times have not iron enough in their constitutions for this work; our ancestors would have perhaps done twice as much in colder weather, without coughing; but our debaucheries enervate and unman us. You are ever very obliging and kind in whatever I ask of you, your visit to Mrs. Brett is a strong proof of it, and they are not more indebted to you for the civility than Iam. I have had a letter from Charles expressing the satisfaction that your recon- ciliation to his family gave him. The first division of our regiment marches on Monday, so towards the latter end of the week I may hope to have the pleasure of seeing you. I can’t stay more than two days, because Lord Bury stops at Windsor, and the Major goes to London— Six Companies of the regiment are to quarter in the Castle of Dover, where I shall pass the winter, the rest are to be at Maidstone. I beg my duty to my Father, and am, dear Madam, ‘Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam, Wo re. To Mrs. Wo re. Blackheath. Wolfe’s professional ideals were very high; else we might marvel a little sometimes at the disesteem in which he appears to hold his own men. From other sources we learn that “ Lord Bury’s Regiment is the best in the Army, so far as drill and discipline go.”! With many great commanders we find a tendency to de- preciate the rank and file under them, notably in the case of the Duke of Wellington, who spoke of them as “dirty rascals” and “the scum of the earth,” yet at the same time prepared to defend them warmly as “the finest fighting material on earth.” A man may even speak of his own children as “brats” and “rogues,” but we must not accept him too literally. Nor must we reprehend our hero for not considering every man in his regiment equal to himself in spirit, intelligence and conduct. 1 Lansdowne MS. DOVER CASTLE 225 Failing the expected review, across the south of England marched Wolfe and his men. We have a picture of Wolfe as he departed through the streets of Reading. “A tall thin officer astride a bay horse, his face lit up by a smile and conversing pleasantly with the officers who rode by his side.” On through Guildford and Oxted they held their way to Maidstone, where a portion of the regiment was left; but the greater number kept on to Dover where they took up their station in the Castle, on that giddy height which Shakespeare has celebrated and the lovers and enemies of Albion have from time immemorial contemplated with awe. But a portion of the march was made without the Lieutenant- Colonel, “such slow movements not being agreeable to his disposi- tion of mind.” He turned at an early stage off for Blackheath and was able to spend a couple of days there at the family mansion from whence, owing to the fine weather, his parents had not yet flitted, before rejoining his men. To uts Moruer. Dover Castle, 19¢h November, 1758. Dear Mapam,—As soon as ever I could get my green cloth spread upon the barrack table, and pen, ink, and paper out of my baggage, I sit down to write to you to inform you that the remainder of our march was as fortunate in point of weather as the former part had been ; and here our labour ends, I can’t say com- fortably or warmly, but in a soldier-like starving condition. The winds rattle pretty loud, and the air is sharp, but I suppose healthy for it causes great keenness of appetite. I lodge at the foot of a tower supposed to be built by the Romans, and cannot help wishing sometimes that they had chosen a snugger situation to erect their fortress upon; or that the moderns, who demolished a good part of the works of antiquity, had been so kind to us, their military posterity, as not to leave one stone upon another. The strength of our fortification is removed by discord and by time; but caissons are raised upon the ruins as prisons, and a proper mode of punishment for those wild imaginations that prefer the empty sound of drum and trumpet to sober knock of hammer in shop mechanic. Here’s a ready deliverance down the perpendicular to such as are tired of their existence. ‘They need not run very far to get out of this world; one bold step frees 1 Old Berkshire Memories, 1827. Q 226 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE them from thought. I’m afraid I shall lose my interest at Court by this distant recluse life, and shall never be notticed (as the Scotch say) but to be reprimanded for some dispute with a cobbler who has a vote in such a dirty borough as Dover. Sincerely, I beg you'll make my best compliments to the General and desire him to convince the King and Duke that he is not displeased with them, for otherwise I shall be involved within the resentment that must follow this seeming contempt of majesty and dignity. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. WoLFE. Dover Castle was not then the charming place it is now esteemed by tourists. It was shamefully dilapidated, and as to the chapel of St. Mary’s, until its restoration nearly a century later at the hands of Sir Gilbert Scott, “roofless, shattered and exposed to the damaging effects of rain, frost and mischief, it was used as a coal cellar ; while the Roman pharos at the west end, one of the most interesting landmarks of history in the kingdom, was applied to a purpose that was even more degrading and disreputable.” * To anticipate a passage in one of Wolfe’s letters, “I am sure there is not in the King’s dominions a more melancholy dreadful winter station.” To wis FarHer. Dover, December 6th, 1753. Dear Sir,—The best and most agreeable service that you can do me (since you are so good to offer your service) is to amuse and divert yourself with such change and variety as the neigh- bourhood of London, or inconsiderable distance from Bath, or other places of public resort, put within your reach. I know by myself how necessary it is to refresh the mind with new objects to prevent its sinking, and how very useful a fresh collection of thoughts are in supporting the spirits. Let me alone six or seven days in my room, and I lose all sort of sensation, either of pain or pleasure, and am in species little better than an oyster. Indeed, soldiering, as Wolfe was forced to pursue the art, was a trying business. All his fire and force and talents were being crushed out. 1 The Builder, September 7, 1862. CHRISTMAS GHOSTS 227 To nis Moruer. Dover, 19th December, 1753. Dear Mapam,—lI find our afternoons hang so heavily that expedients are wanted to divert the time. Our conversation from dinner till five o’clock is kept up with some difficulty, as none of us have any correspondence with the capital, nor com- munication with coffee-houses or public papers, so that we are entirely in the dark as to exterior things. From five till eight is a tedious interval hardly to be worked through. I have inquired for good green tea in Dover, as an aid, and can find none; it will be some relief and an act of charity if you will send me a pound of the best. I put off my demand until I knew your rents were due, although I should rather wish you could persuade the General to pay for it, as I take his purse to be in better order than either yours or mine.! The castle is haunted with the spirits of some of our restless forefathers, the old Saxons, and some of their wives, for here are ghosts of both sexes. Whether these shadowy beings are rest- less, or our consciences weak and our imaginations strong, you may easily conjecture. But here are people that believe there are spirits to be seen, and others that are ready to swear to the sight ; or, in other words, there are minds unable to bear the darkness of the night without trembling. We know that Christmas is at hand, by the sutler’s mince-pies. I hope you have all the gaiety and good-fellowship that these times generally produce, to enliven the otherwise cold and dreary season. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. WotrFe. After the Christmas “ festivities” Wolfe wrote another letter home. To unis Moruer. Dover Castle, 28 Dec., 1753. Dear Mapam,—Although I knew you were convinced that I had written to you from Reading, I was not sorry to hear you had received my letter. I was indebted to you for a favour, and meant to send you thanks. Maidstone would have been, as you say, a more comfortable quarter than this; for it is not possible to be in one that is less so, but this place has its ad- vantages that are of some estimation ; we have no magistrates or 1 The price of green tea was then about 30s. a pound, Q2 228 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE inhabitants to quarrel with : the soldiers are under our immediate inspection ; and we can prevent them in any evil designs. It would be a prison to man of pleasure; but an officer may put up with it. People that choose to read have a great deal of time ; the rest play at picquet. In wet weather we are confined to the castle, but when it is fine we get out upon the Downs between this and Deal, which is a very pleasant ride. I have been once shooting in hopes of killing some cocks to present you with; but there are few or no springs in the woods of this country, so that those birds do not stay long after they land. Capt. Howe who went to London yesterday offered to carry one and leave it at Blackheath. But I declined his civil offer, as I thought it not worth your acceptance. I should be sorry to lose Lieut. Bury at this particular juncture: not at all upon my own account, but because I know he can serve the officers, is inclined to do so, and has just now a very favourable opportunity as there are no less than six, that desire or should be desired to leave the regiment. I hear that Mr. Conolly? has relapsed and is in more danger than ever, probably gone by this time. Carlton and his brother will feel that loss very sensibly; he is not only their patron and protector, but has a fatherly affection and kindness for them. I am interrupted, and so must send you my best wishes for both your happiness, and finish with assuring you that I always am, dear Madam, your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: Wotre, 1 The Right Hon. William Conolly, M.P., of Stratton Hall, Staffs., was nephew and heir of his namesake, the Speaker of the Irish House of Commons. He died at Castletown, Celbridge, January 3, 1754. His only son, Thomas, married a daughter of the second Duke of Richmond (Lady Louisa Conolly), aunt of the ill-starred Lord Edward Fitzgerald and also of Generals Sir Charles and William Napier. XI EXETER AND THE WEST Aurnouex his letters are filled with a humorous sort of com- plaints, Dover really agreed with Wolfe or else his constitution was greatly improved since his return from Scotland. His only real grievance seems to be the perennial one of not “being any use in the world,” in other words, not seeing active service. But a soldier's life is not entirely made up of battles, and Wolfe was apt to appraise at much less than its real value the efforts he made to improve his regiment, and the influence his example furnished to all other officers. Having more leisure and more congenial sur- roundings, he took again to his books in downright earnest. He was not able to inoculate all his officers with his own zeal in this respect—that it would, perhaps, be unreasonable to look for—but they did spare a little time from piquet for the purpose, wondering at their commander’s strange infatuation. Sometimes Wolfe took a gallop over the Downs, or enjoyed an afternoon’s shooting in neighbouring coverts. But his whole heart was in his work—and the subalterns had daily testimony of the almost paternal relation in which this Lieutenant-Colonel of seven-and-twenty stood towards them. It seems that the officers of the new garrison at the Castle were not considered as sociable as their predecessors, and Miss Brett, who was staying with her father, Sir Piercy Brett, at Dover, had a doleful tale to tell of the ungallant manner in which the Dover ladies felt they were being treated by the “ bookish Colonel” and his friends. To his mother’s rallyings Wolfe replied on New Year’s Eve— To nis MorHeEr. Dover Castle, Dec. 31, 1753. Dear Mapam,—It will be neither expensive nor troublesome to send what you desire, but, on the contrary, cheap and pleasant. My judgement in these matters is very fallible; but I'll employ an abler hand to chase that samphire. If you like what I send, let me know, and you shall have more. If Nanny Brett’s ladies lived as loftily and as much in the 229 230 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE clouds as we do, their appetites for dancing or anything else would not be quite so keen. If we dress the wind disorders our curls; if we walk we are in danger of our legs ; if we ride, of our necks ; and how can the tender hearted sex expect we should go down unto ’em at such risk and disadvantage? But there’s a truth which my flame must not know, some of our finest performers are at present disabled, and the rest disheartened from attempting it by the terrible example of the sufferers. There are but two of us that can be reckoned to be whole and entire ; both very tall and thin, and we cannot undertake to please all these ladies alone, the task is more difficult than Mistress Anne seems to be aware of. Ifit was not for fear of offending you, I should almost confess that I think we are grown old, whether constitutionally so, or philosophically resigned, or sequestered from the world, by being almost always deprived and cut off from the common enjoyments of it. Habit by degrees, creating tastes agreeable to our condition and different from those that are most in vogue; part or all of these joined perhaps together, and years really creeping on; with notions conformable, cooling the blood and spring of action, till dancing and all its light train of amusement appears vain and contemptible. Notwithstanding this I always encourage our young people to frequent balls and assemblies. It softens their manners, and makes ’em civil, and commonly I go along with em to see how they conduct themselves. I am only afraid they should fall in love and marry. Whenever I perceive the symptoms, or anyone else makes the discovery, we fall upon the delinquent without mercy, till he grows out of conceit with his new passion. By this method we have broke through many an amorous alliance and dissolved many ties of eternal love and affection. My experience in these matters, helps me to find out my neighbour’s weakness and furnishes me with arms to oppose his folly. I am not however always so successful as could be wished ; two or three of the most simple and insensible in other respects have triumphed over my endeavours, but are seated upon the stool of repentance for the remainder of their days. Our garrison (to confirm Nanny’s intelligence) is not composed of the liveliest body of the Regiment ; the three remarkable men Bourchier, Billings, (with the Belly) and Clements, commonly called Ben, whom I formerly described to you, are apart, and they don’t do us any honour with the ladies; we have three or four under the surgeon’s hands for misfortunes, and the rest “OUR GOOD OLD MONARCH” 231 walk down the hill about once a month; but if Miss Gunman was here, we that are able, might go oftener. I believe my cousin Goldsmith is already persuaded that we are a set of the worst correspondents in England. I have been six months in his debt, without rhyme or reason ; I owe him a thousand thanks for a pointer, that is my happiness and my very existence here, and I'll acquit myself towards him this very night, and mention your commands. He is the most reasonable man alive, his requests seldom go beyond the desire that he has to know that we are well, he never asks any other favour than to be satisfied in this particular. I am a pair or two of spectacles behind hand with him, and I long to send him that little promised token of my esteem. I find Mr. Conolly is in a lingering way, his liver is affected, and “tis impossible he can recover, this is a deadly blow to my poor friend and will touch him deeply: but I hope the Duke of Richmond’s protection, which I am sure he will deserve, may make him some amends. Your present is arrived and is extremely valuable, both on account of the person presenting it, and its goodness, and you have my best thanks. We are not lucky in lotteries, but we have other pieces of good fortune that makes us ample amends. A clear and fair conscience and a reputation instained by vice or dishonour is fallen to both your lots, and that you may put in the balance against any other chance, and it will far outweigh them. I beg my compliments to Mrs. Egerton. Tomorrow the new year begins, I salute you upon it and wish you both all pleasure and peace and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam: Wotre. To wis Fatruer. Dover Castle, 6th January, 1754. Dear Sir,—I am very glad to find you ina resolution con- formable to the rest of your character. If you have ever omitted the performance of that duty which is due from an officer of your rank, and from a man of your attachment and way of thinking to the King, it has proceeded from reasons rather commendable and praiseworthy than blameable. You knew he was environed with a hungry, greedy set. As you had no favour to ask or expect beyond a good reputation, you would not seem (however free from the thought) to augment the number of petitioners that surround the throne. But his Majesty will now 232 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE be convinced that no motive of interest direct you to him ; he may easily distinguish you from the rest, because I am fully persuaded that you are the only one, however fair soever your title and pretensions may be, that has not asked something. Such persons are so rare in courts that kings may look upon them as miracles ; and our good old monarch would find out and reward the modesty of some of his subjects if the impudence of others did not prevent it. I am highly pleased that your going to St. James’s was graciously received, and that you yourself were satisfied. Ihave sent you some birds of my own killing; few indeed they are in number and small in kind, but quails are a rarity at this season. I had a pheasant and some partridges, but these I durst not send, as we are not authorised by law to kill them; and as they examine strictly upon the great roads I should be unwilling to be reputed a smuggler. It is a misfortune for a man that likes this sort of sport preferable to any other to be liable to law and fine, or to be obstructed in the pursuit of a very innocent and wholesome diversion. Over the water "tis death to shoot without license; here "tis prosecution, damages, and costs. I suppose you have heard that the French have been working at Dunkirk a kind of reservoir which, with a communica- tion with the neighbouring canals, will be a backwater sufficient to cleanse their harbour. Sir Piercy Brett and an engineer have been there to examine these late dangerous operations. Their report is not yet made public, or, at least, it has not reached the top of our hill. But I think our neighbour’s meaning is pretty plain, and I hope we sha’n’t misunderstand him. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. WotreE. Admiral Sir Piercy Brett was one of Anson’s officers in his celebrated voyage round the world. He was knighted in 1753 and was afterwards one of the Lords of the Admiralty. To wis Moruer. Dover Castle, 2 Feb., 1754. Dear Mapam,—This providential hard frost interposes between us and an ugly malignant disorder that has broken out in our neighbourhood. An infection in the air is best overcome by cold; and indeed there is no other remedy. We did believe for a time that our companies would be cantonned along the A COURT-MARTIAL 233 coast of Kent, to keep suspected vessels from approaching the shore. Such a disposition of the troops would be reasonable and safe in any other country but this: here it must be ineffectual : the villainy of the smugglers would overcome all precautions. We have (besides the apprehension of the plague) sometimes thought ourselves in the way of this East India expedition; and if they had sent a regiment from England, it could have been none other, but Lord Bury’s rank and employment exempts him from these undertakings, and I do suppose he would not think it consistent to let his regiment embark without him; so we are reserved for more brilliant service. By a letter that I have received lately from London I am informed that we are to move from this place sooner than was expected ; and that we shall begin to change our quarters early in the month of March. Five companies are to go to Bristol and five to Exeter. If we are reviewed, as I hope we shall be, before we get into the west, I may be able to be sooner with you than I could propose; and consequently shall enjoy that satis- faction, beyond my expectations and in the finest season. I hear that my cousin, Whetham, has met with a very ugly accident and is in danger of losing an eye. The rage of fox-hunting that seems to possess all the descendants of the old master, has been fatal to that poor lad; though I hope it is not so bad as has been represented. I beg my duty to my father. I wish you both much health, and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam. WOLFE. There was great indecision at head-quarters regarding the further disposition of Wolfe’s regiment in the new year. As every motion made by France was looked upon with suspicion, there was at first a scheme for cantoning the men along the coasts of Kent to prevent suspicious vessels from approaching land, and he received orders from the Horse Guards to this effect. Wolfe thought little of this arrangement, which he declared would prove ineffectual, “as the villainy of the smugglers would overcome all precautions,” and was neither surprised nor sorry when the order was countermanded, owing to “the hard frost.” During February there was a case of a deserter, and for the first time Wolfe had to preside at a court- martial. It appears that recruits for the French service were shipped at Dover, and which also gave an opportunity to deserters. 234 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE In a regimental order Wolfe desires certain men who had been, or wish to be, in the French service, to know that he sets no value upon them. He had “much rather they were in the Irish brigade than in the Army of Great Britain; but if any of them, hereafter, should threaten to desert, he shall be immediately whipped out of the regiment as a fit recruit for the rebel battalions hired by the French to serve against their country.” To wis FatHer. Dover Castle, 13 Feb., 1754. Dear Srr,—It has been so intolerably cold for these last three weeks that I have been hardly able to hold a pen or to do any kind of business; and I am afraid you have not been less sensible of its severity. This welcome thaw will restore people to the use of their limbs, and introduce another and more grateful season. One of the captains of our regiment, whose whole happiness is made up of hunting, came from his quarters at Maidstone with his pack of fleet harriers, to hunt in this neighbourhood ; because the country here is better than about Maidstone. He arrived a day or two before the frost and must depart forthwith; so that the unfortunate man, and the whole garrison indeed, have been disappointed of their favourite and much desired diversion. Thus by the breath of a north east wind are the finest prospects of sport and pleasure made to vanish like smoke and pass away like a dream. Pleasures that are enjoyed, leave but a slight impression: they furnish matter for idle talk. But the cooler reflection upon them serves but to convince a thinking person, that we are occupied about small matters and earnest upon trifles. This consideration ought to make this sort of disappointments sit easy ; since all that we can have of what is past, is but a faint idea. I have been appointed to preside at a general court martial, composed of officers of our regiment for the trial of a deserter. This is the first time that I have acted in that grave office, and a very grave one it is, when the matter under consideration is of any importance. These courts of justice should not be assembled too frequently ; lest the troops should forget or lose the respect and veneration that they ought to have for such courts. I hope the weather will invite you soon to take the air. The more you breathe the freshness of the morning air in the spring, the better for your health; and the more you stir about and vary your conversation, the more cheerful you must necessarily be. ARMY MARRIAGES 235 I hope to hear that some business calls you often to London ; or that your affection for the King’s person draws you sometimes into his presence. I am sure you ought to be, and consequently will be a more acceptable courtier than many that go there, merely to ask favours. I wish you and my mother much health. I beg my duty to her, and am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam. WoLrFE. To unis Moruer. Dover Castle, 6 March, 1754. Dear Mapam,—The spring that brings new life and spirits to all things else, will, I hope, have some good effects upon you; but you must not expect its assistance, unless you strive to procure it. You have your garden and your park to walk in, and your heath for riding; these are not to be neglected : and if my father or you should be advised, (as formerly you were by very wholesome counsel) to change your situation or your air for a time, such advice is not to be slighted whatever seeming inconveniences may oppose it. The leave of absence that I have asked (and as it seems not very unreasonable, perhaps it may be granted) is from review till August. I go to the regiment and stay during the months of September, October, November and longer, if it’s insisted upon. Then I come up for two months before embarkation, to appoint factors, agents, etc. upon all my estates and settle other weighty concerns; that my affairs may not run into confusion in my absence. This I hope you will think is a necessary precaution for all that are possessed of any considerable property of lands, houses, manors etc!! Jack Streton’s marriage will be no great obstruc- tion to his fortune, nor so inconvenient as to your moving foot officer. In the train, they have good fixed establishments, and their prospect of preferment is entirely within their own corps. In other respects I hope neither Mrs. Streton nor any good mother who values the health and advantage of her children, would oppose the salutary state of marriage, nor encourage their offspring to tread in the paths of sin and wickedness. A great deal more might be said upon this subject to prove the necessity of matrimony; but, as the men are getting under arms I must put off the rest till another time. 236 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE My duty to my father, I wish you both all happiness, and am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WOLFE. To Mrs. Wotre, Blackheath, Kent. At last Whitehall made up its official mind as to the corps, and in March the regiment, or the six companies of it which had spent the winter at Dover Castle, descended the slopes and took the road for Sittingbourne, from which pleasant old-fashioned town Wolfe writes to his mother. To uis Moruer. Sittingbourne, 24th March, 1754. Dear Mapam,—Although this is not the most agreeable weather to march in, yet we are glad to get out of our old castle upon any terms. It was to no purpose to complain of our condition or quarters, nor becoming the character of a soldier to do it; but since the bad part is over, and we have borne it with patience, a man may be allowed to rejoice at the escape. I am sure there is not in the King’s dominions a more melancholy dreadful winter station than that we have just left; and the neglect of the Board of Ordnance adds con- siderably to the natural horror that the situation and buildings raise in men’s minds, and even makes it dangerous to reside in it in cold weather. So much for the vile dungeon ! Our orders of march have been changed two or three several times, but at last it is resolved that we shall bend directly towards Guildford, where five of our companies are to assemble to be reviewed by Lord Bury ; the rest are to proceed to Bristol with expedition, being strongly solicited thereto by the magis- trates of that place, who, I suppose, are in some dread of the colliers and other riotous persons in their neighbourhood. I told my father the reason why I could not hope to have the pleasure of seeing you before I am dismissed by authority; but it may happen that the cross road from Dartford to Croydon is so bad that we shall be obliged to march over the Heath and by Lewisham, in which case I'll do myself the honour (in the polite phrase) of waiting upon you for an hour, and I wish I may find you triumphing over the inclemency of the season. J am, dear Madan, etc., J. WoLrFE. MISS LAWSON’S UNCLE 237 As*Wolfe anticipated, the road from Dartford by which the authorities usually led the troops in order to circumvent the metropolis was quite impassable by the spring floods—in fact, before Macadam’s time, the roads in this part of England were especially infamous—and so Wolfe did himself the honour “in the polite phrase” of waiting upon his parents in Montagu Walk, Blackheath. One may be sure, that brief as his visit was, he did not neglect to visit the kennels and find out the exact state of health and spirits of each of his six dogs, whose joy at welcoming their master must have been testified to all the surrounding neighbourhood. But a more satisfactory sojourn at home was close at hand. Lord Bury duly came down and reviewed his regiment at Guildford, and the ceremony over Wolfe got a fairly long leave of absence. He returned straightway to Blackheath, where he passed two or three months at the very finest season of the year, when garden and the adjoining park were at their best, and the Lieutenant-Colonel could scamper over the turf with all his dogs to his heart’s content or mount his favourite horse, gallop over to visit his friends at Squerryes Court, fifteen miles away, over steep Westerham Hill. Early in July he received an invitation to visit Freefolk, near Whitchurch in Hampshire, from his old friend, Sir John Mordaunt, uncle of his inamorata, Miss Lawson. There is something in this young lady’s rejection of the Lieutenant-Colonel’s suit that leads one to believe it was inspired from outside, probably by Wolfe’s own parents. It is not as if she had bestowed her heart elsewhere. Although boasting many suitors the late Maid of Honour to the mother of George III remained unmarried, for the rest of her short life. Her death happened only six months before Wolfe’s own. News of the young General Wolfe’s engagement to Miss Lowther leaked out in Bath before he sailed on his last expedition in February 1759. In the month following, while he was still at sea, she to whom he had so long and with such ardour paid court breathed her last.? To uis Moruer. Freefolk, July 14th, 1754. Dear Mapam,—Sir J. Mordaunt’s civility, good-breeding, and good-humour make his house easy and pleasant to his guests, and the country round about has a variety of charms, especially to those that love sport. As far as my disposition 1 Gentleman's Magazine, Obituary. 238 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE will permit, I live everywhere as they live with whom I am, and put off the fixing upon a way of life, or preferring one method to another till I can do it at home,—in all simplicity following nature without control. My mistress’s picture hangs up in the room where we dine. It took away my stomach for two or three days, and made me grave; but time, the never failing aid to distressed lovers, has made the semblance of her a pleasing, but not a dangerous object. However, I find it best not to trust myself to the lady’s eyes, or put confidence in any resolutions of my own. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. Wotre. Our hero was but an indifferent patron of the turf. To wis Fatuer. Freefolk, July 21st, 1764. Dear Sir,—I have rambled over several places in this neigh- bourhood. The Duke of Bolton’s park and gardens at Hackwood are well worth a journey to see them. I was there and at Basingstoke races the same day. If I had understood matters of that sort, or had been a more refined politician and better courtier than I really am, I should have carried my pockets off full of money, for there were great odds offered against the Duke’s horse, and some of the country gentlemen seemed to propose wagers with more passion than judgment. The Duke was not present. Boscawen managed his interest upon the course, and except him there was not a soul that I had the least acquaintance with. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. WoLrFE. The Boscawen mentioned in the foregoing was the Hon. John Boscawen, fifth son of the Earl of Falmouth and brother of the Admiral, who was destined to command the naval expedition to Louisburg in 1758. A week later Wolfe returned to Blackheath, between which place and Westerham he divided his time until the latter end of September. His leave then coming to an end he travelled across England to Bath and from thence to Bristol, where his regiment was. Mrs. Wolfe was preparing for her own journey to Bath, at which resort she and the General spent several weeks every year. The Mrs. Thornhill of the following letter was the wife of Wolfe’s ARRIVES IN EXETER 239 neighbour at Blackheath, nephew of the eminent painter, Sir James Thornhill. One gets an idea of the multifarious duties of an army agent in those days when one of them is required to engage lodgings for the wife or mother of a client in her travels. To uis Moruer. Bristol, Sunday, 29 Sept., 1754. Dear Mapam,—My journey agreed so well with me the first day that I found myself in condition to put an end to it sooner than I could expect ; and I came here early the second day. John and my equipage arrived the third, not quite so happily as one could wish ; for one of the horses (my own incomparable steed) fell and has cut his knees severely, and the other has a swelled leg. This and the excellent quality of the waters here for washing away all dregs and obstructions, will keep me till this day or to-morrow se’nnight. I found my new adjutant waiting to go with me but his cloak is at sea, will leave directions concerning it, and it may probably meet you at Bath. The company has nearly allleft the Wells. The few that are still there are kept by the fine weather. Sir Charles Howard is of the number; he has found more benefit this year than formerly, even to be able to get on horseback, and walk upon the Downs. I am going to see Mrs. Thornhill, who is very well, and would probably fill my letter with compliments if she knew I was writing. I beg my duty to my father, and am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, J. Wo tre. Mrs. Fisher has promised to provide good lodgings for you at Reading. Early in October Wolfe arrived in Exeter, where he took up his winter-quarters in a building within the walls of Rougemont Castle. Exeter was then a stronghold of Jacobitism, as staunch as when, a century before, Fairfax and his Roundheads had demolished the old Castle, after a stout resistance by the Cavaliers. One of the first incidents following the arrival of the 20th Regiment at Exeter was the drafting of a hundred men to another regiment, Dunbar’s, ordered to sail for America to take part in the ill-fated General Braddock’s expedition. 240 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To uis Fatuen. Exeter, 25th October, 1754. Dear Sir,—I have just received a letter from Lord Bury, concluding with this short paragraph: “I am just returned from the review of your father’s regiment ; they did well, and the Duke was very well pleased with him.” Lord Bury never carries his complaisance to his inferiors further than the truth. I wish people would stick to that above as well as below,—to be honest, if possible, at both ends; but that’s foreign to the present purpose. I am extremely pleased that this business has passed over so much to the Duke’s satisfaction and to yours. It isa pity you were not better acquainted; for His Royal Highness only begins to know you,—he has but just found out that nobody means better than General Wolfe. I begin to flatter myself that we shall soften the rigorous proceedings of our adversaries here, and live with them on better terms than hitherto. It is not our interest to quarrel with any but the French ; and they must be devilish minds that take a pleasure in disputing. I hope my good mother will tell me what’s doing at Bath, and I hope I shall hear from her that she is sensible of the good effect of its waters and of its cheerful variety and company. ‘Tim. Brett passed through here some days ago, in his way home; he had company with him, and could not even dine with me. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. WotrFE. Exeter was not an easy place for a “ Hanoverian ” officer and a veteran of Culloden to live in just then—hardly much more con- genial than some parts of Scotland had been during Wolfe’s northern sojourn. But fortunately the Lieutenant-Colonel was the right man for a difficult post. At that time the Mayor of Exeter was a pro- nounced Tory named Arthur. A sense of his position made him reasonable, and very soon under the Colonel’s suasion he began to relax sufficiently in his ultra-Jacobitism as to yield a hearty outward loyalty to the reigning powers and to set an example to his friends and colleagues. Wolfe also struck up a friendship with Bishop Lavington, who found the young officer “ singularly engaging.” To wis MorHer. Exeter, 31st October, 1754. Dear Mapam,—I do not like the account of your health, but HIS MARTIAL TASTES 241 am not much surprised that you should catch cold upon the road. A person that has lain long in the same room, and in the same bed, must be subject to this inconvenience by change. By this time I hope that you have got over it, and are able to drink as much of the water and enjoy as much of the company as you find is for your advantage and entertainment. These public places are disagreeable at first till one falls in with a party to one’s taste, but they generally furnish so much variety that we are not long at a loss to find fit companions. My father said very little upon the subject of his review, just as much as helped me to conjecture that he was not ill pleased, but he did not mention a syllable of the Duke’s civility to him which I was very glad to learn from you, and I was much rejoiced to perceive that you had been present at the military show, and had been diverted with it. If I did not profess the business myself, I should follow all the reviewing generals for the sake of seeing the troops. I know nothing more entertaining than a collection of well-looking men, uniformly clad and performing their exercise with grace and order. I should go further, my curiosity would carry me to all parts of the world, to be a spectator at these martial sights, and to see the various produce of different climates, and the regulations of different armies. Fleets and fortifications too are objects that would attract me as stronglyas architecture, painting and the gentler arts. You did not tell me if Mrs. Lafausille was with you at Reading. By the company you had at cards, I conclude that Donnellan’s offences are forgiven. I dropt my correspondence with him upon that score, and shall probably never revive it; although I know him to be a whimsical little man of sense and generosity and honour. Have you seen any of our people at Bath? They go over now and then from Bristol for a day to dance, and then return ; the poor devils can’t stay long, they can’t bear the expense. We have one very extraordinary person gone lately from hence, a lieutenant that you have heard me speak of, his name is Hennis, we call him Bardolph. If his figure does not frighten you, it will certainly make you laugh ; he will be at some gaming table. That poor infatuated old fool, Will, deserves compassion. He may now be considered as the most helpless, abandoned wretch upon the earth; blind folly to prefer the momentary satisfaction that ale can give to the solid certainty of care and usage in your easy service; these creatures are insensible of present advantages or prospect of future misery. R 242 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Will you believe that no Devonshire squire dances more than Ido? What no consideration of pleasure or complaisance for the sex could effect, the love of peace and harmony has brought about. I have danced the officers into the good graces of the Jacobite women here abouts, who were prejudiced against them. It falls hard upon me, because of my indolence and indifference about it. We were upon such terms with the people in general that I have been forced to put on all my address, and employ my best skill to conciliate matters. It begins to work a little favourably but not certainly, because the perverseness of these folks, built upon their disaffection, makes the task very difficult. We had a little ball last night to celebrate his Majesty’s birthday, purely military, that is, the men were all officers, except one. The female branches of the Tory families came readily enough, but not one man would accept the invitation ; because it was the King’s birthday. If it had not fallen in my way to see such an instance of folly, I should not readily be brought to conceive it. “J remember,” wrote a lady a generation later, “the great General Wolfe to have been much admired for his talent in this science likewise ; but he was generally ambitious to gain a tall, graceful woman to be his partner, as well as a good dancer; and when he was honoured with the hand of such a lady, the fierceness of the soldier was absorbed in the politeness of the gentleman. When thus innocently animated, the General seemed emulous to display every kind of virtue and gallantry that would render him amiable in a private character. Such a serene joy was diffused over his whole manners, mien, and deportment, that it gave the most agreeable turn to the features of that hero, who died for his country.” ! To mis Fatuer. Exeter, 5 Nov., 1754. Dear Sir,—Sir John Mordaunt hit upon a point in his journey to Plymouth that seems to carry reason and prudence with it. It occurred to him, that, as Lord Bury would probably get the first regiment of Dragoons that fell, and as another colonel of rank or quality or Parliamentary merit would probably succeed him, Sir John thought, that it would be best to wait that event, to propose the other change. He thinks it so difficult - Miscellanies in Prose and Verse, by Mrs. M. Deverell, Gloucester, 1781, vol. i. p. 74. LADY GREY OF HOWICK 243 to accomplish that he is willing to have some circumstance of that sort in aid of the request ; for although I cannot expect or hope to succeed Lord Bury, yet it is a kind of grievance to put men over the heads of those who have been perhaps more accus- tomed to command, and have had all the business to do for several years. This is a plea, that would be of very little service in any other case, but may do good in this. Most of my brother Lieut.-Colonels are people who have arrived at the height of their expectations, or, at least will be contented to wait till their turn comes, without murmuring. Sir John offered to begin immediately ; but he advised this delay as the most convenient ; and you may be sure I did not oppose it. I shall answer my mother’s letter in a few days. I am glad to hear that you are both able to go abroad, and to taste the amusements of the place; and wish your health may still enable you to do so. I cannot say I like my quarters: the inhabitants are of all ill species. I beg my duty to my mother and am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WoLFE. To Lizut.-Gen. Wore, at Bath, Somerset. He has another amusing reference to old Lady Grey, whose son was joining the army. To uis Moruer. Exeter, 16th November, 1754. Dear Mapam,—Lady Grey knows so well how to value a constant temper, that she must necessarily encourage such a lover, and keeps his hopes alive. For my part, I don’t feel the least disposition to change ; but if ever I do, it shall be upon the plan prescribed by her. I will look where she points, but I must warn her that there are little wandering stars of very bright aspect at first, whose beauty and light are soon obscured, and will hardly bear a close inspection ; there are others of a nobler nature—fixed and permanent—upon whose friendly aid and guidance a traveller may depend. Now, to distinguish between these heavenly bodies requires a pretty good telescope and strong sight. But, to descend a little from things celestial to things that are material, I must acknowledge her ladyship’s great goodness in offering such security to the General as she is possessed of. R2 244 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE The Right Worshipful the Mayor of Exeter and myself are hand and glove. We drink Church and King together upon extraordinary occasions at the Guildhall; but when he does me the honour to dine, we leave out the divine part of the toast, which makes him suspect my religion, and he cannot help think- ing that the officers of the army are no better than they should be. The people seem to be tolerably well disposed towards us at present. How long they will continue in such good humour it is quite uncertain. I hope it will last our time, for as the town has nothing in it either inviting or entertaining, the circumstances of a civil war would make it intolerable. I am in a perfect solitude with a crowd of people around, for all our conversable officers are sent off upon different duties, and the inhabitants are of a species not to be frequented. There are some sensible, well-bred men amongst the clergy that are seldom seen. ‘The Bishop was very civil, but he is gone to Parliament.! The night of dreadful thunder which affected you did not in the least disturb my rest. Nothing wakes me, which I reckon a misfortune, and I draw an inference from it to the disadvantage of my future affairs. Sound sleep is the mark of an inactive mind, and such are never great or useful; but, to balance it, quiet rest and a clear conscience are constant companions. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. Wo tre. To wis Motuer. Exeter, Dec. 5th, 1754. Dear Mapam,—The good account you give of yourself rejoices me most sincerely. I am almost tempted to go to Bath for the pleasure of seeing you free from pain, and if you stay till next month, I hope it will be in my power to call upon you for a day or two on my way to Bristol, and through the recruiting quarters ; the state of our regimental affairs will keep me longer at quarters than I expected, and so long, that I shall not be absent above a month or 5 weeks in the spring; a little before we embark, you can’t fill up too much of your time with amuse- ments, it is cheerfulness and ease that will prolong your life and that is not to be had, but in some well suited society. We that are young and in the world have a thousand different ways of employing ourselves and of getting through our time, it is not so with people more advanced in years, and though I am not particularly fond of cards myself, yet I think they are reasonable and very innocent 1 Dr. George Lavington, Bishop of Exeter. MAJOR MAXWELL 245 instruments of diversion; and I am always sorry when I suffer myself to censure an entertainment that is quite harmless, purely because it is not to my taste ; my meaning when I speak upon that point is, that young folks should be careful of engaging in any pursuit that may sacrifice the hours of their improvement, and that they who have the warmest of tempers are most likely to push into excess that way, as in all things else, which they are bent upon. It is time my Lady Grey should discard me and take a younger lover. I am really not worth a farthing; but, however, she may be assured that I am now as much in love with her, as with any woman in England, a fact that she seemed to doubt the last time I saw her. The company at Bath (by your account) may admit of some increase without being sensibly felt; I suppose they hold out pretty well, till after Christmas, when the shows in the capital begin to be most in vogue, and it is fashionable to be there. There is a widow at Bristol who has, or seems to have, a kindness for the Major, I wish she may prevail with him to rest in her arms from his military labours. Although we should lose a good officer by the retreat of our Major, yet in favour of one who has as fair pretensions, I hope she will take him to herself. But it is a doubt with me whether if he should marry the widow, he could be brought to quit the service. Maxwell ! dances remarkably well for a man of his uncommon size. I suppose he is much liked at Bath, for I daresay he is much known—he is the best humoured man alive. Poor Hennis (alias Bardolph) had such a cold while he was at Bath, that he could not go out of his lodgings, and so escaped being seen. I have so many letters to send to poor subalterns and recruiting officers, that I can’t spare a frank; and I have so much to do before the post goes out that I must make an end with wishing you and my father the best health. My duty to him. I am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WOLFE. A short note to an old friend was penned a few days later. To Carrarn Rickson. Exeter, 9th December, 1754. Dear Ricxson,—I was obliged to Governor Trapaud for intelligence of my little friend; and though I cannot rejoice 1 Afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton Maxwell. 246 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE much in your present situation, yet I think you will make your- self and your acquaintance easy and happy wherever you are. The Governor said you intended to write; let me desire you to put so good a resolve into quick execution, and tell me how it fares with you in that remote quarter. I admire the goodness of Providence in this one thing (amongst thousands that are worthy of admiration), that, in whatever situation a man happens to be placed, the mind is so framed, that it works itself out some occupation and finds something or other to make a pleasure of ; supposing that no distant object has taken violently hold of one’s affections, or that we are unreasonably bent upon some absent imagined satisfaction. 'Trapaud thinks he is very happy in having you with him, and I think so too. Pray how do you think upon the matter? and what sort of life do you lead ? I shall be here a month or six weeks longer, within which time I hope to learn good tidings of you from yourself. I heartily wish you well. I am, my dear friend, Your affectionate and faithful servant, JamMEs WOLFE. When the Christmas holidays came Wolfe rode over to Bath, where both his parents then were, and spent ten days with them. Thither came tidings of the death of the Earl of Albemarle, and the consequent succession of his Colonel, Lord Bury, to the peerage. As Lord Albemarle he would probably have sufficient influence to obtain a post of some lucrative nature, and might therefore be expected to relinquish the colonelcy of the 20th. On the 3rd of January Wolfe was back again at Rougemont Castle, where he found a letter from head-quarters awaiting him, ordering him to hold himself in readiness to preside at a court-martial on board the fleet at Bristol. During the time that Wolfe was at Bristol attending the court- martial which sentenced several men to capital punishment, the weather was especially severe, and the trying nature of his duties had its natural effect upon his spirits as the east winds had over his health. To nis Moruer. Bristol, 19¢h January, 1753. Desr Mapam,—Folks are surprised to see the meagre, con- sumptive, decaying figure of the son, when the father and A SOLDIER’S LONGEVITY 247 mother preserve such good looks; and people are not easily persuaded that I am one of the family. The campaigns of 1748, °4, °5, ’6, and "7, stripped me of my bloom, and the winters in Scotland and at Dover have brought me also to old age and infirmity, and this without any remarkable intemperance. A few years, more or less, are of very little consequence to the common run of men, and therefore I need not lament that I am perhaps somewhat nearer my end than others of my time. I think and write upon these points without being at all moved. It is not the vapours, but a desire I have to be familiar with those ideas which frighten and terrify the half of mankind that makes me speak upon the subject of my dissolution. While realizing that the nature of his constitution was such as made long life extremely improbable, at the same time he desired that those years that remained to him should be of use to himself and the country. He therefore by no means was content to remain stationary, and die at home a Lieutenant-Colonel on the retired list. So far all his plans for further advancement had been baulked ; but there was still another way and this occurred to his friend General Mordaunt. He suggested that the old General should resign the colonelcy of Wolfe’s regiment in favour of his son who would settle an annuity upon his sire. But James did not enter- tain the proposal favourably. To ais FaTtHeEr. Exeter, 7th February, 1755. Dear Srr,—I have writ to Sir John Mordaunt by this post to decline his obliging offers of service with thankfulness and gratitude. A soldier’s life in war is too great an uncertainty for you to hazard a necessary part of your income upon. I should be afraid to die, more than is natural, if it left my parents unprovided of a subsistence depending upon my life. Besides, how far an expensive war may affect the funds I know not. Your better judgment upon this point may furnish you with reasons for or against any alteration of your affairs. Some security there should be for my mother if she should outlive you, and me, and the public credit,—a thing, in my mind, not altogether impossible. As I said in my last letter, we expect to go on board the fleet, and "tis a service that we all like, from the importance of a success at sea, to which we should be happy to contribute ever 248 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE so little. I know, if your health and time of day would allow, you would offer your services to the good old King. He will, however, be pleased to see what remains of his faithful old soldiers, and I hope you now and then appear with the rest, and give those proofs of your attachment. Excuse the freedom I take to say that you can’t better exert your strength in the spring than by going a few days to your regiment, to look at them with a cheerful, friendly face, and to see if there be any- thing wanting which is in your power to supply. Such an at- tention pleases the troops, and must be acceptable to his Royal Highness the Duke. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. For some weeks he had been warned to prepare to go on board the fleet for service at sea. But although he held his men in readiness nothing definite arrived. In this state of suspense there seems to have been a suspicion that the Twentieth might be sent to America. The new Earl of Albemarle (Lord Bury) had obtained the com- mand of a troop of cavalry, and the Twentieth was now without a Colonel. Who would be appointed? At this juncture his mother wrote him that his uncle, Major Walter Wolfe, had a plan to secure an East India Company appointment whereby he would be enabled to do his nephew a good turn. What if Wolfe had been induced to serve under Clive’s banners in India! To nis MorHer. Exeter, 11th February, 1755. Dear: Mapam,—We are in expectation of sudden orders for some service ; what it is we know not. If we are ordered on board the fleet either to cruise, or to Virginia, it will be absolutely necessary that I get myself furnished with a quantity of coarse shirts ; and how to do it I really am at a loss to know, and if we were to take the field I should be wholly ruined. This is the state of my affairs,—I am eight and twenty years of age, a Licutenant- colonel of Foot, and I cannot say that I am master of fifty pounds. My preparations for Minorca have run me a ground and, in short, I am so distressed that I feel myself a little uneasy, and am surrounded with miserable devils in the same circum- stances, to whom a battle would be a happy event. Don’t trouble yourself about my room or my bedclothes ; too much care and delicacy at this time would enervate me, and complete the de- struction of a tottering constitution. Such as it is, it must serve HIS FATHER’S BOUNTY 249 me now, and I'll make the best of it, and the fittest use while it holds. My uncle Wat’s scheme is either very extravagant or a very prudent one. If my uncle means to mend his health by a soft climate, he can’t take a better method than what you say he proposes. If his intentions are to be useful to me, I can’t but think myself highly obliged to him; although I could well wish that he would not put himself out of his way upon my account as it will not answer the end that I know he proposes. The case, as it appears to me, is this,—that the uncle has much more am- bition than the nephew, and that he has a better opinion of me than I have of myself, and far better than I deserve. He wants that I should make a considerable figure in our profession; and as he is a skilful man himself he would willingly contribute to it. His letters are all calculated to answer that end, but he never mentioned a syllable to me of his late project. If he had I should certainly have opposed it. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. Wotre. Of course, Wolfe had merely to hint to his parents that he had pressing need for money in case the expected orders came, to receive instantly a promise of funds. For the old General, having got all his arrears and turned a pretty penny in the usual way with regimental commanders, was now fairly well-to-do. To wis FaTHer. Exeter, 18¢h February, 1755. Dear Sir,—By my mother’s letter, which came to me this morning, I find that your bounty and liberality keep pace (as they usually do) with my necessities. I shall not abuse your kindness, nor receive it unthankfully, and what use I make of it shall be for your honour and the King’s service, an employment worthy the hand that gives it. I cannot bear the thoughts of asking these sort of supplies from any foreign purse, and therefore should have been more distressed without your assistance than can well be described. I would not wish that anything should take off my attention from the most important parts of my duty; nor feel myself cramped and tied down by the narrow- ness of my circumstances at the time when the thoughts should be free and at large. Ifa man be ill served, or ill armed in the field, he is deprived of the necessary aids to his well-doing ; and 250 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE that spirit will guide others but indifferently which bends under its own wants. I shall husband your gifts with discretion, and be gratefully mindful of your goodness. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. Mrs. Wolfe had conveyed from the old General a good deal of counsel founded upon his own long experience in the service. He could never forget the disastrous business of Carthagena fifteen years before, and how ill the country was served by its naval com- manders, how miserably the fleet was victualled, and the other horrid details of death and disease which sprang from incompetence and mismanagement. Consequently he was greatly loath to let his son go upon such a service if any other were honourably to be had. After all, the veteran was not to be blamed. He was a soldier of the old school. He saw little as yet to justify confidence in the new. Moreover, he liked his ease and did not believe in courting difficulties. His son was of another stamp: he was unhappy when at his ease; he rejoiced in difficulties and hardships if they led to what his soul craved. To wis MotueEr. Exeter, 18th February, 1755. Dear Mapam,—May I be permitted to say that my father’s apprehension, and consequently yours, are not well grounded ? He was on board the fleet in the beginning of the war, preceded by a peace of thirty years, in which the sea officers as well as ours had almost forgot their trade. Matters are not now so circumstanced, and there are many commanders in the fleet who are men of high courage and spirit. Let me add that things were inconveniences, and disagreeable ones at his time of life which are not so at mine. I please myself that we are likely to do our country good service by going on board the fleet. The sickness that we feel at first will soon be over, and I flatter myself, if occasion be, that we shall spur them on to their duty. The success of our fleet in the beginning of the war is of the utmost importance, and we shall have great merit in contribut- ing ever so little towards it. It is no time to think of what is convenient or agreeable; that service is certainly the best in which we are most useful. For my part, I determined never to give myself a moment’s concern about the nature of the duty PARTS WITH HIS DOGS 251 which his Majesty is pleased to order us upon ; and whether it be by sea or by land that we are to act in obedience to his com- mands, I hope that we shall conduct ourselves so as to command —his approbation. It will be sufficient comfort to you two, as far as my person is concerned, at least it will be a reasonable con- solation, to reflect that the Power which has hitherto preserved me may, if it be His pleasure, continue to do so; if not, that is but a few days or a few years more or less, and that those who perish in their duty, and in the service of their country, die honourably. I hope I shall have resolution and firmness enough to meet every appearance of danger without great concern, and not be over-solicitous about the event. The dogs are to be disposed of as follows—you are to have Flurry instead of Romp, and Romp is to be given to Sergeant Goodman whenever he calls for her. The two puppies I must desire you to keep a little longer, till I can dispose of them so as not to be troublesome to you. I can’t part with either of them, but must find good and secure quarters for them as well as my friend Caesar, who had great merit and much good humour. I have given Sancho to Lord Howe, so that I am now reduced to two spaniels and one pointer, all of excellent kinds. Beckwith is just come into the room. He always puts a stop to my writing ; I must therefore present my duty to my Father. J am, dear Madam, etc., J. Wotrr. PS.—I put both your letters under one cover; the thanks that are due to one are due to the other, for your intentions and kindness to your son are alike. I am now able to come to you, and may have leave for eight or ten days perhaps. Before I could not undertake the journey without dreading the expense. Jemmy’s conduct astonishes me. He should blush to be any- where but at his colours at this time. A young lieutenant loitering up and down Greenwich Park! If he belonged to us I would soon bring him to quarters, and find him full employment. What is my old friend about? If this comes to be known, Jemmy’s reputation must suffer; the monthly returns of his regiment will publish his idleness. Jack is of other mettle, and has good need of it. It has fallen hard upon that poor lad ; I wish the other had his share. Where does Jack go next? He will have visited all the remote corners of the earth. I beg you'll 254 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE If there’s war, I hope the General in the North will not disperse the troops by small parties, as has been practised hitherto; but rather make choice of certain good stations for bodies that can defend themselves, or force their way home (to the forts) if occasion require it. At Laggan Achadrom, for example, they should build a strong redoubt, surrounded with rows of palisades, and trees, capable to contain 200 men at least. This is a post of great importance, and should be maintained in a most determined manner, and the MacDonalds might knock their heads against it to very little purpose. Old doting Humphrey! who is newly married, I find will be a good deal occupied at home, and fondly no doubt; so you must not expect much aid from that quarter; there’s our weak side. My McPherson should have a couple of hundred men in his neighbourhood, with orders to massacre the whole clan if they show the least symptom of rebellion. They are a war-like tribe and he is a cunning, resolute fellow himself. They should be narrowly watched; and the party there should be well commanded.? Trapaud will have told you that I tried to take hold of that famous man with a very small detachment. I gave the sergeant orders in case he should succeed, and was attacked by the clan with a view to rescue their chief to kill him instantly, which I concluded would draw on the destruction of the detachment and furnish me with a sufficient pretext (without waiting for any instructions) to march into their country od j’aurais fait main basse, sans miséricorde. Would you believe that I am so bloody ? It was my real intention, and I hope such execution will be done upon the first that revolt, to teach them their duty and keep the Highlands in awe. They are a people better governed by fear than favour. My little governor talked to me, some time ago, of a parcel of musket-balls that belonged to us which he offered to send us. We fire bullets continually, and have great need of them; but as I foresee much difficulty and expense in the removal, I wish he would bestow them, or a part, upon you; and let me recom- mend the practice, you'll soon find the advantage of it. Marksmen are nowhere so necessary as in a mountainous country ; besides, firing balls at objects teaches the soldiers to level incomparably, 1 Sir Humphrey Bland, Commander-in-Chief in Scotland, married to Miss Betty Dalrymple. 2 Evan M‘Pherson, of Cluny, was Lord Lovat’s son-in-law. He became an outlaw for years after Culloden. ADVICE TO RICKSON 255 makes the recruits steady, and removes the foolish apprehension that seizes young soldiers when they first load their arms with bullets. We fire, first singly, then by files, 1, 2, 3, or more, then by ranks, and lastly by platoons; and the soldiers see the effects of their shot especially at a mark, or upon water. We shoot obliquely, and in different situations of ground from heights downwards and contrarywise. I use the freedom to mention this to you, not as one prescribing to another, but to a friend who may accept or reject; and because, possibly it may not have been thought of by your commander, and I have experience of its great utility. I have not been in London all this winter. If the state of our affairs had permitted it, I should certainly have waited upon your sister. You could not propose a thing more agreeable to me; for I think I must necessarily love all your kindred, at least all that love you. I hope she has recovered the hurt occasioned by that unlucky accident. Pray ask Trap if he knows anything of Lady Culloden,’ how she is as to health? for I have a particular esteem for her, am obliged to her for civilities shown me, and interest myself in her welfare. She seemed, poor lady, to be in a very ill state of health when I was in that country. I could pass my time very pleasantly at Fort Augustus upon your plan and with your assistance. There is no solitude with a friend. I hope to hear from you now and then, as your inclination prompts or your leisure allows ; the oftener the better. I wish you all manner of good, and am truly, my dear friend, Your faithful and affectionate Servant, J. W. My compliments to Mrs. Trapaud and the Governor. I was interrupted in the beginning of the letter, and the post came in from London before I began afresh. The second paragraph of the following is significant of the relations with regard to pecuniary matters subsisting between father and son. To uis FaTHEr. Exeter, 12 March, 17565. Dear Str,—I do hope that a proper confidence will always subsist between us. I have no interest distinct from yours, nor 1 Mrs. Forbes. 256 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE many passions to gratify, or if I have any, they shall always be subservient to your pleasure, for now I think I have them under pretty good command. Whenever I may have occasion to desire the aid of your purse, it will generally be with a view to do you honour, and to enable me to serve his Majesty, as you yourself would serve him. If there is a war, I must either rise or fall, and in either case am provided for ; but as I would willingly enjoy the society of my friends without being troublesome to them, I should rather prefer the former, as the means of doing it, and having as yet some little relish of life. Three Companies of Waldgrave’s late regiment are landed at Bideford, a ship with the remaining seven Companies lost her passage by running on shore in the harbour of Corke, but by the latter end of August I hope they will be over. It seems H.R.H. the Duke looks upon Carlisle and Berwick as places of great importance. Charles Desclouseaux is made Lt. Governor of one, and Billy Billings of our regiment is fort Major of the other. Officers of equal skill and capacity, and entirely calculated for an obstinate and vigorous defence. The promotions in your regiment and the removal of Wright are marks of the Duke’s goodness, and great proofs of his ex- cellent sense. It is a sound piece of politics to put the troops in good humour before a war, and to keep them afterwards so by repeated acts of justice and kindness. The affections of military men are easily won, and as easily kept; they only ask regular preferment and to be treated with common humanity. I have had a letter from Sir John Mordaunt very lately in which he mentions his having seen you at Court, and I hope he will see you there again before long. Admiral Mostyn told me that Bockland’s Regiment and ours were intended for the fleet. I had like intelligence from London ; and till very lately was fully persuaded of the truth of it. Musketry they must have, and till marines are raised or the Irish Regiment augmented I shall think it very possible that they may make use of us. The two letters that I enclose under your cover are for two friends as you see by the directions. I do not know where Allen now is, nor how to direct to him, therefore beg the favour of you to send it to his mother and desire her to take the trouble to forward it. AT EXETER 257 I beg my duty to my mother and with wishes for your welfare, cease to write. I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WoLrE. We have excessive cold weather here, I am afraid it is still more severe to the eastward. ‘Till Marines are raised” reminds us that the old corps of Marines had been largely disbanded at the Peace of 1748. XII WAITING FOR WAR Tue orders impatiently expected by the Twentieth and its Lieutenant-Colonel never came. For them there was to be no fight- ing just yet, but instead they were notified that they must shift quarters from Exeter to Winchester. Thither on March 25 arrived Wolfe and his men, the regiment still without a colonel, the appointment not yet having been gazetted. Such of his friends as had access to the King and Commander-in-Chief urged the justice of appointing Lieutenant-Colonel Wolfe to the vacant post, but the King seems to have thought him, as ever, “too young.” If only war were declared Wolfe felt confident he could make his way. To wis MorHer. Winchester, 26 March, 1755. Dear Mapam,—Upon my arrival here yesterday I found your letter and I found a very unsatisfactory account of your health in it. The weather has been so uncommonly sharp, that I feared it would affect you, and you have the misfortune to feel all the changes and rudeness of climate that this country is subject to. I can recommend nothing to you, but the same course that you have hitherto pursued ; to be good and religious is the only means of quieting the mind under great afflictions, we have no other comfort here below, nor anything else worth our regard. A little more stirring in fair weather, and in a light machine, if you had one, might help you ; but the house and a great chair, is death or a life of misery. We are impatient to know whether peace or war is resolved on. If the latter, as we suppose, the troops will probably encamp very soon, to be ready for all purposes. In either case I must go to London for a few days to settle my affairs, and then I shall have the pleasure of being with you. The Marines you speak of, if they do raise any, will be put into Companies of 100 men each, and not into regiments as the newspapers have proclaimed, and these Companies are to have a 258 HONEYWOOD APPOINTED 259 field officer to inspect them, and a Lieut. Col. or Major to every ten or twelve Companies. The whole body of Marines will be under the Lords of the Admiralty and entirely out of our way. But do you imagine, if regiments were raised that I should have any, the least chance to succeed? All my hope of success must be grounded upon right and just pretensions. I must serve and serve well or I cannot get forward; for who will be at the trouble to solicit for me out of pure friendship? No man will ask such a favour, but where he promises himself, and expects something in return. I thank you for all your kindnesses, and for the pains you bestow upon me. I should be sorry if it brought the least distress upon you, or even cramped your compassionate and generous disposition. I have but a little while longer to be troublesome to you, a war of two or three years will, I hope, (though I do not wish it for my own sake, at the public hazard and expense) improve my circumstances. The sergeant I brought from London does not please me; if you hear by chance of a good honest groom or a servant that can dress a wig, I pray you let me know. I thought I had left a stock with you— tis what I have most occasion for at present, as mine are actually worn to threads. I am a good deal out of repair. I am, dear Madam, etc., Jam: Wotre. At last the blow fell: Lord Albemarle had hinted that the regi- ment was to go to General Fowke, at least an officer of rank. He now learnt to his discomfiture that Lieutenant-Colonel Philip Honey- wood, a man of wealth and boasting a good deal of political influence, had carried off the prize, being gazetted April 8, 1755.1 Wolfe took this not a little to heart, and for a moment entertained a plan for resigning his commission if he could not procure the boon of foreign service. “It was at Basingstoke that Lord Albemarle told me. ... I thought it was a little offensive. . . . It has indeed saved me some pains and some expense, and I may jog on in one of the easiest posts in the army and sleep and grow fat.” War with France was looming upon the horizon: no man could tell whether the cloud would be dispersed or not. Nominally the 1 « Honeywood was removed in May the year following to the 9th Dragoons. He rose to the rank of general, and was many years Governor of Hull, M.P. for Appleby, and died in 1785.” —Wright. 82 260 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE two nations had been at peace since 1748, but in the far-flung empires of both their subjects and armies had too many causes of dispute to remain tranquil. In India and North America they were, and had been, constantly flying at each other’s throats, and Wolfe watched these encounters in the remote parts of the earth with a feeling that there, if all other chances failed, lay his destiny. Those bloody rivalries would never permanently be allayed but by some crushing victory and defeat. For the moment in India there was a truce. The policy of France, so far as Canada was concerned, was to connect the two great territories of Canada and Louisiana, now separated by a thousand leagues of plain and forest, by a chain of forts, winning the intervening territory from the British colonists in Pennsylvania and Virginia. In 1752 the Marquis Duquesne appeared on the scene. His orders were to arrest the pretensions of the English to the Ohio and Western region and debar them from trade there. The new governor began by dispatching a force of Canadian Militia to build a French fort on Lake Erie and other posts elsewhere. When this aggressive policy was observed by the Indians, who admire vigour and courage, they were led naturally to range themselves on the side of the French. During the next few years battles and skir- mishes for the supremacy of the Ohio region were frequent, and it is during this period that we first hear of a youthful Virginian whose name, like Wolfe’s, was destined to be world-famous. ‘This was George Washington, who, five years Wolfe’s junior, had, at the age of nineteen, at the beginning of the Seven Years’ War, been appointed adjutant of the Provincial troops, and in 1754 com- manded a regiment against the French at Fort Duquesne. In the Braddock disaster in the following year he was the only aide not killed or wounded, although two horses were shot under him. Braddock’s defeat made conflict on a large scale in North America inevitable. To us FaTuer. Winchester, 12th April, 1755. Dear S1r,—Now that we have a Colonel who will perhaps think it his duty to be sometimes with his Regiment, my prison will be a little enlarg’d. Col. Honeywood’s being put to this Regiment is no compliment to me, as I shall explain to you hereafter. If the like civilities are done in time to come, they will likewise be obliged to find out a new Lieut. Colonel ; for as FLEET AT PORTSMOUTH 261 I have told my Lord Albemarle, I am resolved, I shan’t serve one moment longer than I can do it with honour, if I should starve. You are not to understand by this that I expected to succeed Lord Albemarle. I knew that was impossible, and I had no right to ask it; but, however I am not at all pleased with what has happened ; and yet, I have no objection to Col. Honeywood ; which will make it perhaps more mysterious. I am going to Portsmouth, to see the fleet, and to see how their anchors hold in a haven; for the wind rages most violently. I think they should put us on board, instead of the 300 recruits that are order’d under the name of a Regiment of Foot. You need not take notice to anybody of what is said on the other side. I wish you health and all manner of good. I am Dear Sir, etc., Jam. Wo.rer. To wuts Moruer. Winchester, Apr. 15th, 1755. Dear Mapam, . . . Little Romp is come up, and pretty creature she is. If you would have me keep her in preference to Flurry, I can do it, and you may have her again when you get rid of the rest, which shall be soon. Capt. Boisragon was so good to take a stock for a pattern; it is hardly broad enough— but as the buckle is narrow I must be satisfied, till I can get a new one. . We are soon to be reviewed, and afterwards I may have a fortnight’s leave to wait upon you, provided we don’t encamp immediately. It is difficult to say, whether there will or will not be a war; the French will determine that, as they please, as it suits their interest or convenience. Tf you arm yourself with philosophy, you are mistress of all events ; I have a natural indolence of temper, that helps me in some cases ; but I have too much impatience for much sharp pain. Will you excuse the shortness of my letter, I am interrupted by the coming in of Officers. My duty to my Father. I wish you both well and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, J: Wo rr. PS.—I have been at Portsmouth, or should have answered your letter sooner. 262 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Wolfe was still a passionate dog-lover, and his letters are full of reference to his canine friends. To us Moruer. Winchester, Saturday, April 19th, 1755. Dear Mapam,—Lord Albermarle has desired to have one of Flurry’s puppies; I have told him to take his choice, and that, which he pitches upon will be delivered upon demand; I am many dogs in his debt, and owe him this return; will you be pleased to give orders that the puppy his Lordship demands may be delivered to his servant? There is a musket belonging to the regiment that Goodman should have called for. When- ever he or any person belonging to the regiment or in the regiment’s name asks for that firelock, I desire it may be delivered to the person. I am afraid the cock gives the dogs too much meat ; flesh is a very dangerous food for dogs, and spoils their noses. While Ball eats his dinner, the coachman, or one of the servants might lock up the spaniels, and give them a little pot liquor and bread, or milk, or oatmeal and water: servants think that a dog is never well fed, unless he gets scraps of salt beef, pork, etc.— whereas these strong victuals are certain destruction, and they should never want water. I know you like these poor creatures, otherwise I would not venture to trouble you with so much upon the subject. Sir John Mordaunt reviews our regiment next Wednesday—and awhile hence, we are to have that honour done us by H.R.H. the Duke, an honour that every regiment in England will partake of. I hope to be able to pay you a short visit in the beginning of May, and I hope to find you both in such a state of health as will allow you to enjoy that fine season. I always wish you well, and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WOLFE. In view of the existence of war, even though he may not participate, Wolfe is very restless. To nis MorHER. Freefolk, 1st May, 1755. Dear Mapam,—You will be a little surprised to find my letter dated from hence, and you will be apt to wonder what I STAY AT FREEFOLK 263 am doing so far from my duty and from my quarters ; but our review is over, and my friend Sir John did me the honour to invite me here for a day. He sets out for the west country to- morrow; and I return to my colours. We are but fourteen miles from Winchester. Mr. Honeywood has consented to me being ten days or a fortnight at liberty; which, if you'll give leave, shall be chiefly passed with you; and, as I have some business to settle in London, the conveniency of water-carriage, or my own horse, will facilitate my movements from Blackheath to that great capital. I intend to set out from Winchester on Sunday or Monday next, and to be with you the second day. I have been obliged to turn away one of my servants, and have taken necessary measures to be supplied with another. If a groom or other domestic should enquire for me at Blackheath, pray let him know when he may expect to see me. We have been very gay at Winchester till more serious matters call for our closer attend- ance, though the place is in itself dull and melancholy enough, yet five or six and twenty young military men are calculated to enliven it. Mr. Guiguer lives within six miles of the city, in a well furnished snug little house, and in a pretty country. I have made him two visits, and have found him a most hospitable and cheerful landlord, and his lady a very agreeable person. The people in general, both of Winchester and the country round about, are extremely civil and obliging; and but for the burthen of so many soldiers upon particular houses, we should be quite happy in our present cantonments. The change to Blackheath will be to me (notwithstanding these advantages) a very desirable one; and what I most hope for is to find you both in perfect health and felicity. I beg my duty to my father, and am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, J. Wore. To nis FarHer. Freefolk, Thursday, 5 June, 1755. Dear Sir,—If I had not rambled from place to place, you should have heard from me sooner. I owe you a particular letter of thanks for relieving me out of trouble and distress, and for putting me in a state of more comfort and ease for the time to come. I shall not take up much of your attention by long and tedious acknowledgements, but I am 264 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE glad to feel myself happy by your means, and I have a pleasure in owning it. Some of us have been at Stewart’s review, and were well enough entertained. I return to-morrow to Winchester ; there I shall wait Mr. Honeywood’s coming, and then retire to South- ampton, and try to wash away the scurvy with salt water. The affairs of my family are a little disordered by John’s misfortunes ; he is so confoundedly ill that I was forced to put him in our regimental hospital, that he might not drop to pieces—by good luck I found a fellow of character to serve me during his illness. The Duke reviews the Inniskilling Dragoons to-morrow ; and next week Stewart’s and, they say, Skelton’s ; yours and ours are not yet talked of. Sir J. Mordaunt desires his compliments to you, and to my mother. I wish you both all satisfaction, and am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WOLFE. To nis Moruer. Winchester, June 12th, 1755. Dear Mapam,—lI have heard of a pacing horse, that a lady sold to a farmer, because it paced—the creature is said to be quiet, and sound and good humoured. Have you any objection to a pacing horse ? because I am to see him next week, and if he is well and I like him—I shall buy him for you and send him up. If this does not do, further enquiry shall be made, and I won't rest till you are properly mounted. The shortness of my letter is a proof that I am in the middle of business. I wish you both well, and with my duty to my father, am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, J. Wo tre. To us MorueEr. Winchester, June 1755. Dear Mapam,—My first business here, was to enquire about your horse, which unluckily turns out to be a mare, and broken winded : if, with these disadvantages, you would choose to have her, she shall be sent immediately to London by the carrier : but, as I suppose she will not be fit for your purpose, I shall use my best endeavours to get one that will. Guiguer, and other THOUGHTS ON WAR 265 acquaintances may help me out. I intend to write to my father in a very short time; and am now going to Southampton to regulate the affairs of my Company and of the Detachment. I return from thence to Winchester again on my way to Reading, where Stewart’s Regt. is to be reviewed by Sir J. Mordaunt on Tuesday next: I met him by accident at Staines, and he summoned me to attend him at this famous review. I am to be two days at Freefolk, and come back with Sir John, who is going to his new house near Southampton. Col. Honeywood’s brother is very near his end, the Col., I suppose, will try to see him before he dies, he is now at Bath. We shall execute a deserter next week, which though a neces- sary sight is yet a very dismal one. I beg my duty to my father and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, J. Wo re. The evils which Englishmen then apprehended from war is well brought home to us in the following. To uis Moruer. Winchester, 20¢h June, 1755. Dear Mapam,—I do not know what news may be stirring in the great world, but we have none that is bad. Our fleet is now more formidable than the fleet of England ever was, and as the regiments are growing every day more and more complete, I don’t apprehend that there is the least shadow of danger to the island this campaign. What I most apprehend, and what is very well worth our thoughts, is the excessive expense that a war creates to the English nation. This expense has already involved us so deep in debt that we have not much more credit, and consequently must give up the funds, Bank, etc., whenever the means of raising fresh supplies fail. This consideration should determine every thinking man (when war is declared) to divide at least his substance and take the first favourable opportunity to secure something upon land, for his family in case the other portion should be lost in the public ruin. It is no doubt a little troublesome to begin late in life to manage estates, especially great ones, but a small matter by way of security of two or three hundred pounds a year, is not, nor can be, very inconvenient, and I think I could, with the help of friends, find out a purchase 266 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE of that sort, that would be no burthen. I do heartily advise this measure for your particular safety. My father’s regiment is certainty for him, and my trade will always subsist me in exigen- cies, and (sad it is to confess it) rather mends by the distress of others, than falls off. A war is of most uncertain conclusion, and the demands of money prodigious while it lasts. All private accounts should be cleared, and we should not become responsible for other men’s affairs, when our own are so precarious. I have been here since Monday at the races, where there never was less sport in the horse way, but that defect is a good deal made amends for by the vivacity of the other entertainments, which the people here, and I suppose everywhere give into, as if no danger hung over us, nor no war was to be feared. I have danced incessantly, and mend upon it, which will en- courage me to be more the servant of the sex upon these occasions than I have hitherto been. I would have ycu persevere in riding, as the most salutary of all exercises, and the very best of all remedies for ill health. Have you two horses? How are you provided ? for there is a growth of little cattle here that might produce something to fit you. I have countermanded the pacing horse. I am going once more to Portsmouth to enjoy the dreadful though pleasing sight of our mighty navy. The Marines are in full exercise to be ready to go on board, and relieve the regiments of Foot now at Spithead. My duty to my father ; you have both my best wishes and I am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, J. Wotre. On the whole he was having a pleasant and entertaining holiday. To us Fatuer. Winchester, 29th June, 1755. Dear Sir,—I can’t get my Colonel back to his Quarters, and therefore can’t reside, as I should wish to do (for rooting out the scurvy), at Southampton. I have tried the Water and the Bath by way of experiment, and find that they entirely answer my expectations, but I am not able to persevere regularly in the use of ’em. I have been at Portsmouth lately, and shall go there again to-morrow. The Duke is expected: and the show will be most AFFAIRS IN INDIA 267 magnificent ; it is one of those military scenes that should not be neglected. I hope H.R.H. will not be displeased with two or three of us for leaving our quarters upon such an extraordinary occasion. Guiguer invited me to dinner last Thursday ; and I engag’d to go, if it was in my power ; but business carried me far away—I hear he waited dinner for me, which I am grieved at; may I desire the favour of you to make an apology for me, if you see him, as probably you will. I would not offend him for any considera- tion, as he has treated me with the utmost civility and kindness. I have some letters from Braddock’s army, giving a very favourable account of the General’s proceedings, and of his good behaviour to the People under his command ; this gives me high hopes of his success, if Baron Dieskau does not arrive in time, with his succours, to stop the progress of our Arms. Our affairs in the East Indies are upon the decline. At the expiration of the truce for three months, it is supposed that hostilities will be renewed with as much violence as ever. Our military concerns are under the guidance of a very poor insigni- ficant officer, and the death of Scott (confirm’d in these last accounts) is an irreparable damage to the Indian Army. Bockland’s regiment is to disembark soon. Eight hundred Marines are order’d to relieve them, 500 from Portsmouth and 300 from Chatham. There are seven or eight and twenty great ships at Spithead, fully mann’d with very able seamen. I suppose they wait for news from America, before they fall on, and destroy the French fleets. In the meanwhile they eat and drink very comfortably, and entertain their Friends in a very splendid and sumptuous manner. I wish you both all good things, etc., Jam. WOLFE. To uis Faruer. Winchester, 5 July, 1755. Dear Sir,—Happily I had not heard a word of my mother’s illness till she was much recovered. There is nothing more really afflicting to me than any bad account of her health or your’s. I wish she would, when she is able, persevere in riding, because I am persuaded that exercise must relieve her. Sir John Mordaunt commends the waters at Buxton as sovereign for rheumatic pains. Why should she not try everything that can give her any hope, for what is there valuable in life without health ? 268 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE I was at Portsmouth when your letter came to Quarters, or should sooner have expressed to you the thanks that are due for so many marks of your kindness. I told you some time ago, and I repeat it now, that I would accept of no preferment or advance- ment in the military way, that should be attended with the least risk to you, or my mother. There is a description in the newspaper of the magnificent military scene that was exhibited at Portsmouth to do honour to the Duke, who had great reason to be pleased with his reception, and was I believe, highly entertained, if one may judge by the looks and expressions of princes. I took the precaution to write to Lord Albemarle to know whether it would be agreeable to TI.R.H. that any of us should be there, and his Lordship’s answer was quite favourable. And indeed the Duke’s civilities to me were sufficient proofs, that he did not dislike our coming. After the Duke left Portsmouth, Lord Anson gave a great dinner to all the sea officers to which he did me the honour to invite me and showed me all sort of politeness on board the “ Prince.” Governor Hanley was at his post to receive the Duke, and seems to have as much vivacity and spirit as at any time of his life that I have any recollection of. As the regt. is to be reviewed by the Duke towards the latter end of August, Mr. Honeywood has thought it consistent with his duty to be a little with his regt. before the review. We expect him in about a week to reside, and therefore I go to-morrow back to Southampton, to fix my quarters there. Iam in the neighbourhood of my aunt, Mrs. Burcher and would wait upon her, if I knew where she lived. The next letter that I receive from Blackheath, will, I hope, direct me in this particular, and give me the satisfaction to know at the same time that all is well there. I beg my duty to my mother and am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: Wotre. Mrs. Wolfe, who had long been ailing, now wrote him of her recovery. To wis MoruHer. Southampton, Sunday 15th July, 1755. Dear Mapam,—I must write you a short letter (but a very sincere one) of congratulation upon the return of your health, or CHRISTIAN PHILOSOPHY 269 rather I fear, upon the present removal of your pains. Would to God that what you have felt was to be the last of your suffer- ings, and that a future life of peace and ease was to make you some amends for the many unpleasant hours that are gone by. My wishes for you are truly those of a son for a mother whom he has always found kind and indulgent; for I conclude such mothers cannot have sons that wish them otherwise than well. My duty to my father, I am, dear Madam, Your affectionate and obedient son, J. Wotre. To us Moruer. Lymington, 19¢h July, 1755. Dear Mapam,—I wish I could say anything that could comfort you or advise anything that would do you good. By gentle exercise and care of yourself I hope your strength will return, and with that your spirits. I have gratitude and tender- ness enough to be greatly affected at your distress, and though grief is not to be sought after, yet I would not for the world but partake of all your misfortunes. Would to God that the little moment that is allowed us in this life had some ease and peace in it, or that we had firmness enough to overcome our ills. I know you would be content with a little share of health, and for my part, I have nothing to ask but just as much resolution as fits a soldier. For riches, honours, possessions, and the dazzling advantages of this world, I disregard them ; my utmost desire and ambition is to look steadily upon danger, and the greatest happiness that I wish for here is to see you happy. Resignation to the will and disposition of Heaven is so consistent with piety, charity, and a good mind, that I doubt not your thorough resignation. Don’t let a thought about me disturb you. You have done more than I am afraid I deserve. I lament that ever I gave you a moment of uneasiness, though, I think, I did not mean it, and of that I hope you will be convinced. I wish you better health with great sincerity, and beg my duty to my father. T am, dear Madan, etc., J. Wotre. To Captain Rickson. Lymington, 19th July, 1755. My pear Frienp,—If I had not been well convinced by your letter that you needed not my counsel to guide you, and, 270 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE that the steps you were taking were prudent and sensible beyond what I could advise, you should have heard from me something sooner ; for the public service, and your honour and well-doing, are matters of high concern to me. I am sorry that I cannot take to myself the merit of having served you upon this occasion. I would have done it if it had been in my power; but I knew nothing of your new employment till Calcraft mentioned it to me.) You are, I believe, so well in the Duke’s opinion, that Mr. Fox had no difficulty to place you where you are, and where, I am fully persuaded, you will acquit yourself handsomely. To study the character of your General, to conform to it, and by that means to gain his esteem and confidence, are such judicious measures that they cannot fail of good effects. If I am not mistaken Lord George? is a very even-tempered man, and one that will hearken to a reasonable proposal. If the French resent the affront put upon them by Mr. Boscawen,’ the war will come on hot and sudden; and they will certainly have an eye to the Highlands. Their friends and allies in that country were of great use to them in the last war. That famous diversion cost us great sums of money and many lives, and left the Pays Bas to Saxe’s mercy. I am much of your opinion, that, without a considerable aid of foreign troops, the Highlanders will never stir. I believe their resentments are strong, and the spirits of revenge prevalent amongst them; but the risk is too great without help; however, we ought to be cautious and vigilant. We ought to have good store of meal in the forts to feed the troops in the winter, in case they be wanted; plenty of intrenching tools and hatchets, for making redoubts and cutting palisades, etc.; and we should be cautious not to expose the troops in small parties, dispersed through the Highlands, where there is least apprehension of a commotion. A few well- chosen posts in the middle of those clans that are the likeliest 1 John Caleraft, originally a War Office clerk, was taken up by Henry Fox and became immensely rich as an army agent. Afterwards he went over to Pitt, in whose confidence he continued for years. Calcraft, although attacked by ‘‘ Junius” for corrupt practices, is yet believed to have known the identity of that writer. When he died, in 1772, worth more than a quarter of a million, he left £1000 to Sir Philip Francis and an annuity of £200 to Lady Francis : a significant circumstance. 2 Major-General Lord George Beauclerk, sixth son of the first Duke of St. Albans, and Colonel of the 19th Regiment. He died in 1768. 3 This ‘‘affront’’ was the capture of two French ships, the Alcide and the Lys, off Cape Breton, carrying the Governor of Louisbourg, and four other officers. All were made prisoners and treasure to the value of £30,000 sterling taken. HAWKE AND BYNG 271 to rebel, with a force sufficient to entrench and defend themselves, and with positive orders never to surrender to the Highlands (though never so numerous), but either to resist in their posts till relieved, or force their way through to the forts, would, I think, have lively effects. A hundred soldiers, in my mind, are an overmatch for five hundred of your Highland militia; and when they are told so in a proper way, they believe it them- selves. It will be your business to know the exact strength of the rebel clans, and to inquire into the abilities of their leaders, especially of those that are abroad. There are people that can inform you. There ought to be an engineer at the forts to inform the General of what will be wanted for their defence, and to give directions for the construction of small redoubts, where the General pleases to order them. Nobody can say what is to become of us yet. If troops are sent to Holland, we expect to be amongst the first. We are quartered at Winchester and Southampton, but turned out for the assizes. The fleet at Spithead expects orders to sail every hour. They are commanded by Sir E. Hawke, who has the Admirals Byng and West to assist him. There are about thirty great ships, and some frigates; the finest fleet, I believe, that this nation ever put to sea, and excellently well manned. The marines embarked yesterday, to the number, I suppose, of about 1000 men; others will be taken up at Plymouth, if they are wanted. I lodged with a Mrs. Grant,’ whom perhaps you know. She was very careful of me, and very obliging. If you see her, it will be doing me a pleasure if you will say that I remember it. Do you know Mrs. Forbes, of Culloden? I have a particular respect and esteem for that lady. She showed me a good deal of civility while I lay in the North. If you are acquainted, pray make my best compliments to her, and let me know how she is as to her health. Aw reste, you must be so kind to write now and then, and I will be punctual to answer, and give any intelligence of what is doing where I happen to be. A letter, directed to me at General Wolfe’s, at Blackheath, Kent, will be forwarded to the remotest regions. I am, my dear friend, Your affectionate and faithful servant, James WOLFE. 1 At Inverness in 1751. 272 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To nis MotuHer. Southampton, Aug. 7, 1755. Dear Mapam,—If Mr. Warde has any secret that can relieve you I shall revere his art, and esteem his person,! but if his remedies should not be so successful as I wish I would have you persuade the General to go with you to Buxton next year— in the meanwhile, as the Bath water is a present relief, why should you not have recourse to it for two months in the winter ? Horses for ladies are extremely difficult to find. The little forest horses are wild and shy, and I am unwilling to purchase and recommend a creature of this sort either for Mrs. Cade or you: if I hear of any that may be trusted, that are well known, I shall try to get possession of ’em, and will send ’em up. I want to change your little favourite for Flurry—because I think you will be better pleased with this, and the other will be more useful to me. I am obliged to finish my letter now—being interrupted. I heartily wish you better health and am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, J. Wore. PS.—My duty to my father. To Mrs. Woure, Blackheath. At Lyndhurst in the New Forest, near Southampton, in a somewhat secluded abode, dwelt his father’s sister Anne, who had married James Burcher,” formerly possessed of a good fortune, but in his declining years become somewhat impoverished. The nephew thus describes his visit. To us Fatuer. Southampton, 14th August, 1755. Dear Sir,—I paid my respects to Mrs. Burcher a few days since, and found a very surprising old gentlewoman. I was struck with the resemblance between my uncle Wat and her. She has not only all his features, but his manner and way of 1 Major Warde had offered to give Mrs. Wolfe an infallible remedy for out. a 2 William Burcher, the son, survived until 1792, and is buried in Lyming- ton churchyard, leaving a son, Edward Wolfe Burcher. His daughter married John Aylward, Esq., from whom is descended Mr. Alexander Wolfe-Aylward, well known for his interest in all that pertains to General Wolfe and the owner of several relics of interest bequeathed to his ancestor by Mrs. Wolfe. MRS, BURCHER (ANNE WOLFE) From a miniature in the po ion of her descendant, A. Wolje-Aylweurd, Esq. HIS AUNT BURCHER 273 talking, and his gestures. She has a healthy florid look, though a little paralytic, and is full of grievous complaints. Mr. Burcher has the appearance of civility and good-breeding. They live in a lonely miserable mansion in the forest, and all about has the look of indigence and decay. The poor gentlewoman expressed herself in very grateful manner for the kindness and support that she has received from you, and seemed a good deal affected at the sight of me. You may believe I did not stay long there; but I have promised to see her again before we leave this place, if our march is not too sudden. I find that some of the troops in our neighbourhood are in motion towards the capital; whether we shall follow or march elsewhere is to us unknown, but my private sentiments are that we sha’n’t long lie idle. You are nearer to the fountain of intelligence than we are, but I believe you take as little pains to be informed as your son. I don’t think there are two men in the kingdom who are at less trouble on that score. I hope my mother continues to mend. Mrs. Burcher sent you a buck last week, which she hopes you received in good order. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wore. To wuts Moruer. Southampton, 27 Aug., 1755. Dear Mapam,—Though I hear some unpleasant tidings what grieves me most, that you recover but very slowly; that you recover at all is some comfort; if your strength and health return as I wish it, you would soon be well. Iam afraid it is worse with you than I am told, because of late you have not been able to write to me. Iam sure you would now and then give me that satisfaction, if it was in your power. In other circumstances and at another time, I would be with you— but we may move suddenly as others have done: and it may perhaps be our lot to come nearer to you in the course of duty. I have heard of a gentlewoman’s horse to be sold. He is broken-winded, but that is of little consequence to one who rides but moderately. Shall I buy him and send him up for you or Mrs. Cade? I beg my duty to my father; I pray that all sort of good may attend you both and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WotrFe. 274 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To His Faruer. Southampton, 4th September, 1755. Dear S1r,—The accounts of Mr. Braddock’s defeat! are not yet clear enough to form a right judgment of the cause of it; but I do myself believe that the cowardice and ill-behaviour of the men far exceeded the ignorance of the chief, who though not a master of the difficult art of war, was yet a man of sense and courage. I have but a very mean opinion of the Infantry in courage. I know their discipline to be bad, and their valour precarious. They are easily put into disorder, and hard to recover out of it. They frequently kill their officers through fear, and murder one another in their confusion. Their shameful behaviour in Scotland, at Port L’Orient, at Melle, and upon many less important occasions, clearly denoted the extreme ignorance of the officers, and the disobedient and dastardly spirit of the men. Was there ever such a slaughter of officers as upon this expedition ? and did ever the Geneva and p of this country operate more shamefully and violently upon the dirty inhabitants of it under the denomination of soldiers? I am sorry to say that our method of training and instructing the troops is extremely defective, and tends to no good end. We are lazy in time of peace, and of course want vigilance and activity in war. Our inilitary education is by far the worst in Europe, and all our concerns are treated with contempt or totally neglected. It will cost us very dear some time hence. I hope the day is at a distance, but I am afraid it will come.? I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. To uis Faruer. Southampton, 21 Sepét., 1755. Dear Sir,—Mrs. Abthorp’s death may be reckoned rather fortunate than otherwise, since it was hardly probable that she 1 Braddock was a blustering, peppery officer of the Hawley type, who was sent out to drive the French back across the Canadian border. He was totally ignorant of American warfare and frontier conditions. He took 1000 British troops and 1200 Virginian militia into the heart of the wilderness, fell into an Indian ambush, and was overtaken by crushing disaster and killed together with no fewer than sixty other officers. The infantry, in a panic, abandoned arms, baggage and artillery. 2 Dr. Johnson observed as late as 1778 that ‘‘it is wonderful how very ignorant many officers of the army are considering how much leisure they have for study and the acquisition of knowledge.” He maintained that many of them were ignorant of things belonging immediately to their own profession. ‘* For instance, many cannot tell how far a musket will carry a bullet.” HIS RED HAIR 275 would ever recover from the melancholy state she was in, or that her natural disposition would correct with her returning judge- ment if she did recover.! Two or three of us went to shoot in the neighbourhood of Winchester, and killed some game, part of which Capt. Maxwell has undertaken to send to Blackheath; there are two cock pheasants, that I think will please you, if they get safe and sound—but it must not be told where they came from. Sir John Mordaunt went to London on Thursday to pay his duty and make his reports to his Majesty, and that day I left Freefolk. A French ship from Rochelle came into the harbour at Portsmouth, without knowing that there were any hostilities between the two nations; she will furnish matter for a dispute between the Governor of Portsmouth and the Naval Commander in the harbour. J am exceedingly pleased to hear the further success of Mr. Warde’s medicine and hope it will have all possible good effects. My duty to my mother and constant wishes for the welfare and happiness of you both, I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam. WoLFE. From his next letter we may fix the date of Wolfe’s temporary abandonment of his white military wig in favour of the hirsute adornment with which nature had furnished him. He had inherited his red hair from his father, both of whom were probably unaware of the association of hair of that colour with genius with which the researches of anthropologists have made us in later days so familiar. The practice of wearing wigs, not perhaps so universal as is supposed (there are notable exceptions) made natural hair, especially when short, almost as much of a novelty in a man of fashion as a beard. But some even then advocated the abolition of wigs on hygienic grounds. Their disuse was certainly a con- venience in the country. The letter also once more evinces the son’s earnest solicitude for his mother’s health. 2 Mrs. Abthorp (Frances Thompson) became a fanatical Methodist, as a result of Whitefield’s preaching, adopting the most extreme doctrines of that sect. Her reason afterwards grew affected, and she had to be placed under restraint. T2 276 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To wuts Moruer. Southampton, 28 September, 1755. Dear Mapam,—I am delighted to hear that your sufferings are in some degree lessened ; the presence of your friends will become every day more and more agreeable as you acquire strength and spirits for society. How happy I feel myself in your recovery, and with how much more satisfaction shall I see you than formerly, when I almost always found you overloaded with misery! I dare say you were always convinced of my affection for you, and of my gratitude. It was not this melancholy occasion that gave birth to it, though perhaps it brought it more to light. I am fortunate in this respect, and my nature requires some extraordinary events to produce itself. I want that attention and those assiduous cares that commonly go along with good-nature and humanity. In the common occurrences of life, I own that I am not seen to advantage. You must take care of cold this winter, as the medicine you have used is of very powerful operation, and leaves a weakness behind it that requires the utmost precautions. When you are below in the parlour, the hall-door should always be kept close shut, and you must sit upon carpets. There are many fair days in October that will invite you out, and you should neglect none of them. Prefer that to all other affairs and concerns whatever. You must be extremely careful of what rooms you go to play at cards in, and where you sit; and beware of the Assembly. Have as many parties at your own house as possible, and go little abroad. In the middle of winter, if you stay much at home, I will come and shut myself up with you for three weeks or a month, and play at piquet from morning till night, and you shall laugh at my short red hair as much as you please. I’m sure you would smile now if you saw me as I am with the covering that nature has given me. I intend to devote myself this winter to my profession, and shall read without ceasing. If you would have me with you for a short while, it must be upon the condition that I never stir out of the house after dinner. With that indulgence, I shall engage to be at home whenever you are in the evening. My mornings are always, as you know, divided between exercise and study. I have been very idle all this summer,—if a man may venture to say so who has given up much of his time to the ladies. If there is to be war, we should be prepared for it ; if not, I am entirely at your service. I go back INVASION EXPECTED 277 tomorrow to Sir J. Mordaunt’s for a week, after that I shall take up my residence at Winchester. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. Wo.re. To wuts Moruer. Winchester, Sunday, 5 Oct., 1755. Dear Mapam,—Here is a pad to be sold, that is nimble, sure-footed, and very gentle ; if you, or Mrs. Cade would choose to have the horse, I shall secure him for your use, and send him to you by the first favourable occasion ; I must desire to have your answer soon, because the owner intends to part with his horse. I can keep him here till the spring if it be inconvenient to have him home in the winter. I would fain have you ride if possible. In case we move in the cold season, my cloak will be a necessary covering, and thick boots a proper defence—Rymer has directions to send a strong pair of boots, and half a dozen pair of very strong shoes to Blackheath—the cloak, boots and three or four pair of shoes, may be wanted, but I wouldn’t have them sent till further notice. I left Freefolk the day before yesterday to meet the regiment here—we are assembled, to be reviewed next week by Sir John Mordaunt, and afterwards, I suppose by his Royal Highness the Duke; our whole military business seems to be confined to reviews. I hope you find yourself mending and growing stronger every day; great enquiry was made after you, and great satisfaction expressed for the relief that you have found. I wish you both all happiness ; I beg my duty to my father and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, J. Wore. To uis FatTHer. Winchester, 19th Oct., 1755. Dear Sir,—When two nations have arm’d themselves to the highest pitch of their strength, I suppose they will try which is strongest. The French are getting their fleet into order and threaten an invasion; we equip all our ships and increase our Army to oppose’em. We have begun hostilities both in Europe and America: in these circumstances is it to be suppos’d that a war with such a nation as France can be avoided? I think it cannot. In this situation of things, give me leave to recommend some precautions to you :—to put no more money into the funds ; 278 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE to keep as much as possible by you, in case of exigencies; and above all things to secure at least £100 a year in land, that, should the war turn out to our disadvantage, and the publick credit sink, my mother may not be in danger of starving. Whenever you can sell 3 or 4 thousand pounds of stock upon tolerable terms, it would be an act of prudence to do it; and tho’ you shou’d not see a farthing of rent from a small landed estate, during the war, and shou’d lose the interest of the money it cost you, by taking it out of the funds—yet it is a wise measure for your family and can have no ill-consequence with regard to yourself. Excuse the liberty I have taken; I do not consider myself as anyhow concern’d in it; but I cannot but be apprehensive that the distractions of the publick credit may be the consequence of an unlucky war, that of course all those persons whose property lies in the funds, must be ruined; amongst the rest my mother. Your rank in the army preserves you from any danger of want, and my employment is always bread; but neither may outlive the struggle, and then who will help the poor lady? It will be no difficult matter, nor a very troublesome undertaking to find a purchase of this small value, and it is indifferent when you find it, provided only the right be clear. I think it my duty to recommend this step in the strongest manner, and not as my own opinion only, but as the sentiments of much more knowing persons, and particularly of your acquaintance, Sir J. Mordaunt, who advised me to mention it to you. I wish you both health, etc., Jam. Wo Le. The whole country rang with cries of invasion, much as it was to ring nearly half a century later when the dreaded “ Boney” was meditating a descent upon English coasts.1 Men in towns and villages, especially in the south of England, were almost in a panic. The most extravagant calls were made upon the public spirit of the nation, and one patriot announced that he would thence- forward abstain from sugar in his tea in order to devote the cost to the purchase of bullets for expulsion into French carcases. Some of this surely is reflected in Wolfe’s next letter to his mother. 1 Jt was about this time that Wolfe issued his ‘‘ Instructions for the Twentieth Regiment in case the French should land,” which were afterwards widely circulated, ‘UGLY TIMES AT HAND’ 279 To wis Moruer. Winchester, Friday, 24th Oct., 1755. Dear Mapam,—Before you receive this you will hear that some of the troops are in motion towards the coast: if they have not better quarters, they will be nearer to business, and in readiness to defend the country. Iam something at a loss to conjecture whether this is a real or a political invasion ; however I hope it will end well. My time does not allow me to enquire after what I would fain have you secure off, nor does it lye much in my way. The lawyers are best informed of these points. I should think that Mr. Fisher might hear of such a thing amongst his law acquaintance. Perhaps Tim Brett might help you, if you were to employ him in such business. Sir J. Mordaunt mentioned a very complete little manor of about £200 a year, which must soon be sold, but some of the neighbours have an eye to that. I will do my utmost endeavour to find out some- thing or other: but we must wait till this cloud is dispersed before we think of selling out of the stocks, which at a time like this is inconsistent with my father’s honour. In case of an invasion, I imagine my father will think it his duty to be at the head of his regiment, at least as much as his strength will allow. Should matters be carried far, and money be wanted, he should be the first to offer his plate for the public service. He might buy a post-chaise, and hire horses to be in readiness ; and if ever he is distressed for quarters, he may be sure of mine, or my field-bed in camp. The General should show himself at St. James’s with a cheerful, willing countenance, that the King may see how good a servant he has, and how well his inclinations lead him to serve the good old monarch. If ever you happen to be distressed, you will find a certain support in your son. Be assured that you will know me best when you have most occasion for my assistance: but I desire no such proof of my disposition. May you both live long in ease and peace ; but I fear there are ugly times at hand. Perhaps we may not see them. To uis MorHer. Canterbury, Nov. 5, 1755. Dear Mapam,—The enclosed letter is from Major Donnellan to the General; I have luckily got an old frank that can cover it. You sent my things very exactly and at a good time—the streets of this town are the dirtiest of all streets—no leather can 280 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE resist the damps, unless doubly fortified sole upon sole. It was most obliging in you to give yourself so much trouble; the letter you sent by Maxwell should have come by the post; don’t regard the expense, it is sometimes of consequence not to lose a day," and if you have not franks scratch out, and write Canterbury, because we men of business need dispatch. We have two regiments of Foot, and a regiment of dragoons, a crowd of officers and soldiers. General Hawley is expected in a few days to keep us all in order; if there is an invasion, they could not make use of a more unfit person. The troops dread his severity, hate the man, and hold his military knowledge in contempt. I wish you both much health. My duty to my father. I am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: Wo tre. Wolfe has been often spoken of as a man only too conscious of his merit. In truth few men were more modest, as the following evinces. To wis Moruer. Canterbury, 8th November, 1755. Dear Mapam,—tThe officers of the army in general are persons of so little application to business and have been so ill educated, that it must not surprise you to hear that a man of common industry is in reputation amongst them. I reckon it a very great misfortune to this country that I, your son, who have, I know, but a very modest capacity, and some degree of diligence a little above the ordinary run, should be thought, as I generally am, one of the best officers of my rank in the service. I am not at all vain of the distinction. The comparison would do a man of genius very little honour, and does not illustrate me, by any means; and the consequence will be very fatal to me in the end, for as I rise in rank people will expect some considerable performances, and I shall be induced, in support of an ill-got reputation, to be lavish of my life, and shall probably meet that fate which is the ordinary effect of such conduct. You have made yourself believe (perhaps it is to excuse your indolence) that you don’t write well, But you sha’n’t make me believe any such thing ; or, if it was so, which is not really the case, you should remember that you are writing to your son, who is your friend, knows the many good qualities of your mind, CUMBERLAND’S FAVOUR 281 and loves you. The Duke of Marlborough has been very civil to us all, and very particularly so to me; he goes to town to-morrow for a short stay.1. I hope the French have not some mischief in their heads; but it can’t reach you. If the General means to show himself, he should remember my former scheme for him. I have made some inquiry for a little purchase for you, but can’t hear of anything fit for our purpose; and they are particularly high in their demands in this country, because of the exclusive privileges of a man of Kent who is a freeholder.? I wish it had been thought of two years ago. You may remember that I hinted it, and foretold that a war was not far off. The letter you sent, came, as you guessed, from Goldsmith. I writ to him by the Duke’s directions to enquire after an officer’s widow in Ireland, who, he was told, had a son fit to serve, and his Royal Highness, who is for ever doing noble and generous actions, wanted to provide for that child. The father was killed at Fontenoy. If I don’t keep a good watch on myself I must be a little vain, for the Duke has of late given me such particular marks of his esteem and confidence that I am ashamed not to deserve it better. We expect the Duke of Richmond next week, and Lord Albemarle. The Earl comes to introduce his cousin to the regiment, the Duke to do duty at quarters. That young man will make a considerable figure in our way, because he loves it, and has a strong understanding. His father’s Lieutenant-Colonel absented himself from the regiment, and we find Wolfe interceding for him. To wis FatHer. Canterbury, 13th Nov., 1755. Dear Sir,—I find that poor Lafausille has been extremely out of order. Nothing but the worst health in the world would, I am persuaded, have taken him away at this time. I mention this, because I remember that a sharp expression or two fell 1 Charles Spencer, fifth Earl of Sunderland and second Duke of Marl- borough, grandson of the first Duke. He died of a fever, a Lieutenant-General, at Munster in 1758. 2 The cause of the peculiar privileges of a man of Kent is explained in that “the said country was not conquered with the rest of the kingdom, but surrendered itself up to the Conqueror by a peace made with him, saving to itself all liberties and free customs before that time had and used.”—See Hasted’s Kent. 3 The Duke of Richmond obtained a captaincy in the regiment under Wolfe, and his Grace’s example was followed by the Marquis of Blandford.—Wright. 282 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE from me upon the score of my old acquaintance ; and when one has done a man injustice, but in thought, the quickest and best reparation should be made. I hear that the French are hard at work in cleaning the harbour of Dunkirk, and that they have got a good number of ships in that port. The English will never bear to have that harbour in its former condition; that alone is matter enough for a quarrel between the nations, already far advanced towards war. We send a detachment to-morrow to escort our battalion guns (two for each regiment) from Rochester. Our camps necessaries will be with us in a few days. We are commanded to exercise as often as is convenient, that is, as often as the weather will permit. Iam vastly distressed for a groom, or, rather, for a servant, who can take care of two horses for £7 or £8 a year, and seven shillings a week board wages. If my mother hears of any such person IJ beg to have notice, and I beg she will employ somebody to enquire. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wo re, One may incidentally observe that grooms’ wages have risen to a somewhat higher figure in the past century and half! To nis MorHer. Canterbury, Sunday, 16 Nov., 1755. Dear Mapam,—Lord Albemarle, who knew my distress, has, in his great goodness, sent me a groom, who was well recom- mended to him ; the early knowledge of this may save you some trouble, and therefore I mention it. Just so much of your letter was written when the drum major brought me yours. If I was not already provided I should readily accept the services of your footman John, especially as I have no maids to make work for and want no other qualities than sobriety and care of my horses—this includes a little honesty which one can’t well do without. I am highly obliged to you for the steps you have taken in this affair, they are of a piece with your constant practice in regard to me and I am sometimes glad that I have need of your assistance for the pleasure of receiving it. My duty to my father. I wish you both very well, and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam. WOLFE. ‘WOLFE’S’ REGIMENT 283 To us Moruer. Canterbury, 2nd December, 1755. Dear Mapam,—I hear of you almost every day, which makes me some amends for the profound silence that reigns throughout the whole house. Donnellan tells you all the news of this place, and yet I believe his letters are short ; however, better so than lists of killed and wounded, or the progress of the French arms in Kent. They are extremely concerned that Admiral Smith is so posted as to make their attempts to land a little dangerous. They do not, I am sorry to say, discover the same degree of respect for us; on the contrary, they wish for nothing so much as to be quietly on shore, and then to make a trial of our force. We have the name of the Duke of Marl- borough to oppose to them, and some incomparable battalions, the like of which cannot, I'll venture to say, be found in any army. Weare about as merry, as easy, and as indifferent as you may be supposed to be who sleep in security under our watch. Nobody seems to think that the French have either will, power, or inclination to resent the affronts put upon them ; and some, I believe, doubt whether they are really out of humour with us or not. This melancholy distruction of the city of Lisbon? is a great blow, though at a distance. Long may such disasters be far off from us. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. Wotre. But the Duke of Cumberland’s popularity had not long to survive, nor his period of usefulness, A time was close at hand when his military proficiency would be put to a severe test, when he would be forced to return home a beaten man, to resign the command of the army he had assumed at a period of life—too early for him to have mastered by beneficial degrees the difficult art of war. His acumen in discovering and _ his generosity in rewarding the talents of Wolfe deserve our gratitude. In his renewed intimacy with Cumberland, Wolfe seems to have reverted to the project which General Mordaunt had formerly mooted: of his father’s surrendering the Colonelcy of Wolfe’s in his favour on condition of securing him an annuity. But he wanted the Duke’s promise that if he fell leading Wolfe’s into action the command should revert to his father. 1 The great earthquake, November 1, 1755. 284 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To wis Moruer. Canterbury, 27 Dec., 1755. Dear Mapam,—The great personages that honour us with their presence are so well entitled to a considerable part of our time that a man has but a minute for his own little concerns. Mine shall be employed to thank you for a very kind letter, which I received yesterday and to assure you that all possible regard shall be had to your admonitions. I would not have you write with pain to yourself, but I am always extremely pleased to hear from you, when it is easy to you to write. We have had strange, tempestuous, unwholesome weather, and we are so crowded together that I have been apprehensive of ill consequences from the moisture of the air and open weather ; but hitherto we are pretty healthy. Do you know of any young gentleman that you would wish to see an ensign ? any relation or friend’s relation? I believe I could get such a matter done for you at this time. The letter you sent me came from the widow of a poor officer who was killed at Fontenoy ; she has a son fit to serve; and Lord Albemarle has undertaken to get him a pair of Colours. I met with her by accident on my journey through Ireland, so you see I did not go there for nothing ! The Duke’s particular civilities to me gave birth, I imagine, to the report Blaquiere spoke of to my father; but you see it was without foundation. I knew very well that I should not get a regiment, but I did not know that anybody had thought of me in that light till I received your letter. I have no prospect of preferment ; nor no right to expect it in the common course ; but if I knew how to secure £500 a year to my father in case he should give me his regiment and I miscarry, I believe I could manage to get it done. If the Duke would say that he should have his Regiment again, in case I fell at the head of it, or £500 a year from my successor,—would the General in that case consent to part with it, taking the sale of the Lieutenant-Colonel’s commission for his use? You must take the trouble to ask that question, and let me know my father’s answer. I wish you both much health, and am, Dear Madam, etc., Jam. Wo FE. His offer to procure an ensigncy was instantly seized upon by Mrs. Wolfe in favour of young James Adeane, Mrs. Inwood’s nephew. ‘LITTLE ADEANE’ 285 To wis Moruen. Canterbury, Jan. 5, 1756. Drar Mapam,—The very moment I received your letter I wrote to my friend Lord Albemarle to recommend little Adeane. ‘The only obstacle that stands in his way is his youth, a difficulty that I hope his Lordship will be able to overcome. However we are not to be quite sure of success, and the disappointment if we should miscarry, will be so much the less; I wish the recom- mendation may take place because I know it gives you a particular pleasure to serve your friends. God send you better health. My duty to my father. I am dear madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam. WotreE. To uis Moruer. Canterbury, 19 Jan., 1756. Dear Mapam,—My Lord Albemarle wrote me word in answer to my letter about little Adeane, that he was afraid the commissions were all filled up; I shall send you his letter upon that subject. I wrote to him a second time but have as yet received no answer. I want to know exactly how old he is, and how tall, and whether the mother would choose to purchase a Cornetcy of light Dragoons or heavy Dragoons; in case the other fails, or whether she cares to purchase at all for her son. Pray tell the General that I shall take no steps in the affair I proposed to him, because I think the risk grows every day greater, at least I would do nothing but with certainty and security to him. I beg my duty and am, dear Madam, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam. Wotrr. To wis Moruer. Canterbury, Jeb. 7, 1756. Dear Mapam,—I must explain to you that my kinsman (as Lord Albemarle calls him) is no other than Mr. Brad Thompson’s nephew, who should have come into Colonel Honeywood’s regiment, and would now have been the third lieutenant, whereas he is at present the youngest in the Fusiliers. I likewise must explain to you that Lord Albemarle supposes Mrs. Adeane’s compliance with her son’s military rage, to be 286 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE forced ; and that she solicits an enquiry because she can’t help herself. My Lord, you see, promises in the handsomest manner, and he will surely keep his word. In the meanwhile, Mrs. Adeane should keep her son to his study, and if possible give him a little mathematical learning; upon which foundation he may best hope and expect to rise. You may keep Lord Albemarle’s letter till I have the pleasure of seeing you, which I believe will be some time next week. Maxwell and I shall beg a dinner on our way to London, where my private affairs oblige me to go; and I hope to pass the next day, or the day follow- ing at Blackheath on my way back to quarters; and I don’t mean to have it known in London that Iam there. My duty to my father—I wish you both all happiness, and am, dear Madam, Your most affectionate and obedient son, Jam. Wotrer. PS.—Now our Colonel’s seat in Parliament is secure we may hope to get franks. Wolfe had been fond of his uncle, Bradwardine Thompson, who had long been suffering from a mortal illness, one moreover which injured his intellect. He had never neglected to write or pay him a visit when he was in the neighbourhood of York. But the news of his death affected the nephew with a sense of relief. He had none of that aversion to mortality that many of us have. He always spoke of it dispassionately, as if a long contemplation both in connection with his calling and in his own weakly person had robbed death of its terrors. To wis Moruer. Canterbury, Feb. 20, 1756. Dear Mapam,—I can’t say I am sorry for my poor uncle’s death, otherwise than as it is a matter of concern to you, which I hope will not be more lasting than the cause seems to demand. The Duke’s coming here will determine my going to town. I shall want nothing but a suit of black clothes and fringed ruffles, those I have already (I mean the muslin ones) should be lessened in their depth—and two or three more pairs bespoke of a proper size. Will you take the trouble to do this business for me, and I shall thank you? My duty to my father. I am always, My dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WOLFE. JEFFREY AMHERST 287 To wis Faruer. Canterbury, Sunday, March 21, 1756. Dear Sir,—I am sorry to hear that my servant’s mistake was the occasion of some trouble to you; half the inconveniences of life arise from their absurdities. I know he has too much respect for you to intend the least disorder in your house; but his conduct like the most of them, is a succession of errors. My mother mentioned your having settled with Capt. Scott, which, at this time, was undoubtedly a prudent step; there are other precautions to be taken, which the state of public affairs, and your judgement upon these matters will naturally point out. I hear with pleasure today, that my friend Amherst! has got a regiment; nobody deserves the King’s favour better than that man. There are 15 or 16 Swiss officers with 30 sergeants quartered at Dover ready to embark for America. They have people employed in Switzerland and Germany to recruit, and I believe they have been pretty successful. These recruiting officers and their men are to be sent over in a second embarkation. The Guards got into Dover Castle about 5 yesterday in the after- noon, after a long fatiguing march. They comfort themselves with the hopes of being soon recalled. I wish you all manner of happiness. My duty to my mother. I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WOLFE. To wuts MortuHer. Canterbury, April 4, 1756. Dear Mapam,—Though I have nothing to communicate, nor anything to offer you but my good wishes, still as you desire I write. The fine season will call us all to business and leave no excuse or pretence for the lazy and indolent to indulge their dispositions. Would you believe that there are many who call themselves soldiers, who, to excuse their shameful idleness, 1 Jeffrey Amherst, born at Riverhead, Kent, in 1717, was early taken into the service of the Duke of Dorset at Knole as page. He showed ability, was educated at the Duke’s expense and a commission obtained for him in the army. Riverhead is only about four miles from Westerham, but as Amherst was ten years Wolfe’s junior they doubtless never met until Wolfe was in the army. 288 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE cry out that they believe there will be no war—no Invasion— and so act, as if they were persuaded of the truth of it. Our Major will call upon you to ask how you are and to take a sword out of a little deal box, which you will be pleased to order to be shut up again, when he has provided himself with a weapon. Mrs. Beckwith has got another child, so that he is now the father of four sons and I have not one! My duty to the General, I am dear Madam, ete. etc. J. Wore. To wis Faruer. Canterbury, 17 April, 1756. Dear Sir,—I do not know how to press for favours that have been promised ; it is with difficulty that I can bring myself to ask, and still more difficult to repeat the request. Mrs. Adeane must remember that when I mentioned this affair first, the vacancies were not filled up, and then it was easy for Lord Albemarle to oblige me; you have seen his Lordship’s letter, his reasons for not doing it, as well as his assurance that it shall be done. The boy is very young, a year more of the school will be time well spent. As the delay is a disappointment to Mrs. Adeane I am sorry for it, but if she is not satisfied with our disinterested good endeavours to serve her, I think she may be called unreasonable.! These two unfortunate Ensigns will be proceeded against in common course of Law; one or both of them will be condemned and unless their youth and condition when they committed this ill action, pleads in their favour, they must pay the forfeit of their lives; but till the law has taken place, and his Majesty’s pleasure is known, I believe they will still be Ensigns. When I see Lord Albemarle I will take the freedom to remind him of his intended kindness, and I hope some time or other to succeed. I rejoice mightily at my mother’s better state 1 James Whorwood, son of Simon Adeane, Esq., of Chalgrove, Oxford- shire, and Mary, third daughter of the Hon. and Rev. Henry Brydges (sister to Mrs. Inwood and Miss Brydges). In 1788 he was appointed to the Colonelcy of the 45th Regiment, and became a Lieutenant-General. He was a Gentleman of the Bedchamber to George II, M.P. for the county of Cambridge, and died in 1802.—Wright. SHOOTER’S HILL MURDER 289 of health, and wish her and you all happiness. My duty to her. I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WoLy¥FE. PS.—I have got a famous receipt for the gout and another for the rheumatism which I will send you. The story alluded to by Wolfe caused a great sensation at the time. Two reckless young subalterns of Lord Charles Hay’s regiment, stationed at Dartford, were travelling to the capital in a post-chaise. They had been drinking deeply, professed to be in a tremendous hurry and kept the horses at such a pace that the post-boy was at his wit’s end. Both used the most profane language towards the poor lad. At Shooter’s Hill, pro- testing the animals were fatigued, he allowed the pace to slacken, whereupon Ensign Brown jumped out of the chaise and knocked him down. This was followed up by Ensign Lauder’s drawing his sword and running it through the post-boy’s recumbent body. After this gallant achievement both were apprehended and tried for their lives at Rochester. Lauder was found guilty and three days later was hanged on Penenden Heath. Outrages of this kind naturally tended greatly to lower the military character in the eyes of the multitude. Unluckily they were of no infrequent occurrence, several cases of assault and seduction by officers hap- pening within a comparatively short space of time. XUI AGAIN IN THE WEST Att winter had Wolfe been stationed at Canterbury. An old resident remembered him as a regular attendant at the Cathedral services, and his straight martial figure, “lean as a greyhound,” came to be familiar to all the inhabitants of the ancient Cathedral city. It was May-time in Kent, and the orchards were loaded with blossom, when orders at last arrived for the regiment to march away from Wolfe’s native county into Wiltshire. To uis Moruer. Canterbury, May 12th, 1756. Dear Mapam,—John tells me that you mentioned my not having writ to you. AsTI sent him to London he could give you intelligence, and as he had directions to enquire concerning your health, I concluded it was unnecessary to trouble you with letters. He says you were both pretty well when he left you, which I rejoice at most sincerely. The regt. that has lain awhile at Dover marched very suddenly towards Portsmouth along the coast. I conclude they are to embark on board the fleet. We suppose that one of the other regiments here will be sent to Dover. In the mean- while Donnellan has marched with 200 men to guard the castle, and carry on the works there. All notions of peace are now at anend. The most discerning people of the country have long been of opinion that a war would be the certain consequence of the steps that have been taken by us, in return for the attempts made by the French. The embargo laid upon the shipping, the violent press for seamen, and the putting soldiers on board of our fleet, makes me conclude that the maritime strength of our enemy is by no means contemptible ; and as we are open to assaults in almost every part of the King’s dominions, both here and in America, Iam much of opinion that the enemy’s first attack will be vigorous and successful. We must, however, hope that fortune will favour us, since we do our best to deserve her smiles. 290 WAR DECLARED 291 You have always my good wishes. I beg my duty to my father and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, J. Wotre. War had not been declared, but England was momentarily expecting France to strike first by a landing on her shores, when news flew from lip to lip that Minorca had fallen. It appeared that a French fleet had appeared off the island which, owing to lack of all precaution to save it as well as the arrant incapacity, to say the least, of Admiral Byng, fell an easy prey. The cup was now full: no longer could the absurd pretence of peace be main- tained, and on the 18th of May, 1756, the famous Seven Years’ War began. Never did a more incapable administration hold the reins of power in England. Nothing was ready, nothing was known of how to get things ready. There was no general, neither was there any admiral in whom the country reposed the slightest confidence. Both officers and men had hoped that when they moved from Canterbury it would be to embark for foreign parts. For war was declared—two days before the regiment marched. To uis MorHer. Canterbury, May 20th, 1756. Dear Mapam,—We go nearer to Blackheath than Wester- ham so that I can’t take my square trunk and hatbox with me; but you will be so good to order them to be delivered to one Grassy, who is hired to serve me instead of an unhealthy groom, that I am forced to dismiss ; he will convey them from Greenwich to London by water, and from thence to Newbury, or to the Devizes (where our route ends) in the waggon or stage coach. I am sorry to be so troublesome to you, and still more concerned that I am not likely to have the satisfaction of seeing you again for some time. The first division of our Regiment marched yesterday, and the second and last moves tomorrow under the Lieut.-Colonel’s command. You can’t imagine how many heavy hearts there are, mine (although not altogether insensible) is the least oppressed ofa score. I wish you both all happiness, and am with my duty to my Father, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, James WOLFE. To Mrs. WotFe, Blackheath. U2 292 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE He had hoped to call upon his parents, but though baulked of this, managed to spend a few hours at Squerryes Court, where he was always a welcome visitor. To uts Moruer. Basingstoke, June 1st, 1756. Dear Mavam,—In our march we have met with nothing extraordinary except the Hessian Grenadiers, whom we saw at exercise yesterday near Farnham. We have ruined half the public houses upon the march, because they have quartered us in villages too poor to feed us without destruction to themselves. I saw Mr. and Mrs. Warde at Westerham ; they asked much after you and the General, and presented their compliments. The Lisbon mail is arrived, so you may expect some account of the seige of Fort St. Philips, and of Admiral Byng’s feats in the Mediterranean. If things take a bad turn, and by our manage- ment I don’t know what other to expect this war may rout the funds and destroy our public credit root and branch. For a full fortnight the troops marched. A halt at Basingstoke was made on the Ist of June, whence Wolfe dispatched a letter to his mother, which evinces the keen interest he was taking in the development of the war. To wis Faruer. Bristol, 7th June, 1756. Dear Sir,—As I believe that all the infantry of this nation is not sufficient to retake the Island of Minorca (by this time in the hands of the French), and as six or seven battalions may be thought enough for the defence of Gibraltar,—the Spaniards not interfering,—I conclude we shall lie quiet in our west-country camp or quarters till the enemy thinks to alarm us a second time with design to strike some fatal distant blow, either upon our islands or upon the Continent of North America, or perhaps to complete the ruin of the East Indies. Are the measures taken for the relief of Minorca, or the proceedings of our Admiral, to be most admired ? I shall be of your opinion hereafter, that we must have the odds of five to four to secure our success at sea. I flatter myself that the poor little abandoned garrison of St. Philips will do courageously at least,—wisely and skilfully I do not expect ; and that the troops in the course of the war will do nothing dishonourable, not betray their country. I an, dear Sir, etc. 4 fee ete Me ee eta gape week “PT y HIS NEW COLONEL 293 To wis Fatuer. Devizes, 27th June, 1756. Dear Sir,—I wish you joy of Admiral Byng’s escape, and of the safe arrival of our fleet at Gibraltar. General Blakeney has no great obligations to the Navy upon this occasion. ‘They have left him in an ugly scrape, out of which, I am persuaded, he will only be delivered by a cannon-shot. The project of succouring Minorca, and the execution of the great design, went hand-in-hand successfully, and may probably end in a disgraceful peace. You are happy in your infirmity, for “tis a disgrace to act in these dishonourable times. Our new Colonel is expected to-day ; his presence makes me a very idle man. I am, etc. The new Colonel was William Kingsley, who long gave his name to the Twentieth, and commanded at Minden. He died in 1769, a Lieutenant-General. At Devizes Wolfe secured lodgings at a quiet inn to which he had been recommended, preferring it to possible harassments such as had attended his quarters at Canterbury, and especially as he hoped and believed his stay in Devizes would be brief. The inn— now no longer an inn—is still pointed out after the lapse of a century and a half, at the back of the town hall.1 The regiment and its colonel, probably in view of the national posture of affairs, probably made a deeper impression on the townsfolk than they would ordinarily have done. For a royal proclamation was posted up calling for recruits to serve their country against England’s hereditary enemy, against whom war had been declared. For a time the Lieutenant-Colonel did a good business in recruiting. His health was anything but good at Devizes, but he kept up his spirits in his home letters. He speaks playfully of his old friend, Lady Grey, the widow of Sir Henry Grey of Howick, whose youngest son was in Wolfe’s regiment, and who took the deepest interest in the gallant Lieutenant-Colonel. It deserves to be mentioned that Charles Grey, Wolfe’s young fellow-officer, who afterwards expressed what he owed to his superior officer, rose to be a General, and died Earl Grey of Howick, father of the celebrated statesman who carried the Reform Bill in 1832. 1 The present Mayor of Devizes (1909) writes me that the house has a double interest, in that here, Gibbon, the historian, lodged, when manceuvring with his regiment of Militia in 1761-2. 294 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To nis MortuHer. Devizes, 10th July, 1756. Dear Mapam,—The demand you make for my receipts looks as if you wanted them for your own use; I rather hope they are for your friends, knowing that you take as much care of them as of yourself. I have distinguished the receipts to do justice to both my old ladies. I have heard of my Lady Grey very lately ; she sent me her compliments, and, what was more (as she ex- pressed it), her dove. You see, I have the art of preserving the affections of my mistresses, and I may be vain of these conquests without offence, or danger to my reputation. The King of Prussia (God bless him!) is our only ally, and we are solely obliged to the Duchy of Silesia for his friendship. I am sorry that they don’t all unite against us, that our strength might be fully exerted and our force known. I myself believe that we are a match for the combined fleets of Europe, especi- ally if our admirals and generals were all of the same spirit. I am, dear Madam, etc., etc., J. Wore. To us FaTuer. Devizes, 17th July, 1756. Dear Sir,—I am informed by a politician of this country that the loss of the Island of Minorca will not influence the Spanish court, nor engage them in a war against us. I wish my acquaintance may have good intelligence, and that the Spaniards may not be tempted by the cession of that island to become our enemies. But my own opinion is that they will, and the seige of Gibraltar by sea and land, with the combined fleets, will be the first consequence of that formidable union ; in which, how- ever, I am fully persuaded they will miscarry ; provided always that the Lord Baron of Tyrawley, your neighbour,' takes care to have three months’ provisions for eight or ten battalions, and 100 pieces of cannon towards the sea, and thirty or forty mortars with very large mouths, by way of sinking the “ Foudroyant ” and the “ Real” if they venture too near. Mr. Byng has been a tedious time beating up to Minorca. These delays either by wind or inclination, are fatal to us, because Sir Edward Hawke can hardly arrive in time to prevent the French admiral from taking away a part of the Duke of 1 Tyrawley was Fowke’s successor as Governor of Gibraltar. He lived at Blackheath, and was something of a wit. HENRY TOWNSHEND 295 Richelieu’s army, and escorting them safe to Toulon. So, upon summing up the whole of our conduct in this affair, both as to the project and execution, it does appear to me that we are the most egregious blunderers in war that ever took the hatchet in hand. But what makes me laugh is our extravagant fears of an invasion at a time when it is absolutely absurd and almost impossible, unless we are to suppose that the Danish fleet is coming out of the Baltic on ‘purpose to escort ten or twelve French battalions to England. I an, etc., etc., J. WoLrFE. No more signal proof of Wolfe’s fame at this period, even though he was but thirty, and a simple Lieutenant-Colonel in rank, can be afforded than by the manner in which his counsel was con- stantly being sought by young members of the military profession, animated by the new zeal for efficiency that Wolfe, more than any other man save Chatham in his epoch, was to render fashionable. One of the letters he addressed to such has been preserved. The applicant was no obscure person, but the future Lord Sydney, whose father, Thomas Townshend, held an important post in the Government. Townshend’s young brother, Henry Townshend, was desirous of entering the army. It will be noted that Wolfe refers to a previous letter having been addressed to a young officer named Cornwallis. This subaltern of a year’s standing was destined to become the famous Marquis Cornwallis, a far abler man than his ill-fortunes in America a quarter of a century later would seem to show. Cornwallis was another soldier who never forgot the early influence of the Conqueror of Quebec. To Tuomas 'TowNsHEND. Devizes, Sunday, 18th July, 1756. Dear Sir,—You cannot find me a more agreeable employ- ment than to serve and oblige you, and I wish with all my heart that my inclinations and abilities were of equal force. I do not recollect what it was that I recommended to Mr. Cornwallis’s nephew: it might be the Comte de Turpin’s book,’ which is certainly worth looking into, as it contains a good deal of plain practice. Your brother, no doubt, is master of the Latin and French languages, and has some knowledge of the mathe- 1 Essai sur (Art de la Guerre, Paris, 1754. 296 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE matics ; without the last he can never become acquainted with one considerable branch of our business, the construction of fortification and the attack and defence of places; and I would advise him by all means to give up a year or two of his time now while he is young, if he has not already done it, to the study of the mathematics, because it will greatly facilitate his progress in military matters. As to the books that are fittest for this purpose, he may begin with the “King of Prussia’s Regulations for his Horse and Foot,” where the economy and good order of an army in the lower branches are extremely well established. ‘Then there are the “ Memoirs” of the Marquis de Santa Cruz, Feuquieres, and Montecucculi; Folard’s “Commentaries upon Polybius”; the “ Projet de Tactique”; “ L’Attaque et la Défense des Places,” par le Maréchal de Vauban; “Les Memoires de Goulon”; “L’Ingenieur de Campagne.” Le Sieur Renie for all that concerns artillery. Of the ancients, Vegetius, Caesar, Thucy- dides, Xenophon’s “ Life of Cyrus,” and “Retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks.” I do not mention Polybius, because the Commentaries and the History naturally go together. Of later days, Davila, Guicciardini, Strada, and the “Memoirs of the Duc de Sully.” There is an abundance of military knowledge to be picked out of the lives of Gustavus Adolphus and Charles XII, King of Sweden, and of Zisca the Bohemian ; and if a tolerable account could be got of the exploits of Scanderbeg, it would be inestimable ; for he excels all the officers, ancient and modern, in the conduct of a small defensive army. I met with him in the Turkish History, but nowhere else.1 The “ Life of Sueto- nius,” too, contains many fine things in this way. There is a book lately published that I have heard commended, “ L’ Art de la Guerre Pratique "—I suppose it is collected from all the best authors that treat of war; and there is a little volume, entitled “Traité de la Petite Guerre,” that your brother should take in 1 John de Trocznow, whose military abilites are acknowledged by all historians of his times, rendered himself famous in the religious wars of Germany, in the fifteenth century. He received the sobriquet of Zisca, or “one-eyed,” from having in his youth lost an eye in battle. He died of the plague in 1424. Zisca has been ranked amongst the Reformers, and a life of him, as such, by W. Gilpin, was Ae rk in 1765. George Castriot, son of an Albanian prince, was born in 1404, and sent as a hostage to the court of Sultan Amurath II, where he was educated in the Mahometan faith. Owing to his strength and courage, he was given the name of Alexander (in Turkish, Scander), which was accompanied with the title of Bey, or Beg. ADVICE TO A SUBALTERN 297 his pocket when he goes upon out-duty and detachments. The Maréshal de Puységur’s book, too, is in esteem. I believe Mr. Townshend will think this catalogue long enough ; and if he has patience to read, and desire to apply (as IT am persuaded he has), the knowledge contained in them, there is also wherewithal to make him a considerable person in his profession, and of course very useful and serviceable to his country. In general, the lives of all great commanders, and all good histories of warlike nations, will be instructive, and lead him naturally to endeavour to imitate what he must necessarily approve of. In these days of scarcity, and in these unlucky times, it is much to be wished that all our young soldiers of birth and education would follow your brother's steps, and, as they will have their turn to command, that they would try to make themselves fit for the important trust ; without it we must sink under the superior abilities and indefatigable industry of our restless neighbours. You have drawn a longer letter upon yourself than perhaps you expected ; but I could hardly make it shorter, without doing wrong to a good author. In what a strange manner have we conducted our affairs in the Mediter- ranean! Quelle belle occasion manquée. I am, with perfect esteem, dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant, Jam. WoLrFE. It only remains to be added that Townshend attained the rank of Colonel, and was killed in battle, June 1762. “The favourite of the whole army,” wrote Collins, and even Walpole gives him high raise. : There is extant still another letter from Wolfe at this time, conveying friendly counsel to a subaltern. It was addressed to Hugh Lord, a nephew of Rickson’s. To Hucu Lorp. [date missing.] Dear Hury,—By a letter from my mother, I find you are now an officer in Lord Chas. Hay’s Regiment, which I heartily give you joy of, and, as I sincerely wish you success in life, you will give me leave to give you a few hints which may be of use to you init. The field you are going into is quite new to you, 1 This letter is now in the possessiou of Mr. Charles Dalton. It has the water-mark which all Wolfe’s letters to his friend, Major Rickson, bear. An account of this water-mark is given by Mr. Dalton in the Journal of’ the Royal United Service Institution for December, 1902. 298 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE but may be trod very safely, and soon made known to you, if you only get into it by the proper entrance. I make no doubt but you have entirely laid aside the boy and all boyish amusements, and have considered yourself as a young man going into a manly profession, where you must be answerable for your own conduct; your character in life must be that of a soldier and a gentleman ; the first is to be acquired by application and attendance on your duty ; the second by adhering most strictly to the dictates of honour, and the rules of good breeding ; and be most particular in each of these points when you join your Regiment ; if there are any officers’ guard mounted, be sure constantly to attend the parade, observe carefully the manner of the officers taking their posts, the exercise of their espontoon, etc. ; when the guard is marched off from the parade, attend it to the place of relief, and observe the manner and form of relieving, and when you return to your chamber (which should be as soon as you could, lest what you saw slip out of your memory), consult Bland’s Military Discipline! on that head; this will be the readiest method of learning this part of your duty, which is what you will be the soonest called on to perform. When off duty get a serjt or corporal, whom the adjutant will recommend to you, to teach you the exercise of the firelock, which I beg of you to make yourself as much master of as if you were a simple soldier, the exact and nice knowledge of this will readily bring you to understand all other parts of your duty, make you a proper judge of the performance of the men, and qualify you for the post of an adjutant, and in time many other employments of credit. When you are posted to your company, take care that the serjeants or corporals constantly bring you the orders; treat those officers with kindness, but keep them at a distance, so will you be beloved and respected by them. Read your orders with attention, and if anything in particular concerns yourself, put it down in your memorandum book, which I would have you [keep] constantly in your pocket ready for any remarks. Be sure to attend constantly morning and evening the roll calling of the company; watch carefully the absentees, and enquire into reasons for their being so; and particularly be watchful they do not endeavour to impose on you sham excuses, which they are 1 A Treatise on Military Discipline, by Humphrey Bland, Esq., Brigadier- General of His Majesty’s Forces, London, 1743. “THAT RASCAL MR. PHILPOT” 299 apt to do with young officers, but will be deterred from it by a proper severity in detecting them. (Here unfortunately the rest of the eacellent letter has been torn off.) Like other men Wolfe had his private and his professional manner. His extraordinary enthusiasm for all that pertained to the making of a good soldier and a good Englishman did not prevent his being intensely human at times. The Wolfe temper could flare up in astonishing fashion, and one cannot help express- ing wonder as to exactly what would have happened if he and the “rascal Mr. Philpot ” of Canterbury had met each other face to face. To nis MotHer. Devizes, Monday, 26th July, 1756. Dear Mapam,—Looking over my papers, I found that rascal Mr. Philpot’s two last receipts and the lawyer’s receipt for what was due after the fugitive had evacuated those quarters. They will convince you of two points, that my landlord is a very great rogue, and that Iam pretty exact. If ever I catch him, I will break his bones. To-morrow we march towards our camp, and on Thursday morning we pitch our tents upon the Downs, within a mile and a half of Blandford. If there is an ounce of resolution left, we sha’n’t lie long idle; but I am afraid we have not spirit enough for an undertaking of any great moment. The Duke of Belleisle’s name makes our pusillanimous tremble, and God knows there was never less cause. I have been but once on horseback this month ; however, I find myself well enough to march with the regiment, and shall probably recover apace. Our new Colonel is a sensible man, and very sociable and polite. Little Rickson is appointed to act as Deputy Quartermaster-General in Scotland, a place of great trust, honour, and profit. The Duke recommended him to be Deputy Governor of Pensylvania, which would have been worth £1500 a year to his Excellency, besides the glory of waging continual war with the wild men of America, but a more fortunate man stepped in with better support, and disappointed our friend. Wish a great deal of joy to Mr. Aylmer? in my name, and tell him if he will breed any soldiers I shall engage them as fast 1 Brother of Lord Aylmer, of Balrath. Mrs. Wolfe bequeathed £100 to Wolfe’s godson, second son of the Hon. Mr. Aylmer. 300 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE as they are able to serve. I hear that Lafausille! has been pre- paring for action, though I did not know with what design until you cleared it up. I’m tired of proposing anything to the officers that command our regiments; they are in general so lazy and so bigoted to old habits; though I must do him the justice to say that he differs from them in that respect, and is industrious beyond measure. If that Byng had been in haste to retrieve his own honour and the reputation of the British flag, he has had time and strength to do it. But I fear he is a dog, and therefore I hope the fleet did not sail from Gibraltar till after Sir Edward Hawke got there. It would have been of infinite concern to this nation that the castle of St. Philip should hold out till the second or third of this month. If they had been all demolished by their obstinacy they could not die better. You see what haste the Duke of Richelieu made to get for the fort; he foresaw the danger of our fleet’s returning with the Admirals that now command it, and therefore, under pretence of doing honour to the garrison for their brave defence, and to Blakeney in particular, he rejected no proposals that were made. His sole aim was to garrison the fort and get back to Toulon with the rest of his army before our squadron could return from Gibraltar, and I am afraid he has succeeded in his wish. If Byng has lost one day at Gibraltar, he is the most damnable of traitors. I am, dear Madan, etc., J. WoLrFE. After a month at Devizes the regiment marched away to Shroton, near Blandford, where the troops went under canvas. Here for ten weeks in good weather they lay encamped. To nis FATHER. Blandford Camp, August 4th, 1756. Dear Sir,—Our little army collected amounts to 6 Battalions, 6 squadrons and 2 troops of light horse; and we have 12 small pieces of artillery. We are encamped upon a very wholesome and very pleasant dry spot, but as the country round about is extremely open, and our situation high, the winds rather incommode us. To make amends they scour the camp and bring us aconstant current of fresh air. The General 1 « John Lafausille, Lieut.-Col. of the 8th (General Wolfe’s) regiment of foot, was promoted to the colonelcy of the 66th in 1758. He was created a Major- General in 1761, and died on his voyage home from Havana in 1763.” —Wright. AT BLANDFORD CAMP 301 has seen the Dragoons, and the battalions are preparing to be received one after another. When this is over I imagine he will proceed to another business more to the purpose, after requiring such alterations and improvements in the private discipline of corps, as he shall think needful. There is a great scarcity of gun powder in the camp, so that “tis like we shall be obliged to do business without noise. The Lt.-General lives about 3 miles off, and the Major-General about 5; but the Duke of Bedford has got a house at Blandford, which brings him within a mile and a half of the army. There is good care taken of the men in the necessary articles of wood and straw, bread and meat, and the regiment will all be new clothed very soon. We have hospitals for the sick in the neighbourhood of the camp, a physician general and a surgeon to inspect, and bedding delivered to us for 50 men per battalion. The private concerns of our regiment are in good hands, for the Colonel looks into matters and orders every thing for the best. I dare believe there is the same good management under your Lt.-Colonel who is an example of care and diligence, and indeed all the commanders of corps seem to attend in their respective promises to the maintenance of order and discipline. So much for the army; and as for myself this sort of life generally agrees very well with me, and I am much better in health, since I came into the open air. I wish you and my mother all happiness, I beg my duty to her, and am, dear Sir, etc., Jam. WoLrFE. To uis Motuer. Blandford Camp, 7 Aug., 1756. Dear Mavam,—The addition of a battalion to every Regiment of Foot! makes room for little Adeane and I have written to remind Lord Albemarle of his promise, who was indeed so obliging as to offer his services for any relation or friend that I was desirous of providing for in this way. I have confined my request, singly to this point, which I hope will ensure his success. You must send (or take care that it be sent) his Christian name to Lord Albemarle’s in Bolton Street without loss of time; because the officers will be named immediately. I have received a letter from my father this day with a bad account of your health. 1 By a War Office minute 25th August, 1756, second battalions of 780 men each were to be added to fifteen infantry regiments. These battalions after- wards became regiments, of one of which, as we shall see, Wolfe got the Colonelcy. 302 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE As the gout and rheumatism are disorders of the same nature ; I should think that the sage wine might assist you. I wish with all my heart that anything could be thought of for your benefit and relief. Pray tell the General that I recommend one of his Lieutenants to him upon this occasion. Hamilton deserves some promotion. There is a scheme on foot to provide blankets for our men (since the Government will not be at that expense) the officers contribute according to their abilities—now that he has a battalion added to his Regiment he may afford to send them twenty guineas for that purpose—other Colonels have done it, and I have answered for him. My duty to the General. I am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, J. W. PS.—Little Brown! has been playing the very devil, I must write to Tim about him. To Mrs. Wo tre, Blackheath. That summer England had a distinguished visitor in the person of the Prince of Nassau, who went about examining all the sights with considerable enthusiasm. He figured as the guest of the Duke of Richmond (whose military tutor had been Guy Carleton) who placed his town house in Whitehall at the Prince’s disposal and carrying him off to Newmarket, Epsom and Goodwood. A few weeks after the Prince’s arrival his host brought him down to the regiment and introduced him to Wolfe, for whom he enter- tained a high opinion. About the same time there arrived at Southampton eight regiments of Hessian troops, under Count d’Isembourg. We are told that they made “a fine appearance, being generally straight, tall and slender. Their uniform is blue, turned up with red and laced with white; and their hair plaited behind hangs down to the waist.”? But it was their splendid discipline which attracted Wolfe’s regard. To us Fatuer. Winchester, 1st September, 1756. Dear St1r,—I am afraid you will think me a little idle, and be still more convinced of it when you see my letter dated from 1 Timothy Brett’s brother-in-law, an ensign. 2 Scots Magazine, May 1756. WEAVERS’ RIOTS 303 Winchester. A lieutenant-colonel forty miles from his camp! What carries him so far from his duty? The case is this :— The Prince of Nassau is going away, and the Duke of Richmond means to entertain him a day or two at Goodwood before his departure, and we see the Hessians exercise as we go along. The Duke proposed this party to me, and undertook to get the General’s leave. There was too much pleasure and too much honour in his Grace’s offer to be refused. To-morrow morning four of the Hessian battalions and some artillery exhibite the Prussian discipline, after which we are to breakfast with Count d'Isembourg, their General, and dine at the Duke of Richmond’s, which is five-and-twenty miles from hence. We had a general review and exercise of our forces yesterday upon Blandford Downs, to the great entertainment of the ignorant spectators ; though, according to my judgment, we do not deserve even their approbation. ‘There are officers who had the presumption and vanity to applaud our operations, bad as they were; but I hope the General saw our defects, and will apply a speedy remedy, without which I think we are in imminent danger of being cut to pieces in our first encounter. We have some suspicion of an enterprise in embryo, and we conclude that it will be in a warm climate. If the least notice is given me, I shall send for all my thin clothes and linen. The Duke of Richmond talks of visiting the two camps in Kent, and he will, if I am with him, do us the honour to drink a dish of tea at your house. He has expressed a desire to see you; whence that curiosity arises I can’t imagine, but so it is. I send you both my best wishes. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. WoLrFE. Our hero got a brief leave of absence and saw his parents at Blackheath during September. In the following month came news of an outbreak of rioting on the part of the Gloucestershire weavers which alarmed the Govern- ment. Wolfe received orders on October 19 to march straightway with six companies—three of his own regiment and three of the Buffs—to help the magistrates suppress the disturbances. To us FaTuer. Camp near Blandford, 19 Oct., 1756. Dear Sir,—The regiments who have the longest march are by our management the longest in camp. Here are two military 306 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE The obstinacy of the poor, half-starved weavers of broad-cloth that inhabit this extraordinary country is surprising. They beg about the country for food, because, they say, the masters have beat down their wages too low to live upon, and I believe it is a just complaint. ‘Those who are most oppressed have seized the tools, and broke the looms of others that would work if they could. I am afraid they will proceed to some extravagancies, and force the magistrates to use our weapons against them, which would give me a great deal of concern. The face of this country is different from anything that I have seen in England. Number- less little hills, little rivulets running in all the bottoms ; the lower parts of the hills are generally grass, the middle corn, and the upper part wood, and innumerable little white houses in all the vales, so that there is a vast variety ; and every mile changes the scene, and gives you a new and pleasant prospect. The poor people in this neighbourhood are vastly well affected, further off they are as ill ; but their chief, the Duke of Beaufort, is, I hear, upon the point of death, which will probably disconcert the faction.? The public papers seem to have taken a turn in favour of our Admiral; but I, who am an eye-witness of the consequences of his fatal conduct, shall never be brought to soften towards him. If he did not personally engage through fear, or declined it through treachery; or if he went out with instructions not to be too forward in relieving Minorca, he deserves ten thousand deaths. An English Admiral who accepts of such instructions should lose his head; but, alas! our affairs are falling down apace. This country is going fast upon its ruin, by the paltry projects and more ridiculous execution of those who are entrusted. Remember how often I have pressed upon for your security, how I have warned my father of the hazards and precarious state of our public funds. I have done my duty to you in that respect, and will do it in every other if it should hereafter become necessary, and I live and have it in my power. I am, dear Madan, etc., J. Wore. There was a member of Mrs. Wolfe’s household who had mortally offended Wolfe by his insinuations long before against his inamorata, Miss Lawson, and other incidents had lately occurred to 1 He died October 28, 1756. The faction was the Jacobites, of which the Duke was the head. HIS SENSE OF JUSTICE 307 stir up his resentment. He therefore wrote this person whom he had denominated “ Jezebel,” a sharp letter for which he now expresses condign repentance. To nis Moruer. Stroud, 13 Mov., 1756. Dear Mapam,—I should account myself little less than a barbarian, if I wilfully, designedly, added anything to the great misery that you are forced almost every day to undergo. My duty forbids me to increase your misfortunes, and I am not in my nature disposed to plague and torment people, and more especially those I love. My temper is much too warm, and sudden resentment forces out expressions and even actions that are neither justifiable nor excusable, and perhaps I do not correct that natural heat so much as I ought to do; but you must have observed that people are apt to resent what they, at first view, (and often inadvisedly) take for injuries, with more than comon quickness, when they come from an unexpected quarter. With regard to myself you must leave to time and exerted reason for the correction of those errors and vices, which may at present prevail most against sense and judgement—pointing them out in the gentlest and friendliest manner, and by that means help to weaken and to destroy them. I have that cursed disposition of mind, (the worst quality that can seize the heart of man, and the devil’s great assistant) that, when I once know that people have entertained a very ill opinion I imagine they never change ; from whence one passes easily to an indifference about them, and then to dislike; and though I flatter myself that I have a sense of justice strong enough to keep me from doing wrong, even to an enemy, yet there lurks a hidden poison in the heart that is difficult to root out. However in this respect Satan is disappointed for I have been so long used to love and esteem you in gratitude for your good offices, and still more in consideration of the many excellent qualities that you are possessed of, that it must be a very great change indeed on your side, that could weaken my affection for you. Now and then I think myself for- got—but still attribute it to some unhappy cause of health, and wish it better. Compassion alone for your sufferings (if all other motives were dead) ought to make me calm under your reproofs, if they were ever so severe ; and may be, if I only pitied your condition, without any mixture of affection, I should be more so. It is my misfortune to catch fire on a sudden, to answer X2 308 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE letters the moment I receive them, when they touch me sensibly ; and to suffer passion to dictate my expression more than reason. The next day perhaps would have changed more still, and carried more moderation with it; every ill turn through my whole life has had this haste, and first impulse of resentment for its true cause, and it proceeds from pride—I am too much affected with your letter to leave you a moment in doubt about my _ inclina- tions, which you may be assured are always tending affection- ately towards you and which do in reality make your ease and quiet and welfare of consideration greater than any concern of my own, and I can safely say, that I have always had your well being much more sincerely at heart, than my own interest, and am pleased to find in myself so much merit in my love and regard for you, so well deserving it at my hands. I beg my duty to my father, and am Dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, J. WoLrFE. PS.—I have reason to believe that our Regiment will march very soon from Plymouth into this country ; therefore, if the baggage is not gone, I beg you will keep it, till we know more. To Mrs. WotrFs, Blackheath. We have already seen the strength of Wolfe’s friendship for the Hon. Edward Cornwallis, who had been his predecessor in the Lieutenant-Colonelcy. Just at present that officer was enjoying much public disfavour for having, while serving at Gibraltar, joined in the resolution of the Council of War presided over by the governor, Lieutenant-General Fowke, not to send a battalion to help the ill-fated Admiral Byng. Horace Walpole wrote: “ By all one learns Byng, Fowke and all the officers at Gibraltar were infatuated. They figured Port Mahon lost and Gibraltar a-going! a-going! Lord Effingham, Cornwallis, Lord Robert Bertie all—all signed the council of war and are in as bad odour as possible. The King says it will be his death and neither eats nor sleeps,—all our trust is in the Hanoverians.” Of the court-martial which tried Fowke, the old General, Wolfe’s father, was a member. The governor was suspended for a year and then dismissed from the King’s service—a severe punish- ment, but mild as compared with that meted out to Byng. But EDWARD CORNWALLIS 309 Wolfe firmly stood by his friend Cornwallis in his disgrace, writing thus to his father at a time when an investigation into Fowke’s associates was pending— To us Farner. Stroud, 27th November, 1756. Dear Sir,— I don’t suppose there is a man living more to be pitied than poor Cornwallis. As he has more zeal, more merit, and more integrity than one commonly meets with among men, he will be proportionally mortified to find himself in dis- grace, with the best intention to deserve favour. I am heartily sorry to find him involved with the rest, of whose abilities or inclinations nobody has any very high notions ; but Cornwallis is a man of approved courage and fidelity. He has, unhappily, been misled upon this ocasion by people of not half his value. I am, dear sir, J. WoLrFe. Wolfe’s view of Cornwallis’s behaviour was that eventually taken by the authorities, and his friend came out of the ordeal not merely unscathed but so far improved in position that he was advanced a grade in the service and in February was gazetted a Major-General. Wolfe’s own promotion occasionally occupied his thoughts, and his temper just now does not appear to have been improved by the mission he had concluded in the West. He wanted to serve against _England’s enemies abroad and was only considered good enough to put down a weaver’s brawl in Gloucestershire. In the next letter the clannishness which distinguished the Wolfes and himself in particular is brought out by his references to his cousin Goldsmith’s impending bereavement. Captain Goldsmith and he corresponded regularly. To nis Motner. Stroud, 6th December, 1756. Dear Mapvam,—I attribute it in some measure to the nature of my employment as well as to the condition of my blood, being everlasting chagrined with the ill actions of the people about me, and in the constant exercise of power to punish and rebuke. I pass so much of my time at quarters, and am so intent upon having everything done in its proper way, that 310 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE those aids which are equality of society, the conversation of women, and the wholesome advice of friends are known to give to minds of my cast, are totally cut off from me and denied ; and if I was to serve two or three years in America, I make no doubt that I should be distinguished by a peculiar fierceness of temper suited to the nature of that war. I don’t know whether a man had better fall early into the hands of those savages, than be converted by degrees into their nature and forget humanity. It may happen that a second battalion of those regiments may have colonels appointed to them without including your son in the number. A man who never asks a favour will hardly ever obtain it. I persuade myself they will put no inferior officers (unless a peer) over my head, in which case I can’t com- plain, not being able to say that I have ever done more than my duty, and happy if I came up to that. If any soldier is preferred when my turn comes, I shall acquaint the Secretary of War that I am sensible of the injury that is done me, and will take the earliest opportunity to put it out of his or any man’s power to repeat it. Not while the war lasts ; for if 500 young officers one after another were to rise before me I should continue to serve with the utmost diligence, to acquit myself to the country, and to show the Ministers that they had acted unjustly. But I flatter myself that Ishall never be forced to these disagreeable measures. I don’t believe that Mrs. Goldsmith is dead, but dying. They are still at Kinsale, because she is not able to move; for her desire was to be carried to die amongst her own relations. My cousin, whose good nature and gratitude are such that he can refuse nothing to a wife that he thinks deserves everything at his hands, had agreed to carry her to Limerick ; but she had not strength for the journey, and I expect to hear every day that she is at rest. Iam afraid poor Goldsmith has been obliged to call in some expensive assistance, and therefore conclude that a present from the General would be acceptable. He has distin- guished himself by a most considerable regard for the poorer branches of his family, for which, I make no doubt, but that he himself will be considered. All mankind are indeed our relations and have nearly an equal claim to pity and assistance; but those of our own blood call most immediately upon us. One of the principal reasons that induces me to wish myself at the head of a regiment is, that I may execute my father’s plan while there remains one indigent person of his race. Kingsley’s and its Lieutenant-Colonel was soon off to Ciren- MENTIONED AT COURT 311 cester, where it became quartered for some months. While here he learnt that his firm friend, Sir John Mordaunt, when summoned to the Royal closet, took an opportunity to represent to his Majesty Wolfe’s claims to a vacant colonelcy or at least to employment in a post of honour. This was probably not the only quarter in which old King George heard the young officer’s praises sung. Wolfe’s reputation was growing fast. There was now hardly a quarter of the kingdom where he had not made himself known in the course of his profession and generally loved. To wis Moruer. Cirencester, 26th December, 1756. Dear Mapam,— The letter you enclosed was from my cousin. His wife declines apace ; her illness gives him great concern and I believe may have distressed him in his narrow circumstances. If my father would send him some assistance it might be a timely relief. I don’t know what the poor man will do; when his wife dies, he loses £40 a year of his income. I have no house to offer him for shelter or I should be entirely at his service, because I think him to be an even-tempered honest man. Sir John Mordaunt, who has been in with the King, took that opportunity to recommend me in the strongest terms to his Majesty. I did not ask this of Sir John and therefore am the more obliged to him; but I don’t expect it will produce much, because by the King’s rule my turn has not yet come. . . . The disagreement between Blakeney ' and Jeffreys is unfortunate for both ; it is an old quarrel revived and will produce no good. We military men are not so much in love with the defence of St. Philips as the mob of London. We think there appeared no great degree of skill, nor the most shining courage. I wish you better health and a more comfortable time than the past. My duty to my Father, I am, dear Madan, etc., Jam. WoLrFE. Cirencester, Dec. 30, 1756. Dear Mapam,—By the arrival of my baggage I am enabled to send you a very good receipt for the gravel. If the oil does not offend the stomach—it can have no ill effects. 1 «The King of his own motion has given a red riband and an Irish barony to old Blakeney—who . . . has not only lost his government, but was bed- rid while it was losing.” —Walpole’s Letters, November 29, 1756. 312 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Receipt. An ounce of oil of sweet almonds, An ounce of Syrup of Marsh Mallows in a large glass of Rhenish wine. Short 1 in Jermyn Street has genuine Rhenish. I wish it may succeed with you. I found great relief at Southampton by the use of it. I beg my duty to my father and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam. WOLFE. 1 Short, the wine-merchant, was a character in his day. He is said to have once sent a dozen of Rhenish to Oliver Goldsmith on account of his having written The Vicar of Wakefield. XIV THE ROCHEFORT EXPEDITION For six months the war had dragged along, and for that period of time had been disastrous to England. Not until the accession of Pitt to power did the government begin to be informed by any real knowledge or be animated by a single purpose. But the amount of opposition Pitt had to encounter from the King and the Newcastle cabal was too much even for his patriotism—far too much for his pride. He came in in December: he went out in April following. But in those few months he demonstrated clearly to the reasoning and loyal part of the nation that he was as he described himself, the one man upon whom in its extremity they could rely. England, he had said, was no place for foreign mercenaries ; so, while in office, he had sent the Hessians from English soil. Englishmen must learn to rely on themselves; a defensive militia was organized and fostered. If foreigners were to be hired at all, they should serve far afield against the enemy in America. Recruiting had been prosecuted with energy. There was another neglected source of military strength which Pitt resolved should be drawn upon. The keen eye of the Lieutenant- Colonel of the Twentieth had noted long since the advantage of using the fine fighting qualities of the Highlanders and had pressed the suggestion at head-quarters. The Highland clans were now organized into line regiments who could satisfy their martial instincts to their heart’s content by fighting for instead of against their sovereign. The year before (in May 1756) a plan for conducting the war was submitted to the Duke of Cumberland, who when Pitt came into office sent it to that statesman. The author of the scheme sug- gested that two battalions of 1000 men each might readily be raised in the Highlands for service in America, if offers of land grants at the close of the war were made. Pitt adopted the idea instantly and its success more than justified his promptitude. Now, who was the author of this scheme? Wright was the first to point out the probability of its being Wolfe. All we know is that the paper was delivered to Pitt by the Earl of Albemarle. 813 314 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE The Earl was none other than the Lord Bury, Colonel of Wolfe’s regiment while in Scotland. Bury’s knowledge of the Highlands and the disposition of the Highlanders was of the scantiest, other than that which he received from his Lieutenant-Colonel ; for during the whole time the Twentieth was quartered in the north he paid it but a couple of hasty visits. But we do know that Wolfe wrote him copious letters, and we know also that Wolfe’s alert mind would certainly have transmitted his views on this matter to his superior. Amongst Wolfe’s friends was the Duke of Bedford, who was now Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. Bedford had long been on intimate terms with Licutenant-General Wolfe, who for some reason or other was always anxious to get his son on the Irish establishment. The posts of Barrackmaster-General and Quartermaster-General of Ireland which had been held by Lord Forbes became vacant on that officer’s death. It was customary to look somewhat higher than Wolfe’s rank when bestowing a post of such importance as either. But Bedford wished to show in the strongest manner his appreciation of Wolfe’s qualities. He therefore offered, through his secretary, Rigby, both these appointments to the young officer, stating his belief that the King would grant their recipient the customary rank of Colonel. Wolfe got the letter on February 6, and his letter to his father the same day shows the touchy state of his mind with regard to the obstructions placed in his path in high quarters. To wis FaTHER. Cirencester, 6th February, 1757. Dear Sir,—I have writ to thank the Duke for the favour with which he is pleased to honour me; I have told him that although it is an office, quite out of the course of my practice, nevertheless I shall endeavour to execute it properly by a strict and exact obedience to his directions and commands. But I shall give it up immediately and come back to the battalion, if the rank of Colonel is omitted; and I had rather see the King of Prussia’s operations the next campaign than accept of this 1 Tt is at least a curious coincidence,” observes Wright,“that Wolfe’s words are equivalent to the final sentence of that portion of the above-mentioned scheme which relates to the matter in hand :—‘ No men in this island are better qualified for the American war than the Scots Highlanders.’ The issue proved the truth of the assertion. If Wolfe did not incite this military measure, it is remarkable that he should have foreshadowed it, as well as the establishment of county constabulary upon a constitutional basis.” AN IRISH APPOINTMENT 315 employment with all its advantages. As the matter is not yet completed, I believe *tis better not to speak of it, lest his Majesty should think proper to refuse. I am, dear Sir, etc. He soon was given to understand that the Duke had been pre- vailed upon to give the separated office of Barrackmaster-General to some one else. This did not disturb him; provided he could procure the coveted colonelcy, he was inclined to fall in with his parents’ wishes and accept the post. But he did not disguise from them that the prospect by no means satisfied his soul. He was “too much of a soldier to desire anything but military employ- ment,” even putting down weavers’ riots or building Highland roads. To nis Fatuer. Cirencester, February 19th, 1757. Dear Sir,—As I have no franks I am obliged to put you to the expense of a double letter, to enclose one that I received this morning from the Duke of Bedford, in so obliging and flattering a style that I should not be ready to show it to anybody else. But as the matter concerns what I formally mentioned to you, it will be the best means of letting you see what steps have been taken, as well as what success has attended them. You'll observe that the Duke makes no mention of the employment of Barrackmaster-General, which I am not sorry for, wishing rather that they might be separated from each other upon this occasion. I won’t trouble you with all that I have said to the Duke of Bedford and Lord Albemarle, but only in general that I have conformed to their sentiments in accepting the offer. I am far from being pleased with it otherwise than as a mark of the Duke’s friendship and good opinion, being too much of a soldier to desire any but military employment, which this can hardly be reckoned. I am, etc., Jam. WOLFE. On the same day he wrote the following to the Lord-Lieutenant— To tHe Duxe or Beprorp. Cirencester, February 19th, 1757. My Lorp,—The honour your Grace has done me, and the particular obligations you have conferred upon me, leave me 316 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE no choice how to act. That which is most agreeable to your Grace must determine me, and I should be extremely pleased to have it in my power to convince your Grace, by an exact obedi- ence to your commands, that I wish to make myself more worthy of your protection. I am very sensible that there are many gentlemen upon the list whose pretensions are a check on mine, and some of such distinguished merit that I neither desire, nor could hope, to be preferred before them. The only circumstance that could at all lessen my satisfaction on this occasion is, to be in some measure distinguished from the officers who have held this employment before by a rank inferior to theirs, and which seemed to be annexed to the office. Such services as your Grace may expect from the best inclinations, I venture to assure you of; and, as I am ready to receive and follow your Grace’s directions, they will be the best and surest rules for my conduct. The moment the officers of this country and of the regiments will permit, which I hope will be early in the next month, I shall pay my respects to your Grace in town. With all possible acknowledgments for these marks of your favourable opinion, I have the honour to be, etc., James Wotrt.! Wolfe’s patriotism was certainly of an unusual sort, as the following letter testifies. To uis MorHer. 23rd February, 1757. Dear Mapam,—I write you upon a very particular subject. There is reason to think that the Spaniards will make war upon us, and of course that the public expenses will greatly increase as well as the danger. My desire therefore is, that you will interest yourself in behalf of the public as becomes a virtuous, good, disinterested lady, and that you will endeavour to persuade the General to contribute all he can possibly afford towards the defence of the island,—retrenching, if need be, his expenses, moderate as they are. I would have him engage in lotteries and all schemes for raising money, because I believe they are honestly intended; and though he should be considerably a loser, the motive of his actions will overbalance his losses. Let the General keep a little ready money by him for his own use 1 Bedford Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 239. AN UNFORTUNATE INCIDENT 317 and yours and with the rest, if he has it, assist the State; nay, I should go so far as to advise him to lend three or four thousand pounds to the Government without any interest at all, or give it, since it is the savings of his salaries and the reward of his services. Excuse this freedom.1 I beg my duty to the General. I am, dear Madan, etc., J. Wotre. To nis Fatuer. London, 17th March, 1757. Dear Sir,—There are rumours of a change of Ministry. In this fluctuating state of affairs military operations must be neglected in the contention of parties. I believe it is pretty certain (though not yet declared) that H.R.H. the Duke will command the army in Westphalia, and, as there is a greater probability of service there than here, I have desired my Lord Albemarle to get me leave to attend his Royal Highness, and I have some prospect of succeeding. This I am persuaded you will approve of, from the advantages to be reaped from an active campaign. There appears to be so general an opposition to sending any of our troops abroad, that I imagine they will have no share of the great war which is now carrying on upon the Continent. If my mother will let me know the hour she will take me up in her chariot at the bridge on Wednesday next, I shall be ready to wait upon her to Blackheath ; and if she does not care to come herself, only signify your pleasure as to sending the chariot and I shall be at my post. Crabbed in temper as she was, Mrs. Wolfe was dotingly fond of her brilliant son and resolved to meet him at the bridge. The appointed day arrives ; it is bitterly cold and a blizzard is blowing. Nothing loath the good lady bundles out of bed, mounts her coach, and drives ten miles to Westminster bridge. Her son is not there. She waits there three hours, until she nearly perishes with the cold, and then with thin lips and blazing eyes orders the coachman to drive back to Blackheath. It appears James had written to countermand the carriage, but his letter had arrived too late. 1 «¢ Far from being absorbed in his own worldly welfare, our hero was deeply interested in everything that concerned the State. Instead of heaping up riches, as he now had the opportunity of doing, it seems to have been his venet ambition to spend and be spent in the service of his country.”— right. 318 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Sunday Eve, 27 March, 1757. Dear Mapam,—I did hope that my letter would get to Blackheath time enough to prevent the chariot’s coming for me, and I couldn’t conceive that you yourself would venture out such a day—but Mr. Fisher told me you waited God knows how long in the cold, which I was exceedingly sorry to hear. I won't trouble you any more about the chariot, for fear of such another accident, and as the ceremony of kissing hands takes up a deal of time, I hope before it is over, the weather will soften, so as to admit of some navigation upon the Thames. I hear no kind of news, because I never ask for any, nor ever know what is doing. My duty to my father, I am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam. WotLre. To Mrs. Wotre, Blackheath. To nis Faruer. Monday, 28 March, 1757. Dear Sir,—I am heartily sorry that Iam not at liberty to wait upon you next Wednesday, and that I did not know of your being in town till *twas too late to see you. The Duke’s leg is inflamed,! and he is for the present confined. I shall kiss the King’s hand tomorrow for my new office. My duty to my mother, I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate son, Jam. Wotre, To Lisut.-Gen., Wotre, Blackheath, Kent. On Tuesday, March 29, amongst the throng at the royal levee at St. James’s was the figure of the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Twentieth Regiment. At the same ceremony, separated by two or three notabilities, one of whom was the Duke of Bedford, there stood the minister who ere many months had passed was to take the destinies of his country into his hands. Out of this roomful of peers, statesmen and soldiers, there were two men who loved England superlatively and longed to serve her, filled with fervour, with ambition. In this Lieutenant-Colonel twenty years his junior, Pitt the statesman was to find a soldier who would be a worthy 1 The Duke of Cumberland became corpulent to an unwieldy degree at an early age and also suffered from varicose veins. PITT AGAIN IN POWER 319 instrument to his ends. Old George II, when he gave Wolfe his hand to kiss, may have looked twice at this man (“too young to be a colonel”) whom so many of his lieges were praising and resolved to advance in spite of his royal will. While the nation and the empire resounded with war’s alarums, Wolfe was as busy as ever he had been in his life. Most of the home regiments had recruited second battalions, and first amongst them the Twentieth. He never delegated the task of formation and discipline to others. “ His regiment was the best drilled and disciplined in the kingdom,” afterwards said the third Duke of Marlborough, who at this time as Lord Blandford was one of his captains, and there is ample testimony to the fact. After leaving London, where he had kissed hands on his Irish appointment, our Lieutenant-Colonel travelled to Gloucester, to inspect his second battalion. To us FatHer. Gloucester, 18th May, 1757. Dear Sir,—I have travelled hither with Lord Blandford, who goes very quick. We got to Cirencester (by Oxford) the first night, stayed a day there: and got here to-day and to-morrow set out for Shrewsbury. Our second battalion is in very good condition, healthy and forward in their exercises, and the soberest collection of young Englishmen that I ever saw. The Major Beckwith has been extremely lucky in recruiting. The loss of the Austrians is not so considerable as was expected, but it is for the reputation of the King of Prussia’s arms to drive them before him. I suppose we may soon expect to hear of a decisive action. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. For three months England was without a ministry. At last, during June, Wolfe learnt that Pitt was again in power. He became principal Secretary of State, while the Duke of New- castle took the Treasury. A few weeks later a general encampment was formed on Bradford Heath, near Dorchester, and thither Wolfe went with both his battalions. While he was there training his troops with an eye to service in any part of the world, Pitt, with his hand on the helm, had decided on a daring move against the enemy at home. This move accorded well with his own genius, but it originated 320 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE with Frederick of Prussia. England had been in a shrinking attitude too long and the nation was sick of perpetually acting on the defensive.! Pitt’s plan was to strike a blow, sudden and unexpected, at the French coasts. Three years before, one Captain Clarke,’ travelling through the west of France, had been struck by a spot on the coast vulnerable to a marked degree. Rochefort in Aunis, a few miles from where the embouchure of the Charente pours into the Bay of Biscay, was kept up as an arsenal for naval stores, but maintained so badly that this English observer believed it could be destroyed, together with such shipping and stores as it was supposed to guard. The paper was dispatched to Sir John Ligonier, who now transmitted it to Pitt, whose keen eye fastened upon the salient point at once. Rochefort would serve his ends. If such an expedition was to succeed, it must be carried out at once. Every day the crisis grew more acute. Ten thousand troops were to take part in the attack, and to transport such a number at such short notice Lord Anson (then at the Admiralty) declared was impossible. Pitt informed him that if the transports were not ready to the day he would lay Anson’s dereliction before the King and impeach him in the House of Commons. Anson took the hint and Pitt had no reason to complain of Admiralty co-operation. If there was delay it was not owing to want of zeal on the part of the officials. Pitt and his Secret Committee hit upon the Rochefort objective about the middle of July. Every department laboured it: utmost, but still it was inevitable that precious weeks should slip away before the expedition could sail. The secret of the destination was well kept: but the magnitude of the preparations kept the whole of Europe on the gui vive. “Every one of the generals,” says a recent French historian,’ “who held commands along the coasts of the Channel or the North Sea felt himself threatened.” Marshal Richelieu thought the expedition was intended to 1 The King of Prussia told Mitchell the British Ambassador “ that England’s seeming to act upon the offensive will have a greater effect upon the councils of France as well as give a spirit to the English nation who have hitherto been frightened with vain terrors of invasion, and that the only way to prevent like panic is to show by some vigorous act that you do not fear them.” —Mitchell to Holderness, July 5, 1757. 2 The son of ar Edinburgh physician. Walpole speaks of him as “‘a young Scot by name Clarke ; ill-favoured in his person, with a cast in his eye, of intellect not very sound; but quick, bold and adventurous.” Entinck describes him as a ‘‘ worthy, intelligent, skilful officer.” 8 Waddington, La Guerre de Sept Ans. SUMMONED BY PITT 321 relieve Cumberland, whose position was by this time grown very grave. But while in England ships were being overhauled, provisions for six months laid in, seamen being impressed by thousands, scaling ladders constructed of such size that thirty men might mount abreast, boats built, and a thousand incidental details com- pleted, Pitt was busy choosing the personnel of the expedition. From a letter written to Rickson, then acting as Deputy Quarter- master-General for Scotland, we learn that Wolfe had been called to London and informed that he was to serve in the expedition. To Masor Rickson. London, July 21st, 1757. My Dear Ricxson,—Though I have matter enough, and pleasure in writing a long letter, yet I must now be short. Your joy upon the occasion of my new employment, I am sure, is very sincere, as is that which I feel when any good thing falls to your share; but this new office does neither please nor flatter me, as you may believe when I tell you that it was offered with the rank of Colonel, which the King, guided by the Duke, afterwards refused. His Royal Highness’s reasons were plausible ; he told the Duke of Bedford (who applied with warmth) that I was so young a lieutenant-colonel that it could not be done immediately. But I should have known it in time, that I might have excused myself from a very troublesome business, which is quite out of my way.... We are about to undertake something or other at a distance, and I am one of the party. I can’t flatter you with a lively picture of my hopes as to the success of it; the reasons are so strong against us (the English) in whatever we take in hand, that I never expect any great matter; the chiefs, the engineers, and our wretched discipline, are the great and insurmountable obstructions. I doubt yet if there be any fixed plan; we wait for American intelligence, from whence the best is not expected, and shall probably be put into motion by that intelligence. I myself take the chance of a profession little understood and less liked in this country. I may come off as we have done before ; but I never expect to see either the poor woman my mother, or the General again,—she is at present dangerously ill, he is infirm with age. Whether my going may hurry their departure, you are as good a judge as I am. Besides their loss, I have not a soul to take charge of my little affairs, and expect to find every- ¥ 322 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE thing in the utmost confusion, robbed and plundered by all that can catch hold of them. I heartily wish you were fixed in the employment you now exercise; but if David Watson! is not misrepresented to me, you have everything to fear from his artifices and double-dealing. I wish I was strong enough to carry you through, I'd take you upon my back; but my people are away. Calcraft could serve you—no man better. He is the second or third potentate in this realm. I may have an opportunity of speaking to Napier, but there Watson governs almost alone; and we are not sharp enough to dive into the hearts of men. The nephew goes with us. I must have succumbed under the weight of some characters of this sort if I had not stood out in open defiance of their wicked powers. A man will not be ill-used that will not bear it. Farewell, my honest little friend. I am ever your Faithful and affectionate servant, James WOLFE. To Hawke was given command of the fleet, sixteen sail of the line, in addition to frigates, fireships, bomb ketches, ete. With Hawke went Vice-Admiral Knowles and Rear-Admiral Brodrick. Lord George Sackville was offered the command of the troops, but it appears he distrusted the expedition and declined. Conway, Pitt’s choice, was ready to take the leadership, but he was either not persona grata to the King or was thought “too young ” (youth was to show what it could do later, when the reign was in its last gasps), and the honour and responsibility then fell upon Wolfe’s friend and patron, Sir John Mordaunt. Mordaunt had been a good man in his day and he, at least, was not “too young.” He never forgot that he was nephew of that Earl of Peterborough who had performed such brilliant feats (“soldier and sailor too”) in Queen Anne’s day. At sixty his spirit and constitution were gone and he had lost his nerve. Once, Walpole says, he boasted “a sort of alacrity in daring, but from ill-health was grown indifferent to it.” Conway, a man of cold, indecisive temper, little liked in the army, and one, moreover, with little faith in the success of the venture upon which he was now engaged, was second in command. His antipodes, Cornwallis, also accompanied the troops. But it is upon the Quartermaster-General and chief of the staff that not only our own interest, but the ultimate interest of the expedi- 1 Quartermaster-General in Scotland. ISLE OF WIGHT AGAIN 323 tion, rests. James Wolfe, in Walpole’s words, was “a young officer who had contracted reputation from his intelligence of discipline and from the perfection to which he brought his own regiment. The world could not expect more from him than he thought him- self capable of performing. He looked upon danger as the favourable moment that would call forth his talents.” So that it was as Quartermaster-General on Continental service and not as Quartermaster-General in Ireland that destiny called upon Wolfe to serve. The troops were already assembling in the Isle of Wight when Wolfe sat down to write the Lord-Lieutenant the following letter necessitated by the circumstances— To tux Duke or Beprorp. August 1757. My Lorp,—The honour of holding an employment under your Grace, and my particular obligations to you upon that account, make it a point of duty, as well as of respect, to mention that a battalion of Colonel Kingsley’s regiment is ordered to be ready to embark ; and as Lieutenant-Colonel of that battalion, I embark with it, upon what service none of us pretend to guess ; nor ought we to be very solicitous about it, rather desiring to serve well than to know where. If this business did not stand in the way, it would give me the highest satisfaction to endeavour to acquit myself so as to meet your Grace’s approbation, being quite assured that you would take it in good part whatever was well intended, and accept of industry to supply the want of skill. I beg to be allowed to wish your Grace most perfect health, and to add that I have the honour to be, etc., JamMEs WoLrFE. How different were Quartermaster-General Wolfe’s feelings on his return to the Isle of Wight after an absence of seventeen years ! He was then a pale child of thirteen, racked with anguish because too ill to accompany his father to the Spanish Main and weeping for the lost glories of war. He had since revelled in these “ glories” to the full, and had endured many campaigns. He was still little more than a boy, yet he had gone far and his name was known throughout the army as that of a perfect soldier. All this was as nothing. As he entered the farmhouse on the outskirts of Newport, which he well remembered, he probably felt that now as then his career was all before him. He had “done nothing.” In this very expedition he was to turn a fresh page: nay, he had 2 324 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE begun a new volume of his life. From Rochefort dates Wolfe's fame in history. The army was ready to embark on August 10, so much dispatch had been made on the military side. But the transports were not due for another three weeks. To uts Mortuer. Newport, 10 Aug. 1757. Dear Mapam,—Our little army is collected and ready to embark, but the ships are not yet come round, and I think it uncertain when they may. I hope you continue to mend, and that you will soon be strong enough to begin your journey to Bath, where, from experience you may expect relief. The enclosed letter is an account which belongs to the other letter left with my father ; and my little affairs are brought into some order; and under some decent regulation. I wish you better health, and every good thing of this life ; I beg my duty to my father, and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam. Wotre. To unis Moruer. Newport, Isle of Wight, August 22nd, 1757. Dear Mapam,—I don’t expect a letter from you,—I mean that you will not write till you have been a month at the Bath. Then, if ships come our way, whichever route we take, I shall be glad to have news from you. The winds do sharply oppose our enterprise, and so violently at this time, that we are well ashore, in my mind. We have much company, much exercise, a theatre, and all the camp amusements, besides balls and concerts. The General seemed to foresee my habitation. I am possessed of the farmhouse formerly General Wentworth’s, which I find to be a dreary lodging ; however, it affects me as little as anybody, whose great concern in this life is neither food nor raiment, nor house to sleep in. I am, etc., etc., J. WoLrE. The weeks dragged on, and still the fleet had not sailed. His mother had written him to say she had heard of his fascinating behaviour at a ball at Newport. A CONTINENTAL CRISIS 325 To uis Moruer. Newport, Isle of Wight, September 8rd, 1757. Dear Mapam,—You know my history better than I could imagine. The ladies call that handsome (when they are well bred) which in reality is very moderate. My temper naturally leads me to that which my circumstances seldom admit of. Money would discover my turn to be rather liberal and social than otherwise. I was this day on board the “ Royal George,” when I inquired for Kit Mason,! and saw him in perfect health. After the voyage he hopes to see his mother, and was mightily pleased to hear about her from me. He resembles Mrs. Mason ; has beautiful eyes of her make, is grown tall, and in my opinion is a very fine boy. He was clean and looked healthy. If we sail in the same fleet, I shall ask after him every now and then. The wind is fair and we expect the transports tomorrow. I am, etc., J. Wotre. “Nothing was wanting,” as one historian observes, “to ensure success but a General” when on September 7 the ten regiments weighed anchor. Not until they had been a week at sea did the officers learn their destination and object. Meanwhile many things had happened abroad which made Pitt’s project of even greater importance than when it was first conceived. On July 24 the battle between Cumberland and D’Estrees had been fought at Hastenbeck, and the British had sustained a severe defeat. All the chief fortresses on the Weser fell into French hands. Hanover had surrendered and the Hanoverian government had fled. Frederick, forced to withdraw from Bohemia, and with hostile Swedes and Russians in movement, was in despair. “The crisis is so terrible,” he wrote at the end of August, “that it can’t last much longer. The month of September will decide my fate for the autumn and winter.” The truth is the King believed that the hope of saving the situation lay in getting reinforcements to Cumberland, then stationed at Stade, and up to the very eve of the fleet’s sailing did his utmost to get the destination diverted to Stade. Hardwicke thought that when the French had done their worst in Germany they would turn their attention to England. 1 Afterwards Sir Christopher Mason, who died a Vice-Admiral in 1802. There is a monument to his memory in front of Greenwich Church. Many references to the Masons will be found in Wolfe’s letters. 326 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE “For God’s sake,” he urged Newcastle, “insist that the troops should be back by the middle or before the end of September.” And Newcastle prevailed upon his strenuous colleague, Pitt, to agree to this condition, which was included in Hawke's and Mordaunt’s instructions, although it was afterwards relaxed. But the relaxation came too late for it to be of any use. The leaders of the Rochefort expedition, heedless of Byng’s fate, had already made up their minds to do nothing. The fleet sailed with Wolfe on board the Ramillies, a ship named after a battle in which his own father had fought. On that very day poor William Henry, Duke of Cumberland, the British commander on the continent, had signed the convention of Klosterzeven, and the death-warrant of his military reputation. Even before he stepped on board the Ramiillies Wolfe saw enough to convince him that the expedition stood in great danger from the want of co-operation between the military and naval commanders. But between the two it needed little acumen to perceive which was the inferior. As Wright observes, he could not “recognize amongst them a particle of that self-denying patriotism which prompted his own zeal for the service.” Wolfe was, as usual, extremely sick at sea, and it was ten days before he wrote his first letter home. To wis MorHer. “ Ramillies,” 17th September, 1757. Drsr Mapam,—A man should always have a letter writ at sea, because the opportunities of despatching them are seldom and sudden, and a sick, qualmish stomach is to consult the weather. He must write when he can; he may not be able to do it when he would. The progress of our arms has been greatly retarded by calms and fogs, and the formidable Gulf of Biscay; in which we are navigating, is just now as smooth as the river Thames in winter. Perhaps in twenty-four hours the waves may touch the clouds, and then the great machine will roll about like a tub, and we, the inhabitants of it, shall partake severely of the perturbation. The troops are under good regulations and good care, and consequently are all well and healthy. They feed well and lie well, and being in their nature regardless of future events, their minds are in their usual state, roused a little, perhaps, by curiosity and the desire of something new. For a man that does not feel the ship’s motion, and whose OFF TO ROCHEFORT 327 nose is not too nice for the smells, this life for a little while is tolerable ; it is then an easy, commodious conveyance for a distant place, and upon the quarter-deck of a ninety-gun ship a ROCHEFORT 1757 c 3 oe . "PLA ROCHELLE Rlade oes Basques 46 STATUTE MILES oy orz2345 ROCHEFORT AND VICINITY PLAN OF ROCHEFORT AND LOCALITY. man may stretch and exercise his limbs. I have not myself been one hour well since we embarked, and have the mortification to find that I am the worst mariner in the whole ship. General, 328 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE secretary, and aides-de-camp are all stouter, all better seamen than myself. If I make the same figure ashore, I shall acquire no great reputation by the voyage. The “Royal George” is one of the Sir Edward Hawke’s seconds, is constantly on his larboard quarter, and very near, so that I have frequent oppor- tunities of asking for little Mason, and always hear that he is well, which will be the most pleasing intelligence to his mother. Little Gusty is in the “ Burford,” and a hardy seaman. I am, dear Madan, etc., J. Wotre. To wis Fatuer. Off the Isles of Rhé and Oleron, 21s¢ September, 1757. Dear Sir,—Yesterday morning the fleet made the land of the Isle of Rhé, and in the afternoon Vice-Admiral Knowles was detached with his division to go within the Pertuis d’Antioche,! and see what anchoring there was for the fleet; and I suppose he had orders to attack any fortifications or batteries of the enemy that might incommode us at an anchor, or prevent landing. While the Vice-Admiral was getting on to put these orders into execution, a large French man-of-war bore down into the middle of the fleet,—a ship supposed to be homeward bound from the East or West Indies,—upon which three ships of his division were directed to chase. They did so, and drove the French ship in with the shore above the river of Bordeaux, and there our great ships were obliged to leave her. This chase put an end to the operations of yesterday. As soon as the chasing ships returned this morning, it was resolved that the whole fleet should go down and anchor in the Basque Road, from whence we may attack either of these two islands [Rhé or Oleron], Rochelle or Rochefort. A disposition was made, and the Vice- Admiral’s division led in. Just as the whole fleet was getting within the Pertuis the wind took them short, and they were obliged to stand out again; and here we are now, beating on and off, waiting for a better day and a more favourable gale. Since I writ my mother’s letter we have had variety of winds, but in general moderate weather, and nothing remarkable but the circumstance of that ship’s running in amongst us, and escaping by half an hour. It is believed that she would have been a very rich prize. The inhabitants are alarmed ; they 1 The channel between the islands Rhé and Oleron. See map, overleaf. A FATAL DELAY 329 fired guns all along the coast last night, and we now see the smoke rising upon the sea-shore, as a signal, no doubt, of our appearance. These delays on our side, after notice given to the enemy, may have ill consequences; but they are such as, I suppose, were not easily to be avoided. We are come to an anchor in the Bay of Biscay (a thing uncommon), off the Isle of Rhé, in readiness to push in early in the morning. Sir Edward [Hawke] seems determined to do everything that can be done upon this occasion consistent with his orders and instructions, and the safety of the fleet. 22nd,—We are now at an anchor within the Pertuis d’Antioche, between the isles of Rhé and Oleron, waiting for a breeze of wind to go down upon the Isle d’Aix, which is in sight; but it is a perfect calm, and our whole force immovable. 23rd, in the morning,—All still at an anchor, the inhabitants of Rhé working hard at their entrenchments along the shore, to prevent our landing. The “ Medway,” “ Achilles,” and a fire- ship ordered to burn a French Ship-of-war behind the Isle d’Aix as soon as Admiral Knowles’ division begins the attack. Howe greatly added to his reputation by his conduct in this business. In spite of their youth, had these two men the conduct of the Rochefort affair it would have had a very different ending. Of Howe, Walpole says he was as “ undaunted as a rock and as silent ; the characteristics of his whole race. He and Wolfe soon contracted a friendship, like the union of a cannon and gunpowder.” Wolfe’s prognostications were to be fulfilled to the letter. Mordaunt knew from a report in his possession that the enemy had only 10,000 men on the entire coast, yet he and Conway per- sisted in thinking a landing desperate, although the chances were that they would be opposed by only a handful of men. Enormous importance was attached to surprising the enemy, as if surprise were an essential part of the plan. Ligonier, his chief at the Horse Guards, had reminded Mordaunt that it was not an essential point. But what was vital was to land and strike at the enemy, whether he knew the British were coming or not. As a matter of fact, we know now the defenders of Rochefort were in a panic: and had Mordaunt struck, it would, as they said themselves, have been “all over with the port of Rochefort.” Hawke hung about for two precious days. “Tt is difficult,” says Mr. Corbett, “conceding all that can be urged in Hawke’s favour, to avoid the impression that in the 330 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE handling of the fleet at this time there was to some degree a lack of that hardness of grip, that directness of aim, that colour of audacity which are the soul of such operations.” * In his letter to his father Wolfe continues— Isle d’Aix, 23rd, in the evening,—The fort of the Isle d’Aix taken by Captain Howe, in the “ Magnanime,” with a few distant shot from the “Barfleur.” There were five great ships upon this business ; but as Captain Howe led, he saved the rest the trouble of battering, and confounded the defendants to that degree with the vivacity of his fire that they deserted thirty pieces of cannon and eight mortars, and struck after thirty-five minutes of resistance. ‘There were 500 men in the fort of which very few were killed; and the ‘“Magnanime” lost but three killed, and eight or ten wounded. Mr. Howe’s manner of going down upon the enemy, and his whole proceeding, have raised the opinion people had of his courage and abilities to a very high pitch. The ship which Sir Edward ordered to be burned was further off than he imagined, and even now we perceive her to be within the mouth of the Charente. We are preparing to land somewhere between Rochelle and Rochefort, for the sake of mischief more than any success we can propose to ourselves after such long preparations and notice to the enemy. I believe the expedition will end in our landing and fighting, and then returning to our ships; and we may bombard Rochelle, put the isles of Rhé and Oleron under contribution, blow up the fortress of the Isle d’Aix, and spread terror all along the coast. If we had set out upon this business in time, I believe we should have been thought very troublesome. This is a most pleasing climate, and the grapes upon the Isle d’Aix are exceedingly delicious, especially to a sick stomach. I have been told that General Conway, with three battalions, went down with Mr. Knowles’ division to assist in the attack ; but they were not wanted, only to take possession and guard the prisoners, who were used with all possible humanity by Captain Howe. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. WotFE. Wolfe resolved to do something. It was intolerable that nothing should be done. His friendship with Sir John Mordaunt enabled him boldly to prefer a request which in ordinary circum- 1 England in the Seven Years’ War, p. 212. A MASTER OF STRATEGY 331 stances would not have been granted. It might have been considered presumptuous to a degree. He asked to be allowed to go ashore and reconnoitre the country the moment the fortress of Aix fell. Mordaunt, fearing to deny any request to such an ardent soldier, granted his wish. Wolfe therefore got into a boat and hung about until the white flag flew and then landed. He went straight to that part of the fortifications facing the mainland, climbed alone up to a battered bastion and pointed his telescope carefully for an hour. In the near distance he examined the sandy promontory of Fouras, guarded by a small fort. It was useless to attempt to capture Rochefort while this fort was in the way. More- over, northward lay another low promontory midway between Rochelle and Rochefort which his trained eye saw at once would furnish an excellent landing for the force. This was marked “ Chattelaiellon ” on his chart. Hastily jotting down the result of his observations he got back into the boat and rowed back to the Ramillies, where he made his report to the leaders of the expedition, Hawke and Mordaunt. Briefly, his opinion was that Fouras, whose situation and strength he detailed, must be battered to pieces. This could be compassed by a single man-of-war ; the attempt would cause a sufficient diversion, under cover of which the troops could land at Chattelaiellon. The Admiral was instantly struck by the plan; the General also gave his adhesion, expressing a hope that the Huguenot pilot Thierry knew just what was the depth of water off Fouras, to enable the Magnanime to approach close to the fort. Wolfe now broke in with a further suggestion, to the effect that a diversion by means of bomb ketches on the Rochelle side would still further divide the enemy’s attention. On Hawke’s assenting to this, Wolfe observed, “Then, sir, not a moment is to be lost.” Sending for Thierry, the pilot, while the bomb ketches were being got ready, the Admiral questioned him closely. The pilot grasped Wolfe’s idea at once; it would be quite possible to take the ship close up to Fouras and under cover of it land troops on both sides of the fort. But Hawke was not wholly convinced, probably hating to be “rushed” by a mere land officer. That was where Hawke made his mistake. Wolfe was not merely a land soldier. He was a warrior with a genius for amphibious warfare, destined shortly to leave “ the reputation of being the greatest master of combined strategy the world had seen since Drake took the art from its swaddling clothes.” * 1 Corbett, p. 221. 332 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Wolfe was a believer in the moral impetus, and it fretted his soul to see the chances of success slipping away. Hawke finally agreed to the proposal as regards Fouras but not to the Rochelle diversion. He sent up Brodrick to find a landing-place for the troops, this being in Mordaunt’s opinion purely “ sailor’s business.” Brodrick came back on the day following (the 24th), to say he had found a place where Mordaunt could land his troops without so much as wetting their shoes. Hawke expected Mordaunt would avail himself of the opportunity. But what Mordaunt actually did was to call a council of war for the following morning. Here they discussed the chances for and against escalading the ditch at Rochefort, and finally decided the chances would be against them. Hawke, it was thought, would be unable to get the troops back safe again on board in case of a failure. Their decision was confirmed by Hawke’s detachment to take Fouras getting aground. Not alone in his exasperation was Wolfe. The common soldiers and sailors were infuriated at being brought up to the very nose of their prey and having to sail back to England without even an attempt to thrust at him. True, Hawke for his part wished the troops to land, but instead of exerting a cordial co-operation and so making a unit of the expedition, he held aloof on the ground that he “was no judge of land operations” and the military arm must get out of the business as best it might. This was the old attitude of Cathcart and Vernon and the Cartagena expedition ; in fact it was the attitude of most military and naval commanders serving in joint expeditions. What a different spectacle was Wolfe to bequeath to history ! So intense was the feeling now manifested in both Army and Navy that the generals resolved at last to make the attempt that very night. Mordaunt, to prove that he was not animated by cowardice, announced his intention to lead the first division in person. Brodrick was told off to superintend the landing of the men. At midnight on the 28th the boats were filled. There was a high wind and surf, but the troops were eager to land and could not understand why they should remain tossed about in the billows for three mortal hours for the word to be given. When it came they could hardly believe it. The astonished Colonel in command insisted on examining the General’s signature by lantern light. It was “ Return to the transports.” It is useless to pierce the motives for such vacillation and pusillanimity. Conway and Wolfe were ordered to make still another reconnoitre at daybreak. Such foolery as this was too much for AN UTTER FAILURE 333 Hawke. If, said he, the military part of the expedition had no further use for his services he would sail back to England. In vain Mordaunt besought a joint council to consider the matter. As if the matter had not been enough considered! As if every seaman and soldier was not sick unto death of such insane procrastination ! Hawke refused, and at another council Mordaunt, Conway and Cornwallis decided finally to give up the attempt. To nis Fatuer. Rade des Basques, 30th September, 1757. Dear Sir,—By the “Viper” sloop I have the displeasure to inform you that our operations here are at an end. We lost the lucky moment in war, and are not able to recover it. The whole of this expedition has not cost the nation ten men, nor has any man been able to distinguish himself in the service of his country, except Mr. Howe, who was a great example to us all. We shall follow close if the weather favours, and return to England with reproach and dishonour ; though, in my mind, there never was in any troops, sea and land, a better disposition to serve. So all sailed home, and the miserable Rochefort expedition came to a miserable end. It was not all in vain. England cried out at the folly and expense of it all, for it had cost a million of money. Pitt was in an agony, the King was furious, Frederick was disgusted. But the lesson of it had sunk deep into one man’s heart and. brain— so deep that it took root and blossomed forth with results full of use and glory to the Empire, and this man was James Wolfe. XV ORDERED TO LOUISBOURG Tue failure of the Rochefort expedition upon the success of which he had set so much store bade fair to unseat Pitt just as he had got well into the saddle. But his sincerity and enthusiasm pre- vailed. When Parliament met he proved to the satisfaction of the country, if not to that of the Old Gang, that the Rochefort design was in Rodney’s phrase), “ wise, prudent and well-timed,” 1 and ought to have succeeded but for the “determined resolution of both naval and military commanders against any vigorous exertion of the national power.” He declared that he could scarce find one man to whom he could confidently entrust any design which carried the least appearance of danger. With a force much greater than the nation had ever maintained and a government ardently desirous of redeeming her glory and promoting her welfare, a shameful dis- like to the service everywhere prevailed. Out of the disaster, upon which an inquiry was ordered to be held, Pitt wrested signal advantage in putting the services more thereafter on their mettle and in instituting an instant reform of current abuses. It was not his fault, but the fault of the instru- ments at his hand, bequeathed him by his predecessors. Such he was resolved not to employ again. He had told Parliament he could scarce find one reliable man. He soon found one. His glance had fallen upon his Quartermaster-General at Rochefort, and he knew now where to find a capable officer when he wanted him. On landing Wolfe went straight to Blackheath only to find his parents at Bath. Already become a notable man, he found people eager to learn his version of the fiasco. Concerning his next step, he was uncertain. He believed the Colonelcy he regarded as inseparable from his Irish appointment was yet remote, because another Lieutenant-Colonel, his junior in service, if not in years, had been preferred instead. He thereupon instantly wrote to Barrington, the Secretary at War, resigning his post of Quarter- master-General of Ireland. He also wrote to his mother— 1 Almon, vol. i. p. 382. 334 RETURNS TO BLACKHEATH © 335 To uis Moruer. Blackheath, 17th October, 1757. Dear Mapam,—To save myself the trouble of answering questions, and for the sake of fresh air and exercise, I have taken up my quarters at your house, and, with Miss Eleanor’s! assist- ance, am like to do well. By the bye, her husband was very useful to me on board the “Ramillies.” I was glad you were gone to the Bath, though I lost the pleasure of seeing you for a time. It is a little melancholy to be left alone, especially to one who was a witness of our late miscarriage. By this trial I find that the cheerfullest temper requires the aid and prop of society. When Francoise comes to know what I would have for dinner, he distresses me with the question. Whenever I keep house, somebody must direct, for I cannot. As to the expedition, it has been conducted so ill that I am ashamed to have been of the party. The public could not do better than dismiss six or eight of us from the service. No zeal, no ardour, no care or concern for the good and honour of the country. I have began to dismiss myself by surrendering up my office of Quartermaster-General for Ireland. They thought proper to put a younger lieutenant-colonel over me, and I thought it proper to resign. My Lord Barrington says he has nothing to do with Irish affairs, so refers me to Mr. Secretary Rigby ;? but his Lordship desires me to suspend my operations for a few days, which accordingly I do. I will certainly not go to Ireland without the rank of Colonel, and am indifferent whether I get it or not. I can’t part with my other employ- ment, because I have nothing else to trust to; nor do I think it consistent with honour to sneak off in the middle of a war. I am, dear Madan, etce., J. WotFe. Naturally, “ Uncle Wat” was anxious to hear all about Roche- fort from his nephew, and was not disappointed. To Masor Watrer WotrFe. Blackheath, 18th October, 1757. Dear Sim,— Nous avons manqué un beau coup,” as the French prisoners told us, after we had loitered away three or four 1 Eleanor White, a domestic to whom Mrs. Wolfe bequeathed, in 1764, an annuity of £20. 2 Richard Rigby, the son of a linendraper who had enriched himself as a South Sea Company factor, was now Secretary to the Duke of Bedford in Ireland, 336 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE days in consultations, deliberations, and councils of war. The season of the year and nature of the enterprise called for the quickest and most vigorous execution, whereas our proceedings were quite otherwise. We were in sight of the Isle of Rhé, the 20th September, consequently were seen by the enemy (as their signals left us no room to doubt), and it was the 23rd before we fired a gun. That afternoon and night slipped through our hands,—the lucky moment of confusion and consternation among our enemies. The 24th,—Admirals and Generals consult to- gether, and resolve upon nothing between them but to hold a council of war. The 25th,—this famous council sat from morn- ing till late at night, and the result of the debates was unani- mously not to attack the place they were ordered to attack, and for reasons that no soldier will allow to be sufficient. The 26th, —the Admiral sends a message to the General, intimating that if they did not determine to do something there, he would go to another place. The 27th,—the Generals and Admirals view the land with glasses, and agree upon a second council of war, having by this time discovered their mistake. The 28th,—they deliber- ate, and resolve to land that night. Orders are issued out accordingly, but the wind springing up after the troops had been two or three hours in the boats, the officers of the navy declare it difficult and dangerous to attempt the landing. The troops are commanded back to their transports, and so ended the ex- pedition! The true state of the case is, that our sea-officers do not care to be engaged in any business of this sort, where little is to be had but blows and reputation; and the officers of the infantry are so profoundly ignorant, that an enterprise of any vigour astonishes them to that degree that they have not strength of mind nor confidence to carry it through. I look upon this as the greatest design that the nation has engaged in for many years, and it must have done honour to us all, if the executions had answered the intentions of the pro- jector. The Court of Versailles, and the whole French nation, were alarmed beyond measure. “Les Anglois ont attrape notre foible,” disent-ils. Alas! we have only discovered our own. I see no remedy, for we have no officers from the Commander-in- Chief down to Mr. Webb and Lord Howe; and the navy list is not much better. If they would even blunder on and fight a little, making some amends to the public by their courage for their want of skill; but this excessive degree of caution, or whatever name it deserves, leaves exceeding bad impressions APPOINTED COLONEL 337 among the troops, who, to do them justice, upon this occasion showed all the signs of spirit and goodwill. My health is a little injured by this summer’s inactivity, as I have not been able to get ten times on horseback; and I am here alone, partly to save myself the trouble of answering questions, and partly for air and exercise. I am, dear Sir, Your obedient Nephew, James Wotre. A few days later he learnt that his grounds of complaint against the higher powers were unfounded. It was far from the King’s intention, after Wolfe’s conduct at Rochefort, to refuse him the long-wished-for Coloneley. A new regiment should be called into existence, the 67th (Hampshire), and Wolfe should command it. To wis FatuHer. Blackheath, 21st October, 1757. Dear Sir,—Mr. Fisher writes me word that the King has been pleased to give me the rank of Colonel, which at this time is more to be prized than any other, because it carries with it a favourable appearance as to my conduct upon this late expedi- tion, and an acceptance of my good intentions. I am something indebted to Sir Edward Hawke for having spoken to Lord Anson, who took the trouble to repeat it to the King. I shall ask Sir John Ligonier’s commands to-morrow whether I go to the regiment or to Ireland. There is a storm gathering over the head of my unfortunate friend [Cornwallis], such a one as must necessarily crush him; though, in my mind, he acted in this affair but a second part. That, as far as I am able, I shall always be ready to assert, and will give him the best hints in my power for his defence. This must remain a secret between us, because I know he is ill-used and artfully ruined, after suffering himself to be misled by an over-fair opinion of his guide.” Amongst the regiments taking part in the late expedition was the 8th, Lieutenant-General Wolfe’s regiment, actually com- 1 Ligonier had been appointed Commander-in-Chief in succession to the Duke of Cumberland. Not long afterwards he was created an Irish peer, Viscount Ligonier of Enniskillen. 2 The Hon. Cornwallis escaped, together with Conway, any further penalty. He rose to be Lieutenant-General and died Governor of Gibraltar, 1776. Z 338 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE manded by Lieutenant-Colonel Lafausille. The latter officer had spent most of the time between the 20th and 29th September in his cabin suffering from lumbago. Disgusted with the whole affair, the old General wrote to his lieutenant-colonel for a report. Lafausille, perhaps equally disgusted, referred the General to his son. Lafausille and Wolfe had long been friends, but this was a little more than the new Colonel could brook. To wis Faturr. Blackheath, 24th October, 1757. Dear Sir,—’Tis an admirable circumstance for Lafausille to ask me about an expedition that he himself was engaged in. His lumbago left him very 4 propos for just as he got to the Basque Road he revived. One’s native air has surprising effects ! All that I can tell about it is, that we blundered most egre- giously on all sides—sea and land ; that we lost three days with- out and three within, and consequently couldn’t propose to march to Paris this season. I believe the country is not able to bear many jokes of this sort; nor have the fleets and arms of this nation reputation enough to excuse now and then a faux pas. However, let justice be done to the executive part; the sea- men and soldiers in general were most desirous and most earnest for employment. These disappointments, I hope, won’t affect their courage ; nothing, I think, can hurt their discipline—it is at its worst. They shall drink and swear, plunder and massacre with any troops in Europe, the Cossacks and Calmucks them- selves not excepted ; with this difference, that they have not quite so violent an appetite for blood and bonfires. Sir John Ligonier’s commission, appointing him Commander- in-Chief of the armies of Britain, is come out, or to come out suddenly under the broad seal of England. I shall pay my duty to our new General, and inform myself whether I may set out for Ireland or not, taking the Bath in my way. I dine with Sir Gregory | to-morrow ; he and my Lady Page are very solicitous for your welfare. But it is in the letter to Rickson that Wolfe opens up his heart about the Rochefort expedition— 1 Sir Gregory Page, Bart., a wealthy Indian merchant, whose splendid seat, Wricklesmarsh, was near Blackheath. On Sir Gregory’s death in 1775, his nephew and heir sold the estate, the mansion was pulled down and the pictures and sculpture dispersed. ROCHEFORT CRITICISED 339 To Masor Rickson. Blackheath, 5th November, 1757. Dear Ricxson,—I thank you very heartily for your welcome back. Iam not sorry that I went, notwithstanding what has happened; one may always pick up something useful from amongst the most fatal errors. I have found out that an Admiral should endeavour to run into an enemy’s port immedi- ately after he appears before it ; that he should anchor the trans- port ships and frigates as close as he can to the land; that he should reconnoitre and observe it as quick as possible, and lose no time in getting the troops on shore ; that previous directions should be given in respect to landing the troops, and a proper disposition made for the boats of all sorts, appointing leaders and fit persons for conducting the different divisions. On the other hand, experience shows me that, in an affair depending upon vigour and dispatch, the Generals should settle their plan of operations, so that no time may be lost in idle debate and con- sultations when the sword should be drawn; that pushing on smartly is the road to success, and more particularly so in an affair of this nature ; that nothing is to be reckoned an obstacle to your undertaking which is not found really so upon trial ; that in war something must be allowed to chance and fortune, seeing it is in its nature hazardous, and an option of difficulties ; that the greatness of an object should come under consideration, opposed to the impediments that lie in the way ; that the honour on one’s country is to have some weight ; and that, in particular circumstances and times, the loss of a thousand men is rather an advantage to a nation than otherwise, seeing that gallant attempts raise its reputation and make it respectable ; whereas the contrary appearances sink the credit of a country, ruin the troops, and create infinite uneasiness and discontent at home. I know not what to say, my dear Rickson, or how to account for our proceedings, unless I own to you that there never was people collected together so unfit for the business they were sent upon—dilatory, ignorant, irresolute, and some grains of a very unmanly quality, and very unsoldier-like or unsailor-like. I have already been too imprudent ; I have said too much, and people make me say ten times more than I ever uttered ; therefore, repeat nothing out of my letter, nor name my name as author of any one thing. The whole affair turned upon the impracticability of escalading Rochefort ; and the two evidences brought to prove Z2 340 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE that the ditch was wet (in opposition to the assertions of the chief engineer, who had been in the place) are persons to whom, in my mind, very little credit should be given; without these evidences we should have landed, and must have marched to Rochefort, and it is my opinion that the place would have surrendered, or have been taken, in forty-eight hours. It is cer- tain that there was nothing in all that country to oppose 9000 good Foot—a million of Protestants, upon whom it is necessary to keep a strict eye, so that the garrison could not venture to assemble against us, and no troops, except the militia, within any moderate distance of these parts. Little practice in war, ease and convenience at home, great incomes, and no wants, with no ambition to stir to action are not the instruments to work a successful war withal ; I see no prospect of better deeds. I know not where to look for them, or from whom we may expect them. Many handsome things would have been done by the troops had they been permitted to act. As it is, Captain Howe carried off all the honour of his enterprise. . . notwithstanding that scribbling . . . been pleased to lie about that fort and the attack of it. This disaster in North America,! unless the French have driven from their anchors in the harbour of Louisbourg, is of the most fatal kind ; whatever diminishes our naval force tends to our ruin and destruction. God forbid that any accident should befall our fleet in the bay! The Duke’s resignation may be reckoned an addition to our misfortunes; he acted a right part, but the country will suffer by it. Yours, my dear Rickson, Very Affectionately J. W. Of this letter a modern critic of strategy, especially of naval warfare, remarks— “Tt would be impossible to measure with more masterly suc- cinctness the sacred principles, both practical and moral, which should govern such an expedition. The whole is a priceless docu- ment, coming as it does from the hand of one who was to carry those principles to such glorious fruition.” He adds with reference to warfare to-day, that “every commander to whom such operations are committed, might do worse than lay it under his pillow.” 2 1 The capture by the French under Montcalm of Fort William Henry and the subsequent massacre. See post, p. 443. 2 Corbett, England in the Seven Years’ War. GIVES HIS EVIDENCE 341 Two or three days after Wolfe wrote Rickson a Board of Inquiry into the Rochefort Expedition met. To Wolfe, who was summoned to give evidence, nothing could have been more dis- tasteful. To wis Moruer. Blackheath, 8 November, 1757. Dear Mapam,—My not hearing from Bath does not alarm me so much as it does some of the neighbourhood, for they do not know that your fingers won’t always obey your inclinations, and that the General desires to be excused from the trouble. Ihave been told that you were both in the rooms lately, which makes me easy about your health ; it proves the efficacy and goodness of your medicine, and I hope you will persevere in the use of it, as long as it can be of the least service to you. I have a summons to attend the Board of General Officers, who are appointed to enquire into the causes of the failure of the late expedition ; they begin their examination to-morrow, and I suppose will not end it soon. Better and more honourable for the country if the one half of us had gone the great road of mortality together, than to be plagued with inquiries and censures and the cry of the world. I wish you both well—beg my duty to the General and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam: Wotre. To Mrs. Wo re, Bath, Somerset. The board consisted of Lieutenant-General the Duke of Marl- borough, Major-General Lord George Sackville, and Major-General Waldegrave, and before them when they assembled at the house of the Judge Advocate-General appeared the delinquents Mordaunt, Conway, and Cornwallis. Not until the 14th was Wolfe examined. Colonel Wolfe was then called in at the General’s request and examined as to his opinion about landing and the attack of Fort Fouras, which was intended as a place of retreat if the troops should not succeed in the attack of Rochefort. On this’ examination the Colonel said the men might have landed near Chatelaiellon notwith- standing the battery of six guns at Fouras Point; but that their landing might have been prevented by so small a force as one thousand foot and three or four hundred horse, because there were many sandhills, which the forces at landing would be obliged to 342 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE climb. As to Fort Fouras, he said it was his opinion that it might have been carried by storm, as to the best of his knowledge it was a weak one, there being only a platform of twenty-four embrasures toward the water side, and as it was on a peninsula it might be attacked on all sides, while the ships lay before it; that Howe had offered to take it with his ship, and that he proposed a feint towards Rochelle and the isle of Rhé during the landing and attack. The Colonel was then ordered to withdraw, and the board proceeded to the examination of Admiral Knowles, who affirmed that Fouras could not be annoyed or battered by the ships, for that a bomb could not be thrown more than two miles and three-quarters. On the 21st the board rendered its report to the King. The expedition against Rochefort had been frustrated, chiefly, they said, because the plan of attacking Fort Fouras by sea and land simul- taneously had not been followed. This plan of Colonel Wolfe’s “certainly must have been of the greatest utility towards carrying your Majesty’s instructions into execution.” ? Another cause of the failure was that “instead of attempting to land when the report was received on the 24th of September from Rear-Admiral Brodrick and the captains who had been sent out to sound and reconnoitre, a council of war was summoned and held on the 25th in which it was unanimously resolved not to land,” although there were neither troops nor batteries on shore to prevent such a landing. As to the council of war on the 28th, the board found that “no reason could have existed sufficient to prevent the attempt of landing the troops previous to that day, as the council then unanimously resolved to land with all possible dispatch.” There were other contributory causes, but in the board’s opinion the expedition had failed from the time the great object of it was laid aside in the council of war on the 25th.’ To unis Mortuer. Blackheath, lst December, 1757. Dear Mapam,—I could not tell what was to become of me when I left Portsmouth, because I did not know ; but finding 1 Gentieman’s Magazine, 1757, p. 491. a [bid., p. 628. 3 It is interesting to read that ‘‘the inquiry being ended, Lord George Sackville made a short speech signifying that the most disagreeable thing, next to being tried himself, was that of being appointed to sit on an inquiry into the conduct of gentlemen whose courage and fidelity had been so often tried.” In less than three years Sackville was himself court-martialled and expelled from the army. MORDAUNT ILL 343 myself confined to the neighbourhood of London, and not being able to live there altogether, partly for health, and partly to save trouble, I came here. Mrs. Scott! assisted me with the few things that were wanting. My demands were very moderate, and the way of life here is exemplary, and without vanity I may say there is as good order almost, preserved in your family, in every respect, as if you yourself presided. I lie in your chamber, dress myself in the General’s little parlour, and dine where you did. The most perceptible difference and change of affairs (exclusive of the bad table I keep) is the number of dogs in the yard ; but by coaxing Ball, and by rubbing his back with my stick, I have reconciled myself with the new ones, and put ’em in some measure under his protection. For this fort- night past I have lodgings in town, and live for the most part there; and am glad when a fine day invites me to get on horseback and come here. My servants, clothes, etc, are all in London. When I mean to dine here, Ambrose, who is my running footman, comes before upon his legs (for we have Crichton’s borrowed horse between us), and gets me something to eat. The next day he runs back with the same alacrity, and by that means preserves his own health and my money. This Court of Inquiry has kept us close, and now they talk of a general court-martial to try Sir John Mordaunt, who is in such a miserable state of health that I don’t believe he will go through with it. Tull that is over I’m still a prisoner, expecting, as before, to be called upon in evidence. When my family was here, Nelly made soup and Monsieur Francois made bowidli ; so, between your maids and my men, I lived very elegantly and very cheap. To-morrow I dine téte-d-téte in London, with my old friend Rich, who wants to know the short history of the expe- dition. At night Iam to meet his guest, who is sent by the King of Prussia: Mr. Keith,’ our late envoy at Vienna ; a son of Field-Marshall Count Lacy’s ; and Colonel Clarke, the engineer. 1 To Mrs. Elizabeth Scott, mother of Major Scott, Mrs. Wolfe on her death bequeathed an annuity of £30. 1 The Prussian envoy was Major Grant, aide-de-camp to Marshal Keith, who arrived with dispatches announcing the victory of Rosbach on the 5th of November. Robert Keith was made Ambassador to Russia in 1758, and died in 1774. Count Lacey, whose son is here mentioned, was of Irish extraction, and a General in the Austrian service. He was brother of the Miss Lacey to whom Wolfe wrote just a decade before. Colonel Clarke was the author of the original report which led to the Rochefort expedition (see ante, p. 320). 344 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE These, with myself, make five very odd characters, and for the oddity of the mixture I mention it to you. I am, dear Madan, etc., J. Wotre. The court-martial of Mordaunt duly took place, but the unhappy General’s state of health and the uncertainty whether Hawke was not equally deserving of censure, perhaps also Pitt’s desire not to press matters further now that the lesson had been laid to heart by the joint services, resulted in his acquittal. For a week the King hesitated over approving the verdict, but eventually acquiesced. Before the Christmas holidays, according to his practice when- ever possible, Wolfe rejoined his parents, who were then at Bath. The General was seriously considering taking a house at that fashionable resort. His fighting days were over, and gout crept upon him apace. While at Bath, Wolfe is deeply interested in the progress of his new regiment, and delighted to get letters from one of the trustiest of his captains, Henry Parr, then recruiting at Wigan, Lancashire. Parr writes to tell him he is meeting with extra success owing to the reputation Wolfe has, by his late conduct, gained for himself. To Captain Parr. Bath, 29th December, 1757. Dear Parr,—I must proceed in a regular way to answer your letters, but concisely, because, like other great men, I have many to answer,.and much business upon my hands. I have always time enough to read a friend’s letter, therefore pray no attempt hereafter to excuse yourself from writing upon the supposition that I have not leisure to read. I look upon the proceedings of the Bay of Biscay as flowing from natural causes, and could have told you in the Isle of Wight (what I actually did to some who were in the secret), either that we should attempt nothing, or execute ill what we did attempt. I will be open enough and vain enough to tell you that there might be a lucky moment to be seized for the public service, which I watched for ; but it came too late, and there ended the reputation of three bad Generals. You must burn this insolent letter. Your success gives me double satisfaction, for the regiment and for yourself, and I know full well that you will omit nothing that may tend to improve or to continue it. I thank God our officers, and those who have left us, profess a sense of duty and GEORGE THE THIRD 345 spirit that needs no quickening, nor urging. I explained the nature of our discipline some days ago, to the Prince of Wales, who is extremely desirous of being informed of these sort of things. I told him that there was in the corps a necessary degree of obedience, joined with high spirit of service and love of duty, which he appeared to be greatly pleased, knowing well that from good indications, joined with order and discipline, great military performances usually spring. As I profess to introduce as many young gentlemen as J possibly can into the service, and to exclude canaille as much as in me lies, I am ready to give all possible assistance to the young man you speak of. I shall be glad to see him in London, and will put him in a way of succeeding as he desires; but his relations should beware of sending him too soon into the world, and more especially as he has not some steady friend in London, by whose advice he may be guided, and by whose authority he may be led. A good education is the first thing to be thought of; after that, a profession suited to the inclinations or abilities of the young man. In the army, as well as in other professions, learning is absolutely necessary, and a year or two of improve- ment is better than one with the insignificant duty of the capital. You did not name the tutor in your letter. As to the Roman Catholic, if he is young and expresses a great desire to serve, I would overlook his mistake in point of faith. Maybe, by our good doctrine, life, and example, we may work his conversion ! One thing is certain, that we shall shake his present belief, whether we give him better and sounder notions or not. Yours affectionately, J. Wotre. The interest of the foregoing letter is in the allusion to Wolfe’s meeting with the patriotic and noble-hearted prince who afterwards became George III. Always taking a deep interest in the progress of the nation’s arms, the Prince had sent for the Colonel to come to Leicester Fields and give him a full account of Rochefort. In fact, Wolfe was getting to be a little sick of Rochefort, so many people there were wanting to know the exact story of that wretched business. But he could not but be sensible to the honour done him by the heir-apparent, who afterwards testified to his regret that fate had claimed him before he could shed lustre on his own reign. We to-day may ask ourselves what would have happened had Wolfe survived to be the protagonist of Washington in 346 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE America! How differently would the scroll of history be written ! The blunders of Gage and Howe and Clinton and Cornwallis would at least never have been perpetrated by Wolfe, to whom war was always war conducted with zeal, élan, and knowledge, no matter who the adversary. Wolfe’s eye was always upon America. His letters show that he recognized to the full as much as Pitt that yonder was the important theatre of operations—that there and not elsewhere the destinies of Europe must be fought out. And in America, where the French and English had been pitted against each other for months, the failure of the King’s army was hardly less conspicuous than it had been in Europe. The results, indeed, were far worse. At present the Earl of Loudoun was Commander-in-Chief in America, whither he had been sent the previous year. But Loudoun, on his arrival late in the summer, quickly showed that he was no dashing soldier. While he did nothing but garrison a few forts the French showed more initiative, and with their redskin allies kept up a fierce guerilla warfare all winter. Settlements were raided and burnt, English settlers were scalped or carried off. Moreover, the French in Canada were now under the direction of an able, experienced and sympathetic soldier, later ordained by destiny to be the great protagonist of the hero of these pages, Louis Joseph de St. Véran, Marquis de Montcalm. In the summer of 1757 Montcalm marched his troops towards Fort William Henry, which was the outpost of the Colonies towards Canada, and driving the British army under Webb before him, attacked and captured the stronghold. This success naturally put the French in high feather and correspondingly depressed the British in America. The latter everywhere began to feel that a victory was necessary to restore their prestige. The French power in America was intolerable, and must be annihilated. “In America,” wrote Pitt to his colleague, Newcastle, “ England and Europe were to be fought for.” To attempt this operation on a more extensive scale than it had ever been attempted was reserved for Chatham. He resolved to leave no stone un- turned that would achieve his end. Loudoun’s incapacity being manifest, that General was therefore recalled, and an entirely new scheme of campaign devised, as well as instruments to carry it out. In this scheme three objects were comprehended, the separate reduction of Fort du Quesne, Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and Louisbourg. The first two tasks were entrusted respectively to LOUISBOURG PLANNED 347 Brigadier Forbes, Loudoun’s successor, and to General Abercrombie. As to the third object, the nature of the undertaking made the choice of leaders far more difficult and important. Louisbourg must be regained. Upon this fortress, built 1720-30, it was the boast of the French that a million and a quarter sterling had been expended. It was regarded from its position on the island of Cape Breton as the key to the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the bulwark of Canada. Although supposed to be impregnable, yet it had been captured by a New England force in 1745, owing to the feebleness of the garrison; but three years later it had been restored to France, a proceeding much against the grain of popular opinion. The military force of 11,000 destined for Louisbourg was less than Abercrombie’s, but it was to be a naval as well as a military expedition. It must not prove another Rochefort. Moreover, if Louisbourg were taken with dispatch, the combined naval and military force was designed to move at once on Quebec. To Admiral Edward Boscawen the minister entrusted the naval part of the business with’ some confidence ; but he was resolved to have nothing to do with the titled incapables pressed upon him by the War Office authorities. In Colonel Jeffrey Amherst, late com- missary to the Hessian contingent in British pay, he believed he had an officer who would do his work. Under Amherst, forthwith created a Major-General, three brigadiers were appointed, Whit- more (Governor of Nova Scotia), Lawrence (commander of the New York contingent), and James Wolfe (at present a Brevet-Colonel). From Exeter the new Brigadier wrote. To nuts MorHer. Exeter, 7 Jan., 1757. Dear Mapam,—Part in chaise and part on horseback I got myself conveyed to this place yesterday by 2 o'clock; and this morning received a letter from London, that hurries me back to town. I set out to-morrow at 6 o'clock and shall hardly stop till I arrive at the great capital. Necessity obliged me to ride the same post horses for three and thirty miles, till we were all heartily tired; and till my skin was thoroughly laid bare— however with the help of cooling diachylum, I shall proceed with all dispatch, and give you the earliest notice of my journeys end. The taking of Breslau completes the ruin of the Austrian arms,” 1 Louisbourg, we have been reminded, was to French Canada what Port Arthur was lately to Russia in Eastern Asia. 2 Breslau had surrendered to Frederick on December 19, following upon the battle of Leuthen. 348 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE and before the month of June, I conclude that the French will be driven over the Rhine. My duty to my father. I hope I did not disturb your pretty neighbours—you will be so good to make my excuses for any little annoyance of that sort unavoidable, though I gave strict orders not to interrupt their sleep. Your affect. son, J. Wo.FE. To Mrs. Wotre, Bath. This reference to Mrs. Wolfe’s pretty neighbours is interesting in that one of them was none other than the beautiful and accom- plished Miss Katherine Lowther, sister of Sir James Lowther, afterwards first Earl of Lonsdale, a lady whose name will ever be linked with Wolfe’s own. Wolfe’s journey from Exeter to London was an almost record- breaking performance. The reason of his haste and an account of his journey he gives in his next letter. To wis FaTHER, London, 8¢h January, 1758. Dear Sir,—You won't expect to hear from me so soon, though you will not be much surprised at the celerity of my movements. Yesterday at five o’clock, I left Exeter, and was in town this day by one,—the distance 170 miles. I have seen nobody about business except Carleton, who informs me that things are going on. I met Amherst’s regiment upon the march towards Portsmouth ; the first division at Bagshot. It was pretty dark last night, and I was obliged to have lights all over Salisbury Plain. About midway our candle went out, and we seemed at a stand, when the provident Francois provided a tinder-box, struck a light, and we proceeded happily to our journey’s end. He offers his services to go along with me, which I am glad to accept of, and so my equippage stands complete. I was hurried from Exeter by a letter, intimating the sudden departure of our forces for North America. To- morrow will fix my affairs, and in a few days my baggage will begin to move. Prince Ferdinand retires before the French, who have passed the Aller in force. His friend Rickson had been for some time performing the duties of Deputy Quartermaster-General in Scotland and was very EVER READY TO SERVE 349 anxious to procure the regular appointment. The second paragraph of Wolfe's letter to him is in his most reckless vein. To Masor Rickson. Blackheath, 12th January, 1758. Dear Ricxson,— My services in this matter, and my credit with the reigning powers, are not worth your acceptance ; but such as they allow it to be, you are as welcome to as any living man. I can assure you that Davy [Watson] is double, and would shove you aside to make way for a tenth cousin: it becomes my Lord G. Beauclerk to confirm you in your office by asking and procuring a com- mission. If he is satisfied with your management, it is his duty to do it; these mealy chiefs give up their just rights, and with them their necessary authority. The Commander in Scotland is the fittest person to recommend, and the best judge of the merits of those that serve under him. Though to all appearance I am in the very centre of business, yet nobody (from the indolent inattention of my temper) knows less of what is going on where I myself am not concerned. The proceedings in Parliament, intrigues of the parties, and the management of public affairs, are as much unknown to me as the business of a divan or seraglio. I live amongst men without desiring to be acquainted with their concerns ; things have their ordinary course, and I pass on with the current unheeding. Being of the profession of arms, I would seek all occasions to serve, and therefore have thrown myself in the way of the American war ; though I know that the very passage threatens my life, and that my constitution must be utterly ruied and undone, and this from no motive either of avarice or ambition. I am, dear Rickson, etc., etc., J. Wotre. To us Moruer. Blackheath, 17th January, 1758. Dear Mapam,—I seldom have business enough to excuse my not writing to you, and now have as little as most men. The public affairs are pretty much fixed, and my private matters are so far advanced that I reckon to be ready at least as soon as the squadron, which will hardly be in a condition to be put to sea till the latter end of next week, or the beginning of the follow- ing one. The General's letter of credit has enabled me to pro- ceed vigorously, and the more so as my correspondent in Ireland 350 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE affects some delay, which, without the timely interposition of Mr. Fisher might prejudice or check my proceedings.!_ The two gentlemen with whom I transact business in that Kingdom, do not, I think, use me quite kindly, as one who has not neglected their interests might well expect ; but the members of a corrupt office are seldom free from the infection, and we are to look for such fruit as the soil and cultivation naturally produce. I don’t deserve so much consideration or concern as my father and you are so good as to express forme. He wishes rank for me; and you, my preservation. All I wish for myself is, that I may at all times be ready and firm to meet that fate we cannot shun, and to die gracefully and properly when the hour comes, now or hereafter. A small portion of the good things of this world will fully satisfy my utmost desire. I would not be tempted to set an unjust value upon life; nor would I wish to be thrown in the way of those trials which nature has not provided for. I mean that it would give me some concern to rise into a station that I knew myself unequal to. Upon recollection, it costs me dear to serve. £200 the last affair; £500 or £600 now; and an employment that I am about to resign, so that if we should miscarry, my condition will be desperate, and my finances exhausted. The ladies, too, will despise a beaten lover, so that every way I must be un- done. And yet I am run readily, heartily, and cheerfully into the road of ruin. If my thoughts could be greatly diverted from their present object, the youngest of your neighbours might rival my Lady Bath. My duty to the General. I wish you both all happiness. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. WoLre. It is evident that his thoughts are even now beginning to turn towards Miss Lowther, but Cupid with him always gives way to the behests of Mars. To Mason Wauter Wo tre. Blackheath, 21st January, 1758. Dear Sir,—Though I have no reason to love the seas, or to wish to be employed upon expeditions of any kind, since I do not enjoy one hour’s health from the moment I go on board till my return, and am not only disabled from all kinds of busi- ness, but suffer pain that cannot be expressed ; yet I readily 1 His pay as Quartermaster-General. MADE A BRIGADIER 351 engage in anything that is going on, for the sake of employ- ment, flattering myself that in time I shall be able to over- come it, though hitherto I have found no relief. Another motive, too, pushes me on, which is, the desire of seeing some favourable change in our affairs, and the ambition of contri- buting something towards it. This far outweighs all consider- ations of advantage to myself, and gives me patience to bear my sufferings at sea. The King has honoured me with the rank of Brigadier in America, which I cannot but consider as a peculiar mark of his Majesty’s favour and confidence, and I intend to do my best to deserve it. The squadron is almost ready to sail ; by the end of this month I reckon we shall get to sea. The reinforcements from England and Ireland consist of about five-or-six-and-twenty hundred men, two very good battalions we have, and the rest is Ja canaille from the second battalions upon this establishment. The regular forces in America amount already to upwards of 20,000 men, an army far over- matching the force of New France, and which undoubtedly should conquer Canada in two campaigns, if it was possible to subsist so great a corps together. You know in what a handsome manner the Duke of Bed- ford had offered me the employment of Quartermaster-General of Ireland. The handsomest thing I can do in return is to resign it, not being able to give that attention to it which the Duke had reason to expect, and had a right to expect from me. Accordingly I shall resign that appointment into the hands from whence I had it, and trust to Fortune for future provision. She is no great friend to the family, but has distinguished me at times by her smiles and favours; so encouraged, I put myself entirely in her power. I am totally ignorant of the state of our private concerns here, and have taken no precautions in case any accident should happen in my absence. I trust you will give the best advice to my mother, and such assistance, if it should be wanted, as the distance between you will permit. I mention this as the General seems to decline apace, and narrowly escaped being carried off in the spring; and that proceeding from a cause which still subsists and will in time work its natural effects,—I mean his excessive indolence and inactivity. On my mother’s side there is no friendship or connection, nor do I know anybody to whom she can apply but yourself. She, poor woman, is ina poor state of health, and needs the care of 352 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE some friendly hand to prop up the tottering fabric. She has long and painful fits of illness, which, by succession and inheritance, are likely to devolve on me, since I feel the early symptoms of them. I wish you health and peace. I am, dear Sir, etc., etc., J. WoLrFE. Five days after the date of this letter Wolfe resigned his Irish appointment. He could not, he said, in his letter to Bedford, give sufficient attention to the duties now that the King had been pleased to allow him to serve in America.? To tHe Duxe or Beprorp. London, January 26th, 1758. My Lorp,—The manner in which your Grace honoured me with the employment of Quartermaster-General of Ireland, would have engaged me to make the best of my power, in that my duty and inclinations went heartily together, and should have been happy in every opportunity of paying the readiest obedience to your Grace’s commands; but, as his Majesty has been pleased to allow me to serve him in America, I think it right to resign my employment in Ireland into your Grace’s hands, from whom I received it; and to whom I shall upon that, and upon many other accounts, always look upon myself to be highly indebted and obliged. It is a mortification to have been so long in that office, and so useless, and the more especially as under your Grace’s government such reformations are more likely to be brought about, which are most necessary. Every occasion of paying my respects to your Grace and of acknowledging with gratitude the favour and honour you have done me, will be most readily embraced by me. I beg to be permitted to offer your Grace my sincerest wishes for your health, and to assure your Grace that I have the honour to be, .etc., etc., James WotrFe.? Although one of Mrs. Wolfe’s nephews, a son of Tindal Thompson, had not reflected much credit upon the family, his aunt was nevertheless anxious to have him enter the army through her husband’s or her son’s influence. But Wolfe could never overlook 1 Wolfe’s commission as Brigadier-General is dated ‘“ St. James’s, 28rd January, 1758,” and is countersigned ‘“‘ W. Pitt.” 2 Bedford Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 319. JAMES WOLFE From the portrait painted by Gainsborough for Miss Lowther, and now in the possession og Mrs. Horace Pym, Brasted, Kent CARLETON REJECTED 353 weakness or meanness of character even in his relations. In a letter to his mother he uses some pretty plain speaking, for which he was certain of sharp rebuke. To wis Moruer. January 25th, 1758. Dear Mapam,—You cannot doubt my readiness to oblige you in anything that is of immediate concern to yourself; but you must not put me upon actions that I should blush to engage in, and that my uncle should blush to ask. I never can recommend any but a gentleman to serve with gentlemen. There is little prospect of a low dog’s doing any shining act. When such a thing does happen a regard is due to merit; so unexpected courage alone is no sort of recommendation to put a private soldier upon the footing of an officer. I don’t apprehend that Mr. Thompson addresses himself to me, or that he has any just right to expect that I should interest myself in behalf of an idle vagabond ; for such he must be, by the expression of his letter. I will write a civil letter to my uncle, which may serve as an apology for the General and myself. I shall pay every shilling that I owe upon the whole earth, and shall leave all the receipts with Miss Brett, directed for you ; so that the only running open account is Mr. Fisher's, and that, I believe, if my Irish remittances come in time, will not go very deep. Of late, no thought of matrimony ; I have no objection to it, but differ much from the general opinion about it. The greatest consideration with me is the woman, her education and temper. Rank and fortune never come into any competitino with the person. Any bargain on that affair is base and mean. I could not with any satisfaction consider my children as the produce of such an unnatural union. I shall set out for Ports- mouth in four or five days. The King has refused Carleton leave to go, to my very great grief and disappointment, and with circumstances extremely unpleasant to him. Lord Fitzmaurice asked to serve the campaign in North America. His Majesty did not absolutely refuse it, but spoke handsomely, and put it upon the footing of service nearer home. I am, dear Madam, etc., J. WoLre. Wolfe had been very keen on having his friend Carleton accompany him. The other friend he mentions, Lord Fitzmaurice, then a lieutenant of twenty-one, became, three years later, Earl of AA 354 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Shelburne, and was afterwards Prime Minister and the first Marquess of Lansdowne. A few days further elapsed and the new Brigadier had got his outfit together in London and set out for Portsmouth. There he found a letter awaiting him from his mother, upbraiding him in measured terms for his harsh expressions concerning young Thompson. To uis Moruer. Portsmouth, lst February, 1758. Dear Mapam,—I take nothing ill from you, nor from any- body, that is not meant as ill. What I said upon my uncle Tin’s letter arises from the frankness of my temper. When I have good reasons I don’t conceal them. It is a public loss Carleton’s not going. Prejudices against particular people often hurt the common cause. Misrepresentations, falsities, injustice, are too frequent to create any degree of surprise. Princes, of all people, see the least into the true characters of men. I came here this morning, two or three days sooner than was necessary ; but a man in London, upon the point of his departure, leads a weary life, so I was glad to get out of town. The transports, with Amherst’s regiment and those for Ireland, are supposed to have got out of the channel, and ’tis well, for the wind, as it blows here, would otherwise force them back again. Our hero could hardly leave England without anxiety for his parents. His father was now approaching his seventy-fourth year and rapidly failing, and his mother’s health was much affected. With these feelings of solicitude again he writes to his earliest and still his warmest friend, George Warde, now major of a troop of cavalry stationed at Winton.1 To Masor Grorcrk WarDE. London, 1 Feb., 1758. My pear Masor,—As the time of my sojourning in North America is uncertain, accidents may happen in the family that may throw my little affairs into disorder, unless some kind friend will take the trouble to inspect into them. Carleton is so good as to say he will give what help is in his power. May I ask the same favour of you, my oldest friend, in whose worth and integ- 1 It is much to be regretted that the correspondence between General Warde and Wolfe was never preserved, save in a few cases, as it must have been voluminous. EVE OF DEPARTURE 355 rity I put entire confidence. I believe there should have been some powers drawn out and some formality in this business all which I am a stranger to, but I am no stranger to the good will and honour of the two persons to whom I recommend my con- cerns. I wish you much health and prosperity and am, my dear Major, Your faithful and affectionate servant, Jam: WoLrFE, At this time Lord George Sackville was Master-General of the Ordnance. The friendly relations of Wolfe with his old Colonel in the Twentieth continued, gathering even strength with years. Wolfe was not to live to hear of how by inexplicable conduct on the field of Minden he inflicted upon his reputation a terrible dis- grace, which in his friend’s eyes would have been unpardonable, but which he himself lived to retrieve. Wolfe and Lord George corresponded freely, and having time on his hands at Portsmouth the Brigadier indited a long letter, in which breathes absolute confidence in the success of the project upon wh:ch he is about to embark. From the first passage in the letter it would seem that Sackville had hinted that Wolfe had a chance of so distinguishing himself as to earn the chief command in an expedition against the capital of New France. Portsmouth, 7th February, 1758. My Lorp,—If I had any constitution to spare, I should certainly desire to succeed Monsieur de Vandreuil in the Govern- ment of Canada; but I can’t trust to it. Your lordship must let me put you in mind that one campaign in North America is as much as I can afford, though I hope to have mettle enough left for the siege of St. Philip’s, or for a stroke in the bottom of the Bay of Biscay!! Any long absence at this time would reduce me and my affairs to the lowest ebb. I can’t help wishing that Louisbourg should be totally demolished, and all the inhabitants of those islands sent to Europe. It is said that the French were thirty years in putting that fortress into any tolerable condition of defence ; we shall reduce them by other attacks to make peace with us, and to restore the Island of Minorca. I should think it possible to shelter the island at the entrance of the harbour in such a manner with mines, as to make it very difficult to raise any batteries there for the time to come. If indeed we think 1 A reference to Minorca and Rochefort, AA2 356 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Louisbourg worth Minorca, and resolve to keep it,—that’s another affair ! It is of consequence, my Lord, not to confine the Admirals and Generals too much as to the number of men to land with; five or six thousand men are sufficient for the preparations ; it is of vast importance to get on shore before the fogs come on, and still more not to lose time. Amherst should inform himself of the rates established for works done at a seige. He will tell your Lordship his opinion of Carleton, by which you will probably be better convinced of our loss. I shall begin to write to your Lordship the day we sail, and continue writing until the end of the campaign. Whatever occurs worth your notice shall be transmitted to you; and when you have a leisure half-hour in the country, I shall beg the honour of a letter from your Lordship. If you seriously intend to attack the French in Europe, remem- ber that boats should be procured to land at least 4000 men at a time, and sloops and cutters that may carry as many more close in shore, or upon occasion run aground to land them. Some small flat or round-bottomed vessels, carrying four to six heavy cannon, and boats fitted up with swivel guns or light field-pieces, will be found most useful in landing and bringing off the troops, and in all attacks upon small forts situated near the water. It is believed that the transports for Anstruther’s regiment have got round to Cork. There has been a most unaccountable delay in regard to the East India ships ; they are like to be six months longer in India, or more, from those delays. Our squadron is all at Spithead, except the “Lancaster,” and that ship is ready to go out of the harbour. The naval preparations at this port are pretty expeditious ; but those great ships take more time to fit out than is commonly believed. The East India people here assure me that the loss of Chandernagore is a mortal blow to the French commerce, and that they will hardly be able to subsist at Pondi- cherry, because their provisions come chiefly from the Ganges. IT hope Mons. Lally will not get in time to repair the damages done by our fleet before our own reinforcements arrive. Here is an officer of Amherst’s with some sergeants and recruits, to the number of forty-three persons ; three more officers are expected to-night. I shall apply to Mr. Boscawen for their passage. Iam told that not one soldier of Amherst’s regiment deserted upon this occasion ; they want 160 men to complete. Mr. Boscawen gave directions to embark them in the most commodious manner. “OUR GREAT MASTER” 357 The condition of the troops that compose this garrison (or rather vagabonds that stroll about in dirty red clothes from one gin-shop to another) exceeds all belief. There is not the least shaddow of discipline, care, or attention. Disorderly soldiers of different regiments are collected here; some from the ships, others from the hospital, some waiting to embark—dirty, drunken, insolent rascals, improved by the hellish nature of the place, where every kind of corruption, immorality, and looseness is carried to excess ; it is a sink of the lowest and most abomin- able of vices. Your Lordship could not do better than to get the company of Artillery moved out of this infernal den, where troops ought never to be quartered. Give me leave to observe two or three things to your Lord- ship in relation to our last new exercise. The side-step has been introduced by mistake, I imagine, instead of the oblique step; one is as absurd as the other is useful. Wheeling by divisions to the right or left may be called a principle of motion ; this excellent evolution is abolished, and the ridiculous wheel upon the centre introduced in its place. The ranks are opened to a very inconvenient distance for no reason that I can conceive, unless to double the ranks by the side-step with more ease. Here one absurdity has produced another. Practising the platoon firing with the ranks open, as front ranks, as centre ranks, etc., is all nonsense; every soldier should be trained to fire in each rank, and obliquely. A company or battalion should as readily fire to the rear as to the front, and this they acquire in learning the platoon exercise,—that is, they should be so taught. When soldiers are the masters of the use of their fire- arms and of their bayonets, the next great object is their marching in battalion, as your Lordship knows full well. For this, no good instructions have ever been given in my time, nor any principles laid down by which we might be guided. Hence the variety of steps in our infantry, and the feebleness and disorderly floating of our lines. General Drury, I think, has the merit of the late inventions; ’tis unlucky, however, that our great master in the art of war, Frederick of Prussia, was not preferred upon this occasion. He has made the exercise simple and useful ; we cannot choose so good a model. I am credibly informed that at a council of war held at Calcutta, after the recovery of that settlement, Captain Speke was single for the attack of Chandernagore, declaring that nothing was done, nor could there be any security till that settlement 358 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE was destroyed ; and by persevering in his opinion, the rest were brought at length to agree to the enterprise. This I believe is a fact that may be depended upon. Your Lordship has taken Beckwith, Maxwell, and the 20th regiment—your old battalion—under your immediate protection, and they cannot be better; but I have another friend to recommend to you as a very deserving and a very active officer, —Captain Rickson,—who is doing duty as Deputy Quarter- master-General of Scotland. He wishes to be confirmed in his office by commission, as usual, and as it ought to have been long ago, if (as I believe) some bye-views and artifices had not pre- vented it. That employment has usually the rank of Lieutenant- Colonel annexed to it, which Rickson may pretend to in point ot merit with almost any man in the service. Your Lordship, I think, is persuaded that I never did, nor ever will, undertake to establish any man in your good opinion but from a thorough conviction that he deserves your esteem. We expect Mr. Boscawen every hour, and people think that he will not wait for a fair wind, but endeavour to beat down the Channel if the weather is moderate, so that we are likely to be soon under way. I wish your Lordship much health, and have the honour to be, with great respect, my Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient and most humble servant, J. Wotre. PS.—Tuesday afternoon.—Our Admiral is arrived, and is in haste to sail. I wish the voyage was over and that we struck soundings upon the Banks. ‘Take care to reinforce the fleet if it be necessary; don’t let us be beat. Barré, who knows Whitmore better than anybody, assures me that he has no health nor constitution for such business as we are going upon ; he never was a soldier, but otherwise, a very worthy gentleman. I pray you beware how you employ him near the top; this pre- vented, we may jog on tollerably. Here is a lieutenant of Foot going with Draper! to the East Indies, who would be a most valuable man to Amherst. He seems to understand the war in America well, and speaks of it clearly and judiciously. Alas! there are but few such men, and those too often neglected. He has been at Montreal and Quebec, and has navigated down the river St. Lawrence. If I commanded in America, I would give 1 Lieutenant-Colonel (afterwards Sir) William Draper, K.B., who captured Manila and defied ‘ Junius.” WRITES AN OLD FRIEND 359 him a company and £500 to go with me,—a modest, sensible, manly young officer. His name is Cheshire. I hope your Lordship will be the patron and protector of every deserving man of our profession. The Barré of the foregoing was destined to earn great dis- tinction as a political character, although perhaps not altogether in the manner Wolfe, as a patriotic Englishman, would approve. As Colonel Isaac Barré, M.P., he came to be the opponent of the King and Lord North and the upholder of the American Revo- lution. Albeit, Barré never forgot that his first real patron was not Shelburne or Burke, but that “ noble-hearted soldier, James Wolfe.” To Masor Grorck Warbe. Portsmouth, February 11th, 1758. Dear Masor,—Though I thank you for the assurances con- tained in your letter, yet I needed not that proof to be secure of your kind offices to an absent friend. I don’t even make you an. apology for the trouble it may give you, because, from a consciousness of a readiness on my side to engage warmly in your interest, there is not a doubt of your inclinations to forward mine. If my father should die in my absence, I desire that you and Carleton will let my mother know that, jointly with her, you are empowered to transact my business, as the enclosed letter of attorney sets forth ; and if you will assist her with your good counsel, I shall think of it with satisfaction, and acknow- ledge it with more gratitude than anything done to myself, though of every mark and testimony of your kindness not at all insensible. I knew you were in town, and that you had called, but not remembering where you lodged, I was obliged to come away without seeing you. We may live to meet ; and to find you well and happy will be one very sincere pleasure at my return. I shall collect all the particulars of our campaign for your amuse- ment. I wish you all manner of good, and am, my dear Major, Your faithful and affectionate servant, Jam. WOLFE. To Mason Warps, at the White Hart, Winton. On the same day he wrote to Lord George Sackville the follow- ing further interesting letter. The Carden he mentions was eighteen years later sent by Carleton, then Governor of Canada, to dislodge the American rebel, Ethan Allen, from Long Point, near Montreal. He succeeded, but at the cost of his life, September 24, 1775." 1 Bradley : Lord Dorchester, p 88. 360 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To Lorp GrorcE SACKVILLE. Portsmouth, February 11th, 1758. My Lorp,—Carden the American has a great deal of merit, but wants bread to eat. He is an excellent fellow for the woods ; I am sure of my intelligence and therefore wish the field mareschal wou’d give him leave to serve the campaign with us, as he himself desired—5 or 6 shillings a day for the campaign (till other provision can be made) wou'd satisfy him fully. If this is thought too high a price for his services I am ready to find him in food and shelter at my own expense. Hotham has a letter from Murray recommending him in the strongest manner upon former acquaintance in war. My information regards some later acts of his upon which I venture to present him to your lordship and to the public as a good servant and a brave soldier, and beg he may be sent to us or after us. He is bold, circumspect, and more artful than his appearance bespeaks—has experience in the method of the American war beyond anybody that I can hear off; I hope we shan’t lose such a subject so particularly adapted to this kind of work. I am at more trouble to find out proper people to forward the service than almost anybody, and succeed so ill when I have found ’em that I am discouraged from proceeding in my discoveries. Carden was Lieut. of Shirley’s or Pepperells, I know not which, and has but one threadbare uniform to cover an indefatigable body spurred on to action by a daring mind. Death, wounds, sickness, and a necessary garrison, will diminish our numbers. I give 3,000 men for these different articles. Would it not be a wise measure to send a reinforce- ment of a good old battalion of 900 men to join us about the middle of June? With such an increase of strength, we might undertake the great object, at least I see no reason at this distance to hinder it. Of the 800 men drawn from the second battalion under major Hardy’s command I can venture to say that we shan’t land 400, but the mischief they will do in the fleet by introducing diseases amongst them is still more to be apprehended. No nation in the world but this sends soldiers to war without discipline or instructions. Iam, my Lord, etc., etc., J. Wotre. PS.—The wind labours hard against us. Adam Livingstone of the Scottish Fusiliers, and Delaune of Kingsley’s, are formed by nature for the American war. EKEMBARKS FOR CAPE BRETON 361 He also penned an epistle to Bath— To nuts Moruer. Portsmouth, February 11th, 1758. Dear Mapam,—When any matter of importance to a country is resolved on, the sooner it is carried into execution the better. Delays are not only productive of bad consequences, but are very tiresome and very inconvenient, as every unhappy person, whose lot it is to be confined for any length of time to this place, can certify. The want of company and of amusement can be supplied with book and exercise, but the necessity of living in the midst of the diabolical citizens of Portsmouth is a real and unavoidable calamity. It is a doubt to me if there is such another collection of demons upon the whole earth. Vice, how- ever, wears so ugly a garb, that it disgusts rather than tempts. The weather begins to be more moderate than it has been for some days past, and I fancy we shall go on board this afternoon, to be ready to get under sail with the first favourable turn of the wind. I should be glad if we were at sea, though I have no very agreeable prospect before me ; however, I hope to overcome it, and if not, have a mind strong enough to endure that, and still severer trials, if there are any more severe. I heartily wish you all the benefit that you yourself can hope for from the Bath. The General will be kind enough to put up with some inconvenience for your sake. I beg my duty to him, and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate Son, Jam. WotFE. PS.—You shall hear from me by all the opportunities that offer. On the day following Wolfe embarked. As usual there was a hanging about the Channel for a week. To uis FatTuer. “Princess Amelia,” St. Helens, 18¢h Feb., 1758. Dear Sir,—Our Captain sends me word that a boat is just going ashore, and that I have time to write three or four lines. Mr. Boscawen, impatient to get out to sea, left Spithead the 15th, and brought his squadron here to be ready for the first favourable change of wind, which has blown for some days directly against us, and with great violence. The weather is now mild, and the moon old enough to light us in the night, but our mariners see no immediate prospect of sailing. We are 362 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE extremely well in this ship, have great room, and much kindness and civility from the commanders, and hitherto the motion has not had any very great effect upon me. I am, dear Sir, J. Wotre. To us Fatuer. Plymouth Sound, 22nd February. Dear Sir,—Some very bad weather, and the appearance of still worse, forced Mr. Boscawen to anchor in this place,—a berth that the mariners are not very fond of. The wind blew violently yesterday in the afternoon and good part of the night, so as to try our anchors and cables a little; but tis now calm, and promises to be fair. You may believe that I have passed my time disagreeably enough in this rough weather; at best, the life, you know, is not pleasant. We left the “ Invincible” upon a sand, and believe she is lost: the finest ship of that rate (74 guns) in the Navy, well manned and well commanded.! By what fatal accident this happened we cannot guess. ‘lhe boat waits for my letter, so I will only add my best wishes for your health and my mother’s. I am, dear Sir, etc., J. Wotre. Boscawen’s delay, however, was nothing to Amherst’s, who was not ready to embark until the middle of March, when he set out from Spithead in Captain Rodney’s Dublin. We shall see that he did not arrive at Halifax until Boscawen, having been there ten days, was actually leaving that port. 1 This fine ship was wrecked at St. Helens on the 18th. No lives were lost. XVI THE CONQUEST OF LOUISBOURG On May 9, 1758, Boscawen’s flagship entered Halifax harbour with two and a half battalions of the Philadelphia contingent, which he picked up at sea. He found that Lawrence had three other English battalions, but Whitmore and the Irish regiment were not yet arrived. Boscawen instantly wrote to Chatham that though he was disappointed as to numbers, he had enough to establish a preliminary footing on Cape Breton, in accordance with the minister’s instructions. After a couple of days ashore, at what is to-day the capital of the Canadian province of Nova Scotia, Wolfe, in conformity with his promise to keep his friend Sackville completely aw courant with affairs as he found them, wrote !— To Lorp Grorce SaAckvILLz. Halifax, May 12th, 1758. My Lorp,—From Christopher Columbus’ time to our days there perhaps has never been a more extraordinary voyage. ‘The continual opposition of contrary winds, calms, or currents, baffled all our skill and wore out all our patience. A fleet of men of war well manned, unincumbered with transports, commanded by an officer of the first reputation, has been eleven weeks in its passage. We made the Madeira Islands, the Canaries, Bermudas, and lastly to crown all the Isle of Sable. Two or three of the ships are sickly, the rest are in very good condition. The Admiral, who has omitted no care of precaution to advance the service, is labouring to fit the fleet for the sea with all possible despatch. We found Amherst’s Regiment in the harbour in fine order and healthy. Fraser’s and Brigadier Lawrence’s Battalions were here, and both in good condition. The Highlanders are very useful serviceable soldiers, and commanded by the most manly corps of officers I ever saw. Webb's, Otway’s, and part of Monckton’s battalions from Philadelphia came in with us. The detachments from this garrison are not joined, so that these 1 Wright says “he was not able to resume his pen for some days,” indeed, until the 19th. The existence of this letter was then unknown. 363 364 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE battalions are very weak, scarce exceeding 300 men a regiment. About 500 Rangers are come, which to appearance are little better than canaille. Brigadier Whitmore is expected every day with the artillery and troops from New York and Boston, Bragg’s from the bay of Fundy, and Anstruther’s from Ireland. A great quantity of facines and gabions are made and other preparations of that sort, and a kind of small wooden fort (that takes to pieces), to secure our communications, instead of redoubts, which it seems the ground does not admit of. I have recom- mended a provision of palisades that the troops may lie quiet in their camps and to fortify our different magazines. We are to expect opposition at our landing. It is supposed they have about 1,500 irregulars, and that their garrison is augmented because seven ships (three of which are said to be men of war of two decks) have got into the harbour. The battalions are in general healthy, and I dare say will do their duty well. They are irritated against the enemy and have a quarrel of their own to decide besides the public cause. As I foresaw long ago we shall find work to do. We are preparing a body of Light Foot to join to the Rangers, and I believe the whole will be put under the command of Captain Scott (Major of Brigade), who is an active officer and used to that kind of war. Captain Raess came in yesterday from Sir C. Hardy’s squadron off Louisbourg. They have had the severest weather imaginable, and the snow is still upon the ground of Cape Breton, though here the weather is fair and dry and warm. We don’t entertain a right notion of LIsle Royale in England; it is not possible to encamp there early in the year and to preserve the army. I wouldn’t be under- stood by that to mean that we are prevented by the season at this time. We only await the arrival of Brigadier Whitmore and the equipment of the squadron to set sail, and certainly we shall struggle against all difficulties and push the affair with vigour. As I told your lordship we will put your cannon in proof. PS.—General Hopson delivers over the command of the troops this day to Brigadier Lawrence. On May 19 there is a letter addressed to his Uncle Walter, but the substance of it is identical with the one written on the following day to his father. OPINION OF HALIFAX 365 Yo wis Farner. Halifax, 20th May, 1758. Dear S1r,—General Hopson does me the favour to carry this letter. The King has thought proper to recall him, on account, I suppose, of his age, with which, and the assurance given him of a good reception at home, he is well pleased.1_ Our fleet and army have gathered together from many different places without any material accident. Sir Charles Hardy has been cruising off Louisbourg ever since the 2nd or 3rd of April, or thereabouts ; but, notwithstanding Sir Charles’s vigilance and activity, the French have contrived to get in three or four men of war, and as many small ships. Others intended for the port, laden with stores and provisions, have been taken by our squadron. We shall be ready to sail in four or five days. Mr. Boscawen has been indefatigable on his side, and we have not been idle. Our army consists of fourteen regiments, and our fleet of about twenty sail of the line, and I believe, as many frigates. Our General is not yet arrived, but we shall proceed without him. When the army is landed, the business is half done; and I hope it will be all done before you receive this letter. The troops are very healthy, and so are most of the ships ; four or five are otherwise, and so will the French fleet be if they come upon this coast. You will hear it said in England that Mr. Abercrombie has an army of 7000 regulars and 20,000 provincials. Of this last account you may deduct one-half, and depend upon it that the remaining 10,000 are not good for much. Lord Howe is in high esteem with the troops in Albany. You may expect to hear of some handsome performances of his. The nature of the war there requires all his abilities, spirit, and address. ‘The harbour of Halifax is a most excellent port, and of infinite consequence to us, both from its situation and goodness. If you saw in what manner it is fortified, you would hardly think that we judge it worth our care. There are guns indeed in different spots, but so exposed from behind, that the batteries would soon be abandoned. I wish you and my mother a great deal of health, and am, dear Sir, Your most affectionate Son, Jam. WoLreE. In the letter to Major Walter Wolfe there occurs, however, a most 1 Hopson died the following year. 366 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE characteristic passage. After saying that the French have managed to get a small number of ships into Louisbourg, he added: “If they had thrown in twice as much we should not hesitate to attack them; and for my part, I have no doubt of our success. If the French fleet comes upon this coast, the campaign will I hope be decisive.” Time still dragged, and the indefatigable letter-writer again puts pen to paper. To Lorp GzorcE SackVILLE. Halifax, May 24th, 1758. My Lorp,—The latter end of May and the fleet not sailed ! What are they about ? Why are they not landed at Louisbourg ? The troops have been all embarked these three or four days (except Bragg’s and two hundred men from Lunenburg, who we sup- pose to be at hand), but the war ships are not quite ready, and, if they were, the wind, rain, and fog of this last week would have kept us here. The Admiral means to sail with the first air breeze and leave some of the ships of war to follow. He has reinforced Sir Charles Hardy with the Royal William and Prince Frederick and is impatient to be gone. The enemy we are told has entrenched the shoar of the bay of Gabarus and has planted his artillery upon the beach thereof. If we find him strong in that part, we must try him at a greater distance, and where perhaps he is less prepared. Our present notions are to land 8000 men at Miré and march towards Gabarus, attack at the same time the further L’Orembeck and La Balleine, get footing in one or other of those little harbours, land a considerable body and march to the nether L’Orembeck which is not above a mile from the end of the North East Harbour. A small body of men (by way of diversion) are likewise to be detached to the bottom of Gabarus Bay, there land and entrench themselves. While these operations are carrying on the Admiral threatens them at the harbour’s mouth and the gros of his squadron and makes all possible show of attack with the rest of that part of the Bay of Gabarus where the Americans landed. If neither of these succeed we must fall upon some other method for we must get on shoar or perish altogether in the attempt. It will be my part to command the body that goes round to Miré (3 battalions of the Light Foot). Monckton has L’Orembeck with two battalions, and Lawrence manages the rest. Nothing, however, is yet REPORTS TO SACKVILLE 367 fixed upon or can be fixed till we sce the object, and perhaps General Amherst may arrive in the meanwhile time enough to improve the present plan. When the troops, &c. are landed we shall possess the Light House Point, cannonade and bombard the Island Battery and destroy the shipping; then we proceed to open the trenches, and I should imagine the attack will be directed against the Bastion Dauphin for reasons that the Engineers will give your lordship hereafter. General Aber- crombie has withheld the haut-vitzers that were at New York amongst the stores intended for the siege of Louisbourg last year, and comprehended in the preparations of this year by which we shall be great sufferers. I hope Mr. Abercrombie has sufficient reasons to give for depriving us of so essential an article. We ought to have had a dozen of the largest sort for this business. I am told, too, that his Excellency had a great mind to keep the tools, in which case there was an end of the siege of Louisbourg altogether, and I believe it will now be found that we have not one pick axe too many. As here are no spare arms, nor no rifled barrel guns, the firelocks of these regiments will be so injured in the course of the siege that I doubt if they will be in any condition of service after it is over. Some of them are already very bad. Upon enquiry into the affairs of this country it appears evidently that the two principal posts and frontiers indeed of America are Halifax and Oswego, one of which we have already lost, and the other we must lose in 12 hours whenever it is attacked. This is a most excellent harbour, is situated happily for the protection of our fishery and the interruption of the enemy’s and for the annoyance of their navigation up the river St. Lawrence. The position of Oswego manifests its great utility. You secure an interest with the Indians and awe them; share the furr trade with the French; make war upon their colony from thence with great ease, cut off the communication with the Ohio by a squadron of armed vessels upon the lake, and, by obliging them to defend themselves at home, prevent the bloody ravages made upon the frontiers of our colonies. Hitherto there has been the most profound ignorance of the nature of the war upon this continent and several abuses in regard to the troops. Lord Howe will remedy the first if he outlives this campaign, and it belongs to your lordship to do the rest. ‘The army is undone and ruined by the constant use of salt meat and rum. They might often be provided with fresh meat as cheap as the other, 368 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE and by stopping 2d or 3d a day for their provisions they would have no more left than was of use to them, and the extravagance hitherto unknown of furnishing an army with provisions without making them contribute a part of their pay towards it, would be at an end. The women, too, can very well afford by their industry to pay 2d a day for their provisions ; the idle ones that cannot are better away. The men’s necessaries indeed are at a higher price in America than in Europe, but still in time of war they can afford 2d a day for provisions, and in time of peace 3d. ; the same at sea and at Gibraltar, which would be a considerable saving and a very considerable one to the public. Work done by the soldiers for his Majesty’s service is paid at a most exorbitant rate. We are indebted to Mr. Knowles for this piece of economy. Besides their provisions and their pay, the soldiers had a shilling a day for working at the fortifications of Louisbourg while he was governor of the town, and which has been continued in this province ever since. Some of the regiments of this army have 3 or 400 men eaten up with scurvy. All of them that are wounded or hurt by any accident run great risk of their lives from the corrupted state of the blood, so your lordship may rest assured that the enterprise of Louisbourg will cost a multitude of men, as contemptuously as the Marshal! treated that subject. There is not an ounce of fresh beef or mutton contracted for even for the sick and wounded, which besides the inhumanity is both impolitic and absurd. Mr. Boscawen, indeed, has taken the best precau- tions in his power by ordering 600 head of live cattle for the fleet and army the moment he arrived. The curious part of this barbarity is that the scoundrels of contractors can afford the fresh meat in many places and circumstances as cheap as the salt. I think our stock for the siege full little, and none of the medi- cines for the hospitals are arrived. No horses or oxen for the artillery, &c. Too much money and too much rum necessarily affect the discipline of an army. We have glaring evidence of their ill consequences every moment. Sergeants drunk upon duty, two sentries upon their posts and the rest wallowing in the dirt. I believe no nation ever paid so many bad soldiers at so high a rate. My Lord Loudoun, whose management in the conduct of affairs is by no means admired, did adhere so literally and strictly 1 Lord Ligonier. AMERICAN CONDITIONS 369 to the one—two and the firings by the impracticable chequer, &c., that these regiments must necessarily be cut off one after another unless they fall into some method more suited to the country and to the kind of enemy they have to deal with. I expect to be attacked upon the march by the Mickmacs, Abenaquis and Canadians. I have made the best preparations in my power (and that the time permits), to beat ’em off; but I can’t be sure that we shan’t presently run into confusion and be very ill-treated, altho’ I have with me some of the best of our battalions. Our clothes, our arms, our accoutrements, nay even our shoes and stockings are all improper for this country. Lord Howe is so well convinced of it that he has taken away all the men’s breeches. There are in America three or four excellent men in their way. Bradstreet for the battues and for expeditions is an extraordinary man; Rogers is an excellent partisan for 2 or 300 men, and young Clarke under my Lord Howe, whom nature has formed for the war of this country, and will make a good figure as an engineer for the field. One of the engineers, Green, is sick upon the continent and instead of Matt. Clarke and Gordon, who I suppose were far off, we have got two boys, Montrésor and Williamson, and to make up the 300 artillery we must carry off all that are here. Among the officers of the infantry we have picked six or seven assistant engineers, enough to make out three brigades, six in each, besides the active Bastide and Major Mackellar. Delaune and Carden would be more useful here than can be conceived. We want just two such men to throw into the light infantry, and we want grave Carleton for every purpose of the war. Anstruther’s regiment is sickly, and two or three of the ships are in so terrible a condition that they are hardly fit for sea. I am told that a certain Lieutenant-Colonel of this army drew up a kind of representation and gave it to Colonel Monro (signed by others I suppose as well as himself) setting forth the condition of Fort William Henry; how incapable it was of further resistance, and giving it as their opinion that Colonel Munro had made a very good defence and might with honour capitulate, &c., &c. But Cunninghame can tell you more of the matter. Iam, my Lord, etc., etc, J. Wore. BB 370 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE While the great fleet rested in Halifax harbour waiting for General Amherst’s arrival, Boscawen held supreme command of the combined force, which was soon reinforced by Whitmore’s arrival and the Irish regiment. Lawrence, Wolfe and Boscawen met in council and decided to proceed to Cape Breton without waiting longer for the tardy Amherst. They got to sea on May 28, and met Rodney’s ship, with Amherst on board, coming in, much to the general satisfaction. The force of which General Amherst now assumed command numbered fourteen battalions of infantry, 500 Rangers, and a de- tachment of Royal artillery, altogether an army of nearly 12,000 men. There was probably a similar number of marines and seamen in the fleet of more than 150 ships. Such was the pre- ponderating strength of armament descending to crush Louisbourg, blotting the fortress from the face of the earth. Louisbourg, situated on a rugged promontory south-west of the harbour, was some two miles in circumference. The houses were built of stone, the streets broad and regular, with a spacious parade adjoining the citadel. Facing the parade was the church and Governor’s house; opposite were the barracks, where, being sup- posed bomb-proof, the women and children took refuge, until the shells began to make havoc of the building. At one end of the harbour was an excellent wharf, and on the opposite side were fish- drying stages sufficient to accommodate the product of 2000 fishing- boats. In the minds of most of the officers and men little doubt was expressed as to the ability of the combined force to succeed in their object, in spite of the reinforcements which, eluding Hardy’s squadron, had got into Louisbourg harbour. The question was, would Louisbourg be taken in time to push on to Quebec? That would remain to be seen. The fleet came in view of the town on June 2nd. Notwith- standing his sea-sickness, for there was a high sea running, Wolfe accompanied Amherst and Lawrence in a boat, to reconnoitre the coast. In council, before Amherst had arrived, Wolfe had already pro- duced his plan for the impending operations. He was to land with three battalions of light infantry in Miré Bay, ten miles northward from Louisbourg, and march towards Gabarus Bay to capture the French landing-place there. In this exploit he was to be seconded by Monckton, who, landing on the opposite side of the peninsula, would march overland to his support. Meanwhile, two separate diversions were to be made by Boscawen and Lawrence, so PLAN OF THE SIEGE 371 hat the enemy would be utterly confused as to the precise point f the chief attack, and thereby divide fatally their defence. (3 \ py” ~ ~ ye } ¥ 5 ' © i || on ( a = < Leary i! 3 Gq g S = Timi % p oe /), g 5 aCe 8 I |, “geagl 2 ° ~ > & ? / < Hy. . VES SLD @ “XY SE sk aan oa aR - 3 : if I Xb PAS TISH grin, : I | Sui Ne | Ny a i ae “i a} g.0¢ i8 tt i Z § cat i ri ay \ f* Naefi ‘ “ Is (@) ey nae 3 ont rm: Vy g 2 BRR 0 O Poy . Yo g Ms gees o Wk Be 4s ye = Bg bes = ce 3g g “ a), Amherst now produced a plan to supersede Wolfe’s. His idea as the straightforward, familiar frontal attack, with two side diver- BB2 372 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE sions. By June 8, and not sooner, owing to tempestuous weather, was the chief business of the expedition begun. And whosesoever plan was adopted it appeared that the chief fighting business was to be entrusted to Brigadier Wolfe. To him were allotted twelve companies of Grenadiers, Fraser’s Highlanders, Major Scott’s Light Infantry Corps of marksmen, and a company of provincial Rangers, mostly men from Massachusetts, of whom we have already had Wolfe’s opinion. At midnight on June 7 the embarkation into the boats was begun. At dawn, after a preliminary bombardment by the fleet as a diversion, the seamen conveying the three divisions began to ply their oars with spirit for the shore. Whitmore’s division on the right rowed eastward, as though to land at White Point: in the centre Lawrence’s six battalions headed straight for Freshwater Cove, to make the enemy suppose a landing was to be attempted there, while Wolfe’s brigade on the left made vigorously for the spot of the real descent— Kennington Cove or La Coromandiére. Men who served under Wolfe that day have recorded the extra- ordinary confidence which was felt by men of all ranks in their young leader. All the troops were full of enthusiasm and eager for the fray. Not without danger and discomfort was the passage made. As they approached not only the batteries belched forth their shot and shell against them, but the very waves conspired to repel. The angry surf beat upon the boats, upsetting some and shattering to pieces others, many men being drowned before they could secure a dry footing. Wolfe’s flagstaff was actually shot away, and it seemed utter madness to face such fire. But a boatful of Light Infantry, commanded by two young lieutenants, Brown and Hopkins, sighting a half-protected landing-place on the rocks, managed to run their boat straight on shore in advance of the rest. Wolfe, standing erect in the bows, cried out encouragement to the others to follow their example. In another moment he had leapt into the surf, now only knee-deep, and scrambled, unarmed, with only a cane in his hand, over the intervening rocks. He reached the men already landed, and asked who were the first ashore. Two Highland soldiers were pointed out to him. “ Good fellows !” he cried, and going up to the men presented them with a guinea apiece. Then, to the sound of their cheering, he set about the formation of the troops as fast as they arrived on the lower beach. From a masked battery on the slopes twenty feet ) The spot of Wolfe’s landing is pointed out to-day as “ Wolfe’s Rock.” —O. Macdonald, Last Siege of Louisbourg, p. 149 WOLFE’S LANDING 373 above them a raking fire was dealt out. Many fell while forming ranks, but so far from daunting, only made the rest fiercer for their prey. At a signal Wolfe himself led the. advance up the steep rocks. The first battery was carried by storm, and still Wolfe pushed on to other entrenchments of the enemy. Behind him in support came Lawrence and his division. The French, who opposed this unceremonious landing, now feared their retreat would be cut off, and forsaking their cannon and stores broke pell-mell for Louisbourg four miles away, followed hotly over swamps and hillocks by Wolfe and Amherst. The fugitives reached the forti- fications from whence now a terrific cannonade was opened. This, whatever its lethal effect, at least served to show the British pre- cisely the area of safety in beginning a siege. Unluckily, the siege train was not landed, and the difficulties of the process considering the weather were very great. Meanwhile the troops took possession of ground before the town and formed a camp, although three days passed before they got artillery, tents, provisions or ammunition. Valuable time was thus lost. “It was soon evident,” says Corbett, “ that there was one operation which alone could reduce the place within the appointed time, and that was that the fleet should enter the harbour. Yet in spite of Pitt’s hint, Boscawen seems never to have entertained the idea.” Far too cautious was the Admiral, in Wolfe’s opinion, as we shall see. By the 12th it was known to Amherst that the French had called in their outposts and were concentrating all their strength upon the fortress itself. The harbour containing the enemy’s fleet had been protected by two batteries, one, the Batterie Royale, far within the inlet, and another on Goat Island at its entrance.! When Brigadier Wolfe heard that the French had dismantled Batterie Royale he thought he perceived a chance not to be lost. If the ships and Goat Island battery could be attacked from the land shore of the harbour Boscawen would be enabled to enter the port with his fleet. He laid his scheme immediately before Am- herst, who ordered him to advance with his brigade upon Light- house Point, commanding the sea-wall of the town, and capture it. The artillery and stores for this movement were at the same time dispatched by sea to meet Wolfe at L’Orembeck. On arrival at the Lighthouse Wolfe sent the following to Amherst ?— 1 There has been: much historical confusion between Goat Island and ‘Battery Island.” The island battery was already dismantled. 2 It is endorsed by Amherst, “‘ Brigadier Wolfe’s Intentions at the Light- house Point.” 374 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE ‘Brigadier Wolfe proposes to establish a post of 200 regulars and a company of Rangers at L’Orembeck ; he intends likewise to establish another post of 200 regulars and a company of Rangers at the end of the North-east Harbour. The regular troops are to fortify their camp, and the irregulars are to keep a constant patrol, to endeavour to intercept any of the inhabitants of the island, Canadians or others; at least, to give notice of their march to the officer commanding the regular troops, who will inform the Brigadier of it, and give the earliest notice he can to Brigadier Lawrence upon the left of the army, who will report it to the Commander-in-Chief. “ Another post of fifty regulars and ten Rangers will be established at the nearest L’Orembeck ; the two L’Orembeck parties will be supplied with provisions from the sea, and the party at the end of the harbour will be supplied from the camp or from the Light- house... . The remaining body of Light Infantry and_ the irregulars, must take post upon the Miré Road, about half way between the camp and the North-east Harbour, and communicate with both the one and the other by posts and patrols.” Wolfe kept steadily at it in spite of severe weather, but all was not in readiness until the 18th. On that day he wrote the following orders to the brigade— “'Two batteries are to be constructed this night, for one iron 24-pounder each, with a firm, well-rammed parapet, and the platform laid with the utmost care. ‘These must be finished before daybreak, and whatever remains to be done at the Great Mortar Battery must be completed this night; every engineer and every officer of artillery exerting himself in his proper department. To- morrow at sunset, it is proposed to begin to bombard and cannonade the French fleet; the Captain of Artillery to dispose his party so that all the ordnance may be equally well served, according to the following distribution : “The battery at the end of the North-east Harbour, one 24- and one 12-pounder. “ Hautbitser (sic) Battery, under the hill near the careening wharf to fire a ricochet. “ Great Bomb Battery, in the bottom before Goreham’s camp, of four mortars and six royals. “Two 24-pounders, to fire a ricochet at the masts and rigging from the bottom before Goreham’s camp and the Lighthouse Hill. HIS ORDERS TO BOMBARD 375 “One 24-pounder and two 12 ditto, from the right of the Lighthouse Hill, to fire likewise a ricochet at the masts and rigging. “Two 24-pounders to be placed in battery, to fire at the ships’ hulls or lower masts. “The Captain of Artillery may demand as many men as he thinks necessary to assist in serving the artillery, and as many pioneers as are requisite, and they shall be furnished from the army. The troops are all to be under arms time enough to march to their respective posts before the firing begins. Colonel Morris is to take post, with the detachments of the right brigade, upon the hills above the careening wharf, where the Highlanders now are. Lieut.-Colonel Hales (with three companies of Grenadiers) is to post himself behind the little hills and rising grounds where Captain Goreham’s company is encamped, in readiness to support the Great Bomb Battery, if the enemy should think fit to attack it. The remaining company of Grenadiers is to be placed in small parties, nearer to the Bomb Battery, in the safest situation that can be found. Goreham’s company (if it returns in time) is to be concealed in proper places to the right of this company of Grenadiers, as near the sea as they can lie in safety. As the three companies of Grenadiers are placed near the magazine of the Grand Battery, Lieut.-Colonel Hales must take care that no fire be permitted. Colonel Rollo, with the detachments of the left and centre, is to take post upon the Lighthouse Hill in readiness to march down to the enemy in case they are disposed to land. “* All the detachments are to be placed with the greatest possible regard to their security ; because the French ships in their confusion and disorder may probably fire their guns at random, and if the men are properly concealed we shall suffer very little loss. The two youngest companies are to be left for the guard of the camp and the rest to guard the magazine. The officers commanding these companies are to make proper detachments and place a necessary number of sentries for the preservation of the tents, huts, magazines, stores, etc., and they are not to allow their men to get in numbers upon the tops of hills, that no accident may happen. “The firing of the mortars, hautbitsers, and ricochet shot is to cease a little before daybreak, that all the troops, except a company at each station, may return to their camp to take their rest and refreshment ; and the officers will conduct them back with the utmost caution. The battery at the end of the North-east 376 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Harbour, and the two iron 24-pounders that are placed in battery upon the upper part of the Lighthouse Hill, are to continue firing all day at the masts and rigging of the ships, that the enemy may have no rest, nor time to repair their damages. Although it seems improbable that the French should presume to land and attack any of our batteries, yet it is right to be prepared to receive them, or to drive them back to their boats; therefore, when two sky- rockets are fired immediately after each other from the Brigadier’s station, all the troops are to move down the hills, and forward with quick pace, and charge the enemy with their bayonets, endeavouring to gain their flanks by detachments made on purpose ; Colonel Morris to their left, supposing them to land anywhere near the Bomb Battery, and Colonel Rollo to their right, while the Grenadiers attack them in front without firing a shot. “The Brigadier-General will be all night upon the hill where Colonel Morris’s detachment is to be posted, unless some particular business should require him in another part ; in which case, he will leave word where he is to be found. One hundred Highlanders will be posted along the shore of the North-east Harbour, from Colonel Morris’s post to Major Ross’s. Part of the left wing and Light Infantry of the Army will be in motion during this attack, ready to sustain the detached posts, to alarm the enemy on every side, and to increase their confusion. A sky-rocket will be fired from Colonel Morris’s post, which will be answered by Sir Charles Hardy’s squadron and the grand army ; and when a second sky- rocket is fired from the same hill, the batteries begin, with short intervals at first, as will make their fire regular and constant. The officers of artillery, the engineers, and Major Ross’s detach- ment, are to have copies of these orders.” Wolfe’s first objective was the French fleet and he pinned his faith to the British gunners. A few hours before the bombardment he wrote Amherst— To Masor-GENERAL AMHERST. End of North-east Harbour, 19th June, 1758. Dear Sir,—My posts are now so fortified that I can afford you the two companies of Yankees, and the more as they are better for ranging and scouting than either work or vigilance. My whole affair now is the spade and pickaxe, and one hundred more pioneers would be of great assistance. I shall recall my out parties, and collect within my entrenchments, in order to carry on the work with greater vigour. I mean to take post on BOMBARDMENT BEGINS 377 your side the harbour, and erect a battery, provided you will give me any countenance by seizing and entrenching the rising ground above the Grand Battery. I'm very sure that the artillery with me can be carried with greater ease to the Queue de Franchée than yours from Gabarus Bay. You call Green Hill, Green Island, but I understand your meaning. The excess of rum is bad, but the liquor delivered out in small quantities— half a gill a man, and mixed with water—is a most salutary drink, and the cheapest pay for work that can be given. Mr. Boscawen is a very judicious man, but in this particular he is much in the wrong ; and he proceeds from his confounding the abuse with the use, and sailors with soldiers. There is a fine brew-house, between us and the Grand Battery, for spruce beer; copper all in good order and very valuable. I see the smoke of L’Orembeck, and therefore con- clude that the straggling inhabitants have rashly attacked our people, and are punished for their insolence. I have ordered Sunderland to bring off any good shallops he can find for the use of the army, when you would have fish. About ten this night you will see my signals. Are you not surprised to find that I have a battery here? The ground upon which I propose to erect a formidable battery against the Island Battery is so much exposed, that I must wait for a dark night or a fog to get it up. In the meanwhile the same bomb-battery that annoys the shipping can be turned upon the island, and shall be when I see what effects we work upon their men-of- war, who, I believe, are in a confounded scrape; that is if our bombardiers are worth a farthing. I have the honour to be, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant, Jam: WoLrFE. To His Excenrency Masor-Generat Amuerst, Commander-in-chief. Although the Brigadier was disappointed somewhat in the skill of his bombardiers, yet it was enough to frighten the French Admiral, Des Gouttes, nearly out of his wits. He wanted to escape out of the harbour while there was still a chance of success, but Drucourt, the Governor, backed by a council of war, refused leave. 378 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To Masor-GENERAL AMHERST. June 20th, 1758. Dear Sir,—The hautbitser carriage broke after firing about ten rounds, so that we were soon hors de combat in our strongest quarter. Two pieces of 24 stuck so fast, as they were carrying down to our battery, that human strength could not move them time enough for service; then my two batteries near the Lighthouse Point were not quite in condition of service; to which an extraordinary circumstance may be added, that one of my 24-pounders—iron—was so stuffed in the touch-hole that it could not be employed all night, besides the distance was rather too great from the end of the North-east Harbour. I enclose you Captain Strachey’s? letter, and beg you will be pleased to provide us with what is necessary to repair these hautbitsers, which we are all convinced are a most tremendous ordnance. The injury they received, proceeded, I believe, from the want of a platform of wood, and we are in great want of plank, because a good deal has been used to get the cannon through the bogs. We reckon that the ships were struck with about three shells, and one of them appears to be somewhat damaged ; and now that we have got their distance better, I hope the firing will be more effectual. I intend to errect a battery of one 24- and two 12-pounders on the other side of the water, to fire red-hot shot; but I can’t hope to get it done, nor to support it, unless you will be pleased to take post nearer to the Grand Battery. I send you an account of the behaviour of my party at L’Orembeck,—I mean the subalterns, which, I believe, will surprise you. They were, as far as I can find, all drunk and asleep,—sentries, guards, and all. The rum was sold to them by the masters of the ships they went in, whose names you shall have, and who should be made an example of. Our earth and sod are so very bad that I am obliged to have recourse to sand- bags, and our wood for pickets is extremely unfavourable ; not- withstanding which difficulties I shall persevere till we demolish these gentlemen, and then fall to work upon the island. They have thrown away a vast quantity of shot without hurting a man ; and indeed, unless by an extraordinary accident, we are not likely to lose many. Mr. Strachey complains also of his fusees, and he complains that he has no relief for his men, and 1 Afterwards Sir Henry Strachey, Bart. In 1764 he went out to India as Private Secretary to Lord Clive. GOAT ISLAND SILENCED 379 that as the batteries are augmented and extended, he will hardly be able to serve them. We give them all possible assistance. Their confusion last night when we began was inexpressible, and their ships were lumbered ; prepared, I suppose, to sail. They cleared and made ready, and are now altering their position, in order to bring all their broadsides to bear against the hills. I shall work night and day to forward this business. Fascines, sods, etc., must be heaped up in immense quantities. As our fire increases, theirs will perhaps weaken. I found there was no manner of necessity for keeping the men out, so contented myself with small guards to give the men rest. I am, dear Sir, etc., etc., J. Wore. The bombardment was rigorously maintained against Goat Island until the 25th, when the battery there was silenced. Wolfe then rejoined Amherst, leaving a detachment of artillery behind to defend it against its former possessors. Yet even now Boscawen did not make the incursion Wolfe expected, and very soon the enemy sank four of their five remaining frigates! at the mouth of the harbour in order to obstruct the British entrance, bringing the crews ashore to reinforce the garrison.?, The main besieging army were now about to push approaches against the west gate of the great fortress, and commence a real attack. On the morning of July 1 a skilful sortie was made from the town, but Wolfe was alert and ready for the foe, who were driven back with loss. Later in the day Wolfe set up a powerful battery on the hills overlooking Louisbourg to the north and began a new bombard- ment. In reporting the governor’s complaints that civilians and women were being killed by shells, Wolfe wrote— To Masor-GrenEraL AMHERST. Dear Sir,—When the French are in a scrape, they are ready to cry out in behalf of the human species ; when fortune favours them, none more bloody, more inhuman. Montcalm has changed the very nature of war, and has forced us, in some measure, to a deterring and dreadful vengeance. I shall set 1 Out of six frigates one, the Echo, had been captured while essaying to escape to Quebec. There were now in Louisbourg harbour five French ships of the line and one frigate. 2 Thirty men had been detached under Lieutenant Crosbie to L’Orembeck to protect the ships carrying fish for the army. New England rum bought from a Boston man named Stone was their undoing. 380 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE about getting things in readiness for this battery, and must be excused for three or four days from other duty. It was hard work for the next fortnight—the hardest most of the officers present had ever known. An approach was being formed, involving the construction of roads across bogs, and the making of fascines in the midst of thick fogs or heavy downpours of rain. As if the work were not enough, the terrible small-pox raging in the garrison communicated itself to the besiegers. At one time a hundred carpenters under Colonel Messervey were hors de combat, that officer and his son both succumbing. Luckily, the utmost unity prevailed between the navy and army, and Boscawen constantly sent men to do soldiers’ work in the batteries. Sorties took place frequently from the fort. His favourite Light Infantry had been highly trained by Wolfe. Their fiercest onsets were followed by instant retreat behind the dunes for shelter, so that such skirmishes invariably told against the enemy. This style of guerilla warfare, which then seemed novel and won much admiration, was the result of Wolfe’s reading in history. At mess one day one of the captains remarked that these tactics reminded him of Xenophon’s description of the kapsodxo1, who in his retreat over the mountains harassed his rear. Wolfe smiled. “I had it from Xenophon,” he said simply, “but our friends here are astonished at what I have done because they have read nothing.” On the night of the 9th the French enjoyed a stroke of good fortune. A company of Grenadiers commanded by Captain Lord Dundonald, and occupying a small redan on shore, were surprised by them. Dundonald and some of the others were killed, and but for the hasty intervention of a company of Highlanders who drove the assailants back, the rest would have been made prisoners. Four days later the Brigadier reported to Amherst that he was not satisfied with the work of the Engineers. “ ‘The parapets in general are too thin and the banquettes everywhere too narrow. The trench of the parallel should be wide, and the parapets more sloping. . . .” There were no accidents in the trenches to report, “very few shots in the night; but this morning they threw several shells very near the lodgments.” The siege continued to be pushed forward vigorously, in spite of heavy rains. On the 16th Wolfe led a body of Highlanders and Grenadiers to the heights in front of the fort, captured them and got a footing in the glacis, from which he poured down musketry on the parapet and embrasures. Things were going CLOSING IN 381 forward with certainty when on the 21st a lucky bombardier sent a bomb straight on the poop of the Céleébre, her magazine exploded and set fire to two other ships. The unhappy crews could not escape to the town, owing to the brisk play of the British batteries. Soon Des Gouttes had only two ships left. On the following day shells set the citadel in a blaze, but Amherst gave orders that the town was not to be destroyed. 'The French barracks caught next, and it was seen both within and without that Louisbourg was doomed. Nor had Brigadier Wolfe paused in his besieging work. He writes Amherst— To Majsor-GEeneraL AMHERST. Trenches at daybreak, 25th July. Dear Sir,—The five-gun battery is finished, and the cannon in readiness to mount. We want platforms, artillery officers to take the direction, and ammunition. If these are sent early, we may batter in breach this afternoon. Holland has opened a new boyau, has carried on about 140 or 150 yards, and is now within fifty or sixty yards of the glacis. The enemy were apprehensive of a storm, and fired smartly for about half an hour, which drove the workmen in; but when the fire ceased they returned to their business, and did a great deal. You will be pleased to indulge me with six hours’ rest, that I may serve in the trenches at night. I am, dear Sir, etc., etc., J. WotFE. Lest one wonder why Drucour held out so long in the face of such a forlorn hope it must be understood that it was in the highest degree important to French interests on the continent to gain time. In this particular his doggedness eventually succeeded. As long as he could make a resistance to the main British army the chances of Quebec’s safety for that season would be increased, and Amherst could not reinforce Abercrombie. Moreover, succour might at the last moment reach him either from France or Canada. Wherefore the Governor turned a deaf ear to the representations and entreaties of the townsfolk, and steeled his heart against the sufferings of his garrison. For more than a week the soldiers had not slept; when wounded they had no secure spot to lie where the shells of the besiegers would not reach them. Ammunition was growing scarce. Knowing something of this Boscawen resolved on a bold step, the first of that character he had ventured upon since 382 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE the beginning of the siege. On the night of the 25th a flotilla under Captains Laforey and Balfour, consisting of 600 seamen, crept into the harbour and surprised both the remaining French vessels, the Bienfaisant and the Prudent yielding almost without a blow. The Prudent they were forced to burn when she ran aground, but Des Gouttes’ flagship they towed off under Wolfe’s batteries. A crowning misfortune for the French in Louisbourg this, for it left the harbour front of the fortress completely exposed. On the following day a message came from Drucour offering to capitulate. The joint commanders returned a reply that they did not wish any further bloodshed, but that a capitulation was not enough ; they required a surrender at discretion. Otherwise the French would pay the penalty of further resistance. Drucour declared that rather than accept such terms he would suffer the consequences. But seeing the hopelessness of the situation, the garrison and inhabitants prevailed upon the Governor to alter his mind. The French officer once more sought the British camp. Trusting to the honour of a generous foe, ran Drucour’s latest message, he would submit to the law of force.! So fell Louisbourg, the most costly and most elaborately constructed fortress in the New World. With it all Cape Breton and Isle St. Jean (Prince Edward’s Island) passed into British hands. On the morning of the 27th July Porte Dauphine and the west gate were opened, and at noon three thousand gallant French soldiers, drawn up before Whitmore, laid down their arms on the esplanade, besides nearly three thousand sailors made prisoners.? Wolfe writes to his mother, to whom he had not penned any letter since leaving Halifax, two months before— To nis MorHer. Camp before Louisbourg, July 27th, 1758. Drsr Mapam,—I went into Louisbourg this morning to pay my devoirs to the ladies, but found them all so pale and thin with long confinement in a casemate, that I made my visit very short. The poor women have been heartily frightened, as well they might; but no real harm, either during the siege or after it, has befallen any. A day or two more, and they would have 1 © Letter of Chevalier de Drucour. Andover, Oct. 1.”— dead with grief. Nor was he in a much happier state; the ught of parting from her damping the ardour that had enabled _ give that proof of his resolution, and obliging nature to pay tribute of a flood of tears to such a sacrifice.” + One fears that Wolfe, ardent as he was at times, was not always ie relied on for a scene of sentiment. If, however, he acted the assioned lover towards Miss Lowther, it is certainly undiluted I cannot resist the temptation to give at such length this perfect example e eighteenth-century sentimental novel-writing manner. BE 2 420 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE fiction that he ever, as Johnstone describes, knelt for his mother’s blessing, as the following letter demonstrates— To uts MotHer. Dear Mapam,—The formality of taking leave should be as much as possible avoided; therefore I prefer this method of offering my good wishes and duty to my father and to you. I shall carry this business through with my best abilities. The rest, you know, is in the hands of Providence, to whose care I hope your good life and conduct will recommend your son. Saunders talks of sailing on Thursday, if the wind come fair. The “ Arc-en-ciel” is either arrived or expected at Spithead. Brett has been directed to negotiate our affair there. I heartily wish you health and easy enjoyment of the many good things that have fallen to your share. My best duty to the General. I am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate Son, Jam: Wo rr. London, Monday morn. a VICE-ADMIRAL SIR CHARLES SAUNDERS, K.C.B. From a contemporary portrait XVIII IN THE ST. LAWRENCE Wotre, when he sailed from Spithead on the 14th of February, 1759, had been given the command of eight thousand troops to achieve a feat which should change the destinies of a hemisphere. Such a force, even under such a general, would have been inadequate had it not been supported by ships and sailors and a naval commander of experience and sagacity. Boscawen was out of the question: as an influential member of Parliament he had insisted on promotion to the Mediterranean fleet. Hawke was not physically fit and aspired to command the Channel fleet. The man chosen was Sir Charles Saunders, one of Lord Anson’s favourite officers, who had accompanied that famous admiral in his voyage round the world. Saunders was a capable officer, very reserved in manner, who had lately been engaged in blockading Brest. He was now appointed Commander-in-Chief of the naval part of the Quebec expedition, while under him were Rear-Admiral Holmes and Rear-Admiral Durell. Wolfe sailed in Saunders’ flagship. He and the Admiral were not acquainted personally, and although he doubtless perceived that his naval colleague was a man of ability, he yet felt some anxiety through the entire voyage as to the exact degree of co- operation which would mark their relations on their arrival at the seat of war. It was no simple dashing for a goal as at Rochefort. Chatham’s plan of campaign was designed “to improve the great and im- portant advantages gained in the last campaign, as well as to repair the disappointment at Ticonderoga.” The Minister had prescribed a most complicated and delicate set of operations which many circumstances might conspire to frustrate, which indeed in its entirety only by the most fortuitous chance could hope to succeed. Quebec, in his scheme, was only the point of junction and ultimate object of three separate expeditions. From the west a Colonial army under Brigadier Prideaux, together with a few regiments of regulars and Sir William Johnson’s native warriors, were to move on Niagara, capture that stronghold and advance to Montreal by Lake Ontario. From the south Amherst’s army of 421 422 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE 12,000 men was to demolish Ticonderoga and Crown Point, gain the Richelieu river, join forces with Prideaux there, and meet Wolfe at Quebec. And this great and, it was hoped, final attack on the French position at Quebec was to be two-fold, by land and sea. Naval men held then and have held since that the naval half was equally important: military men scoffed at these pretensions. Chatham’s instructions to Amherst show that he attached the chief value to the army commanded by Wolfe, and that Admiral Saunders was merely to co-operate with Wolfe, whenever that military commander should stand in need of such services as the Navy only could give. Otherwise, he was to “cover” Wolfe's army, and keep control of his communications. It is true that Saunders exceeded this and gave a warm and loyal support: but it is as well to understand at the outset just what the Admiral’s place and functions were in the Quebec expedition, because some zealous partisans of the modern “ blue-water ” school have endeavoured to prove Saunders equal in genius and power of initiative to Wolfe, and therefore deserving to share half the honours of the conquest of Quebec. We have seen that Wolfe attached great importance to that part of the work which lay before them entrusted to Durell. He had a poor opinion of Durell, who was to carry out the ideas he had imparted to Pitt on Christmas eve, 7. e. to block the entrance to the river St. Lawrence the moment the ice began to melt and before any of the enemy’s ships could get in or out. The rendezvous of both Army and Navy of the home and colonial contingents was Louisbourg. The date fixed was April 20. They had scarce got under way from Spithead when an order came for Saunders from Chatham. He was secretly to detach, when off the Spanish coast, a couple of his ships (one was the Stirling Castle) to reinforce Boscawen’s fleet. Saunders’ decision to substitute another vessel, as this “sixty ” “ was handy for rivers,” shows that he then expected to sail up the St. Lawrence and actually second Wolfe, and not merely cover Wolfe’s army and keep control of the communications. The Stirling Castle, which he thus so nearly lost, came to be his flagship before Quebec. Late as was the date for the rendezvous, it was still too early for the Neptune to enter the ice-locked Bay of Gabarus. The winter had been unusually severe, so Saunders steered for Halifax, where, on April 30, the joint commanders found Durell’s squadron riding at anchor, the commander explaining that he was waiting to REACHES HALIFAX 423 hear if the ice would permit him to enter the Gulf of St. Lawrence. He had been ready to sail some weeks. Wolfe’s heart sank at this evidence of half-heartedness and incapacity, and Saunders ordered the Rear-Admiral to sea at once. Even though Louisbourg harbour was inaccessible, it by no means followed that the Gulf passage was also. Even now it might be too late, and the French ships anxiously expected by the enemy at Quebec might have got in. Durell was enjoined to push on at the first chance with his ships as far as the Isle of Bic, and from thence to detach some small vessels to the Quebec basin. Durell said his crews were short, and asked for three hundred troops to complete the number. Wolfe gave the three hundred troops, and with them, as com- mander, his friend, Colonel Guy Carleton. Adverse winds blew, and it was May 5 before Durell was off. Wolfe felt his plans were in great danger of spoiling. On the day after his arrival, Wolfe wrote the minister— To Witutam Prrrt. “Neptune,” Halifax Harbour, 1st May, 1759. Str,—An officer of Artillery who is called to his corps gives me an opportunity of doing myself the honour to inform you of what I have learnt or seen since yesterday, that the squadron came to an anchor. Mr. Amherst has used the utmost diligence in forwarding all things that depended upon him, and I hope that the two battalions from the Bay of Fundy will get round in good time. Schooners, sloops, whaleboats, molasses, and rum are provided, and hourly expected. Governor Lawrence and the Brigadier-Generals have omitted nothing that could possibly forward the service, and our engineers have been employed in some useful preparations. By the “Ruby” ordnance ship (the only one of Mr. Holmes’s convoy yet arrived in this port), we have learnt that the transports were scattered in a hard gale of wind ; but as the “Ruby” observed only one ship without masts, we conclude that the greater part are safe at New York. Mr. Durell applied for troops to strengthen his squadron, which were readily granted by the commanding officer here, that there might be no impediment to his sailing. I have added 250 men to the first detachment, and have put the whole under the command of the Quartermaster-General, Colonel Carleton, to assist Mr. Durell’s operations in the river St. Lawrence, where perhaps it may be necessary to land upon some of the islands, and push a detachment of his fleet up the basin of Quebec, that the 424 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE navigation may be perfectly free from transports. By this early attempt, it is more than probable that the Canadians will not have time to prepare a defence at the Isle aux Coudres and at the Traverse—the two most difficult and rapid parts of the river, and where the pilots seem to think they might and would (if not prevented in time) give us a great deal of trouble. If Mr. Durell had been at sea, as we imagined, I did intend to have sent Colonel Carleton with this additional force, some artillery and tools, with the first ship that Mr. Saunders might have ordered to reinforce the Rear-Admiral’s squadron. The battalions in garrison here were (till very lately that the measles had got amongst them) in very good order, and in health recovered by the more than common care of the officers that command them. They have managed so as to exchange the salt provisions for fresh beef, and have had constant supplies of frozen beef and spruce-beer all the winter. This excellent precaution, their great and generous expense in the regimental hospitals, and the order that has been observed amongst them, have preserved these battalions from utter ruin. But I believe, Sir, you will be surprised to find that, when the 500 men for the defence of Nova Scotia are deducted from the two American battalions, these four regiments have no more than 2000 men in a condition to serve, including the detachment with Mr. Durell. The levies upon the Continent have prevented their recruiting. Otway’s and Bragg’s, who cannot have fared so well as these, and have lost in proportion since the seige of Louisburg, are, by all accounts, in a worse condition ; so that, if those from General Amherst should not be very complete, our number of regular forces can hardly exceed the half of my Lord Ligonier’s calculation, and yet the Marshal must know that every man in Canada is a soldier. Our troops, indeed, are good and very well disposed. If valour can make amends for want of numbers, we shall probably succeed. Any accidents on the river, or sickness among the men, might put us to some difficulties. The six companies of Rangers will be pretty near complete. They are in general recruits without service or expe- rience, and not to be depended upon ; and the company of Light Infantry from the three battalions in garrison at Louisburg has, I believe, been omitted in the directions sent to General Amherst. I beg to be, Sir, etc., J. Wotrr. On the same day he wrote to his titular chief at New York WRITES AMHERST 425 Lo Masor-Genrrat AMHERST. Halifax, 1st May, 1759. I am glad of this opportunity to inform you of our arrival and in tolerable good order the length of our passage consider’d. We were astonished to find Mr. Durell at anchor; he demanded troops to complete his squadron, which were given without loss of time. I send Carleton with the Rear Admiral and have reinforced the first detachment, because it may be necessary to land upon some of the Islands in the river, and Mr. Durell may think it right to push a detachment of his squadron up to the very bason of Quebec. Our four battalions are at a very low ebb and I believe, if Mr. Murray, Mr. Howe and the other gentlemen had not taken more than common pre- caution, and been at more than ordinary expense, and pains for the preservation of their men, assisted by Mr. Russell’s skill and diligence, these regiments would have been annihilated. Otway’s and Bragg’s are still worse, as I am informed. So that you see, Sir, what a numerous body of men are here for the conquest of Quebec. I believe they feel stout, and so they had need, seeing there is not a multitude. ... Mr. Saunders made many attempts to get into Louisbourg, but there was such a crust of ice all along the shore from Scutari to St. Esprit, that it was by no means safe to push in, nor, indeed, possible at that time. Our ships are in general healthy.—I hope you have ordered Whitmore to give me the company of light Infantry from his three battalions, etc. The least loss in the river, or sickness among the men, reduces our undertaking to little more than a diversion—and I can assure you, that I think we are very liable to aecidents. It can’t be doubted that the French have thrown succours in, or will do it, before our squadron gets to its proper station. The harbour of Louisburg being as yet closed up—it is to be wished that any troops coming from the continent, or the Bay of Fundy within this fortnight, might put into Halifax and take the security of Mr. Saunders’ convoy to Louisburg. I wish you health and success—of the former I have but a small share; of the latter as little hope, unless we get into the river first. However, trust me they shall feel us. If vou would send even the small number of 300 Pioneers, it would be infinite relief to the soldiers, because these (the militia) could be constantly at work having no other occupation. There is a great siege to be undertaken and not a farthing to pay the workmen. I am not possessed of a single dollar of 426 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE public money; and yet, it is much a question among the mili- tary men, whether we shall not be obliged to fight first and besiege afterwards. I am, etc.,! J. Wore. While at Halifax Wolfe was most alert in considering the welfare of both troops and seamen. He had found Saunders a man after his own heart, in his singleness of purpose, and he resolved that this unanimity should extend throughout the service. On May 7 he issued the following order— “As the navigation of the river St. Lawrence may in some places be difficult, the troops are to be as careful as possible in work- ing the ships, obedient to the Admiral’s commands, and attention to all his signals. No boats are to be hoisted out to sea, but on the most urgent occasions.” On May 9 he says—“ After the troops are embarked, the com- manding officers will give all necessary directions for the preserva- tion of the health of their men. Guards must mount in every ship, to keep strict order and prevent fire. When the weather permits, the men are to be as much in the open air as possible, and to eat upon deck. Cleanliness in the berths and bedding, and as much exercise as the situation permits, are the best preservatives of health. . . . If any ship by accident should run on shore in the river, small vessels and boats will be sent to their assistance. They have nothing to apprehend from the inhabitants of the north side, and as little from the Canadians on the south. Fifty men with arms may easily defend themselves until succour arrives. If a ship should happen to be lost, the men on shore are to make three dis- tinct fires by night and three distinct smokes by day, to mark their situation.” Not until the 13th did the troops leave Halifax for Louisbourg. On Wolfe’s arrival there he found a letter announcing the death of his father, the “brave and benevolent” Lieut.-General Edward Wolfe. The veteran had succumbed at last to his infirmities on the 26th of March, in the 75th year of his age. The body was removed from Blackheath and buried in a vault in Greenwich Parish Church (St. Alfege’s), which had been recently acquired by the General for his family. ‘ Endorsed : In Major-General Amherst’s letter of June 19, 1759, to Pitt —dated from camp at Fort Edward; acquainting the General with his arrival ; the state of the troops and fleet; the military chest empty ; and desiring a reinforcement of 300 Pioneers from the Provincials. HIS FATHER’S DEATH 427 This event Wolfe refers to in the following letter to his uncle. Its interest for posterity lies in a masterly description of the situation. To Major Watrer Wotre. Louisbourg, 19th May, 1759. Dear Str,—Since our arrival in this country the news of my father’s death has reached me. I left him in so weak a condi- tion that it was not probable we should ever meet again. The general tenor of his conduct through life has been extremely upright and benevolent, from whence one may hope that little failings and imperfections were overbalanced by his many good qualities. I am exceedingly sorry it so fell out that I had it not in my power to assist him in his illness, and to relieve my mother in her distress, and the more so as her relations are not affectionate, and you are too far off to give her help. I have writ to Mr. Fisher to continue the pensions which my father had assigned to his kindred, my easy circumstances enabling me to fulfill all his intentions. We are ordered to attack Quebec,—a very nice operation. The fleet consists of twenty-two sail of the line and many frigates, the army of 9,000 men; in England it is called 12,000. We have ten battalions, three companies of Grenadiers, some Marines (if the Admiral can spare them), and six new-raised companies of North American Rangers—not complete, and the worst soldiers in the universe; a great train of artillery, plenty of provisions, tools, and implements of all sorts; three Brigadiers under me,—all men of great spirit ; some Colonels of reputation, Carleton for Quartermaster-General, and upon whom I chiefly rely for the engineering part. Engineers very indifferent, and of little experience ; but we have none better. The regular troops in Canada consist of eight battalions of old Foot—about 400 a battalion—and forty companies of Marines (or colony troops), forty men a company. ‘They can gather together 8,000 or 10,000 Canadians, and perhaps 1000 Indians. As they are attacked by the side of Montreal by an enemy of 12,000 fighting men, they must necessarily divide their force ; but, as the loss of the capital implies the loss of the colony, their chief attention will naturally be there, and therefore I reckon we may find at Quebec six battalions, some companies of Marines, four or five thousand Canadians, and some Indians; altogether, not much inferior to their enemy. 428 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Rear-Admiral Durell, with ten sail, is gone up the river, and has orders to take such a station as will effectually cut off all succours ; but as he sailed late from Halifax (4th May) there is reason to think that some store-ships have already got up. If so, our difficulties are like to increase. I have sent a detachment with Mr. Durell to assist his first operations, and to seize the islands in those parts of the river where the navigation is most dangerous. The Admiral has positive instructions to watch the first opening of the river St. Lawrence, so as to push with his squadron as high as the Isle de Bic,! and from thence to detach some small ships to the basin of Quebec, that all might be free and open behind. The Admiral Commander-in-Chief of the fleet is a zealous, brave officer. I don’t exactly know what dis- position he intends to make in the river after the junction of the two squadrons; but I conclude he will send four or five of his smallest ships of the line to assist us at Quebec, and remain with the rest at an anchor below the Isle aux Coudres, ready to fight whatever fleet the enemy may send to disturb us. The town of Quebec is poorly fortified, but the ground round about it is rocky. To invest the place, and cut off all communication with the colony, it will be necessary to encamp with our right to the River St. Lawrence, and our left to the river St. Charles. From the river St. Charles to Beauport the communication must be kept open by strong entrenched posts and redoubts. ‘The enemy can pass that river at low water ; and it will be proper to establish ourselves with small entrenched posts from the point of Levi to La Chaudiere. It is the busi- ness of our naval force to be masters of the river, both above and below the town. If I find that the enemy is strong, audacious, and well commanded, I shall proceed with the utmost caution and circumspection, giving Mr. Amherst time to use his superiority. If they are timid, weak, and ignorant, we shall push them with more vivacity, that we may be able before the summer is gone to assist the Commander-in-Chief.2 I reckon we shall have a smart action at the passage of the river St. Charles, unless we can steal a detachment up the river St. Lawrence, and land them three, four, five miles, or more, above the town, and get time to entrench so strongly that they won’t care to attack. If General Amherst can manage to have a superiority of 1 A pilot station 170 miles from Quebec. 2 He found the enemy “strong and well commanded,” and the audacity was chiefly his own. ‘AL HON, ROBERT MONCKTON From the portrait by Benjamin West HIS PERSONAL EXAMPLE 429 naval force upon the Lake Champlain (as he proposes), all the troops within the entrenchments and fort of Ticonderoga will probably be soon obliged to lay down their arms. The least conduct there, or the least spirit of enterprise on our side, would have finished the war last year. It is impossible to conceive how poorly the engineering business was carried on here. This place could not have held out ten days if it had been attacked with common sense. The army under my command is rather too small for the undertaking, but it is well composed. The troops are firm, and were brought into fire at this siege. Those that were with me are most excellent pioneers. If the French had had twenty sail of men-of-war in the harbour (as they intended), and had not gone out early to fight Mr. Boscawen, they must have been all destroyed. If they can collect a sufficient force, they are sure to find us in the River St. Lawrence any time between this and the month of October, and may fight if they choose. ‘The prize seems to be worth the risk of a battle. If their Mediterranean squadron gets out, I conclude we shall see them. You may be assured that I shall take all proper care of my own person, unless in case of the last importance, where it becomes a duty to do otherwise. I never put myself unnecessarily in the way of danger. Young troops must be encouraged at first. What appears hazardous sometimes is really not so to people who know the country. The separate corps which I commanded last year, divided as they were into a number of posts—encamped within cannon-shot of the ships or town, and often within the reach of grape-shot—suffered hardly any loss at all, because the ground is so uneven that we could place them everywhere in security. We are every hour in expectation of seeing the regiments arrive which are to compose the army. Most of them are actually at sea, and upon this coast ; but the fogs are so frequent and lasting, that ships are obliged to stand out to sea waiting for fair weather. I hope we shall be able to sail in about ten days, and if no accident happens in the river, I hope we shall succeed. I wish you your health ; mine is but indifferent ; and am, dear sir, Your obedient nephew, J. W. Nearly four months, then, before the great coup, and before he had even set eyes on the theatre of war, he anticipated the smart action below the city and the eventual landing above it. 430 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE On the same day he wrote to Brigadier Whitmore who had been left the previous autumn in command of Louisbourg. To BricapreR WHItTmMore. 19th May, 1759. Smr,—In the distribution of forces for the invasion of Canada, my Lord Ligonier had regulated that Bragg’s regiment, three companies of Grenadiers, and one company of light Infantry, besides the Rangers, should be taken from Louisbourg, and re- placed by 1000 of the Boston Militia. By some accident, the company of light infantry has been omitted in the orders sent from England ; nevertheless, as I know it was designed, his Majesty’s service requires that I should apply to you for that company ; and I do it the more readily, as your garrison will be rather more numerous after the arrival of the Boston Militia than before. We are disappointed of the recruits which were intended to be sent from the West Indies to join us; and as several regiments are much weaker than they were thought, in England, to be, I must further represent to you that good troops only can make amends for the want of numbers in an under- taking of this sort. It is therefore my duty to signify to you that it would be much for the public service to let the other two companies of light infantry embark with the army under my command, upon condition of being replaced, man for man, by some of the Rangers and some of Frazer’s additional companies, who are not so proper for the field, though very sufficient for the defence of a fortified place. If there was any reason to appre- hend that this change might have the least ill consequence I should not venture to propose it. Mr. Lawrence, who has a very bad fortress and a very weak garrison, accepted of the sick and recovering men of the two American battalions as part of the ‘ 500 regulars intended for the defence of Novia Scotia, knowing very well that upon the success of our attacks in Canada, the security of the whole continent of North America in a great measure depends. I am, Sir, ete., J. Wo Fe. When Wolfe came to muster his troops on shore at Louisbourg he found he had exactly 8,635 men, whereas Pitt had planned for his having 12,000. Besides Carleton, the Major-General’s staff was composed as follows. Adjutant-General, Major Barré; Chief Engineer, Major TANT-GENERAL RIGHT HON. ISAAC BARRE, M.P. (WOLFE’S DEPUTY ADJU AT QUEBEC) From a contemporary cagracing NO NEWS OF DURELL 431 Mackellar ; Aides-de-camp, Captains Hervey Smith and ‘Thomas Bell; Deputy Quartermasters-General, Captains Caldwell and Leslie ; Majors of Brigade, Captains Guillem, Spittal and Maitland. In addition to the three brigades, there was a corps specially formed of picked men denominated by Wolfe, the Louisbourg Grenadiers, and led by Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Murray ; a Light Infantry corps under the Hon. Lieut.-Colonel Howe and another commanded by Major Dalling. ‘Then there were Major Scott’s Provincial Rangers. Up to the Ist of June the troops landed daily for exercise and review by the Commander-in-Chief in alternate battalions. “I flattered myself,” writes Knox, a captain in the expedition, who came to be its first historian,! “that I should have seen the Grenadier companies of this garrison reviewed by General Wolfe, but it was over before I could get there. I was told they went through all their manceuvres and evolutions with great exactness and spirit, according to a new system of discipline; and his Excellency was highly pleased with their performance. Some com- manding-officers of corps, who expected to be also reviewed in their turn, told the General by way of apology, that by their regiments having been long cantoned, they had it not in their power to learn or practise this new exercise ; to which he answered, ‘Poh! poh! new exercise—new fiddlestick ! if they are otherwise well disciplined and will fight, that’s all I require of them.’” By the 6th of June the entire fleet was clear of Louisbourg, the movement out of the harbour lasting six days. Cheering sol- diers packed the decks of each transport, and at mess the toast was “British colours on every French fort, port and garrison in North America.” On the first day Saunders announced to the General that he had orders to send a vessel home with dispatches. Wolfe urged delay until they had news of Durell, to whose movements he attached extreme importance. For should Quebec be reinforced he might have to wait on Amherst and Prideaux instead of throw- ing the weight of his own attack with a prospect of success. But Saunders could not wait, and the vessel went home, bearing the Major-General’s report to Pitt. To tHE Ricur Hon. Wittitam Prrv. On board the ‘‘ Neptune,” June 6th, 1759. Str,—By the report which I have the honour to enclose, you will see the strength of the army under my command, when | 1 Captain John Knox: Journal of the Campaign in North America, vol. i, p. 270. 432 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE they embarked, and when they came to Louisbourg. The fogs on this coast are so frequent and lasting, and the climate in every respect so unfavourable to military operations, that if we had been collected a week sooner, I doubt if it would have been possible to sail before we did. One company of Rangers (the best of the six) is not yet arrived, and a very good engineer, by some mistake, has had no orders to join us. General Amherst forwarded everything to the utmost of his power, and the officers employed by him were indefatigable. Finding that several regi- ments were weak, and that no recruits were likely to come from the West Indies, I applied to Mr. Whitmore for three companies of light infantry of his garrison :—my letter and the Governor’s answer are enclosed. If Brigadier Whitmore did not consent to my proposal it has proceeded from the most scrupulous obedience to orders, believing himself not at liberty to judge and act according to circumstances. The four new companies of Rangers are so very bad that I expect no service from them, unless mixed with the light infantry, and it was with that view that I applied to the Marshal for a company of volunteers from Louisbourg. Five field-officers of these regiments and several captains are either sick or employed upon the continent; forty men of Bragg’s regiment, upon duty at St. John’s. We leave eighty sick at Louisbourg, and a hundred invalids. Several transports have not yet joined us; their provisions and their boats are very much wanted. However I have taken 3000 barrels of flour and biscuit from the contractor’s store at Louisbourg. I writ to General Amherst for money, but he could send me none; this is one of the first sieges, perhaps, that ever was undertaken without it. The camp equipage of three regiments is supposed to be either lost or taken upon the passage from Philadelphia. We have supplied them with tents from the ordnance stores, and must make the old kettles, etc., serve the campaign. There are 1000 of the Boston Militia at Louisbourg. I desired Brigadier Whitmore to complete our companies of Rangers from them, and to give me 100 labourers solely as pioneers. The men were asked if they chose to go, and as it seldom happens that a New England man prefers service to a lazy life, none of them seemed to approve of the proposal; they did not ask it, and the General would not order them. If the Admiral had, as I wished, deferred sending his letters till the fleet got up to the Isle of Bic, and till we knew what progress Mr. Durell had made, (of which we are at present ANSWERS BARRINGTON 433 entirely ignorant) you, Sir, would have been able to form some Judgment of the state of affairs. There we might learn what succours (if any) got up before the Rear-Admiral, and other circumstances of moment. Since the fleet came out, I have received a letter from the Lieut.-Governor of the Massachusetts Bay, acquainting me that he is preparing to embark 300 of the militia of his province to serve with us. These are the pioneers which I desired Gen. Amherst to send. Colonel Burton and Major Barré, who were employed by the General at Boston, have spoke of Mr. Hutchinson’s zeal for the public service, and very great knowledge of the affairs of his province, in a manner much to his advantage. We expect to find a good part of the force of Canada at Quebec, and we are prepared to meet them. What- ever the end is, I flatter myself that his Majesty will not be dissatisfied with the behaviour of the troops. I have the honour to be, etc., J. WoLrFe. The dispatch ship bore also another missive from Wolfe. When he had hastened home from Louisbourg the previous autumn he had greatly offended Barrington, the Secretary of War, who had written him to stay there in a letter which Wolfe, by his hurried departure, missed. Barrington had afterwards been soundly rated by Pitt for allowing Wolfe to return home. The letter missed the Major-General either at Bath or Blackheath, was subsequently forwarded to Louisbourg, and there Wolfe read and answered it. To Viscount BarRINcToN. “Neptune,” at Sea, 6th June, 1759. My Lorp,—Since my arrival in America I have had the honour to receive two letters from your Lordship, one of an old date concerning my stay in this country. In answer to which, I shall only say, that the Marshal told me, I was to return at the end of the Campaign, and as General Amherst had no other commands than to send me to winter at Halifax under the orders of an officer, who was, but a few months before, put over my head, I thought it was much better to get into the way of Service, and out of the way of being insulted. And as the style of your Lordship’s letter is pretty strong, I must take the liberty to inform you, that though I should have been very glad to have gone with Genl. Amherst to join the Army upon the Lakes, and offered my services immediately after the reduction of FF 4384 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Louisbourg to carry a reinforcement to Mr. Abercrombie if Quebec was not to be attacked; yet rather than receive orders in the Government of an officer younger than myself (tho’ a very worthy man) I should certainly have desired leave to resign my commission ; for I neither ask nor expect any favour, so I never intend to submit to any ill usage whatsoever. Your Lordship’s letter with the Cartel concluded between his Majesty and the French King is come to my hands; Brigr. Genl. Murray and Colonel Howe having represented to me, that an Ensign of Amherst’s Regiment, and two of Anstruther’s had not joined their Corps, since their commissions were out, and that General Amherst’s intentions were to supercede these officers, and put others in their room more disposed to serve, I have therefore taken upon me to appoint officers to these commissions in con- formity to the General’s intentions, and for the good of his Majesty’s service, waiting however to within a few days of our sailing for the arrival of these gentlemen. There are no less than 100 invalids, absolutely unfit for service in this Corps of Troops (47 of Fraser’s Regt.) 60 are to go home in the “ Night- ingale,” and 40 in a Cartel Ship appointed by the Admiral to carry prisoners to France. I have filled up the vacancies in these regiments, and enclose my report of it. I have the honour to be, with great Respect my Lord, your Lordship’s most obedient and most Humble Servant, Jam. WoLrFE. PS.—The 3 Ensigns Commissions are dated before the letters; but this is to give their proper rank to the Volunteers who succeeded. Owing to the thick fogs it was a week before they could enter the Gulf, and the fleet did not reach the Isle of Bic, where they were to meet Durell, before June 18. ‘That officer had, it appeared, sailed on up the river after capturing a French storeship and a Quebec sloop. From them he learnt what Wolfe had dreaded most. Three frigates and a score of storeships had preceded the procrastinating Durell. Wolfe himself, on board the Richmond frigate, in advance of Saunders’ flagship and the main fleet, got the unwelcome tidings. Although the blow was a serious one he did not know all, for in the first ship to pass the straits was Mont- calm’s ablest lieutenant, Bougainville, who had just recrossed the ocean to make representations to the French Court. Bougainville bore an intercepted letter from Amherst revealing the whole of MONTCALM IS WARNED 435 Pitt’s plan of campaign. But for the timely information Mont- calm thus received he would have been unable to make his prepar- ations, and Wolfe, instead of the long and dreary task before him, might have fallen on the enemy’s weak point and won victory in July instead of September. Meanwhile, bad as the news was, Wolfe hoped for the best, and it was certainly a satisfaction to know that Durell had pushed on up the river and got as close to the French lines as possible— indeed, farther than many of the French pilots believed possible. With him had gone Carleton, from whom Wolfe expected but received as yet no tidings. Although the situation was not fortunate in one respect, in another it was more than Wolfe had ever dared expect. He had won Saunders over to a co-operation between sea and land forces as perfect as it could be, more perfect than it had ever been in any previous expedition. The Admiral’s thoughts and resources were not to be primarily (as Wolfe had once feared) with Halifax and Louis- bourg, to cover the rear of the army, but he and his ships were to be at the General’s right hand. Anson supposed he would linger with his fleet at the mouth of the Gulf, having put the transports and guide frigates on the safe path. Saunders, too, it appeared, was a fighting man, and agreed to accompany Wolfe with his entire battle squadron to the walls of the fortress which Wolfe meant should be taken. This feat of sailing up his battle squadron appeared easier to resolve than to accomplish. The St. Lawrence to the Isle of Orleans was only navigable by trained pilots. For a stranger to sail such a stream was to court certain destruction. Daily the men of the fleet were employed anchoring, weighing and tacking, while the view on either side of the river was quaint and attractive enough to draw many of the soldiers on deck? to get their first glimpses of the Canadian villages, with their spired churches and curious architecture. The approach of the fleet was heralded by signal fires which were lighted on the shore, and which, in the case of St. Joseph’s, aroused the hostility of the habitants, who fired 1 Ag considerate as he was courteous, the young commander had provided for the recreation and health of the soldiers by ordering that each regiment should be supplied with fishing-hooks and lines, and that a certain quantity of ginger should be given to every man daily for the purpose of mixing with the water they drank. By the 20th most of the ships had doubled the Point of Tadoussac, where the powerful current from the dark and deep tributary Saguenay drove back several of the transports and forced others from their anchors.— Wright. FF 2 436 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE upon one of the sounding boats. It was thought well to make an example of this assault, and, although no lives were lost, a detach- ment of troops from before Quebec was sent to burn and lay waste the settlement. One of the transports in the van was the Goodwill, whose master was an old seaman named Killick. The assertions of the French pilot that, owing to the terrors of the passage through the river, Canada would prove the grave of the most of Wolfe’s army, so disgusted this honest fellow that, but for the Admiral’s stern orders, he would have thrown him overboard. At it was, he decided to dispense with his unwilling services. “T'll convince you,” he cried, “that an Englishman shall go where a Frenchman dare not show his nose!” So, careless of the sounding boats which lined the stream, he took the helm and drove ahead with great coolness and (it must be added) great luck. When he had successfully negotiated the fatal Traverse, he ex- claimed to his cheering audience on deck, “ D n me if there are not a thousand places in the Thames fifty times more dangerous !” The French pilot asked Knox “if the old seaman hadn’t been there before, and on hearing that he had not, he lifted his hands and eyes to heaven with fervency.” As for the French, we may learn what they thought by a passage in a letter from Vaudreuil to his Government. “The enemy,” he wrote, “have passed sixty ships of war where we durst not risk a vessel of a hundred tons by night and day.” Travelling in this manner, the transports reached the east end of the Isle of Orleans. Over twenty miles long is this fertile island (though but four wide), a narrow strip of land dividing the St. Lawrence into two channels. ‘The upper end bounds the Quebec basin, and faces the city four miles away. Off St. Laurent the troops were charmed with the scenery. ‘“ Here,” says Knox, “we are entertained with a most agreeable prospect of a delightful country on every side—windmills, water-mills, churches, chapels and compact farm-houses, all built with stone and covered, some with wood and others with straw. The land appears to be every- where well cultivated, sowed with flax, wheat, barley, pease, etc., and the grounds enclosed with wooden pales. The weather to-day agreeably warm. A light fog sometimes hangs over the highlands, but in the river a fine clear air.” On the 26th the fleet anchored off St. Laurent. That same afternoon Wolfe, on board the Richmond, issued his orders for QUEBEC! 437 the landing upon the Isle of Orleans at six oclock the following morning. At midnight he sent a body of forty Rangers under Lieutenant Meech to reconnoitre on shore. Their presence caused a stampede of the peasantry and Indians, and although one of their number was scalped and butchered, they reported at dawn that the island, so far as they could ascertain, was deserted. The troops duly landed, and, with the exception of a detachment or two, were encamped about a mile inland.? The parish cwré of St. Laurent, having first removed every ornament or movable which might tempt the cupidity of the British soldier, stuck up a placard beseeching “the worthy officers of the British Army” that from their well-known humanity they would protect. the sacred building as well as his house and tene- ments adjoining, adding with charming irony, that he regretted their not arriving earlier in the season, as they might have enjoyed his asparagus and other products of his garden, now unhappily gone to seed. Having seen the army encamped, Wolfe, with Major Mackellar, the engineer-in-chief, and an escort of light troops, strode off to reconnoitre the enemy’s position at Quebec and the features of the surrounding country. From St. Laurent no view was possible, but a couple of miles brought the party to the western end of the island and there they were rewarded with the prospect in all its grandeur. Quebec! What must have been in the heart and brain of the young general when the great rocky fortress first “swam into his ken”! Did he flinch when those massive heights, seemingly so impregnable, flashed in the sun upon his wondering gaze? “Three or four thousand men,” boasted Bougainville, ‘could hold it against all comers.” ‘There were now over four times that number behind the frowning walls and the surrounding entrenchments. But it was not the cannon-studded fortress itself, from whose citadel floated the flag of the lilies, but that which greeted the British commander on his right hand which gave him pause— which made him realize instantly that he must wholly change his 1 Sparks relates an anecdote of the landing. One of the ensigns in Bragg’s regiment was William Henry Fairfax of the noble Virginian family, the friends of Washington in early life—a youth of much promise, who had been educated in England. Wolfe saw him as the army landed, seated near the bank of the river, and touching him on the shoulder, said, “Young man, when you come into action, remember your name!” The injunction was not forgotten. The worthy inheritor of his noble name, young Fairfax of the 78th, ere long fell on the same glorious field, about the same time, and close by his commander. 438 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE plans. The French were not holding the fort in Quebec. Their line of battle extended all along the north shore for eight miles, from the fortress to the River Montmorenci, whose famous falls glittered white and sparkling before him. Every spot on that elevated bank was defended by a redoubt, and behind that redoubt were the white-clad regiments of Bearn, Guienne and Royal Roussillon, the trained men of the colonial marine, the militia and their bloodthirsty Indian allies. In the centre of this line stood the village of Beauport, which gave its name to the shore. On this Beauport shore Wolfe, as we have seen in his letter to his uncle Walter, meant to have landed. He expected a “smart action” at the St. Charles river, whence he would fall boldly upon Quebec at short range. His field glass now showed him how his hopes were frustrated. The French, not content to rely solely upon the strength of Quebec itself, had put formidable barriers in the way of attacking the city at close quarters. Montcalm and his army must be defeated before the British general could even approach the fortress. As for any hope of surmounting the heights higher up the river past Quebec, it must surely be abandoned. It was all so different in reality from what he had heard by report or seen on paper! When the truth of the situation burst upon him, Wolfe turned away back to St. Laurent—disappointed it may be, but as resolute as ever. On the return journey the sky suddenly darkened, a terrific storm of wind sprang up and the rain descended with great violence. A typical Laurentian hurricane wrenched several of the transports from their moorings, causing the men-of-war to strain heavily on their cables. In the middle of the camp the flag of England, drenched, but stiff in the gale, greeted Wolfe on his return. He may have smiled in the conviction that, difficult as the emprise was, bloody as the issue might be, fatal even to himself, that solitary flag so placed would henceforward over Canadian soil float for ever. The storm was spent: the sun went down Quebec-wards in a gold and crimson sky. The men lit their camp fires, supped, and in still air and under a gleaming moon slept soundly in their tents. The hand was laid to the work : to-morrow would see the work in earnest begun. The damage done to the ships by the storm made it clear to Saunders that St. Laurent was a bad anchorage, and he resolved to move the fleet two or three miles nearer to Quebec. While the Admiral reconnoitred, Wolfe busied himself establishing posts HIS FIRST MANIFESTO 439 throughout the island, and in drawing up orders to the troops. “Once for all,” he directed peremptorily, “the men must not wander about in a disorderly manner.” For men who had been boxed up on shipboard for months it was perhaps but natural that they should first revel in the comparative freedom of land. But the general was resolved on the strictest discipline. “The army must hold themselves in readiness always to get under arms, either to march or fight, at the shortest notice.” He also on this day composed a manifesto in the French language, which was afterwards posted up by Monckton on the door of the village church of Beaumont.! The translation by Knox is as follows— By his Excellency James Wolfe, Esq., Colonel of a Regiment of Infantry, Major-General, and Commander-in-Chief of his Britannic Majesty's Forces in the River St. Lawrence, etc. The formidable sea and land armament which the people of Canada now behold in the heart of their country, is intended by the King, my master, to check the insolence of France, to revenge the insults offered to the British colonies, and totally to deprive the French of their most valuable settlement in North America. For these purposes is the formidable army under my command intended. The King of Great Britain wages no war with the industrious peasant, the sacred orders of religion, or the defenceless women and children; to these, in their distressful circumstances, his royal clemency offers protection. The people may remain unmolested on their lands, inhabit their houses, and enjoy their religion in security. For these inestimable blessings I expect the Canadians will take no part in the great contest between the two crowns. But if, by a vain obstinacy and misguided valour, they presume to appear in arms, they must expect the most fatal con- sequences—their habitations destroyed, their sacred temples exposed to an exasperated soldiery, their harvest utterly ruined, and the only passage for relief stopped up by a most formidable fleet. In this unhappy situation, and closely attacked by another great army, what can the wretched natives expect from opposition ? The unparalleled barbarities exerted by the French’against our settlements in America might justify the bitterest revenge in the army under my command ; but Britons breathe higher sentiments of humanity, and listen to the merciful dictates of the Christian 1 Wright says “a translation in French of the following manifesto,” and then gives the document as if it were the original. It is, of course, itself only a translation of the manifesto penned by Wolfe, with Barré’s assistance. 440 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE religion. Yet, should you suffer yourselves to be deluded by an imaginary prospect of our want of success; should you refuse these terms, and persist in opposition, then surely will the law of nations justify the waste of war, as necessary to crush an ungenerous enemy ; and then the miserable Canadians must in the winter have the mortification of seeing their very families, for whom they have been exerting but a fruitless and indiscreet bravery, perish by the most dismal want and famine. In this great dilemma let the wisdom of the people of Canada show itself. Britain stretches out a powerful yet merciful hand; faithful to her engagements, and ready to secure her in her most valuable rights and possessions. France, unable to support Canada, deserts her cause at this import- ant crisis, and during the whole war has assisted her with troops, who have been maintained only by making the natives feel all the weight of grievous and lawless oppression. Given at Laurent, in the Island of Orleans, this 28th day of June, 1759. Even as Wolfe penned this proclamation and Saunders searched for a safer anchorage, the enemy was preparing a coup from which great results were hoped. At midnight on the 28th a sentry at Pointe d’Orleans observed a number of black objects floating on the water. Thinking them some craft belonging to the enemy approaching the island he gave the alarm to his comrades. As he did so, a flash lit up the darkness accompanied by a deafening dis- charge of shot and shell. In a moment a whole fleet of flaming fireships stood revealed. As one after another of these terrific engines of destruction become ignited, explosion after explosion rent the midnight air. So startled by the apparition was the picquet, scarce half awakened, that they fled in a panic to their comrades in the main body, reinforced by other picquets as they ran. The whole army sprang to arms, as if the French were upon them, and not until dawning day allayed their fears was order in the ranks restored. The troops then discovered what it was which had so startled them. Elaborately and regardless of expense the French had prepared seven fireships which, in the hopes of setting ablaze Saunders’ fleet, they had launched from beneath their batteries at Quebec. The distance to be traversed was six miles and the navigation difficult ; yet had the officer in command, Delouche, kept his head, Vaudreuil’s fond hopes might not have been baffled. But he did not keep his head : prematurely he applied the match and fled to his boat; his “VIGILANCE AND CAUTION” 441 companions in the other fireships did the same. And so the seven belching messengers of destruction were left to the hazard of the ‘tide to reach their destination before their destructive power was exhausted. In this exploit one French captain and six marines perished. That which had cost the enemy a million livres proved utterly futile. Having timely notice in the terrific premature cannonading off Orleans Point, the cool-headed tars of Saunders’ picquet-boats rowed out to the flaming monsters and, with loud huzzas, towed them ashore. There they blazed harmlessly till dawn, brilliantly illuminating the sky for miles around. “They were certainly,” says Knox, “ the grandest fireworks (if I may be allowed to call them so) that can possibly be conceived, many circumstances having contributed to their awful, yet wonder- ful, appearance, and afforded a scene infinitely superior to any adequate description.” + But the incident of the fleeing picquets roused Wolfe’s indigna- tion, and in his orders on the 29th severely did he reprimand such conduct. Their officer was arrested and ordered to be tried by court-martial, but as he bore an excellent character and was only technically responsible for the panic, he was subsequently pardoned at Monckton’s intercession. Wolfe’s opinion was spread broadcast. “Next to valour,” he wrote, “the best qualities in a military man are vigilance and caution.” There probably never lived a soldier who more strikingly combined in himself all three of these virtues. Meanwhile Admiral Saunders was intent on getting his ships out of the narrow channel off St. Laurent to a securer anchorage. He found such opposite Point Lévis, but believed that the French were erecting a battery there. Informing Wolfe instantly of his surmise, he begged him to dispatch sufficient troops to dislodge the enemy. The General complied with this request with a promptness which might well have made old Vernon and Cathcart turn in their graves. Monckton, with his four battalions, was ordered to cross the river to Beaumont, a village lying immediately to the south. On the 30th Monckton gained Point Lévis, and brushing aside a hand- ful of Canadian militia seized it almost without a blow. Here, in full view of Quebec, with the assistance of the Marines, Monckton threw up entrenchments for his brigade. Townshend was ordered to march his brigade to Pointe d’Orleans, on the island just opposite Monckton, and there encamp. When Saunders had moved up his 1 Journal, vol. i. p. 298. 442 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE fleet into the basin, the situation ere sunset on July 1 may be said to have been clearly revealed to both Admiral and General. Be- siegers and besieged confronted one another. We may therefore seize this opportunity to pierce through the bastions and entrenchments of the enemy, and briefly describe the men, and more particularly the man who, on this day afterwards to be celebrated by millions as the birthday of the Canadian Confederation, was pitted against the hero of these pages in a life- and-death struggle for the possession of Canada. MAJOR-GENERAL MARQUIS DE MONTCALM Froin Ue fumily portrait in the Chateau d@ Avige ATX THE REVERSE AT MONTMORENCI Never before had Canada boasted so many French soldiers as had now been for some seasons arrayed under the command of Louis Joseph, Marquis de Montcalm-Gozon.1 In the three years during which this eminent soldier had been Commander-in-Chief of the Canadian Army he had, in spite of manifold difficulties and the dishonesty or maladroitness of his superiors, managed to set several important successes to his credit. He had fallen upon Oswego and destroyed it, taking 1,400 prisoners and great booty. He had brought about the retirement of Lord Loudoun and his army, and from the strong French fortress of Ticonderoga he had led 6,000 troops against Fort William Henry and compelled the commander, Colonel Munro, to capitulate. In this siege Montcalm had been assisted by a horde of savage followers, who understood nothing of terms of capitula- tion or the French code of honour. The consequence was that as the garrison, with the women and children, filed through the woods on the way to Fort Edward, the Indians fell upon them, and one of the most dreadful massacres in New World history ensued. Having given up their muskets to the victors, the soldiers had nothing wherewith to defend themselves; they were scalped by hundreds, helpless women and children were brained by toma- hawks or against the trunks of trees. Montcalm was horrified at the disgraceful business; but there were others amongst the French who anticipated it, and it was this which made Wolfe’s gorge rise when the news reached England.? 1 Montcalm was born in the Chateau de Candiac, near Nimes, February 29, 1712, and was thus fifteen years Wolfe’s senior. While still a boy he wrote to his father that he was resolved to be a brave and Christian gentle- man, a good scholar, a good horseman, a good fencer and dutiful and submis- sive to his parents and tutor: a lengthy list of resolves which his after life shows he endeavoured to carry out and with success. 2 <¢ There is no doubt,” remarks Wood, “that the French are absolutely clear of any suspicion of foul play in this affair; but with 6,000 troops near by it seems that they might have taken more precautions to safeguard their prisoners from 1,800 Indians. The divided command was probably the cause of their disastrous negligence.” —The Fight for Canada, p. 72. 443 444 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Subsequently the French, under Montcalm, had triumphed on Jake Champlain, where General Abercrombie had tried to take Ticonderoga with 15,000 men, failing miserably. But behind the confident aspect Quebec offered to the foe was a strange scene of despair and corruption. The Viceroy was Pierre Francois de Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, who had been born in the colony during the long vice-royalty of his father more than half-a-century before. Amongst the officials of the colony reckless extravagance prevailed, and the chief of these officials was the Intendant, Francois Bigot. In two years alone it is estimated that Bigot’s robberies amounted to nearly a million pounds sterling.* Montcalm was wretched because of the vices and irregularities around him, but in his capacity of merely military commander was powerless to check them. Jealous of Montcalm, Governor Vaudreuil answered his warnings haughtily, and the breach between the two men widened.? When Bougainville rejoined Montcalm in the spring of 1759, after his mission to France, he brought out the King’s orders to defend the colony to the last with the forces at the Commander-in- Chief’s disposal, and at least not to yield Quebec. ‘“‘ How small soever the space you are able to hold may be,” wrote Marshal Belleisle, “it is indispensable to keep a good hold in North America, for if we once lose the country entirely, its recovery will be almost impossible. The King counts on your zeal, courage and persistency to accomplish this object, and relies on you to spare no pains and no exertions. I have answered for you to the King.” 1 Bigot’s is one of the most infamous names in French-Canadian annals. He was a lawyer, ambitious, intelligent and fond of luxury and display. Yet with all his intelligence he fell easily a prey to the wiles of a certain Madam Péan, who turned the King’s service to her private advantage. Servants, lackeys, upstarts were, by her influence, placed in responsible positions. If they happened to be ignorant and dishonest it was no bar to their promotion. Taxes were multiplied, and the poor people of Canada were made to suffer. Bigot and his official band of robbers held office to the last moment of French dominion in Canada. 2 In his Journal, under date of January 1757, Montcalm wrote, “I left for Quebec on the 8rd. M. I’Intendant lives there in grandeur, and has given two fine balls, where I have seen over eighty very charming ladies, beautifully dressed. I think Quebec a town of very good style, and I don’t believe we have in France more than a dozen cities that could rank higher as regards society. As for numbers, the population is not more than 12,000. The strong taste of M. ]’'Intendant for gambling, the extreme complaisance of M. de Vaudreuil, and the regard that I must show for two men vested with the King’s authority, have caused gambling of the most dangerous kind to take place. Many officers will feel it bitterly before long.” POINT LEVIS OCCUPIED 4A5 To this Montcalm replied, “I shall do everything to save this unhappy colony or die.” It was certainly not his fault that the British had been allowed to entrench themselves so cheaply at Point Lévis. He had sug- gested that 4,000 men should take possession of this spot and erect batteries ; but he was over-ruled by the Governor, who laughed at the idea of the British artillery carrying across the river so as to inflict any serious damage upon Quebec. Now that Monckton was actually entrenched the enemies sent three floating batteries to dislodge him. Met by one of Saunders’ frigates they hastily withdrew. Wolfe now crossed over with a detachment and surveyed the scene. On July 2, under escort of the 48th, he marched to Point des Peres, two miles to the westward and only the river’s width from Quebec. At close quarters with the fortress he had deter- mined to take or perish, he ordered gun after gun into position with barbet batteries close to the water’s edge, while Montcalm, less than a mile away, looked on in mingled admiration and concern. The following days were spent in landing siege guns and mortars, in which both soldiers and sailors toiled with enthusiasm. The safety of the fleet depended upon the strength of Pointe dOrleans and Point Lévis; but it was from a third point that Wolfe was resolved to make his chief onset. This was Beauport, a post on the north side of the river, near Montmorenci Falls, and Just opposite the spot where Carleton had been sent to make a camp. Wolfe thus laid himself open to the charge of splitting up his small force, but in so splitting it up he knew precisely what he was doing. He wished to tempt the enemy into making an attack upon any one of the three divisions, when he knew he could rely upon his transports to make the units cohere before Montcalm could deal him any very damaging blow. Although he had many conferences with Saunders on this very point, it is to be feared he did not always take his brigadiers into his confidence, much to the disgust of two of them, as will shortly be seen. For example, when Monckton’s troops were attacked by a French scouting party, several hundred Canadians and Indians, after a brisk encounter, succeeded in scalping twenty British soldiers and taking one prisoner. This prisoner, taken before Vaudreuil, declared that the British intended to make an imme- diate descent upon Beauport, and that their occupation of Lévis was really a covering diversion. As a consequence of this informa- tion the French scouts were hurriedly withdrawn from Lévis, and 446 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE his troops strengthened at Beauport. The attack never came, but the prisoner’s warning may have been true enough at the time. Wolfe changed his plans, as he did frequently during the siege, and, says Doughty, “so far as his letter-writing critics could see, without the colour of a reason.” } On July 5 Wolfe issued the following orders— Camp at the Island of Orleans. The object of the campaign is to complete the conquest of Canada and to finish the war in America. The army under the Commander-in-Chief will enter the colony on the side of Montreal, while the fleet and army here attack the Governor- General and his forces. Great sufficiency of provisions and a numerous artillery are provided ; and from the known valour of the troops, the nation expects success. These battalions have acquired reputation in the last campaign, and it is not to be doubted but they will be careful to preserve it. From this confidence the General has assured the Secretary of State, in his letters, that whatever may be the event of the campaign his Majesty and the country will have reason to be satisfied with the behaviour of the army under his command. The General means to carry the business through with as little loss as possible, and with the highest regard to the preservation of the troops. To that end he expects that the men work cheer- fully and without the least unsoldierlike murmur or complaint, and that his few but necessary orders be strictly obeyed. . . . As the safety of the army depends in a great measure upon the vigilance of the outguards, any officer or non-commissioned officer who shall suffer himself to be surprised by the enemy, must not expect to be forgiven. False alarms are hurtful in an army, and dishonourable to those who occasion them. The outposts are to be sure that the enemy are in motion before they send their intelligence. . . . In most attacks by night, it must be remembered that bayonets are preferable to fire. ... No churches, houses, or buildings of any kind are to be burned or destroyed without orders. The persons that remain in their habitations, their women and children, are to be treated with humanity. If any violence is offered to a woman, the offender shall be punished with death. If any persons are detected robbing the tents of officers or soldiers, they will be, if con- 1 A. Doughty, The Siege of Quebec, an exhaustive work of six volumes dealing with these operations. Quebec, 1901. BOMBARDMENT COMMENCES 447 demned, certainly executed. The commanders of regiments are to be answerable that no rum, or spirits of any kind, be sold in or near the camp. When the soldiers are fatigued with work, or wet upon duty, the General will order such refreshment as he knows will be of service to them, but is determined to allow no drunkenness nor licentiousness in the army. If any sutler has the presumption to bring rum on shore, in contempt of the General’s regulations, such sutler shall be sent to the Provost in irons, and his goods confiscated. The General will make it his business, as far as he is able, to reward such as shall particularly distinguish them, and, on the other hand, will punish any misbehaviour in an exemplary manner. On the 12th the firing of a rocket was Wolfe’s signal for the batteries at Point Lévis to begin the bombardment of Quebec. At first the shells, falling short, were greeted with the derisive cheers of the French. Their laughter was of short duration ; the gunners quickly got their range, and the destructive rain of shot and shell tore through the roofs and walls of the doomed city. The Com- mander-in-Chief well knew that the grim fortress was not to be won by his cannon, and that to destroy the city was only to render the after-work of reparation more arduous when it finally fell into his hands. But to weaken the enemy and to exert a moral effect he did not spare his powder. It was now high time for Wolfe, entrenched on the south shore and on the Isle of Orleans, to get a firm footing on the north shore. To accomplish this a feint was made by some troops and ships higher up the river, while Wolfe crossed over from the island with 3,000 of Townshend’s and Murray’s troops and established his head-quarters on the heights east of the Montmo- renci river. He hoped at some point or other of the Montmo- renci to find a fordable spot from which he could penetrate into the enemy’s entrenchments, and so precipitate what his soul hungered for, a general engagement. For some time past strained relations had existed between Townshend and the Commander-in-Chief. It is probable that the spoilt, satirical brigadier had under-estimated the master-genius of Wolfe, or that Wolfe had pierced through the shallowness of Townshend.! Whatever the cause, we find Townshend complaining 1 His descendant, Brigadier-General Charles V. F. Townshend, who has so ably defended his ancestor in the course of his biography, writes me from Bloemfontein, South Africa: “‘ With my knowledge of the world and the 448 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE in his Jowrnal of the manner in which he was treated. Once, when apprehensive of a night-attack, he constructed some elaborate breastworks at Montmorenci.} “The next morning the General having gone early to rest in the evening, I reported to him what I had done, and in the evening he went round the front and disapproved of it, saying I had indeed made myself secure, for I had made a fortress ; that small redoubts were better than lines; that the men could not man these lines, nor sally out if they pleased. At the same time that he said this he had one battalion of my brigade and two which had arrived that morning (10th July) from the Isle of Orleans, encamped upon the descent of the hill with their front to the River St. Lawrence, and their rear to the rear of our 1st Line ; exposed to the cannon- shot of the enemy, the first of which went through their tents and raked their encampment from right to left.” ? Townshend felt himself a far better general than Wolfe. “The next day (11th July) I perceived with my glass an officer with an escort very much answering the description of M. Mont- calm, examining our camp from the same spot. I acquainted the General with this, who rather laughed at it and at my expectation of any annoyance from that part.” This was bad enough—to laugh at the brilliant Townshend— but worse was to follow. On the 13th the second brigadier was in- dustriously making the spot chosen for the new camp cannon-proof. “ Whilst I was directing the work, I heard that the General had set out for the Point of Orleans, thence to pass over to the Point of Lévis, leaving me, the first officer in the camp, not only without orders but also even ignorant of his departure or time of return. Upon this I ran down as fast as I could to the water-side, and having desired Mr. Caldwell to stop him till I could come up with him, he received me in a very stately manner, not advancing five steps. I told him that if I had suspected his intentions of going army now, I can see so plainly why Wolfe did not hit it off with his brigadiers. ‘They were all very young men, and Wolfe was the youngest. Monckton and Townshend had been aides-de-camp on the Duke of Cumberland’s staff at Fontenoy when Wolfe, as a Brigadier-Major, had gone over their heads in the army. ‘That explains the friction and consequent misunderstandings.” 1 We are told that Townshend had a dangerous gift for pictorial carica- ture. On one occasion the victim was Wolfe himself at the Generals’ mess. The caricature (of Wolfe reconnoitring a disreputable out-house) being passed along, finally came to the General, who changed colour at the indignity, and crumpled the paper into his pocket. ‘‘If I live,” he said, with a dangerous smile, “‘ this shall be inquired into; but we must beat the enemy first.” 2 Military Life of Townshend, p. 177. 449 PLAN OF OPERATIONS over I had waited on him for his commands which I should be glad suvouaup Tohogy suv poany y SpssoyUp v Aequiepuy ay BIT seoyenagsup § %y Seopunyy Ou Fs. SSAIISOT 2 f \SApauuay px sira.g 2 seorppuasy Bingsm07 q $7 22TUCTODD \ rea UOUTISNOY {| EP sung WF re aivag Ge wpenbuogy y Lert ee Sug 7G Fy EREIOE Beer iy sciptoim Banog SerrTnnene “Sir!” says he very dryly, ) gem »g It pci) v Sed Nh swconseteg ¢ ue dutoz aberng sui, f "Sh pearl He si Shab? 4, bl Ly “uf fowaurias sung g Jo extazng /\ & MRD 8 NN ayy som aes 4 *UOUSUT STHOT 79 X) “Rage sundry “5 ‘OReaeBOg PuoUTIC |G PURO SLOTS ‘a JO SaDUB ajay ‘the Adjutant-General has my orders—permit me, Sir, to ask are to receive and execute to his satisfaction. 450 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE your troops to encamp on their new ground, or not to do it until the enemy’s battery begins to play ?’” Wolfe regarded Townshend’s fastidious performances very properly as a waste of time, although his biographer thinks they proved that Townshend was “far more advanced in his views than Wolfe.” But is it any wonder Townshend's cup of humiliation nearly overflowed ? Beneath the fury of Wolfe’s shells the lower town became much damaged, and on the 16th shells set fire to the upper town as well. Fanned by a strong wind the flames spread rapidly, consuming many buildings, including the cathedral. Yet as far as ever from a coming-out spirit was Montcalm. There were frequent exchanges of sentiments under flags of truce. Once Montcalm’s aide-de-camp observed to Wolfe: “We do not doubt but you will demolish the town; yet we are determined that your army shall never get a footing within its walls.” Wolfe replied: “I will be master of Quebec if I stay here until the end of November.” On another occasion, a French officer having expressed his surprise that the English were so infatuated as to undertake the conquest of Quebec with a mere handful of troops: “'Though we are few and scattered,” was the answer, “ your army, in spite of its superior numbers, is afraid of us. You do not dare to leave your strong entrenchments to attack any of our camps and batteries.” If he could only draw the French out of their trenches! That was Wolfe’s most ardent hope. But so far Montcalm resolutely declined to be so drawn. ‘True, Wolfe’s batteries at Montmorenci soon began to be most inconvenient, and there were hurried counsels in the French camp as to whether they should not be driven forth. But “drive them thence,” said Montcalm, “and they will give us more trouble. While they are there they cannot hurt us. So let them amuse themselves.” Hurrying constantly from camp to camp was Wolfe. On the night of the 18th, from Pointe d’Orleans, he awaited anxiously the result of a bold move he had concerted with Saunders. A small British squadron, under cover of a terrific cannonade from Point Levis, actually succeeded in passing the fortress into the upper river unharmed, thereby cutting off the water communication of the enemy with Montreal. This was a blow indeed to Montcalm, who immediately detached 600 men to proceed along the cliffs, watch the British movements, and check any attempt to land. Wolfe, thinking he might get a footing on the north bank above the city, sent orders to Townshend, at Montmorenci, for KEEPS HIS OWN COUNSEL 451 nine companies of grenadiers, with all his howitzers and guns. Saunders wrote Townshend at the same time, “I have sent you three long boats for the hautbitzers great and small, and the royal mortars. I shall soon send for cannon, as the General designs to make his attack above the town.” When Townshend had complied with this order all was in readiness. On the 21st, during a miserable downpour, Wolfe crossed over to the Point Lévis batteries. From thence, with an escort, he pro- ceeded westward along the south shore to his most advanced post. Embarking in a ship’s boat he examined the upper river for the first time carefully. There was little to encourage him. The long line of almost vertical cliff as far as his eye could reach appeared impregnable. Revolving the situation silently in his mind he returned and spent the night on board the Sutherland. He had changed his mind about the landing. Not only Townshend, but other officers, were puzzled by this apparent indecision. “ Within the space of five hours,” wrote Gibson to Governor Lawrence, “we received at the General’s request three different orders of con- sequence, which were contradicted immediately after their recep- tion . . . to the no small amazement of every one who has taken the liberty of thinking . . . I am told he asks no one’s opinion.” ! Here, at least, was a General who could keep his own counsel. He doubtless was of the opinion that dividing and. harassing the enemy was of considerable advantage in war. Besides, there was always the chance of procuring intelligence; so Wolfe sent Carleton sixteen miles up the St. Lawrence to attack the small town of Pointe aux Trembles. Hither many French families of distinction had taken refuge, and it was rumoured that in addition to stores and valuables, papers of consequence would be found. A number of prisoners were duly made, but as for the papers, Carleton found only private correspondence which told the General what he already knew, namely, that the inhabitants of Quebec were very sick of the situation. One priest wrote, “The English are too many for us; and who could have suspected it? Part of their fleet passed all our batteries, and are riding in safety above the capital. They have made this town so hot, that there is but one place left where we can with safety pay adoration to our most gracious, but now wrathful and displeased God, who, we fear, has forsaken us.” Amongst the hundred and fifty women so captured were several ladies to whom Wolfe, in his réle of preux chevalier, showed the 1 Doughty, ii. p. 112. QG2 452 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE most delicate attention. He invited them all to dine in his tent and was in the highest spirits, exchanging with them reminiscences of Paris and the beaw monde, and inquiring of them gaily when M. le Marquis would take pity on his generalship and come out and meet him in the field. May not, on this occasion, a priest or one of the cultured ladies responded with the apt quotation from ancient history—“ If thou art a great general, Marius, come down and fight.” “If thow art a great general, Silo, make me come down and fight”! The next day Wolfe ordered his aide-de-camp, Captain Hervey Smith, to escort the ladies to Quebec, where it must be added they were by no means welcomed, and where the gallant captain was subjected to somewhat rude treatment at the hands of the Quebec burghers.t. The British General wrote at once to Montcalm to complain of this incivility. Meanwhile, parties of British infantry were scouring the surrounding country. One of these parties under Major Dalling brought in some two hundred and fifty male and female prisoners. After being entertained by Brigadier Monckton the non-combatants were escorted under a flag of truce to Quebec, a proceeding which brought old Johannes, the Town Major, in a rage to the British lines. It was all very well of M. le General Wolfe to make war on old men, women and children and return them afterwards to the French, but M. Wolfe ought to be informed that the people of Quebec had hardly enough food to maintain themselves. Wolfe replied that since M. le Vaudreuil and his staff viewed the British commander’s leniency and generosity so unfavourably, he would not thenceforward trouble himself to restore any captives. He himself had plenty of provisions, and would generously accommodate them in the transports. One might have thought the French would have been contented with the sequel of their first attempt at fire-ships. But no,—on the 27th they once again tried to burn the British fleet. A number of schooners, shallops and barges, were chained together into a line two hundred yards long, loaded with grenades, tar-barrels, shells, swivels and guns, full to the muzzle with waste iron and metal fragments. As this infernal contrivance approached on the ebb tide picket-boats detected it, and the fearless bluejackets instantly grappled with, and towed it ashore before the slightest damage was caused. ‘Damme, Jack,” one was heard to call out, as he pulled hard at his oar, “didst thee ever take hell in tow before ?” 1 Doughty, vol. ii. 116. A BOLD STROKE NECESSARY = 4353 This sort of thing Wolfe felt must be stopped. Next morning he sent a flag of truce to the French commander, and this message, “If you presume to send down any more fire-rafts, they shall be made fast to the two transports in which the Canadian prisoners are confined in order that they may perish by your own base invention.” After that there were no more fire-rafts. Nevertheless, war is war—and we know that Wolfe was not the man to shrink from pushing it to extremity. The humanest warfare is that often which ends it soonest. After a council of war held on board Saunders’ flagship, it was decided to take an important and necessary step, however repugnant to feelings of pure humanity. On his arrival, it will be recalled, he had issued a proclamation offering the Canadians immunity for person and property if they observed neutrality. This had produced no effect. Old men and boys fired on his soldiers from ambush, and he had daily evidence of the hostility of the inhabitants. He now issued another proclamation which he hoped would prove more impressive. Unless by August 10 the inhabitants accepted his previous offer of neutrality, he swore he would lay the whole country waste and make prisoners of every one he caught. Five weeks had now slipped away. At the end of those five precious weeks Quebec was as far from being taken as ever. Another similar period of such barren results and the British fleet and army would have to retire in humiliation. Already many lives had been lost and much ammunition spent. A bold stroke was necessary. Montcalm’s lines should be pierced at the Mont- morenci river. He had tried for practicable fords above the falls in vain; but at low tide there was a possible passage below the falls. It was a desperate chance, but he must do something to justify the trust reposed in him by Chatham and his countrymen, even at the risk of life and reputation. “Standing still” was a military manoeuvre he despised, even though at that very moment Amherst and the main army were on their way to reinforce him. At this weak point in the long French lines bordering the St. Lawrence the foe had thrown up a four-gun redoubt at the foot of the cliffs. If he could take this by assault with his grenadiers and force a way to the high ground he might precipitate a general action. And he must rely almost wholly upon himself, for in such a shallow draught of water Saunders could not help him. But let Wolfe’s own pen describe the events of that disastrous 31st of July, which we can do by anticipating a portion of his celebrated dispatch to Pitt. 454 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE To Wittram Prrr. Headquarters of Montmorenci in the River St. Lawrence. Sir,—I wish I could, upon this occasion, have the honour of transmitting to you a more favourable account of the progress of his Majesty’s arms, but the obstacles we have met with in the operations of the campaign are much greater than we had reason to expect, or could foresee ; not so much from the number of the enemy, (though superior to ours) as from the natural strength of the country, which the Marquis de Montcalm seems wisely to depend upon. When I learned that succours of all kinds had been thrown into Quebec, that five battalions of regular troops of the colony, and every Canadian that was able to carry arms, besides several nations of savages, had taken the field in a very advantageous situation, I could not flatter myself that I should be able to reduce the place. I sought, however, an occasion to attack their army, knowing well that with those troops I saw able to fight, and hoping that a victory might disperse them. We found them encamped, along the shore of Beauport, from the river St. Charles to the fall of Montmorenci and intrenched in every accessible part. The 27th of June we landed upon the Island of Orleans; but, receiving a message from the Admiral, that there was reason to think that the enemy had artillery and a force upon the Point de Levi, I detached Brigadier Monckton with four battalions to drive them thence. He passed the River on the 24th at night, and marched the next day to the Point ; he obliged the enemy’s irregulars to retire and possessed himself of that post; the advanced parties on this occasion had two or three skirmishes with the Canadians and Indians, with little loss on either side. Colonel Carleton marched with a detachment to to the westermost Point of Orleans, whence our operations were likely to begin. It was absolutely necessary to possess these two points, and fortify them; because from either the one or the other the enemy might make it impossible for any ship to lie in the bason of Quebec, or even within two miles of it. Batteries of cannon and mortars were erected with great dispatch on the Point of Levi, to bombard the town and magazines, and to injure the works and batteries, the enemy perceiving these works in some forwardness, passed the river with some sixteen hundred men to attack and destroy them. Unluckily they fell into con- fusion, fired upon one another and went back again, by which we DISPATCH TO PITT 455 lost an opportunity of defeating this large detachment. The effect of this artillery has been so great, though across the River, that the upper town is considerably damaged and the lower town entirely destroyed. The works, for the security of our hospital and stores upon the isle of Orleans, being finished, on the 9th of July, at night, we passed the North Channel, and encamped near the enemy’s left, the river Montmorencie between us. The next morning Captain Dunk’s company of rangers, posted in a wood to cover some workmen, were attacked and defeated by a body of Indians, and had so many killed and wounded as to be almost disabled for the rest of the campaign; the enemy also suffered in this affair, and were, in their turn, driven off by the nearest troops. The ground to the eastward of the fall seemed to be, as it really is, higher than that on the enemy’s side, and to command it in a manner that might be made useful to us. There is beside a ford below the fall, which may be passed for some hours in the latter part of the ebb, and beginning of the flood tide ; and I had hopes that possibly means might be found of passing the river above, so as to fight the Marquis de Montcalm upon terms of less disadvantage than directly attacking his entrenchments. In reconnoitring the river Montmorenci, we found it fordable at a place about three miles up; but the opposite bank was entrenched, and so steep and so woody, that it was to no purpose to attempt a passage there. The escort was twice attacked by the Indians, who were as often repulsed ; but in these rencounters we had forty officers and men, killed and wounded. The 18th July, two men of war, two armed sloops, and two transports, with some troops on board, passed by the town with- out any loss, and got into the upper river. This enabled me to reconnoitre the country above, where I found the same attention on the enemy’s side, and great difficulties on ours, arising from the nature of the ground and the obstacles to our communication with the fleet. But what I feared most was, that if we should have landed between the town and the river of Cap Rouge the body first landed could not be reinforced before they were attacked by the enemy’s whole army. Notwithstanding these difficulties, I thought once of attempting it at St. Michael’s about three miles above the town; but perceiving that the enemy were jealous of the design, were preparing against it, and had actually brought artillery and a mortar (which, being so near to Quebec, they could increase as they pleased) to play on the shipping, and 456 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE as it must have been many hours before we could attack them —even supposing a favourable night for the boats to pass by the town unhurt,—it seemed to me so hazardous that I thought it best to desist. However, to divide the enemy’s force, and to draw their at- tention as high up the river as possible, and to procure some intelligence, I sent a detachment, under the command of Colonel Carleton, to land at the Point aux Trembles, to attack whatever he could find there, bring off some prisoners, and all the useful papers he could get. I had been informed that a number of the inhabitants of Quebec had retired to that place, and that probably we should find a magazine of provisions there. The Colonel was fired upon by a body of Indians the moment he landed ; but they were soon dispersed and driven into the woods ; he searched for magazines but to no purpose ; brought off some prisoners and returned with little loss. After this business I came back to Montmorenci, where I found that Brigadier Townshend had, by a superior fire, prevented the French from erecting a battery on the bank of the river whence they intended to cannonade our camp. I now resolved to take the first oppor- tunity which presented itself of attacking the enemy, though posted to great advantage, and everywhere prepared to receive us. As the men of war cannot for sufficient depth of water come near enough to the enemy’s entrenchments to annoy them in the least, the Admiral had prepared two transports, drawing but little water, which upon occasion could be run aground to favour a descent. With the help of these vessels, which I understand could be carried by the tide close in shore, I proposed to make myself master of a detached redoubt near to the water's edge, and whose situation appeared to be out of musket shot of the entrenchments upon the hill; if the enemy supported this de- tached piece it would necessarily bring on an engagement, what we most wished for; and if not, I should have it in my power to examine their situation so as to be able to determine where best to attack them. Preparations were accordingly made for an engagement. The 31st July in the forenoon, the boats of the fleet were filled with Grenadiers, and a part of Brigadier Monckton’s brigade from the Point Levi; the two brigades under the Briga- diers Townshend and Murray were ordered to be in readiness to pass the ford, when it should be thought necessary. To facilitate the passage of this corps, the Admiral had placed the “Centurion ” ue sayaqays Wolf BraniBus hw. yg Lavy uanjdng JT ‘Tg Adar ‘MOVLLV 8,aa TOM HO GNGOS ‘AONTUONLNOW 40 STTVA AIL GRENADIERS HURLED BACK 487 in the Channel, so that he might check the fire of the lower battery which commanded the ford; this ship was of great use, as her fire was very judiciously directed. A great quantity of Artillery stores were placed upon the eminence so as to batter and enslade the left of their entrenchments. From the vessel which ran aground nearest in, I observed that the redoubt was too much commanded to be kept without very great loss; and the more, as the two armed ships could not be brought near enough to cover both with their artillery and musketry, which I at first conceived they might. But as the enemy seemed in confusion, and we were prepared for action, I thought it a proper time to make an attempt upon their entrenchment. Orders were sent to the Brigadier General to be ready, with corps under their command ; Brigadiers Townshend and Murray to pass the ford. At a pro- per time of the tide, the signal was made, but in rowing towards the shore many of the boats grounded upon a ledge that runs off a considerable distance, This accident put us in some disorder, lost a great deal of time and obliged me to send an officer to stop Brigadier Towns- hend’s march, whom I then observed to be in motion. While the seamen were getting their boats off, the enemy fired a num- ber of shot and shell, but did no considerable damage. As soon as this disorder could be set to rights, and the boats were ranged in a proper manner, some of the officers of the navy went in with me to find a better place to land. We took one flat-bottomed boat with us to make the experiment; and as soon as we had found a fit part of the shore, the troops were ordered to dis- embark, thinking it not too late for the attempt. The thirteen companies of Grenadiers and two hundred of the second Royal American battalion got first on shore. The Grenadiers were ordered to form themselves into four distinct bodies, and to begin the attack, supported by Brigadier Monckton’s corps, as soon as the troops had missed the fort, and were at hand to assist, but, whether from the noise and hurry at landing, or from some other cause the Grenadiers instead of forming them- selves as they were directed, ran on impetuously towards the enemy’s entrenchments, in the utmost disorder and confusion, without waiting for the corps which was to sustain them, and join in the attack. Brigadier Monckton was not landed and Brigadier Townshend was still at a considerable distance, though upon his march to join us, in very great order. The Grenadiers were checked by the enemy’s first fire, and obliged to shelter 458 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE themselves in or about the redoubt, which the French abandoned upon their approach. In this situation they continued for some time, unable to form under so hot a fire and having many gallant officers wounded, who, careless of their persons, had been solely intent upon their duty. I saw the absolute necessity of calling them off that they might form themselves behind Brigadier Monckton’s corps, which was now landed, and drawn up on the beach, in extreme good order. By this new accident, and this second delay, it was near night, and a sudden storm came on, and the tide began to make, so that I thought it most advisable not to persevere in so difficult an attack, lest, in case of a repulse, the retreat of Brigadier Townshend’s corps might be hazardous and uncertain. Our artillery had a great effect upon the enemy’s left, where Brigadiers Townshend and Murray were to have attacked ; and it is probable that, if those accidents I have spoken of had not happened, we should have penetrated there, whilst our left or centre, more remote from our artillery, must have borne all the violence of their musketry. The French did not attempt to interrupt our march. Some of their savages came down to murder such wounded as could not be brought off, and to scalp the dead, as their custom is. The place where the attack was intended, has these advantages over all others here about; our artillery could be brought into use, the greater part, or even the whole of the troops, might act at once, and the retreat in case of a repulse, was secure, at least for a certain time of the tide; neither one nor other of these advantages can any- where else be found. The enemy were indeed posted upon a commanding eminence; the beach upon which the troops were drawn up was of deep mud, with holes, and cut by several gullies; the hill to be ascended very steep, and not everywhere practicable; the enemy numerous in their entrenchments and their fire hot. If the attack had succeeded, our loss must certainly have been great, and theirs inconsiderable, from the shelter which the neighbouring woods afforded them. The river St. Charles remained still to be passed before the town could be invested. All these circumstances I considered, but the desire to act in conformity to the King’s intentions enduced me to make this trial, persuaded that a victorious army finds no difficulties. This staggering reverse at Montmorenci Falls was a terrible blow to the young Commander. He had never intended it as a A SERIOUS REVERSE 459 real attack on the enemy’s position, but as a challenge for him to come out of his trenches and fight. He calculated on being met, not by grenadiers, but by the Canadian militia. When by reason of the delay in carrying the redoubt he discovered that the weight of Montcalm’s army of veterans was being thrown on his handful of men, he saw that the chances were greatly against him. But with Wolfe, as has been well said, for all his science, “the moral force in warfare was always for him the master element.” And the worst of it was that he had infected his men with his own impetuosity.t He had lost 443 men killed and wounded, including thirty-three officers, chiefly grenadiers. No wonder that the English camp that night was sunk in gloom or that the French rejoiced. “I have no more anxiety about Quebec,” wrote Vaudreuil. That night the sorrowful commander, upon whose delicate frame sickness was already beginning to lay a dread hand, went from tent to tent visiting his wounded officers. He himself had been thrice struck by splinters and his cane had been dashed from his grasp by a round shot. But he never thought of himself as long as he could stand upright. Those who were able to limp to the General’s tent he invited to sup with him, and more than one aspiring ensign lived to describe the sad pale face and tender smile of their leader as he sat at the head of the board. When all had departed and he was left alone, he called for paper and vented his feelings of bitterness in the following manifesto, which on the morrow was read out to the troops. “The check which the Grenadiers met with yesterday, will, it is hoped, be a lesson to them for the time to come; such impetuous, irregular and unsoldierlike proceedings destroy all order, make it impossible for their commanders to form any disposition for an attack, and put it out of the General’s power to execute his lan. : “The Grenadiers could not suppose that they alone could beat the French army, and therefore it was necessary that the corps under Brigadier Monckton and Brigadier Townshend should have time to join, that the attack might be general ; the very first fire of the enemy was sufficient to repulse men who had lost all sense of order and military discipline; Ambherst’s and the Highland 1 “J am convinced,” observes Townshend, “ that the cause of this disaster, as in so many other cases, was the burning thirst.for battle on the part of the troops, officers and men like, such as one sees in men, who, never having been on active service before, are impatient to find themselves engaged.”— Military Life of the Marquess Townshend, p. 196. 460 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE regiments alone, by the soldierlike and cool manner they were formed in, would undoubtedly have beat back the whole Canadian army, if they had ventured to attack them. “The loss, however, is inconsiderable, and may be easily repaired, when a favourable opportunity offers, if the men will show a proper attention to their officers.” ! “By failure his military error,” says Warburton, “had been thrown into strong light, and yet it is probable that he would have succeeded but for a strange adversity of circumstances.” There is extant a long letter of Wolfe's, concerning this very battle of Montmorenci, of the highest interest and importance. It must be remembered, however, that it was penned in a moment of great physical weakness and depression, which accounts for the tone of the close of the letter. He had drafted his dispatch to Pitt and sent a copy to Saunders, who took exception to one or two passages relating to the “cat-boats,” or catamarans, and naval responsibility for the affair, suggesting emendation. To Vick-ADMIRAL SAUNDERS. Banks of the St. Lawrence, 30¢h August, 1759. Dear Sir,—I did not see the letter you did me the honour to write till just now, nor indeed could I have answered it before, if Major Barré had shown it me. I shall leave out that part of my letter to Mr. Pitt which you object to, although the matter of fact to the best of my recollection, is strictly as I have stated it. Iam sensible of my own errors in the course of the campaign ; see clearly wherein I have been deficient ; and think a little more or less blame to a man that must necessarily be ruined, of little or no consequence. If you had recollected the purport of my letter you would not have found “ that it throws any difficulties I met with in landing on the two cats not being placed so to annoy the two small batteries with their great guns.” On the contrary the cats did annoy the upper battery with their great guns, and performed that part of the service as well as could be expected ; and yet that battery was not aban- doned by the enemy, but continued firing till the Grenadiers ran (like blockheads) up to it. However, its fire was of no consequence 1 «¢ Amongst those who shared his confidence,” says Smollett, “he was often seen to sigh, and he was often heard to complain; and even in the transports of his chagrin declare that he would never return without success to be exposed, as other unfortunate commanders had been, to the censure and reproach of an ignorant populace.” —Hist. of England. COOK EXPLAINS TO SAUNDERS 461 and not worth mentioning, nor the least impediment to landing. Mr. Cook? said he believed the cats could be carried within 40 or 50 yards of the redoubts. I told him at the time, that I would readily compound for 150 or 200 yards, which would have been near enough, had the upper redoubt been as far from the enemy’s entrenchments as it appeared from our camp to be, and had I judged it advisable to attack it with a view to lodge in it, which I did not upon seeing that it was too much commanded. You will please to consider the difference between landing at high water with four companies of Grenadiers to attack a redoubt under the protection of the artillery of a vessel, and landing part of an army to attack the enemy’s entrenchments. For this last business, a junction of our corps was necessary ; and to join, the water must fall a certain degree. I gave up the first point (that of the redoubt) upon finding my mistake as to the distance from the entrenchment, and determined upon the latter, (which I always had in view) upon observing the enemy’s disorder, and remarking their situation much better than I ever could do before. The fire of the lower redoubt was so smart during the time that we were on board the “ Russell” (I think it was) that, as neither her guns, nor the guns of the other cat could be brought to bear against it, I thought fit to order the Grenadiers out of her, by which I saved many lives. I was no less than three times struck with the splinters in that ship and had my stick knocked out of my hand with the cannon-ball while I was on board reconnoitring the position and movements of the enemy ; and yet you say in your letter they did (the cats) great execution against the two small batteries, and on your first landing you did not lose a man. With regard to the “Centurion,” I am ready to do justice to Cap. Mantle; but I am very sure, whatever his merit may be, the approbation would be more to the purpose coming from you than from me. In reality the position of the ship was in con- sequence of your orders, and I am very sure that, if you could have placed the whole fleet so as to have been useful to us, you would have done it. The “Centurion” had no enemy to encounter ; her position was assigned, and her guns were fired judiciously. The fire of that, and of the four-gun battery near the water-side, 1 Later the famous Captain Cook, then master of the Mercury, Cook took the soundings of the channel between the Isle of Orleans and the north shore, facing the French camp, preparatory to its being occupied by Saunders’ ships, an arduous and risky operation, accomplished entirely at night. 462 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE together with the want of ammunition, kept their lower battery silent for some time, but yet we received many shot from that battery at landing; and Brigadier Townshend’s corps was fired upon particularly in returning over the ford, though with little damage. When I had resolved to attack the French army I sent Mr. Leslie to see how the water fell, that I might land at a proper time to join with Townshend, and when he made me his report, I made the signal to Col. Burton. Many of the boats ran upon the ledge; and the delay occasioned by the accident was such, that I sent Captain Smith, my aide-de-camp, to stop Townshend, who was then crossing the ford; and yet, Sir, you assert that there was no delay by this accident. None indeed that would have had any consequence if the strange behaviour of the Grenadiers had not lost us more time and brought on the night, and perhaps very luckily for the army, considering the dis- advantageous nature of the attack. I remember you did me the honour to call to me from your boat to go in and see for a landing place; and I remember some gentleman’s calling out at the same time from the boat that it was a proper time to land ; and you may remember I went in, and made the experiment with a flat-bottomed boat, and one of the captains (I believe Capt. Chads,) and when we had found what we sought for, I desired him to bring the boats forward. The rest makes up the remaining part of the story of that unlucky day; the blame of which I take entirely upon my own shoulders, and expect to suffer for it. Accidents cannot be helped. As much of the plan as was defective falls upon me; and it is, I think, a matter of no great consequence whether the cats fired well or ill; were well or ill placed ; of no great consequence whether an hour or two were or were not lost by the boats grounding ; and of as little consequence whether the “ Centurion’s” gunner directed his shot well or ill. In none of these circumstances the essential matter resides. The great fault of that day consists in putting too many men into boats, who might have been landed the day before, and might have crossed the ford with certainty, while a small body only remained afloat; and the superfluous boats of the fleet employed in a feint that might divide the enemy’s force. A man sees his error often too late to remedy. My ill state of health hinders me from executing my own plan; it is of too desperate a nature to order others to execute. The Generals seem to think alike as to the operations, I, therefore, JAMES MU BRAY BRIGADIER-G ENERAL HON. From a draeag by Galray AMHERST’S ADVANCE 463 Join with them, and perhaps we may find some opportunity to strike a blow.} I am, dear Sir, etc., Jam. WotrFe. He had failed at Montmorenci, but Wolfe did not believe his plan unsound. He would try again under more favourable con- ditions. He concerted with Saunders a plan of action for the upper river. Holmes, in command of the flotilla beyond Quebec, was to act in conjunction with Murray, who was given 1,200 men to destroy the French shipping up stream, and to harass the enemy on shore as much as possible. Murray found the whole line of cliffs on the alert. Two attempts did he make to land, but each time was met by a fire too hot to stand, but at the third attempt he surprised the river post, pushed on and captured the village of Dechambault. Here the French, in conformity with the General’s manifesto, were made to feel his hand. But the greatest advantage he obtained was to intercept some important letters, which told of the occupation of Crown Point by Amherst, and Johnson’s capture of Niagara. This was good news indeed, and, as there was nothing else to be done, Murray hastened back to Wolfe. Scarcely was his back turned when Montcalm arrived in Dechambault—too late ! 1“ This failure,” remarks Doughty, “‘ caused a temporary abatement of the enthusiastic regard in which Wolfe was held by officers and soldiers alike.” There is nothing whatever to justify such an assertion. Wolfe’s general orders sufficiently explained the cause of the disaster to all. The Grenadiers alone were to blame. XX THE FINAL PLAN Goop tidings could not have come to Wolfe at a more fitting moment. Fatigue, disappointment, and disease were overcoming his body, if not his spirit, and this revived him. At mess one day one of his officers spoke of one whose delicate constitution might be an obstacle to his career. “ Don’t talk to me of constitution,” he said, “he has spirits, and spirits will carry a man through anything.” Yet he soon saw that there was little or no hope of succour from Amherst and Johnson. All this time the bombardment of Quebec never ceased. On the morning of August 10, a shell ignited some brandy in a wine-cellar, the flames spread and quickly the whole of that part of the city, including the church of Notre Dame des Victoires, was destroyed. Nor did a day pass without a bloody skirmish between British and Canadians or Indians, accompanied by the horrible details of Redskin butchery. Daily, too, prisoners were brought into camp. ‘The flames caused by British torches fulfilled Wolfe’s threats to the letter as they rose over cottage and barn. The corn withered on its stalks, and there were no reapers, save where British gun or musket could not carry. The townspeople of the beleaguered city were in a sore plight; well they knew that if anything happened to their sup- plies from Montreal they would perish of hunger. To hold out a month or two longer would ensure their safety for that winter, perhaps for many winters. On August 19 Captain Smith came sorrowfully out of the low stone farmhouse that served the General as headquarters at Montmorenci, to announce that the General could not rise that day. The news spread like wild-fire through the whole army, causing the most anxious concern through all ranks. There Wolfe lay stretched on his rude military cot, racked with pain and fever for days. He seems no longer to have cherished any illusions as to his own health. “I know perfectly well,” he said to his surgeon, “ you cannot cure my complaint; but patch me up so that I may be able to do my duty for the next few days, 464 SERIOUSLY ILL 465 and I shall be content.” He told those about him he would “cheerfully sacrifice a leg or an arm to be in possession of Quebec.” In the midst of his illness his mind was torn with apprehension. Upon him alone hung the fate of the campaign ; he knew the disposition of some of the officers towards him, especially since the affair at Montmorenci. The absence of Murray on his expedition to the upper river fretted him. To Monckton, who wrote that he heard firing, he sent a note. To Bricapier-GENERAL Moncxron. 19th August, 1759. Dear Sir,—The cannon you heard is probably what you imagine, a vessel coming down to open the communication. The Admiral has heard a different account of the woman’s report. He sent for the man on board to examine him; and he there declared that she had spoken handsomely of the treat- ment that she and the rest had met with. ‘They are certainly distressed—it is everybody’s story, that leaves the army. On languit dans ce Camp the deserters say. What shall I do with this Cotton? Better send him on board and let the Admiralty settle his affairs hereafter. Our batteries alarm them, you may be assured. I wish we had Murray’s corps back, that we might be ready to decide it with ’em. I have the honour to be with much regard, Dear Sir, Your faithful and humble servant, James WOLFE. He had information that the enemy’s force at Beauport was weakened through Montcalm, Bougainville, and Levis all being absent. In the midst of his illness he dictated another letter to Monckton. To Hon. Rosert Moncxton. Montmorency, 22nd August, 1759. Dear Bricaprer,—Murray, by his long stay above and by detaining all our boats, is actually master of the operations— or rather puts an entire stop to them. I have writ twice to recall him, but you tell me the midshipman is yet at his old post. I intend to burn all the country from Camarasca to the Point of Levis. Scott’s Rangers and some volunteers are to 1 Knox, vol. ii. p. 29. HH 466 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE execute a part of this. You know I promised Mr. Cameron the first vacancy in the army, or no recommendation whatever should have interfered with yours in your own regiment. The next ensigncy Mr. Tren shall have, unless you choose a lieutenancy (if a vacancy happen) should be given to poor Engel who has been hardly used. I have the honour to be with great esteem, Dear Sir, ‘Your most obedient and humble servant, J. Wotre. On the 26th Murray got back, but the General was prostrated, and could then do nothing. In view of this serious state of affairs, Wolfe requested his brigadiers to consult together, dictating with difficulty the following letter— To THE BricaDIERs. That the public service may not suffer by the General’s indisposition, he begs the Brigadiers will meet and consult for the public utility and advantage, and consider of the best method to attack the enemy. If the French army be attacked and defeated, the General concludes that the town would immedi- ately surrender, because he does not find they have any provisions in that place. The General is of opinion that the army should be attacked in preference to the place, because of the difficulties of penetrating from the Lower to the Upper Town; in which attempt, neither the guns of the shipping nor our own batteries could be of much use. There appear to be three methods of attacking the army— First. In dry weather, a large detachment may march in a day and night, so as to arrive at Beauport,—fording the Mont- morenci eight or nine miles up,—before day in the morning. It is likely they would be discovered upon this march on both sides of the river. If such detachment penetrates to the intrench- ments, and the rest of the troops are ready, the consequence is lain. e Second. If the troops encamped here [on the north shore] pass the ford with the falling water, and in the night march on directly towards the point of Beauport, the light infantry have a good chance to get up the woody hill; trying different places and moving quick to the right, would soon discover a proper place for the rest. The upper redoubt must be attacked, BRIGADIERS’ REPLY 467 and kept by a company of Grenadiers. Brigadier Monckton must be ready, off the point of Beauport, to land where our people get up the hill ; for which signals may be appointed. Third. All the chosen troops of the army may attack at Beauport at low water. A diversion must be made across the ford an hour before the second attack. N.B.—For the first attack, it is sufficient if the water begins to fall a little before daylight, or about it. For the other two, it will be best to have the low water half-an-hour before day. The General thinks the country should be ruined and destroyed, as much as can be done consistent with a more capital operation. N.B.—There are guides in the army for the detachment question. The brigadiers accordingly met at Monckton’s quarters on Point Levis, afterwards consulting Saunders on board his flagship. The following reply to Wolfe’s letter was concerted— Point Levi, August 29, 1759. Having met this day in consequence of General Wolfe’s desire, to consult together for the public utility and advantage, and to consider of the best method of attacking the enemy ; and having read His Majesty’s private instructions which the General was pleased to communicate to us ; and having considered some propositions of his with respect to our future operations, we think it our duty to offer our opinion as follows— The natural strength of the enemy’s situation between the rivers St. Charles and Montmorenci, now improved by all the art of their engineers, makes the defeat of their army, if attacked there, very doubtful. The advantage which their easy com- munication along the shore gives over our attack from boats, and by the ford of the river Montmorenci, is evident from late experience; and it appears to us that that part of the army which is proposed to march through the woods nine miles up to Montmorenci, to surprise their camp, is exposed to certain discovery, and consequently to the disadvantage of a constant wood fight. But allowing that we could get a footing on the Beauport side, the Marquis de Montcalm will still have it in his power to dispute the passage of the river St. Charles, till the place is supplied with provisions from the ships and magazines above, from which it appears they draw their subsistence. We are therefore of opinion that the most probable method of striking an effectual blow is to bring the troops to the south HH2 468 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE shore, and to carry the operations above the town. If we can establish ourselves on the north shore, the Marquis de Montcalm must fight us on our own terms; we are between him and his provisions, and between him and the army opposing General Amherst. If he gives us battle and we defeat him, Quebec, and probably all Canada, will be our own, which is beyond any advantage we can expect by the Beauport side ; and should the enemy pass over the river St. Charles with force sufficient to oppose this operation, we may still, with more ease and proba- bility of success, execute the General’s third proposition (which is, in our opinion, the most eligible), or undertake anything else on the Beauport shore, necessarily weakened by the detachments made to oppose us from the town. MoncxTon, (Signed) Drigaion | TowNsHEND, Morray. Thus all three of Wolfe’s plans were summarily rejected, including his cherished one of Beauport. Murray and ‘Townshend took the letter to Wolfe at Montmorenci, which camp it was proposed that he should abandon. Being ill, he could do nothing. At the same time he saw clearly that the fact of Holmes’ and the ships getting up the river had changed the situation completely. And the plan of the brigadiers for carrying the attack up the river was, although far from original with them, as he had contemplated it from the first, very different from that which was afterwards successfully adopted by Wolfe. On the 31st the Admiral came on shore and Wolfe and he and the three brigadiers had a consultation. That night the evacuation of Montmorenci began, and Saunders dispatched a small squadron up stream past Quebec. Wolfe evacuated in his own way, doing it by degrees so as to tempt Montcalm into a trap.} In the last letter which he wrote his widowed mother he reveals plainly, not bis physical illness, but his dejection of mind— To nis Moruer. Banks of the St. Lawrence, 31st August, 1759. Dear Mapam,—My writing to you will convince you that no personal evils, worse than defeats and disappointments, have 1 “« Wolfe, as he withdrew his force from Montmorenci, had in fact laid a cunning trap for him—his last despairing effort to bring on an action in his own way.” —Corbett, ii. p. 457. ‘THE WARY OLD FELLOW’ = $469 fallen upon me. The enemy puts nothing to risk, and I can’t In conscience, put the whole army to risk. My antagonist has wisely shut himself up in inaccessible entrenchments, so that I can’t get at him without spillinga torrent of blood, and that perhaps to little purpose. The Marquis de Montcalm is at the head of a great number of bad soldiers and I am at the head of a small number of good ones, that wish for nothing so much as to fight him; but the wary old fellow avoids an action doubtful of the behaviour of his army. People must be of the profession to understand the disadvantages and difficulties we labour under, arising from the uncommon natural strength of the country. I approve entirely of my father’s disposition of his affairs, though perhaps it may interfere a little matter with my plan of quitting the service, which I am determined to do the first opportunity,—I mean so as not to be absolutely distressed in circumstances, nor burdensome to you, or to any body else, I wish you much health, and am, dear Madam, Your obedient and affectionate son, Jam: WOLFE, If any sums of money are paid to you, of what is due my father from the Government, let me recommend to you, not to meddle with the funds, but keep it for your support until better times. We may now continue the narration of affairs since Mont- morenci in Wolfe’s own letter to the Prime Minister. To Wuu1amM Prrr (continued). The enemy have been fortifying ever since with care, so as to make a second attempt still more dangerous. Immediately after this check I sent Brigadier Murray above the town, with twelve hundred men, directing him to assist Rear-Admiral Holmes in the destruction of the French ships if they could be got at, in order to open a communication with General Amherst. The Brigadier was to seek every favourable opportunity of fighting some of the enemy’s detachments, provided he could do it upon tolerable terms; and to use all the means in his power to provoke them to attack him. He made two different attempts to land upon the north shore, without success ; but in a third was more fortunate. He landed unexpectedly at Dechambault, and burned a magazine there, in which were some provisions, some ammunition, and all the spare stores, clothing, arms, and 470 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE baggage of their army. Finding that their ships were not to be got at, and little prospect of bringing the enemy to battle he reported his situation to me. I ordered him to rejoin the army. The prisoners he took informed him of the surrender of Niagara ; and we discovered by intercepted letters, that the enemy, having abandoned Carillon and Crown Point, were retired to the isle au Noix; and that General Amherst was making preparations to pass the Lake Champlain, to fall upon Monsieur de Bourle- macque’s corps, which consists of three battalions of foot, and as many Canadians as make the whole amount to three thousand men. The Admiral’s dispatches and mine would have gone eight or ten days sooner, if I had not been prevented from writing by a fever. I found myself so ill, and am still so weak, that I begged the general officers to consult together for the public utility. They are all of opinion, that, as more ships and provisions are now got above the town, they should try, by con- veying up a corps of four or five thousand men, which is nearly the whole strength of the army, after the Points of Levi and Orleans are left in a proper state of defense, to draw the enemy from their present situation, and bring them to an action. JI have acquiesced in their proposal, and we are preparing to put it into execution. ‘The Admiral and I have examined the town, with the view of a general assault ; but after consulting with the chief Engineer, who is well acquainted with the interior parts of it, and after viewing it with the utmost attention, we found that, though the batteries of the lower town might be easily silenced by the men of war, yet the business of an assault would be little advanced by that, since the few passages leading from the lower to the upper town are carefully entrenched, and the upper batteries cannot be affected by the ships, which must receive considerable damage from them, and from the mortars. The Admiral would readily join in this, or in any other measure for the public service; but I would not propose to him an undertaking of so dangerous a nature and promising so little success. To the uncommon strength of the country the enemy have added, for the defence of the river, a great number of floating batteries and boats; by the vigilance of these and the Indians round our different posts, it has been impossible to execute any- thing by surprise. We have had almost daily skirmishes with the Savages, in which they are generally defeated, but not without loss on our side. A CHOICE OF DIFFICULTIES 471 By the list of disabled officers! (many of whom are of rank) you may perceive that the army is much weakened. By the nature of the river, the most formidable part of this armament is deprived of the power of acting, yet we have almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In this situation there is such a choice of difficulties, that I own myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of great Britain, I know, require the most vigorous measures; however, you may be assured that the small part of the campaign which remains shall be employed (as far as I am able) for the honour of His Majesty, and the interest of the nation: in which I am sure of being well seconded by the Admiral and the Generals. Happy if our efforts here can contribute to the success of his Majesty’s arms in any other part of America.? I am, Sir, etc. James WoLrE. On the 3rd the abandonment of the camp was completed, and the troops, all but Carleton’s small force, which still held the Isle d’Orleans, were assembled at Levis in readiness to move still further westward. Montcalm could not understand these tactics. He could not believe that Wolfe really intended to shift his base from Montmorenci. He therefore sent a messenger to Bougainville, who was watching with his large force from the northern heights, warning him that “ Mr. Wolfe is just the man to double back in the night.” 1 © Return of killed, wounded, and missing— Killed. Wounded. Missing. Officers - , 3 3 11 46 0 Sergeants. - ‘ . 9 26 0 Drummers . . i : 0 7 0 Rank and file 3 ; . 162 572 17 Total . . 182 651 17 Colonel Burton, Colonel Fraser, Major Irving, Major Prevost, sixteen captains, twenty-four lieutenants and three ensigns were wounded; and three captains, six lieutenants and one ensign were killed between the 27th of June and the 2nd of September.”—Doughty, vol. ii. p. 253. 2 “Upon the publication of Wolfe’s dispatch of the 2nd of September, Charles Townshend is said to have declared that it was written by his brother ; ‘for,’ said he, ‘ Wolfe is a fiery-headed fellow, only fit for fae ; and the falsehood was credited by those who knew nothing of Wolfe's abilities. But when the Honourable Brigadier had occasion to write to the Secretary of State, giving an account of events subsequent to Wolfe’s death, the inferiority of his dispatch was generally remarked. And George Selwyn, meeting Town- shend one day at the Treasury, facetiously inquired, ‘Charles, if your brother wrote Wolfe’s dispatch, who the devil wrote your brother George’s? _. (The Soldier’s Companion.) The composition has likewise been absurdly attributed to Colonel Barré. (See Britton’s Junius Elucidated.)”—Wright. 472 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE The labour and anxiety of evacuation had told upon the British general severely. On the 4th, having inspected his entire forces drawn up on parade at Levis, he braced himself to dine with the officers of Monckton’s brigade. He seemed to be much better. But when he gained his tent his faithful friend Barré perceived him to be deadly ill. The next day his men feared that he would not be able to lead them in person, and the rumour ran that their beloved general was dying. But Fate stayed her hand ; the end of the young warrior was not to be that day. One may pause and reflect what would have happened had Wolfe succumbed. Not that year would the fortress of Quebec have been taken : next year Pitt had a new master, and Lord Bute was all for peace with France. When would England again make the attempt had she then failed ? Owing either to the skill of the surgeon or his own indomitable spirit, Wolfe got on his feet once more. On the evening of the 6th all the troops were got on board the transports, and Wolfe joined the army afloat off Cap Rouge. On the following day he reconnoitred in the Hunter sloop of war as far westward as the Point aux Trembles in order to find a suitable landing for the troops. Here again he kept his counsels. He knew that every motion he made was watched. by the lynx-like eyes of the French, that Montcalm regulated the disposition of his troops entirely by the movements of his antagonist. On the 8th he ordered Monckton and Murray with 1500 men to be ready for a feigned attack on the north shore by night. A storm came on of such violence that nothing could be done, and the order was countermanded. Meanwhile Wolfe went on board the Sutherland and composed the following letter to the Earl of Holderness, one of Pitt’s colleagues. It was the last of his dispatches. To tHE Eart oF HoLpErNEss. On board the ‘ Sutherland’ at anchor off Cape Rouge, September 9, 1759. My Lorp,—If the Marquis de Montcalm had shut himself up in the town of Quebec, it would have been long since in our possession, because the defences are inconsiderable, and our artillery very formidable ; but he has a numerous body of armed men (I cannot call it an army) and the strongest country perhaps in the world to rest the defence of the town and colony upon. The ten battalions and the Grenadiers of Louisbourg are a chosen body of troops, and able to fight the united force of DESCRIBES THE SITUATION 4738 Canada upon even terms. Our field artillery brought into use would terrify the Militia and the savages, and our battalions are In every respect superior to those commanded by the Marquis, who acts a circumspect, prudent part, and entirely defensive, except in one extraordinary instance—he sent 1600 men over the river to attack our batteries upon the Point Levi, defended by four battalions. Bad intelligence, no doubt, of our strength induced him to this measure; however the detachment judged better than their General, and retired. They dispute the water with the boats of the fleet by the means of floating batteries, suited to the nature of the rivers, and innumerable battoes. They have a great artillery upon the ramparts towards the sea, and so placed that shipping cannot affect it. I meant to attack the left of their entrenchments, favoured by our artillery, the 31st July. A multitude of traverses prevented, in some measure, its effect, which was nevertheless very considerable. Accidents hindered the attack, and the enemy’s care to strengthen that post has made it since too hazardous. The town is totally demolished, and the country in a great measure ruined, particularly the Lower Canada. Our fleet blocks up the river, both above and below the town, but can give no manner of assistance in an attack upon the Canadian army. We have continued skirmishes; old people seventy years of age, and boys of fifteen fire on our detachments, and kill or wound our men from the edges of the woods. Every man able to bear arms, both above and below Quebec, is in the camp at Beauport. The old men, women, and children are retired into the woods. The Canadians are extremely dissatisfied ; but, curbed by the force of the Government, and terrified by the savages that are posted rounded about them, they are obliged to keep together to work and man the entrenchments. Upwards of twenty sail of ships got in before our squadron, and brought succours of all sorts, which were exceedingly wanted in the colony. The sailors of these ships help to work the guns, and others conduct the floating batteries. Their ships are lightened, and carried up the river out of our reach—at least out of the reach of the men-of-war. These ships serve a double purpose; they are magazines for their provisions, and at the same time cut off all communications between General Amherst’s army and the corps under my command, so that we are not able to make any detachment to attack Montreal, or favour the junctions, or, by attacking the fort of Chambly or Boulemargue’s 474 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE corps behind, open the General’s way into Canada,—all which might have been easily done with ten floating batteries, carrying each a gun, and twenty flat-bottomed boats, if there had been no ships in the river. Our poor soldiery have worked without ceasing, and without murmuring; and as often as the enemy have attempted upon us, they have been repulsed by the valour of the men. A woody country, so well known to the enemy, and an enemy so vigilant and hardy as the Indians and Canadians are, make entrenchments everywhere necessary, and by this precaution we have saved a number of lives ; for scarce a night passes that they are not close in upon our posts, watching an opportunity to surprise and murder. There is very little quarter given on either side. We have seven hours, and sometimes,—above the town after rain,—near eight hours of the most violent ebb tide that can be imagined, which loses us an infinite deal of time in every operation on the water ; and the stream is so strong, particularly here, that the ships often drag their anchors by the mere force of the current. The bottom is a bed of rock, so that a ship, unless it hooks a ragged rock, holds by the weight only of the anchor. Doubtless, if the equinoctial gale has any force, a number of ships must necessarily run ashore and be lost. The day after the troops landed upon the Isle of Orleans, a violent storm had nigh ruined the expedition altogether. Numbers of boats were lost; all the whaleboats and most of the cutters were stove; some flat-bottomed boats destroyed, and others damaged. We never had half as many of the latter as are necessary for this extraordinary and very important service. The enemy is able to fight us upon the water whenever we are out of the reach of the cannon of the fleet. The extreme heat of the weather in August, and a good deal of fatigue, threw me into a fever; but that the business might go on, I begged the Generals to consider amongst themselves what was fittest to be done. Their sentiments were unanimous, that, as the easterly winds begin to blow, and ships can pass the town in the night with provisions, artillery, etc., we should endeavour, by conveying a considerable corps into the upper river, to draw them from their inaccessible situation, and bring them to an action. I agreed to the proposal, and we are now here, with about 3600 men, waiting an opportunity to attack them when and wherever they can best be got at. The weather has been extremely unfavourable for a day or two, so that we HIS SCHEME FORMULATED 475 have been inactive. Iam so far recovered as to do business, but my constitution is entirely ruined, without the consolation of having done any considerable service to the State, or without any prospect of it. I have the honour to be, etc., Jam. Wo re.! At the very moment when the dispatch to Holderness was penned, Wolfe’s brain harboured, unknown to a living soul, the one scheme which was to lead him to victory and to an eternal niche in the fane of British heroes.? He had given up hoping for help from Amherst, whose conduct, by the bye, in not coming to Wolfe’s succour at this juncture, when he could easily have done it, is inexplicable. In Kingsford’s opinion it “can only be attributed to his belief that Wolfe would fail in his enterprise.” We do not know what Wolfe thought of his chief's inactivity, but eighteen years later Carleton (Lord Dorchester) strongly denounced Amherst’s failure to co-operate with Wolfe.? It will have been understood what was the object of his tactics. It was to separate Montcalm’s forces. With his alert intelligence department he knew how utterly perplexed the French commanders were.* Wolfe was thoroughly apprised of the situation of the enemy. That is one important fact to bear in mind in considering his movements in the week prior to the battle. He knew that the man in charge of the outposts on the summit of those heights, Vergor by name, was a true product of the Bigot régime, and no more vigilant than a man would be who was thinking how he could work his farm with the aid of his soldiers. Besides the Foulon post Wolfe knew of another obstacle in the Samos battery of four guns and a mortar three hundred yards nearer Sillery, but he 1 From Chatham Correspondence. 2 He hadalready written to Saunders August 30th—“ My ill-state of health hinders me from executing my own plan: it is of too desperate a nature to order others to execute.” 3 Canadian Archives Report, 1885, p. exxxiii. ; 4 A good deal has been written about a certain Major Stobo, a Scottish officer who, after Washington’s defeat at Fort Necessity, had been sent as hostage to Quebec. There he had actively employed his eyes, broken his parole and escaped to the British, to whom he gave valuable information. He is said to have pointed out the Anse du Foulon to Wolfe, and to have been present in the general attack. Asa matter of fact Stobo, who was not in very good repute, left Quebec on the 7th September.—See Doughty, vol. ii, p. 114. 476 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE felt this could be taken in reverse, once the troops could get a footing on the heights! Had the Guienne regiment remained overlooking the river, where it had been stationed by Montcalm, Wolfe might have hesitated. But he knew that Vaudreuil had withdrawn it on the 7th, trusting to the natural inaccessibility of the heights, and so the coast between Cap Rouge and Sillery was clear. On the 9th, keeping his counsel, he landed from a ship’s boat Just below the Etchimin river and surveyed the opposite shore through a glass. He saw the tents of the enemy on the summit of the cliffs—scarce more than a dozen of them at one point—the point which from its natural features riveted his attention most. Tt was about a mile from Quebec. At this point the lofty banks take an inward curve, and a narrow path wound up the heights from the water’s edge. It was called Anse du Foulon. It was the solitary access to the plains above, and yet so inaccessible that one would have said only a foolhardy commander would have thought of it as negotiable even by light infantry. Montcalm was evidently much of this opinion, for he had stationed but a hundred men at the post here on the summit. Here, then, was Montcalm’s weak point—here, having drawn off the enemy’s forces to right and left, Wolfe could deal him the blow for which he had waited so many long, dreary weeks. On his return he kept his own counsel. The opinion of his brigadiers was not asked. Stanhope was therefore right in his assertion, since impugned by various partisans and upholders of “family interest ” that, “The honour of the first thought belongs to Wolfe alone.” On the following day Wolfe took Monckton, Townshend, Holmes, Carleton, and Delaune of his staff to make a survey of the spot he had selected. In order that their uniforms should not betray their rank to the enemy, they threw on grenadiers’ over- coats as a disguise ; but they must have worn them loosely, the disguise being far from perfect. The French officer in command at Sillery reported to Bougainville seeing “three boats of the enemy, carrying many officers in gay uniforms, one in particular in a blue surtout, with much gold lace.” After a reconnaissance they planted some javelins and regained their boats about six in the evening. 1 “ Tts guns could not be trained through a sufficiently wide arc to afford any flanking fire, and there were no embrasures at all towards the rear.” —Wood, p. 217. WVHVUIV JO SLUYIAH HI XXI THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM Sritt were the brigadiers kept in the dark as to the plans of their commander, although Holmes and Carleton were both probably informed of the exact landing-place, and the letter which, on that very evening, the 10th, Wolfe wrote Burton, shows how every- thing was clearly settled in his mind. To Cotonet Burton. “ Sutherland,” above Cap Rouge, Monday, 10th September, 1759. Dear Cotonet,—You perfectly understand my meaning in every particular. Goreham’s first post is under the point of a hill, where there is a little road running from Dalling’s old quarter up to the river; the way down is very steep, but I believe the troops can march at low water all along the beach from the Point of Levi. I think it is not above a mile and a half, or two miles, from our batteries. The deserter’s intelligence in respect to Mons. de Vaudreuil’s movements agrees in part with our observations ; but it is absolutely impossible that the Marquis can have so large a corps; I don’t believe their whole army amounts to that number. That De Levi may be gone towards Montreal is likely enough, and seems to mark our General’s progress: the more necessity for vigour on our side to second his endeavours. Sixteen hundred of our men are upon the south shore, to clean and refresh themselves and their transports ; and, indeed, to save the whole army, which must have perished if they had continued forty-eight hours longer on board. To-morrow the troops re-embark, the fleet sails up the river a little higher, as if intending to land above upon the north shore, keeping a con- venient distance for the boats and armed vessels to fall down to the Foulon; and we count (if no accident of weather or other prevents) to make a powerful effort at that spot about fowr in the morning of the 13th. At ten or eleven, or.twelve at night, sooner or later, as it may be necessary, of Wednesday, the 12th, 477 478 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE we get into our boats. If we are forced to alter these measures, you shall know it; if not, it stands fixed: be you careful not to drop it to any, for fear of desertion ; and it would not be amiss for Carleton to pass his troops [from Orleans] in the beginning of Wednesday night. Crofton can file along the shore to his right, and meet you at the post you take; let the men have their blankets, and let the tents be struck, bundled up, and ready to bring over. If we succeed in the first business, it may produce an action, which may produce the total conquest of Canada ; in all cases it is our duty to try the most likely way, whatever may be the event. What the deserter says of the bread made of new wheat is exactly what has been told me by other deserters, and I believe the scarcity in the colony to be excessive. Their army is kept together by the violent strong hand of the Government and by the terror of savages, joined to a situation which makes it difficult to evade. The Canadians have no affection for their Government, nor no tie so strong as their wives and children ; they are a disjointed, discontented, dispirited peasantry, beat into cowardice by Cades, Bigot, Montcalm, and the savages. Yours affectionately, J. Wotre. Admiral Holmes, who was in the secret, writing five days after the battle was fought, thus refers to Wolfe’s change of plan— “A plan was immediately set on foot, to attempt a landing about four leagues above the town, and it was ready to put into execution when General Wolfe reconnoitred down the River and fixed upon Foulon, a spot adjacent to the Citadel, which, tho’ a very strong Ground, being a steep Hill with abbatis laid across the accessible parts of it and a Guard on the Summit. He never- theless thought that a sudden brisk attack a little before day- break would bring his army on the plain, within two miles of the town. The alteration of the Plan of Operations was not, I believe, approved of by many besides himself.” As a matter of fact the brigadiers had, on the 8th, themselves decided that a landing at Pointe aux Trembles would offer the best chances of success ; and while they were reconnoitring that distant part of the shore on the 9th, Wolfe, as we have seen, was making up his mind alone as to Foulon. Townshend in his Diary wrote: “By some intelligence the PREPARATIONS TO ATTACK 479 General had he had changed his mind as to the place he intended to land,” but knew nothing more himself than was announced in the Orders of the 11th. Enough, therefore, has been said to expose the utter baseless- ness of the contention of Warburton and others that “the merit of this daring and skilful proposition belongs to George Townshend, although long disputed and withheld by jealousy and political hostility.”. When Wright argued for Wolfe’s sole authorship of the plan he was unaware of documents which have since come to light showing the ignorance of the brigadiers on that very point. The Orders issued on the 11th referred to by Townshend were as follows: To the Army before Quebec. “The troops on shore, except the light infantry and Ameri- cans, are to be on the beach, to-morrow morning at five o'clock, in readiness to embark ; the light infantry and Americans will em- bark at or about, eight o'clock; the detachment of artillery to be put on board the armed sloop this day. The army to hold themselves in readiness to land and attack the enemy. As the Lowestoffe and Squirrel frigates are ordered to follow the flat- bottomed boats, the troops belonging to those ships are to remain in them, and the boats intended for these corps are to take in others, according to the following distribution :— Stirling Castle 2(To take fifty into each boat of Bragg’s regi- Dublin. . . 34 ment, out of the Ann and Elizabeth trans- Aleide . . .1\ port, instead of Amherst’s. i To take in Kennedy’s regiment, out of the Poke = 4 Employment transport. Vanguard . . 4 1 take in Colonel Howe’s Corps of light in- Trident . . 4\ fantry, out of the Jane and Mary transport. Centurion . . 2f{To take in Anstruther’s, out of the George Shrewsbury . i transport. To take Lascelles’s regiment, in five boats, out Medway . . 2) of the Ward transport, and fifty of the Captain . . 4\ Royal American Grenadiers, out of the Sutherland, in the sixth boat. “There remain to be taken into the boats of the fleet two hundred Highlanders, of which The Terror of France schooner takes fifty from the Ann and Elizabeth, the remaining one hundred and fifty Highlanders, in the Ward transport, will be taken by the following boats: Sutherland's long boat, fourty ; 480 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Aleide and Medway, fourty each ; Admiral’s flat-bottomed boat, fifteen; Sutherland cutter, fifteen. Ships that carry troops immediately after the flat-bottomed boats. Lowestoffe frigate, three hundred of Amherst’s ; Squirrel, two hundred and fourty of Louisbourg Grenadiers; Seahorse, two hundred and fifty Highlanders ; Hunter sloop, one hundred and twenty High- landers; three armed vessels, two hundred Light Infantry ; Laurel transport, four hundred Royal Americans; Adventure transport, four hundred of Otway’s. Ordnance vessels, with tools and artillery men. The George transport to be evacuated, and Highlanders being one hundred and fifty, to be removed into Seahorse frigate ; and one hundred of the same corps from the Ann and Elizabeth, to be removed also on board the Seahorse to-morrow morning, after the reimbarkation of the first body of the troops from Brigadier Monckton’s corps, at St. Nicholas. Orpzr oF Troops IN THE Line oF Boats. Number of Boats. Ist Light Infantry leads. 2nd Bragg’s regiment. 3rd Kennedy’s regiment. 4th Lascelles’s regiment. 5th Anstruther’s regiment. 6th Detachment of Highlanders and Ameri- can Grenadiers. “Captain Chads, of the navy, has received the General’s direction in respect to the order in which the troops move, and are to land; and no officer must attempt to make the least alteration, or interfere with Captain Chad’s particular province, lest, as the boats move in the night there may be disorder and confusion among them. ‘The troops must go into the boats about nine to-morrow night, or when it is pretty near high water; but the naval officers, commanding the different divisions of boats, will apprize them of the fittest time; and as there will be a necessity for remaining some part of the night in the boats, the Officers will provide accordingly ; and the soldiers will have a jill of rum extraordinary to mix with their water ; arms and ammunition, two days’ provisions with rum and water, are all that the soldiers are to take into the boats ; their ships, with their blankets, tents, etc. will soon be brought ” up. m= DOP DOW FEARS FOR HIS SECRET 481 The night of the 12th was fixed upon for the movement of the troops, and on this day Wolfe was very busy. The brigadiers — —Townshend and Murray at least—were distrustful of the whole business, and angry at the rejection of their own plan. Holmes, who probably shared their views, afterwards wrote— “This alteration of the plan of operations was not approved by many besides himself [Wolfe]. It had been proposed to him a month before, when the first ships passed the town, and when it was entirely defenceless and unguarded. . . . He now laid hold of it when it was highly improbable he should succeed. . . . The care of landing the troops and sustaining them by the ships fell to my share—the most hazardous and difficult task I was ever engaged in. For the distance of the landing-place, the impetuosity of the tide, the darkness of the night, and the great chance of exactly hitting the very spot intended without discovery or alarm, made the whole extremely difficult.” 4 Wolfe’s perpetual anxiety lest any part of his plan should be disclosed was justified. Had it not been for his precautions, a private of the Royal Americans who deserted on the 12th would have had it in his power to betray him to Montcalm. He in turn from a French deserter learnt that the French General was still within his entrenchments, Levis marching with a large detach- ment toward Montreal, and Bougainville’s force overlooking the upper river waiting in expectation of an attack. Wolfe thus described the situation in his last general orders on the eve of his great and last coup— To THE ARMY. On board his Majesty’s ship “ Sutherland,” September 12, 1759. The enemy’s force is now divided; great scarcity of pro- visions is in their camp, and universal discontent among the Canadians. The second officer in command is gone to Montreal, or St. John’s, which gives reason to think that General Amherst is advancing into the colony. A vigorous blow struck by the army at this juncture may determine the fate of Canada. Our troops below are in readiness to join us ; all the light artillery and tools are embarked at Point Lévi, and the troops will land where the French seem least to expect it. 1 Doughty, vol. iv. p. 296. It 482 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE The first body that gets on shore is to march directly to the enemy, and drive them from any little post they may occupy. The officers must be careful that the succeeding bodies do not by any mistake fire upon those who go before them. The battalions must form on the upper ground with expedition, and be ready to charge whatever presents itself. When the artillery and troops are landed, a corps will be left to secure the landing-place, while the rest march on, and endeavour to bring the French and Canadians to a battle. The officers and men will remember what their country expects from them, and what a determined body of soldiers, inured to war, is capable of doing against five weak French battalions mingled with disorderly peasantry. ‘The soldiers must be attentive and obedient to their officers, and the officers resolute in the execution of their duty. It was his farewell message to his brave and devoted troops. “ Duty—remember what their country expects.” Is not this the fore-runner of Nelson’s farewell signal at Trafalgar ? To cover his master stroke it had been arranged that Saunders’ guns and batteries should threaten Beauport, while far above the city Holmes was to advance some of his fleet so as to attract the attention of Bougainville. In addition to these two demonstra- tions the batteries at Point Lévis renewed their bombardment of the lower town. Twilight came on; it is brief in these latitudes. It was suc- ceeded by a sombre night to which the stars lent but little radiance. All at once the echoes, stilled for some hours, were re-awakened by the booming of guns. Noiselessly the lighter ships of the squadron swept past the city, while every soldier that could be spared and could shoulder a musket, marched from Lévis up the right bank of the river in the darkness as to where their comrades in the trans- ports lay, and taking boat, rejoined them. Hushed and expectant were these thousands of men, awaiting the signal when they were to launch themselves in the boats, and cast off down the river to the unknown landing-place. No one slept; no one felt like slumber. On board the Sutherland, the General sat in his cabin. He had sent a note to his early friend Jervis, the commander of the Porcupine sloop, to come aboard to spend an hour or two with him. Jervis found the General had a trust to repose in him—one he would have given to Carleton—but no soldier might call himself : TSR ue eo Vy tps lereg Pte Ca No \ 2 ff , yp ie fires Bd tape Steller, Cortese trey A hin 4s pepe) Ge a : a: 7 yf free seers dicate “Yacere ces e of een 1 EE FP PEO aon GE Her Vhaue felol ug ble r lol Cais en ar frei a a. Vopr peck > st r Z 4 a Aetirs 40 ut on wile, £ rte v ae ee / Yale, (2 Neng dnarse 2" fe ze Z ale al ¢ i SE a “CG Arnone. loa: ade. a Me veceveel Face’ re Me Cony a hehehe. r §. feerrrt ther coe OMe digo ven, csthe ey he 130 € £ filo ees rter , Weaens ; pe Matee ay the (11 Bee CML NEE ae ; y) - \ AL pe Bipah & Sayer. toy Aobe A phe Srey Ped: Hs fn Tne & Oi Carder vi 4 2 i havise by oer Peg © lay. 4 J. Gucese« lay % ps “5 AO * at + fe ‘ taps Ole lap Af te & a Teas ‘cree Le bende “ fesse tect ferere ened ‘ hk hes Alerot IS J Weuee ge te Vv ee “ oo Miran CP scene’ Hhecte Irvine One * eG ‘ aye Mh. Hi Ca wil a teetax, Tad eel Oren y oS SSS: Pag borane es , pete | Low lla Be Scr nen fave Sherts clive « Manat aaron seh Men. he be deceit hell hafficed Wa oe Mager , aa) Shae bvevsale Mager elt eg Rimes an tts, oka | Hits rege = eth wfhce tinrise , os erifes. the frame | Hes puefefe — Berecter Fler a son. har eces, Coch, Hoitandoer:. ated fern fe extele | Soing Mea oe Le) i Gorn Mbps. Prvcis we GO ice Pikes yo Vien, ache ot ther D: oo. we mise - ; Poche sfoug Mge Jie: : he Wb QMHls | ge (bell WOLFE’S WILL Frou the original at Somerset House HIS WILL 483 safe on the morrow. Gravely he handed the young sailor the will ! he had made three months before at sea, his note-book and papers, while from his bosom he drew a portrait of Miss Lowther, which was to be returned to her in case he fell. And Wolfe believed he would fall; he had a presentiment of death. To the will he had added a codicil, penned on the eve of the battle of Montmorency, and witnessed by Barré and Hervey Smith, by which he left £1,000 each to his uncle, Major Walter Wolfe, and his cousin, Captain Edward Goldsmith. “Neptune” at Sea, 8th June, 1759. “T desire that Miss Lowther’s picture may be set in jewels to the amount of five hundred guineas and returned to her. I leave to Col. Oughton, Col. Carleton, Col. Howe, and Col. Warde a thousand pounds each. I desire Admiral Saunders to accept of my light service of Plate, in remembrance of his Guest. My camp equipage, kitchen furniture, table linen, wine and provisions, I leave to the officer who succeeds me in the command. All my books and papers, both here and in England, I leave to Col. Carleton. I leave Major Barré,? Capt. De Laune, Capt. Smyth, Capt. Bell, Capt. Leslie, and Capt. Caldwell, each a hundred guineas to buy swords and rings, in remembrance of their friend. My servant Francois shall have half of my clothes and linen here, and the three footmen shall divide the rest amongst them. All the servants shall be paid their year’s wages and their board wages till they arrive in England, or till they engage with other masters, or enter into some other profession. Besides this, I 1 Of this will Colonel Wood says truly that “ it throws a good deal of light on his character, more especially of the unvarying kindness to those in humble positions under him, which earned him the name of ‘The Soldiers’ Friend.’ ” 2 Barré, there is reason to believe, was introduced to Wolfe by their common friend Lord Fitzmaurice, afterwards Earl of Shelburne. «You may be sure,” wrote Wolfe to Rickson, “that my information came from the best hands.” And, :from a letter written in 1762, cited in “The Chatham Correspondence,” it appears that Barré was “ found out, pushed, and brought into Parliament by Lord Shelburne.” His conduct as Adjutant-General of the expedition was so highly appreciated by his commander, that, when the success of the campaign seemed hopeless, Wolfe regretted his want of power to serve him, and only wished for an opportunity to make him the messenger of good news,—an honour of which the battle of Quebec deprived him. In the following year, however, Barré was the bearer, of General Amherst’s dispatches announcing the surrender of Montreal_— Wright. II 2 484 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE leave fifty guineas to Frangois, twenty to Ambrose and ten to each of the others. Everything over and above these legacies I leave to my good mother, entirely at her disposal. Jamrs Wo-rr.” “ Witness Witt De Lavne, Tuo. Bett.” While the two friends still sat together in the cabin a messenger entered with a note signed by the three brigadiers. Monckton had been induced to sign—probably sorely against the grain. To GrneraL WOLFE. On board the ‘‘ Loestoft,” Sept. 12, 1759. Sir,—As we do not think ourselves sufficiently informed of the several facts which may fall to our share in the execution of the descent you intend to-morrow, we must beg leave to request from you, as distinct orders as the nature of the thing will admit of, particularly to the place or places we are to attack. This circumstance (perhaps very decisive) we cannot learn from the public orders, neither may it be in the power of the naval officer who leads the Troops to instruct us. As we should be very sorry, no less for the public than our own sakes, to commit any mistakes, we are persuaded you will see the necessity of this application. (signed) Roserr Monckton, Grorcre TowNsHEND, James Murray. He must have smiled grimly as he read this missive. It would have been easy to ignore it. He, however, seized his pen once 1 Joshua Parry knew Wolfe personally. ‘I will send you,” he wrote Lord Bathurst in 1760, ‘‘an anecdote I have heard of poor Wolfe. His father was excessively fond of him and always allowed him rather more than he could afford or than the young man wanted. When he heard his father was very ill, he was extremely uneasy for fear he should leave everything to him and neglect his mother, telling his friends that though it would be the same thing to her in respect of his fortune, for he was determined to give it all to her, yet he thought it was a most disagreeable circumstance for a parent to stand under obligations to a child. He immediately sent her £300, which was all that he could command, and expressed extreme satisfaction when he heard that his father had provided well for her.” —Quarterly Review, vol. 185, p. 104. REJOINDER TO MONCKTON $485 more. With admirable self-control he again went over the ground to Monckton, and Monckton alone.! To Bricapirr Monckton. “Sutherland,” 84 o'clock, 12th Sept. 1759. Sir,—My reason for desiring the honour of your company with me to Gorham’s post yesterday was to shew you, as well as the distance would permit, the situation of the enemy, and the place where I meant they should be attacked ; as you are charged with that duty I should be glad to give you all further light and assistance in my power.—The place is called the Foulon, distant upon 2 miles or 24 from Quebec, where you remember an encampment of 12 or 13 Tents and an abbatis below it.—You mentioned to-day that you had perceived a breastwork there which made me imagine you as well acquainted with the place as the nature of the thing would admit of. I took Capt. Chads with me also and desired the Admiral’s attendance, that as the former is charged by Mr. Saunders with conducting the boats, he might make himself as much a master of his part as possible ; and as several of the Ships of War are to fall down with the troops, Mr. Holmes would be able to station them properly after he had seen the place. I have desired Mr. Holmes to send the boats down, so that we may arrive about half an hour before day, as you desired to avoid the disorder of a night attack, and I shall be present myself to give you all the aid in my power. The officers who are appointed to conduct the divisions of boats have been strictly enjoined to keep as much order and to act as silently as the nature of the service will admit of, and Capt. Chads will begin to land the men a little of this side of the naked Rock, which you must remember to have seen, within which (to the east-ward) the enemy is posted. It is not a usual thing to point out in the public orders the direct spot of our attack, nor for any inferior Officers not charged with a particular duty to ask instructions upon that point. I had the honour to inform you to-day, that it is my duty to attack the French Army. To the best of my knowledge and abilities I have fixed upon that spot where we can act with the most force and are most likely to succeed. If I am mistaken I am sorry 1 «These letters, written a few hours before the battle, after final arrange- ments for the enterprise had been made, are surely a sufficient answer to the numerous critics who have asserted that Wolfe simply carried out the plans of his brigadier.” —Doughty, vol. iii. p. 28. 486 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE for it and must be answerable to his Majesty and the public for the consequences. I have the Honor to be, Sir, etc., James WOLFE. Townshend was briefly dismissed. He had no longer power to try Wolfe’s temper. To Bricaprer TowNsuenp. “Sutherland,” 84 o'clock, 12th Sept., 1759. Sir,—General Monckton is charged with the first landing and attack at the Foulon, if he succeeds you will be pleased to give directions that the troops afloat be set on shore with the utmost expedition, as they are under your Command, and when 3600 men now in the Fleet are landed I have no manner of doubt but that we are able to fight and to beat the French Army, in which I know you will give your best assistance. I have the Honor, etc., Jam. WotFE. These letters to Monckton and Townshend were being written when at nine the first division of the troops took to the boats. Midnight came and a lantern from the maintop of the Sutherland was shown as a signal. Noiselessly did the troops of the first division get into the flat-bottomed boats. An hour and a half later they were ranged round the Sutherland ready for the signal to cast off. ‘The tide had already begun to ebb as Wolfe and his officers clambered into the craft already loaded to the water’s edge. The General sat in the stern with one of his aides-de- camp, and Major Barré by his side. At two o'clock the boats were cast off. Stealthily, scarce needing the movement of an oar, the flotilla carrying 1600 men stole down the river, keeping near the north bank. Above those precipitous heights the enemy slept. Half-an-hour later the armed sloops followed, then the other frigates and transports. In the van was Wolfe, at the supreme crisis of his life. As all sought in vain to pierce the darkness, his mind travelled across the ocean to his mother and his betrothed. He thought of the brevity of life, the vanity of fame, and in an uprush of feeling the stanzas of Gray’s Elegy came to his lips— «« The boast of heraldry, the pomp of power, And all that beauty, all that wealth e’er gave, Await alike the inevitable hour, The paths of glory lead but to the grave.” GRAY’S ELEGY 487 There was a pause. All were silent. “Gentlemen, I would sooner have written that poem than take Quebec!” ? This burst of sentiment was but momentary. The boat was rapidly drawing near the spot he had marked at the foot of the dark heights. Four and twenty officers under Captain Delaune had volunteered to be the first to land. Along the line of beach the French had at intervals posted sentries, who had been instructed to expect commissariat boats from Montreal that night. But a little incident now occurred which was almost fatal to the whole enterprise. In mid-channel lay the sloop Hunter, whose captain, informed by a French deserter, was at that moment more on the alert for the enemy’s provision boats than mindful of what the military Commander-in-Chief was doing. The route of the boats lay close to the Hunter, and when half a cable’s length away Wolfe’s quick ear caught the sound of an unwonted stir aboard, and his quick suspicions pointed to what proved true, that the crew mistaking him for the enemy were on the point of turning their guns on his boat. Another ten seconds it would have been too late, but he quietly hailed the Hunter and explained. The report about the enemy’s provision boats was too useful not to be turned to advantage. Before De Laune’s men could step on shore they were challenged in the darkness. “Qué vive!” Instantly one of the officers, the 1 It seems to me a most perverse whim on the part of certain recent writers to seek to demolish the authenticity of this anecdote. It rests on the unimpeachable authority of Professor John Robison of the University of Edinburgh, who had been a volunteer in Admiral Saunders’ fleet. Amongst others to whom he related it was Sir Walter Scott, who conveyed it to Southey. “T have,” he wrote, “repeatedly heard the Professor say that during part of the passage Wolfe pulled out of his pocket and read to officers around (or perhaps, repeated) Gray's celebrated ‘ Elegy in a Country Churchyard.’ I do not know if the recitation was not so well received as he expected, but he said with a good deal of animation, ‘I can only say, Gentlemen, that, if the choice were mine, I would rather be the author of these verses than win the battle which we are to fight to-morrow morning.’ It must not be supposed that this was a matter of serious election, but it was a strong way of express- ing his love of literature. I have heard Mr. Robison tell the story repeatedly, for his daughter became the wife of my intimate friend Lord Erskine. Mr. Doughty also points out another and long-previous authority for the anecdote. . 2, a ; There is nothing intrinsically improbable in it, and it is, besides, very characteristic. Nor does it reflect upon the greatness of the mission of himself and his men. Carlyle gets at the heart of the matter when he paraphrases, in his fantastic way, Wolfe’s praise of the “‘ Elegy”: ‘ Oh, these are tones of the Eternal Melodies, are not they? A man might thank Heaven had he such a gift: almost as we might for succeeding here, gentlemen.” —Frederick the Great, vol. v. p. 555. 488 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE younger Simon Fraser, who spoke excellent French, responded, “La France.” “A quel regiment 2?” demanded one of the sentries. “ De la Reine,” the quick-witted Highlander made answer. ‘ We are the provision boats. But, hush, we may be heard by the enemy’s ship yonder.” ‘They were permitted to pass. Quebec and Beauport were on the brink of famine; men who brought the army supplies of food were welcome indeed. The spot which Wolfe had hit upon for a landing (then called locally Anse du Foulon, now Wolfe’s Cove) is a small inlet made by two projecting points of land just high enough to be dry at high tide. From this point the cliff, some 200 feet in height, may be gained by a narrow, zigzag path bordered by stunted trees and bushes. But even this path had been filled by the enemy with obstructions. It was four o’clock. Wolfe, the first man to leap ashore, after anxiously scanning the heights, said to De Laune’s men about him, “ You must get up, my lads, as you can.” Some of the boats had overshot the mark, but as all had to clamber up the face of the slope as they could, it made little difference. Up to the summit, still wrapped in silence, clambered De Laune’s volunteers and three Light Infantry companies, all keeping as near together as they could. As they neared the top the enemy’s picquet was aroused and Captain Macdonald, a Highlander, began a fresh parley in French. But the troops were too impatient to parley: they flung themselves upon the French sentries, and before many shots were exchanged, put them to flight. Two batteries were taken in reverse before they had given much trouble. All this while Wolfe was at the bottom of the slope. No sooner did he hear the discharge of weapons and the ringing cheers above than, by his orders, the rest of the division flung themselves upon the face of the cliff, and, helped by the bushes, tore a way somehow to the top. There they joined their comrades, who had already made several prisoners. Dawn was just breaking as the General himself climbed the height, and gathered around him his 1600 men. Did no fleeting thought come to him as he stood there of the terrible risk he had run? From the plateau, known as the Heights of Abraham, he could discern the return of the boats laden with the second division commanded by Townshend. By this time the path had been cleared, and an ascent was made double file. Then the 1 «These men gave Wolfe some valuable information, which practically confirmed the truth of his own forecast in every particular.’—Wood, p. 281. ee a aiilete te Sos ogee y Mou pe WOLFE AT QUEBEC Froma pencil sketch by Capt. Hervey Smith, in the possession of Lieut.-Col. C. A. M. Warde, J.P. CLIMBING THE HEIGHTS 489 bluejackets hastened across the river, where Burton and _ his 1200 men were eager to embark. Long before the sun arose Wolfe had 4800 men on the heights, awaiting the onset of the astonished enemy. Each man carried seventy rounds of ammu- nition, but the labour of dragging the guns up the cliff was heavy and tedious, so that only one had gained the summit when the action began. Excited and eager, but preserving the strictest discipline, they stood, while Wolfe examined the position carefully. He gave the order to march in files, and on the Plains of Abraham they halted. No sooner had Holmes emptied his transports than he swung his squadron down the river to Beauport, where the arrival of the ships made Montcalm suspect an attack upon his position there. Montcalm had spent a sleepless night, perplexed at tactics he could not fathom. He had taken every precaution against attack at Montmorenci, and trusted Bougainville and his 2000 troops with the task of defending the cliffs above the city. The idea of a force from below smashing his centre never occurred to him. Between himself and the city lay Vaudreuil, who had promised instantly to report any news from the outposts. Montcalm had heard firing at Sillery about daybreak, which made him uneasy, but little was he prepared for the tidings which now burst upon him. Several Canadian picquets, pale and disordered, announced that the whole British army was parading on the Plains of Abraham. The news seemed preposterous. As the French General got into the saddle he murmured to the Chevalier Johnstone that there must be some foundation for the rumour—a small party of British had come to burn a few houses and retire. From Vaudreuil’s quarters in the misty morning light the distant tableland behind the city was visible, and there upon Montcalm’s astonished sight the thin red line, so often figuring in British history and romance, stretched across the dull emerald of the heights. “I see them,” he said bitterly, in a low voice, “where they ought not to be. This, my friends, is a serious business.” He ordered up instantly all the troops that could be spared from the Beauport lines, and soon thousands of men were hurrying pellmell over the bridge of boats that traversed the St. Charles, the regiment of Guienne in the van, on into the beleaguered city. “ Since they have got to the weak side of this miserable garrison,” said Montcalm, “we must give battle and crush them before midday.” He sent ahead 1500 Canadian militia to engage the enemy until he had disposed of his forces. Messengers galloped 490 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE off to Bougainville, at Cap Rouge eight miles away, to come to his chief's assistance. On the approach of the Canadian militia, Wolfe drew up his army in battle array. Here, on this “almost ideal open battlefield,” ? he would cast the die for the possession of Canada. On the extreme right, near the precipice, slightly wooded near the brink, he placed the 35th Regiment and the Grenadiers of Louisbourg, whose impetuous conduct at Montmorenci six weeks before had cost so dear. The 28th continued the line to the 43rd, which, with the 47th, formed the centre. On the left the 58th just reached the brow of the ridge overlooking the St. Charles Valley, joined on the right by the 78th. This formed the First Division, which Wolfe, at the head of the Grenadiers, commanded ; Monckton commanded the right, Murray the centre. Behind was drawn up the Second Division under Townshend, consisting of the 15th Regiment and two battalions of the 60th, or Royal Americans. As a reserve, a third line was formed by Colonel Burton with the 48th in four columns of two companies each; some light infantry under Colonel Howe covering the flank and rear. The Grande Allée, or road to Cap Rouge, passed through the centre of the plain. The whole of these dispositions were made by Wolfe with unerring judgment and great celerity. Three-quarters of a mile away lay the city’s western wall. In the interval on the plain, while the British troops were being drawn 1 The total strength was 4829 of all pee and 2 ail Major-general 1 Brigadiers 3 Divisional Staff 9 Louisbourg Grenadiers— From Ist Royals ; 17th, 22nd, 40th and 45th Regiments 7 : : 241 15th—“ Amhersts,” now East Yorkshire Regiment : : : 406 28th—“ Bragg’s,” now Ist Bn. Gloucestershire. E 3 ‘ 421 35th— Otway’s,” now 1st Bn. Royal Sussex ‘ 4 519 48rd—‘‘ Kennedy’s,” now Ist Bn. Oxfordshire Light Tntaniry 5 327 47th —“ Lascelle’s,” now 1st Bn. Loyal North Lancashire : ‘ 360 48th—“ Webb’s,” now Ist Bn. Northamptonshire . : 2 : 683 58th—“ Anstruther’s,” now 2nd Bn. Northamptonshire. ‘ 335 2nd Bn. Royal Americans—“ ees now 2nd Bn. King’s s Royal Rifle Corps ‘ 322 8rd Bn. Royal Americans—‘ Lawrence’ s,” now 3rd Bn. King’ Royal Rifle Corps : ‘ F 540 78th—“ Fraser’s,” now 2nd Bn. Seaforth Highlanders , ; é 662 4829 2 Wood, p. 225. AWAITING THE ONSET 491 up, the advancing sharpshooters of the Canadian militia poured forth a harassing fire from behind scrub and thicket. On the flanking woods and coppices other militiamen and Indians were hidden. Men began to fall so fast in the British ranks that Wolfe advanced some light infantry to drive them out. At seven o'clock the enemy mustered in greater numbers, bringing up three field guns which caused some mischief, but by no means ruffled the discipline of Wolfe’s men. Colonel Howe, with the light infantry men, soon cleared the coppices at the point of the bayonet. The General, we are told, seemed to be in all parts of the field at once, instructing and encouraging by turns. At one point his eye fell on a captain shot through the lungs. He stopped to press the hand of the wounded man, told him not to give up hope, and assured him of leave of absence and early promotion. Nay, more, at such a critical moment, with the fate of Quebec in the balance, he send an aide-de-camp with a message to General Monckton to carry out his wishes in case he himself fell in the action. The captain survived and to Monckton’s credit the promise was kept. Do not such actions as these yield the secret of Wolfe’s popularity with his men and show why his memory was ever cherished as the “ Soldier’s Friend ” ? Thus far not a shot had been fired from the British lines. At eight o’clock the heads of the enemy’s columns could be discerned ascending the slope which led from the St. Charles to the Plains of Abraham, skirting the northern ramparts of the city. After halt- ing within reconnoitring distance they were formed by their leader into three powerful divisions, numbering altogether, exclusive of Indians, 7,520 men. On the right were one half of the Canadian militia, supported by the battalions of La Saare and Languedoc, the rest of the militia being on the left with the Royal Roussillon Regiment. In the centre, commanded by Montcalm himself mounted on a black charger, were the regiments of Béarn and Guienne. Although the Indians were present on the field in numbers they did not distinguish themselves by much fighting. Meanwhile, Wolfe, noting that Montcalm was making an attempt to outflank his left, ordered Townshend to form the 15th en potence, and so show a double front to the French right. Bougainville, though far distant, had sent a force of infantry and a troop of cavalry to attack Wolfe’s rear-guard. These had been repulsed by Townshend ; while in front the sharpshooters had also been compelled to fall back. Realizing the value of a brief rest after such heroic exertions, he then told his men to lie down. Thus they remained until nine 492 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE o'clock, when seeing the French army at last in motion, at a signal they sprang to their feet. At the same time the solitary gun of the British opened fire. The two armies were barely six hundred yards apart. HEIGHTS of ABRAHAM QUEBEC 3TH. SEPT.I759 Indians 9,394 a 9446 a g. o oa? 8 tee. &<, Oa o8g e bore ees | & en oy 2S ° a > o N Light Se, A " = x Infantry 3, a i ee Colonial Maines Royal Americans ; \ 2 Battalions A \\ \\nbersts § . ; arsine = la Sarre iJ a Highlanders \s i Languedoc : i Bearn (| Kennedys | Si) ; La Guienne & Lascelles (] [ wy Wi ‘olfe : Grover Roussillon [ Braggs [] Hoitsh & f Monrreat j ai foursbourg oie et Grenadiers s BE aS a ‘s Be S Z Si orways Three Rivers cae ZB Z PLAN Or THE BATTLE OF QUEBEC The hands of the great clock in the Basilica pointed to five minutes past ten when the French advanced with loud shouts, and at about two hundred yards’ distance began firing obliquely towards the extremities of the British line. The rain had ceased, although the sky was still lowering. Wolfe had given the strictest orders A TERRIBLE VOLLEY 493 that not a single shot of the enemy was to be returned, but with shouldered arms as if on parade the British lines stood grim and silent, a triumph of one man’s superb discipline. When a soldier received a bullet and dropped, his fellows closed ranks like so many machines. Wolfe himself was shot in the wrist, but hastily binding a handkerchief about the wound, which must have been agonizing as the tendons had been severed, he moved along the front ranks, exhorting them to be steady—to stand firm. The enemy was less than forty yards away after pouring in a full first broadside. The moment for the British had come. “ Present—fire!” rang out the word of command, and like a single monstrous shot the deadly volley thundered out. So precise was the fire of those three front ranks into the oncoming foe that French veterans after the battle said they had never known any- thing like it. Bradley calls it ‘one of the most tremendous and effective volleys that had ever been delivered since the invention of gunpowder.” ‘The advancing columns reeled like aspen saplings caught in a gust, and then the smoke obscured the horror of what had happened, and only their cries of agony showed how remorse- less had been the blow. Before the white clouds cleared away the British had reloaded and repeatedly fired. The French were soon seen lying in heaps, and the gaps in that phalanx that came on so gallantly a second before were far wider than the groups of dazed survivors. General de St. Ours had been struck dead ; de Senerzegues, the second in command, was stretched on the ground mortally wounded. Less than fifteen minutes had elapsed since the enemy had sounded an advance ; not a single British soldier had moved, and yet Montcalm’s trained eye must have told him that all was lost. As Wolfe gave the order to charge, the whole body of the Canadian militia, unused to fire in the field, broke and fled. Thus deserted, and their ranks thinned, the veteran battalions of Béarn and Guienne could hardly keep their ranks. Montcalm, still unhurt, galloping hither and thither did something to allay the panic. But his charge was broken, and Wolfe, at the head of his grenadiers, is coming on. The wavering foe shall feel bayonet as well as bullet, and with gleaming eyes and tense muscles the British advanced. A conspicuous figure was Wolfe over six feet high in his bright new uniform, and several French marksmen had already marked him for destruction. In the act of waving his sword a shot struck him in the groin—a dangerous wound—but heedless still he pressed 494 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE on. Nor could the ardour of his troops be restrained as they saw the French give way: their steady pace broke into a run, trampling over dead and dying, and scouring the plain before them of every living foe. Most of the attacking column was now a mass of fugitives, although here and there a stout resistance was offered, in which the British suffered severely. A third ball smote Wolfe in the breast. On he staggered a few paces, trying hard to keep his feet. The charging grenadiers swept past him. “Support me,” he gasped out to Lieutenant Brown of the Grenadiers who was close behind ; “let not my brave fellows see me fall. The day is ours—keep it.” Before Brown’s arm could encircle his General’s waist he sank down. A young volunteer named Henderson and a private soldier were close at hand; they rushed forward, and these, with an artillery officer,! lifted up the throbbing, helpless form and carried it a short distance towards the rear. None else of all those desperate, battling men had seen. The three bearers reached a small redoubt which the enemy had held just ere dawn that day, and there they lay their stricken leader down. One proposed to run for a surgeon. “It is needless,” came from the bloodless lips, “it is all over with me.” Then came a stupor, and the sorrowing group thought him dead. There was a brief pause, ten seconds perhaps, when in the distance a cry was heard from a messenger sent to the rear: “They run—they run!” The dying General started up with the wide-open gaze of one roused from slumber., ‘Who run?” he asked earnestly. Did he for a fleeting instant think his men had been by some miracle overborne by Montcalm? “The enemy, sir,” came the answer. “Egad, they give way everywhere.” At this the young hero summoned all his strength. “Go one of you, my lads,” he said, “with all speed to Colonel Burton, and tell him to march Webb's regiment down to the St. Charles River, and cut off the retreat of the fugitives to the bridge.” He then turned on his side, and murmuring “ Now God be praised, I die happy,” in a few moments expired. 1 Colonel Williamson. 2 Needless to say, Townshend, on taking command, instantly rescinded this order. This account of Wolfe’s death follows Knox in every important particular. ssaupia-oha un hq paryddns syprsaqnu WOLL OOLT U2 URINE G4IOM AO HLVAd TL Se a XXII CONCLUSION WHEN an aide-de-camp hastened to inform Monckton of the leader’s fall he found that officer stretched on the ground with a severe wound, which he had received while leading Lascelles! The command therefore by a singular chance devolved upon Townshend, who instantly checked the disorder into which the troops had lapsed owing to their ardour for the fray. Some of the High- landers had pursued the enemy to the verge of the St. Charles River, and the 58th had actually reached the St. John’s gate of the city. Into these victorious pursuers the enemy, still master of a gun or two entrenched in ambuscade, poured a fusillade of bullets, and continued firing until the copses and thickets were cleared. Townshend therefore, although Quebec might then and there have been taken by storm, sounded the recall. He was doubtless justified, for in the clear, warm sunshine which now supervened, the white-coated troops of Bougainville were seen approaching the British rear from Cap Rouge. Townshend re-formed his battalions into line and opened on the new arrivals with a couple of their own field pieces. Bougainville, on his part, was quick to appreciate the altered situation of affairs. The demon- stration of the victors was enough, and he retreated in precipitation to Cap Rouge. Townshend did not follow, but set about entrench- ing his position and getting his guns up to bombard the city. At the moment Wolfe fell, with the tide of fugitives struggling to reach the city gates, borne along on his black charger in his own despite by the very force of the torrent, was the luckless Montcalm. As he drew near the gates a shot, perhaps from one of his own men, passed through his body. Although the blood flowed in a crimson stream down his clothes he kept his seat, and inside the city was assisted from his horse and carried to a convent. When his wound was examined he asked the surgeon if it was 1 The wound was not serious. Three days later Monckton was able to write Townshend: ‘I am so well as to sit up—and never in better health.” Nevertheless, Townshend persisted in regarding his chief as an invalid, hurried through the terms of capitulation on his own account, and signed them. “‘ I did suppose I should see the capitulation before it was signed,” complained Monckton. Townshend took this as an affront, and insisted on going home at once.—Townshend, p. 248. 495 496 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE mortal; the surgeon gave a reluctant assent. “I am glad of that,” said Montcalm; “I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec.” ! But the surrender could not be long postponed. Within the city Ramésay and his garrison of fifteen hundred men, Vaudreuil and his cowering band of fugitives across the St. Charles, Bougain- ville and his three thousand were now of no avail to save Quebec. Five hundred French and Canadians were dead on the field: a thousand had surrendered or were made prisoners. “YT will neither give orders nor interfere further,” said the stricken Montcalm to the commandant of the garrison. “I have business to attend to of greater moment than your ruined garrison and this wretched country. My time is very short, so pray leave me. I wish you all comfort and to be speedily extricated from your present perplexities.” One can well understand the words and the bitter reflection which provoked them. On the following day he died. Before nightfall on the 17th, four days after the battle, a French officer with a flag of truce and proposals of surrender came from M. de Ramezy, and on the following day the keys of Quebec were delivered up to Townshend. So fell the great stronghold of the French in North America. Let us return to the mortal remains of the conqueror. Hastily down the slope was the body borne to a place of safety. In the log book of the Lowestoft there is this passage under date of September 13: “ At 11.0 was brought on board the corpse of General Wolfe.” After being embalmed it was transferred to the Royal William for passage to England. When the army first learnt of the death of its beloved leader, grief showed itself above all other feelings. As one officer wrote— “ Our joy at this success is inexpressibly damped by the loss we sustain of one of the greatest heroes that this or any other age can boast of.” Another wrote: “Our loss has been inconsiderable, separate from our dear, courageous, yet mild Wolfe, whose fall added revenge to intrepidity.” 1 In the battle one general, one captain, six lieutenants, one ensign, three sergeants, and forty-five rank and file killed ; one brigadier, four staff-officers, twelve captains, twenty-six lieutenants, ten ensigns, twenty-five sergeants, four drummers, and five hundred and six rank and file wounded. Of the artillery company, one gunner was killed and seven were wounded. Amongst the wounded officers were Carleton and Barré. Barré lost an eye, and his sight was so severely injured that he subsequently became totally blind. RESULTS OF THE VICTORY 497 On the 14th the following General Orders were issued by Townshend— GENERAL Orpers. 14th September, 1759, Plains of Abraham. Parole—Wolfe. Countersign—England. “The remaining general officers fit to act take the earliest opportunity to express the praise which is due to the conduct and bravery of the troops: and the victory, which attended it, suffi- ciently proves the superiority which this army has over any number of such troops as they engaged yesterday. They wish that the person who lately commanded them had survived so glorious a day, and had this day been able to give the troops their just encomiums. The fatigues which the troops will be obliged to undergo, to reap the advantage of this victory, will be supported with a true spirit, as this seems to be the period which will determine, in all probability, our American labours.” Whatever it may have been morally and strategically—and volumes have been written upon it from the military standpoint— politically the battle of Quebec was one of the great battles of the world. By adding Canada to the British Empire it established the supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon race in North America. But in assessing its results we do not now stop there. Who then could have lifted the veil and discerned that on the Plains of Abraham were sown the seeds of the American Republic? Had Wolfe not then perished it had been otherwise, but into this we may not enter here. “The infinite significance of the achieve- ment was, of course,” says Mr. Bradley, “in great part hidden from the eyes of those who shared in or applauded it.” But we see now more clearly as the years of this twentieth century lapse, what influence the battle of Quebec had on the history of mankind. There has arisen of latter years a school of writers in Britain and America who, while appraising at its highest the achievement of the 13th September, 1759, urge that Wolfe should share his glory with another—that the laurel wreath placed upon his brow by the suffrages of mankind should be divided in twain, the second fragment to adorn a hero of greatness fully equal to his own. It is not to Townshend, or Monckton, or Murray that the new school would award this lofty honour, but to Wolfe’s naval colleague, Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Saunders. It is enough, per- KK 498 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE haps, to say that such a contention would have surprised none so much as Saunders himself, who, during the next twelve years of his life, always attributed the sole merit to Wolfe and Wolfe alone. If Wolfe and the siege had failed, Saunders would have had no blame, which is the crucial test. The responsibility of the naval commander for success or the reverse was very trifling. Nor were there any French ships or sailors to meet in the river. The fleet loyally co-operated and showed great skill in an awkward enter- prise ; but their part was of an utterly different kind and their risks slight compared to those of Wolfe and his soldiers. More- over, the stroke of genius, daring, and good-fortune that comprises the whole incident, with its far-reaching effects, is surely a thing to itself. Nor is it in the least relevant that there were 10,000 sailors on board the ships in the river, and only 9,000 troops, or that one, two, or three naval officers had senior rank to Wolfe. One might as well assert that Waterloo was won by sea power. If it had not been for Nelson and his successors, the British army could never have been transported across the Channel. There is something else to be added before we take a final leave of the scene of Wolfe’s glorious death and victory. How was his memory regarded by those of his officers who, while he lived, had been jealous of his control and doubtful of his genius? Monckton, his second in command, was loyal, but it will ever remain a blot upon the fame of Townshend and Murray that their loyalty was chiefly lip service, and each has to meet the accusation of attempt- ing to depreciate their late leader to advance their own repute. The moment the capitulation had been signed—a capitulation whose terms reflected little credit upon Townshend—the latter was anxious to proceed at once to England and there parade his own part in the achievement. But Monckton, who was naturally a little piqued at the way 'Townshend had rushed through the capitu- lation, was opposed to Townshend’s departure and told him so. It then appeared that Townshend feared that Wolfe’s partisans, such as Carleton, Barré, and, he suspected, Saunders, would make too much of the brigadier’s opposition to the coup which had led to victory, and he wished to counteract it in person. This view he communicated to Murray, who, doubtless feeling that he was open to the same charge, wrote— Since so black a lie was propagated I think myself very happy that you will be on the spot to contradict whatever ignorance or faction may suggest. Me Est WI BENJAMIN BY a at 5 zB 4 s Q Gy PATIL OF DI THE Engraved from the picture now in the possession of the Duke of Westminster JOY IN ENGLAND 499 I have no copy of the paper I sent by you to General Wolfe concerning his scheme of landing between Point au Tremble and St. Augustin, but the public orders are a sufficient proof of his intention to do it, and likewise of the suddenness of the thought of landing when we did. Indeed his orders through- out the campaign show little stability, stratagem or fixed resolution ; I wish his friends had not been so much our enemies, his memory would probably have been dearer to his country than now it can be. We are acting on the defensive, you have the execution of the plan, and I am well persuaded you will manage it with as much tenderness to the memory of the poor General as the nature of things will admit of. I find I am not to have the honour of a visit from you so I must take the opportunity of wishing you a good voyage and a happy meeting with your friends. So Townshend and Murray believed themselves to be acting ‘on the defensive” in the execution of their plan of belittling their leader and exalting themselves. Townshend’s aristocratic friends in England lost no opportunity of pressing him forward. Poets came forward to sing his praises, painters solicited the honour of a sitting from the “second hero of Quebec.” On the news of the battle the Adjutant-Gen. Lytellton wrote to Pitt— The loss of Wolfe is ever to be lamented, but Providence gives not the cup of joy unmixed, and were it not for a little ingredient of bitterness, it would be too intoxicating. 'Town- shend still remains, and many a gallant officer animated by your spirit and by you brought forward into action. Whether Townshend was really animated by Pitt’s spirit we leave the reader of the foregoing narration to judge. Only three days after the receipt of Wolfe’s discouraging dispatch to Holderness, penned four days before the battle, came the news of the victory. A Gazette extraordinary was immediately issued, and the nation went wild with joy over the glorious tidings, so quickly succeeding. No wonder all Britain was stirred by the thrilling story, that ten thousand bonfires blazed, that bells pealed and cannon fired salvoes of joy. The effect of so joyful news (wrote Burke), immediately on such a dejection, and then the mixture of grief and pity 1 Townshend. KK 2 500 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE which attended the public congratulations and applauses, was very singular and affecting. The sort of mourning triumph that manifested itself on that occasion did equal honour to the memory of the General and to the humanity of the nation. He added— However glorious this victory was, and however important in its consequences, it must be admitted that it was very dearly bought. Soldiers may be raised; officers will be formed by experience ; but the loss of a genius in war is a loss that we know not how to repair. The death of Wolfe was indeed grievous to his country, but to himself the most happy that can be imagined, and the most to be envied by all those who have a true relish for military glory.! Walpole’s words have been often quoted— The incidents of dramatic fiction could not be conducted with more address to lead an audience from despondency to sudden exultation, than accident prepared to excite the passions of a whole people. They despaired, they triumphed and they wept, for Wolfe had fallen in the hour of victory. Joy, curiosity, astonishment, were painted on every countenance ; the more they enquired the higher their admiration rose. Not an incident but was heroic and affecting.? On the 14th of November Parliament met, and a week later the House of Commons resolved to address the King, praying that his Majesty would order a monument to be erected in Westminster Abbey to the memory of Wolfe. At the same time, the thanks of the House were given to the Admirals and Generals employed in “the glorious and successful expedition against Quebec.” Pitt pro- posed the address, and in a “low and plaintive voice, pronounced an elaborate panegyric on the dead warrior.” “ It was perhaps,” accord- ing to Walpole, “the worst harangue he ever uttered. His eloquence was too native not to suffer by being crowded into a ready mould. ‘The parallels which he drew from Greek and Roman story did but flatten the pathetic of the topic. . . . The horror of the night, the precipice scaled by Wolfe, the empire he with a handful of men added to England, and the glorious catastrophe of 1 Annual Register, 1759, p. 43. “5 2 Memoirs of the Reign of George II, vol. ii. p. 385. ADMIRAL SIR JOHN JERVIS (EARL OF ST. VINCENT) From the painting by Hopprer HIS MOTHER’S GRIEF 501 contentedly terminating his life when his fame began,—ancient story may be ransacked, and ostentatious philosophy thrown into the account, before an episode can be found to rank with Wolfe's.” ! The Prime Minister’s motion was seconded by Alderman Beckford, who remarked, that in the appointment of Wolfe neither parlia- mentary interest, family influence, nor aristocratic views had been consulted, and that the General and the Minister seemed to have been made for each other. Nor did Great Britain alone exult. Her transatlantic colonies, where the shadow of the French had long been laid across New England and the northern settlements, exulted also. The colony of Massachusetts, in the exuberance of the moment, voted a marble statue to the hero, to be erected in Boston, a monument was actually erected in New York, and a hundred pulpits resounded with panegyric and congratulation. From this we turn to a different scene—a scene not of joy but of sorrow. At Blackheath, in the mansion where the young hero had spent so many pleasant hours, his widowed mother received the tidings of the battle which robbed her of her only son. That night while other towns were radiant with bonfires and illuminations, Blackheath was dark, for there the townsfolk respected the mother’s grief, and Westerham, which gave him birth, likewise refrained from expressing the national joy. From Squerryes John Warde wrote to his brother George, then Lieutenant-Colonel of the 4th Dragoons: “ Amidst the public great events, you know I have lost too much in your friend to partake of the fulness of its joy. I sincerely condole with you on the loss of poor Wolfe; but, as I know you always foresaw some such calamity from his too great intrepidity, conclude you received the fatal event with less surprise. You will not, I believe, subscribe to my opinion; but, honourable as the expedition proves, I rejoice you was not there. To have seen your friend fall would have been bitter to yourself, and to have shared his fate how grievous to us all! His poor mother bears it heavily ; how should she do otherwise? And the public funeral which is talked of for his remains will (if true) possibly overset her quite.” By this time the remains of the hero were on the bosom of the broad Atlantic. Leaving ten regiments or most of Wolfe’s army behind to garrison Quebec, Saunders and the fleet sailed on the 18th of Octo- ber for England. Amidst the solemn booming of cannon, the 1 Memoirs of the Reign of George II, vol. ii. p. 893. 502 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Royal William, with the flag of England flying at half-mast, its cross of St. George scarce ruddier than the crimson maples which lined the St. Lawrence, bore slowly down the mighty stream the corpse of the late leader. On the 16th of the following month she anchored at Spithead, and early next morning, to the firing of signal guns, the coffin was lowered into a twelve-oared barge, towed by two other boats and followed by a funeral cortége of twelve others. Sombrely, silently but for the booming of the minute guns of the fleet, it was towed to shore at Portsmouth, where the regiment of Invalides and the company of Artillery in the garrison received it. The coffin was put into a travelling-hearse, attendants in a mourning coach following. The two faithful aides-de-camp, Captains Hervey Smith? and Thomas Bell, joined the cavalcade, the troops marching with arms reversed, and the bells tolling muffled peals and thousands of spec- tators paying a last tribute of respect to the illustrious dead. From Landport gate the hearse and coaches passed through the ranks of the halted escort and proceeded on to Blackheath alone. In the Wolfe mansion in the wide hall it lay for a whole day in state, its black velvet pall heaped with laurel wreaths, and on the 20th was the body of James Wolfe laid beside his father’s in the family vault of the parish church of St. Alfege at Greenwich. Not until 149 years later was a simple bronze tablet affixed above to tell the chance passer-by whose ashes lay mouldering below. No sooner did it become noised abroad that the dead General was the affianced husband of Miss Lowther, than many directed their condolences to that young lady, then on a visit to Raby Castle.? There is a letter from Lady Mary Wortley Montagu to Miss Bute, in which she says, “General Wolfe is to be lamented but not pitied. I am of your opinion that compassion is only owing to his mother and his intended bride, who I think the greater sufferer, however sensible I am of a parent’s tenderness. Disappointments in youth are those which are felt with the greatest anguish, when we are all in expectation of happiness perhaps not to be found in life.” 1 Afterwards Sir Hervey Smith, Bart., died 1811. See notice in Examiner, October 22, 1811. 2 «Tt is curious coincidence,” remarks Mr. Bradley, “‘ that the heroines of both Wolfe’s love-affairs should have come, and that from no connection with each other, from the same group of families in a remote corner of England. Isell Hall, whence came Miss Lawson, is still a residence of the family. Meaburn Hall, Kate Lowther’s early home, though now @ somewhat inaccessible farmhouse, between Shap and Appleby, on the Lowther estates, remains a most interesting and picturesque specimen, both inside and out, of the Tudor manor house of the Border country.” —Fight with France, p. 317. ANVIONG OL LHNNOU Ado HOIHAL NI ‘dIWVO AONTUON SYM AOE. SEL LEAL NE aT Nt ULVLIS NI AVWT AGOM S,ALIOM -INON IV M IVUINTD AT NUOAL NAOO-ONISSTUA NTIS NON TETQ TANGO: A NNO \ : : TUT SULVEIMOVIG LY ASAOOH WATOM AO TIVH KATHERINE LOWTHER 508 The miniature which Wolfe had the night before his death entrusted to his friend Jervis was duly carried to his mother by his aide-de-camp, Captain Bell. According to the request made in his will, she had it set in brilliants and restored to Miss Lowther. This was not, however, until the following spring. Meanwhile Miss Lowther addressed a letter of condolence to the bereaved mother’s late companion at Bath, Miss Aylmer, intended for Mrs. Wolfe’s eyes. ‘This drew forth a lengthy reply—not, however, from the lady addressed but from another friend now with her at Blackheath, Mrs. Scott. To this Miss Lowther replied. Miss Lowruer to Miss Scort. Raby Castle, 18th December, 1759. Mapam,—Miss Aylmer’s having once answered a letter I wrote Mrs. Wolfe, drew me into the error of addressing her again ; but I now desire you to accept my sincere thanks for your oblig- ing tho’ melancholy epistle. I’m not surprised to hear the patient sufferer submits with calmness and resignation to this severe trial, because I could never doubt the magnanimity of General Wolfe’s mother ; but I wish, if her health would permit, she could by degrees be brought to bear new objects; perhaps they might call her attention one moment from the melancholy subject which engrosses it, and in time dissipate, though not efface or drive away from the memory so just and deep a sorrow :— not that I shall ever attempt intruding my company, since (though I feel for her more than words can express, and should, if it was given me to alleviate her grief, gladly exert every power which nature or compassion has bestowed)—yet I feel we are the last people in the world who ought to meet. I knew not my picture was to be set ; but I beg, Madam, you will tell Mrs. Wolfe I entreat her to take her own time about giving the necessary directions. I can’t as a mark of his affec- tions, refuse it; otherwise would willingly spare myself the pain of seeing a picture given under far different hopes and expect- ations. Mrs. Wolfe will, I hope, accept my acknowledgments for her good wishes, and that Almighty God may comfort and support her, is the earnest prayer of, Madam, Your obliged, humble servant, K. Lowruer. A tradition is mentioned by Warburton that Miss Lowther, who six years later became Duchess of Bolton, “always wore, 504 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE henceforth, a pearl necklace which he [Wolfe] had given her, covered with black velvet, in memory of the departed.” The foundation for the story is probably that the young lady was loath to parade upon her person a portrait of herself, but exhibited the jewelled miniature with a black velvet cover.! Mrs. Wolfe was a woman cast in the antique mould. Although she could not bring herself to reply to letters of condolence, she was not blind either to the dignity or the duties of her position as mother and chief surviving representative of her celebrated son. On November 6 she addressed a letter to Chatham, observing, ‘* As you did my dear son the honour to entrust him with so great and important an office as the taking of Quebec, which you, Sir, planned, and he executed, I hope to his Majesty’s, your and his country’s satisfaction, though to my irreparable loss, it occurs to me that there may be some papers or orders of yours relating to the Government service which will come to me. If you will honour me with your commands, I shall send them by a faithful and trusty gentleman, who carries this, Lieutenant Scott; and no eye shall see them but your own.” But it was over a fortnight before the papers reached her at the hands of Captain Bell, who no doubt thought he was doing his duty by examining and sorting them beforehand, not realizing either the capacity or the imperiousness of the old lady at Blackheath. She was as angry as if a slight had been intentionally put upon her. Her patience had much to endure. It will be recalled that Wolfe had made a will disposing of some seven or eight thousand pounds which he supposed he had inherited on the death of his father. It appeared, however, that the old General, seeing his son well and profitably employed in the service, had given his wife a life interest in his small fortune, which, as her health was but poor, seemed to offer but little injustice to his son. When the nature of James’s will was revealed, Mrs. Wolfe once again addressed Chatham. 1 Wright made every endeavour to discover the existence of this miniature, but in vain. Lord Barnard of Raby Castle courteously writes me: “‘ The miniature now at Raby is always considered to be a portrait of the Duchess of Bolton, by Cosway. It has some hair at the back, and is mounted in a gilt metal frame set with stones. At the time Katherine Lowther wrote the letter to Mrs. Wolfe, she was no doubt staying with her sister Margaret Countess of Darlington.” The Duchess of Bolton’s daughter married her cousin, Lord Darlington of Raby, who became Duke of Cleveland and ancestor of Lord Barnard. The number of stones corresponds with the jeweller’s bill at Squerryes. HIS MOTHER’S APPEAL 505 Mrs. WotFe to CuatHam. Blackheath, Movember 30th, 1759. Sir.—The great honour your letter of the 28th of Nov. does me, has given me resolution which no other consideration could do to make an application which I hope you will not disprove. My dear son, not knowing the disposition his father had made of his fortune—which was wholly settled on me for life and magnified by fame greatly beyond what it really is—has left to his friends more than a third part of it; and though I should have the greatest pleasure imaginable in discharging these legacies in my lifetime, I cannot do it without distressing myself to the highest degree. My request to you, good and great Sir, is that you will honour me with your instructions how I may in the properest manner address His Majesty for a pension to enable me to fulfil the generous and kind intentions of my most dear lost son to his friends, and to live like the relict of General Wolfe and General Wolfe’s mother. I hope, Sir, you will pardon this liberty. I have the honour to be, etc., etc. Cuatuam to Mrs. Wo tre. St. James’s Square, January 17, 1760. Mapam.—I think myself much favoured by your letter wherein you are pleased to desire my advice in a matter that concerns your ease. Had I more than information in my power to offer on a subject so interesting, I beg you will be assured, Madam, that your trouble would be rendered very short, as well my own satisfaction become very sensible. But the thing you are pleased to mention being totally in the Duke of Newcastle's department, I can only desire leave to apprise you that it is to his Grace that all applications of such a nature are to be addressed. If you shall judge proper to take that step (with regard to which I cannot venture to advise), you will command, in that, as well as every other occasion, all good offices and sincerest endeavours for your service from him who has the honour ever to remain, with the truest respect, Madam, Your most obedient and most humble servant, Wm. Prrr.! It only remains to add that the hero’s mother was not only unsuccessful in this application to the Government, but also in another transaction which redounds little to the credit of the 1 From original at Squerryes Court. 506 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE Government or the nation. It was supposed that Wolfe, being a Commander-in-Chief of an expedition, would be entitled to a Commander-in-Chief’s pay. Not until February 1761 were the warrants made out for the payment of the staff of the Quebec expedition. As Mrs. Wolfe’s agent, Fisher based his demand at the rate of £10 a day from the date of his last commission until his death—a matter of nearly £2500. Promptly was the claim rejected by the War Office, then presided over by Charles Townshend, a brother of Wolfe’s brigadier. Acting according to the counsel of friends, amongst whom were Lord Shelburne and Sir Robert Rich, Mrs. Wolfe addressed a memorial to the young king, George III. But the representations of Barrington were successful, and after a melancholy correspondence lasting three years, Townshend’s successor, Wellbore Ellis, wrote finally to say that the application was refused. It is to be feared the old lady got a reputation for eccentricity by the tenacity with which she clung to her claims and to the memory of her son and husband. In March 1760, while retaining her Blackheath residence, Mrs. Wolfe rented a house in Trim Street, Bath, where she caused some military emblems to be cast to adorn the facade, and gathered together many portraits and trophies of father and son. In her correspondence, which for some weeks was voluminous, she had been assisted at first by her nephew, Captain Edward Goldsmith, to whom, on his leaving her to return to Limerick, she presented with the £1000 willed him by his cousin.? At Blackheath her neighbours, the Masons and Scotts, visited her frequently, but her closest adviser was her son’s early tutor and the friend of the family, the Rev. Francis Swinden, F.R.S., Rector of Stifford, Essex, and master of the school in Greenwich. Swinden died less than three months before his friend, who passed away on September 26, 1764. She had previously (February 25, 1763) 1 It is only fair to mention Barrington’s contention that the payment asked for on behalf of one who was not technically a Commander-in-Chief would set a precedent whereby a dozen other claims would be lodged at the War Office. 2 Goldsmith’s first letter after his return to Ireland was from Dublin, where he spent some time endeavouring to obtain half-pay, but was unsuc- cessful. He suffered much from the ague, on which account he left Limerick in 1761, and settled at Finglass, near Dublin, where he died in 1764. His letters, which amused his aunt, exhibit a degree of humour not unlike that of his cousin Oliver. They were sealed with Wolfe’s seals, one of which bears the family arms—three wolves’ heads erased, with chevron, etc.—the other a female head. A Mecmorandione pr Ser Tertlen =< oe fe Hall please Gol) | § ee ee harek ho sh ee Med. Longs Figen Spe: tie Ps ae bee uy Cody sand) ones (ened jo nee Pie, Vos ewes mt Es clheont o Linen, an prevete Pr Itcb te (hea 0 Khe Mitek of me A Wife, ‘pur ep) rf wy b eee “ yee Ske, 3°76 9 Baal a : \ INSTRUCTIONS FOR MKS. WOLFE’S BURIAL From the original memorandum at Squerryes Court NATIONAL MONUMENT TO WOLFE 507 made a will, and in a curious document, still extant, given directions as to her remains and obsequies. Her property after her death was found to be worth some £17,000, the surviving executors of her will being Colonels Carleton and Warde. Besides the bequests made by her son, she bequeathed £3000 to her nephew William Burcher,! and £2000 to the children of another of the old General’s sisters named Langley, and various legacies to her own relations, friends and domestics. She also left £1000 to the Incorporated Society for Promoting Protestant Schools in Ireland, £500 to Bath Hospital, £500 to Bromley College, and lesser sums to other charities. What remained it was her wish should be given to the widows and families of poor officers who had served under her son. It is a curious fact that none applied, and ten years later the executors, believing it to be consonant to her wishes, handed over the amount, £3000, to the Hibernian School for Soldiers’ Sons. The monument of white marble which Parliament had decreed, the commission for which was given to the sculptor Wilton, was not unveiled until 1773. It is in a sequestered situation in the north transept of Westminster Abbey. A large oval tablet in the middle of the sarcophagus contains this inscription— TO THE MEMORY OF JAMES WOLFE, MAJOR-GENERAL AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE BRITISH LAND FORCES ON AN EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC, WHO, AFTER SURMOUNTING BY ABILITY AND VALOUR ALL OBSTACLES OF ART AND NATURE, WAS SLAIN, IN THE MOMENT OF VICTORY, ON THE XIII. OF SEPTEMBER, MDCCLIX., THE KING AND PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN DEDICATE THIS MONUMENT. Mention has already been made of the cenotaph in Squerryes Park erected by the Warde family to mark the spot where the young warrior received his first commission. Some of his Westerham friends, the year after his death, placed a marble tablet to his 1 In Lymington, Hants, churchyard: ‘Sacred to the memory of William Burcher, gent., first cousin to the late General Wolfe, who died February 13, 1792, aged 79 years.” 508 LIFE AND LETTERS OF WOLFE memory in the parish church where he was baptized, containing these lines— ‘“While George in sorrow bows his laurell’d head, And bids the artist grace the soldier dead ; We raise no sculptur’d trophy to thy name, Brave youth! the fairest in the list of fame. Proud of thy birth, we boast th’ auspicious year, Struck with thy fall, we shed a general tear ; With humble grief inscribe one artless stone, And from thy matchless honours date our own. I Decus I Nostrum.” } And in 1762 Earl Temple, at the suggestion of his brother-in- law, Chatham, raised a lofty obelisk at Stowe, inscribed— TO MAJOR-GENERAL WOLFE, OSTENDUNT TERRIS HUNC TANTUM FATA. On the exact spot where Wolfe expired a stone rolled on the field before nightfall that day was replaced in Sir Guy Carleton’s time by another in which a meridional line was carved. This gave way in 1832 to a small granite shaft upon which Lord Aylmer, then Governor, caused to be inscribed— HERE DIED WOLFE VICTORIOUS. It unhappily became defaced, and ninety years after the battle the column now standing was raised in its stead and enclosed by an iron railing, the cost being borne by the British troops then stationed at Quebec. But years before then, in 1827, Canadians of both French and English descent subscribed, at the instance of Lord Dalhousie, to a stone obelisk to the memory of both Montcalm and Wolfe. It stands on the borders of Dufferin Terrace, and is conspicuous from the river. On one side is the name “ Montcalm,” on 1 Lord se re quotes with approval these lines under a bust of Wolfe in the old castle at Quebec— “Let no sad tear upon his tomb be shed, A common tribute to the common dead : But let the good, the generous and the brave With godlike envy sigh for such a grave.” —N. & @., vol. v. p. 34. TATOM OL INGWANOW ONLMOTIS ‘wWyHvUay ao SNIVTd GILL POETICAL TRIBUTES 509 the other “Wolfe,” while the obelisk further bears the striking legend— MORTEM . VIRTUS . COMMUNEM FAMAM . HISTORIA MONUMENTUM . POSTERITAS DEDIT, The site of the battlefield was acquired by public subscription in 1908 and formally handed over by the Prince of Wales to Earl Grey, the Governor-General, to be kept for all time as sacred ground. Although Chatham’s funeral oration on the conqueror of Quebec was thought in the opinion of those who heard to fall short of his best efforts, yet in poetry is Wolfe’s memory enshrined in stanzas which deserve to be more widely known than they are, for they have still power to fire the heart and call aloud to the spirit of an England whose boundaries are wider than the brave and prescient soldier who helped to widen them could ever have dreamed— “England, with all thy faults, I love thee still ! Time was when it was praise and boast enough In every clime, and travel where we might, That we were born her children. Praise enough To fill the ambition of a private man, That Chatham’s language was his mother-tongue, And Wolfe’s great name compatriot with his own. For Wolfe, the poet tells us— «*. . . Wolfe, where’er he fought, Put so much of his heart into the act, That his example had a magnet’s force, And all were swift to follow whom all loved. Those suns are set. Oh, rise some other such ! Or all that we have left, is empty talk Of old achievements, and despair of new.” ! 1 Cowper, The Task, Book II. In one of his letters the poet says: “‘Nothing could express my rapture when Wolfe made the conquest of Quebec.” APPENDIX Tue subjoined interesting letter, which I owe to the kindnes of my friend Mr. Bradley, has recently come to light: and confirms many of the salient points in the published documents, collected with so much patience by the Canadian historians of the siege. “ Medway,” off Quebec, September 13th, 1759. Dear Sir,—By the “ Lowestoft ” who brings you the agreeable news of our success, I have the pleasure of giving you joy on the occasion. Affairs have taken a most amazing turn since my letter by Captain Perceval, who could give you but small hopes of what has happened since, by our making a number of feints. It divided the enemies’ force above and below the town, that on the 13th past. Mr. Wolfe determined to land, made a feint in the night fourteen leagues above the town which drew the enemies’ attention that way, drop’d with the tide down the river, and landed at four o’clock in the morning in Sillery bay, about three miles from the town, with little opposition, the light infantry soon getting up a steep bank and drove what Indians and Canadians were there, in number about a hundred, off; then taking a four gun battery that opposed to landing, the rest of the army soon followed. An alarm was given the town, who sent to Monsieur Mont- calm, the French General, that the English were landed; he marched directly across the river St. Charles, where all the regulars were encamped (as thinking himself we should at last land there). At ten the two armies were in sight; the French march’d up to Mr. Wolfe boldly, thinking themselves sure of the victory. The French gave the first fire at about a hundred yards’ distance; our troops marched on at about twenty-five yards gave their fire. Mons. Montcalm detached the Canadians on each flank, and some to cut off our people’s retreat ; but Mr. Wolfe so managed that all his schemes were defeated, and farely out-generaled him, which they all own. We gave a few fires, then charged with the bayonet, which broke the French army. Then the Highlanders and Light Infantry went in sword in 510 APPENDIX 511 hand and entirely routed them, gaining a compleat victory. The French own to have brought into the field 10,000, of which 3,000 were regulars according to their own account. Our army consisted of 4,500. To their eternal honour be it spoken, our loss about 600 killed and wounded. The French, by their accounts, 1,700 killed and wounded. This stroke has given them such an instance of the difference of fighting in woods and on the plain, that they have never dared to look our troops in the face since, though they are double or nearer treble their numbers. They left two pieces of cannon in the field, but their colours got off. The town has not had a gun fired at it since by our army; but they were preparing batteries, and on the approach of our ships they desired a truce which was to capitulate; but their first terms were rejected. The loss of General Wolfe to the army is irreparable. He had three balls in different parts of the body, one in his arm which was the first, one in the belly, and one in the breast. He lived just long enough to hear he had gained the day, on which he answered “Thank God, I die easy.” General Monckton wounded in the breast, and Carleton in the head, but no danger is apprehended; yet the officers in general suffered greatly. The General’s corpse comes home in the “ Royal William.” On the French side, Montcalm killed and one more General officer, with many other considerable ones. There are but few regulars in the town, the rest, with Vaudreuil, gone towards Montreal, where we hope General Amherst is near. We are far from any scarcity of provisions in this country, having found great quantities of cattle of all kinds and grain in abundance. We have burned near three thousand houses here or more. By the accounts there are as many more; but whether they share the same fate I cannot tell; but the rascals deserve it for their cruelty. If Mr. Amherst gets no more than he has already, one year more would compleat our conquests in America, of which I hope not a foot will be returned to the French Government. If I was to make a peace my way, it would soon be settled. They might keep what they have and we do the same; and so rest till we quarrelled again. The limit of paper obliges me to bid you adieu. I an, Sir, your dutiful Son, Cuartes LEstiz. INDEX ABERCROMBIE, GENERAL, 347, 365, 367, 381, 385, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 402, 405, 417, 418 Aberdeen, 58, 60 Abraham, Plains of, 489-94, 497 Abthorpe, Dr. Stephen, 123 note 1 Abthorpe, Mrs. Frances, 204, 205, 274, 275 and note 1 Adeane, Lieut.-General James, 284-5 286, 288 and note 1, 301 Aix, Isle of, 329, 330, 391 Aix-la-Chapelle, congress of, 78, 80, 81 Albemarle, (second) Earl of, 18 note 1, 57, 62, 185, 187, 188, 189, 191, 193, 194, 199, 203, 204, 246 Albemarle, (third) Earl of, see Bury Aldercron, General, 175 and note 1 Allanton, Sir Henry Stuart, 66 Allen, Ethan, 359 Ambrose, Wolfe’s servant, 343, 484 America, Wolfe’s views as to the future of, 395 American colonists, 134, 376, 394, 395 Amherst, Jeffrey, Lord, 34, 121, 125, 287 and note 1, 347, 356, 358, 362, 363, 367, 370, 371, 373, 376, 378, 379, 380, 381, 385, 387, 388, 391, 3938, 396, 400, 401, 405, 411, 412, 421, 422, 493, 425, 429, 431, 482, 433, 463, 464, 469, 470, 475, 481, 511 Amherst, General William, 386 Anse du Foulon, 476, 477, 478, 479, 485, 486, 488 Anson, Lord, 11, 268, 320, 421 Antwerp, 44, 75 Appleby, Mrs., 1 Aremberg, Duc d’, 28, 29, 35 Army, British (for particular officers and regiments see their titles).—Bayonet exercise, 61; church attendance, 97-8; commissariat, 367-8, 424; deserters, 233-4, 265 ; drill methods, 357, 368, 431 ; equipment and cloth- ing, 99, 221, 280, 302, 369; foreign battalions, 287, 292, 302, 312 ; garrison life in Portsmouth, 357; increased strength in 1756, 301; intelligence department, 29 note 1 ; marksmanship, 254-65 ; officers’ expenses, 90, 91, 302, 350, 393 ; officers’ lack of training, 207, 274 and note 2; general orders issued prior to Dettingen, 32 ; at Que- DL bec, 446, 459, 497 ; regiments at Que- bec, 490; transport regulations, 18 note 2 Arthur, Mayor of Exeter, 240, 244 Artillery, 125 Aschaffenburg, 30 Aylva, Baron d’, 81 Balfour, Captain, 382 Banff, 188 and note 1 Bank of England, 54 Barbour, Mr., 166-7 Barcelona, 17 Barré, Colonel Isaac, 358, 359, 430, 433, 460, 471 note 2, 472, 483 note 2, 486, 496 note, 498 ‘Barrell’s Regiment, 65 Barrington, Lord, 334, 335, 411, 433, 506 and note 1 Basingstoke, 238 Bastide, 369 Bath, 10, 238, 272, 405 and note 8, 406, 407, 501 Bath, Lady, 350 Bathiany, Marshal, 79 Bathurst, Lord, 484 note 1 Battery Island, 373 note Beauclerk, Lord George, 270 and note 2, 349 Beaufort, Duke of, 306 and note 1 Beaumont, 441 Beauport, 428, 438, 445, 446, 454, 473, 482, 489 Beckford, Alderman, 501 Beckwith, Lieut.-Colonel, 399 Beckwith, Mrs., 288 Bedford, Duke of, 71, 301, 314, 315, 316, 318, 321, 328, 351, 352, 417 Belfast, 182 Bell, Captain Thomas, 383, 431, 483, 502, 503, 504 Belleisle, Duc de, 24, 28, 299, 444 Berkeley, Bishop, 201-2 319, 358, Bertie, Lord Robert, 308 Berwick, 213, 256 Bic, Isle of, 408, 423, 434 Bigot, Frangois, 444 and notes 1 and 2, 478 Billings, Major, 230, 256 Biscay, Bay of, 326, 329, 391 Blackheath, 10, 144, 501, 502 513 514 Blakeney, General, 55, 298, 300, 311 and note 1, 390 Blakeney, Major, 32 Bland, General, 52, 68, 118, 254 and note 1 Bland’s Dragoons (now 13th Hussars), 84-5 Blandford, Marquis of, 281, 301, 303, 319, 417 Blaquiere, 284 Bois-le-Duc, 79, 80 Boisragon, Captain, 261 Bonn, 26-7 Boscawen, Admiral, 122, 238, 270, 347, 356, 358, 361, 362, 363, 365, 370, 378, 379, 380, 381, 388, 393, 397, 400, 412, 421, 422, 429 Boscawen, Hon. John, 238 Boston, 391, 394 Boswell, James, 180 Bougainville, 435, 437, 444, 465, 471, 481, 482, 490, 491, 495, 496 Braddock, General, 239, 260, 267, 274 and note 1 Bradley, Mr. A. G., 64, 386 Bradstreet, 369, 403 Bragg, Brigadier-General, 18 note 1 Braybrooke, Lord, 508 note Breck, Alan, 179 Breda, 71 Breslau, capture of, 347 and note 1 Brett, Charles, 132 note 1, 137, 154, 159, 160 note 1, 162 and note 1, 168, 169, 170-1, 224 Brett, Captain John, 162 note 1 Brett, Miss Nanny, 171, 229, 353 Brett, Admiral Sir Piercy, 229, 232 Brett, Timothy, 162 note 1, 240, 279, 302 Bright, Mrs., 43 Brodrick, Rear-Admiral, 322, 332, 342 Broglie, General de, 24, 28, 29 Brown, Ensign, 288, 289 Brown (Ensign of 20th Regiment), 302 and note 1 Brown, Lieutenant, 494 Brown, Marshal, 305 note 1 Browne, Lady, 191-2 Brudenell, Lord, 189 Bruges, 19 Buckinghamshire, Countess of, 9 Burcher, Mrs. Anne, 268, 272, 273 Burcher, James, 272 Burcher, William, 272 note 2, 507 and note Burke, Edmund, 3, 499-500 Burton, Colonel, 438, 462, 471 note 1, 477, 489, 490, 494 Bury, Lord (afterwards third Earl of Albemarle), 57, 67 and note 1, 110, 112, 116, 117, 118, 122, 124, 125, 128, 129, 131, 135, 136, 137, 157, 161, 163, 178, 174, 175-6, 177, 179, 185, 189, 204, 206, 207, 212, 217, 222, 224, 228, INDEX 233, 236, 237, 240, 242, 243, 246, 248, 259, 261, 268, 281, 282, 284, 285, 289, 301, 313, 314, 315, 317 Bute, Lord, 472 Butterlin, Count, 401 Buxton, 267, 272 Byng, Admiral, 271, 291, 292, 293, 294, 300, 305, 306, 308 Cade, Mrs., 28, 133 Calcraft, John, 270 and note 1, 322 Calcutta, 357 Caldwell, Captain, 407 and nofe, 408, 431, 448, 483 Calendar reform, 185 and note 1 Cameron clan, 63, 65 Cameron, Ensign, 466 Camlachie, 91 Campbell, Colin, murder of, 179-80 Campbell, Sir James, 401-2 Canada, French policy regarding, 346; French régime in, 416, 444, 478; martial population, 424 ; Wolfe's pro- clamation to inhabitants, 439-40 Canterbury, 186, 290 Cap Rouge, 455, 472, 490, 495 Cape Breton, 82, 270 and note 3, 363, 385 Capelrig, 212-3 Carden, Lieutenant, 359-60, 369 Cardigan, Lord, 189 Carillon, 469 Carleton, Guy (afterwards Lord Dorcher- ter), 72, 196, 197, 198, 199, 228, 302, 358, 354, 356, 359, 369, 389, 392, 410- 411, 423, 424, 425, 427, 430, 435, 451, 456, 471, 475, 476, 477, 478, 482, 483, 496 note, 507, 511 Carleton, Thomas, 450 and note Carlisle, 53, 54, 220-1, 256 Carlyle, Thomas, 487 note Carteret, Lord, 30 Carthagena, 12, 14, 17, 250, 382 Cathcart, Lord, 12, 14, 218, 220, 332 Chaban, Major, 68 Chads, Captain, 462, 480, 485 Champlain, Lake, 429, 444 Chandernagore, 356 Charleroi, 24 Charles VII, Emperor, 17, 35 Charles Edward Stuart, Prince, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 60, 61, 62, 67, 193, 198 Charles of Lorraine, Prince, 28, 40 Chartres, Duc de, 45 Chatelaillon, 331, 341 Chatterton, 10 Cheshire, Lieutenant, 358-9 Chrysal, Charles Johnstone’s, 418-9 Churchill, General George, 101, 218 Clarke, Colonel, 320, 343 and note 1, 369, 390 INDEX Clayton, General, 34, 37 Clements, Ben, 230 Cole, William, 123 note 1 Collingwood, Lieutenant-Governor, 179 Collins, Captain, 395 Conolly, Thomas, 228 Conolly, William, 228, 231 Conway, Marshal, 105 and note, 322, 329, 3380, 332, 338, 337, 341 Cook, Captain, 461 and note Cope, General, 18 note 1, 31, 51, 52 Cork, 183 Cornwallis, Brigadier-General Fdward, 18 note 1, 88, 90, 94, 95, 101, 134, 135, 138, 139, 140, 308, 309, 322, 333, 337, 341, 346 Cornwallis, Lord, 295 Cotton, deserter, 465 Coudres, Te aux, 424, 425 Courtrai, 44 Cowper, William, 509 Crawford’s Regiment, 75 Cringletie, Lord, 171 note 1 Crofton, 478 Croom’s Hill, Wolfe’s house on, 184 Crown Point, 346, 422, 463, 469 Croydon, 112 Cuba, 21 Culloden, battle of, 60-66 ; Wolfe’s criti- cism on, 156-7 Culloden House, 67 Cumberland, William, Duke of, 30, 31, 35, 37-8, 39, 41, 49, 50,:51, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 65, 66, 69, 70, 72, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 95, 108, 117, 120, 125, 135, 136, 144, 147-8, 169, 185, 199, 203, 204, 206, 223, 224, 240, 256, 262, 264, 268, 281, 283, 284, 312, 317, 318 and note 1, 325, 326, 340, 413, 417 verses on Wolfe, Dalhousie, Lord, 508 Dalling, Major, 431, 452 Dallow, Captain, 50 Dalton, Mr. Charles, 268, 297 note 1 Dalwhinnie, 52 Dauphin, French, 187 Dawnay, Mr., 199 Dechambault, 463, 469 Delabene, Major, 62 Delaune, Captain, 360, 369, 389, 476, 483, 487, 483 Dentistry, eighteenth-century, 178, 190 Deptford, 18 Derby, 54 Desclouseaux, 256 Des Gouttes, Admiral, 377, 381 Dettingen, battle of, 33-40 Devizes, 293 Donnellan, Major Nehemiah, 113, 131, 144, 147, 219, 241, 279, 288, 290 LL2 O15 Dorset, Duchess of, 104 Dover, 186, 226, 227, 228, 229 Dover Castle, 225, 226, 227 Doway, Baillie, 69 Draper, Sir William, 358 Drogheda, 183 Drucour, Chevalier de, 377, 381, 382 Dublin, 182, 183 Dundee, 133 Dundonald, Lord, 380, 388 Dunk, Captain, 455 Dunkirk, 232, 282 Duquesne, Marquis, 260 Durell, Rear-Admiral, 407, 421, 422, 423, 424, 425, 428, 431, 432, 434, 435 Duroure, Colonel, 16, 31, 38, 35, 41 Earthquake in London, 418 East India Company, 19 Edinburgh, 51, 52, 55, 57, 98, 136 Effingham, Lady, 9 Effingham, Lord, 18 note 1, 308 Egerton, Mrs., 231 Ekins, Captain, 50 Elegy, Gray’s, 486-7 and note Elgin, 60 Bihott, Colonel (Lord Heathfield), 409 Ellis, Wellbore, 506 Engel, Ensign, 466 Erie, Lake, 260 Estcourt, Lord, 137 note 1 Etchimin, River, 476 Eugene, Prince, 8 Evelyn, John, 5 Exeter, 239, 240 Fairfax, Ensign William Henry, 437 Falkirk, battle of, 55-7, 67 Falkland, 199 Ferrers, Lady, 414 and note Field, Captain, 49 Fielding, Henry, 54 Finchley, 54 Fisher, Thomas, army agent, 90, 91 and note 1, 195, 337, 350, 353, 384, 393, 427, 506 Fitzmaurice, Lord, afterwards Lord Lansdowne, 195, 353, 483 note 2 Flanders, 18, 19, 28 Fleury, Cardinal, 17, 28 Fontenoy, battle of, 49-50, 51 Forbes, Brigadier, 347 Forbes, Lord, 65 Forbes, Sir Arthur, 59 Forbes, Mrs., 173, 255, 271 Forfar, 67 Forres, 60 Fort Augustus, 57, 58, 67, 177, 180, 258, 255 Fort Duquesne, 346 Fort George, 156, 253 Fort Inversnaid, 69 516 Fort St. Philip’s, 292, 300, 305, 311, 390, 391 Fort William, 165, 173 Fort- William Henry, 443 Fouras, 331, 332, 341, 342 Fourth Foot (Barrell’s), Wolfe appointed to, 44, 49, 51, 52; at Falkirk, 56, 60; at Culloden, 61, 62, 63, 65, 69 Fowke, General, 78, 259, 308 Frampton, Brigadier, 18 notes 1 and 2 Francois, Wolfe’s servant, 385, 348, 483, 484 Frankfort-on-the-Main, 27-8 Fraser, Colonel, 471 note 1 Fraser, Simon, 488 Frederick, Prince of Wales, 148 note 1 Frederick the Great, 17, 294, 305, 319, 320 and note 1, 325, 338, 357; Wolfe anxious to serve under, 403-4 Freefolk, 237, 277 French court at Versailles, 197 French society, Wolfe’s impressions of, 186, 190, 191, 194, 205-6 Frontenac, 397 Fundy, Bay of, 394 Gabarus, Bay of, 366, 370, 383, 390 Gage, Lord, 203 and note 1, 346 Gaspé, Bay of, 397 Gaucher, Mademoiselle, 188 George II, 10, 11, 16, 17, 30, 31, 34, 35, 87, 38, 39, 41, 48, 51, 54, 107, 308, 811, 818, 333, 344, 410-11; his retort when told that Wolfe was mad, 417 George ITI, 345 Ghent, 19 and note 2, 20, 47, 48, 49, 51 Gibbon, 293 note 1 Gibraltar, 292, 293, 294, 300, 308 Glamorganshire, original home of Wolfe family, 2 Glasgow, Wolfe’s impressions of, 94, 97, 99 Glasgow University, 89 Glen Esk, 58 Glenorchy, Lord, 130 Goat Island, 373 and note, 379 Gobelins factory, 195-6 Goldsmith, Captain Edward, 22, 118, 231, 281, 309, 311, 4838, 506 and note 2 Goldsmith, Mrs., 310, 311 Goldsmith, Oliver, 22 and note 2, 113, 312, 506 note 2 Goodwood, 303 Gordon, Mrs., 58-60 Goreham, Captain, 374, 375, 477 Grammont, Due de, 34 Grant, Major, 343 Grant, Mrs., 271 Greenwich, 10, 11, 110, 153, 154, 502 Greenwich Park, 128 INDEX Grenville, 415, 416 Grey, Major, 50 Grey, Lord, of Howick, 293 Grey, Lady, of Howick, 186, 243, 245, 293, 294 : Guiguer, Mr., 263, 264, 267 Guildford, 236, 237 Guillem, Captain, 431 Guise, General, 212 and note 1 Hales, Lieutenant-Colonel, 375 Halifax, Nova Scotia, 142, 363, 365, 367, 396, 422, 423, 426 Hamilton, Lord Archibald, 192 and note 1, 193 Hamilton, Charles (Captain), 67 Hamilton, Duke of, 213 Hamilton, Duchess of (Elizabeth Gunning), 213 and note 1 Hamilton, Miss, 218 Hamilton, Sir William, 192, 193 Hanau, 29, 32, 39 Hanley, Governor, 268 Hanover, 10, 17, 325 Hanoverian troops, 24, 27, 28, 31, 48 Harcourt, Duc d’, 44 Harcourt, Lord, 195 and note 1, 196 Hardy, Sir Charles, 365, 366, 376, 389, 396 Haren, Madame, 187, 208 Haren, Miss, 200 Harte, Canon, 188 Hastenbeck, battle of, 325 Hawke, Admiral Sir Edward, 271, 294, 300, 322, 326, 331, 332, 333, 344, 421 Hawley, General Henry, 8 note 1, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 66, 67, 68, 280 Hayter, Bishop, 195 and note 1 Heightley, Colonel, 50 Hellinback, 29 note 1 Henderson, volunteer in Quebec ex- pedition, 494 Hennis, Lieutenant, 241, 245 Herbert, 383, 395 Highland troops, 141, 145; good opinion of, 363, 372 Higsham, Mrs., 84 Hill, Captain, 50 Hindes, Captain, 126 Hochst, 27, 29 Holderness, Lord, 472 Holmes, Rear-Admiral, 421, 468, 468, 469, 476, 477, 478, 480, 482, 485, 489 Honeywood, General, 18 note 1 Honeywood, Philip (Colonel), 259, 260, 261, 263, 265, 268 Hooker, Betty, 8, 160 Hooker, Mrs., 109 Hooper, Rear-Admiral, 305 and note 1 Hooper, William, 305 and note 1 Wolfe’s INDEX Hopson, General, 364, 865 and note Horse-racing, 238 Hoskins, Miss, 93, 111, 112, 137 Hoskins, Mrs., 110 Howard, Sir Charles, 239 Howe, Lord; 304, 329, 330, 333, 340, 346, 365, 367, 369; death of, 384 and note ; 390, 892, 403 Howe, Lieutenant-Colonel Sir William (afterwards Lord), 404 and note, 425, 431, 434, 483, 490, 491 Huske, General, 18 note 1, 31, 32, 55, 62, 98, 99 Hutchinson, Governor of Massachusetts, 433 Indians, American, 369, 385; massacre of British garrison, 443 and note 2 Innes, Major, 169 Invasion of England, precautions against, 277, 278, 279, 281, 291, 316 Inverdouglas, 214, 215 Inverness, 52, 58, 61, 154, 158, 174 Inwood, Mrs., 97, 166 Ireland, Wolfe’s impressions of, 94, 177, 183 Treton, Henry, 3 Irish Brigade, 75 Irishwomen, Wolfe’s impressions of, 183 Irving, Major, 471 note 1 Isembourg, Count d’, 302, 303 James I, 2 Jersey, Earl of, 1 Jervis, John (afterwards Vincent), 15, 482, 483 Johannés, Town Major of Quebec, 452 Johnson, Samuel, 124, 154, 155, 180 Johnson, Sir William, 421 Johnstone, Chevalier, 489 Lord St. Kane, General, 166 Kendal, Mrs., 160 Kennington Cove, 372 Kent, privileges of freeholders in, 281 Kerr, Lord Mark, 62 Kerr, Lord Robert, 64 Khevenhuller, Count, 38 Killick, pilot on St. Lawrence, 436 Kilmarnock, Countess of, 55 Kilmarnock, Earl of, 63 Kingsley, Lieut.-General William, 293, 299, 301 Klosterzeven, Convention of, 326 Knowles, Vice-Admiral, 322, 329, 342, 390 Knox, Captain John, 431 Konigsegg, Marshal, 49 La Balleine, 366 Lacey, Count, 73, 185, 343 Lacey, General, 73 517 Lacey, Miss, 72-75, 77 La Coromandiére, 372 Lafausille, General, 58, 126, 127, 155, 166, 192, 281, 282, 300 and mote 1, 804, 338 Lafausille, Mrs., 155, 241 Laffeldt, battle of, 75-77 Laforey, Captain, 382 Laggan, Achadrom, 254 Lally, Comte de, 356 Lancashire Fusiliers, 877 Lancashire, Wolfe’s impressions of, 222 Lang, Mr. Andrew, 179 Lauder, Ensign, 288, 289 Lavington, Bishop, 240, 244 Lawrence, Brigadier, 142, 347, 363, 370, 372, 373, 374, 391, 394, 430 Lawrence, schoolmaster at Westerham, 6 Lawson, Elizabeth, 78, 87, 93, 103, 110, 111, 113, 137, 141 Lawson, Lady, 159 Lawson, Sir Wilfrid, 78 Lee, Mrs., 73 Leslie, Captain, 407 and note, 431, 462, 488 ; letter describing battle of Quebec, 510-11 Lessines, 51 Leuthen, battle of, 347 note 1 Lévis, Duc de, 465, 477, 481 Lewis, Mrs. Mary, 1 note 6 Lighthouse Point, 373, 378 Ligonier, Lord, 18 note 1, 56, 76-7, 121, 320, 329, 337 and note 1, 338, 392, 399, 400, 403, 404, 410, 413, 424, 430 Limbourg, 79 Limerick, 2, 3, 182 Linlithgow, 56 Lisbon, 283 and note 1 Livingstone, Adam, 360 Loch Lomond, 214 Loftus, Captain Arthur, 50, 108, 113, 144, 157, 166, 171, 181, 182, 195, 218 Long Point, 359 Lonsdale, Lord, 348 Lord, Hugh, 297 L’Orembeck, 366, 373, 374, 377 Lotteries, State, 159, 162, 167, 316 Loudoun, Lord, 58, 346, 369, 417 Louis XV, 185, 199 Louisbourg, Wolfe proposes demolition of, 355; forces dispatched against, 370 ; description and plan of, 370-1 ; siege of, 372-81, 383-5, 387-9, 402-3; capitulation, 382; French and British losses, 386; mentioned, 81, 82, 238, 346, 347, 364, 365, 366, 368, 390, 422, 423, 431, 432, 433 Lowendahl, Marshal, 79 Lowositz, battle of, 305 note 1 Lowther, Sir James, 406 Lowther, Katherine (afterwards Duchess 518 of Bolton), 237, 348, 350, 406, 417, 483, 502, 503, 504 and note Lucas’s Coffee House, Dublin, 184 Lynch, Mr., 417 Lyndhurst, 272 Lyttelton, Sir Richard, 413, 499 Macclesfield, 54 Macdonald, Captain, 488 Macdonald clan, 61 MacDowell, Captain Alexander, 405 Mackellar, Major, 369, 431, 437 Macleod, Laird of, 179 M‘Pherson, Evan, 254 and note 1 Maestricht, 72, 75, 77, 79, 81 Maillebois, General, 24 Maitland, Captain, 431 Manchester, 54 Maria Theresa, 17, 19, 70 Marines, Wolfe appointed to, 15-16; 4, 258-9 Marlborough, Duchess of, 48 Marlborough, (first) Duke of, 4, 8, 283 Marlborough, (second) Duke of, 281 and note 1, 341 Martin, Captain, 412-3 Martin, Colonel, 63 Mason, Sir Christopher, 325, 328, 383, 398 Massachusetts militia, 433; colony of, 501 Maxwell, Lietenant-Colonel Hamilton, 245, 275, 286, 358, 399 Meaburn Hall, 502 note Meech, Lieutenant, 437 Melle, 274 Menin, 44 Merrydan, Captain, 21, 23, 38 Messervey, Colonel, 380 Metz, 127, 129, 135 Milbourne, Captain, 98 Minden, battle of, 104, 355 Minorca, 291, 292, 293, 294, 391 Miré, 366, 370 Molesworth, Lord, 166 Moltke, General, 51 Monckton, Brigadier, 34, 366, 495, 497, 498, 511 Monro, Colonel, 369 Mons, 24 Montagu, Duke of, 110 Montcalm, Marquis de, birth and train- ing, 443 note 1; captures Fort William Henry, 340 and note 1, 346, 443 ; other successes against British troops, 443, 444; Wolte’s opinion of, 379, 403; captures dispatch revealing plan of attack on Quebec, 434-5 ; breach with Civil Governor of Quebec, 444-5; communications with Wolfe, 450, 452, 453; at battle of Quebec, 489, 491, 493; wounded, 495; death, 496; INDEX mentioned, 387, 396, 402, 417, 438, 448, 454, 455, 459, 463, 467, 468, 469, 471, 472, 475, 476, 477 Montmorenci, 438; British reverse at, 453-463 ; 467, 468 Montreal, 359, 421, 427, 446, 450, 473 Montrésor, 369 Mordaunt, Sir John, 78, 107, 131, 169, 198, 237, 247, 256, 262, 265, 267, 277, 278, 279, 283, 304, 311, 322, 326, 329, 380, 831, 332, 333, 341, 343, 344, 417 Morris, Colonel, 375, 376 Morris, Mrs., 192 Mostyn, Admiral, 256 Mufis, coachmen’s, 194 Murray, Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander, 412 and note, 431 Murray, Brigadier James, 388, 4138, 425, 434, 447, 456, 457, 458, 463, 464, 468, 469, 472, 480, 484, 490, 497, 498, 499 Nairn, 60, 64 Napier, Lord, 120, 322 Nassau, Prince of, 302, 303 Nelson, points of resemblance to Wolfe, 415 and note, 482; 498 Newcastle, 452, 453, 454 Newcastle, Duke of, 54, 80, 319, 326, 411, 417, 505 Newmarsh, Captain, 180 Newport, Isle of Wight, 13, 323 New York, 391, 396 Niagara, 463, 469 Noailles, Due de, 28, 29, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39, 40 Norclitfe, Reverend C. B., 64 note Nova Scotia, 133, 137, 188, 140, 155, 424 Old Burlington Street, 23 note 1, 70 and note 1,77 Oleron, Isle of, 328 and ndte1, 329, 330 Ontario, Lake, 421 Orange, Prince of, 79, 159 and note 1 Orleans, Duke of, 187 Orleans, Isle of, 408, 435, 486, 437, 440, 447, 454, 474 Ormond, Duke of, 3 Ostend, 18, 19, 42, 43 Osterhout, 78 Oswego, 367, 443 Oughton, Colonel, 483 Page, Sir Gregory, 338, 392 nole, 393 Page, Mrs. Judith, 392 Palliser, 83 Paris, 178, 186 Parr, Captain Henry, 344 Parry, Joshua, 484 note 1 Partridge, Lieutenant, 112 Paterson, Miss, 43 INDEX Pelham, Henry, 70, 141 Perth, 52, 58, 110, 129, 155, 181 Peterborough, Lord, 78, 322 Philpot, Mr., 299 Pitt, H., 186 Pitt, William, afterwards Lord Oh atham, 10, 48, 295, 813, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 326, 333, 334, 344, 346, 363, 398, 400, 401, 403, 406, 410, 413, 415, 416, 417, 422, 472, 499, 504, 505, 508, 509 Point Lévis, 441, 445, 450, 451, 454, 473, 477, 481, 482 Point des Péres, 445 Pointe aux Trembles, 451, 456, 472, 478 Poinpadoun, Madame de, 185, 188, 196-7, Ponsonby, Brigadier, 18 note 1 Port L’Orient, 274 Port Mahon, 308 Portsmouth, 5, 14, 268, 357, 398, 502 Porto Bello, 11 Post-chaises, Wolfe’s dislike of, 210 Pragmatic Sanction, 17 Prague, 24, 28 Preston, 54 Preston Pans, battle of, 52, 57 Prevost, Major, 471 note 1 Prideaux, Brigadier, 421, 431 Prince Edward’s Island, 382, and see Royale Provost, Brigadier, 391, 393 Pulteney, Brigadier, 18 note 1 Pulteney’s Regiment, 75 Quebec, Wolfe’s arrival at, 487 ; prepara- \tions for defence, 438 ; French employ fireships, 440-1, 452-3; British en- trenchments, 441-2; dissensions be- tween Montcalm and Vaudreuil, 444-5; opening of bombardment, 447; damage to buildings, 450, 464; shortage of provisions, 452, 464 ; British repulsed at Montmorenci, 453-63; battle on Plains of Abraham, 488-96 ; capitula- tion, 496 ; casualties, 496 note Quebec House (Spiers), Westerham, 1, 5 Raess, Captain, 364 Rainsford, Major, 30, 35, 38, 40, 42, 45, 50 Ramésay, French commander, 496 Ranger’s Lodge, Greenwich, 153 Remedies, eighteenth-century, 7, 123, 124, 126, 150, 151, 311-12 Rhé, Isle of, 328 and note, 329, 330, 342 Rich, Colonel, 68-4, 107, 124, 157, 343 Richelieu, Duc de, 294-5, 300, 320 Richmond, Duke of, 193 and note 1, 197, 198, 199, 200, 331, 281 and note 1, 302, 308, 417 Rickson, Lieutenant-Colonel, 50, 86, 92, 133-5, 138, 155, 169, 192, 245, 252, 519 269, 297 and note 1, 299, 321, 339, 348-9, 358, 402 and note 2 Rigby, Richard, 314, 335 Riots in Gloucestershire, 303-6 Riverhead, 287 note 1 Road-making in Scotland, 215 Robison, Prof. John, 487 note Rochefort expedition, 320, 328-33, 334 ; Wolfe’s criticism of, 335-7, 339-40 ; Board of Inquiry into, 341-2; men- tioned, 391, 421 Rochelle, 328, 330, 831, 332, 342, 391 Rodney, Lord, 393 Rogers, 369 ori Wolfe’s servant, 77, 114-5, 116, 4 Rollo, Colonel, 375, 376 Romer, Lieutenant, 43 and note 1 Rosbach, battle of, 343 note 1 Ross, Major, 376 Rothes, Lord, 18 note 1, 42 Rougemont Castle, 246 Roy, General, 215 Royale, Ile, 364, 389 Russell, Mr., 425 Ryder, Surgeon, 43 Sackville, Lady George, 389 Sackville, Lord George, 95, 98, 101, 103-4, 105, 106, 117, 120, 163, 170, 173, 323, 341, 342 note 3, 355, 359, 363, 366, 392 and note, 400, 404 and note, 417 7 St. Charles, 428, 438, 495 St. Cloud, 187 St. Joseph, 435 St. Laurent, 435, 437, 438, 439, 441 St. Lawrence, Gulf of, 394 St. Lawrence, River, 400, 407, 422, 426, 428, 429, 435-6 St. Martin’s, 391 St. Michael’s, 455 St. Ours, General de, 493 St. Tron, 25 Salisbury, 399 Sandwich, Lord, 80 Saunders, Admiral Sir Charles, 414, 420, 421, 422, 425, 426, 428, 431, 435, 438, 440, 441, 445, 453, 460, 468, 464, 482, 483, 485, 497-8, 501 Sawyer, Madam, 72 Saxe, Marshal, 49, 51, 75, 77, 78, 79 Scanderbeg, 296 and note 1 Scotland, conditions after rising of 1745, 87-8 Scots Greys, 76 Scott, Miss, 186, 503 Scott, Mrs., 121, 124-5, 343 and note 1 Scott, Major, 364, 372, 431 Scott, Sir Walter, 179, 487 note Seabourg, Mrs., 43 Selwin, banker in Paris, 187 520 Selwyn, George, 471 Semple, Lord, 62 Senerzegues, General de, 493 Seymour, Sir Henry, 2 note 2 Shelburne, Lord, 417 _ Shooters’ Hill, 123, 289 Short, wine-merchant, 312 Shroton, 300 Silesia, 294 Sillery, 476 Simpson, Mrs. Catherine, 179 and note 1 Sittingbourne, 236 Sixty-seventh Regiment, Wolfe ap- pointed to, 387 ; 398, 401, 405 Skinner, Robert, 156 Smith, Admiral, 283 Smith, Sir Hervey, 388, 431, 452, 462, 464, 483, 502 Somerset, Sergeant, 45 Sotheron, William, 56-7, 90, 137 and note 1 Southey, Robert, 487 note Speke, Captain, 357 Spey, River, 60 Spittal, Captain, 431 Squerryes Court, 1, 9, 15, 237, 292, 504 note, 507 Squire, Bishop, 160 and note 1 Stade, 325 Stair, Lord, 18, 20, 24, 25, 28, 29 and note 1, 30, 31, 32, 33, 39, 40, 41 Stanhope, Captain, 22 Stanhope, Lord, 415 Stanhope, Philip, 188, 189, 220 Stanwix, Colonel, 221 Stapylton, Brigadier, 63 Stephens, surgeon, 43 Stevenson, Robert Louis, 179 Stirling, 55, 58, 88, 89 Stockstadt, 33 Stone, Reverend Mr., 195 and note 1 Strachey, Sir Henry, 378 and note Streton, Harry, 14 Streton, General John, 235, 251-2 Stroud, 305, 306 Swinden, Reverend Samuel, 10, 11, 12, 28, 103, 123, 171, 506 Swinden, Susannah, 171 note 1 Sydney, Lord, 295 Temple, Lord, 415, 416, 508 Temple, Sir Richard, 4 Thierry, pilot, 3312 Thionville, 127, 129 Thompson, Bradwardine, 211, 285 Thompson, Edward Tindal, 1, 352, 353, 354 Thompson, Frances, 101 Thomson, Alexander, 58 Thornhill, Mrs., 239 Thornton, Captain, 85 Thucydides, 165-6, 167 INDEX Ticonderoga, 346, 394, 402, 403, 405, 421, 422, 429, 443 Tournay, 49 Townshend, Charles, 447, 506 Townshend, George (afterwards Lord), 34, 409, 418, 414, 441, 447, 448 and note 1, 449, 450, 451, 456, 457, 458, 459, 462, 468, 471 note 2, 476, 479, 480, 484, 486, 488, 490, 491, 495 and note, 496, 497, 498, 499 Townshend, Henry, 295 Townshend, Thomas, 295 Trapaud, Colonel, 124, 180, 245-6, 254, 255 Traverse, 424 Tren, Ensign, 466 Tuileries gardens, 186 Turpin, Comte de, 295 and note 1 Twelfth Foot (Duroure’s), Wolfe ap- pointed to, 16, 18; at Dettingen, 35, 38; 43, 49-50, 51 Twentieth Regiment (Lancashire Fusi- liers), Wolfe appointed to, 87 ; 88, 98, 99, 107, 119, 124, 210, 211, 215, 220, 223, 224, 229-80, 248, 258, 259, 293, 301, 358, 399 Tyrawley, Lord, 107, 182 note 1, 294 and note 1 Tyrconnel, 2 note 1 Umbrellas, 194 and note 1 Vanbrugh, Lady, 132 and note 1 Vaudreuil, Marquis de, 355, 436, 440, 444, 445, 459, 476, 477, 489, 511 Vergor, 475 Vernon, Admiral, 11, 12, 332 Versailles, 197 Vigo, St., 70 note 1 Virginians, Thackeray’s, 6 Voltaire, 168 Wade, Marshal, 4, 42, 44, 45, 47, 52, 54, 55, 87, 215 Waldegrave, General, 341 Wales, Princess of, 78 Walpole, Horace, 188, 297, 308, 322, 323, 500-1 Walpole, Sir Robert, 1, 10, 11, 17, 311, 329 Warde, Lieutenant-General George, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 18, 22, 23, 25, 130, 272, 406, 409-10 and notes 1 and 2, 483, 501, 507 Warde, John, 9, 16, 87 note 1, 137, 501 Warde, Miss, 11, 25, 43, 77, 160 Warde, Sir Patience, 9 Warwick, 222 Warwick Castle, 223 Washington, George, 260, 345 Watson, Quartermaster-General David, 69 and note 1, 215, 322, 349 INDEX 521 Webb, General, 346 Wellington, Duke of, 224, 415 West, Admiral, 271 Westerham, 1, 5, 6, 237, 238, 501, 507-8 Westminster Abbey, 500 ‘Westminster Bridge, 31, 145 Whetham, John, 188 note 1, 189, 190, 195, 197, 205, 233 Whitchurch, 237 White, Eleanor, 335 White’s Club, 55, 400 Whiteford, Sir J., 113 Whitmore, Brigadier, 347, 358, 363, 364, 870, 372, 382, 390, 398, 425, 430, 482 Wight, Isle of, 12, 18, 323 Wilkinson, Major, 157, 211 Wilkinson, Mrs., 155 William III, 2 note 1 Williamson, Colonel, 494 and note 1 Wilmot, Mrs., 169 Wilson, Captain, 115 Wilton, Joseph, 507 Winchester, 258, 263 Wolfe, General Edward (father), 1, 2, 4, 10, 12, 14, 21, 42, 70, 85, 96, 113, 115, 147, 148, 149-50, 173, 184, 185, 191, 201, 208, 212 and note 1, 240, 241, 247, 250, 279, 283, 284, 308, 310, 314, 387-8, 344, 351, 399, 400; death, 426, 427, 504 Wolfe, Lieutenant Edward (brother), 6, 8, 9, 10, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26-8, 35, 38, 42; death, 46, 47, 51 Wolfe, Captain Edward (grandfather), 2 and notes 1 and 3 Wolfe, Francis, 3 Wolfe, George (Sheriff), 2 and note 3 Wolfe, Captain George, 2, 3 Wolfe, Mrs. Henrietta, 1, 4-5, 6, 7, 12, 13, 16, 70, 105, 106 and note, 127, 129, 137, 149, 178, 185, 199; 267, 268, 269, 272, 278, 276, 301-2, 317-18, 351-2, 501, 508, 504; death, 506-7 Wolfe, James, ancestry, parentage and birth, 1-6; boyhood at Westerham and Greenwich, 7-11; volunteers for service in the West Indies, 12; in camp at Newport, Isle of Wight, 13 ; falls ill and returns to school, 14-15 ; Second Lieutenant in Marines, 15; Ensign in Twelfth Foot, 16; sails for Flanders, 18; life in Ghent, 19-25 ; march to Aschaffenburg, 25-32 ; fights at Dettingen, 33-39; promoted for conduct on field of battle, 39; in camp at Worms, 40-1; winters at Ostend, 42-3; Captain in Fourth Foot, 44 ; with Marshal Wade’s troops at Berlingham, 44-6; winters at Ghent, 47-50; Brigade-major, 51; Jacobite rising causes recall of regi- ment, 52; stationed at Newcastle, 52-4; at battle of Falkirk, 55-7; aide-de-camp to General Hawley, 58 ; unpleasant encounter with Jacobite lady at Aberdeen, 58-60 ; at battle of Culloden, 60-66 ; repressive measures round Inverness, 67-9; sails for Holland, 71; wounded at battle of Laffeldt, 75-7; invalided home, 77; returns to Holland, 78; in camp at Osterhout and Nesselroy, 78-86 ; relations with Elizabeth Lawson, 78, 87, 98, 111, 113-4, 115-6, 137, 147 and note 1, 198, 200, 208, 219, 237, 238, 306-7 ; gazetted Major in Twen- tieth Regiment, 87-9 ; life in Glasgow, 89-109 ; in Perth, 110-132 ; Lieuten- ant-Colonel, 118; Dundee, 133-6; season of dissipation in London, 137-8, 144 ; strained relations with parents, 187, 145-150; Banff, 138-154; In- verness, 154-179; Fort Augustus, 179-81; travels in Ireland, 182-4; visits Paris, 185-210; Glasgow, 210- 220 ; march to Dover, 220-5 ; stationed at Dover, 225-36; Exeter, 239-59 ; disappointed of colonelcy, 258-9 ; Winchester, 258-68, 277-9; South- ampton, 268-76 ; Canterbury, 279-91 ; Devizes, 293-300; Stroud, 305-11; Cirencester, 311-17 ; Quartermaster- General of Ireland, 315 ; preparations for Rochefort expedition, 319-25; failure and returns to England, 328- 333, 335-7, 338-40 ; Colonel, 337, 384 ; evidence before Board of Inquiry into the Rochefort expedition, 341-2; ap- pointed Brigadier in America, 346-51 ; courtship of Katherine Lowther, 237, 348, 350, 406, 417, 483; seven weeks at sea, 362; preparations at Halifax, 363-70 ; siege and capture of Louis- bourg, 372-89; urges an attack on Quebec, 393-4; devastates French settlements, 396-7 ; voyage to Eng- land, 397-8; offers to return to America, 400-1, 403, 433-4 ; at Salis- bury, 401-5; appointed to command Quebec expedition, 406 ; plan of attack, 407-8, 420-2, 427-9 ; Major-General, 410; choice of staff, 410-11, 413, 430-1 ; episode at a dinner with Pitt, 415-7; voyage to Halifax, 419-23 ; complains of lack of troops, 424-5, 427 ; preparations at Louisbourg, 427- 431; voyage to Quebec, 431-8 ; pro- clamations to inhabitants, 439-40, 453 ; strained relations with Townshend, 447-50, 484, 486; communications with Montcalm, 450, 452, 453; re- verse at Montmorenci, 453-63 ; down with fever, 464-72 ; his last dispatch, 472-5; plans an attack from the 522 Plains of Abraham, 475-82; makes preparations for death, 483-4 ; friction with his Brigadiers, 484-6; crosses the St. Lawrence, 486-8; battle of Quebec, 490-6 ; wounded, 493-4 ; death, 494; attempts to belittle his share in the victory, 497-9 ; nation’s ees 500-1 ; remains brought to ngland and buried at Greenwich, 501-2; monument in Westminster Abbey, 507; memorials in Boston and New York, 501, in England and Canada, 507-8. Personal traits.—Appearance, at twenty-six, 225, at twenty-eight, 275, 276 ; 5, 102, 246-7 ; books, favourite, 165-6, 168, 295-7 ; chess-player, 166 ; children, a lover of, 160-1; dancing, indulges in, 187, 191, 194, 200, 242, 266 ; dogs, his, 237, 251, 261, 262, 272, 348 ; faults of character, 414-5 ; fenc- ing, practises, 187, 191, 201-2 ; fiute, learns, 21, 22 ; impetuosity, 403 note ; independence, 66, 433-4 ; health, ill-, 85, 100, 101, 104, 117, 124, 128, 138, 150-1, 211, 247, 264, 266, 400-1, 4038, 405, 464; kindness to his men, 209, 228, 426, 435 note, 483 note 1, 491; sensitiveness, 448 note; sport, fond of, 103, 107, 127, 157, 174, 182, 222, 228, 275. Letters to :—his father, 30, 36, 40, 71, 78, 80, 95, 98, 101, 104, 107, 112, 115, 117, 120, 121, 124, 125, 126, 130, 136, 145, 149, 155, 156, 163, 167, 169, 174, 176, 179, 182, 186, 188, 192, 195, 198, 201, 204, 206, 210, 213, 216, 217, 219, 221, 223, 226, 231, 234, 238, 240, 242, 247, 249, 255, 260, 263, 266, 272, 274, 277, 281, 287, 288, 292, 294, 300, 302, 309, 314, 317, 818, 319, 328, 333, 337, 338, 348, 361, 362, 365, 383, 392, 396, 399, 406; his mother, 13, 21, 23, 24, 25, 46, 49, 58, 82, 85, 89, 96, 100, 102, 105, 107, 108, 110, 111, 114, 116, 118, 122, 125, 128, 129, 181, INDEX 136, 148, 151, 153, 158, 282, 284, 287, 290, 292, 301, 304, 307, 309, 316, 318, 324, 326, 335, 341, 342, 347, 349, 353, 354, 361, 382, 395, 398, 420, 468; his brother, 42; Jeffrey Amherst, 376, 378, 379, 381, 394, 396, 425; William Awherst, 386 ; Lord Barrington, 433 ; Duke of Bedford, 315, 323, 352; Colonel Burton, 477 ; Major Delabene, 62 ; Captain Hamilton, 68, 69 ; Lord Holderness, 472 ; Miss Lacey, 72, 78 ; Captain Martin, 412; Brigadier Monckton, 465, 485; Major Murray, 412 ; Captain Parr, 31 ; William Pitt, 400, 407, 428, 431, 454, 469; Major Rickson, 92, 188, 188, 189, 245, 252, 269, 821, 389, 349, 402 ; Lord George Sackville, 355, 360, 363, 366, 387; Vice-Admiral Saunders, 460 ; William Sotheron, 56, 65; George Town- shend, 414, 486 ; Thomas Townshend, 295 ; Lieutenant-General Warde, 354, 359, 406, 409; Brigadier Whitmore, 430; Major Walter Wolfe, 335, 350, 384, 399, 417, 427 Wolfe, James, Bailiff of Limerick, 2 Wolfe, Major Walter, 47 and note 1, 82, 122, 167, 171, 183, 184, 195, 248, 249, 335, 483 Wolfe-Aylward, Mr. Alexander, note 2 Wolfe-Land, Mr. Gibson Thompson’s, 6 Wolfe-Murray, Sir James, 171 note 1 Wolfenbuttel, Prince of, 78 Wolfe’s Cove, see Anse du Foulon Worms, 40, 42 161, 294, 164, 299, 272 Xenophon, 380 York, 5, 136 Yorke, Colonel, 79, 84, Ypres, 44 Zisca, 296 and note 1 Ricuarp Ciay & Sons, Limitep, BREAD STREET HILL, ¥.C., AND BUNGAY, SUFFOLK.