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INTRODUCTION.

The house and earldom of Mar is one of the greatest anti-
quity in Scotland. Indeed, claim has been made for it as the
premier earldom of that country. The lord of that earldom
was one of the seven earls who had the right when the throne
was vacant of electing the new sovereign. So early as 1014
mention is made in the Annals of Ulster of Donald, Mormaor
or Ear! of Mar, as having in that year been slain at the battle
of Clontarf in Ireland, when fighting with the King of
Leinster and the Danes. Rotheri is mentioned as Earl of Mar
-between 1114 and 1131, but his relationship to the Donald
above mentioned is not known. Morgund was Earl in the
reigns of King David the First and King Malcolm the Fourth.
He was, however, dispossessed for a time by one Gilchrist,
who during his tenure of the earldom founded the priory of
Monymusk. But Morgund was restored by King William the
Lion, and died before 1183. His wife’s name was Agnes, and
he had at least two sons, Duncan and David. After the death
of Morgund there was again a Gilchrist Earl of Mar, who had
a wife called Orabile, and he was succeeded by Duncan, the
son and heir of Morgund, who flourished during the reign of
King Alexander the Second. Earl Duncan had a son,
William, who is found in possession of the earldom in 1268.
He married Elizabeth, daughter of Alexander Comyn, Earl of
Buchan, and had a son Donald, who was flourishing as Earl of
Mar in 1283-1297, and took the English King’s side in the
wars of independence. Donald was succeeded in the earldom
by his son, Gratney, who, though at first loyal to Edward, seems
to have afterwards taken part with Robert the Bruce. It is
stated by Fordun and others that he married Christian Bruce,
that King’s sister. He died, however, before 1306, as upon the
news of lBruce’s insurrection, reaching EHdward’s ears,
Gratney’s infant sun, Donald, who was then heir to the earldom
of Mar, was ordered by Edward to be kept a prisoner by the

Bishop of Chester in the Castle of Bristol. This Donald after-
b
iv.

wards became Earl of Mar, and was Regent of Scotland during
the minority of King David the Second, but was killed at the
battle of Dupplin on 12th August, 1832. His son Thomas was
then under age, and was prevented from entering to the succes-
sion by Richard Talbot, who seized the earldom of Mar and sat
in the Scottish Parliament as Lord of Mar in right of his wife,
Elizabeth Comyn. Thomas, however, was Earl of Mar in
1857, when he was a party to the Treaty between Edward the
Third and David the Second, but he died without male issue
before June, 13874. His sister Margaret was then the wife of
William, Earl of Douglas, and that earl, on receiving a Charter
of the Earldom of Mar from King Robert the Second, added
the title of Mar to that of Douglas. The double title descended
to his son James, Earl of Douglas and Mar, but he died without
lawful male issue in 1888, his mother, Margaret, Countess of
Douglas and Mar, being still alive.

Countess Margaret married as her second husband Sir J ohn”
Swynton, who assumed the designation of Lord of Mar, and
the like designation was also assumed by Sir Malcolm Drum-
mond, brother-in-law of King Robert the Third, who married
Isabella Douglas, the daughter of Countess Margaret, and
sister of James, Earl of Douglas and Mar. Isabella succeeded
to the earldom of Mar and lordship of Garioch, and styled
herself first Lady of Mar, and then Countess of Mar and Lady
of Garioch. In 1404 she married as her second husband
Alexander Stewart, and to him at the same time she conveyed
the earldom of Mar and the lordship of Garioch. He was
afterwards known as the Earl of Mar and Garioch. Upon his
death in 1485, without lawful issue, the Crown took possession
of these lands and they were granted with the title of Earl of
Mar and Garioch, first to John Stewart, a younger son of King
James the Second, and afterwards to his brother Alexander,
Duke of Albany, and his heirs. This prince being forfeited
in 1484, the earldom again reverted to the Crown, and was
conferred by King James the Third upon John Stewart, his
third son, but, as he died unmarried and issueless, it once more
fell into the hands of the Crown. The Duke of Albany, how-
ever, notwithstanding the forfeiture, continued to hold the title
of Earl of Mar, and transmitted it also to his son John, who is
named by the Estates of Scotland as Duke of Albany, Earl of
March, Mar, and Garioch, and Lord of Man and Annandale.
Vv.

The family of Erskine appear to have derived their name
from the lands of Erskine on the Clyde, of which they were
in possession in the reign of King Alexander the Second. How
their connection with the earldom of Mar originated is in-
volved in some obscurity. After the failure of the Celtic Earls
in Earl Thomas, and while Isabella Douglas was Countess of
Mar, Sir Thomas Erskine, in 1391, presented a petition to the
Scottish Parliament claiming that after the death of Countess
Isabella he would be, in right of his wife, entitled to the half of
the lands of the earldom of Mar and lordship of Garioch,
and craving that nothing should be done to his prejudice upon
any resignation which might be made of the earldom and
lands by Isabella Douglas.* The justice of this claim was ad-
mitted by the King and Parliament. His son, Robert, first
Lord Erskine, afterwards obtained himself served heir of line
and blood to Countess Isabella, and assumed the designation
of Earl of Mar, claiming to be the great-grandson of Lady
Elyne or Helen de Mar, the eldest daughter of Earl Gratney,
and sister of Earl Donald. This service was afterwards
reduced on several grounds, one being that the descent from
Lady Elyne of Mar could not be proved.

The descent, however, may be given as follows :—Gratney,
Earl of Mar, married Lady Christian Bruce, sister of King
Robert the First, and daughter of Robert Bruce, Lord of
Annandale, by Marjorie, Countess of Carrick. By her Earl
Gratney had his son Donald and a daughter, Lady Helen,
who married Sir John Menteith;t and Sir John and Lady
Helen had a daughter, named Christian, who married Sir
Edward Keith. Their daughter, Janet Keith, married first
Sir David Barclay, and secondly, Sir Thomas Erskine, by
whom she was the mother of Robert, Lord Erskine.
That there was some connection of undoubted validity seems
certain from the strenuous nature of the claims the Erskines
made from generation to generation to their lands, even against
the efforts of the Crown to deprive them of them; and that
these efforts were harsh was admitted by Queen Mary and her

 

*The other half of the earldom and lands was claimed by Robert, Lord Lyle.

+ In a Memorial by the Earl of Mar in 1683, to the king he states that Earl
Gratney had two daughters, the other being named Isobel, who became the
first wife of King Robert the Bruce. (See infra p. 215.)
Vi.
Government when in 1565 she granted the Earldom of Mar
to John, sixth Lord Erskine, and afterwards in the same year
created him Earl of Mar.

Robert, first Lord Erskine, married a daughter of Robert
Stewart, Lord of Lorn, and had with other issue Thomas,
second Lord Erskine. He married Lady Elizabeth Douglas,
daughter of James, Earl of Morton, and dying before 1494,
was succeeded by his son Alexander, third Lord Erskine.
This Lord Erskine was guardian to King James the Fourth in
his minority, and married Christian, daughter of Sir Robert
Crichton of Sanquhar. Dying before 1510, he was succeeded
by his son Robert, fourth Lord Erskine, who married Isabella,
daughter of Sir George Campbell of Loudon, and was killed
at Flodden in 1513. John, fifth Lord Erskine, his son,
married Lady Margaret Campbell, daughter of Archibald,
Earl of Argyll. He was guardian to King James the Fifth,
and died in 1552. His second son, John, who suc-
ceeded as sixth Lord Erskine, was created Earl of
Mar by Queen Mary, and had the guardianship of
King James the Sixth in his minority (whose cradle
and chair, with many other interesting relics of
the King and his mother, are still preserved at
Alloa House). He was frequently ambassador to
foreign courts, and was Regent of Scotland. Marrying
Annabella, daughter of Sir William Murray, of Tullibardine,
he had a son John, the second Erskine Earl of Mar, who,
besides discharging other important services to the State, was
for fifteen years Lord High Treasurer of the kingdom. A
later Earl, John, the sixth, was one of the Secretaries of
State for Scotland in the reign of Queen Anne, and to him
belongs the credit of introducing and carrying through in the
Scottish Parliament the Act of Union by which in 1707 the
two kingdoms of Scotland and England were welded into the
United Kingdom of Great Britain. But this Earl is even
better remembered in Scottish history as the leader of the
Jacobite Insurrection of 1715. His connection with both of
these events is fully brought out in the Report.

The documents dealt with in this Report are those relating
only to the period of the Erskines, Karls of Mar. Their family
muniments consist of a large collection of feudal charters
connected with the various estates throughout Scotland
Vil.

possessed by the Earls of Mar, in the counties of Clackmannan,
Stirling, Aberdeen, Fife, Berwick, and others, which
are not here included, with the exception of an old
Latin rental, which notes, somewhat incorrectly in certain
cases, some of the oldest of these (pp. 1-6); and a few, other
documents. To one of these, dated in 1639, attention may be
drawn as giving the vassalage of the Earl of Mar at that time
(page 9), which included no less a personage than the Marquis
of Huntly, and other members of the powerful house of
Gordon, and also of those of Forbes, Seton, and others. A
considerable number of the earlier Mar charters, however,
were printed in the Minutes of Evidence taken in the House
of Lords during the hearing of the claim made by the late Earl
of Kellie to the Earldom of Mar. There is also a large collec-
tion of historical letters and papers, which date from 1522, and
extend over two centuries, touching in their course, more or
less minutely, almost every successive change in the national
life during that period. But the reigns of King James the
Sixth, his son Charles the First, and that of Queen Anne, are
those chiefly illustrated. In the two former reigns the prin-
cipal actor, so far as the papers under consideration are con-
cerned, was John, the second earl, and in the last, John, the
sixth Earl of Mar. It is with this collection of letters and
papers that this report deals.

Several important and interesting documents occur in the
time of John, fifth Lord Erskine, first Earl of Mar, who was
Regent of Scotland. Some of these refer to the arrangements
made for the safe keeping and education of the infant Kings,
James the Fifth and James the Sixth, which will be adverted
to presently. Others are letters addressed to this Karl of Mar,
and include several from Queen Elizabeth on State business,
including the case of Queen Mary, and the care of the infant
King James. This Earl was well known to the English
Queen, owing to his frequent visits to her Court. In
this connection one letter from Alexander Hay, Clerk to the
Scottish Privy Council, to this Earl, will be read with interest.
The writer tells how that her Majesty is greatly moved by a
jewel which was sent by the Countess of Athole to Queen Mary
in England, but which was intercepted and fell into the hands
of Queen Elizabeth. He describes it as well decorated with
gold and enamelled, having in one place the arms of Scotland,
vill.

and in another place the Queen sitting in royal robes, while in
her presence a lion rampant is worrying a leopard. Under-
neath were these words :—‘‘ Fall quhat may fall the lyoun sall
be lord of all.’’ The Clerk adds that her Majesty makes a
familiar interpretation of this (p. 23). There are also some
letters concerning Lady Margaret, Countess of Lennox, just
after she had been left a widow by the murder of her husband,
the Regent (pp. 25-27).

Many of the earlier papers are concerned with the arrange-
ments made with the Earls of Mar for the keeping and up-
bringing of the royal infants, for for more than a century the
Lords Erskine and Earls of Mar were successively the
guardians of the monarchs of Scotland during their infant
years. As already mentioned, Alexander, third Lord Erskine,
had the care of King James the Fourth, but for his period no
papers now exist. John, fifth Lord Erskine, had the care of
King James the Fifth (pp. 11-14), who appointed him one of
his own son’s tutors and governors (p. 15). He had also for a
time the care of the infant Princess Mary, afterwards Queen of
Scots. And to the son of this Lord, whom, as stated, she
ennobled as Harl of Mar, she in turn committed the keeping of
her infant son James. And King James the Sixth himself
could find no better guardian for his own infant son and heir,
Prince Henry, than the son of his own guardian, with whom
he himself had been brought up, and with whom he was on
terms of great familiarity.

After the death of the Regent Mar in 1572, his widow,
Annabella Murray, continued to have the guardianship of the
infant Prince, who had as his pedagogues Mr. George
Buchanan and Mr. Peter Young. The Regent’s son, John,
second Karl of Mar, was in minority at the time of his father’s
death, but he soon rose to political importance, and his corres-
pondence and papers occupy a considerable space in the report
(pp. 30-193). He was educated along with King James the
Sixth, and consequently there was a lifelong affection between
them. The King wrote often to him with his own hand and
in a familiar strain. But amid the ever-changing political
situation it was an almost impossible task to keep free of
entanglements, and on one occasion this Earl fell under the
strong displeasure of his Majesty for taking part with the Earl
of Angus in the latter’s efforts to save the life of the Regent
ix.

Morton (pp. 82-36). The estrangement, however, did not long
endure. This Earl had in his charge the keeping of the Castles
of Edinburgh and Stirling, and with them the custody of the
political prisoners confined therein. The arrangements made
with him on receiving the charge of the King’s infant son,
Prince Henry, may be seen (pp. 39-44), while the King’s entire
confidence in him on many grounds is often expressed, and he
had also recourse to him in his difficulties in matters of
finance (p. 43). This Earl was sent as ambassador with
the Abbot of Kinloss to Queen Elizabeth in 1601.
In 1603 her Majesty’s death took place, and King
James succeeded to the crown of England. His Majesty at
once removed to London, leaving his wife and children to
follow. The Queen was evidently fearful that her son might
be hindered from going with her, and there seems to have
been some kind of plot arranged by her for getting Prince Henry
out of the hands of the Earl of Mar (p. 50). The Earl, however,
prevented this, and refused to give up the Prince until, in
terms of his explicit instructions, he had the King’s own
authority to do so. Both parties represented the case to his
Majesty, and he instructed the earl to bring the Prince in the
Queen’s company to London, and sent him a formal discharge
of his office of guardian when this was done (p. 51). The
Queen and the Earl of Mar, with Prince Henry, and the
Princess Elizabeth, and the infant Prince Charles, arrived in
London on 27th June, 1603.

Her Majesty’s letter to the King must have been of a some-
what querulous nature, when it called forth from him the
following reply :—

“My hairte, Immediatlie before the ressaite of youre lettir I
was purposed to have written unto you, and that without any
greate occation except for freeing myself at youre handis from the
imputation of sweareness, but now youre letter hes given more
maitter to wryte, although I take small delyte to medle in so
unpleasant a proces. I wonder that youre long knouledge of my
naturall, nor my laite earniste purgation unto you, cannot cure you
of that rooted erroure that any living darre speak or inform me in
any wayes to youre prejudice, or yett that ye can think thaime
youre unfriendis that are tru servantis to me. I can say no more,
but proteste upon the peril of my salvation and damnation that
nather the Erle of Marre nor any flesh living ever informea me
X.

that ye was upon any papiste or Spanish course, or that ye hadde
any thochts, but a wrong conceaved opinion that he claimed
interest in youre son, or wolde not deliver him unto you. Nather
does he farther charge the noblemen that was with you thaire,
but that he was informed that some of thaime thocht by force to have
assisted you in the taking my sonne out of his freindis handis, but as
for any other papiste or forrine practise, be God he doeth not so
much as alleadge it, thairfore he sayes he will never presume to
accuse them since it may importe youre offence. And thairfore I
say over againe leave these womanlie aprehensions, for I thanke
God I carrie that love and respecte unto you quhiche be the law
of God and nature I ought to do to my wyfe and mother of my
children, but not for that ye are a kings dauchter; for quhither ye
waire a kings or a cooks daughter, ye must be all alyke to me,
being once my wyfe. For the respect of youre honorable birthe
and discente I maried you, but the love and respect I now beare
you is that ye are my maried wyfe and so pairtaker of my honore
as of all my other fortunes. I beseach you excuse my rude plainness
in this, for casting up of your birthe is a neidless argument to me.
God is my witness I ever preferrid you to all my bairnes, much
more then to a subjecte, but if you will ever give place to the
reporte of everie flattering sicphante that will persuade you that
when I account well of an honest servant for his tru service to
me, that it is to compare or preferre him to you, then will nather
ye or I be ever at reste. I have, according to my promeise, coppied
so much of that plotte quhairof I wrote unto you in my last as
did concern my sonne quhich herein is inclosed, that ye may see I
wrotte it not without canse, but I desyre it note to have any other
secretarys then your self. As for youre dooleweede wearing it is
utterlie impertinent at this time, for sic reasons as the bearare
will shaw unto you, quhom I have likewise comandit to impairte
dyvers other points unto you, quhich for feare of wearieing youre eyes
with my raggite hande I have heirin omitted, praying God, my
hairte, to preserve you and all the bairnes, and to sende me a
blythe meeting with you and a couple of thaime. Your awin
JAMES R,”

The Union of the Crowns lifts matters into a wider plane.
There is a letter from King Henry the Fourth of France (p.
62), in which he desires the Earl to continue to assist with his

 

* From a copy in the Charter Chest of the Earl of Mar and Kellie said to be
made from the original in the King’s own hand ‘found in the Hab of Laster-
ricks Charter Chest and now in Baron Clark’s custody.”
xi.

good offices, the Sieur de Beaumont, his ambassador at the
English Court. The two following letters are gossiping
epistles from Lord Northampton to the Earl. The fit of anti-
popery taken by the King at this time, most markedly mani-
fested in his relentless persecution of Lord Balmerino, is here
reflected in some letters (pp. 60-63) dealing with the imprison-
ment of the Earls of Huntly and Erroll, whom he says devilish
jesuits and trafficing priests had caused to make a foul apostacy
from the truth once professed by them. He has not forgotten
about the Spanish blanks and notes, the evil weed still produc-
ing the same unsavoury blossom as formerly, for once mad
always mad. Therefore Mar must go to Court about the
matter, as there are no other persons but himself and the
somewhat frail Earl of Dunbar whom his Majesty can trust
in Scotland, and the too frequent running to and fro of the
Scottish bishops is giving rise to scandalous rumours. These
letters from the King shew the continuance of the King’s
confidence in Mar. In one (p. 65), the King gives his
consent to the marriage of a son of the Earl to the second
daughter of the Earl of Erroll, in which he expresses the hope
that thereby she will be fully won away from her father’s
religion. An interesting note with respect to a conference at
Whitehall upon the then proposed marriage of Prince Charles
with a daughter of France will be found at p. 74.

It was on the overthrow of the Earl of Somerset, who had,
in succession to the Earl of Dunbar, held for some years the
post of Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, that in December,
1616, John, Earl of Mar, was selected by the King to fill this
important position (p. 77). This office he continued to hold
without a break for the period of fifteen years. From this
date there are many papers, letters and warrants directed to
him in this new charge. Even prior to 1616 some of these
appear; and one (p. 70) is a somewhat important table, ap-
parently compiled in 1614, of the produce exported from
Scotland at that time. Notice of the visit of King James to
Scotland in 1617, with a list of his daily journeys, will be found
at p. 80. A confidential letter written with the King’s own
hand (p. 84) directs his treasurer to pay to the Marquis of
Hamilton £3,000 sterling; a sum so large that the King has
to apologise for such a demand upon an exchequer which could
never boast of repletion, but almost always the reverse. But
xil.
I am so fully satisfied, he says, and so much rejoiced at the
conquests I have made in drawing this man to wait upon me,

now that I know him as he doth me, that I assure myself his
service will repay my liberality with a double interest.

Many other letters are directed to this Earl in his capacity of
Treasurer, and dealing with affairs of State. These are of so
miscellaneous a character that only of a few can mention
be made here. One (p. 85) deals with the preservation
of the estates of the Harl of Argyll, which, owing to his per-
version about this time to the Church of Rome, might have
been forfeited, but which the Scottish officers of State success-
fully exerted themselves to save from this fate. Another (p
85) notes the bestowal by the King upon Prince Charles, of
the lordship of Dunfermline and other lands which had been
the jointure lands of his now deceased mother, Queen Anne.
By the death of his brother, Prince Henry, Prince Charles was
now the heir to the throne, and his father for the develop-
ment of the Prince’s administrative capacity, had placed him
in possession of the principality of Scotland—that is, of the
estates set apart for the support of the heir-apparent to the
throne. Attention may also be called to a letter from the Duc
du Bouillon to the King of France in 1621, in which the Duke
makes an earnest appeal to King Louis the Thirteenth on
behalf of toleration for the Huguenots.

In 1621, Sir Gideon Murray, who had long held the office of
Deputy Treasurer of Scotland, failed in health and was relieved
of his office (p. 95). The Earl of Mar thereupon undertook
the sole management, and would have so continued to do,
but after a year’s experience of this the King insisted on a new
depute being appointed, his choice falling upon Sir Archibald
Napier, afterwards Lord Napier (p. 116). Many of the letters
and papers during this period bear evidence of the great
scarcity of money in Scotland, caused, to a large extent, by
the withdrawal of the coin by merchants to purchase goods
abroad. What made matters worse was their bringing back
foreign coin of an inferior value, which, owing to the
scarcity, took currency in the country along with the native
coin. But the scantiness of the revenue was Mar’s chief
trouble. He had to meet not only the working demands of
the country, but a large and increasing number of pensions
which had been granted by his Majesty on the giving up of
Xi.

his Scottish establishment and for other causes, and the Earl
felt it necessary to go to Court and consult the King personally
on the matter. The result is embodied in some directions
brought down by the Earl, and in some memoranda made
by him after he left the Court (pp. 97-102), in which
he mentions one or two things imparted to him by the King,
doubtless in confidence, such as his design to revisit Scotland
next year, and this time to come by sea; his dissatisfaction
with the temper shewn by the Chancellor in respect to the
King’s wishes, and especially in the Parliament ; and his desire
that. the sacrament should be the object of adoration in Scot-
land, as it was in the Church of England, in which Mar seems
to indicate that he will be the King’s friend. But even though
Mar had quite persuaded the King to retrenchment, James
was unable to resist the claims of his needy favorites, and Mar
found that things only tended to grow worse. Accordingly
he wrote to the King, and at the same time and for the same
end, to Prince Charles and to the Marquis of Buckingham
(pp. 109, 110), and in his letter to the Prince he points out
the nature and one cause of the evil. Since the union of the
crowns, the intercourse between Scotland and England had in-
creased, and the poorer but perhaps prouder Scots, unwilling
to appear in any way behind their wealthier English friends,
squandered their estates, and so brought themselves to beg-
gary, or what was worse for the country, to depend upon the
King’s bounty. To no one was the King more liberal than to
the Marquis of Hamilton, for whom he demands (pp. 108,
111), the immediate payment of £10,000 sterling for his good
services at the Parliament of 1621, which had delighted the
King by the ratification of the Five Articles of Perth. This,
says the King, I promised to him on Lis return from Scotland,
and his service at that Parliament deserved a great deal more.
Therefore, according to his merit, let him be cheerfully satis-
fied in this. Probably he did not receive it so readily, as not long
afterwards the King urges payment to him of a sterling.

The second son of this Earl of Mar by his second marriage
was Henry Erskine, father of David, Lord Cardross. He was
in London in March, 1624, and writes home to his father (p.
12”) of the proceedings in the English Parliament when the
Duke of Buckingham related his story of the negotiations
for the marriage of Prince Charles to the Spanish Infanta,
Xiv.

and of other matters, including the discussion upon the
Palatinate, which was now to be abandoned to its fate. A
letter from the King to the Earl (p. 127) seems to be connected
with the later negotiations with France for the Prince’s
marriage, wherein the King desires that four or five couples
of Scottish terriers or earth dogs be sent to him that they
might be included among the presents he was sending to the
French Court. So anxious was the King that they should come
safely that he bids Mar see to it that they were not all sent in
one ship.

The death of King James sent a thrill of apprehension
through many of the members of the Scottish Cabinet; but
for the immediate present King Charles made no changes.
These, however, were imminent, and in some respects were
intended to be radical and far-reaching. One of the first was
an order (p. 131) for the appointment of a Commission of
Exchequer or Treasury by which the powers of the Lord High
Treasurer were much abridged. Another was the entire separ-
ation of the Privy Council from the Court of Session. Until
now some of the members of Council had been also Lords of
Session, but the King had made up his mind that no nobleman
should have a seat upon the judicial bench (p. 133). The ap-
pointment of the Commission of Exchequer was taken by
Mar as an act of censure upon himself, and his conduct in his
office, and it drew from him a personal remonstrance to the
King (p. 183). But indeed the whole order of government
was so much upset by the King’s new proposals that the
Scottish Privy Council practically rebelled, and the principal
members of it were called up to Court, Mar among the rest.
There a series of conferences took place with the

King at Whitehall, of which the Earl of Mar has happily left
"a somewhat detailed account in his ‘‘ Short Notes ”’ (pp. 133-
146). These place on record the principal matters of dispute,
and shew that the proposed changes were largely due to the
suggestions of certain busy-bodies who had been at work before-
hand with the King. Among these were the Earl of Nithsdale,
Lord Ochiltree, the Bishop of Ross, Sir Alexander Strachan of
Thornton, Sir John Scot of Scotstarvet, and some other body
whom the King said he knew by sight but could not name,
scarcely one of whom had had any experience in administration
work. They kept themselves in evidence during the confer-
Xv.

ences, and were the means of evoking, even in the Royal
presence, no small display of heat on the part of the coun-
cillors, to which the somewhat stubborn attitude of Charles
himself doubtless lent additional fuel. The aged councillors
who had spent their lives in their King and country’s service
resented being brought to book by those whose youth and
inexperience for the most part gave them no title to speak, or
whose character was sufficiently known and held in contempt
by them. Perhaps it seemed to them as if Charles was about
to emulate the conduct of the son and successor of Solomon,
and might bring his ‘‘ ancient kingdom’’ to like ruin, and
his old Scottish councillors were meanwhile at least at one in
endeavouring to restrain his rashness. The Earl of Nithsdale
had been a favourite with King James the Sixth, but was prac-
tically a fugitive in England for debt, not daring to shew
himself in Scotland but under a protection against his creditors.
Of him and Ochiltree the Chancellor is speaking at the close
of the meeting on the 17th January (p. 140), when he says
that their opponents were such as had made shipwreck of their
own estates, and desired, by urging the King to prosecute his
Revocation, to fish in drumly waters, so that by shaking all
things loose they might get something to themselves. Before
long Ochiltree was to outwit himself at the same game as he
was now playing, and to find leisure enough in prison to wish
that he had made fewer enemies in the Scottish Council. The
Bishop of Ross, Patrick Lindsay, although a member of
Council, was more desirous of flattering and pleasing the King
than giving good counsel; so at least it was judged by his
fellow-councillors. He made a long and feckless (not per-
tinent) speech, says Mar, on one point of discussion not worth
the repeating, and which the Earl of Melrose openly said he
would not have made if he had known the laws as well as his
own calling. On another occasion when the King’s Revocation
was under consideration, says Mar, that worthy, judicious
lawyer, the Bishop of Ross, babbled all the time without sense
or reason, so that everyone might have seen that his judgment
was far short of what the gravity of his beard promised. Sir
Alexander Strachan of Thornton, had lately been the object
of the Council’s attention in another aspect, having been
placed on trial before them and dealt with by them on charges

of theft and more heinous crimes. When, therefore, the King,
in sending down his new Commission of Council, included his
XV.

name, the whole Council received it with horror, and one and
all remonstrated at so infamous a man coming in among them.
The King brought up his case i-. conference, somewhat un-
fortunately for Strachan, as it gave occasion to him to try to
justify himself by accusing his accusers, and made them reveal
his misdeeds to the King, though the recital does not appear to
have affected the estimation in which he was held by Charles.
Sir John Scot of Scotstarvet, had an ambition well known to
his fellow-councillors, which he ever hoped but ever failed to
satisfy. He tried itin many ways, and the course he now took
of endeavouring to ingratiate himself with the King at the
expense of his fellow-councillors provoked their indignation,
to which they freely gave expression.

The chief matters of disputation were as follows :—(1) the .
employment of the taxation, which the King wished should
include, besides the purchasing and equipping three ships of
war for the maritime defence of Scotland, the raising and
maintaining of a body of 2,000 men. This the Council repre-
sented could not be done owing to the poverty of the country.
But Nithsdale and others thought it could, and at the close of
their conference the King declared:to Mar his determination
that it should; to which Mar’s only reply was that time would
show. (2) When the King had sent down the new commis-
sion for the Council they had returned it for amendment,
which gave great offence. The chief point was that the King
had included in the commission a clause by which he secured
the members of the Privy Council from being arrested for
debt. To this the Council took the strongest exception.
Perhaps they suspected the design of those who were prompting
the King to introduce these novations, as seeking to make an
opening for their own safe return, but even if they did, the
ground on which they took their stand did them honour, viz.,
that they could never in justice or conscience deal with cases be-
tween debtors and creditors if any of their number were tainted
with the like; and that as hitherto his Majesty’s Council had
been pure in this respect, they were concerned to keep it so. (8)
The King’s Revocation. This was of such a sweeping nature
that the report of what was intended had caused the utmost
alarm and consternation throughout the country, and indeed, it
was destined to have effects of a more serious nature than
Charles or his flatterers dreamed. But in this, as in other things,
XVil.

the King proved stubborn. (4) Disobedience to the King’s
orders. Charles laid down this rule which he said had been
violated. His messages to his Scottish Council were of two
kinds, the one in which he asked his Council’s advice, and in
which he granted there might be delay, and the other in which
he directly commanded and expected unquestioning obedience.
Ye durst not have done so to my father, said Charles to Mar.
But Mar informed him that his worthy father had sent down
directions a hundred times which his Council had delayed, and
that for this he had afterwards thanked them. He thought
that his Majesty, not being sufficiently informed of the laws of
the country, and led by some particular man for his own private
ends, had sent down his directions directly against the law,
and they as councillors, being sworn to give him true counsel,
could not do otherwise than they had done.

(5) The tenure of the Lords of Session. Sir John Scot had
been inciting the King to the belief that upon his father’s
death the places of the judges became vacant. Against this
the Scottish Council opposed themselves strongly and succeeded
in maintaining the old tenure of ad vitam aut culpam, though
for a time the work of the Court was kept at a stand. Sir
John Scot sought to justify his opinion by referring to his
ancestors, who had been honoured successively to hold the
office of Director of Chancery, and he appealed to Mar that he
knew his grandfather was an honest man. Yes, replied Mar,
1 knew him to be a very honest man, and if they say ‘‘ Auld
deid folks will fley baerns,’’ I wish he were now beside you to
hear you speak. This answer greatly amused the King.
But the question about the Session raised another
as to its decision, for the Session being a party, who was to be
judge? And in this the councillors were again opposed by
the coterie who had taken first possession of the King, and now
hoped to flatter him into asserting his absolute supremacy ;
but the councillors stood firm.

(6) The Treasury Commission. In this Mar himself was
chiefly concerned, and the matter was at first indirectly raised
by an attack made upon him by Strachan, and then by the
Karl of Nithsdale, who came to his friend’s aid, followed by
an extremely heated passage between them, which led the
Marquis of Buckingham to interpose and make peace. It was
afterwards brought forward by the King, when Mar declared
Xviil.

his objections against it both personally and in respect of the
law. But at the end of all Charles was dissatisfied with the
stand made by the councillors against his proposals. He had
hoped for a calm acquiescence in the larger views of the ab-
solute supremacy of the Kingship which he entertained, even
though his little finger were thicker than his father’s loins.
And the firmness of the old, Scotsmen in their innate love of
liberty and law, was a lesson lost upon him, which he had to
learn later in a sterner way.

The Earl of Mar afterwards continued some of the subjects
of conference in private correspondence with the King, and
the letters and papers which follow shew matters straightening
out, especially with reference to the royal Revocation and the
Exchequer. In 1630, however, Mar was relieved of his office
of Treasurer, and William, Earl of Morton, appointed in his
place (p. 173). Mar promised to render assistance to his suc-
cessor in the service, and consequently papers connected with
the revenue of Scotland continue to appear for a short time
longer.

An interesting group of eight letters written by the Princess
Elizabeth, now Queen of Bohemia, to the Earl of Mar, between
1628 and 1635, will be found at p. 76. They are all written
from the Hague. There runs through them all a subdued refer-
ence to her own misfortunes, but in several she refers to and in-
terests herself to further the marriage of the Earl’s third son,
Sir Alexander Erskine (who was afterwards killed at the
blowing up of the Castle of Dunglass in 1640), the lady of his
choice being one of her own gentlewomen.

Reference has already been made to James, Lord Ochiltree,
and at pp. 181-191 there will be found papers in the proceedings
taken against him for falsely accusing to the King the Marquis
of Hamilton and the Earls of Haddington, Roxburgh and
Buccleuch as being engaged in a conspiracy against the throne.
He had obtained his information from Lord Reay while they
were in the Low Countries, and others are mentioned as being
privy thereto, as Sir James Ramsay, Sir James Hamilton,
Colonel Alexander Hamilton, Captain Douglas and the Earl
of Seaforth. Rumours, it appears, were floating about the
Continent that the Marquis intended to employ the troops
raised by him for service under Gustavus Adolphus in securing
XIX.

the throne of Scotland for himself. These had reached the
ears of Lord Reay, and he having made Lord Ochiltree his
confident the latter was in haste to reveal it. They went to the
Lord Treasurer of England with the information, but Lord
Ochiltree was more forward in the matter and went tothe King,
urging him (especially on one occasion before his Majesty had
finished dinner) to take immediate action against the alleged
conspirators, saying: ‘‘ Sir, now we knaw the bessines but
knawis not the tyme, and thairfore, sir, either do or die.’’ But
the Marquis of Hamilton stood too high in the King’s estima-
tion and too strong in his affection, to permit of this suggestion
being entertained, with this consequence to Ochiltree that he
got a reward he did not expect. He was sent down to Scotland
in custody to be dealt with by the Privy Council according to
law for leasingmaking, and he endured a long and miserable
imprisonment there, from which Charles, though frequently
petitioned to do so, shewed no inclination to release him.

A letter from the Viscount of Wentworth (p. 198) affords
a glimpse of that nobleman’s administration of the government
of Ireland, and incidentally mentions the death of John, second
Earl of Mar. He appears to have died in March, 1685. The
letter is presumably to that earl’s son and successor, who was
desirous of acquiring an estate in Ireland. For the following
period between this date and the Revolution in 1688, the letters
and papers evidently suffered in some way, as they are very
few. Those which immediately follow carry us into the
stormy period of the civil wars of Charles the First, and at
p- 198 will be found a curious rhyming prophecy attributed to
Sir James Galloway, who was Master of Requests to King
James the Sixth, and a member of the Privy Council in the
reign of King Charles the First, and which, if genuine, proved
remarkably true. In the conflict between the Scots and the
King, the Earl of Mar assisted the Scottish Estates with his
followers, and the list of the men he could command from
Strathdon is given at p. 197. Just at the time the English
Parliamentary Commissioners were adjusting the terms of
the Solemn League and Covenant with the Scottish Parlia-
ment at Edinburgh, the Earl received a letter (p. 199) from the
King, who was then at Oxford, solemnly protesting once more
his intentions of faithfully preserving inviolable the privileges
of his Scottish subjects, both ecclesiastical and civil, according
xx

to the laws of Scotland, and desiring the Earl to convene his
friends and vassals and assure them of this. But the Scots
had already received too many vain assurances of the like kind.
The letter is evidently a circular and was probably sent to
other nobles as well as to Mar. The next letter is a summons
to the Earl from the Scottish Council a few months later to
come and swear the Solemn League and Covenant with the
rest of the Council, and the paper following shews that at
this stage of the quarrel there was an abortive attempt at in-
tervention made by the King of France with the €cots in
behalf of Charles. Later in the course of ‘‘ the troubles ’’ of
this period Mar is found, willingly or unwillingly, assisting
Montrose, especially after the battle of Kilsyth, and is placed
in jeopardy thereby, but General David Leslie comes to his
rescue (pp. 202, 203). An interesting letter from an unknown
English writer in reference to the King’s transference from
the Scots army at Newcastle to that of the English Parliament,
in which he gives his opinion about Cromwell’s soldiers, and
his anticipations of good things to come from the trust the
King was now reposing in them will be found at p. 204. But
the sequel proved that what the Earl of Mar had written to
that writer’s disrelish was but too true: ‘‘ His Majestie hes
leapt out of the frying pan into the fyre; left ill cumpany to
adhere to worse.”’

On the death of King Charles the First the interest of the
Scots centred in the recall of his son, Charles the Second,
as at least their king. He is at St. Malo’s waiting to hear
news from Ireland, and some are of opinion that he will come
here, writes Mr. William Colville, one of the ministers of
Edinburgh, who had been deposed for his adherence to the
“unlawful Engagement ’’ (p. 205). King Charles the Second
did come to Scotland, and doubtless Mar gave his willing
obedience to the orders he received to raise his men for his
Majesty’s support (p. 206).

During the period of the Commonwealth there are no papers,
and after the Restoration until the Revolution, as stated, they
are but scant. In 1675 there is an order for the imprisonment
of Sir Patrick Home of Polwarth and Robert Ker of Kersland
in Stirling Castle, and also an order for the liberation of the
former about five months later (p. 207). Other prisoners there
XXL.

come also from the ranks of the Covenanters, and there is a
letter of thanks from the King to the Lords of Justiciary for
their proceedings against Mr. James Mitchell for his alleged
attempt to kill Archbishop Sharp (p. 211). Some of the papers
about this period are interesting from a military point of view,
being illustrative of army drill and discipline in several aspects
(pp. 209-217 passim). One is a report upon the. exporting of
coal to Flanders, ete. (p. 213); another (p. 214) deals with the
subject of the Mint, being his Majesty’s final decision upon a
case in which the Earl of Lauderdale was a defaulting party,
but which bore most severely upon Sir John Falconer of
EPalmakellie, Lauderdale’s subordinate in the Mint, who was
driven thereby to commit suicide. On p. 214 there is a
memorial in which the Earl of Mar, in his anxiety to retain
the keeping of the Castle of Stirling, relates the services of
his ancestors to the Crown; and a letter from General Dalyell
to the Earl speaks of the torturing of William Spence, secretary
to the Earl of Argyll, and indicates the disgust of that soldier
at some of the work he was then engaged in (p. 216). Argyll’s
expedition itself is referred to at p. 216, where orders are given
to the Earl, who was then at Paisley, to prevent Argyll’s
landing in the Clyde.

The accession of King James the Seventh is marked by some
papers relative to the enlargement given to Papists for the
exercise of their religion, and it was probably owing to his
aversion to some of this King’s measures that the Earl of Mar
felt it necessary to send a letter to the King affirming his
thorough loyalty (p. 219). The papers which follow shew the
King at variance with his Scottish Council, and the Earl of
Mar under orders for special military service, with the assemb-
ling of some of his Highlanders about Stirling (p. 220). But
the scene changes; the Revolution has been effected; Mar
receives an invitation from the Prince of Orange to attend the
meeting of the Estates at Edinburgh which is to declare that
Prince King of Scotland; the governorship of the Castle of
Stirling is continued to Mar with the Earl of Perth thrown
therein as a prisoner, and Mar himself is one of the first
sufferers from the Revolution. He is found bewailing the
burning of several of his houses in the North by the High-
landers, who took this means to prevent them from being em-
ployed for garrisons against themselves (p. 222).
XXilL.

The largest portion of the report (pp. 222-520) deals with the
correspondence of John, sixth Earl of Mar, who, as already
mentioned, played so important a part in carrying through the
Treaty of Union, during the actual passing of which and for
some years afterwards, he was one of the Secretaries of State
for Scotland. But latterly he changed his opinion about the
Union, and when he could not get it dissolved, headed the
unsuccessful Jacobite insurrection of 1715 for the restoration

of the Stuarts. Yet during the whole of Queen Anne’s reign

there was no suspicion of Jacobitism about this Earl. To her
Majesty he was a most loyal and devoted servant. The letters
by and to him commence in the closing years of King William
the Third, and with the exception of several addressed to
him by his brother Henry, and the Viscount Dalrymple and
others from some camps of the British troop engaged in the
wars on the Continent (pp. 224-226, 263, 295, 464-469) giving
details of several battles and military movements, the whole
are concerned with the Parliamentary and official history of
Scotland, at least up to 1715. They yield a minute and often
graphic narrative of the proceedings connected with the Union
of the kingdoms.

For various reasons, of which one was to counteract the
Jacobite tendencies in Scotland, King William the Third
resolved to effect the union of Scotland and England. He
died before it could be accomplished, but the measure was
taken up and carried through by his successor, Queen Anne.
At the opening of her reign there were in the Scottish Parlia-
ment three parties, (1) the Court party under the leadership of
the Duke of Queensberry; (2) the Jacobites, led by
the Duke of Hamilton, who constituted the opposition ;
and (3) a neutral party who called themselves
the Squadron Volante or Flying Squadron, and refused to
attach themselves to either of the other two, but kept free to
act with either party as they judged the interests of the country
required. The chief of the Squadron was John, Marquis of
Tweeddale, and he was supported by the Dukes of Montrose
and Roxburgh, the Earls of Haddington and Rothes, and the
famous Mr. Fletcher, of Salton. The Earl of Mar had attached
himself to the Court party, and: he promoted their measures.

The Union was the “‘ grand affair’’ of the time, and refer-
ences to it fill the Earl of Mar’s letters from 1703 onwards.
XXiii.

In January of that year he writes that it succeeds pretty well,
though slowly. The decisive struggle in Scotland as to
whether or not the Union should take place began with the
meeting of Parliament at Edinburgh on 28th June, 1705, but
coupled with this question was that of the succession to the
Crown, which had first to be secured. Mar himself had pre-
pared and introduced a Uniting Act, and with but slight altera-
tion this was the Act which Parliament adopted (p. 235). The
Queen acknowledged this service by appointing him one of her
Secretaries of State for Scotland in place of the Marquis of
Annandale, the Earl of Loudon being conjoined with him in this
office (pp. 235-237). Mar was also a commissioner on the
Scottish side for settling with those of England the Articles of
Union. In consequence of his official position the earl had
to reside at London, and he made his younger brother, Mr.
James Erskine, his chief Scottish correspondent and factor.
This brother was trained to the law, and was raised to the
Bench by the title of Lord Grange. He became later Lord
Justice Clerk. Many of the letters in this part of the report
are to and from him.

Parliament having consented to the Union, commissioners
were chosen for formulating the treaty itself. The choice was
made by the Queen, with the aid of her English Prime
Minister, the Earl of Godolphin, and the Dukes of Queensberry
and Argyll. But so fair was the selection that each of the three
parties in the Scottish Parliament was represented.

The negotiations were carried through at Westminster
Palace, the Commissioners for Scotland meeting in one room
by themselves, and the Commissioners for England
in another. They only met jointly on one or two occasions
to receive her Majesty, and matters of debate were communi-
cated in writing to the respective presidents, or dealt with by
committees chosen for the purpose. The Treaty was finally
adjusted and signed by the Commissioners on 22nd July, 1706,
when they went unitedly in procession to her Majesty and
presented it (p. 271). The event was made the occasion of
national rejoicing in England, and her Majesty further ac-
knowledged the services of the Earl of Mar and his colleague
in the Secretaryship, the Earl of Loudon, by conferring upon
them the ‘‘ green ribbon ’’ (p. 272), or in other words creating
them Knights of the Thistle.
XXIV.

But the Treaty of Union had still its way to fight in Scot-
land, and it was only after a prolonged and keen conflict in
the Scottish Parliament, lasting from October, 1706, until
February, 1707, that the measure was carried, and the Union
accomplished. All the varied forms of the opposition made
to the passing of the Treaty are vividly set forth in the Earl
of Mar’s letters to Sir David Nairne, the under-Secretary of
State for Scotland at London, through whom her Majesty
and the English Ministers were kept posted up in the progress
of events at Edinburgh. The Earl was sent down from London
with, as it were, the measure in his special charge, and cer-
tainly no one took a keener part in securing its success. Efforts
were made to win over the Squadron to support it (p. 280), but
the Jacobite party and the Church and the populace had
specially to be reckoned with.

The Duke of Hamilton led the opposition in Parliament,
and was on this account the popular favourite. The people
waited for his coming out of the Parliament House, and con-
voyed him to his house with acclamations, while the Court
party had frequently to run the gauntlet of a hostile mob
armed with stones and staves. For their safety the latter
were obliged to ask that troops should be provided and held in
readiness, and these were actually sent to the Borders, though
their intervention was not required. Within the House the
progress of the bill was keenly contested. Often debate ran
very high and continued until candles had to be brought in ; but
in the gloom the confusion became so great that little could
then be effected.

The Church was a more uncertain factor. Many of the
ministers feared that the Union with England would gradually
but surely destroy Presbyterianism, and once more undo the
work of the Reformation and what had been recovered at the
Revolution. In the Commission of Assembly an act was
almost passed for the appointment of a National Fast Day, ‘‘ for
asking God’s direction in the great affair,’’ but the Court party
judged this inadvisable. However, to satisfy the Church’s fears
and scruples an Act of Security was passed, in terms of which
the constitution of the Church was secured by the Treaty of
Union to remain unalterably Presbyterian (p. 839). The sequel
to this was a similar provision in the case of the Church of
lingland; and the more strict ministers of the Church of
Scotland and many of the people, saw that this could not be
XXV.

agreed to without tue nullifying of the terms of the Solemn
League and Covenant made with England in 1643. Their
opposition was very considerable, but as there was no feasible
way of taking off their objection the Court party ridiculed them
as fanatics. There was even a report that these objectors and
the Jacobites had drawn together and that King James had
turned Protestant, and was ready not only to establish Pres-
bytery but even to swear the Solemn League and Covenant (pp.
341, 345). Fears were strongly entertained that there would
be armed risings, and there was actually an attempt to rouse
the people of the West to march upon Edinburgh. A party
set out from Glasgow, and went by way of Kilsyth and Hamil-
ton towards Lanark, but it proved unsuccessful, and the
rumour that troops were in pursuit caused it to disappear before
it reached Lanark (pp. 338, 345, 350). Besides the riots in
Edinburgh there were tumults in Glasgow (p. 325), also at
Stirling and Dumfries, where the Articles of Union were
publicly burned at the Cross (pp. 340, 347), and at some other
places. Another form of the oppcsition was by addresses to Par-
liament from many parts of the country against the Union (p.
363), but the issue lay with the Parliament and in the end the
Articles of the Treaty were carried through. The news was
transmitted to London, the consent of the English Parliament
readily obtained, and on 6th March, amid salvos of artillery from
the Tower and the firing of guns in the Park, Queen Anne ad-
hibited her signature to the Act, by which, from the first of May
following, the two kingdoms of Scotland and England were to
merge in one Great Britain (p. 883). One can hardly but
notice the coincidence that with the expiry of Scottish inde-
pendence the Earl of Mar received at London the intimation
of his wife’s death, and was thus sent into mourning and
temporary retirement at the very moment when he might most
have rejoiced in the success of his labours.

There was still much to be done in the harmonising of the
relations, fiscal and otherwise, between the two kingdoms,
and the suppression and removal of the opposition to the
Union in Scotland, which even now, after its consummation,
seemed as if it would strengthen, and, instead of extinguishing,
fan the flame of Jacobitism. The task was no easy one and
misunderstandings became frequent. But the tenor of these
will be seen from the Report. One point, however, may be
XXV1.

specially noticed, that of the Equivalent. Mr. Mackinuon,
in his recent history of the Union, has ably shewn both the un-
reality and the absurdity of the charge often brought against the
Scottish nobility that they were corrupted by English money,
and, in fact, sold the independence of their country for gold.
Had there been the least trace of such a thing it could not but
have been remarked in the confidential letters of the time.
We are to be “‘on the uses for which the Equivalent is to be
applied,’ writes Mar, (p. 864). ‘‘Severals of us have been
talking of this. We think there is a necessity of preferring
the loss of the coin in the first place, then the African Company
and then the debts.’’ In the following letter he mentions that
this has been given effect to in one of the clauses of the Treaty.
Preference is given to the reparation of the coin, then to the
African Company, and then to the debts of the nation. And
there was to be added to this (p. 867) a payment to the com-
missioners engaged upon the Treaty towards their expenses.

After the Union the Earl continued in his office of Secretary
of State, and had to deal with the Jacobite invasion of 1708, in
consequence of which seizure was made of a number of pro-
minent Jacobites in Scotland, some of whom were sent in cus-
tody to London. He ceased to be Secretary in February,
1709, but obtained a pension of £3,000 from the Queen, which
was to continue during her life (p. 480). The Duke of Queens-
berry then got the appointment and held it till his death in
July, 1711. The succession to the office was keenly contested
between Mar and the Duke of Hamilton, but through the in-
fluence of the Earl of Oxford the former obtained it. By this
time so much friction had arisen between the two nations over
the difficulties experienced in harmonising their relations that
proposals were seriously brought forward in the British Par-
liament for its dissolution and a return to the statum quo ante,
and even Mar seems to have come to believe that after all the
Union may have been a mistake. With the death of Queen
Anne and the overthrow of the Tory party in England, Mar
was removed from his office. Up to the last moment of his
being in power he was firm to the Hanoverian interest; he
used all his efforts to preserve the peace in Scotland, especially
in the Highlands, and when King George the First arrived in
England he waited upon him to proffer his allegiance. But
the King refused to see him and sent word that he had no
XXVil.

further need for his services. His office of Secretary was then
given to the Duke of Montrose.

Seeing his associates impeached in England for treason, and
finding that by the King’s orders Stirling Castle was to be
taken out of his hands (No. 867), Mar began to fear that his
life was in danger; and evidently stung with indignation at
such treatment after his long and faithful services to the country,
he took the rash and regretable step of joining the cause of the
Pretender and raising the standard of rebellion in Scotland.
There seems to be little doubt that the step was taken in a
hasty spirit of resentment, though possibly from the still un-
satisfactory results of the Union, he may have entertained the
belief that his former policy in the matter of the Union had
been a mistake, and that revolution was now the only way of
undoing that. It was, however, tco good an opportunity for the
Jacobites to miss; Mar was flattered by them, and placed by
commission from the Chevalier in the chief command in
Scotland. Interest centres for the moment in his camp at
Perth. There he received letters from the Chevalier, in one
of which the honor of a Dukedom is conferred upon him.
But by this time the battle of Sheriffmuir had been fought;
the invasion of England had ended in disaster at Preston in
Lancashire, and it fell to Mar’s lot to intimate the tidings to
the Chevalier, who was now supposed to be off the coast of
Scotland. Mar managed to retain a number of his troops, and
to hold his opponents at bay until James landed at Peterhead,
but the failure of the promised support from France forced
James to return, and Mar went. with him and was in his service
for some years. There will be found in the Report several letters
from the Chevalier and from his wife, the Princess Clementina,
to the Duchess of Mar. The earl, of course, lost his estates,
and was never again permitted to return to Scotland, but died
at Aix-de-Chapelle, in May, 1732. Some time before his death
he quite broke with the Stewarts, and strove long and earnestly
to make his peace with the House of Hanover, but without
avail.

The remainder of the report is chiefly composed of the
correspondence of the Earl’s brother, Lord Grange, who, to
save the family estates, purchased them back from the For-
feited Estates Commissioners for the benefit of his nephew,
the Earl’s son. But the latter died childless, and the estates
XXViil.

passed to the Earl’s daughter, who married her cousin, James
Erskine, son of Lord Grange, ancestor of the present Earl of
Mar and Kellie, and to their son in 1824 King George the
Fourth restored the title.

Lord Grange was both an able judge and a wise politician.
As already stated, he was for some time Lord Justice Clerk of
Scotland, and later in life was member of Parliament for
Stirlingshire. He was held in much repute by the clergy of
Scotland for his piety and his attachment to the Presbyterian
cause. He had a large number of correspondents, and selec-
tions will be found in the Report of letters from the pen of Mr.
Gabriel Wilson, minister of Maxton; Mr. John Wylie, minis-
ter at Clackmannan; Mr. Andrew Darling, minister at Kin-
noul, and Mr. Ebenezer Erskine, one of the founders of the
Secession Church, who not only writes upon a point of an-
tiquity, but sends to Lord Grange immediately after the Seces-
sion a note of the progress of their young presbytery, and also
a copy of the indictment laid against him evidently by the
presbytery of Stirling. Among his correspondents from the
ranks of statesmen are the Duke of Argyll, Wilham Pulteney,
afterwards Earl of Bath; the Earl of Stair, Marshall Keith,
and there are several epistles from Simon, Lord Lovat, couched
in his usual attractive style, but certainly not in a tone which
would make one suppose that he had Lord Grange in any
respect in his power.

Among miscellaneous papers and letters may be noted a
memorandum concerning the place in which the public Scottish
records were preserved, or rather, as is suggested, destroyed
in 1723, a somewhat amusing cipher, a satirical poem, which
may be that which the Earl of Mar sent to his lady, mentioned
p. 228; and a narrative about St. Fillan’s, in Perthshire, and
some superstitious customs associated therewith.

This Report has been prepared by the Rev. Henry Paton,
M.A., Edinburgh, who also prepared the Report on the Manu-
scripts of the late Colonel Milne Home of Wedderburn.
THH MANUSCRIPTS

CF THE

EARL OF MAR AND KELLIE,

PRESERVED AT

ALLOA HOUSE, CLACKMANNANSHIRE.

I. Carters.

An old Rental of the Lands of Mar and Garioch to which is
prefixed the following Notes of Ancient Charters in Latin,
but here translated :—

1356.—Thomas, Karl of Mar, gave to Andrew Garywyache
all and whole the lands of Kynstare and Edindowy; witnesses :
‘thomas ‘Stewart, Earl of Angus, Chamberlain of Scotland;
William of Keth, Marischal of Scotland; Sir Walter Moygne,
John Strauchin and Laurence Gillibrande, knights; Master
Gilbert Armestrange, Sir John of Mare, John Pratte, William of
Leth, burgess of Aberdeen; and James Montealto, with many
others.

1356.—William de Montealto, knight, lord of Ferne, granted
to his brother, Bernard de Montealto, and his heirs, all and
whole his lands of Estir Fouliis in the earldom of Mar and
shire of Aberdeen; witnesses: Thomas Stewart, Earl of Angus;
William of Keth, Marischal of Scotland; Master Gilbert
Armestrange and Sir John of Mar, canons of the church of
Aberdeen; Sir Laurence Gillibrande, knight; Andrew of
Garwiache, and others.

1354, April 6.—Thomas, Earl of Mar, gave in perpetual
foundation to the priory and canons of Monymusk, a yearly
pension of five marks out of the lands of Wester Foullis;
witnesses: the discreet men, Sir Laurence Giliebrande, knight ;
Master Gilbert Airmstrange, canon of Aberdeen and Moray; Sir
John of Tassenie, rector of the parish church of Kinduny, of the
diocese of Aberdeen, with others.

Donald, Earl of Mar, gave and granted to John of
Garwyache, in feufarm, all and whele his lands of Wester
Foulis; witnesses: Gariney and Duncan, his sons; Sir Adam
Cant, vicar of Mygvecht; Roger . . . 3; Sir Thomas Cant,
vicar of Afferd; Andrew . . . 3; William of Cowtis; Henry
of Petcarne; and Duncan .. . , with several others.

[ Undated.]
A

Wt R079
2

Thomas, Earl of Mar, gave and granted to John Cam-
broun with his cousin in free marriage, all and whole his lands of
Barkis and Wester Drummalachie, also with Strathdun, lying in
the shire of Aberdeen, in feufarm; witnesses: Alexander, bishop
of Aberdeen; William of Keith, Marischal of Scotland; ‘ our
dearest brother” Thomas of Balliol; Sir Andrew Cant, prior of
Monymusk, with many others. [Undated.]

Thomas, Earl of Mar, gave to Adam Strauchen and
Margaret his wife, his kinswoman, all and whole his lands of
Glenkundie and a quarter davach of Glenkaye, for homage and
service to be rendered by the said Adam and the heirs procreated
or to be procreated between him and the said Margaret; witnesses:
Sir Hugh Cambroun, his kinsman; Thomas Lix and Walter
Maygue, knights; and William of Meldrum, sheriff of Aberdeen,
with many others. [Undated.]

1359, September 15th.—Thomas, Earl of Mar, gave to William
Fentoun of that Uk, his whole land of Nether Tully and Over
‘ollie and Culquorks, with the pertinents in Strathdone, in the
earldom of Mar; wituesses: William, bishop of St. Andrews ;
Alexander, bishop of Aberdeen; Patrick, bishop of Brechin; and
William, Earl of Douglas, with many others.

1356, June 20.— Thomas, Earl of Mar, gave to William de
‘Camera all and whole his lands of Estir Ruthwan, for service
and homage to be given; witnesses: Thomas Stewart, Earl of
Angus, Chamberlain of Scotland; William of Keth, Marischal of
Scotland; Sir Walter [Moygne] and Sir Laurence Gillibrande,
with many others.

1358.—Thomas, Earl of Mar, gave to his loved John Crabe,
burgess of Aberdeen, and his son John Crabe, all and whole his
lands of Quilts and Pettis; witnesses: Alexander, bishop of Aber-
deen; Thomas . . . and Laurence, with many others.

Robert, King of Scots, confirmed the above charter;
witnesses: William, bishop of St. Andrews; Patrick, bishop
of Brechin; Patrik, Earl of M. . . , and several others.
[ Undated. ]

Thomas, Earl of Mar, lord of Caveris and Garwiach,
apd Chamberlain of Scotland, gave to Duncan, son of Roger,
all and whole his lands of Abergeldy, Balcadlach, Bochwaglach,
Tuliquhbr, and Tuliocre, with the pertinents lying in the shire of
Aberdeen, for service done and to be done by the said Duncan and
his heirs; witnesses: Alexander, bishop of Aberdeen ; William of
Kethe, Marischal of Scotland; Sir John of Crabdele, doctor of
decreets and canon of Ross; Sir Walter Moygne, and Laurence
Gilibrande, with several others. [Undated.]

1346, August 26. Christian de Bruce, lady of the regality of
Garwiache, gave to Patrick Abernethie and his heirs all and whole
her lands of Burty with pertinents, for service done and to be done;
witnesses; William, bishop of Aberdeen; William, Earl of Suther-
Jand; Sir Philip of Meldrum, William of Abernethie, Alexander
of Lesslie and Andrew of Butirgaske, with several others.
8

Earl David, brother of the King of Scotland, gave to
David de Andree and his heirs a davach of land of Ressuchet,
with the pertinents, for service rendered by him ; witnesses: Sir
Robert Bisset, knight; Sir William, chaplain of the King; Sir
Bartholomew Meygne, knight, and others. [Undated.]

1358, July 9.—Thomas, Harl of Mar, Lord of Cavers and
Chamberlain of Scotland, approves, ratifies and confirms to
Alexander Abernethy and his heirs two davachs of the lands of
Petmalchy and Herchill with pertinents; witnesses: Alexander,
bishop of Aberdeen; William, abbot of Lindores; Sir Walter
de Coutre, dean of Aberdeen; Sir John Crombdele, rector of
Tarrech; William of Keth, Marischal of Scotland; Sir Walter
Moygne and Sir John Strauchen, knights; Sir John of Forbes,
and others.

1287, 8th day of the Assumption of the Holy Virgin Mary.
Andrew of Garviauche, knight, gave to his brother, John Gar-
viauche, and his heirs all and whole his lands of Jonstoun with
the pertinents; witnesses: Sir Reginald de Chene, the father;
Sir Reginald de Chene, the son; John de Malautt, Norman de
Lesslie, knights, and many others.

John, Earl of Houledone [? Huntingdon], gave to Norman, son of
Malcolm, and his heirs, the lands of Lesselyne, Auchtnegort and
Mawe with the pertinents; witnesses: John, abbot of Lundoris ;
Henry of Brechin and Henry of Strevelyne, ‘‘ my brothers,” and
others. [Undated.]

1359.—Thomas, Earl of Mar, lord of the regality of Garwiauche,
gave to William of Lethe, burgess of Aberdeen, and his heirs,
the lands of Ruthenache, Delharboggis and Delblakboggis with
the pertinents ; witnesses: Alexander, bishop of Aberdeen; Sir
John of Crombdale, canon of Ross; Sir John of Mar, canon of
Aberdeen, with others. [Undated.]

David, brother of the King of Scotland, gave to Simon of
Billighin and his heirs a carucate of land in the territory of Durna-
chehell Lethim and a toft in his burgh of Innerowry ; witnesses :
William of Lindsey, Hugh Gyffart, Mr. Laurence of Peramsol (sic),
with several others. [Undated.]

David, brother of the King of Scotland, gave to Robert
of Billighin and his heirs a carucate of the teriitory of Durna-
chehell and a toft in his hurgh of Innerowry; witnesses : Robert
and William, son of Stephen; Norman, son of Malcolm, with
several others. [Undated.]

Robert, King of Scots, gave to Stephen, son of ek
the lands of Faster and Wester Kinblew with the pertinents, lying
in the shire of Aberdeen ; witnesses: Bernard, lord of Arbrocht,
chancellor; Thomas Randolphe, Earl of Moray; and Gilbert,
Lord de Hay, constable, with several others. [Undated.]

1293, September 29.—Friar Laurence, of the friars minors
of the Holy Trinity and captives of Aberdeen, and the brethren
of the said order gave and granted to John of Garwiach, Lord of
4

Kaskybenne, and his heirs, in feufarm, all and whole his lands of
Cragbowy in Garwiach ; witnesses: Henry, bishop cf Aberdecn,
Sir Reginald le Chene, Norman of Lesslie, and others.

William, lord of Crust (sic), alienated and sold to Alexander
of Abercrombie and his heirs a third part of the lands and
tenement of Knoklauchly with the pertinents; and Thomas,
Earl of Mar, confirms the same; witnesses: Sir John of Graunt,
knight, John Forbes of that Ilk, and John Prate, with several
others. [Undated.]

1871, July 10.—Thomas of Mar renounces in favor of Helen
of Garwiache all right and claim he has to the lands of
Knokinbarde by reason of ward.

Robert, King of Scotland, gave to John, son of Adam
Brwning, and his heirs, the lands of Gumdristoun with the
pertinents ; witnesses: William, bishop of St. Andrews ; William,
bishop of Dunkeld; Bernard, abbot of Arbroath, and others.
[ Undated. ]

Thomas, Earl of Mar, Lord of Cavers, and Chamberlain of
Scotland, approves, ratifies and confirms to Alexander
Abercrombie. and his heirs the half part of the lands of
Ardowyne and half of the mill thereof sold by Patrick Hair ;
witnesses: Sir John Gariauche, knight; . . . Forbes;
John Prate, John Buthergask and others. [Undated.]

Kiarl David, brother of the King of Scots, gave and
granted to . . . . Bommill and his heirs the lands of
Ardowin ; witnesses: Henry, son of the granter; Robert of
Adles; William . . . . ; and many others. [Undated.]

1369, June 15. Thomas, Earl of Mar, lord of the regality of
Garwiauch, gave to William of Kebt all and whole the lands of
Drumrossy ; witnesses: Alexander, bishop of Aberdeen; Sir
William of Keth, Marishal of Scotland; and Sir William of
Meldrum, with many others.

Donald, Earl of Mar, gave to Norman of Lesslie, his
kinsman, and his heirs, the half davach of the lands of Achmorly
and half of the lands of Dromyne and Garwiache, with his lands
called Newlandis; witnesses: William, Archbishop of St.
Andrew’s; Sir Andrew of Ruthwen, abbot of Coupar; and
Sir William of Gourlay, with many others. [Undated.]

David, brother of the King of Scotland, gave to
Malcolm, son of Beroof, and his heirs, his whole lands of Lesslie
as they were marched in presence of Andrew [? Adam] bishop
of Aberdeen, and the lands of Atchingort, with Macher, and
their pertinents ; witnesses: Andrew, bishop of Aberdeen;
Maleolm, son of the Earl of Angus; and Robert of Korwit, with
others. [Undated.] [A note on the margin states that Adam,
bishop of Aberdeen, became bishop in 1206, and died in 1227 ;
and the words Andrew are underlined in the text.)
5

1841,—. . . Lith. Wuffredus de Meditoun resigned all
right and claim which he had to the lands of Owin, with their
pertinents, in favour of his son John; witnesses: Sir Philip of
Meldrum; Andrew of . . . , knights; and John Bonar,
with many others.

Reginald Croft, son and heir of the deceased William
of . . . lachty, sold to William of Lesslie, son of the
deceased Norman, the third part of his lands of Knocklachey.
[ Undated. ]

William, Earl of Douglas and Mar, sold to Alexander
. . . , his squire, the ward and marriage of the heirs of the
deceased . . . Byris, with the lands of Ardowy and Harlaw
in Garwiache, pertaining to them. [Undated.]

1340, in the feast of John the Baptist. Duncan, Earl of Fife,
gave to Edward of Drumketht and his heirs, in exchange for his
lands of Drumketht, the lands of Tulialt, with pertinents;
witnesses : Hugh, bishop of Aberdeen ; Reginald of Schene, and
William of Meldrum, with many others.

Alan [Durward], usher to the King, gave to his
grandson the lands of . . . . and Orchwell, with the
pertinents ; witnesses: Walter, son of Alan, Justiciar of
Scotland; William Prate, vicar of Aberdeen, and others.
[ Undated. ]

James of Garwiache, lord of Kaskybenne, gave to God
and St. Mary of Monimuiske and the canons there for the service
of God, his half davach of the lands of Clokhok, with the
pertinents ; witnesses: Henry, bishop of Aberdeen; Patrick of
Abirnethy, and John Brounynge, knights, and others. { Undated. |

George, Earl of Mar, gave to God and to the canons
of Monimuiske, the church of Lohyhet ; witnesses : Malcolm
and John, his sons, and his two brothers, with many others.
[ Undated. |

George, Earl of Mar, gave to -God and to the blessed
Mary of Monimuiske, and the culdees or canons there serving,
Octorlacellouss and the kirklands; witnesses: Fergus, Karl of
Buchan; David, son of the Earl of Thon (sic): and Robert,
dean of Aberdeen, with several others. [Undated.]

Earl David, brother of the King of Scotland, gave to God
and to the church of St. Thomas of Arbroath and the monks
there serving God, a carucate of measured and arable land in
Kynalch, with pasturage ; witnesses : William, king of Scotland,
his brother ; Hugh, his son; and Robert, chaplain. [Undated.]

William. King of Scots, confirms the gift by Earl
David, his brother, made to God and St. Thomas of Arbroath.
witnesses: Henry, abbot of Kow; William de Bosco, Sir Philip
de Walowe, canon, and John Maxuell. [Undated.]
6

John, Earl of Huntingtoune, gave to God and _ St.
Thomas and the monks of Arbroath that carucate of land which
formerly Farl David, his father, gave to them; witnesses: Sir
John, abbot of Lindoris; Sir Gillfryd de Craufurde. [Undated.]

Thomas MRandolphe, Earl of Moray, gave to Sir
James of Garwiache, and his heirs, the lands of Belerdie,
Balnecrag, Cleychok and Tollachsyd, with their pertinents ;
witnesses: Henry, bishop of Aberdeen ; Sir Alexander Fraser,
and Robert Lawder, knight, with several others. [Undated.]

Margaret of Ressuneth, daughter and one of the heirs
of the deceased John of Ressuneth, sold and thenceforth
alienated to her kinsman, Henry of Wardlaw, son and heir of
Henry of Wardlaw, her whole part of heritage rightfully
falling to her; witnesses: Alexander, bishop of Aberdeen ;
Robert, abbot of Deir; and Philip of Dumbrek, with many
others. [Undated.]

1366, May 12.—Thomas, Earl of Mar, confirms and
approves the sale made by Margaret of Ressuneth to Henry of
Wardlaw of the foresaid lands.

1323.—Christian de Bruce gave to William de Makhaun and
Katherine, his spouse, daughter of William de Fiwy, the office
of forester of Garwiache.

Thomas de Meygnes gave to John, son of Patrick, and
his heirs, his whole lands of Owin in Garwiache, with the
pertinents ; witnesses: Sir Alexander of Fraser, and Sir James,
his brother, knights, and William of Prendergest, with others.
[ Undated. ]

1345, May 29.—Charter by John de Pot, son and heir of
Robert Pot, sometime burgess of Dundee, to Alan de Balmossy,
burgess thereof, of his eight particates of land, burgage and
arable, in Dundee, between the lands of the convent of Lindores
on the west, and those of Balmerino and William de Strabrok on
the east, which Alice de Pot, his betrothed (mea aducta)
sold, and by charter confirmed to him and his heirs and
assionees; witnesses: Uridini Carnifex, Robert Scot, and
William Keith, bailies of Dundee.

1857, August 23.—Bruges in Flanders. Charter by Thomas,
Earl of Mar, whereby he acknowledges receipt of 1,000
scuta of Flanders from John de Tory, brother of William
de Tory, younger, burgess of Aberdeen, for which he renounces
all right which he or his heirs have in the barony of
Foverne in Buchan, through the sale of the said barony
to him by the deceased William of Strabrock, lord thereof,
and he restores the same to the heir of the said William
of Strabrock, viz., his granddaughter (nepti) Marie, called
de Scona, daughter of the deceased Patrick de Scona,
burgess of Aberdeen, and wife of the said William de Tory,
younger. [The charter is a beautiful piece of penmanship}.
7

1387, December 30.—Charter by Thomas de Erskyne, Lord of
that Ik, liferenter ahd warden of all lands, annual rents and
possessions of St. John of Jerusalem, whereby he confirms a Letter
of Wadset by Donald de Porca to Gilchrist de Kannan, of the
hospital of Camerone and the hospital of Stokrogis for four
marks lent to him in his urgent necessity, which he promises to
repay one day within the town of Dunbretane. If the said
Donald should happen to die without lawful heirs of his body he
agrees that the said Gilchrist and his heirs shall enjoy the
hospitals in perpetuity without reclamation by him or his heirs,
he paying annually one penny to them at Martinmas in name
of blench holding. The Letter is not dated, but the con-
firmation is dated at Auleway. [Latin on parchment].

1398, October 29.—Bond of relief by King Robert the Third
under his privy seal in favour of Thomas of Erskyne, knight,
John of Montgomery, John Sympill, James Stewart of Kylbryde,
Humphrey of Culquwne, Malcolm of Galbrathe, John of Park,
and James of Spot, promising to keep them scatheless in respect
of their becoming cautioners for him in the agreement between
him and Mr. Walter of Danyelstoun respecting the delivery of:
the king’s castle of Dumbarton, and of his other goods, and his.
nephew (or grandson) Patrick of Danyelstoun. Dated at
Dunbrettan. (Latin, on parchment, with small part of seal
remaining on tag]. ‘

1404, December 10.—Perth. King Robert the Third grants:
to his dearest son and heir, James, Steward of Scotland, all the
lands of the stewartry of Scotland, viz., the baronies of Renfrew,
Cunningham, and Kyle-Stewart in Ayrshire; Ratho and
Innerwick in Edinburgshire; the islands of Bute, Arran, and
the Cumbrays; the lands of Cowall and Knapdale; and the
whole earldom of Carrick and lands of Kyle-Regis in Ayrshire,
in free regality; witnesses: Henry, bishop of St. Andrew’s ;
Gilbert, bishop of Aberdeen, Chancellor of Scotland; Robert,
Duke of Albany, Earl of Fife and Menteith, the king’s brother
german; David Lindsay, Earl of Crawford; Henry de St.
Clair, Earl of Orkney; David Fleming of Biggar, knight, and
John Stewart, the king’s natural brother. [Copy.] ‘There is
appended a rental of these lands, which appears to have been
prepared while King Charles I. was Prince and Steward of
Scotland, 1617—1625.

1435, November 17.—Stirling. Indenture between Sir Robert
Erskine, Lord of that Ilk, and Sir Thomas Hrskine, his son, on
the one part, and Sir Alexander of Forbes, knight, Lord of that
Ilk, on the other, whereby Sir Alexander promises to assist the
Erskines towards all their rights of tle earldom of Mar and
Garioch, and they promise to give to him the lordship of
Achindore, with the patronage of the kirk, the Buck and the
Cabrach, with the Haldawach, in free forest. It is also agreed
that he shall receive the lands of Muckwell, and lands in the
parish of Alford, and that confirmation shall be given to Sir
William of Forbes of all his lands, for which he shall be man to

the Erskines. [Copy.]
8

1474, May 12.—Edinburgh. Dispensation by Patrick,
Archbishop of St. Andrew’s and legate a latere, for the marriage
of William de Menteith, of the diocese of Dunblane, and Euphemia
Grahame, of the diocese of St. Andrew’s, who are related in the
fourth and fourth degrees of consanguinity. Dated in the
third year of Pope Sixtus IV., and the tenth year of his own
consecration.

1487, August 22.—Stirling. Bond of manrent by William
of Stirling of the Keyr to Thomas, Lord Erskine, and Alexander
Iirskine, his son and apparent heir; witnesses: Henry, abbot
of Cambuskenneth, William Menteyth of West Kerse, Robert
Douglas of Lochleven, Alexander Cunyngham of Polmaise,
David Bruce of Clackmannan, and Thomas Galbraith of
Culcreuch.

[1489-90], March 9.—Edinburgh. Precept under the
Privy Seal to the Sheriff of Stirling for warning the barons
and freeholders within his jurisdiction to meet in the burgh
of Stirling and make choice of twenty-four persons for making
a stent roll of all the lands in the sheriffdom, and thereafter
to take up a tax of two shillings from every poundland of old
extent before the expiry of the present month of March, for
assisting to defray the expense of an honourable embassy
which the Estates of the Realm at the last Parliament had
resolved to send to the parts beyond sea to secure the
““common honour and intreating of the merchandis of our
realm.’ Dated on 9th March in the second year of the King’s
reign. (Signed) James R. [Copy].

1512, April 12.—Bull by Pope Julius the Second reserving
and assigning a yearly pension of £100 Scots from the lands
and churches of the Monastery of Culross to Mr. Thomas
Nudre, archdeacon of the Church of Moray.

1518, June 25.—-Edinburgh. Contract of marriage between
John Murray of Touchadam and Catherine, daughter of John
Lord Erskine. It is agreed between John, Lord Erskine, on
the one part, and Agnes Cockburn, widow of William Murray
of Touchadam and mother and tutrix of John of Murray, son
and heir of the said deceased William, on the other part, that
her son John shall marry Catherine Erskine, daughter of the
said Lord Erskine, and failing her, her sister Margaret. She
promises to infeft them in £40 worth of the barony of
Touchadam, and Lord Erskine promises to give 650 merks
of tocher with his daughter; witnesses: George, abbot of
Holyrood House; Patrick Crichton of Cranston Riddell, his
brother; Mr. Alexander Erskyne, parson of Monyabroch; Sir
James Forrester, knight, son and apparent heir of Sir Walter
Forrester of Torwood, knight ; James Cunningham of Polmaise,
James Leirmonth, Walter Foullar, and others. [Copy—
On the deed it is noted that Margaret Erskine, the sister of
Catherine, Jiady Touchadam, married George Home of
Lowndies, who received with her a tocher of 400 merks, this
9

being attested by a document dated 24th August, 1528. But
on the back of this copy there is the note that John Murray
of Touchadam did not marry either of these two, but Janet.
See Contract of Ist September, 1532].

1518, December 14.—Alloa. Contract of marriage between
James Haldane of Glenegis and Margaret Erskine. It is
contracted between John, Lord Erskine, and Elizabéth, Lady
Erskine, his mother, on the one part, and James Haldane of
Glenegas, with consent of his principal friends, viz. William
Earl of Montrose, Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, Sir
Andrew Murray of Balvaird, Mr. David Setoun, parson of
Fettercairn, William Haldane, burgess of Perth, and George
Haldane of Kippane, his tutors, on the other part, that James
Haldane shall marry Margaret Erskine, sister german of the
said Lord Erskine. Lord and Lady Erskine are to pay to
him 1000 merks, which is to be employed in the redemption of
his land, except 100 mérks to be spent on repairing the house
of Barcheis, and he is to infeft his future spouse and the
children of their marriage therein. Until this is done Lord
and Lady Erskine are to retain a reversion to his lands, and if
at his coming of age he do not solemnise this marriage, the
lands are to remain with them until he repay the 1000 merks.
The young couple being related in the fourth degree, Lord and
Jiady Erskine are to obtain the necessary papal dispensation.
The parties’ seals are affixed, and among the witnesses are
Sir Walter Forrester of the Torwood, Sir James Forrester,
his son and heir apparent, and Mr. Alexander Erskine, parson
of Monyabrocht.

1532, September 1.—Stirling. Contract of marriage of
John Murray of Touchadam and Janet Erskine. It is agreed
between John, Lord Erskine, on the one part, and John
Murray, son and heir of the deceased William Murray of
Touchadam, with consent of Dame Agnes Cockburn, his
mother and curatrix, and of Sir James Forrester of Garden,
now her spouse, on the other part, that the said John of Murray
shall marry Janet Erskine, daughter of the said Lord Erskine,
who is to give with her a tocher of 650 merks. | Among the
witnesses is Mr. Alexander Erskine, subdean of Dunkeld.
[Copy].

1555, January 10th—17 July, 1556.—Bulls and relative
documents, twelve in number, by Pope Paul the Fourth and
others, relative to the appointment of David Erskine, a
clergyman of the diocese of St. Andrews, as perpetual
Commendator of the monasteries of Inchmahome and
Dryburgh.

1639, February.—Roll of the Vassals called by the Earl of
Mar in his actions :—‘‘George, Marqueis of Huntlie ; Alexander
Forman in Suaden; Alexander Mowat in Holand; John
Patersone in Denmark; Alexander Forbes of Tollies; Johne
Balcairne in France; . . . Fentounin Suaden; . . . Norie
10

in Pole; John Blakhall of that Ilk; Majorie Strauchin his
mother; Johne Leslie of Balquhane; Elspet Innes his spous;
Gilbert Farquhar of Tullois; Robert Blakhall, sone to William
Blakhall, burges of Abirdeen ; Alexander Abircrombie, elder of
Birkinbog; Alexander Abircrombie younger of Birkinbog ;
. . Urquhart his spous; William Forbes of Barnes;
George Leyth of Overhall; . . . Dunbar his spous;
. . Leyth his mother ; . . . Dun of Ratie;
Alexander Leslie in Tullois; Johnn Leyth of Harthill; Johne
Leslie, portioner of Buchanstoun ; Patrick Leslie, burges of
Aberdeen ; L. . . Keith, sone to umnquhile Mr. Gilbert
Keyth, minister of Skene; . . . Hay his mother;
Marjorie Knowis, relict of the said umquhile Mr. Gilbert
Keyth; Sir Alexander Gordoun of Clwnie; Johnn Forbes of
Byith ; Mr. George Leyth, minister at Culsalmond; Alexander,
Lord Pitsligo; . . . Davidsoun, sone to Alexander
Davidsoun of Ardmacron; Alexander Seyton of Blair; Johnn
Forbes of Brux; Issobell Gordoun his spous; Arthur Forbes,
broder to Alexander Forbes of Tollie; James Thomesoun in
the Maynes of Tollie; Alexander Forbes of Innernochtie ;
Alexander Calder of Aslowne; William Gordoun of ‘Varpersie ;
Sir James Gordoun of Lesmoir, knight; Alexander Strauchin
elder of Glenkindie; Margaret Fraser his spous; Alexander
Strauchin younger of Glenkindy; . . . Urquhart his
spous; Sir William Forbes of Craigiwar; Robert Forbes, his
broder; George Leslie elder of Kincragie; Mr. John Gelly,
parsone of Monymuske; . . . Keyth, Lady Blakfurd;
Sir Archibald Wod, his spous; Alexander Banerman of
Elsick ; Margaret Forbes, hir spous; Frances Garioche, sone
lawfull to umquhile James Garioche of Kinstair;  .
Leslie of New Lesly ; Sir John Scrymgeour of Dudop, knight ;
Sir George Gordoun elder of Geycht; Alexander Gordoun of
Abiryeldie : Cristiane Nicolsone, his spous; Elizabeth
Seytoun, his mother, relict of umquile Alexander Gordoun of
Abiryeldie; James Gordoun elder of Balmorell; James
Gordoun younger of Balmorell; Alexander Irwing of
Westoun; . . . Gordoun of Dunkintie; Johun Gordoun
of Corrochrie; George Gordoun of Tullochaudie; Alexander
Skene, servitor to the Laird of Skene; James Chalmeris,
burges of Aberdeen; Alexander Rutherfurd, burges there;
“ ‘ _,Couttis of Auchtircoule; Alexander, Master of
orbes.
11

II. Lerrers anp Parperna.

Orpinance ror Tue Krepinec or Kine James tue Firrn.

1522, August 8. Edinburgh.—The ordinance of thaim
that ar ordinit to remain with the King for his keping, and the
estait of the expense to be maid thereupon and quhair it sall be
tane for furnissing and payment of the samin.

First. The Lord Erskin sall have the keping of the King
togidder with the Castell of Striviling, quhilk Castell sall be
halely deliverit to the said Lord Erskiu to kepe in surnes: That
the said Lord sall half yerlie four hundred lib. and to be payit
to him monethlie be the Comptrollar equally as it comis to of
the saidis four hundred lib. be year.

Secondlie. He sall be his scoule master that sall wait on his
Grace, and instruct him in all gude vertuis, to reid and write
and to speke Latin and Fransh; and the said master to ly in
the Kings chalmer, and the usher togidder with the verletts of
the chalmer.

Thredlie. Sall be with the Kings Grace, his capitan of his
gard, Allan Steward, and under him his levtenant, Andro Towrs,
and 20 footmen, quhilk sall nightlie weche before the Kings
chalmer be fours; and they sall nightlie come and ressave the
wachword fra the said Lord Erskin ; and thir 20 footmen sall be
abilzeit anis in the yere be the Thresaireare of the colors of the
King, read and yallo, and ilk man 50 shillings Scotts money in
the month; and the said Capitan of the Gard sall haif 200 lib.,
and the said livetenent 50 lib., to be pait of the first ward and
marriage that sall happin; and the said livetenent to haif his
ordinar expense in the Kings house attour the 50 lib., and unto
the month of September to be furnist be my Lord Governors
coffers.

Furdlie. The said Lord Erskin sall haif the keyis of the
Castell nightlie, and he sall caus the wache to be maid nightlie,
~ for the quhilk he sall haif of meil to furniss the said
wachemen ; quhilk sall be causit nightlie to wache be the said
Lord Erskin in all plas neidfull of the said Castell, and as he
sall think spedfull and necessair.
12

Tyftlie. There sall be with the Kings Grace ane Master of
Houschald, ane coppar, ane carver, pantreman, verlotts of his
chalmer, ane prest to say him mess, his ushar, cuke, clerk of the
expenss that sall nightlie in presence of the Lord Erskin, the
Master and Capitan-of the Gard take the compts and write
thame, gif they may be of laser at them, and at the lest that they
see thame anes ilk week.

Sextlie. That nane sall sit at the Kings burd bot at ane
uther burd beside quhair the Lord Erskin, the master, the
captain, his livetenant and ushar sall sit in the same hour that
the King dynis to the effect that after dyner they be also redy to
await upon him as he has dynit; and that the Kimgs plait
furniss them that stands and servis him; and the Lords meiss
furniss them that ar uther officers, quhilk togidder sall dyne at
ane uther house efter that they haif dynit; quhilk all sall be
furnist be the Comptrollar.

Sewintlie. That Borthuik with ane servant with him sall
remain continually with the Kings Grace and be furnist be the
said Comptrollar.

Hightlie. That he that sall be deput be the Queen to remain
in the place of Striviling for keping of — in sum honest
—- quhair it sall be maist speidfull thought be the said
Lord Erskin, Master of Work and Capitan of the Gard.

Nynthlie. That quhen it sall be thought speidfull that the
King pas to the Park that it be be avise of the saids Lord,
Master and Capitane, and that he pas bot sindill thidder, and
quhen he passis that it be secret and in right fair and soft
wedder, and that thair be with him 20 or 12 of the best of the towns
qubair they pas; and that or they cum furth of the Castell that
thair be 6 or 8 horsemen ane myle or twa out with thame to scur
all places neidfull ; and that they haif ay in the Castell sufficient
noumer to kep it unto thair returning agane; and that all
gudlie
not at anis above the number foresaid, bot com and enter
at sundry and diverse tymes; and that they that comis first pas
furth or the tothers com in.

 

 

Item. Right sua that quhen the yetts beis oppinit in the
morning that er they be oppinit that they gar se and consider
wele gif there be ony thair or near by that may mak impediment
or troubill; and right sua or they be stekit at evin that it be
considerit quha is thairin, or gif thair be ony in mair than is
ordinit and suld be thairin.

 

Item. Attour that the said Lord Erskin sall — — the
moustres and athes in the Kings name, and for his shair of the
futmen that beis thair for the Kings gard. At [dinburgh the
third day of August. Sic est vera copia.

[Copy. The copyist has evidently been unable to decipher
some parts of the latter part of the original deed].
18

Act or Parnrament ror tre Sarge Keeprne or Kina James
tHe Firra in Sreruine Castine In wis minority, 1528.

In the Parliament haldin at Edinburgh the secund day of
September the yeir of God, j"v" and xxiij yeiris. It is
devisit and ordanit be the Lordis chosin to the articlis be the
thrie Estaittis of Parliament, that is to say, for the spiritualitie,
ane maist reverend and reverend fathers in God, James,
Archiebischope of Santt Androis, Chancellar ; Gawin, Bischope
of Abirdene; ane venerabill father in God, Johne, Priour of Sanct
Androis; and for the temporalitie, nobill and michtie lordis,
Alexander, Erle of Huntlie; Colyne, Erle of Argyle; Johne,
Lord Flemyng; and for the commissaris of burrowis, Maister
Frances Bothuile, president of Edinburgh; Maister Adame
Ottirburn of Auldhame, and Johne Mar, commissar of Abirdene ;
that the lordis underwrittin, that is to say, David, Bischope of
Galloway ; Alexander, Abbote of Cambuskynneth ; Gilbert, Erle
of Cassillis; and Johne, Lord Flemyng, with the lordis and
utheris that wer devisit in the last Parliament for the keping of
the Kings Grace maist nobill persoun, pas and await upon his
Grace his service and suir keiping as efter followis :—In the first
it is devisit and ordanit that the Lord Erskin haiff the keping of
the Castell of Striveling baith nicht and day and of the interess
of the samyn as he had of befoir, and that thir lordis above-
writtin that ar devisit now to await upon his Grace sall be
ludgeit and ly in the said castell and eit at the burd quhair the
Lord Erskin eittis, or at the Kingis burd at his Grace command,
and twa servandis with everie ane of thame to. eit thairin; and
that all the saidis lordis await upoun the suir keping of his maist
nobill persoun quhen it sall pleis the samyn to pas for solace to
the Park of Striveling or to the Abbay of Cambuskynneth, or
utheris equevolent thairto, at the consideratioun and discretioun
of the saidis lordis and returne agane at evin, and nocht to
ferrar places unto the tyme it be permeit utherwyise be the
Quenis grace, the Lordis Regentis and of Counsall; and that
they convoy his Grace with all their honorabill househaldis
quhill he returne agane within the said castell and than to await
dilligentlie vpon his Graceis keping at all tymes. And the
saidis lordis ar ordanit, chargeit and commandit to observe and
keip all and sindrie the pointtis foirsaid on their honouris,
lawteis and dowiteis that thai aw to the Kingis Grace, my Lord
Governour and the realme.

Item. Because it is devisit that the Lord Erskin sall haiff the
keiping of the Castell of Striveling and as is befoir writtin,
thairfoir it is ordanit that he sall haif under him ane constabill,
vacheman, garritouris and portaris on the Kingis expenses, siclyk
as they had in the Kingis tyme of gude mynd, quhome God
assoilzie.

Ttem. It is devisit and ordanit that all uther personis except
the lordis befoir nemmit at ar about the Kingis persoun
intereommoun nor talk nocht with his Grace speciallie to
persuaid him to ony insolence or vices bot in presens of the
14

saidis lordis or be thair licence obtenit thairto, under the pane
of hie punitoun as salbe sene expedient to my Lord Chancelar,
Regentis and Lordis of Counsall.

Item. it is ordanit that the Lordis househaldis that ar devisit
to be with the Kingis Grace haiti fre ische and entre in the said
castell for the suir convoying of the Kings Grace quhen it sall
pleis him pas to solace and at all other tymes quhen it salbe
thocht necessar and expedient be the saidis Lordis.—Eatractum
de libro actorum Parliamenti per ine, Dominum Alexandrum
Scott, deputatium reverendi in Christo patris et Domini Gavini,
Episcopi Abirdonensis, Clerict rotulorum registre ac Consilij.
supremi domini nostri regis, sub meis signo cé subscriptione
manuahbus.

1525, Aveust 8. Edinburgh.—Appointment by Archibald,
Earl of Angus, Lord Douglas, “in the name and behalf of the
Quenis grace, our darrest spous, and with avise and consent of
the Kingis hienes,” of Walter Cunningham to be forester of the
King’s park of Stirling and gardener of his garden there, and to
have all the duties and fees belonging to the said offices of
forestership and gardenership which George Campbell, Robert
Forestare or any other holder of these offices hud, and that
during the Kine’s pleasure and his own good service.—Signed,
James R.; A., Hru or Ancusa.

1532, July 20. Edinburgh.—Account of John, Lord Erskine,
Sheriff of Stirling, of his receipts and expenses from 9th
August, 1531, rendered in Exchequer. He mentions having made
certain payments to William, Bishop elect of Aberdeen, Lord
Treasurer of Scotland.

1536, April 15th. Stirling—Letter of Bailiary by King
James the Fifth appointing John, Lord Erskine, bailie of his
lands and lordship of Stirling, with special reference to a
bailie court to be held by him in the tolbooth of Stirling on 21st
April stant to which all the feuars, tacksmen and occupiers of
these lands have been cited for production of their titles; 29th
year of reign. Signed, Jamus R.

Kine James tHe Firru to Jonn, Lorp Erskine.

1537, January 6. Paris.—Rex.—Traist cousin and coun-
salour, we gret you hertly weill, and resavit your writting
and onderstandis the samin, and wes glaid of your haiste
wayage, and als of the recept of our Castel of Duubare the-
gedder with the expedicioun of all our effaris gevin be
us to you at your departing, of the quhilkis we thank vou
gretly; and prais yow be diligent and se all thingis be
ordourit now at this tyme agane our returnyng, and that ye
concur with our Chancellair and regentis and se all thingis be
put to poinct conforme to our mynd send to thame thairupoun.
Subscrivit with our hand at Parise the vi. day of Januare—
James R. Addressed:—To our traist cousin and counsalour,
Johne, Lord Erskin.
15

1588, August 11. Stirling —Letters by King James the Fifth
ordaining the Sheriff of Stirling to desist from uplifting from
the lands in Stirlingshire belonging to William Edmonstone
of Duntreath, any tax which had been granted to the King
during the time he was in France, as the King had remitted and
forgiven the same to the said William, who was with the King
in his service in France. Siyned, Jamus R.

Tr3tament or Kine James tue Fuirru.

1540, June 12. Leith.—We, James, be the grace of God King
of Scottis, now being on our vyage to our Ilis be sea, knawing
the uncertane aventuris that may fall to all maner of men, great
and small, be deid, as God forbid, or utherwyse, providing for the
wele of our dearest sone, James, Prince and Steward of Scotland,
and of our realme, makis, constitutis and ordanis our right trustie
cousing and counsaler, Matho, Earl of Lennox, Lord Darnlie;
William, Earl of Montross, Lord Graham; and Johnne, Lord
Erskin, tutouris testamentouris, gydaris and governors to our
said dearest sone, and of our realme in caise of our deceise,
as God forbid, or ony uther caise adversare that may happen to
us or our returning againe, in the best and maist ample wyse
that the law providis in sic caise. In witnes hereof we have
subserivit this our uttermaist will in that behalf with our hand,
in our raid of Leith the 12 day of the month of Juin, the year of
God ane thousand five hundreth and -fourtie years, before
witnessis, James Lermonth of Dersy, our Master Houseald;
James Kirkaldy of Grange, our Thesarorar; Thomas Erskyne of
Brechin, knycht, pur Secretair; and Mr. James Foulis of
Colyntoun, Clerk of our Register.

XIT° die mensis Junij anno Domini M®° V° quadragesimo, hora
septima post meridiem, vel eo circa, in pretoria sua nave vocata
Salamandro in statione Lethense, serenissimus rex, Jacobus
Quintus, paratus cum sua classe in insulas navigare, modo,
forma et effectu prescriptis, fecit, constituit, nominavit et
ordinavit Mattheum, Comitem Lenoxie, Dominum Darnley;
Willielmum, Comitem Montroiss, Dominum Grahame; Joannem,
Dominum Erskyn, tutores testamentarios sui filii primogeniti,
Jacobi, Principis et Senescallis Scotia, et regni Scotia guber-
natores in uberiori forma: testibus, Jacobo Lermonth de Dersy,
magistro sui hospitij; Jacobo Kirkaldy de Grange, suo thesau-
rario; Thoma Erskyn de Brechin, milite, secretario; et me,
notario subscripto. Super quibus idem serenissiums rex petiit
instrumentum seu instrumenta. Sic subscribitur, Ita est
Jacobus Foulis, notarius in premissis. Concordat cum sua
originali, comparatum et collationatum per me notarium
subscriptum. Ita est, Alexander Hay, Scriba Secreti Consilij
§.D.N. Regis ac notarius publicus. Copy.

1556, February 10. Edinburgh.—Letters appointing Robert
Hamuiltoun of the Briggis Master of all her Majesty’s Artillery
and munitions, in recognition of his faithful service in the wars
with “the auld enemies of England,” his passing in person
16

to the raids and gatherings, and defence of sundry castles and
fortresses of which he had the charge. Thereby he has gained
much experience in the ordering of munition and artillery. The
appointment is for his further encouragement in. her Majesty’s
service and that of her mother, the Queen Regent. He is
impowered to visit and oversee all her Majesty’s castles and to
take order for “ bielding, defence and keeping” thereof and the
artillery and munition of war therein. For this he is to receive
the fee of £100 Scots yearly. Copy.

1566.—Mandate by Queen Mary, beginning “ Rex et Regina,”
to the Lords and Auditors of Exchequer, requiring them
to give effect to her gift of the earldom of Mar to John, Lord
Erskine. She had conferred it upon him not only because
he had “ the undowtit beretabill rycht ” thereto, “ being linealie
discendit of the ancient heretouris of the same,” but also in
return for his discharging a liferent he had of the lands and
lordship of Menteyth. Notwithstanding of this he has been
frustrated with regard to the rents of the said earldom, especially
of the lands of Wardres through their being assigned to certain
trumpeters. The Queen requires them to rectify this and
provide for these trumpeters from her lands of Menteyth, taking
care that no part of the said earldom and lordship of Gareoch
and Kintor be hereafter infringed upon contrary to her expressed
will and mind. Dated at —— the day of
and of our reigns the second and twenty fourth years.
Signed, Marie R., fiat.

 

 

 

Direction BY QuEEN Mary to the Harn of Mar anovut THE
SAFETY OF Prince JAMES.

1566-7, March 29. Edinburgh.—“ Instructions to our trustie
cousing and counsalor, Johne, Earl of Mar, Lord Erskin, &c.,
Capitan of our Castell of Striviling, towart the governance of
our darrest sone, the Prince, at Edinburgh the nynetene day
of Marche the year of God, 1566 years.

Forsamykle as haiffand our speciall truist reposit in your
persone as in him of quhais treuth and uprychtnes towards us
alwayis we haif had infallable experience, thairfor we haif thought
gude to put in your hands our darrest sone, your naturall Prince,
to be conservit, nurist and upbrocht within our said Castell of
Striviling under your tutill and governance. And to the effect
that ye may be the mair able dewlie to accomplis this charge,
so honourable and of sa great importance, to the plesure of God,
our contentatioun and the weilfair of this realme, your natife
contrie, it is our will, and we command you expresslie swa. to
keep our said castell as ye will answer to God and upon your
allegance to us, and that ye suffer nor permitt na noble men ol
our realme or ony uthers, of quhat conditioun soever that they
be of, to enter or come within our said Castell or to the presence
of our said darresi sone, accompaneit with ony ma persons bot
twa or three at the mayest, and that boddin in sie decent maner
as becomes men to enter in ane strength or fortalice.
17

Vicesimo die mensis Martii anno Domini millesime quingen-
tesimo sexagesimo sexto; testibus, Waltero Setoun de Tullibody ;
Joanne Craigengelt de eodem, preposito burgi de Striveling ;
Jacobo Stewart de Down, milite; Roberto Forrester, Duncano
Forrester et Joanne Leischeman, ballivis dicti burgi et Joanne
Moubray de Barnbougall, Roberto Callendar de Maneir, Jacobo
Campble of Ardkinglass, cum diversis aliis; hora duodecima in
meridie aut eo circa, apud portam castri de Striveling. Copy.

1566-7, March 19. Holyroodhouse.—Mary Queen of Scots,
and the Lords of Privy Council, “having perfyte knawlege
be gude pruif and experience that our Castell of Edinburgh,
being committit first to the charge and custodie of our
umquhill cousing, Johnne, Lord Erskine, and efter his deceis
to oure trustie cousing, Johnne, Erle of Mar, Lord Erskine, etc.,
his sone and successor, hes bene faithfullie, suirlie and
diligentlie kepit be thame, and that als weill the ane as the uther
haif baith done thair honorable, trew and faithfull service and
dewite to us in keping and custodie thairof sen the first
committing of the same to our said unquhill cousing but ony
reproche or offence to be layed to thair charge in ony wise
thairanent; and alsua we and the said Lords of our Secret
Counsale acknawlege and confes that we haif resavit fra our
said trustie cousing oure said Castell and all and sundry
munitionis and uther things whatsomever resavit be his said
umquhill fader thairin,” exoner and discharge him thereof;
declaring that neither he nor any in his service have failed in
their duty in any respect either in Her Majesty’s own time, or
in viet of her deceased mother, and promising that no action
shall ever be taken against them in any time coming for any
aiieged dereliction of duty herein. Signed, Mane R.,
Crawford, Cassillis, Rothes, B. of St. Andrewes, Tullibardin,
Controller; Flemyng, Huntly, James Stewart, Joannes E.
Rossens., Harris, Boithuel, Athole, Sir James Balfour, Jn.
Balindine, Wim. Maitland, C. Ross,* Argyle. Copy.

1567, July 22. Stirling—The provost, bailies, council and
deacons of the burgh of Stirling convened in the council
house of the same, upon the compearance before them of John,
Earl of Mar, in name of the nobility, with “the maist honorabill
and godlie band” lately subscribed by them for pursuit of the
murderers of Darnley, dissolving the ungodly marriage between
the Queen and Bothwell, and securing the person of the Prince,
all in one voice approve of the same, and promise their assistance
to the nobility in carrying out the purposes thereof. In testimony
whereof they request and desire John Craigingelt of that Ilk,
their provost, in their names, to subscribe the said band.
[Extract made by John Grahame of Ballindoirane, clerk of the
burgh courts of Stirling. ]

 

* Mr, David Chalmer, Chancellor of Ross.
18

Tue Royan EsTaBLISHMENT FOR ATTENDANCE ON Kine James

THE SIXTH.

The Kingis hous maid at Stirling the tent day of Marche

1567[-8].

LItem.

Imprimis, My Ladie Mar.

Helene Litill, maisteres nutrix;
Nanis Gray, hir douchter;

Helene Blyth, hir voman servand;
Gilbert Ramsay, hir man servand.

Rokaris.
Jeane Olyphant,
The Ladie Kyppinross,
Jeane Crummy,
Catherene Murray,
Christane Stewart, douchter of my unquhill Lord
of Coldingame;
Alysoun Sinklar, keiper of the Kingis claythis;
Grissell Gray, keiper of the Kingis claythis.

Pantrie.
James Cawbraith, pantreman.
Kiching.
Jhone Lyon, maister cuik;
James Murray, foirman;
William Murray, keiper of the weschell ;
Cristell Lamb, gallepyn in the kiching;
Jok Slowan, portar in the kiching.
Vyne Sellar.
Jerome Boy, in the vyn sellar.
Aell Sellar.
George Boig, brouster and sellarman;
Jhone Boig, his bruther.
Lavandrie.
Margaret Balcomie, lavander.
Johne Cunnyngame, maister houshald to the Kingis
grace, with ane servand;
Androw Hagie, stewart, with ane servand;
Jhone Dunkesoun, minister;
William Murray, in the Kingis chalmer;
William Brokkes, in the Kingis chalmer;
Alexander Fargisoun, in the Kingis chalmer;
Jhone Acutrie, Franchman and his vyif;
James Marschell, keiper of the Laidnar;
William Fairbarne, furnisar of coillis;
Ane pastisar, callit Patrik Rannald.
Violaris.
Mekill Thomas Hudsoun,
Robert Hudsoun,
James Hudsoun,
William Hudsoun,
William Fowlartoun, their servand.
19

Item. For my Ladie Mar and hir servandis ane furnisit meas
day takand thairto in bred, vyn, aell and kiching, as after
fallowis—

Imprimis, daylie xiiij gret bred, j quart j pynt vyne, j galloun
ij quartis aell, iij leiddis collis wouklie in vynter, viz. frome
the first of September to the first of Aprill, and in symmer
j3 leid, viz. frome Aprill till the month of September wouklie,
and ane half pund candle in vynter, and in symmer ane half
quarter of ane pund.

Item. To my Ladie and hir servandis daylie in the kiching
on ane flesche day ij particles beif, ij builyeit pultrie, ij
capounis rosted, ij quarteris of muttoun, ane kyd, ane syd of
sukand weill, vj chikkynis or dowis, with bakyne meit to my
Ladie alanerlie at the discretioun of the Maister Houshald, with
potagis after thair discretioun, and on the fische dayis siclyk
reffarrit to the stewart and Maister Houshald.

The maisteres nutrix, rokkeris and vtheris gentilvemen in the
chalmer.

Item. To the maisteres nutrix daylie vj gret bred, j pynt vyn,
j galloun aell, ij leiddis coillis ouklie in vynter and j leid in
symmer, ane half pund candle in vynter and ane quarter pund
in symmer.

Item. The iiij rokkaris, Alysoun Sinklar, Gressell Gray, and
my Lord of Coldinghame his douchter, daylie viij} gret bred,
j quart vyne, j galloun j quart j pynt aell, } leid collis ouklie in
vynter and nayn in symmer, and half quarter pund of candle.

The kiching for the maisteres nutrix, rokkaris and vtheris
in the chalmer.

Item. Ane particle of beif daylie, ane builyeit pultrie, ij rosted
caponis, iij quarteris of mutton, ij particles of weill, vj chikkins
or dowis, ane kyd, with potagis refarrit to the Maister Houshald
his discretioun.

Wiolaris.

Item. To the violaris and thair servand daylie vij gret bred,
j galloun j pynt aell, ij leidis collis in vyntar and nane in
symmer, ane quarter pund of candle in wynter, nane in symmer.

Kiching to the Wiolaris.
Item. ij quarteris of muttoun, ij poultrie with potagis and
fische to be refarrit to the Maister Househald his discretioun.
Lavander.
Item. To the Lavander iij grete bred, j quart j pint aell, ij
leiddis coillis in vynter and in symmer j leid.
Kiching.
Item. In the fleshe day ane quarter of muttoun, and on the
fische day for hir liveray fische daylie xviij d.
20

Item. To the Maister Househald, the pantreman, twa
sellarmen, Jhone Lyoun, maister cuik, Jaone Dunkeseun, James
Murray, foirman, Williame Murray, Androw Hagie, Jerome
Boy, the pastesar, Jhone Acutrie, Franchman, James Merschell,
William Fairbarne, and to the Maister Househald and Androw
Hegeis servandis in bred daylie, in bred xvj, in aell ij gallounis,
j quart j pynt of vyne.

Kiching.

Item. In the kiching to thame ane particle of beif, ane

muttoun, ij particles weill, ij capounis, vj chikkins or dowis.
Out Liverayis.

Villam Murray, keipar of weschell ; Cristell Lambe, gallapyne ;
and Jok Slowan, portar in the kiching; to thir iij persounis iij
gret bred, j quart j pynt aell, the flesche and fische to be refarrit
to the Maister Househald his discretioun.

Item. To the Kingis awne mowthe daylie ij} gret bred.
Item. Of aell to the Kingis mowth—j quart j pynt.
Item. To his mowth daylie—ij capounis.

Summa of bred ............ lix gret bred.

Summa of aell ............ viij gallounis ij quarts.
Summa of vyne ............ j galloun pynt.

Summa of beif ............ lil} particlis.

Summa of weill ............ ij quarteris ii1j particlis.
Summa of capouns......... vii] capounis.

Summa of pultre ......... v pultre.

Summa of chikkynis ...... Xviij or dowes.

Summa of kydis............ ij kydis.

Summa of candle .........

Summa of collis ............ xilij laiddis thairof in owklie

leverayis x leiddis and to the
Kingis kiching daylie ij leiddis
and to his chalmer daylie ij
leiddis.

Summa of muttoun ...... ij muttoun j quarter.

At Striviling the tent of Marche the yeir of God ane
thousand fywe [hundreth] threskoyr sewin yeiris.

This ordour abuif wryttin concerning the chardges and
expensis of the King Majesteis hous and ordinair being
appoincted and ordourit be us, we for dywerse and great
considerationis mowing us expresle chardgis and straytle
commandis our traist cusing, James (sic) Cunnynghayme of
Drumquhastill, quhome we haif appointed Maister of Houshald
to the Kingis Majestie, to keip and obserwe and cause be keippit
and observit this prescrywed ordour without eyk or demynu-
tioun ; and that Andro Hegy, his Majesteis prowisour, attempt
na wayis in any sort to wiolett the same, as thai will answer to
us vpon thair alledgeance, and the excess to be deducytt to
thame vpon thair comptis and ly to thair awin chardgis ay
and quhill we be express command sall alter the same:
Chardging alsua the said Maister Houshald that he be
21

cayrfull to se ewery ane within our said bill ordinar of houshald
to resort to the ordinair preyching and prayeris and that
godly and honorable conwersacion be used be thame as it
becummeth sic as quhais lyiffis and conwersatioun may be ane
patron and leyrning to sa notable ane personage as his Majestie,
James, that na example of ungodly and lycht behaweour be
gewin be any persoune quhairof the imitation may do hurt to
his Hychtnes tendernes. Gewin at Striviling the tent of
Mercht forsaid j™ v* lxvij yeiris. Signed, James, Recent.

1568, May 1. Glasgow.—James, Earl of Murray, Regent,
to the Earl of Mar. Requiring him in the King’s name, owing
to the present state of the country and the utmost necessity of
circumspection for the safety of the King’s person and house
of Stirling, to remove all persons out of the Castle of Stirling,
except those of his own family and retinue and such as upon
life, honour and heritage will answer to the Regent; also
commanding Andrew Hegy not to furnish food or other
necessaries to any other person therein save to those whose
names shall be given to him in roll by the said Earl of Mar,
Captain of the said Castle. Signed, James, Recent. Copy.

Lertrer By QuEEN Evizapeta to the Earu or Mar anv uts Lapy.

1568-9, January 22.—R. T. and B. [Right trustie and belovit.]
We have of late hard by report that the Queen of Scotts
should by her letters lately sent to sondry persons in that realm,
where we are soyry on hir behalf, menting that the Erle of
Murray shuld now at his being heir have made certain contracts
and covenants for his own privat comodite to aspyre to that
crown to the prejudyce of that realme and of our dear yong
coosyn, the Prince, our godsone, being in your custody, meaning
thereby, as it semeth, to blemish our sy[n]cerite and honorable
good meaning in all our actions towards that state and contrye,
which suerly Almighty God, who knoweth the inwardnes of our
hart, we are assurit, will not permitt to have place of credit with
honorable and good persons, the sayd reports being altogether
fals (sic) means as we thyt conceaved by hir, as we meane to lett
hir understande that she may ces to credit such seditios persons
as move her so to wryte. Nevertheles for a full satisfaction of
you both, whom we knowe hath so tender a care over the child,
we have thought good by these few words to testify to you in the
word of a prince that sence the coming hyther of the sayd Erle
of Murray we never treeated with hym for any such matter of
contract nor ever yet concluded any such matter of contract
with hym in any manner nor ever hard of any manner of speche
intended with hym but all to the suerty and benefit of the child,
to the contynuance of the Erles government as to us thought
metest, untill it should appear to us that by the laws of the
contry any other had more right, so as truly he passeth from
hence in the same terms that he cam without any contract
by wrytyng or word. And therfor we reqire you so to interprete
our adois as the syncerite of the same dos reqyer. And

woe
22

concernyng the tender child, being so neare in blood to us as he
is and our godson also, may be in perill of such as wer gilty of
the murderyng of his father or otherwise that may have worldly
commodite by the loss of hym, we earnestly require you to
continue your care for his securite, and dout not but in anything
that may tend to his perill you shall have our assistance to
withstand it.*

1570, July 30. Stirling.—Precept by Matthew, Earl of
Lennox, Regent of Scotland, to the Master and Steward of the
King’s household to receive Mr. George Monro, servant to Mr.
George Buchannane, into the King’s household, and to give
him his daily allowance. Signed, Marnew, Recent.

Act oF tHE Privy CouNCcIL FOR THE SAFETY OF THE Kina.

1570, October, 12. Edinburgh.—Forsameikill as my Lord
Regentis Grace and Lordis of Secritt Counsall understanding
that our soverane lord for the maist partt sin his hienes
has remanit within the Castill of Striviling under the custodie
and governante of Johnne, Earl of Mar, Lord Eskine, &c.,
quhais trouth and affectioun to our said soverane lord is weill
knowin, and the bypast car and diligence taken be the said Karl
in the sure keiping and presevatioun of his Hienes maist nobill
persoun, givis experience that thair is na metar personage to
committ the custody and education of his Majestie unto nor na
mair proper place for his Hienes residence then within his
Hienes Castell of Striviling; and to the end that all confluence
and multitude of people be restrictit and halden furth of the said
Castell, thairfoir my Lord Regentis Grace, with avise of the
saidis Lordis of Secreit Counsale, findis gude and concludis as of
befoir that our said soverane lordis maist nobill persoun sall be
nuresit and brocht up within the said Castell under the custodie,
cair and governante of the said Karl of Mar, and that his Hienes
sall na wayes be transportit furth of the said Castell of Striviling
to ony uther rowme within the realme or outwith, according
to the tenor of the articles accordit unto the tyme of the said
Lord Regentis acceptatioun of the office of regentcie: And for
sur keiping and preservatioun of his Majesties persoun ordanis
and commandis the said Earl of Mar-to keip the said Castell of
Striviling straitlie and diligentlie as he will answer upon his
honour and allegance, and that he suffer and permitt na maner of
persouns to enter with armoir in the said Castell nor nane bot sic
as hes or sall subscrive to the obeydiance of the Kingis grace
and his present Regent sin his acceptatioun of the regiment in
his persoun; nor that na ma servandis enter within the said
Castell with ony earl or bishope but three persouns onlie, with
everie lord twa persouns and with everie barroun but ane
persoun att anes, and that without armore: And also commandis

 

* This is a copy made in 1730 by Matthew Crawford from a copy in the Paper
office in Secretary Cecil’s hand, and indorsed, ‘‘ Januar 1568, Copy of the
Q. Maty’s lre to therle of Mar and his wife.” Cecil’s ‘‘copy,” being the original
draft in his own hand, with many alterations, is among the State Papers,
Scotland. (See Calendar of Scottish Papers, vol. ii, p. 609).
{ 23

and chargeis the provest, baillies, counsell and inhabitantes
of the burgh of Striviling to keip watche and ward at the
commandment and ordinance of the said Earl of Mar, and
constable of the said Castell in his absence, at all tymes neidfull;
and also to serchie, seik and apprehend all suspect persouns
hantand and reparand within the said burgh and fredome of the
samyne as weill of the inhabitantes thairof as uthers that has
resistit his Hienes authoritie, and to take order and suretie
with the said persouns be warding, banishment, taking cautioun
of them or otherwise: And that the said Earl of Mar, as also the
saidis provost, baillies, counsell and inhabitance of the said
burgh may be the mair abill to performe and execute the
premisses, my Lord Regentis grace, with avyse of the saidis
Lordis of Secrett Counsall, givis and grantis licence to the said
Earl, his kin, freindis, tenantis and servantis, dependaris on his
house, that sall be present with him in the said Castell for the
King’s Majesties gard and preservatioun, and thair tenantis and
servantis, as also to the saidis provost, baillies, counsell and
inhabitance foirsaidis, to remane and byde at hame fra all and
sundrie oistis, armies, raidis, weirs, wapinshawingis and
assembles to be maid outward the fredome of the said burgh
of Striviling in tyme coming; dischargeing all jugies and
ministers of law within this realme of all calling, accusing or in
ony [way] proceding aganis them thairfore, and of thair offices
in that part. Signed, Maraew, Recent. Copy.

ALEXANDER Hay, CueRK oF THE Privy CounciL oF ScorLAND,
to the Earn or Mar.

1570, November 29. Edinburgh.—After maist hertlie recom-
mendatioun of my humble service to your Lordship, I haif
ressavit your Lordshipis letter with gretair thankes nor my
puir habilitie is hable to deserve. Bot to use few wordes to
your Lordship I want na gudewill. The generall remissioun
your Lordship requiris I think mon stay quhill your self be
present, for we ar slaw and airch in mony things. I mon
remit to Robert Erskin to declair quhat is done at this day
of law, for I am ignorant of the proceding being otherwyse
occupiit this day. I sall get ane Act for the xj° lib. as your
Lordship desiris, and sall mak the Thesaurair to be the suitair
thairof.

For newes we have nane as yit from England writtin to us
sen My Lord of Dumfermling departit. This night I wes at Mr.
Randolphe and that quhilk I understand be letters laitlie cum to
him wes this—That the place and tyme of the King of Francis
marriage is alterit, the place fra Compeign to Merizeis (I wait
not gif I write the names richt). That the King is verie
incertane in his purposes, and it may be that quhen Yule is past
he wilbe unmarijt. Thair continewis a brute of sum forceis
retenit togidder in Picardy to be sent in Scotland. Ane Frances
Welsinghame gais ambassatour to France and Sir Henry Noreis
returnis. Thair is mentioun of a Parliament in England. The
24

Englishe rebellis are verie ernest in France and Flanderis. The
materis concerning Scotland ar kepit verie cloise sen Mr.
Secretary and Sir Walter Myldmay returnit from Chaseworth.

Thair wes a jowell send to our Quene from My Lady Atholl as
is quhisperd, bot it is lichtit in the Quene of Englandis handis, I
can not tell how. It is maid in form of a heirse of a harthorne
na mair nor a mannis hand, well dekkit with gold and anamalit.
At the ane part is the armes of Scotland; at the other part the
Quene sittand in robe ryall, and befoir her ane rampand lyoun
worriand a libbard, and beneth thir wordes writtin, ‘FaLu quHat
MAY FALL, THE Lyoun saLL BE Lorp or ALL. This is maid
daintie yit and injunctioun to keip counsell quhen it is spokin of.
Bot within viij dais it wilbe spokin abroade. We heir that the
Quene of England is verie commovit at it and makis a familiar
interpretatioun of the same.

I beseke your Lordship excuse me that I answer you na mair
directlie in your awin materis at this tyme. My travellis
continewis ythand in the cause of England and it hendris me
oftymes. I feir continewallie that the quietnes of this Court
sall bring in disestimatioun and without your Lordshipis be
cairfull of the standing of it I feir the yshue. I am bauld to
write this to your Lordship, bot my lippynnyng is your Lordship
will not take it in evill part. The doyngis of meane men, and
thay wer never sa. weill, ar contemptible, and will never pleas
all partiis. It is not my part to accuse. Bot I sall wische to
God materis may be weil! and sall not spair my awin gude will
and travell. And sa forbearing to trouble your Lordship with
langar letter committis you in the protection of Almighte God.
At Edinburgh the 29 of November 1570, in sum haist. Your
Lordshipis humble and affectionat servand to command.

A. Hay.

Qurren EnizapetH to the Reaenr Mar.

1571, October 2. Richmond.—Right trusty and right welbelovid
cousin, we greete you well. Where by your letters sent to us by
William Steward and presented to us by him and James
Cunningham you have signified to us the reasonable cause for
your forbearing to write any sooner after the death of our cousin,
the Erle of Lennox, late Regent there, whose soule God have in
his keeping, we have very well allowed of your excuse for the delaye.
And seing it pleased God to call our said cousin to his mercy we
are right glad that the choice hath bene so good for the weale of
that realm and preservation of our deere cousin, the King, as to
name you to the place of Regent, for that surely we think none
coulde have bene namyd in that realm more plausible to that
nation, nor more meeter for the charge; althoughe we know well
your selfe of good wisdom wolde have forborn it.

And as to suche thingis as by James Cunningham have bene
movid to us and by our Marshall of Barwik, Sir William Drury,
allso reported to us from you, we have had consideration therof.
25

And althoughe before this tyme we had an earnest desire that
the King there shulde be preservid, howsoever matters might
have bene accorded by treaty for the Queene, his mother, yet
now we have very lately by Goddes goodnes discovered suche
pernicious practises of the said Queene against us, our person
and state, as we are necessarily occasionid, and so fully by advise
of our Counsell resolvid, not to deale any furder by treatie or
otherwyse in her favour to have any rule by our meanes to the
prejudice of her sonnes estate, assuring our selves that Almightie
God (by whose only goodnes as it weare miraculously we have
discovered these late dangers) will contynue his favour towards
us and staye her furder proceedingis that tended to the subversion
of Christian religion professed in our realmes and to the setting
on fire both the realmes with warres by bringing into the same
of powers of strangers. And therfore howsoever we weare before
this tyme disposed to have treated for her, being as we now see
therin abused by her and her ministers, you may be assured
that therin we meane not to give you cause to doubte of our
intention to the trouble of that estate. And for furder dealing
in your favours to help you to an universall quyetnes by a
generall obedience to the King, according as we understand that
all the three Estatis of that realm (a few only excepted) have
now in the last Parlement accorded, we meane that you shall be
made privie therof presently from our said Marshall of Barwik,
and as soone after as may be by our cousin, the Lord of
Hunsden, our Gouvernour there, who is appointed presently to
repaire thither and shall have powre to treate and conclude with
you and the rest of the nobilitie of suche things as may tend to
the common repose of both the realmes. And where this bearer,
Mr. Cunningham, hath abidden long heere since the receipte of
your letters, we require you not to impute the same to him, but
to the occasions that we have had to be occupied in other maters
with our Counsell as we coulde not sooner expedite him with our
letters.—Your lovinge frende, Enizazetu R.
Postcript.—Althoughe we doubte not but you will have good
regarde to all suche causes as may concerne the state of our
deere cousine, the Lady Margaret, late wyfe to the Erle of
Lennox, as well for her own particular interests as for the
benefitt and advancement of the house of Lennox, yet we can
not but, both for the naturall affection we beare to her, and our
good will to the house of Lennox and contynuance of the same,
most hartely require you to shew to all suche as shall solicite
her causes there, both for her selfe and for the weale of the
house, such favourable hearing of them and such expedition in
the effectuall aunswearing therof to their contentation as we
may therby perceave that our recommendation hath in som
part pleasured her. And furdermore we think it verie reason-
able to keepe you in good remembrance that all suche as have
alredy bene found parties and accessaries to the death of our
said cousin of Lennox, the late Regent, or that heerafter sall be
founde onywise participant therof, being not allready executed,
may be with all severitie punished to thexample and terrour of
26

any suche like mischefe to be devysed and attempted. And in
this behalfe we trust the rest of the nobilitie joyned with you in
the obedience of the King will joyne with you as in honour and
justice they ought to doo. Geven under our signet at our
Mannour of Richmond the second of October’ 1571, the xiiij™
yeere of our reigne.*

Lapy Marcaret, Counress or Lunnox, to the Rucunr Mar.

1571, October 4. Hackney.—My very good Lord, thowghe
perverse fortune hathe byn suche in that realme towardis me that
there I have lost my chefest comfortis, havinge cawse sufficyent
thereby that the remembrance of the cowntry shulde be grevowse
unto me, yet the naturall love quhich I have to the yonge Kinge,
with allso your Lordshipis frendly dealingis allwayes, and last
letter, of which I am enformed thowgh I sawe it not, hathe made
me yelde to the perswadementis of sum abowte meto wryght at this
tyme. And wheane your Lordship hathe now the government,
which is sum comfort to me, for thereby I yet hope of the Kingis
preservacyon, you shal be assured that what I maye doo in the
advauncement of his accyons I shale not leave any thinge of my
power unaplyed theretoo; lyke as I have allreddy, thowghe tyme
unfyt, therefore I trust sumwhat fordered the cawse. And
wheane your Lordship doeth so frendly offer to advaunce the
howse agayne to the anncyent estate, whensoever I shale here
the same to be done it shalbe much to my comfort; but the
order how and what waye I refer to your Lordship, who I trust
wyll remember the same for his sake that is gone, as allso to
revenge his cruell end, as I have and shale procure the same in
thes partis. And where there is sum mony owing as well to
servauntis as to other poore men, that the same may be
discharged, the rather in respect that all he had was willingly
consumed in the Kingis service. And for suche jentellmen and
others that served him whome he ment to recompence and had
no tyme, [ commend them to your Lordship to be good unto
them as you maye; and en especyall the berer hereof, who hathe
well deserved; and for any that hathe otherwayse which maye
be better knowne to you then to me use your discrecyon, as in
all thingis elles I refer to your wisdom. And so committis your
Lordship and your procedingis to the proteccyon of the All-
mighty. Frome my howse at Hackney this 4 of October, 1571.
Your Lordshipis assured lovinge frend, Margaret Lennox.
Addressed :—To the right honourable the Erlle of Mar, Lord
Regent of Scotland, my very good Lord.

Lapy Marearet, Counrrss or Lennox, to the Recent Man.

1571, October 15.—She understands that there were certain
falcons in the keeping of the falconer that were intended to be
sent to her, and that Lord Semple had taken one principal cast of
them from Watty Falconer. A special friend has asked her for a
good cast of them, and she begs it may be sent to Berwick,
whither she has sent a man to receive the same.

*The answer of the Earl of Mar to this letter is dated 12th October, and is
abridged in the Calendar of State Papers—Llizabeth. Foreign Series, p. 547.

 
27

Quren Exizaneru to the Recent Mar.

1571, November 24. Greenwich—Right welbelovid cousin, we
greete you well. Like as by your owne letters we perceave
your good inclination to furder with your good favour all
the causes of our right deere cousin, the Lady Margaret,
Countesse of Lennox, so we well understande by her selfe
that she esteemith the same favour to be the more amply
and effectually offred to her for our sake. And for that
purpose we have thought it very convenyent both to give you
our most hartie thankes and to require you to contynue your
good will, not only in generalitie as her causes shall require, but
allso according to the particular affection whiche commendably
she bearith towardis her late husbandis kynne and familie, that
you will shew favour to the Bishop of Cathnes, brother to the said
Erle, her husband, that he may enjoye still the Priory of Saint
Andros, which was bestowed upon him in recompence of an other
benefice that he left for that purpose; and lykewise that the
intention of the late Regent might be fullfylled in the bestowing
of the Bysshoprike of Glasgow towards the redemption of the
landis of the Eridom of Lennox which were morgaged by the
said Erle by occasion of his service in that realm. In bothe
which particular suites we perceave our said cousin, the Lady
Margaret, hath ernest desyre to have you to shew as muche
favour as you can; and in so dooing we shall accepte the same
as benefyttis yelded to us, which we will not forgett to acquite.
Gyven under our signet at our Mannor of Grynwich the
day of November, 1571, the xiiij" yeere of our raigne.—
Your verye lovinge frende, Exizansru R. Addressed :—To our
right trusty and right welbelovid cousin the Regent of Scotland.*

 

Queen ExizanerH to the Recent Mar anp Privy Councin
oF ScoTLaND.

1571-2, January 30. Westminster—Right trusty and wel-
belovid cousins, we grete you well. The great contynuall
desier we have to procure a cessation of all hostilitie in that
realm and a recovery of perfect peace in the same, moveth
us not to forbear or interrupt our former intention heretofore.
signifyed by our cousin, the Lord of Hunsdon, knight of our
order and Governour of Barwyk, and for contynuyng of the
same, we, upon such informations as we have lately had from
him and otherwise, have thought mete to send twoo of our
trusty servaunts, Sir William Drury, knight, Marshall of our sayd
town of Barwyk, and Thomas Randolph, Esquier, Master of our
Postis, furst to the said Lord of Hunsdon to conferr with him at
Barwyk, and so from him in our name to‘do there with you all
such good offices and services as may best and with moost spede
and surety at our instance procure a good accord and inward
peace with an universall obedience to the King. Wherfor not
doubting but you our cousin, the Erle of Marr, being there
Regent, and you the rest our cousins being of the nobilite of

* The draft of this letter by Cecil is among the State Papers.
28

that realm and conjoyned with him in gouvernement of the
realm for the King, will willingly give eare to our motions in this
behalf, for which purpos we requier you to give firm credit as
weele to these our servantis, Sir William Drury and Thomas
Randolphe, being both knowen to be well affected to that realm,
as to our sayd cousin, the Lord of Hunsdon, as occasion shall
move him also to deale with you in like maner as you woold to
our self. And we trust thereby the common good shall followe
which we wish to that realm before all other next to our own.
Geven under our signet at our pallays of Westminster the xxx™
day of January, 1571, the xiiij" yeir of our reign. Your lovinge
frende, ExizanerH R. (Addressed) To our right trusty and right
welbelovid cousins, therle of Marr, Regent of Scotland, and others
the Lordis of the Kingis Secret Counsell there and the rest of
the nobilite.

Quren Exizaseto to the Countess or Mar.

1571-2, February 7th. Westminster—By the Queene.
Madame, considering the universall good report that we heere
of yowre carefulnes and circumspectioun in the bringing up
and nourriture of the young King, our good brother and
deere cosin, we ar movid not onely to allow of your good
nature and wisdome in discharge of so speciall a trust reposed
in you, but also to commend you by the testimony of our
awne letters; prayeing yow not for any respect to forbeare your
good usage of him in these his yong yeres, both for the increasre
and conservation of his health, and for the instruction of him in
good maners and vertues agreable to his yeres and capacitie
wherby herafter he shalbe thankfull both to our cosin, your
husband, now his Regent, for the hazardouse service done in the
charge which he hathe for defence of his parson and his contrey,
and also to yow for his education. And therwith we also shall
for him (being to us so tender of blood as he is) not be
unmyndfull of you bothe. Geven under our signet at our
pallaice of Westminster the vij" day of February, 1571, in the
xilij™ yere of our reign. Your lovinge frende, Exizasern R.
Addressed :—To our cousine the Countesse of Mar.

1572, June 4.—Leith. Agreement between Mr. Robert
Richardsoun, Commendator of St. Marie Ile, tacksman and
furnisher of his Majesty's Cunziehous, on the one part, and
John Achesoun, Master Coiner to his Highness, on the other
part, with consent of John, Earl of Mar, Regent of Scotland;
whereby John Achesoun is to receive “all maner of silver
of quhatsumever fynes, being sufficient dows with the allay
therto, except silver of Scottis cunz: , quhilk it sall not be lesum
to him to brek, and sall wirk the same silver in half merk and
fourty penny pecis,” reserving one ounce of each stone weight
of unmelted silver—£8 money,—for the working of each stone
weight, together with the profit of a stone weight of every twenty
stones passing the irons in the said coinage. He and his officers
and servants in the Mint are exempted from all raids, assises,
29

watching and warding; and these servants he is to choose and
be answerable for them. If he finds that he cannot without
great loss work the Mint on the above conditions, his loss is to
be recompensed at the sight of the Regent and Council; but if,
on the other hand, he finds he can do it more cheaply, then he
ig to restore a reasonable part of the profit. Signed, Juon,
Recent; ACHESON.

Quren EnizapeTa to the Ear or Mar.

1572, July 4.  Westminster—Right trusty and_ right
welbelovid Cosin, we greete [you well. By] Nicholas Elfeston,
we receavid your lettres of June last, and did heare his
[messadg} according to your request. And for that at the
tyme of his comming hither (as he him self might well
perceave) we wer not at suche leasure as conveniently we than
could consider of the maters by him movid, by reason partly of
the being heere of the Duke of Montmorency and other
ambassadors of the Frenche King, our good brother, and partly
also of our Parlement, we wer occasionid to deferre our answer
untill that the said ambassadors were departed, and our
Parlement also endid; which hath ben the cause of his staye,
and so no default in him for his long taryeing.

And now for the maters movid to us, we have considerid the
same and very sory we ar that our former motions and labours
by sundry our messages and contynuance and pursuite therof by
our servantis in that realme to have brought that realme to
quietnes hath not taken place as we desyrid. Wherin surely we
cannot but affirme great apparances of default, though not on
your part as for your awne parson, yet so on the part of yow and
other the lords and counsellours as ar joynid with yow, in
standing to so hard tearmes with your adversaryes, as we cannot
but impute to your hard dealing and refusall of certein our
reasonable motions the delay of that ende that might have ben
good for the whole realme. And yet heerin we do not excuse
the frowardnes of your adversaryes in refusall of reasonable
motions. But when we colde not induce yow to suche things as
wer reasonable, we forbare to proceede against them to compcll
them to yeld to suche reasonable conditions as we wer disposid
to have exactid of them. And so tyme now hath made the
causes harder for us to deale in, wherof [we are] sorry; and
so we have let the bearar hereof understand; to whome bothe
we and certeyn of our Counsell have by our ordre declarid what
we mislyke in your proceedings, and what we also ar desyrous
to have yow, for the respect of the King and of your countrey, to
assent unto; assuring yow that we desyre nothing more in that
contrey but that the King there might be preservid in his estate .
and the whole contrey brought to peace amongst them selfs.
And yet in the compassing heerof we cannot but yeld to tyme
and to suche difficultyes as tyme and other circumstances do
bring furthe. Wherunto we wishe yow to conforme your self and
not to forgett in the seeking of advantage pretendid for the King
30

but that yow must in some part yeld to suche necessities as the
tyme hath producid; and to accept and allow that may be had
of your adversaryes, in recognition of the authoritie of [the King]
wherunto they have yeldid, and yet for their particular
surety[es an]d interests in their lands and lyveloods not
to stand so peremptory as therby it may appeere that more
regard is had to particular quarells or interesses of lyveloods
by parsons of your side than to the Kings estate and to the
publick peace of the contrey. Of all whiche we have at
some good lengthe shewid our mynde to this bearar, who can
sufficiently impart the same without further enlarging of our
lettre. Given under our signet at our Pallaice of Westmester
the iiij® day of July 1572, in the xiiij'" yere of our reign.—
Your lovinge frende, Exizaneta R. Addressed :—To our cosin
the Erle of Mar, Regent of Scotland.* :

1572. Act of caution (not completed or signed) whereby
Alexander Erskine of Gogar pledges himself and his friends and
servants for the safe keeping of the person of King James within
the Castle of Stirling, and also of the said Castle, at the direction
of the Regent Morton; the Lady Countess of Mar continuing as
his Majesty’s “ governant,” and Mr. George Buchannan and Mr.
Peter Young as his pedagogues for his instruction in literature
and religion.

Tue Earzts or Montrose aND Rutuven to the Master oF
Mar.

1572-8, February 20. Perth—Traist cousing, efter our
hairtlie comendatiouns. We ressaved your letter and hes
conferrit with the berair upoun the credite committit be you to
him, lykewyse hes sene the accompt quhilk ye desyir us to
subscrive, and byndis the same sa hard and wechtie that we can
not weill resolve to gif answer thereto, nor to obleis us in sa
strait maner to sic tyme as lasure may serve us heireftir to haif
perticular conference with you, and that we may knaw what
releif we sall haif in case of contraventioun of ony pairt of the
accompt. Gif the accompt had only borne soumis of money we
wald not haif maid difficultie to acceptit the burding, bot to
submit our lyiffis and heritage to perill in thir troublous tymis
it is weill hard. Quhairanent we haif mair amplie schawin our
mynd to the berair to be declarit to you, in respect of quhais
sufficiencie we ceise to truble you with langare letter; and sua
committis you to the protectioun of the Eternal. At Perth the
xx day of Februar, 1572. Your assured freindis, Monrrors,
Ruruven. Copy.

1573, May 1. Holyroodhouse.—Archibald, Earl of Angus,
Lord Dowglas and Abirnethy, with consent of James, Earl of
Mortoun, Lord of Dalkeith, Regent of Scotland, and of John,
Lord Glammes, his curators, acknowledges having received from
Lady Annabell, Countess of Mar, 4000 merks Scots, as part of

 

*Cecil’s draft of this letter is among the State Papers. The blanks in the
original, which is torn, are supplied from it.
31°

the tocher of 8000 merks promised to him with Mrs. Marie
Erskin, his future spouse; witnesses: George Auchinlek, Mr.
John Prowand, and Alexander Jerdane. Signed, Ancuss; Jamuzs,
Recent; JoHn, GuaMeEs.

1578, June 20. Holyroodhouse.—Letters appointing Alexander
Jardane of Apilgirth, Master of his Majesty’s Ordnance within
all his Majesty’s castles and houses or without the same, with
right to the fees and emoluments of the said office; and instruct-
ing all gunners, ordinary and extraordinary, and all others
concerned, to obey him therein. Copy.

1578, November 1. Assignation made for furnishing of the
King’s House from 1st November, 1578, to 1st November, 1574,
under the charge of the Countess of Mar, and Alexander, Master
of Mar. Also another of the same for the year from 1st
November, 1577, to lst November, 1578.

1578, May 5. Stirling Castle—Warrant to John, Earl of
Mar, Captain of the Castle of Stirling, to deliver David, Earl of
Crawford, to Colin, Karl of Argyle, to be conveyed by him to the
Castle of Edinburgh. Signed, James R., Arnonn, Can"
Ereyiz, Morrrorss, R. Dumreruurne, TuLiserprn, Comptroller,
G. Bucuanan, R. B. Catunes.

Tue Provost, Barnes, Councin AnD Deacons or EipinsurcsH,
to Jonn, Earn or Mar.

1578, May 21. Kdinburgh.—Denying the truth of some
rumours which had reached his ears about them, and caused
him to write to them. They have sent their townsmen
Alexander Uddart, Henry Nesbet and Robert Abircrummy, to
acquaint him more fully with the truth, as they had neither paid
any men of war nor sent such to Stirling. They continued
mindful of “the benefites and gude will quhilk we have resavit
of your nobill parentis, now with God.” Signed by A. Guthre,
and a small seal of the town impressed on the paper.

Bonp or ALLIANcE AND Mutuan DiErenck BETWEEN CoLINs,
Eart or ArGyLe, Lorp CampBELL AND Lorn, anp JoHN,
Fart or Mar, Lorp Ersxine,

1578, November 27. Stirling—Because of “the proximity of
blocd and allay standing betwixt us and the long assured friend-
ship and steadfast good will quhich hath continued amongst our
parents and predicessors in the true service of there soveraigne
princes thir many years bygone, quhilk course and trade we
intending by Gods grace to follow,” they oblige themselves and
their kin and dependants to concur with each other in the
service of the King’s Majesty, for his preservation, honour and
welfare; to take part with each other against all deadly, the
king excepted, and make known and hinder what they may
learn is to be attempted against the honour or welfare of each
other; to submit any variance which may arise between them to
“their wives freinds and underly there declarator, and do all
. 32

i=

things to preserve amity and concord, so help us God, and as
we will answer upon our faiths and honor”; witnesses, Robert,
Earl of Buchan; David, Commendator of Dryburgh; Adam,
Commendator of Cambuskenneth; William Dowglas of Loch-
liven; Dougall Campbell of Auchinbreck; John Campbell of
Caddell; Archibald Campbell of Lochnell; Coline Campbell of
Otter; John Erskine of Dryburgh; John Erskine of Little
Sauchie. Signed, Ancytu, JoHN, Harte or Mar. Copy.

1579, September. Stirling Castle—Precept by King James
the Sixth directing the Treasurer to accept from John, now Earl
of Mar, the sum of £32 as the yearly duty payable by him for
the teinds of the lands of Dalnotters and Garthskaddane in the
pavish of Kirkpatrick, and belonging to the Abbey of Paisley.
The Earl’s late father, John, Earl of Mar, and Annabill, his
Countess, had held the lands from the late John, Archbishop of
St. Andrew’s and Abbot of Paisley, but since the pacification
and the entry of Claud Hamilton to the commendatorship of the
said Abbey, Hamilton has been pursuing the said Earl and his
mother and their tenants for a larger duty, and that out of
“privat ewill will and malice.” Signed, James R., Montross,
R. DunFEeRMLine.

Wittus Menteras or tHe Karss to Joux, Earu or Mar.

1580, April 7. Karse——Deprecating the disfavour into which
he has fallen with his Lordship and offering by his special friend
and servant, Robert Menteith of Wester Quarter, to submit to
his will for any offence done, and to pledge the assistance of his
house to that of the Earl, of which he was descended, and as
their “forbears” were thus bound to each other. Siyned,
Wiuurame Menrterus of the Karsz.

Joun SuTHERLAND to the Countrss or Mar.

1580, August 27. London.—Respecting some jewels of hers
he had received from her brother, James Murray of Pardewis,
and others, and which he is ready to deliver again on receiving
a discharge of his banishment. He understands that her son is
shortly to be married. London, 27th August, 1580. Signed,
JOHNNE SUDERLAND.

1581, March 28. Abbey of Holyrood House.—Precept by
King James the Sixth to John, Earl of Mar, and other keepers
of the Castle of Striveling, to deliver over the said Castle with
all its artillery, munitions and provisions, to Mr. John Stewart.
Signed, James R., and countersigned by Lennox and Arcyiu.

Kine James THE Srxtu to the Earn or Mar.

1581, March 28. Holyroodhouse.—Richt traist cousing and
counsalour, we greif you hertlie weill. Sen the recept of your
letter brocht unto us be Robert Erskyn, upoun occasioun of
further troublis appearing shortlie to grow, out of the quhilks we
33

ar cairfull to see yow preservit, we have thairfore send west your
uncle and the Clerk of Register to lett yow understand our mynd,
as men that luffis yow, desirand yow to credite thame as our
selff. Thus we commit yow to God. James R.

1581, March.—A memoriall of the Master of Mar and the
Clerk of Advise [? Register] to the King’s Majestie anent the
Karl of Mar and the messaige quhilk your Majestie derictit us.

First. For the ressaving of the castle. Because of Mr.
Johnne Stewartis siknes, in case he be unable againe Monday,
that your Majesties command pas to Michaell Gardner to
supplie Mr. Johnne Stewart’s place, for Michaell kenis au thing
in the place, quhat amunition and uther graith is your Majesties
auin and quhat pertenis to my Lord of Mar.

The Castell being deliverit over to Mr. Johnne, or in case of
his continuance in siknes to Michaell upoun Monday, and a
sufficient noumer of townsfolk put therin, according as your
Majestie derectit, we think gude that your Majestie write to the
town commanding thame to be masters of thair awin town, as
thay ar appointit keparis of the Castell, and to put in sum folks
in thair steple; as lekwiss in my Lady Marris house to keip the
same unsurprisit be ony that might think to command the town
thairby, to the effect your Majestie may be assurit to have the
castell and town bayth at your commandment; and that thay
adviss your Majestie gif thay will tak in hand and mak you to be
assurit of the keping of the Castell and town, quherthrow ye
neid not to be at ony charges to send forceis thair, for utherwiss
your Majestie mon provide to have it kepit without thame.

That Mr. Johnne Steuart and Michaell Gardner adwise and see
quhat provision of amunition or other thing necessar for the
house is to be providit againe sic tyme as your Majestie may
have occation to repair thither.

Item. Gif your Majestie think expedient to suffer ony noumer
in the Castell, it is to be advisit how thay sall be furnisit.

As to my Lord of Mar, he has obeyit and will obey all your
Highnes commands doutyfully as we assuritlie perswad our
selfs, and sall be sic ane obedient subject to your Highness as
was his fader, guidsir, and forbearis were to your Majestie and
your predisesors befor ; and as your Majestie hes begun to shaw
your cair to savist him fra unconveniences, we besek your
Majestie to continue it. We persave he takis heavy in hart that
your Majestie suld think the Castell securer in ony mannis
handis nor his, quharof we shew himself gaif the occasion in
having to do with the Harl of Angus efter your Majesties
inhibition. He is very sorowfull for the Earl of Angus trouble
be resson of the luif and familiaritie that hes been betwixt
thame, and the thought of thir things vexis him and augmentis
his infirmities, quhilk might be perceavit be mony siehes, and
he thinkis shame that it suld be reportit that he is out of your
Majesties favor and credit. We shew him his awin perill gif
he consent or follow furth the evill and desperat course of the
Earl of Angus, and on the uther part comfortit him sayand

c
: i 84
your Majestie was cairfull to save him for his faderis sak and
his awin, althocht he had offendit farther nor he hes done;
and gif the Earl of Angus acknowlegit his offence, we hopit your
Majestie shall shaw favour to him for My Lord of Marris sak,
and ressave his intersesioun. Quherupon he condisendit to
obey your Majestie command presentlie, and promissit so to
behave himself in tyme coming as your Majestie, God willing,
sall have na occatioun to be offendit with him.

In the talking of thir purposes he bursted furth saying—And
will not the King be content to gif me libertie to pas furth of the
realme for three years quhill his Majestie be better satisfied
with me. We said we doubit not bot your Highnes wold satisfie
his harty desire in that, gif he wer not better content to tary at
hame after he had spokin with your Majestie. And sa we will
besike your Majestie to order this : and lett him ly
in ather of our handis that we may lett him knaw how your
Majestie is willing to grant his request, quhilk we think sall
move him to be the mair settled in his mynd, and to think that
he is not in your Majesteis displeasure.

Sum folkis about him that your Majestie we belive hes been
informit did not thyr dewitnes, we wald wer put out of fear that
thay suld not be troublit utherwiss nor be the ordinar courss of
law and justice, and wer removed from his company, and therfor
we promissit to mak humble sute to your Majestie for libertie
to thame to remaine fra and from attending on
your Majestie in Councell or utherwiss for a sertaine
space, and that your Highnes sall tak them in your pretiction
to be untroublit in bodyis, landis, posshionis, houss or gudis
utherwiss nor be order of law and justice, because they ar

promis that they behave thamselfis as
obedient subjects and do nor attempt na thing againis your
Highnes authoretie, nor on nawiss assist, practis with your
Highnes inymeis, rebellis or declarit traytors, and that thare
tenants and servants sall to the proclamation to
be maid. a had cette, Sard, tee the Clark of Register to
travell for a to him to depart out of the realme,
quhilk for awin simple opinion wer meit to be grantit ;
thairupon to be removed fra the company he is in; findand
caution to depart betwixt and sic a day to be appointit wind and
wather servand, and to pas and remaine at Dundee or Santandris
quhill the wind and shipping servand, and on na wiss to
practize or miell within or without the realme during
the tyme of the . Copy.

The Inventar of all amonition and wearlic furnitor within the
Castell of Striviling deliverit be an noble lord, Johne, Earl of
Mar, Lord Erskine, &c., be the commandment of our soveraine
lord and his Hienes charge, and ressavit be Mr. Johne Stewart
upon the ferd day of Apryl, 1581 years, as follows :—

In the first, the gross culvering of brass with stock quheylls

and haill iryne grayth mountit pertenning therto with the charge
and belonging therto.
85

Item. The battard of brass mountit with quheills, haill iryne
grayth, charge and pertaining therto.

Item. Three moyauts of brass with thair stocks and quheills
not weill mountit; twa thairoff with iryne werk and the thrid
without iryne werk.

Item. Three double falconis of brass all mountit with auld
stocks and quheills.

Item. Uther twa double falconis unmountit, the ane of Inglis
werk the uther of Scotts werk.

Item. Ane single falcone of brass mountit one .. .
quheills and stock.

Item. Six hagbut of found of brass, with ane pair of calmes

of brass corespondent therto.
Lryne Werk.

Item. Ane demie culvering of iryne montit with stock,
quheillis, iryne werk, charge and *

Item. Twa facces of iryne, the ane theroff stockit and quheillit
without iryne werk, the other unmountit, unstockit.

Item. Ane crenn to mount ordinance with, her pillie of brass
and furnitor.
: Item. Ane pair of phises to mount and dismount ordinance

e.

Item. Twa bombardis of iryne in auld stock with three
chalmers of iryne difierant tharto.

Item. Four barrall of cannon pulder, quhairof the ane wants
ane quarter barrall.

Item. Three barrall of culvering pulder with ane half barrall
thairof.

Item. Ane pillye of brass with ane chenzer of iryne to the
woill.

Item. Ane bokett gird with iryne.

Item. Ane greit fedderit lok, with the key.

Item. Ane uther pair of phisesin the . . . quhilk ar not
good bot worne.

Bullat of gross culvering.

Of faccane bullatts.

Of moyaute bullatts.

Of double and single falcan bullatts.

Of chenzet bullat of munition the bullat.

Ingyne.

In witnes of the premiss the said Mr. Johne hes subscrybit
thes present with his hand at the said Castell the forsaid ferd
day of Apryl before venerable faders in God, Adame, Comendator
of Camuskynet, David, Comendator of Drybrugh, Johne Murray
of Polmaiss, John Levingston younger of Donypace, Walter
36

Lecky of that Ilk, John Haldane of Ballewell, and John Mushett,
clerk to the said shiviff, in quhais handis instruments wes tane
upone the obediance of the charge aboune written.

This is the just copy of the Inventor subscribit be the said
Mr. Thomas . . . . and deliverit be him to the noble
lord, Johne, Earl of Mar. Copy.

1581.—Order by the King to William, Earl of Gowrie, Lord
Ruthven, Treasurer, and Mr. Robert Creichtoun of Eliok,
King’s Advocate, for desisting from the prosecution of Robert
Bruce of Bynning, elder, James (?) Bruce, his son, and
Mungo Hamiltoun, Purdoven, their cautioner, at the instance of
the King and Mr. John Ramsay in Wester Bynning. The only
date is the fifteenth year of the King’s reign. Signed, Jamus R.

1581, December 15.—Letter from the Countess of Mar to
Walter, Prior of Blantyre. She has written to the King
reminding him of the reward which had been promised to her
and confirmed once or twice with consent of Parliament, for her
long and true service in his young age. She desires not to set
an example of importunity, but if she does not receive his
Majesty’s remembrance now, it would have been better for her
never to have had it. She therefore desires the Prior, whose
friendship and goodwill she has always found, in respect of his
place and credit with the King, to urge his Majesty to grant her
desire. Copy.

1588, October 29. Stirling—License by King James the
Sixth, under the signet, to John, Harl of Mar, and his servants,
not being beneficed men or landed men, to go to France,
Flanders, Almanie, and other parts beyond sea, for the space of
three years. Signed, James R., Arcynn, Arrane. It is also
marked on the back as approved in Council the same day.

There is also a Passport to the Karl on parchment, written in
Latin and signed “Jacopus R.,” at Hdinburgh, on 26th
November, 1588, in which the King commends him to all the
European potentates and their officers; and likewise a Letter
dated Holyroodhouse, 4th November, 15838, signed by the King
and several of the Lords of Council, in which the King promises
on the word of a prince that if the Earl should die during his
absence (here said to be granted for five years), the gift of his
ward and marriage and nonentry and relief of his lands would
be disponed in gift freely to his son. This also is indorsed as
approved by the Council.

1585.—Precept by King James the Sixth narrating that on
1584, for weighty considerations he commanded

Annabel, Countess of Mar, to deliver her dwelling house and
lodging in Edinburgh to the bailies thereof to be kept by them
to his Majesty’s behoof, and that she, at her removal being
unable to take away her furniture, made inventory thereof and
left it. This inventory was subscribed by her chamberlain,
Robert Kinross. “lifter the laitt surpryse” of Edinburgh, the
King placed the said lodging in the keeping of George “Bruce,
37

whom he now commands to restore it to the said Countess, with
the furniture conforme to the inventory; commanding also the
Countess to receive the same from him and discharge him
thereof before delivery is made. Given at Haliruidhous, but
undated. Signed, Jamus R., Arrane, Thyrlstane.

1589, June 1.—Letter from Francis, Earl of Erroll, to the
Earl of Mar, whom he has employed as his trusted friend to deal
for him for favour at his Majesty’s hands. He had hoped for an
answer but had received none and could only conjecture that his
lordship was unwilling to be the sender of evil tidings. He
desires with all submission to place himself and estate and
friends in the King’s hands and is willing to remove out of the
kingdom during his Majesty’s pleasure. No nobleman in
Scotland had cause to think him his enemy, and yet by the
oversight of all he is worse handled than any other man, though
“God be preasit, I carie a clene conscience and ane innocent
hart.” Signed, ERRoLL.

HotoerarpH Letter sy Kina James tHe Sixtu to the
Countess oF Mar. (Undated.)

Lady Minny. This to schaw you that I have receiuit your
fruite, and thankes you theifoire and is readie for mee [more] -
quhen ye pleis to send them, and sall gif as few by me as I may;
and I will not trouble you farther quhill meting, quhilk sall be
as schortlie as I may, God willing, and sa fair ye weill as I do,
thanks to God. Signed, Jamzs R.

Four HonocrapH Letters from Kine James to the
Eart oF Mar. (Undated).

John Slates—This is to desire for sic causis as thir my
servaunts sall show you till adres you hither with all possible
diligens efter the resait heirof. No further bot fairweill.
James R.

John Slaitis—Your long absence hes maid me sa to lang that
I have nou thocht guid as for readiest remedie of the same ye
writ ane letter to me desiring to cum and visie me in respect of
youre lang absence but ony offence, as likewaies ane other to
the Duik desiring him not to be ane hinderer thairto. The caus
quhy ye sall doe this the Shiray, bearar heirof, will shaw you
mair at large (quhom ye sall credit) but not at length for his
toung is our schort. Fairweill, youre auld maister, not forgetfull,
James R..

I have thocht goode to direct the bearare heirof unto you to
desyre you, be advysed before the hande with sicc thingis as
maye concerne youre honoure and weill, and that youre mynde
and myne maye baith gang ane gait, for I trou my bypast actions
have sufficientlie persuadit you that I ame als cairfull for youre
honoure and weill, as youre self can be. Thus not doubting but
ye will use als mekill of my advyce, suppoise I uaire not a King,
as of any other freinde, and praying you to trust the bearare, I
bidd you fairweill. Jamus R.
38

Milorde—Becaus it is thocht be sum that this youre heavie
sikkenes proceidis of sum thocht, althocht ye never reveild any
sikk maiter to me, I have thocht guide to direct this bearare
unto you with my mynde in that maiter, praying you to think
that suppoise thaise folkis uaire deirer to me nor they are I
ualde think thame ueill bestouid that uaye quhilk ye uishe. And
that ye may not thinke this to be onlie wordis to comfort you I
pray you keip this as a band to bind me with heirafter; and
praying you to creditt fullie the bearare I praye God send you
youre hethe. Jamzs R.

1591, April 28.  Dalkeith—Letters of caption against
Umphra Colquhoun of Luss, knight, John Colquhoun, his
brother german, William Rowand, servant to Sir Umphra,
and James Colquhoun, servant to the said John, who have been
denounced rebels at the instance of the wife, children, kin and
friends of the deceased William Birsbane in Barnhill, of whose
slaughter in January last they are accused: also against John
Colquhoun, natural son of Robert Colquhoun of Camstrodane,
Alexander Colquhoun, also his son, and Peter Mcloth Colquhoun,
for not finding lawburrows to Andro McFarlan of Arroquhar,
John and Umphra, his sons, Andro McFarlan of Gartavertane,
Malcolme, Andro, and John Dow, his sons, and others of their
name and friends. The letters are directed to John, Earl of
Mar, and signed, Jamus R., J. T. Canc™

1591, September 9. Falkland—Charge to all officers of arms
and other receivers of the house of Rosdow, to deliver the same
to John, Karl of Mar, and his duly authorised servants. Signed,

James R.

1598, November 10. Holyrood.—Signature in favour of John,
Karl of Mar, Lord Erskine (of the great truth and fidelity of
whom and his predecessors in the keeping of the chiefest
strengths of the realm, especially of the Castle of Edinburgh,
which has been for many years past entrusted to their care both
by the King’s dearest mother and by himself, the King has had
full proof), appointing him Captain and Keeper of the said Castle
for his lifetime, and assigning to him certain rents from the
Bishoprics of St. Andrews and Dunkeld, the Abbacies of Scone,
Lindores, Arbroath, Dunfermline, and Holyroodhouse, and others
for the maintenance of the same. Copy.

1593, December 22. Holyroodhouse——Charge to Mr.
Alexander Weddirburne, Common Clerk of Dundee, and Gilbert
Quhithill, Sheriff Clerk of Forfar, to appear before the King and
Council at Holyrood, on 12th January next, and produce their
protocols and registers for inspection, so that all writs therein
concerning the deceased David Grahame, sometime of Fintry,
might be seen; and also to give their oaths respecting any
writs _ their custody relating to him. Signed, Jamus R.,
8.R.C. Sem
39

OrpEer By THE Kina For THE APPREHENSION OF
Mr. Grorce Ker anp ANDREW SMETON.

15938. Rex.—We being crediblie informit that Maister
George Car, sone to the unqubyll Aibboit of Nebottill, sen his
eschaiping furth of vard out of our Castell of Edinburgh, hes
mair seditiouslie nor of befoir trafiquit vith diverse of our
subjectis in prosequitting the tressonabill interpryse confessit be
him to haif beine intendit agains the trew religionne, our estait
and realme; lykas he and Andrew Smetoune, ane of the
ordinaris of our said Castell be quhais moyen and falset he
eschepit, ar also favorablie interteinit and ressait in diverse
places not far distant frome our bruch of Hdinbruch and palice
of Halieruidhouse, to the grait contempt of us our auctoritie and
lawis, meriting hie punishment, his Majesty therefore grants
commission to . 2. 2. 1 ee ee ee ee ee ee
to apprehend them, if necessary by force of arms and using of
fire and sword. Signed, James R.

ORDINANCE FOR THE NURSING AND KEEPING oF PRINCE HENRY.

1598 [-4], February —Forsamekle as the Kingis Majestie our
soverane Lord efter pruif had of the favour and blessing of
Almichtie Gcd in granting unto him successioun of his awin
body and a prince (being a sone) of gud habilitie and expectatioun,
for quhais preservatioun and norishment being cairfull, and
remembering of the lang, trew and faithfull service ofthis richt
traist cousingnace, Dame Annabell Murray, Countesse of Mar,
and of hig“richt traist cousing and counsellour, Johnne, Erll of
Mar, Lord Erskin, hir sone, capitane and keipair of his Hienes
Castell of Striveling, quha and his wmquhill fader and guidschir
be thre discentis togidder hes had the custodie and governance
of the soverane princes of this realme in thair tender and young
aige, namelie of his Majesteis self, and of his dearest moder and
guidschir, King James the Fift, of noble memorie, and alwayes
exercit that charge and office honorablie and trewlie: And in
respect thairof thinking na uther personis mair meit and able to
have the charge, credite and keiping of his Hienes dearest sone,
the prince, nor the saidis Countesse of Mar and Johnne, Erll of
Mar, hir sone, nor na place mair convenient thairfoir nor
the Castell of Striveling, quhair his said dearest sone the Prince
was born, thairfoir with avice and consent of his Hienes Privie
Counsell, maid, constitut and ordinit the saidis Dame Annabell
Murray, Countesse of Mar, and Johnne, Erll of Mar, hir sone,
keparis and governouris to the Prince, his dearest sone, within
the said Castell of Striveling; with pouer to thame to use and
occupy the said charge and service, and thay to have, brouke and
enjoy thairfoir sic honouris, privilegis and commodities as thay
thame selffis or ather of thame or his umquhill fader or
guidschir had and broukit in lik caice of befoir Thairfoir the
saidis Dame Annabell Murray, Countesse of Mar, and Johnne,
Erll of Mar, hir sone, as principallis, taking and ressaving upoun
40

thame the charge of the keping and governance of the persoun
of the said maist noble Prince and of the said Castell of Striveling
during his graces remaining thairin, and William, Erll of
Mortoun, Lord of Dalkeith, Patrik, Lord Drummound, Schir
Johnne Murray of Tulibardin, knycht, and Schir Archibald
Striveling of Keir, knycht, as cautioneris and souirties for thame,
ar becum band and oblissit, and be the tennour heirof bindis and
oblissis thame upon thair faithis, honnouris and allegeance that
the said Johnne, Erll of Mar, be him self, his freindis and
servandis, sall keip the said Castell of Striveling in the name and
to the use and behuif of our said soverane lord, and sall alsua
saulflie and suirlie keip and observe the persoun of the said
maist noble prince, our soverane lordis first begottin sone,
within the said Castell of Striveling at the devotioun and directioun
of his Majestie his fader, his Hienes remaining and continewing
vnder the nuritur of the said Annabell, Countesse of Mar, his
Majesties governant, as towards his mouth and ordering of his
persoun, and that his Graces persoun na wyse be removed nor
transportit furth of the said Castell to ony vther place, nor that
nane dissobedient to our souerane lordis auctoritie or knawin
not weill affectit to his Hienes, nor thair wiffis, bairnis or
servandis, salbe ressavit or sufferit to have interes or residence
within the said Castell; and that no erll be ressavit within the
said Castell with ma nor servandis, na lord with ma nor

, no baron with ma nor , hor na gentleman bot
single and allane, and all without armor or wappynnis, and the
nowmer of the haill to be ressavit attanys, to be within the
ordinair mowmer intertenyt in the said Castell, and that the
ordinar servandis appointed presently be his Hienes with avise
of his counsell to attend upoun his dearest sone, the Prince, sall
not be removed from his Grace nor utheris placeit in thair
chargeis and service without the speciall advise, warrand and
command of our said soverane lord and his Privie Counsell.
And this present order quhill the first day of Aprill the yeir of
God j"v° fourscoir fyvetene yeir, and farder quhill his Hienes
with avise of his said Secreit Counsell tak farder ordour
heiranent, to induir, as the saidis Countesse and Erll of Mar and
thair souirties foirsaidis will ansuer to his Majestie upoun thair
honouris and under the panis of thair lyffis and heretage. And
the saidis Dame Annabell Murray, Countesse of Mar, and
Johnne, Erll of Mar, hir sone, oblissit thame selffis and thair
uther particuler freindis undersubscrivand to warrand, freith,
releve and keip skaithles the saidis cautioneris and thair airis of
this present act and obligatioun and of all pane, skaith and
danger that thay or ony of thame sall happin to sustene
thairthrow. Signed, Mar; Mortoun; Drybruch; §S* Johne
Murray off Tullibardine, kny*; Drummond; A. Cambuskenneth;
Archibald Sterling of Keir, kny*; J. Seytoun of Tulibodye;
Robert Galbraith of Culereuch; George Buchquhanan of y‘ Ik,
kny*; James Schaw of Sauchy; Jhone Murray of Tuchadam;
James Colvill of Est Veimes; Richart Brisbane of Bischoptoun;
James Forester, aperant of Garden; William Cwnynghame of
41

Polmeis; Walt’ Lekkie of yat ilk; Robert Murray of Abircarny;
Robert Bruee of Clakwannan; Williame Mentethe of the Karse;
Jhone Cunynghame of Drumquhassell; James Foulis of Colinton;
J. Levingsten young" of Donypace. Copy. i

_ 1598 [-4:, Februsry.—The tables* laitlie erectit sen the Princes
birth, servit furth of the Court kitching, as efter followis :—
The dames of honour table quhairat sittis—

The Lady Mar, elder and younger.
My Lady Mortoun.

The Lady Dudhope. In number aucht
The Lady Clackmannane, persouns in ordiner
The Lady Abircairny. by extraordiner.

The Lady Cambuskynneth.
The lait Justice Clerkis wyff.

Denner and supper—viij b. in ordiner of aill, 7 g., and for
toistis trinsch bread and sayes—iij b.

To thair disiones, collatiounis and efternoneis, sour breid
8. aill—I g.

Wyne, denner, supper efternone, and collatioun—iij quartis in
ordiner by extraordiner.

Meitt to this Table.

On the flesch day to the first service, ane peis beiff, tua peis
sottin muttoun, ane bruilyeit foull, with sex disch of pottage. Thair
secund service, xij disch roist, at the Master Houshaldis
discretioun.

The fisch day, xij disch to the first service, viz., plumdames,
rys, butter, eggis, fryit toisteis, milk and breid, speckit peis,
oisteris, greine kaill, and failyeing of ane soirt to be supplieit
with ane uther. The secund service, aucht disch as the seasoun
yeildis, and to thair desertis, eggis, raisings, confectis, and
aippillis, viij disch.

The personis appointit to serve this table and eit on thair
restis :—

James Ogilvie, merschall.

David Lennox, yschear, with his auld tua servantis of my auld
Lady Maris, ane servand of my young Lady Maris, ane
of the pantrie, and ane of the wyne sellar, and ane of the
ailsellar, with four servaris to beir thair meitt, in numer
xiij personis.

Breid. . . . . xij b.
Ail... . . jgallon, ij quartis, pynt.

Thair disiones, ane peis beiff, ane peis muttoun, ane disch
collopis, breid iij, aill . . . quart, pynt.

 

* ‘This table was erectit the xix day of Februar, 1593.
42 .

The Mistris Nureis Table.

-The Mistris nureis selff.

The four.rokkeris—to wit, Margarit Kynross, Jonet Bruce,
Margarit Cunninghame, and Heleine Stewart.

Barbara Murray, keipare of the Princes coffer and claithis,
and Elspeth Crummy, semister, in numer vil personis.
To this table the first service on the flesche day, ane peis
beiff, ane bruilyeit fouli, ane pe's sottin muttoun, and four
disch pottage. To thair segrnd service, thre peis roist, at
the Master Houshaldis di¢z-etioun.

Breid, vij b.  Aill, j gailoun.
Thair disione ane peis beiff, ane peis muttoun.
Breid . . . iij b. aill. . . . quart.
Thair efternone and collatioun . . . ij quartis aill.

The Doctor and Medicioneris Table.*
Doctor Mairteine.
Mr. Gilbert Moncreiff.
Gilbert Prymrois, chirurgiane,
and Alexander Barclay, ypothicar,
and thair four servandis.
To thair disiones ane peis beiff, ane peis muttoun.
breid. . ijb,aill . . . quart; wyne . . pynt.
Denner and supper aucht breid, Thair first service, ane pzis
beiff, ane peis muttoun, a bruilyeit foull, four disch pottage.
Thair secund service, four peis roist, be discretioun.

Wyne, denner, supper, and collatioun—ij quartis pynt, and
aill. . . . 1 galloun.

The Meidwyf and other tua Cummeris.t
Thair disione, ane peis beiff, ane peis muttoun,
Breid . . ij, aill . . jquart,wyne . . j pynt.
To thair denner and supper—vj pece meitt.
Aill . . . ij quartis pynt, breid . . . ij b.
To thair collatioun—Aill, j quart.

1594—Licence by King James the Sixth to John, Earl of Mar,
and his servants and proper dependants to remain at home from
the present expedition to the north against certain rebels and
conspirators against the King and kingdom and the true religion
professed within the same, in respect that the King and Council
had commited to his care and keeping the person of -the Prince.
Subscribed James R., and countersigned by J. T. Cancllrius,
Blantyre and Neubotle.

* The Doctoris Table was erectit the tent day of Februar, 1593.
+ This table was erectit the aucht day of Februar, 1593.
43

Hotocrapy Letter From Kina James to the Hart oF Mar.

1594, September 11.—Because, Milorde, youre house hes bene
sa honest to my forebearis, youre self had the honour to be brocht
up with me, sensyne mareid my aunte and gottin the keiping of
my tua greatest strenthis, and (quhilke is maist of all) of my
eldest and only sonne, I thinke of reason I can lippin maire to
nane and nane can be maire obleist to me; and thairfore being
utterlie wearied and ashamed of the misgouvernement of the
cuntrey for lakke of concurrence of noblemen on the ane pairt,
and of my extreame uante on the other pairt, throuch the
mishandling of my rentis be my cairless and greedie officairis
that intromettis thairwith, I ame forcit to burdein you to travell
with sikke noblemen as I have allreadie namid unto yow, that
they walde bestow thaire painis and presence for putting me in
sum bettir estate, and that ye walde take thaire promesis to cum
to Edinburgh the tuentie of November next, and remaine quhill
thay see me putt to sum certaintie in baith thir pointis, and
that thay may knau that as I ame na maire a minoure sa I
aprehend deiplie the straitis I ame castin in, and ame resolvid
to follou constantlie thaire counsaill, bake thaire conclusionis,
and thankefullie (quhen evir occasion sall serve) requyte thaire
traivellis, I have baith writtin and subscryvid this youre
warrande with my hande at Halyrudehouse the xi of September,
1594. James R.

ORDER BY THE KING AND QUEEN to the Eart oF Mar To OPEN
THE JEWEL CHEST, ETC.

1594, September 19. Holyroodhouse—Rex.—Johnne, Erle of
Mar, Captane of our Castell of Edinburgh, we greit yow
weill. It is our will and we command yow that following
our other warrand gevin to our trusty counsallour, Sir
Williame Keith of Delneis, knycht, ye resave the key
of the coffer of our jowellis, opin the same, tak out
the buist of gold contenyng our annuitie of the United
Estatis, and delyver the same to the said Sir Williame, to be
kepit be him according to his gift, as ye will ansuer to us;
kepin this present for your warrand, subscryvit be our hand at
Halyruidhous, the xix day of September, 1594. Jamus R.,
Anna R.; countersigned by J. T. Canéllrius, Lynclouden, J.
Cokburne, and Alex. Houm.

HoboGRArPH LETTER FROM KING JAMES THE SIxTH to the
EARL oF Mar.

1595, July 24. Stirling.—Milorde of Mar. Because in the
suretie of my sonne consistis my suretie and that I have
conereditid unto you the chairge of his keiping upon the trust I
have of youre honestie, this present thairfore sall be ane
warrande unto you not to delyver him out of youre handis except
44

I commande you with my awin mouth, and being in sikke
cumpanie as I my self sall best lyke of, otheruayes not to delyver
him for any chairge or message that can cum from me. And in
kayce God call me at any tyme that nather for Quene nor
Estaites pleasure ye delyver him quhill he be auchtein yeiris of
age and that he commande you himself. At Stirling the xxiiij
of Julie, 1595. James R.

1595, October, 20. Linlithgow.—Warrant by King James the
Sixth for the arrest of William Levinstoun, son of the Laird of
Jerveswod; Patrick Bruce, son of Thomas Bruce in Larber-
scheills; Robert Levingstoun, brother of Laird Levingstonn in.
Galloway; George Levingstoun, son of John Levingstoun in
Daldurs, and Archibald Tower, servitor to Airth, for the murder
of David Forestar, bailie and burgess of Stirling, and for which
they are fugitives and excommunicated Signed, Jams R.
8.R.C. Sec™*

CoMMISSION BY KING JAMES THE SIXTH to the EarL oF Mar
AS CusToDIER OF THE PRINCE.

1595. Rex—Forsamekle as we haveing committit the
custodie and keiping of our darrest sone, the Prince, to our rycht
traist cousing, Johnne, Erle of Mar, this yeir bygane, quha hes
‘maist faithfullie dischargeit himself of his dewtie thairin to
oure contentment, and willing that his said charge sall continew
this nixt yeir fourescoir fyftene yeiris and forder durin our will,
thairfoir to have grantit, gevin and disponit to the said Johne,
Earle of Mar, the sowme of ten thowsand pundis for the
interteynement of our darrest sone, his maist nobill persoun and
hous, the said yeir Ixxx fyftene, and for sure payment thairof
have assignit and be the tennour heirof assignis to the said
Johne, Erle of Mar, the sowme of fyve thowsand gudlingis
disponit in yeirlie gift to our said darrest sone be the Kstaitis of
the Law Cuntreyis; quhilk gift we ordane and commandis our
familiare servitour, Sir William Keyth of , knight,
keipare thairof, to delywer the samyn to the said Johnne, Erle
of Mar, to be keipit be him for his securitie, as for the sowme of
fyve thowsand pundis; and for the rest of the said sowme
extending to uther fyve thowsand pundis we have assignit and be
the tennour heirof, assignis the sowme of fyve houndreth pundis
Striveling to be payit to the said Erle of the rediest of the
annuytie of the fourescoir fyftene yeir quhilk we have payit to
ws yeirlie furth of the realme of Ingland, ordaning the
ressavearis and intromettoris thairwith to mak him thankfull
payment of the samyn, quhilk salbe thankfullie allowit to thame,
and that in compleit payment of the said sowme of ten thowsand
pund assignit to the said Erle for interteynement of our said
darrest sone, the Prince, and his hous, the said Ixxxv. (sic) yeir.
Be thir presentis subscryvit with our handat. . . . . the
ml ae - day of . . . j™v° and Ixxx, . . . yeiris,
James R.
45

DECLARATION BY THE MASTER OF ELPHINSTONEFOR SATISFACTION
OF THE Kart oF Mar.

0. 1595.—“ Being sa laitlie cum of your lordschipis hous I am
sorie frome my hairt that your lordschip upoun ony consavit
suspicioun of my privitie or allowance of David Forestares
slauchter, sould appeir to bear to me ony malice or evill will.”
For before God, and upon his honour and conscience he declares
that he is altogether innocent thereof, and is willing to submit
to trial. As to the slaughter of Wanles, though it was done in
hot blood as following upon the recent slaughter of Robert
Bruce, not knowing that he belonged to his lordship, he offers
for himself and for all who were upon the field that day with
him to make such assythement to the widow and children as
any indifferent friends shall think equitable. Signed, A. M.
ELPHINSTOUN.

c. 1595.—Offers by the Laird of Dunipace to the Earl of
Mar. He declares that he is most innocent of the slaughter of
David Forestare, and offers himself for trial in this matter,
providid his lordship is not directly pursuer. Further, he
offers to retire to any part of the kingdome, or out of it
altogether, or to do any other thing that his lordship’s
honourable friends may judge reasonable for assuaging his
lordship’s grief over this event; protesting, however, that his
offers be not held to imply his guilt of that unhappy slaughter,
but only his regard for the Earl’s satisfaction.

Lorp LivinGstone’s DEecLARATION to the EARL oF Mar.

c. 1595.—Forsamekill as thair hes bene auld friendship, lowe
and kyndness betuix our houses till our tymes quhilk I alwayes
hawe bene and am maist willing sall continew, althocht that
sum things hath laitlie occurrit quhairby it appeiris your
lordschip hes takin sum suspicioun of offence on my part, quhair-
anent I declair in presens of God and his Majestie that I wes
nevir upown ony consultationis or devyses to harme your
lordschip in honour, persoun or freindis, that if any one had
pressed him to this he would have refused; and that if the
Earl is able to lay any thing to his charge, he will submit the
same to the judgment of his Majesty and their honourable
friends. If the Harl has any capital charge against any of his
friends, he will not protect them against their just trial; and he
requires that the Earl grant the like declaration and assistance
wherein he (Lord Livingstone) and his friends may have cause to
complain.

1596, April 15.. Stirling Castle—Warrant signed by King
James the Sixth to John Andro, Clerk of the Privy Council, to
register a Bond of Assurance granted at his Majesty’s desire by
John, Earl of Mar, and Alexander Forrester of Garden, to
Alexander, Lord Livingstoun, and Sir Alexander Bruce of

 

See Calendar of State Papers, vol. i., p. 701. ‘‘Mar’s approaching day of
law with Dunipace.” December, 1595. - :
46

Airthe, and their kin and friends, with the special declaration
that the said Laird of Garden is not to be responsible for the
Lairds of Corstorphine and Strathhenrie, James and David
Forrester, brothers of the deceased David Forrester of Logie,
Duncan Forrester of Culmoir and his sons, and Alexander
Forrester, son of Duncan Forrester in Kipmad, further than the
laws of the country and the general bond require.

Tur MINISTERS OF EDINBURGH to the Hart or Mar.

1596, December 18. Edinburgh.—Pleis your lordship, we
dout not bot ye have hard or now the effect of this lang
conference that hes bene betwixt his Majestie and us, mony
commoningis and als mony brekis. They tuik thair vantage
evir under traist, quhill at the last the malice of sum
counsallouris is cumit to this that the stipendis of the ministrie
ar dischargit, and the commissionaris of the Generall Assemblie
ar put af the towne, Maister David Blak convict of treasoun and
put in ward, and we be ane act alreaddy set downe appointed to
suffer the lyk. And now last of all undir commoning ane great
nowmer of our flok quho in our defence stuid, ar chargit to gang
af the towne, sua that the people, animat na dout be the word
and motioun of Godis Spirit tuik armes, and war nocht we
stayed thair faird, thay had licht, na dout, upoun mony of the
counsallouris. Alwayis the godlie baronis with utheris gentle-
men that wer in the towne have convenit thame selffis and
taiken upoun thame the patrocinie of the Kirk and hir caus.
They laik ane heid, ane speciall nobleman to countenance the
mater, and with ane consent hes maid chois of your lordship.
And seing God hes gevin your lordship this honnour, we could
not do na les then follow his calling and mak it knawin to you,
that with all convenient diligence your lordship micht cum heir
and utter your affectioun to the gude caus and ressave the
honnour that is offerit to yow. Quhilk we dout not bot your
lordship will do. In the mean tyme we refer your lordship to
the protectioun of God. Edinburgh this 18th of December,
1596. Your lordshipis to be commandit in God.

Mr. Ro* Bruice.
Mr. Waltir Balcaquell.
Mr. Ro* Rollok.

HotocrarH LeETTerR FROM KING JAMES THE SIXTH to
THE LaiRD oF JOHNTONE.

1597, July 5. Falkland.—Jonstone,—Faill not after the sicht
heirof to concurre with all diligence with the Erle of Marr or
Sir Thomas Areskine for the apprehension and sure convoie of
Patrike Bruce, and suffer nane of the cuntrey to ryse or make
impediment thairunto as ye will ansoure to me. Fairueill.
From Falkelande, the v of Julie, 1597. Jamus R.

1597.—Precept freeing Sir James Admestoun of Duntreth,
knight, of entering himself in ward on account of “the tumult
and uproare rased within oure burgh of Edinburgh upon the
47

sevintene day of December last,” for which he had been charged

to ward in the Castle Doun of Menteth, provided he find caution

: oe before the Council on ten days’ warning. Signed,
ames R,

1598, April 21. Gastonhall—Robert Bruce of Clackmannan,
to John, Karl of Mar, reminding him of a promise he had
made to his lordship in Stervilling, “That sa lang as° ane
Bruce was not in the feild or thair blwd spiltt, I suld tak pairt
with your lordship in that matter.” Now one of his innocent
kinsmen had been slain, and his whole friends had urged him
to seek redress, which he could not do till first he had freed
_ himself of this promise. He challenges the Earl with casting

him off, by (1) taking from him the kindly possession of his
teind; (2) maintaining the writer’s brother James in the
molestation of his tenants, and (8) protecting a man who had
been convict in the writer’s court of theft; evidences sufficient
of the Earl’s unfriendly disposition towards him, for which
he had given no occasion. It was not these things, however,
but the “innocent slauchter” of his friend that moved him
to take this step, though he is informed that the Karl knows
nothing of it, and that none of his people were present at it.
Signed, Ropert Bruce of Clackmanane.

Kine James tHe SrixtH To THE Haru or Mar AND THE ABBOT OF
Kintoss, AMBASSADORS AT THE ENGLISH COURT.

1601, February 5. Holyroodhouse.—Right trustie cousin and
counsellour, we grete you heartely well. Since your departure
conforme to our direction given to you for removing of these
jelosies arising upoun our alleaged dealing with forreyne princes,
speciallie with the Pope and King of Spayne, we have caused by
so many of our Counsell as are best affected in this matter try
and examyne Mr. Edward Drummond, who was alleaged to have
caryed from us commission to the Pope and to have made
particulare offers to him concerning our sone, the Prince, the
Castle of Edinbroughe, and sute of money for entertyning a
guarde, whereupoun Sir Henry Broncard on the Queenes behalfe
expostulated with us; of whose deposition we have sent you
herewith the just coppie. Wee have likewise caused examyn
Poury Ogilvie whoe was alleadged to have used on our behalfe a
commission to the King of Spayne, whose deposition yow shall
also receave. And because for the present we have no other
adminicles whereby the verity of their depositions may be
impugned, and we perswade our selves that the Queenes
Counsell there wolde not have taken so greate holde of these
maters except they had had some warrand, after you have made
the Queene or suche as shee shall appoynt acquainted with their
depositions, you shall crave them to give you suche groundis and
testimonyes as they have, whereby their declarations may be
improoved, and the contrary being verified they may receave
condigne punishement according to the quality of their desert.
For whiche effect we have committed Poury Ogilvy to warde
48

within our Castle of Edinburgh ; and because we had no certeyne
accusation against Mr. Edward Drummond we have committed
him to warde within his mother’s house under caution of great
sumes to appeare before us and our Counsayle as often as he
shalbe required, and in no wise to depairte oute of our realme
withoute licence. It appeares to [us] verie straunge that suche
jealousies should be fostered and no certeyne authoris knowen,
and we thinke that our bypast cariage in all our actions hathe
deserved that we should be friendlie satisfyed, at least by
detecting the authors, that if they be men of credit and their
delations be surely warranted, paynes may be irrogated to the
offenders; and if maliciouslie they be contrived to be a
disquieting of the amity betwixte our states, they may be’
punished or at least knowen for seditious enemyes of the publick
repose, and we cleered of so vile imputations; from whiche wee
have alwayes bene so farre as we never medled in any course
with whatsoever prince whiche we wold not have knowen to all
the worlde. And althoughe the frends of Poury Ogilvy have
made greate sute to us that he shoulde be at libertie under
pecuniall paines, yet we have refused, because the said Sir
Henry Broncard amongst others his expostulations alledged that
when suche persons as had abused our auctority being oute of
the contrey returned home, their heads were clapte, we have
made him fast till tryall may be had, if he have merited any
more greevous punishment, whiche he shall not escape if in any
case he be guilty. Wherein we wolde wishe them to keepe the like
severity bothe in tryall and punishement of suche as by surmeses
and calumnyes foster suche jealosies, whereof the ende, if
remedy be not found, will breede more displeasour. Yow shall
deale as you finde opportunity that we may have certainty that
nothing be done in prejudice of our title, and observe carefully
that under pretext of discoverie of this action no stuffe be forged
to our disadvantage. The rest to your discretion and our
former instructions. Committis you to God. Holyroodhouse the
fifth of Februarie, 1601. Signed, James R.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and welbeloved cousin and
counsellour the Earle of Mar and Abbot of Kinlosse, our
ambassadors at the Court of England.

Kine James tue Sixta to the Haru-or Mar.

1601, April 9. Linlithgow.—Richt traist cousing and
counsallour, we greit yow hertlie wele. We have ressavit your
letter and sene your uther letter send to our Secretare, and
according to our accustumat forme used toward our ambassa-
douris in sic great and wechtie materis of estate, have writtin
your ansuer with our awin hand. Lykeas for the mair haistie
dispasche of this berare (lang luikit for be yow) in absence of
our Secretar (quher we ar presentlie) we have causit writ
ansuer concerning the mater of the Bordour. It appeiris in the
hinderend of your letter anent the hunting accident that the
Quene and Counsale seame verray far to mistak that mater,
as lykvise that your selffis hes mistaiken the same. For
49

compensatioun wes nevir promeist to be admittit be us; bot, be the
contrair, we craved the entrie of the Englische officiaris for
compensatioun of the entrie of our officiaris to thame for lesse
faultis, these that our officiaris tuke the revendge upoun being
bot bas rascall thevis; quhairas thay that wer murtherit,
woundit and taiken prissoneris at that hunting, wer gentilmen
of honnest rankis and houssis, being giltie of na cryme to
England nor nevir afoir complenit upoun. We wer never sa
unjust towards our awin subjectis as to tak Englandis, spairing
and not punischeing of sum of thair bad subjectis to be a
compensatioun for sa great wrangis committit on our gude
subjectis, specialie that being done be thair officiaris and
avowitlie on day licht, betwixt the quhilk and ony doing of our
baid thevis can be na proportioun. Thairfoir, as of befoir, lett
that great complaint be renewit, and the Quene and Counsale
be put im remembrance quherat that mater left, quhilk wes not
upoun any sic termes of compensatioun, as is wranguslie alledged
be thame, bot becaus eftir you had anis for a fassoun wairdit
Mr. Phenick and Hary Wothingtoun in frie warde quhill forder
tryell, we and thay could not aggrie upoun the forme of the said
tryell, bot efter lang disputatioun it deit out on thair parte
upoun that pot. In quhilk respect ye sall as of befoir urge
justice upoun that point, quhilk the Quene promeist to us be hir
awin letter, as is agereable to equitie and justice. Sua be not
content to be satisfeit with sic forged and sklender excuisses :
assuiring the Quene and Counsale as be oure letters and
' ambassadors we have oft done afoir, that gif justice be not now
done in that earand, the gentilmen quhom we have quhill this
tyme deteanit from thair avin revendge in hoip of justice, will
now becum dispairit, and luiking na mair for redresse, it will
not langer ly in our pouer to stay thame from mending thame
selffis. Thus we commit yow in Godis protectioun. From
Linlythgw, the ix of Aprile, 1601. Signed, Jauzs R.

We have writtin to the Lord of Roxburcht and Lard of
Johnstoun according to the tennour of the former part of your
letter.

Addressed :—To our richt traist cousing and counsallour
the Eril of Mar, our Ambassadour, presentlie at Londoun.

1601.—Licence to Mr. Robert Bruce, minister, to return to
Scotland and resort to any part thereof save Edinburgh, and
miles thereabout, dispensing with all acts made in the
contrary. Signed, James R.
1601.—Order to the Captain and Constable of the Castle of
Edinburgh to deliver to Ludovick, Duke of Lennox, tua pareis
falconis and ane moyen with thair bullat and furnitour, to be
cariet in his schip to France. Signed, James R.

THe Marauis oF Hamitron to the Hart or Mar.
1602, March 17. Hamilton—My Lord and weilbeloveit
gossope, efter my verie hartly commendatioun. I resavit your
lordshipis letter and persavis thairby the injurie laitlie done to
D
50

yow be my cousing, yong James Hamiltoun, in hoching of your
oxin, quhairof I- knew nathing befoir the cuming of your
lordshipis letter in my handis; and gif the yong man had maid
me aquent heirwith befoir the doing of the twrne and socht my
consall thairinto, I vald have be all meaneis dissuadit him fra
fallowing furth of any sic course. And now seing it proceidit by
my knawledg I vill na vay fortifie nor maintein his wrangus
doingis, for your lordship knawis how far I mislyk al sort of
wrangis or oppressionis ; meikill mair vill I mislyk ony vrang.
done to yow. hair is nane, nather Hammiltoun nor uther, quha

vill preise to do vrang to your lordship quhom I vill fortifie, bot

rather vil assist yow aganeis ony quhatsumever in Scotland,

his Majestie only being exceptit. Sa my hartly commendationis

rememberit to my guid lady, your bedfallow, I commit yow and

hir baith to God his halie protectioun. Hamiltoun, the xvij of

Martch, 1602. Your lordshipis assurit loving gossop to the

utirmest of my pouar. Signed, Hammon.

Addressed :—To my Lord and weilbeloveit gossope, the Earle
of Mar.

Kine James tHe Srxtu to the Hart or Mar.

1608, May 14. Greenwich.—Jamzs R.—Right traist cousing
and counsallour, we great you hertlie wele. Having both be our
dearest bedfellow the Quenes letter and report of Sir George
Douglas hard of that mater laitlie fallin out at Sterling, as we
have caryed our selff in sic incidentis, sua trust we that ye will
not now utherwayes then ye have hithertillis done, stand upoun
any ceremonyes, bot conforme your selff to quhatsumevir may
content us or be aggreable to our pleasour, quhilk in this cais
we have directed our dearest gousing and counsallour, the Duke
of Lennox, particularlie to acquent you with, quhom ye sall
credeit, and to quhais advise to be deliverit to you in our name
we dout not bot ye will alwayes conforme your selff, as ye have
done heretofoir in all things belanging us. And sua remitting our
forder mynd to the sufficiencie of the bearer, we commit you to
God. From our Court of Greinwiche the xiiij of May, 1608.

Kina JAMES THE SixTH to the Ear or Mar

1608, May 17. Greenwich.—James R.—Right trusty and
welbeloved cousin and counsellour, wee greete yow right hartely
well. Having understood as well by your awin declaration made
to the Counsell, which yee desyred should by them be signified
unto us, as by your owne letter upon your dewty and allegeance,
that some of our subjectes had an intention to have taken our
dearest sone, the Prince, if he had come from Striveling to the
Torwood; and considering the same to be a purpose of no litle
consequence which can not be let passe, but meriting dew tryall
and condigne punishment, whiche cannot be well prosequted
except yee come hether in persone to give us up the names of the
persons who should have bene of the said conspiracy that we
may thereafter proceede in their tryall; it is therefor our will
51

that yee faill not, all excuses sette aside, to addresse your selfe
hether in all possible diligence to the effect aforesaid. For seing
yee have sette downe the accusation so cleerly wee intende to
procede with no lesse care in the tryall and punishment thereof.
As for our letter sent by yow to our dearest bedfellow, although
yow have done no thing in the not delyvery thereof but according
to our direction, yet since the contents thereof are not of so
ereate consequence as they are particulare and not fitte to come
in every man’s handis, it is our will that for her better satis-
faction ye delyver the same to any of the Counsell to be given to
her and disposed upon as she pleaseth in case she continew in
that wilfulnes, as she will not heare your credite nor receave the
same from your owen handes. In all other thinges concerning
the transporting of our sone yee shall dispose your selfe
(according as our cousin the Duke of Lennox will particularely
acquaint yow) to that whiche is our plesour; and advise with him
carefully upon our honour and his surety. To whose sufficiency
remitting the rest and looking for yow here in all haste wee bid
yow farewell. From our Pallace of Grenewich the xvij” of Maye,
1608. Subscribed, J. ELPHINSTON.

Addressed :—To our right trusty and welbeloved cousin and
counsellour, the Earle of Mar.

DISCHARGE BY KING JAMES THE SIXTH to JOHN, Fart oF MarR
AND OTHERS ANENT THE CUSTODY OF THE PRINCE.

1603, May 23. James R.—Forsamekle as it hes pleasit the
Kingis Majestie to direct his Hienes richt traist cousing and
counsallour, Johne, Erle of Mar, Lord Erskin, etc., to sie the
persoun of his dearest sonne, the Prince of Walis, savelie convoyit
to his presence in company of his Hienes dearest bedfellow, the
Quene, his mother, and that be speciall act of Counsale sindrie
noblemen, baronis and utheris, freindis and dependaris upon his
Hienes cousing foresaid, standis bound and obleist as cautioneris
and souerties for his loyall and honorable discharge of the cair
and credite committed to him be his Majestie of the persoun of
the said Prince, his custodie and educatioun during his tender
yeiris, quhilk be his present transport commandit be his Majestie
may in gude reasoun expyre and be dischargit for the pairt of the
saidis cautioneris; thairfore his Hienes hes exonerit, relevit and
dischargit and be the tennour of this present act exoneris, relevis
and discharges all and sindrie the saidis noblemen, baronis and
utheris cautioneris for the said Erle contenit in the said act, of
their said band and obligatioun, and quhatsumever clause, pane or
danger thairin specifeit, acknawlegeing the haill content thairof
to be maist honorablie and faithfullie performit be his said
cousing in everie poinct, and declaring in that respect the force
and strenth thairof in sa farre as it tuichis or may concerne his
saidis cautioneris or any of thame, thair airis or successouris, to be
expyrit and extinct, and thame and every ane of thame to be fred
and relevit thairof for now and ever, the said Lirle resting alwayes
in his persoun bound and obleist be vertew of the foresaid act
52

upoun his honour and fidelitie to continew his cairfull and vigilant
attendance upoun the persoun of the Prince, his preservatioun and
save convoy in company of the Quene, his dearest mother, till he
presente him in savetie to his Majestie; at the quhilk tyme his
Hienes promittis in his princelie word to sie him gratifeit with a
condigne rememberance to him and his in a perpetuall recorde
of his said service; and ordanis this present to be registrat in the
buikis of Secreit Counsale ad futuram rei memoriam.

Kinc JAMES THE S1xTH to JoHN, EARL or Mar. (HOLOGRAPH.)

1604.—Milorde, ye remember at youre last pairting from me
that I reccomendit youre cousin of Fentons earande to youre
curtesie. And althoch I hoape that rememberance shall be
sufficient for his turne, yett because I persaved ye was not then
resolved quhat speciall ende ye wolde make thairin, and that the
season of the yeire drawis nou on quhairin of necessitie it must
be at a pointe, I have thocht goode to directe the bearare hierof,
my servande and your freinde, to be a remembrancer to you in
that earande, quhom I have instructid to tell you fullie my
mynde thairin, assuring myself that in dealing with this pairtie
ye will not only considder that he is one of youre owin neerest
kinsmen and that he is one of my oldest servants, and the sonne
of so honest a father, but especiallie, and above all, that he was
one of thaime that so happelie and honorablie preserved his lyfe
quhome in ye breathe under God, quho must ever requyte with
thankefulnes those that use courteouslie any of thaime, as, if he
waire not a king he woulde be thaire seconde against any of
thaire adversaires. And thus wishing you a shorte and a fortunate
Parliament thaire for ane antidote to oure fashouse and frowarde
Parliement heir I bidde you heirtelie fairwell. James R.

Addressed :—To our rycht trustie and weilbelowit cousing and
counseller, the Erle of Mare. Sealed with a small seal, apparently
that of Queen Elizabeth.

Kina Henry THE FourtH OF FRANCE to JoHN, EARL oF Mar.

c. 1605, October 80. Fountainbleau.—Mr. le Conte, Je say
que nous afectyonnes tellemant le contantemant et le byen des
aferes du Roy d’Angleterre, mon bon frere, que vous luy
conseylleres tousyours de conserver et antretenyr une amyty4 sy
antyen et parfete quest celle que nous avous contractée et juree
ansamble, non a presant seullemant, mes de tout tams, toutesfoys
come cest une des choses de ce monde que jafectyonne le plus
pour toutes sortes de consyderasyons non moyns utylles et
honorables @ lun que a lautre. Y1 faut par la presant que je nous
prye de contynuer a fere pour ce regard les devoyrs et bons
ofyces que le S'de Beaumont, mon ambassadeur, ma esayt y
avoyr esté par vous contrybues jusques a4 presant, et je
partycyperay au gré que mondyt bon frere vous au saura pour
le reconytre avec luy quand locasyon sau presentera ayusy que
nous dyra mondit ambassadeur. Je prye Dieu, Mr. le Conte,
quyl nous ayt au sa saynte et dygne garde. Ce xxx"
Octobre, a Founteneblean, Signed, Henry.
53

Lorp NortHampton to the Fart or Mar.

1607, November 22. I shall not neede to fear any surfeite of
longe wrytinge, most trew and noble 20 when my constitution
and affection at the first accident that eyther soundes the name
of 80 ore concernes his service not only digestes crudities but
gives a fresh appetite. I neede no other motive for my encourage-
ment to adventure my best wares in this shippe than that the
pilotes name is Erskyne and as littill remoid from your selfe in
honor as in consanginuity. I shall not neede to repeate any
thinge that is written to 30, bycause I thinke his Majesty will
impart them at his best leysure. I will only remembere some
particulers which I coulde not insert thear for fear of spinninge
out my lynes into great length, and therfor it may please your
lordship to supplye this as it wear out of a seconde infusion.

My Lord of Shrowsbury, of whose idoles sublimation ore at the
least of a purpose to make hir higher by as manie steppes as
ascende to the skaffolde if she followe some mennes councelles,
hath bere despreately sicke, not only of the strangury, but
withall of such frurres simptomaticall out of smarte and agony in
so much as it is not possible that he shoulde live longe in this
torment if it contynewe, for the necke of the bladder is so rawe
as it should appere by excoriation (which is the disease whereof
Hatton the Chancellor deceasid) as onlesse they can by lenitives
diminishe some part of that acrimony which bringes on those
frurres and enforcith him to rore at evry avoydance, which is
every hower, violenta cannot be perpetua. Nowe that the Quine
hath satisfied the world in callinge into hir Councell some of the
nobilitie that is truly ancient, I thinke she wolde be gladde that
he should give way to another, for since his admission, she
neyther askid his advise in any thinge nor ever callid him into
any cause of weyht, whereof befor his sickenesse he both
complayned bravely and mutined. He hath marryed a daughter
to the nephowe of my Lorde of Kente, but without addition
eyther of ability ore allyas; for beside that the younge jintilman
is of my Lord Sempiles howse and as sillye as his father in lawe
is shrewde, it is certaine also that my Lord of Kente will not
participate with those inventions and practises. One of the chefest
causis that inducid my Lady of Shrewsbury to desire so much
the callinge of hir husband into Councell was bycause she
thought that place wold cleer him of contagion and encourage
frendes to showe their affectiones more freely without feare.
But I doe assure your Lordship they ar lesse respectid then
before, and holde it more dangerouse to adheare to a figure with
a fraction then to a cipher in his singularity.

The Quines suspicion of the Dukes arrivall at the very rumpe
of a Parliament is somewhat qualefied, though not wholly
quenchid by the Dukes forbearinge to speake any thinge from
the Kinge to disquiet hir. But she is still infinitely offendid
with the very rumor, both in England and advertised from forrain
partes that such a mistery was lookid for, and that the people
speake as freely by this occasion as if the titele had bene
achivd and establishement agreed uppon.
54

The Master of Gray writes to 10 ernestely that the Duke may
be royally entertayned by hir Majesty and much favored by 10
himselfe, bycause he sais that 80 is enclyned ever to valewe those
chepely that are best able to doe him service heere; wherefor he
doutes not but if the Duke may be sent home with the favor of
the Quene he shail be better able to blanke some that have
eclipsid him, which is a thinge, as he saies, that many worthy
men desire that wold be more industriouse and ready to serve
the Quene, as he saies. than 20 and all his followers. This
Councell unto 10, as he sais, proceedes not out of anie particuler
but out of speciall affection to him and a greate desire that ho
maie be rather fittid with a frende whom the State of Scotland
loves and honores, than with such as he must choose, if he will
choose accordinge to the flourishe of the present time as they
hate and envye. By this it apperes that none of them have yet
any trewe light or lykely proufe of any thinge, which pleasith 10
exceidingly. Thus farre theyr practise serves our turne to
descrye theyr mallice, and make 10 see playnly that acording to
vowes and promisis he is nobely and soundly dealt withall, and
that for wantt of demonstratione, theas active gallantis are forcid
to exercise thair nimble wittes in conjectur and prophecy. He
procedes a littell furder yet, and wrytes to 10 that 80 speaking
with a frende of his should saye that he mervalid that though 20
brought the packettes which he receyvid out of Ingland to his
owne handes contynually, yet the Master of Gray receyvinge
advertisementis from sondry of his choisest frendes did not
deliver them, heruppon, saies Gray, to winne his favour without
anie prejudice to your selfe. Because your letter conteynid
nothinge unfitte for him to see, I sent him the last letter which
I receyvide from yourself which he conceived in very good parte,
and, above all, he comendid my intention and endevor, saies
Gray, to make a leage betwen you and his Tresorer, which the
letter did specify. In conclusion, he adviseth 10 to write some
letters to him privately sometime in such a stile as beinge redde
by 80, may in diverse degrees doe good both to himself and 10,
which is the scope of his industry. All this winde shakes no
corne bycause 10 thinkes that poetrie about the packettes that
are said to be delivered by 20 to have bene only an artifice to
discover by 10 aunser whither anye such convoye wear fixid, ore
in case thear wear not to his knowledge, then to stirre up in 10
a stronge and curiouse desire to inquire and discover who they
are in Ingland that love 20 with trewe affection. But never was
jackedaw so well cousined in his owne schoole poyntes and
quiddities, though 10 forbid me to advertise theas particuleres,
bycause they are of no great importance to the mayne, and yet
he thinkes that any one of theas smalle leakes wolde let in a
great deale of water into the vessell of our traffick if the least
poynt came to discovery.

Kildar, out of rage that hir grande leake hath had a stoppe,
though with all the kyndnesse, caution and consideration that
discresion can devise, as befor this you knowe, is almost madd,
and challanged 10 to his face as author and contryver of this
55

inhibition by discoveringe some thinges to 80 as she had
imparted hertofor to himself in confidence. Your lordship need
not doute but in awnseringe he plaid his masters piece,
sometime scoffinge, sometime bravinge hir; wheruppon I causid
9 to speake with hir againe, and so strongly to insiste by way of
discourse uppon probable suspicions, ore rather evident
demonstrationes of the affection of 10 to 80, as hir idele
apprehensiones might spende and vanishe for wante of proufe
ore probability to warrant them. After the rownde speech of 10
with hir, she spake with 9 in another stile, ascribinge 10 mallice
toward her only to the constancy of hir devotion to 10, but yet
she laide downe lykelyhodes of hir precedent imagination that
10 was well affectid to the Kinge, which both hir owne
repentance uppon better arguments and 9 reasones satisfied.
She was in such a passion out of disdayn, as I assur your
lordship, that if she had been discoverid and derectid to the
Quene by Cobham, as for a weeke and more the Quenes strange
countenance to her gave us all cause to fear, she was resolvid to
have accused 10 also with as many probabilities as suspicion
and spleen could heape togither, and of running the same course
with 80 to the utter ruine of all his best advantagis. For to my
owne worthy nephewe, the Lord Thomas Howard, who is her
councellor at theas hard streyghtes she threatenid to breake the
necke of that weasile (which was hir owne terme) that had
disgracid hir, but the particular she told him not. I thinke
that I will signifie some parte of thoas proceedinges which I leave
to him, and only besech your lordship to present this figure to
the wisdome of 80, who will soone perceive what proportion
thear is betwen the good that possibly can growe from such a
busie body as understandes no secrete of the State, nor so much
as ordinary passagis (bycause hir owne sexe dare not speake
before hir), and the plunge she puttis the Kinges frendes and
affayres to by theas passiones and precipitationes uppon evry
accident that troublis hir. She is now put into the vayne of
sekinge by good meanes to draw 10 to favor 30, and here we
meane to holde hir till the later daye for any good that she shall
ever worke by hir endeavour, for I have advisid 10 by this
advantage of hir entermeddelinge to make that impression of his
respecte to 80, which may wear out those markes which facility
had left in hir minde before, and make hir see hir owne
idelnesse in ayminge at impossibilities. or, believe it, that she
kepith in hir minde a large memoriall of all advantagis by worde
or action that may holde those persones in this place in awe
that she wolde raygne over.

God be praysid that the Kinges fall did him no more hurt.
God sendes thoase warninges to make worthy servantis see how
well it becomith them to let him know of what importance theas
adventures are, and that this violence in exercise will every daie
lesse stande with his owne securitie, with his cuntries good and
the grave conceit which the worlde holdis of him. This wear
the waie for aspirores and competitores, as one said to Alexander,
In capite orbis litem finiendi. It wear the nixte meane, as one said
56

to David, extinguendi lucernam in Israel. It wear that error
which discresion forbiddes—to carry elixir in a glasse; and I
dare undertake my Lord of Shrewsbury wolde have one disease
more then he hath yet uppon condition that 30 wolde be still as
carelesse of his royall person and of his future state as he hath
bene hitherto. But the more eager that suche cockatricis are of
like accidentes, the more ought servantis of our stronge affection
to quiver and tremble in our very sowles, puttinge His Majestie
often in mind of that olde axiome, that Frustra Neptunum
invocat qui bis ad ecundem impingit scopulum. If I wear in
the place of admonitoun, and by nature tounge tied, as some are,
1 doo protest that the like occasion wolde breake the stringe and
give utterance.

I beseech your lordship to devise some course, by direction of
his Majesty, howe this bad person, Hamilton, may be divertid
eternally from hence, for it is he that findinge by his elvishe
witte that thear is secrete motion which no mannes eye can
sensibly discerne, puttes Kildare in passion with ideas of
disgrace, stirres the poor Duke to ambition by suggestinge
weathergalles, and infusith reasones and illusiones to Beltrees,
who, like an organ, sowndes when the other blowes, acordinge
to the motives of his owne unquiete thoughtes, which affecte to
be singuler. I have lefte this matter wholly to my letter at this
time to worthy 8, who will acquainte His Majesty and 20 with
all that hath passid in that mistery.

This Parliament hath no other scope nor object then the
subsidy, though it treate of other matters obiter but chefely of
pluralityes amonge the prestes and monopolyes amonge the
layty; though littell, I thinke, will be don, the one pinchinge
present possessors, the other paringe and empayringe the
prerogative, which the elder the Quene growes, the more she will
desire to fortifye. Touchinge succession nothinge propownded
in figure, nothinge conceyvid in prejudice, but all myndes as
thoroughly perswadid of one truth, one right, one clayme, as if
all the states had concludid it.

The Quene, in all hir robes, had fallen the first day of the
Parlament if some jentilmen had not sodainly cast themselves
under that side that totterid, and supportid hir. The Kinge did
fall without harme; the Frenshe King with a great brouse
which provis that some great planet in this configuration was
precipitate. But God is graciouse et sapiens dominabitur astris.

Pardon my scribbelinge, deere lord, for I am infinitely weary.
The punishement I wold have layd one the papers themselves
and that they maie be burned when you have perusid them. I
wish your lordship all happinesse and my selfe in your consorte
for so I am sure I should not be very farre from Sol when
I wear nixte to Mercury, tyll which happy howere, I rest, nowe
and ever, your lordships most affectionatly devotid to love and
honour you, 3.
57

Lorp Norrpampton to the Haru or Mar.

1608, January 1.—Your lordships honorable and kinde
salutationes might impose one me either a great imputation of
necligence, ore a heavy burdene of unthankefulnesse, if my owne
conscience coulde not cleere me thus farre that in my chamber
windowe lie yet two letters written to your lordship, and
forgetfully left behinde by two jentilmen of Scotland that
promised with their owne handes to deliver them. But, worthy
lord, make account that till I forget my self, which is the last.
pointe I can forget, the memory of that constant traye shall
never slippe out of my minde, which beinge first begon in a time
of hazard, hath since bene strengthenid and secondid with a faire
gale of prosperity.

I dare not saie that I thinke the time of your absence from
this place verie longe for feare of displeasinge a vertuouse and
worthy lady that holdes the time of your aboade in those partes
very shorte. But your lordship must give me leave to wishe
that you wolde bringe my ladye with you at your nixte returne
and so all desires should be contentid and all frindes satisfied.

Though I doubte not but your lordship heares often to your
comfort of the constant health and contentid state of our deer
Master and his hopefull springe, yct bycause itisa . . .* of
musick that sowndes ever cheerefully in your 3 Be
eare, I will adde my eccho to those cleere . . O Br8: eS
amonge us upon that plaine songe are
with all sortes of harmony.

The world abroade beginnes to binde so . . . . ...
as it is not unlyke that under the . oe
lesse Octavius the gates of Janus shall . . . . a a
as they wear at cominge of the great Messias, that out of mercy
to this iland brought our happy monark to raigne over us.

The States that wear so dainty in excepting against the last
agreacion from Spaine, as over weake to beare the frames of
satisfaction and suretie, which those must raise, begin nowe
accepte of it reasonably well with all the faultes, though it be
very certain that some of the provinces are somewhat fearfull
and unwillinge to proceed befor that the King of Spaines
acknowledgement of the soverainty of the States, which standes
as yet sub conditione, that is in case that upon creatinge all
other articles be agreed may be absolute.

The French King lies at the loch like a cunninge fencer
seekinge to make his benefite of all eventes, for his endes are, in
case the peace be lykely to succed, to draw unto himself the
greatest honor of the worke; if warre, then as much as lies in
him to cast the burden of the breache upon our master, who,
thankes be to God, hath as great judgement to discerne of
cunninge as to intercept advantages. It standes that .
to treade waryly in the newe pathes wherin . . . . so
muche to walke, and therfor our offeac . . . . may fall out

 

* Here a corner is torn off the letter.
58

in his owne State, and to . . . . owne of springe whenso-
ever the lampe . . . . goeout he takes no great pleasure
‘ either out with the Spaniardon . . . . fall out
so brave a warre befor . . . . force of his Majesty and
him self with the States as might seame to the King of Spaine,
both a weaker appetite, and a lesse ability to bound upon the
backe in case he had an humor to plaie trickes afterward.

The ancient manner of Scotland was as your stories reporte,
that the state of a sick mannes disease being set upon the door
all passengers resortid thither to make offer of such medecines
and receites as had curid others in their knowledge of the same
infirmities that . . . . languished and haif dispaired in the
same state befor. If your lordship therefor will vouchesafe as well
out of your love as of your skille to impart to me the compositions
of that receite which drewe you after longe exile to the favor of the
Quene, I shall hold it a very great obligatione. For notwith-
standinge my longe labor to gather the best simples and to
procure the best ingredientes that are to be gottene by the
highest compasse of my skille, yet my paines are lost, my hopes
are spent, expectation is in the wane, indignation at the fulle,
and my conclusion is uncomfortable if not desperat with 8.
Peter, Tota nocte laborantes nihil capimus, I have used mediators
of intercession with the Catholikes as undervallwinge my owne
merite. I have resortid to the springe heade with the
Protestantes as confident in hir generosity but Damnati nun
merentur as the Schoolmen teache. Esau could not obteine
favor though he sought it with tears. I meane not an Esau out
of deserte, but a forlorne hope by necessity. The disease is like
the small poxe, for if will run in a bloude, and at this instant
thear is not one of my name, olde or younge, priusquam fecissent
aliquid boni aut mali that can escape the whippe of this sever
chastisment. But God that turneth Princes hartes like mighty
rivers can, when it seems good to His providence, redresse theas
wronges; and in the mean time I will endure with as great
patience as it pleasith the Quene, my mistresse, to mak proufe
of my obedience with austerity. God, out of His inestimable
grace, hath destined me to so rare, so graciouse and so swete
a master, as one graine of his vertewe maie seasone ten gallandes
of undeservid indignation.

Your lordship shall finde the Court in the same state
touchinge offices wherein you left it at your departure. Hence
no lykelyhode of alteration nor transposition in anie kynde.
Sutes never went more lowe then at this presant, though the
vessell be set one tilte that at the first brochinge sprange more
abundantly. The first worke, and that which is nowe most
necessary, is to repayre the flawes of bownty with the labor of
affection. For the world might judge all men unworthy to live
that beinge raisid and rewardid by the goodnesse of the swetest
Prince that did ever breath, ad anime deliquium, then see the
ereatenesse of his harte streightid by enclosures of indigence.
A certain selectid number, wherof I am both the rairyest and the
59

unworthyest, though not least affectionat, have taken this
sicke state of our deer master into cure, which will . . . .
be so easie nowe that the best herbes are gatherid by which it
behovith us to worke. But yet perhappes by peeringe into
places that weare coverid with shade from ravenouse desires, we
may perhappes picke up so many as may make a sallet for the
King, though not sufficient for all thoase that attende with a
more eager desire to be satisfied then just and moderate
consideration of such ordinary meanes as befor our daies wear
reputid more then sufficient to satisfy.

Sir Jhon Fortescue is at this present only said to be deade,
for he was deade befor to the State, though so longe as a man
can walke in this place he dreames of immortality. Sir Thomas
Parry, the late ambassador of Fraunce, havinge receavid by the
Quenes favor a reversion of the Placets [is] nowe with the
possession therof acordinge to the custome sworne councellour.

I feare that after so longe silence I shall trouble your lordship
with another extreeme in tryinge you with so many lines at
once, wherfor havinge now emptied my packe of such wares as
this fayre doth afforde, I will nowe conclud with my kindest
wishes to your lordship, and an ernest sute that my service may
be remembrid to your vertuouse and noble lady, to whom I
cannot wishe a better fortune and more agreable to hir owne
desire then the longe fruition of hir husband which she hath, as
heisnowe. . . . . . by time, though in the prime of his
age, as well as I love him, yet I wold not have sworne for him.
God send you both as longe comfort one of another and of those
olive buddes that spring from both as you maie be both assured
to commaund, your affectionat and constant frend to doo you
service, NonTHAMPTONE.

1608, April 1. Stirling—Testament and Latter Will of John,
Earl of Mar, made in view of his departure for England to attend
upon the King, where he has been several times visited with
great sickness to the danger of his life. He appoints Dame
Mary Stewart, Countess of Mar, his wife, tutrix testamentar
to their children, and nominates her and them his executors
with respect to all his goods, except that which he leaves to his
eldest son to remain with the house (among which are the
bason and laver, set with mother-of-pearl, which he received as a
present from Queen Elizabeth when he was ambassador, and his
“fairest jewall,” which he got from the King of France). He
approves and ratifies the bond made by himself with the Duke
of Lennox, his good-brother, anent the security of the lordship
of Brechin, made to the said Countess of Mar (who is the Duke’s
sister). He mentions his second, third, and fourth daughters,
Anna, Margaret, and Annabell, for whom he has made provision ;
and that he has given all his lands in England to his eldest son,
with the exception of the Manor and Hundred of Ocham, which
he intends for his son James. He leaves to his wife a jewel
which he bought at London from Sir William Lerick. He leaves
his heart to his master, his sacred Majesty; and to his young
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sweet master (Prince Henry) he leaves his eldest son and the
rest of his children, whose greatest honour is that they were
brought up in house with him. Copy.

ORDER FOR THE IMPRISONMENT OF THE MaRQUIS OF HUNTLY.

1608, October 11. Edinburgh.—Capitane, constable and
keeparis of the Castell of Striviling, you sall ressave George,
Marques of Huntlie, in warde within the Castell, thairin to
remane upoun his awne expenses ay and whill he be fred and
relevit be a warrand and directisvn in write frome his Majestie.
Wheranent thir presents salbe your warrand. Signed,
AL. CaNcELL*

Kine JAMES THE SixTH to the Haru oF Mar.

1609, April 28. Whitehall—Jamas R.—Right trustie and right
weilbeloved couseing and counsellour, we greit yow weill. This
resolution which is to be taken with these two excommunicat
noblemen wairdeit, requyring to be so weill thought upon, as
that neither they be too much trusted upon there too easie
yealding, nor yett driven to dispaire by ressaveing no comfort in
there conforming, wald be so mannaged as all inconveniences
may be prevented. And bicause we have not many in that
kingdome bot your self and the Erle of Dounbarr, upon whose
advyise in that mater or any other of great moment we will in
any sorte much relye, and knowing that his inabilitye, notour to
your self, that will not permitt him without great hazard of
health to performe his journey of coming hither and returne
aganis the Parliament tyme; and we, finding the frequent
posteing of the Bishops much censured as a thing unfitting and
skandallous for men of there function and place, and utherwayes
there comming hither to be hardly misconstrued by those wairdit
as if they were the onely cause of there deteyning, and,
herewith, presumeing that yow, as haveing the charge and keeping
of both the noblemen, by resson of that intelligence which you
may have from your servants, there keepers, doe understand
many things that no doubt you are most wiiling and desyrous to
imparte unto us, and yett wilbe loath ather to committ to wrytt
or communicate the same to any other alywe; wee are,
therefore, to desyre you upon ressett hereof, with the first good
occasion, to meitt with our right trustie couseing, the Erle of
Dounbar, and others of our Counsell, whome we have appointed
to be conveynit for that effect, and with them to consult,
deliberate and resolve anent there best advyise and counsell
what course salbe taken hereafter with these wairdeit excom-
municat noblemen, to the effect we may thereupon direct our
speciall commandement thereanent to our Counsell there.
Wherein since it is a matter tuiching so neare the suirtye of the
religion, the quietnes of the church, the peace of the countrey
and our service, we know there neads no spurrs to a willing
horse. And expecting your presence here, shortly after the
dissolving of that your meiting, that so you may in dew tyme
61

returne with our directions, both for that and other matters to
our Parliament (now so neare approaching), from which we
would be sorie you should be absent, we bid you in the meane
whyle right hartiely farewell. From our Court at Whitehall, the
23 of Aprill, 1609.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and right weilbelovid
couseing and councellour, the Earle of Marr.

FRANCIS, EARL OF ERROLL, to Kinc JAMES THE SIXTH.

c. 1609, May.—May it please your Majestie—In all my
extremiteis it wes my dewtie to craif my releiff first at your
Hienes; bott fearing my offence hade so commowit your
Majestie, I durst not presume at that tyme to lament my estait.
Sir, I employit sic of your Hienes Counsall as could best declair
my bygane dozingis, in speciall, my Lordis of Mar and Thesaurar,
to deall for my releiff at your Majesteis handis, be quhais
labouris as yitt, I have ressavit na gryit contentment, bott
delaying of time, rather to augment my ereiff, nor diminish my
dolor. Sir, my onlie desyer in this warld is to be in your
Majesteis guid grace, and be my maist humill service to procure
my bygane offence to be put in oblivione; craiving with all
humilitie your Hienes favor and pardone for quhatsumevir
offence I have done against the smallest of your Majesteis
thochtis. And as your Hienes benefittis unto me hes bene
innumerabill, sa mekill the mair is the rememberance of my
offence greivous unto me, being so far bund by nature, bloode
and dewtie to be ane of your Majesteis maist affectionat
subjectis, as in heart I am, and sall continew sa lang as I
leive; beseiking your Majestie to respect my young yeiris, my
guid intentione, and present estait, as sall best please your
Hienes. I pray God to grant your Majestie mony lang yeiris to
regne with all happines to your hearttis desyr. Your Majesteis
maist humill and obedient subject and servitour to be commandit
to the deathe, Errout.

Addressed :—To the Kingis Majestie.

1609, May 25. Greenwich.—Jamrs R.—Instructiones to oure
right trusty and weilbeloved couseing and counsellour, the Karle
of Marr, to be impairted by him to the Marqueis of Huntlye
and Earle of Erroll, now presentlie in wairde :—

Whereas, the Marqueis of Huntlye and Earle of Erroll, bothe
of thame wardeit and in your keiping, the one in Edinburghe,
the other in Striviling Castellis, in there letteris bothe writtin
to oure selfes and some otheris heir attending us, do muche
insist of there readdye willingnes and desyre to kyithe there
dewtye and affectioun unto us in all thinges except in materis of
conscience, as thay pretend, whereupoun they wald infer as if
thay wer only for there religioun thus persequuted and
imprisoned, being very far mistaken in the reasone of this there
detentioun, which we culd willinglie haif obscured if the sight of
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new smooke, the lyike whereof heirtofoir did bring flame with
it, did not now enforce us to unfolde the trew cause of this
oure proceiding.

Thay ar not ignorant how these divelishe Jesuites and
trafficqueing preistis haveing wroght so far with thame as to
caus thame mak a foulle apostasie from the treuth ones
professit by thame, did then also induce thame to write letters
and send blankes which wer intercepted, and therewith to
receave good deid from forrayne princes, for the whiche, by
Parliament, thay wer convicted and condamned of heighe
treasone, notwithstanding that at that tyme, many thinges in
that busynes were hid and obscure, whiche now ar cleare and
manifest. Bot when we had bein pleased to grant oure
pardoun for that there offence, and therewith a speciall over-
sight that thay might reduce the forfaltour led aganis thame,
we being induced upoun no other reasoun, bot upoun there
assured promises that thay sulde conforme thame selfes to the
religioun, that, as the falling from the faith wes the ground aad
occasioun of there failyeing in dewtye, so the caus being
taken away, we might stand in no more feare of the effectis
to ensew. And when we fand that, notwithstanding there
former promeis and outward professioun conjuned therewith,
thay did laitlye discover thame selfes to be apostates of new,
and so with the dogge returned to there womeit, we culd
expect no better from thame nor what the lyke caus had
produced befor. For we haif no reasoun to the contrarye bot
that ather upoun this there last apostasie they haif of new
sent blankes, or then the want of goode opportunitye to
effectuat that turne secreatlye, and the inlaike of choice
messingeris, or the distrust of acceptance hes moved.thame to
forbeare, whereas the presumptioun is infallible that thay ar
in all respectis als ready to it as they wer then, the defectioun
from the religioun induceing thame thereto at that tyme. And
that being the ground of the present suspitioun, which hes
justlye moved us for the suirty of the estaite, thus to committ
thame, so if at any tyme heirafter it sall ather be spokin or
writtin by thame selfes, or objected by any Popishe writer
whatsumevir that this there detentioun is for mater of conscience,
and so inferr it to be persequutioun for religioun, we will (to
there perpetuall reproache and ignominy) publishe to the
whole worlde there bypast defectioun from the treuth, being
the occasioun and ground of that there foull disloaltye unto us,
there naturall soveraigne, and of this there renewed apostasie
after oure receaved mercye granted in respect of there promise
of conformitye, whereby we ar in a just distrust of any goode
dewtye and obedience on there pairt. And therefore, as we haif
at greater lenthe dilaited this whole mater unto you, you ar to
insist with these tuo noblemen, and advyse thame to take some
other better course for freithing thame selfis of this too just
suspitition, which we do conceave of there undewtifulnes by this
there renewed apostasie, and as we know nothing to the
contrarye, bot the same evill weade in thame, hes procured the
63

lyik unsavorye blossome which it did heirtofoir, howevir as yit
undiscovered, so we can do no les for the suirtye of the estaite
then to deteyne thame thus in wairde, whome.we haif so just
caus to suspect, according to that ordinarye proverbe, that those
who hes bein ones madd may be weill supponed evir to remaine
still madd—speciallye the signes of frenesye continowing. And
whatevir succes salbe of your labouris with thame and ather of
thame, you ar to adverteise us with speid thereof. Greynewiche,
xxvth May, 1609. Signed, Aumx* Hay.

KING JAMES THE SIxTH to the Hart or Mar.

1609, May 31. Greenwich—Jamrns R.—Right trustie and
right weilbeloved couseing and counsellour, we greit yow hartiely
weill. The bypast experience and proofe which we have hereto-
fore had of your forwardnes and affection alwayes in our service
is more then sufficient argument to perswade us that there wilbe
in yow a reddy willingnes to make us continew that our good
opinion of yow. And now, since at this approaching Parliament,
there be some things to be moved tending verye much to
the creditt of the kingdome and benefitt of the commonwealth,
which as the place of our naturall birth we have heretofore and
doe still very much love and effect; and that now, at the
motioning of these things, men will discover themselves in their
owne cullours, and of the superfluitie the hart conteyns the
mouth will utter, wherby, no doubt, every man by his behaviour
at that tyme will give proofe how he is affected to our service:
And therefore, as we have committed the charge and manageing
of these affaires particularly to our right trustie couseing and
counsellour, the Earle of Dounbar (who by his letters and
advertisements heretofore written unto us, hes very much
recommended your forward affection in our former services), so
we are to desyre yow at this tyme to trust, creditt and conforme
your self to that, which he in our name, shall delywer unto yow,
or by yow shall desyre to be done; assuring yow that as we sall
finde the tryall and proofe of your affection at this tyme, and be
thereof certified by the said Earle of Dounbarr, we gall not
omitt to tak speciall notice of the same, and be thankful therefore
as occasion sall offer. And so we bid yow hartiley farewell. From
our Court at Gre[n]witch, the last of Maye, 1609.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and right weilbeloved
couseing and counsellour, the Earle of Marr.

KING JAMES THE SIXTH to the EARL oF Mar.

1609, June 7. Greenwich.—Jamus R.—Right trustye and
right weilbeloved couseing and counsellour, we greit you weill.
At the tyme of your last depairture from hense your haist to be
gone for some necessarye occasionis of your owen privatt affairis,
and urgeing so muche of your owen depairture caused us to
forbeare the recommending unto you some particular thingis
which we resolve to exped in the appproaching Parliament.
And haveing only signifyed our mynd shortly unto you
64

concerning the Comunissariatis, we thoght best to deferr the
imparteing of the rest of these thinges at that tyme as being
unwilling to mak a stay of your so necessary haist homewards,
and rather maid choice that you suld be acquaynted with oure
pleasour and will concerning the same by oure right trustie
couseing and counsellour, the Earle of Dumbar, whome we have
willed to communicat unto you in presence of the Lord Blantyre
and the Collectour of our thriddes of benefices, those materis
being of speciall moment and importance for oure service and
weill of the countrey : Willing you and these tuo to joyne with
the said Karle of Dumbar, and to consult and advyse what is
fittest to be done for effectuating and compassing of a goode
sueces to all suche affairis as we have gevin the said Earle of
Dumbar in directioun to prefer to the Parliament. And heirwith
we ar to desyre you to joyne with the said Harle in adverting to
everye ones cariage in the tyme of this Parliament, that you tuo
joyntlie may bothe of you togidder beare recorde and certefie us
who thay ar that dois shew thame selfes willing and forduard
to the furderance of our service, who crosseris thereof, and
who luckewarme and indifferent, that upoun knowledge of
everye manis behaviour we may repay thame in that measour
thay sall justlie meritt at oure handes. Bot noway doubting
of youris and the Earle of Dumbaris conjunct and _ willing
joyneing, and of your faithfull dischairgeing of bothe your
dewtyes, not only in advanceing our services bot also in
making unto us a trew repoirt of everye manis cariage, we
committ you and your proceidingis to Godis blessing ; and so
biddis you fairweill. From oure Court at Grenewitch, the
vij® of Junij, 1609.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and right weilbeloved
couseing and counsellour, the Earle of Marr.

KinGc JAMES THE SIXTH to the Hart oF Mar.

1609, July 6. Whitehall.—Jamzs R.—Right trustie and right
weilbeloved couseing and counsellour, we greit you weill.
Haveing understood by letters from oure right trustie and right
weilbeloved couseing and counsellour, the Earle of Dumbar, and
also be repoirt maid by the Lord Burley (who wes ane eyewitnes
of the same), of the great paines, cair and diligence used and
dexteritye kythed by you the tyme of this laite sessioun of
Parliament of that our kingdome in the helping, furdering and
advanceing of our service thereat, and procureing so plausable
and wished succes to all suche thinges as in oure name wer
moved to our Estaites, we culd not bot tak very speciall notice
thereof, and heirby to signifye unto you the great contentment
we haif receaved thereby, thanking you most heartly for the
same, and assureing you that as occasioun sall offer, we sall not
be unmyndfull thereof. And so we bid you heartlye fairweill.
From our Court at Whitehall, the 9th of July, 1609.

Addressed:—To oure right trustie and right weilbeloved
couseing and counsellour, the Earle of Marr.
65
KING JAMES THE SIXTH to the EaRL oF Mar.

1609, October 12. Royston.—James R.—Right trustye and
right weilbeloved couseing and counsellour, we greitt you weill.
Understanding by our right trustye couseingis, the Erle of
Dounbar and Vicount Fentoun, of the matche intendit betuix
your sone and the Erle of Hrrolis secund doghter; and by thame
being informed of the scrupule maid by you to proceid therein
in regaird of hir fatheris present estaite, and the presumptiouns
that may be takin thereby of the doghteris religioun; we do
hairtely thanke you for acquaynteing us therewith. Bot, as we
do assuire our selfe, that in the allyance there is no caus of
feare that you, by hir father, salbe anyway seduiced, whereas,
on the other pairte, there be some hoipes that you may be
a meane for his reduceing to the trew professioun (whiche we do
hairtelie wishe) ; so we desyire tuo thinges to be done heirin, the
one of whiche is to forrunne, the other to follow the matche,
whiche, being cairfullye regairdeit by you, will, no doubt, remove
all exceptionis whiche may be takin heirin. As first, for
eshewing of all skandall, it salbe fitt that befoir the matche be
perfyited, the young ladye do give full satisfactioun to the Churche
therein, whatever can be of hir justlye demandeit, for testimony
of her owne professioun. Nixt, it salbe expedient that the
matche being endit, you do plaice hir with unsuspect company
for there religioun, and direct hir so to be instructed, now in hir
young yeiris, while as sho is able to resaive any impressioun, as
haveing that regaird to hir, as to your owne doghter (of whome
the issew of your hous is now to be expected), sho may be so
taught, as there may rest no feare of hir professioun, according
to that president whiche you haif alreddy kyithed in your owne
wyife. And referring the caire of these thingis unto you, and
wisheing all happines and contentment in the matche, and
expecting no less, we bid you right hairtly fairweill. Frome our
Court at Roystoun, the xij* of October, 1609.

Addressed :—To oure right trustie and right weilbeloved
couseing and counsellour, the Earle of Marre.

16!0, August 19. Grafton.—Signature appointing George,
Earl of Dunbar, Treasurer of the New Augmentations.
It begins with the following narrative :—

“Oure Soverane Lord, understanding that the committing of
the charge of intromissioun with his Hienes rentis, revenewis
and casualities of his Hienes Kingdome of Scotland to divers
officiars -hes nocht onlie bred herme to his Majestie be the
mony unproffitable fies payit to unnecessare ofticiares, bot
alsua hinderit his Majestie to knaw the trew estait and causis
of sum ovirsichtis and abuses committit thairin, quhilk with
divers utheris inconvenientis can not be sa spidilie and weill
remeidit; and be the committing of that haill burding and
trust to ane onlie officiar, quha, having the power of intro-
missioun with his Majesteis haill rentis and charge of all

Zz
66

necessare burdings and debursmentis following thairupoun,
may with sic care and diligence, discharge his dewtie in baith
these pointis, as gif any oversicht wer fund, all excuseis sould
be takin from him, and pretextis of laying ovir the blame and
burding upoun utheris: quhereoff his Majestie having now ane
verie fitt occasioun offerit be the dimissioun of the offices of
Collectorie and Thesaurarie of New Augmentationes in his
Hienes handis be ane letter under the hand and subseriptioun
of Mr. Johne Prestonn of Panycuke, last possessor of the said
offices, and be the deceise of Sir James Hay of Kingask,
knycht, lait comptrollar of his Hienes proper rentis of his said
kingdome and by the mony pruiffis and gude experiences
alreddie had be his Majestie of the gryt wisdome, diligence,
faithfulnes and dexteritie of his Hienes trustie and weilbelovit
cussen and counsallour, George, Earle of Dumbar, Lord Home
of Berwick, alsweill in his proffitabill and faithfull adminis-
tratioun of the office of Thesaurarie of that kingdome, as of
all uther most wechtie and important charges and effaires
concerning the gude and quiet governament of that estait,
his Majestie knawing perfytlie that na burding can be layit
upoun [him] for the furtherance and benefite of his Majesteis
service and gude of that his native cuntry, quhilk his knawledge,
industrie and sufficiencie is not habill worthelie to discharge” ;
therefore, his Majesty ordains a letter to be made under the
great seal, appointing the said Earl of Dumbar for life, his
Majesty’s Treasurer, Comptroller, Collector and Treasurer of the
New Augmentations, and only and full intromitter with his
“ Majesty’s whole rents, ancient patrimony and property of his
Crown, thirds of benefices, and all casualties, etc.; with
power to appoint deputies and under receivers, and do generally
whatever belongs to the said offices, the said Earl being always
accountable to the Lord Auditors of his Majesty’s Hxchecker
appointed by his Majesty’s Commission for that effect. Copy.

Kinc JAMES THE SixTH to the HARL oF Mar.

1610, December 23. Whitehall—James R.—Right trustye
and weilbeloved couseing and counsellour, we greitt you weill.
Whereas Sir David Woode and Harye Woode, the sones of
vmquhill Patrick Woode of Bonyetoun, haveing submitted unto us
the removeing of all questioun and debaite standing betuix
thame for the successioun to the landis and leiving of Bonyetoun,
in which mater becaus we culd not heir tak a particular tryall
and cognition of the trew valew and rent of that hole living, as _ -
lykwyis of the burdeyne whiche is lying upoun the same, and of
the debtis awand ather by the father or by any of the tuo brethir,
therefoir bothe parties did condiscend upoun some arbitouris on
ather syide, and you, as ovirsman, for clearing and determineing
in these poyntes. And becaus our amicable decrie and sentence
definitive must stay unpronunced untill suche tyme as these
thinges be first cognosced upoun, and the determinatioun of you
and the arbiters gevin furth thereupoun, we ar, theirfoir,
- 67

earnestly to desyire you to accept the said submissioun in and
upoun you, and to conveyne the freyndis whiche be arbitouris on
ather syide, and to proceid in delyvering your judgment and
decrie concerning these thinges submitted according as you sall
find agreable and consonant to equitye and conscience. And in
doing heirof you sall do us most acceptable service. And s0 we
bid you right hairtlye fairweill. From our Courte at Whitehall,
the xxiij™ of December, 1610.

Addressed :—To oure right trusty and right weilbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earle of Marre.

1611, January 15. Edinburgh.—Order to the Captain,
constable and keeper of the Castle of Stirling, to release George,
Marquis of Huntly, from his imprisonment there. Signed by
Au. CancenL® Partus, Lorpianz, Guasew, D. Sconz, Buantyre,
Jo. Prestoun, A. M. E.rutinston, 8. R. Coxsurne, J. CokBuRNE.

1611, May 15.
Bill for a suit of clothes.

To the Right Hounerable my Lord Esken.

Item. Nyne yards and a quarter of figert
sattin to be jerken and hose, the price of the xlib. itijs. vjd.
yard is xxij 8. SoM 19) vs csincsc sna aawsivesine

Item. A yard three quarters of seegreenne si
sattin to the ae and ae Rate sea vad : ee i AHO) Be
Item. Three quarters and halfe of dornation ws :
tafity to dict fia ‘sleeves of the doublet with...... j Eyl se] de
Item. 2 elles and a quarter of tafity satint to
line the jerken body and sleeves, and cut te Xx]j 8. vj d.
vpon ...... ite cited adie davanie Wave ubigs vice aden Suahaamee er u04
Item. 8 quarters and halfe of black tafity YY dale
lyne the scirts of the jerkin and to bee pockets.. aaa ee
Item. Halfe a yard of whit sattin to bee the | mati
AO RA capes sliaausSpnesbncen seasasaoudcatiokes Meas f oy
_ Item. vij ownces and halfe of gallome lace to | See
the jerkin and dublet sleeves ..............-.:::000 f :
Item. iij ownces and halfe of silke ............ viij 8. ixd.
Item. iij yards of ribin to the hosekinnes ... js. yjd.
Item. 28 doosen of buttons tufted to the) ©
jerkin, dublet sleeves, and flap of the hase xliij 8.
aii vj d. tha: AUpen. cswsicses anes crac ernncseneneacsses
Item. For canvis and stifining to your ae 45
BE eo MUBICL sypacs wovindanden tices cota sonnvapeaceion Aebnies .

Item. 4 yards of Jenes fuschian to line the}
dublet and pockets to the hose .................. j

Item. 2 elles of Holon to line the hose ...... vij 8.
Item. For bayes to the hose and dublet sleeves viij 8.

iiij 8. viij d.
68

Item. Given for cutting the sleeves and

inne Or UI ena Sane re vad.
Mie a ee
Item. 2 dozen of poynts ...ccscsesscascecseeeees + «WS. iiij d.

Some is of this last reconing is ...... xx lib. ij s.
of starling.

1611, November 1st, 1612.—Account of his Majesty’s Customs

and impost of wines by Ninian McMorran, one of the tacksmen
thereof.

KiInG JAMES THE SIxTH to the Hart oF Mar.

1612, September 26. Hampton Court.—Jamzs R.—Right
trusty and right welbeloved cuzen and counsallour, wee greite
yow well. Whereas at youre last being with us, yow did
earnestly intreate us for the advancement of the Larde of
Findlater to the dignity of a Barroun, which desyre did
‘proceede from the preferment of youre soune, oure cuzen,
whom wee must respect for the love wee doe beare to bothe his
parents ; and seing that it is now sum tyme past since wee have
found that the great number of noblemen there doe more harme
then goode to that state, and that they exceede and surpasse
the number of the noblemen heere (which hath given greate
occasion of discontentment to this people, thereby alienating
there harts more and more from the Union), wee have proposed
with oure selff to forbeare for a tyme the making or creating
any more noblemen there, and to wait all oportunity how they
may be reduced to a feware number. And iff wee shall hereafter
resolve to mak any, wee doe hereby promise that he shall be one
of the first, bothe in regarde of voure intercession, and of the
gentleman’s owne worth, whom wee have evir found very reddy
to our service, and knowen to be capable of that favoure, and
ot this yow may rest assured. Soe wee bid yow hartly farewell.
From Hampton Court, this 26th September, 1612.

Addressed :—To oure right trusty and right welbeloved cuzen
and counsallour, the Harue or Mar.

Kine JAMES THE S1IxTH to the Fart oF Mar.

1612, October 30. Whitehall.—James R.—Right trusty and
right weilbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
Whereas the long possessioun of teyndis is generally by oure
subjectis there estimed to give them a kynd of heretable right
to the same, they payeing at the expireing of their takes a
reasonable sowme for the renewing thereof, it hath bene
therefore in us (to your knowledge) a verie olde song to wishe
the kyndlie takesmen at the expireing of their takes (even upoun
easier conditionis) to be to all others preferred, thinking it ane
unconscionable thing (howsoevir it be in extremietie of law
69

permissible) to dispossesse them of the same. And knowing
that the use thereof (being in deade ane covert oppressioun)
hath from tyme to tyme produced greate occasioun of quarrell
and contentioun amongst oure subjectis, cheflie where there hath
bene anie preceiding ground of quarrell betwene the old possessor
and new takesman, therefore, and becaus wee are informed that
yow and the remanent curators of the Lord Halirudhouse (now
your pupill) have of late sett a take of the teyndes of Craufurd
Lyndesay to the Earle of Angus, notwithstanding that the same
have bene these fourtene scoir of yeares in the continuall
possessioun of Johne Carmichell of Medoflatt and his pre-
decessours, and that the said Johne did evir offer to yow the
performance of all that in reson could be required for renewing
his takes of the same, wee have hereby thoght good earnestly tc
desire yow, in regaird of his so long kyndnes to the saidis
teyndes, and that his tackes thereof are not as yett expired, to
grant him a new tacke thereof for performance of such
conditiouns as the said take maid to the Earle of Argus is
granted upoun ; and that yow will likewayes upoun reasonable
conditiouns renew his tacke of his teyndes of Pittinen, held of
your erected abbacy of Drybrugh. Wherein exspecting that your
satisfactioun of oure desires shall manifest that respect whiche
yow carry to oure earnest recommendatiouns, wee bid yow
farewell. From oure Courte at Whitehall, the penult of
October, 1612.

Addressed :—To oure right trusty and right welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earle of Marr.

Eindorsed by Mar :—-His Majesteis letter in favors of the
Capitan of Crafurd.

1613, May 13. Whitehall—Letter from King James the
Sixth to Sir Gideon Murray, deputy Treasurer, sending a
petition by William Sinclare of Ethay for his consideration,
‘and having considered his rightes, if yee shall finde them fitte
to be taken into our hande, to give him suche reasonable
contentment for them as yee can agree upon; bot if they shall
not make much for us, yee shall let them go, seeing we have no
summes of monie to bestow on toyes at other mens fantasies.”’

1618, October 27. Royston.—Precept by King James the
Sixth to Sir Gideon Murray of Elibanke, Treasurer-depute, not
to expede the escheat of the late Commendator of Cam-
buskenneth, who has died while a rebel at the horn, to any
other person than Sir James Areskine.

Tor Eart oF RocHester to the Deputy TREASURER.

1618, October 27. Royston.—-Sir Gedeon.— Understanding
by my Lord Fenton that the Lord of Campskeneth is lately
dead, and forasmuch as dying outlawed, his escheat is like to
fall unto his Majestie, I have thought good hereby to advertise
70

you that you make stay of it, till you heare further from me
how his Majestie shall be pleased to dispose of it, whome I finde
most inclined to Sir James Erskin. And so I rest, your very
loving frend. Signed, Ro. Rocumster.

Addressed :—To my very loving frend, §8* Gedeon Murray,
knight, Deputie Theasorer of Scotland.

KING JAMES THE SIXTH to the Haru of Mar.

1614, May 20. Whitehall.—James R.—Right trusty and
right welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
Wee were pleased at your last being here tc speake to yow
concerning maters controverted betwixte yow and Sir James
Lockharte of Lee, and, therefore, have now taken occasion
to acquaynte yow with our earnest desire tc have some good
course taken for composing of all your differences. But
concerning the information made to us of the witholding of
tymelie teynding frome him this laste yeare, forasmuch as he
feareth that (if that mater shoulde be tryed before our Counsell),
your authority and greate meanes might there oversway him ;
and also for that any suche course wolde be directlie contrarie
to his desire, which is to have maters amicablie composed ; wee
thinke it moste fitte that each of yow choose an indifferente
neighbour, who joyntlie may informe yow of the treuthe of the
mater, and (if neede require) sende the same to us under their
handes. And because those teyndes are the only grounde of all
question betwixte yow, it were also verie convenient that neutrall
frendes were chosen on both sides, who joyntlie might esteme
the valew of the said teyndes, and sette doune such articles and
conditions as eyther of yow shall performe to other for the same.
And assuring our selfe that yee wille so much the more encline
to this good course at our requeste, wee bid yoow farewell. At
our Pallace of Whitehalle, the 20th of Maie, 1614.

Addressed :—To our right trusty and right welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earle ot Mar, etc.

Taste or Scottish Propuck Exrorrep YEARLY.

1614, c. November.—The wairris and commodaties that
ar shippit and transpoirtted furthe of this kingdome yeirlie, be
sea, ar—

1. The wairris and commodaties that the land yeildis ;

2. The commodaties that ar maid and wrocht in the countrie ;
8, The commodaties that the sea yeildis; and
4.

Sic foirrane commodaties as ar importtit and expoirttit
agane yeirlie.

Quhilk wairis and commodaties conforme to ane compt maid
partticularlie of the quantetie of ilk soirt of commodaties shippit
yeitlie at everie poirt of this realme betuix the first day of
71

November, 1611 yeiris, and the first day of November, 1614
yiris, in the space of three yeiris, is fund to extend yeitlie,
and ilk year ourheid, as followis :—

1. The wairris and commodaties that the land yeildis yeirlic.

Victuel and Viverris.
Of Quheit 1,180 bollis, ee in One at

£7 the boll, to... .. £7,950*
Of beare and maltt, 4, 256 ielis, ‘extending at
£6 the boll, to... .. £25,586
Of aittis, 646 bollis, salons: at £5 the poll, to.. 8,220
Of flowre, 8 last 9 eel ene at £9 ie
barrell, to wa 405
Of breid, callit baikis, 2 800, extending rs 408. the
hundreth, to eh 56
Of beiff, 2 last 6 barrellis, extending at ‘£10 ie
barrell, to 5 300
Of aquavite, 27 gallons, extending at ‘208. tke
pynt, to ... i 216
Summar of victuell, etc. sei we =£87,658
EHyddis.
Of salt hyddis, 1,620 asic, eee at £40 the
daicker, to ee ww. £64,800
Of hairt hyddis, 91 ater extending ae £20 the
daicker, to oe aes 1,830
Summar of hyddis is... is ... £66,630
Skynnis.
Of wol skynnis, 238,666, at 12s. the pece, is .. £148,199
Shorling skynnis, 1833, ena at £48 the
hundreth, to... £878
Of lamb skynnis, 120,810, extending bi £6 fhe
hundreth, to... 7,242
Of futfollis, 39,600, at £24 fie fanfics. oh 9,584
Of gait skynnis, 16,321, at 8s. the pece ... aos 6,528
Of calff skynnis 160, at 8s. the pece ia Sis 24
Of rea skynnis, 240, at 16s. the pece ies .. «180
Of tod skynnis, 1,012, at 40s. the pece_... eas 2,024
Of kid skynnis, 1,226, at £18 the hundreth eae 220
Of otter skynnis, 44, at 40s. the pece__.... 88

Of cuneing skynnis, 53,284, at £6 the brn dvetl., 8,194
Summa of the skynnis hee w. £172,082

 

* For convenience the numbers are changed from Reman characters to Arabic,
72

Yit the commodaties of the land.
Of woll, 10,874 staneis wechtt at £5 the stane, is £51,870
Of feathers, 331 ae ee at £4 the eee

to va 2 1,824
Of Orknaye buttar, 21 barrellis, at £14 the barrell 294
Of leid urris, 30,000 stane, wecht se at

18s. 4d. the stane ies ; 20,000

Of coallis, 6,808 chalder, at £4 the chalder a 25,232
£98,720

Sua the commodaties that the land yeildis yeirlie,
and is transpoirtted, extendis to... ... £875,085

2. The commodaties that ar maid and wrocht in the countrie,
quhairby the peopill ar sett to labour.

Of smal sait, 1,989 chalder, eeu) at £20

the chalder, to... ics .. £39,780
Of claythe and plading, 141,854 elis, extend-

ing, at £42 the hundreth, to... ... 59,574 185.
Of lynning clayth, 231,000 ellis, at 10s. —... 11,550

Of hardin clayth, 620 ellis, at 5s. the elne ... 155
Of lynning yairne, 17,776 Lae wecht, at 24s.

the pund, to re : . 838,331 48.
Of prick hoise, 21,514 pair, cong at £50

the hundreth pair,to ... vi ... 10,755 16s.
Of almeit ledder, 6,864, skynnis, euOnning: at

£18, the hundreth, to... .. 1,148
Of gluiffis, 205 gtOeh ce at £5 the

dosane, to 2 . 12,300
Of leather poynttis, 240 groee, extending, at

2s. the dosane, to.. 288

Of scheweit peas 47 dosane, at
£3 18s. 4d. the dosane, is aah vind 172 68. 8d.

Of tycking to beddis, 40 elnis, at 10s. ie 20
Of shone, 40 pair, at 18s. 4d... tee a 26 18s. 4d.

Summa of the commodaties that ar
maid and wrocht in the land,
yeirlie and everie yeir ourheid,
1B ax eu sie see .. £169,097
78

3. The commodaties that the sea randeris yeirlie.
Of salmond, 140 last, 6 barrell, extending, at

£28 the barrell, to oc . £47,208
Of hering, 1,247 last, extending, at £80 the
last, to... ... 99,760
Of barrellit fishe, 84 last, at £6 18s. 4d. the
barrell... ; 2,720
Of fishe in peale, 19, 600, at £10 the
hundrethe sa .. 1,960
Of fishe oyle, 5 last, 4 _ barrels, at
£26 18s. 4d. the parrell,. wb .. 1,706 18s, 4d.

Summa that the commodaties of the
sea extendis to yeirlie, is 1. £158,354

4, The foirrane wairis that ar brocht in the countrie and ane
vairtt thairoff transpoirtted agane.

Of rye, 267 bollis, at £5 the boll, is .. £1,385
Of peise, 27 bolls, at £5 the boll, is “ge 135
Of walx, 106 shippund, extending, at £240
the shippund, to.. ... 25,440
Of greit saltt, 872 bollis, at 40s. the boll... 1,744
Of alme, 67 pund weehtt, at 3s. 4d. the pund 11 3s. 4d.
Of brissell, 72 pund wechtt, at 9s. the pund
weehtt ... ‘ 32 8s.
Of auld brass, 222 staneis weehtt, at
: £6 18s. 4d. the stane, is ode 1,746 6s. 8d.
Of daillis, 7,400, at £40 the hundreth 5 2,960
Of hempt, 57 staneis, at 40s. the stane .... 114
Of irin, 120 staneis, 26s, 8d. the stane 160
Of irin pottis, 7 dosaneis, at £18 the dosane 126
Of knappeld, 1,200, at £24 the hundreth ... 288
Of Inglis claythe, 346 ellis, at £4 the ell ... 1,424
Of leid, 800 pund wechtt, at 2s. the pund ... 80
Of madir, 27 pund wechtt, at 6s. the pund... 8 28.
Of hoip, 60 pund wechtt, at 3s. the pund ... 9
Of orcheid litt, 20 barrellis, at £24 the
barrell, to : 480
Of pype staveis, 2, 000, ‘at £40 the thousand 80
Of pick and tar, 16 last, 6 barrellis, at =f
the barrell ‘ os 1,386

Of taickill, 80 staneis, at 50s. ‘the stane ete 200
Of wyne, 2 tunis, 8 puncheonis, at £200 the

tune ts 550
Of vinagre, 5 tunis, 8 puncheonis, at £10 .. 280
Of unzeone seid, 17 pund wecht, at 20s. ... 17
Of poulder, saipe, prumdames, unzeonis, for 500

Summa of the foirrane commodaties
that ar transpoirtted agane, is... £89,047
74

Summa tottallis.

 

Of the commodaties of the land ‘ia Pe ... £885,488
Of the commodaties maid and-wrocht in the land... 158,854
Of the commodaties furth of the sea... ie ..» *169,097
Of foirrane commodaties transpoirtted Pr .. 89,047

Summa... pe a a0 oe ... $736,986

Conforme to the comptis maid and produceit.

Nota.—This is besydis and attour the greit quantetie of
lynning claythe, lynning yairne, sheip, nolt, etc., that is
transpoirtted be land dalie.

1615, February 24. Whitehall—Letier by King James the
Sixth to the Earl of Dumfermline, Chancellor of Scotland, and
remanent commissioners for managing the King’s rents there,
expressing his displeasure at hearing of the daily ineraase of the
great number of persons who lie there at the horn, and his
surprise that some of them are permitted in a most outrageous
manner to brave His Majesty’s Guard, and with violence prevent
the execution of the warrants and commissions of the Council,
as also to inhabit their dwelling houses, and enjoy and dispose
of their rents at their pleasure. This he tells them can only be
accounted for by their negligence to repress such abuses, and,
seeing he has given them the power to do so, so he requires
them to reform in this matter, and so ‘‘ abolishe in us the .
memorie of your former remissnes by your provident care to
prevent the further increase of the like abuses.” For this end
the Clerk of Register is to collect and get in the rolls of all
persons now at the horn; the Advocate is to pursue declarators
of their escheats and liferents; the deputy Treasurer is to
follow this up by exacting good compositions for these escheats
and liferents; and all of the commissioners are to concur in
the punishment of such as are contemptuous and disobedient.

1616, April 5. Whitehall.—Notes for the Prince’s marriage.
Commissioun to Sir Thomas Edmond for the mariage.

1. To contract specialie de futuro.

The mariage contractitt, the pairtie refusing to forfaltt
the aine half of the dourrie, quhilk extends to four
hundreth thousand crouns.

The tym of thair age to accompliss the mariage.

The form of the solemnitie lyk that of Madam and
the Prince of Lorane.

The chairg to be in France to Frans.

Tocher to be aucht hundreth thousand crouns.

This ansuir to hir renunsiasion, and to shau thaim quhou
strang his Majestie thinks itt, and that vith honor
he can nott grantt itt.

eS

SN) ee

 

* The figures are given as they stand, but there is evidently a mixing up.
15

8. Refusall of the randring of hir duarie in kess of ether
of thair deths (bott to gif hir a joyntur royall of sum
ten or tuelf thousand pounds a yeir).

9. For the joualls, agreis vuto itt is sum fiftie thousand

. crouns.

10. For intertenmentt of hir tryn nott agreitt vnto, bott the
form to be talkitt on mor privatly.

Last. In kess of hir housbands deth befoir hir, than the
King to be att hir charge of transportt gif itt shalbe
hir plesur to go bak to France.

Monsieur de Villeroys letter and meiting with Monseur d’
Villroy and Precidentt.

Our Advyss.

That his Majestie stik vpon his pointts, for thay ar most
resonabill, bott principallie vpon the 4, the 7, and the 8, for
thay ar most essensiall, The rest ar to be stukkin on also,
bott gif the others be yeilditt vnto ve think theis shall nott
be stukkin att.

[On the back]. Minutt for the Princeis mariage vith Franss,
talkitt on att our meiting in the Counsall Challmer in Quhythall,
vpon the fiftt of Apryll, 1616, and that he his Majesteis
speciall command and direction.

The namis of theis vas att the meiting.

1. Erll of Suffolk, Lord Tresurar of Ingland.
9. The Erll of Ulster, Lord Privie Seill.

8. The Deuk of Lenox, Lord Steuard of His Majestis
Houshald.

4. The Erll of Pembrok, Lord Chamberland of His Majestis
Houshald.

The ErlJl of Dunfermling, Lord Cancelar of Scotland.
The Erll of Mar.
The Lord of Bening, Lord Secretar of Scotland.

Sir Raf Winwod, on of the principall Secretaris of
Ingland.

9. And Sir Thomas Laik, on of the principall Secretareis

of Ingland.

Di Se SN

i615, April 11. Whitelall.—Precept by King James_ the
Sixth to Sir Gideon Murray, deputy Treasurer of Scotland, to
pay to James Gairdner, Master “ Garioner”’ of the Castle of
Stirling, such sums of money as he can prove to be due to
him for some years past, and more especially because of his
late employment in Orknay, where the King has heard he did

good service.
76

1615, April 21. Whitehall.—Precept by King James the
Sixth to Sir Gideon Murray, deputy Treasurer, to pay to James
Campbell of Lawers such fines as have been received from
those convicted of resetting and abetting the Clan Gregor, for
which the King had granted his warrant long since; as also to
pay such other parcels thereof as they shall come to his hands.

Subscribed also by R. Somerset.

o. 1615. Letter of gift, superscribed James R., and subscribed
R. Somerset, to James Campbell of Lawers, for his zeal
not only in prosecuting ‘‘the most barbarous race of the Clan-
gregour,” but also in trying their resetters, of that portion of
the fines imposed upon the said resetters which the Earl of
Ergile gave back to the King after receiving a grant thereof.
The King accordingly requires Sir Gideon Murray of Elibank,
knight, Treasurer-depute of Scotland, to cause Archibald
Prymrois, receiver of these fines, to make payment thereof to
James Campbell.

1616, January 2. Newmarket.—Precept by King James the
Sixth to Sir Gideon Murray, Treasurer-depute, to ranke Mr.
James Seyton among the creditors of the late Lord Orknay,
and to see that he receives payment equally with the others.

ORDINANCE BY KING JAMES THE Si1xTH FOR RENEWING THE
ENGRAVING OF THE QUARTER SEAL.

1616, March 10. Newmarket.—Jamus R.—'frusty and wel-
beloved counsellour, wee greet yow well. Notwithstanding
that wee gave order long since for renueing of all oure sealles,
causing engrave in them the armes of all oure kingdomes,
wee understand that as yet the Quarter Seale of that oure
kingdome doth continue not onely in the old maner, but is
altogidder worne and decayed. Therefore our pleasure is and
wee will yow that the samen be made new answerable to the
rest, and for the charges thereof this shall be your sufficient
warrand. From oure Court at Newmercat, the 10th of Merche,
1616.

Addressed :—To oure trusty and welbeloved counsellour, Sir
Gideon Murray, knight, deputie Thesaurer of oure kingdome
of Scotland.

1616, March 80. Whitehall.—Precept by King James the
Sixth to Sir Gideon Murray, Treasurer-depute, directing him
in his dealing with persons put to the horn for not confirming
the testaments of their parents and friends deceased, not to
dispone their escheats to any other than the Bishop of the
Diocese in which they dwell, and then only upon the Bishop
finding caution to take legal proceedings against them within
a certain time for the recovery of their escheats; and not to
take any more therefrom than the expenses incurred in the
pursuit and the “quotes and ordinarie fees of the testaments.”
77

1616, April 8. Newmarket.—Precept by King James the
Sixth to Sir Gideon Murray, Treasurer-depute, to rank the
widow of Mr. Robert Punte among the creditors of the late
Earl of Orkeney ; as also to make payment of the small pension
which was formerly granted to her for the education of some
of her children for certain years at the schools.

Kina JAMES THE SIXTH to the Haru or Mar.

1616, November 2. Whitehall.—James R.—Righte trustie
and righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow
well. Whereas there were assigned unto yow as Captayne of
our Castle of Edinburgh eightene chalders victuall oute of the
thirdes of the archebyshoprick of St. Andrewes, which arche-
byshoprick being now restored to the ancient integritie is but of
smalle rente, the said eightene chalders of victuall being deduced ;
and becaus there is no reason to diminishe the rente of the said
archebyshoprick, being alreadie by other accidentes so far
endomaged as hardlie is it hable to maynteyne a meane estate
to the Archebyshopp2, who shoulde beare oute the ranke of firste
prelate in that our kingdome; wee have thoughte good by these
presentes, to require yow, to resigne the said eightene chalders
of victuall to the said Archebyshoppe and his successours,
notwithstanding anie title, righte or reservation thereof made to
yow heretofore; and in recompense thereof to receave securitie
frome the commissioners of our rentes for other xviij chalders
victuall, or the full value thereof in monie, to be payde unto yow
yearelie oute of our owne propertie. Which exspecting that yee
will readilie performe, in regarde that yee are in no wise
endomaged thereby, wee bid yow farewell. At our Pallace of
Whitehalle, the seconde of November, 1616.

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earle of Mar.

1616, November 2. Whitehall.— Precept by King James the
Sixth to the Earl of Dunfermline, Chancellor of Scotland, and
the remanent commissioners for managing the King’s rents, to
dispone out of his Majesty’s property to the Earl of Mar,
eighteen chalders of victual, or the just value thereof in money,
in lieu of the like quantity which he is to resign in favour of the
Archbishop of St. Andrew’s.

Tur Eart or Mar to the Kina.

1616, December 21. Holyroodhouse.—Sir,—May itt pleis
your sacred Majestie, having (of leitt be your Majestis comandi-
mentts to your Cancelar and Counsall of this your kingdoum)
received that office of honor and trust as to be your Tresurar in
this your ancientt kingdoum of Scotland, itt is the leist pointt of
my deutie to render your Majestie all houmbill thanks blongs
(from a pour treu servantt) to his gracious Master and Sovereine.
I haive no mor to offer unto your Majestie bott quhat is yours
78

deu and my deutie, that is my self to serve you treulie, faith-
fullie and diligentlie, vithoutt any respectt quhatsumever bott
only your veill and contentmentt, and quhen I shall feill in the
lest of theis points I viss I may leive no longar. Aine thing only
must I, in all humilitie, intrett your Majestie to be a lytill mor
sparing in your grants from this kingdome till itt shalbe my
happines to see you, that ye may ains perfytlie see the estett of
your revenus heir. Thus, in all humilitie, intreting your
Majestis pardon for my presumsion, I kiss your most sacred
hands. Your Majestis most houmble subjectt and servitor,
J. Mar. Copy.

KiNG JAMES THE SIxTH to the Hart oF Mar.

1616, December 81. Whitehall.—James R.—Righte trustie
and righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
Our earnest desire, the wishes of our good subjectes, and the
necessarie affaires of that our estate, having invited us to
honour that our ancient kingdome with our royall presence this
approching sommer, and knowing how far it doeth importe the
credite and honour of our said kingdome, that all thinges
necessarie for our contented reception and interteynment be
timelie provided and in readines, and that our houses, which by
reason of our long absence are become ruinous and decayed, be
repared and moveabled in such decent and comelie order as is
requisite, so as the strangers and others who are to accompanie
us (of whome there wilbe greate nombers of all rankes and
qualities), may neyther perceave anie mark of incivilitie nor
apperances of penurie and want; we, therefor, oute of our royall
regarde to the honour of our said kingdome have not bene
sparing of our coffers, but have verie largelie bestowed greate
sumes of monie, far exceeding the revenues of that our kingdome,
upon these preparations. Wherein, although our tresor there
be exhausted and our coffers far emptied, yet, upoun examination
of particulares, wee finde manie thinges resting unprovided, which
the rentes of that our croune are not hable to furnish. The
consideration wheref, hath moved us to appointe a Convention of
the Estates of that our realme to be at Edinburgh, the fyft of
March nexte, to the intent that they may advise and resolve
upon the best meanes, whereby, with least hurte to our good
subjectes, all defectes may be supplied, and the credite and honour
of that our realme preserved. And having written to divers of
our nobilitie to be present thereat, wee, likewise, require you
(knowing your good affection to the honour of that our kingdome
and willing disposition to our service), to keepe that meeting,
and to be in Edinburgh, the fourt of the said moneth, that on
the morow yee may be readie prepared to meete with the reste.
Which undoubtedlie exspecting, as yee regarde our obedience
and service, wee bid yow farewell. Given at our Pallace of
Whitehalle, the last of December, 1616.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and right welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Harle of Mar, our Treasorer.
79

1616, December.—Notes of signatures exped and loosed, with
the compositions received for the same, by Sir Henry Wardlaw,
or James Baillie, in monthly lists, from December, 1616, to
February, 1619, inclusive.

Mr. Parrick Hamitton to Sir Gipron Murray oF ELIBANK.

1617, February 18. Whitehall.—Right honorable.—These
notes whiche you have so.much exspected for your information of
the nomber of horses that, having allowance of livrie, are this
journay to attend his Majestie, and of those that his Majestie
and the Maister of the horses are to carrie with them, to stand
in the King’s stables, are herewith to come to your hands. The
difference betwene a horse and an hacknaye’s allowance is onlie
in the measure of oates, for both of a like weight of hay and the
like quantitie of litter, but the horse is allowed two Englishe
peckis and the hacknay on peck a day.

In the largr of the two notes yee will find some names sett
downe who have no allowance of livrie, but because they are
commandit to attend, and must be wheresoever his Majestie is,
their horses have roome in the Kingis stables.

The lesser note of the horses to be carried alongs be his
Majestie and the Maister of the horses is so spair in the nomber
sett downe, as it is to be exspected that moe of each of these
kindis will come, and provision must be made of horsemeit and
stable roome accordinglie.

Yesterday, his Majestie, at the Lord Hayes sute, having past
a signatour in favoris of the Earle of Arrolle, his father, of the
Laird of Geightis escheate, and some moe of the name of
Gordon and such others, as wer denunced rebellis for invasion
and hurting the brethren of the Brunthillis, or the vnlawfull
apprehension and execution of wmquhil Frances Hay, because
the grant hereof to the Earle of Arrolle wes concludit when my
Lord Register and yee wer last at this courte, vpon such conditions
as wer then made knowen unto yow, his Majestie hath
commandit me to recommend to yow the care therof, and to sie
the same accordinglie performed. So wishing you all happines,
I rest, your most loving nephew to serve yow. Signed,

M. P. Hamiuton.
Whithall, the 18th of Feb., 1617.

T have hard that the gift of Geightes esheate, with a
letter recommending the expedition therof to the Chancellor,
wes this morning despatched at the Lord Hayes desire be

my Lord Fenton.

Addressed :—To the right honorable my verie loving oncle,
Sir Gideon Murray of Elibank, knight, deputy Thesaurer of
Scotland, and one of his Majesties most honorable Privie

Counsell, these.
80

1617, May.—Note of the progress of King James the Sixth
during his visit to Scotland in 1617, called—“ Gistis
of his Majesties progresse in Scotland.”

The monethis and
week dayes whereon
the Court removeth.

May. Nights.
Tuesday, the 13, frome Berwick to Duneglas............... 1
Waddinsday, the 14, frome Dunglas to Seytoun......... 1
Thursday, the 15, frome Seytoun to Edinburgh ......... 4
Monday, the 19, frome Edinburgh to Falkland ......... 2
Waddinsday, the 21, frome Falkland to Dundie ......... 1
Thursday, the 22, frome Dundie to Kinnaird ............ 7
Thursday, the 29, frome thence to Dundie ............... 1
Friday, the 30, frome Dundie to Falkland ............... 1
Sattirday, the last, frome Falkland to Edinburgh ...... 30
June.

Monday, the last of June, frome Edinburgh to Striviling 8
July.

Thursday, the thrid of July, frome Striviline to

Duimfer mel ne?) sae sne seins chery meas Sepeocataedticseaeesias 1
Friday, the 4, frome Dumfermeline to Falkland......... 6
Thursday, the 10, frome Falkland to St. Androis ...... 4
Monday, the 14, frome St. Androis to Kellie ............ 1
Tuesday, the 15, frome Kellie to Bruntill ............... 1
Waddinsday, the 16, frome Bruntilland to Dumferme-

VNC a sacoaa ones avarice eva tod es sda hwsecdoa sabes ewtaatnnda sani 1
Thursday, the 17, frome Dumfermeline to Striviling... 4
Monday, the 21, frome Striviling to Callender............ 2
Waddinsday, the 23, frome Callender to Glasgew......... 5
Monday, the 28, frome Glasgw to Hamiltoun ............ 3
Thursday, the last, frome Hamiltoun to Sanquhair ... 1

August.
Friday, the first, frome Sanquhair to Drumlangrig ... 1
Sattirday, the 2, frome Drumlangrig to Drumfreis
Monday the 4, frome Drumfreis to Carlile

Pesce nis eaeace

Kine JAMES THE SrxTu to the Harn or Mar.

1617, Augast 16. Houghtontour—Jamzs R.-—-Righte trustie
and righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete you well.
These ar moste earnestlie to require you, as yee will do us moste
acceptable service, and procure our exceeding greate content-
ment, to searche oute and sende unto us two couple of excellent
81

terrieres or earth dogges, which are both strate good fox killers
and will stay long in the grounde. Wee are crediblie enformed
that the Karle of Monteth hath good of that kinde, who wee are
sure wilbe glade to gratifie us with them; some also wee had
of Hawkertoun which wee have lost. Iff eyther these two
aforenamed have anie, or if yee can by your diligence learne
where anie other be which are excellent, wee pray you sende us
the two couple, to be with us aboute or shortlie after Michaelmes.
And assuring our selfe of your carefull diligence herein, whereby
yee shall more gratifie us then by a greater mater, wee bid you
farewell. Given at Houghtontour, the xvj of Auguste, 1617.

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Karle of Mar, our Treasorer of our kingdome
of Scotland.

1617, October 4. Royston.—Warrant by King James the Sixth
to Treasurer Mar to expede a grant of the estate of .
Henryson, natural son of the deceased Walter Henryson, who
has died without making any lawful disposition of his goods, to
the King’s servant, Henry Gib, and that upon easier terms than
to any other.

1617, October 4. Royston.—Warrant by King James the
Sixth to the Earl of Mar, principal Treasurer, and Sir Gideon
Murray, deputy Treasurer, to pay a yearly pension of 500 merks
to Mr. David Lindesay, minister at Dundee; which, the King
explains in a footnote, is no new burden upon the royal
coffers, but only a transference of the pension formerly paid
to Mr. Peter Howarte.

1617, October 7. Royston.—Warrant by King James the
Sixth to Treasurer Mar and Sir Gideon Murray, his depute, to
pay £250 sterling to Nicol Monecreefe, in which sum Robert
Walker, the King’s servant, is indebted to him. Walker has
done the King good and acceptable service, not only in his
ordinary place of attendance upon the King, but by kind enter-
tainment of several of the King’s servants of greater place in
his house at Falkland, and therefore the King is well pleased to
take that debt upon himself. They are, therefore, to assume
the same, and secure Moncreefe of the principal sum, paying
him the due interest thereof until that be paid.

Kina JAMEs THE SrxrH to [address wanting].

1617, October 17. Royston.—Richt trustie and rycht weil-
belovit counsalour, we greit yow weill. We ressaved your letter
concerning the course takin for our custumes, bot differred to
send yow any ansuer thairunto, becaus thai being retened in our
hand, we thocht the mater requirit no haist. Now we have
thocht gude to advertise yow that we ar weill pleased that our
Counsale hes kept still our said custumes for one yeir; for
althocht sum utheris did overbid the last fermeris for thame,
yit, becaus it wes in so small mesour, we must think it to have

F
82

beene done owt of a commoun wealth amangis thame self ever
to keip our custumes at a law rate. Bot, on the uther part,
we must signifie unto yow that we think our selffis ingrate-
fullie delt withall be the last fermers, who, having this last yeir
had so greit commoditie by our custumes, sould now upoun
apperance of one bade yeir cast thame in our hand, seing the
benefite of the last fatt yeir mycht sufficientlie have repared
the discommoditie of this leane, especiallie having, on reasonabill
conditionis, had offer maid unto thame of a lese for fyve yeiris.
And, thairfore, we must assuir yow that, althocht thai sould
now offer to tak our saidis custumes at a verie heigh rait, we
wold not suffer thame, of all otheris, to have thame. And gif
anie particular of anie of thairs requiring courtasie at our
hands sall occur, wee will meitt thame with suche favour as
thair ingratitude towards us hes deserved. By your letter, lang
ago, ye advertist us that our Treasorer and Thesaurer-depute
wer to give order for going in hand with the reparatioun of
our houses. We most earnistlie require yow agane to put
thame in mynd thairof, willing thame to prefer the performance
of the same to the ansuering of anie oure pensioun or precept
quhatboever’; and quhen our saidis houses sall be finished and
put in the handis of the keparis that (as we said unto yow in
oppin Counsale) upoun so good conditionis as may be they
ageree with the saidis keparis to mantene thame in reparatioun,
othervise it will be a perpetuall Penelopes worke. Fairweill.
(Contemporary copy.)

1617, October 23. Hinchingbrook.—Warrant by King James
the Sixth to Treasurer Mar to pay £2000 sterlmg to Robert
Maxwell of Carlaverok for the relief of his distressed estate.
Two years previously, the King had ordered this payment to be
made, but having then directed his precept to the Commissioners
of his rents, Mar had deemed this no sufficient authority to him
to pay the money.

1617-1621.—A number of papers dealing with Treasury
matters, with lists of salaries and pensions paid out of Exchequer.
Also a large number of papers connected with the reformation of
tanning of the leather in Scotland, introduced by John, Lord
Erskine, between the years 1617 and 1642.

1618, January 17. Newmarket.—Warrant by King James
the Sixth to ‘lreasurer Mar to rank the Laird of Panton as one
of the creditors on the estate of the late Earl of Orknay, if he
find his claim one that should be so dealt with. He had become
cautioner for the said Earl in 4,000 merks to Robert Carncrosse,
who is now pressing for payment.

>
Kine James tHe §1xtro to the Earn or MarR AND OTHERS.

1618, January 27. Newmarket.—James R.—Right trustie
and right welbeloved cosen and counsellour, and trustie and
welbeloved counsellours, we greete yow well. Whereas the
Bishope of Dunkell, and on his behalf the remanent prelats
83

of that our kingdome, have oftimes informed us of the meane
estate of the bishoprik of Dunkell, humblie desiring that
for help thereof wee wold be pleased to suffer the said
Bishope of Dunkell to pursue his right to the church of
Tibbermure, as justlie appertening unto him; in regaird
that the said church is now into our handis be foirfaltour
of the late Earle of Gowrie, and that wee know not the
true valour nor wourth therof, wee have, therfore, thoght
good hereby to require yow, as the officers cheflie interessed in
matters of our proffite, to informe your self of the true wourth of
the said church, and thereof to certifie us with all possible
diligence, that so wee may the better resolve what to determine
for answer of the said Bishopes sute moved thereanent. And in
this willing yow to protract nor delay no time, wee bid yow
farewell. At Newmarket, the 27th of Januare, 1618.

Addressed :—To oure right trustie and right welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earle of Mar, oure principall Thesaurer,
and to oure trusty and welbeloved counsellours, Sir Gideon
Murray of Elibank, knight, oure deputie Thesaurer, and Sir
William Oliphant of Newtoun, knight, oure Advocat of oure
kingdome of Scotland.

1618, February 12. Royston.—Warrant by King James the
Sixth to Treasurer Mar to sign and authorise the gift of pension
granted by the King to Mr. Patrick Galloway and Mr. James
Galloway, his son, and the survivor of them.

Kinc JAMES THE SIXTH to the KARL oF Mar.

1618, March 26. Theobalds.—Jamzus R.—Right trusty and
right welbeloved cosen and counsellour, and trusty and wel-
beloved counsellour, wee greete yow well. The Earle of Mortoun,
having of late contracted a dangerous, and as is thoght ane
irrecoverable and deadlie disease at Paris, to prevent such hurt
and overthrow as might ensue to his house if his sones warde
and mariage should become in the handis of a stranger or one
more desirous of his owne particulare proffite nor the well and
standing therof, hath therfore petitioned, (as his last sute) of us,
that wee wold be gratiouslie pleased to have a care that, if God
call him at this time, his sones warde and mariage may be
bestowed for his well and standing of his house. In which
regaird these are expreslie to inhibite and discharge yow to
graunt or passe any gift therof to any persone quhatsoever till
wee be first advertised and oure hand procured therto for your
warrant to exped the same. Wherof, as yee must not faile,
so wee bid yow farewell. At Theobaldis, the 26th of Marche,
1618.

Addressed:—To oure right trustie and right welbeloved
cosen and counsellour, the Earle of Marr, oure principall
Thesaurer, and to oure trustie and welbeloved counsellour, Gir
Gideon Murray, of Elbank, knight, our deputy Thesaurer,
of oure kingdome of Scotland.
84

1618, April 7. Whitehall.— Warrant by King James the
Sixth to the Earl of Mar, principal Treasurer, and Sir Gideon
Murray, his deputy, to retain in their hands certain sums due
to William Sinclair of Edy in Orknay, until he pay to Barbara
Elphingston £96 sterling, which is due to her, and of which she
fears she will otherwise be defrauded.

Kine JAMES THE SrxTH to the Hart or Mar.  (Holograph).

1618, May 16. Whitehall.—Milorde, it is nou many monethis
agoe since I signed a precept to milorde Hammilton of three
thousande poundis sterling, to be payed him out of my ressettis
thaire, and nou, by these presentis, I have thoght goode to revive
it againe aud give it new strenthe and vigoure. My pleasure is
that it maye be paied unto him with as convenient speede as the
urgent necessitie of my owin-particulare effaires (quhiche muste
be praeferrid before all things) maye permitte, and withall that it
maye be kept as secreate as possiblie maye be for eschewing the
importunitie of a number of suters; and this is the reason quhy
I wrytte this unto you with my owin hande. I knowe well the
present wantis in my estate thaire, but I ame so fullie catisfied,
and so muche rejoiced at the conquest I have made in drawing
this man to wayte upon me, now that I knowe him as he doeth
me, that I assure my selfe his service will repaye my liberalitie
with a double interest. And thus I bidde you hairtelie fairwell.

Whythall, xvj May, 1618. James R.

1618, June 30. Greenwieh.—-Warrant by King James the
Sixth to the Treasurer Mar and Sir Gideon Murray, Treasurer-
depute, to expede the gift of the escheat and liferent of the Karl
of Argyle to Sir George Erskine of Innerteill, gratis, as he is
cautioner for the said Earl in great sums of money.

1618, July 12. Wansted.—Warrant by King James the Sixth
to the Earl of Mar, principal Treasurer, and Sir Gideon Murray,
Treasurer-depute, to pay as soon as possible the arrears of
debts due to the deceased Mr. Robert Punte, and some small
pensions which the King had formerly granted for educating
some of his children at schools. He gave order to this effect
long before his last coming to Scotland, and no payment
having been made, his widow, haying been reduced to great
extremity, has come to Court to crave the same from him.

1618, July 20. Whitehall—Warrant by King James the
Sixth to Treasurer Mar to pay £400 sterling, or £4,800 Scots,
to Sir Thomas Dischingtoune.

Kina JAMES THE SIxTH to the Earts or Mar AND MoRTON.

1619, January 14. Newmarket.—Jamns R.—Righte trustie
and righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, and righte trustie
and welbeloved cosen, wee greete yow well. By reporte of the
Marques of Hamilton, Lord Binning, and Sir James Campbell
cf Lawars, knighte, made to us at your entreatie, wee have
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knowne your humble desire that wee mighte be pleased not to
extende our juste displeasour conceaved against the Earle of
Argyle, to the overthrow of that ancient and noble house, being
possessed by manie faithfull and worthie subjectes, but that wee
mighte be pleased to extende our favour to his innocent sone
and to manie of his friendes, our faithfull subjectes, who
underlie greate burdens of debte and cautionrie for the said
Earle. Wherewith wee cannot take present order til wee see
the event of the charges used by our direction. But if the
said Earle persisting in his unhappie and godles course shalbe
denounced our rebell, upon your nexte advertisement, wee
intende to let yow know so much of our gracious respecte to the
requeste made by yowand the rest of the frendes of that house
as may give yow all lawfull contentment, upon the conditions
following :—First, that yee and Sir George Ereskin, knighte,
convene in Edinburgh all the principall frends of the hous of
Argyle, and resolve upon the perfecte meanes ot constant securing
the peace of our kingdome in the boundes formerlie commanded
by the Earle of Argyle, and for which he eyther as heretour or
officer was bound. And nexte that yee sende to us a particulare
and true rentall of his landes and living, with a true inventarie
of his debtes and wodsettes, to the effecte wee may then by your
advice designe such a portion for maintenance of the Harles
eldest sone as shalbe necessarie for his vertuous education, and
speciallie in religion, whereof wee will impose the charge and
repose the truste in yow. And the rest of that rente wee will
have to be uplifted by factorie to be granted to such as yee
shall choose and be answerable for, to be bestowed for payment
of the just debtes, and before all others of the sumes ought by
the Earle to Sir George Ereskin, the Lairdes of Lur die, Calder,
Didhop and Lawars, with his brethrein, and thereafter to the rest
of the Harles creditours. Itis also our pleasour that yee sende to
us a liste of the names of the justices of peace within the
sherifdomes of Argyle and Tarbet, with your opinion whome
yee thinke fittest to be elected sheriffes in those shires. After
receipte whereof yee may exspecte our speedie answere to your
reasonable contentment. And so wee bid yow farewell. Given
at Newmarket, the xiiij* of Januarie, 1619.

Addressed:—To our righte trustie and right welbeloved
cosen and counsellour, the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer, and to our
righte trustie and righte welkeloved cosen, the Earle of Morton,
these.

1619, February 19. Royston.—Warrant by King James the
Sixth to the Earl of Dumfermeline, Chancellor of Scotland, and
the remanent lords and others of his Privy Council there, to
secure the vassals of the Earl of Argyle, in accordance with the
ordinary course of law.

King JAMES THE SixtTH to the EARL or MAR AND OTHERS.

1619, May 31. Theobalds—James R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, and right trustie and
welbeloved counscllours, wee greete you well. Whereas wee
86

have bene pleased to graunte unto oure dearest sone, the Prince,
the lordshippe of Dumfermeline as his propper inheritance, and,
likewise, such other landes as our late dearest bedfellow, the
Queene, enjoyed in that our kingdome; wee have thoughte good
by these presentes to wille and require you to give way to our said
grante, that the securities and evidentes of the said landes may
with convenient expedition be exped through our seales. And
not doubting of your readie conformitie to this our pleasour, wee
bid you farewell. Given at our Mannour of Theobaldes, the last
of Maie, 1619.

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and right welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer, and to our
righte trustie and welbeloved counsellour, the remanent com-
missioners of our rentes in our kingdome of Scotlande.

King JAMES THE SrxtH to the EarL or MarR AND OTHERS.

1619, May 81. Theobalds—Jamzs R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, and trustie and wel-
beloved counsellour, wee greete you well. Whereas wee are
perswaded that our houses which we commaunded to be repayred
are now in reasonable forwardnes to be finished, and under-
standing that our Castle of Invernesse is so far decayed as a
greate parte thereof is quite fallen downe, wee have thoughte
good by these presentes to require you to give order that the
same may be rectified. For although it may be that wee in our
owne time shall never see it, much lesse dwelle therein, yet may
some of our successours take occasion to remayne there. And
although there were no other reason, yet our respecte to our
owne honour and the credite of that our kingdome, mighte be
sufficient motives to perswade us to maynteyne it in reparation,
though it were to no other purpos but the keeping of prisoners.
And therefor it is our pleasour that nexte after our Pallace of
Linlithgow and Castle of Dumbritayne, which wee expecte now
to be verie neare finished, yee give presente order for reparation
of Invernesse. Whereof perswading our selfe that yee will have
a speciall care, wee bid you farewell. Given at our Mannour of
Theobaldes, the last of Maie, 1619.

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and right welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earle of Mar, and to our trustie and
welbeloved Sir Gedion Murray, knighte, our Treasorers, principall
and deputie, of our kingdome of Scotlande.

Tune JaAMEs THE SrxrH to the Hart or Mar.

1619, June 12. Greenwich.—Jauzs R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete you well.
It hath bene meaned to us by the maisters of the New Colledge
of St. Andrewes that by the lying oute of the Earle of
Kinghorne, your sone-in-law, and the Earle of Buchan, your
owne sone, frome agreeing. with them concerning the tithes
of the Kirk of Tannadyce, they are reduced to those straittes as
87

they are not hable longer to keepe house, but must dissolve it.
And this wee cannot see done for the inconvenient it will bring
to the wholle churche and kingdome. Therefor wee moste
earnestlie requeste you to use your credite and authoritie with
them for the setling of that business with the Colledge to the
effecte wee be not anie more troubled with their complaintes.
By our direction wee remember that there was a professor more
placed there, according to the foundation, and for this it is
necessarie that their rentes be encreased, though with a
moderation, which both wee wish and they (wee thinke) will not
be dissenting frome. This wee earnestlie desire you to mediate,
seeing it concerneth your sones, leaste the said maisters be
distracted frome their studdies and we molested with their
petitions. Whereof persuading our selfe ye wilbe carefull, wee
bid you farewell. Given at our Mannour of Grenewich, the 12th
of June, 1619.

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer principalle of
our kingdome of Scotlande.

1619, August 5. Beaver Castle—Warrant by King James
the Sixth to the Earl of Mar, principall Treasurer, Sir Gideon
Murray, Treasurer-depute, and remanent commissioners of
rents, to make payment of the yearly pension of 500 merks
to Archibald Campbell, brother of Sir James Campbell of
Lawers. He has a former gift of the said pension for a limited
period which he is to surrender, and then to receive this,
which is for his lifetime.

Kine JAMES THE SIXTH to the HarL of Mar AND OTHERS.

1619, August 10. Rafford.—Jamus R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosens and counsellours, and righte trustie
and welbeloved counsellours, wee greete you well. Wee were
pleased, some yeares before our firste coming oute of that our
kingdome, to graunte to the citie of Elgin in Murray the
patronage and preceptorie of Maisondieu, neare to the said
citie, for maintenance of their hospitall and enterteynment of
a musick schoole. And now wee ar advertised that some few
yeares ago some opposition was made by some of our officers
against the same. And forasmuch as the same was by us
disposed ad pios usus, wee have thoughte good by these
presentes to wille and require you to mainteyne the said citie of
Elgin in the possession of the said rentes, patronage and
preceptorie, and to renew our former grante unto them. In
which behalfe, as these presentes shalbe unto you a sufficient
warrant, wee bid you farewell. Given at our Courte at
Rafforde, the tenth of Auguste, 1619.

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved
cosens and counsellours, the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer, and
to our righte trustie and welbeloved counsellours, the remanent
commissioners appointed for managing our rentes in our
kingdome of Scotlande.
88

1619, October 4. Theobalds.—Warrant by King James the
Sixth to Treasurer Mar to grant the escheat of William Oliphant
of Gask, who has been denounced rebel for the unhappy
slaughter of David Tosheoch of Monivaird, to the Harl of Angus,
he paying a reasonable composition for the same.

1619, November 20. Newmarket.— Warrant by King James the
Sixth to Treasurer Mar, narrating that he has bestowed the whole
benefice of Failfoorde on Mr. Walter Whitefoorde, but under-
stands that some persons under surreptitious gifts are laying
claims to parts therof. He requires him, therefore, to be careful
not to sanction any infeftment or confirmation of the said
benefice, or any part thereof, to any other person.

Kinc JAMES THE SrxTH to the Hart or Mar.

1620, April 15. Whitehall—James R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete you well.
The bearer returning thether frome his ordinarie attendance
on our service, wee have thoughte good by these presentes to
require you, according to the accustomed maner, to directe him to
Orkney and Zetland for taking up and bringing frome thence
such haukes as shallbe thoughte fitte to be labored for our use ;
wherein knowing yee wille use no delay, wee bid you farewell.
Given at our pallace of Whitehalle, the fiftenth day of Aprile,
1620.

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earle of Mar, and in bis absence to our
trustie and welbeloved counsellour, Sir Gedion Murray, knighte,
our deputie Treasorer of our kingdome of Scotlande.

Docquet:—The Kingis Majesteis letter for allowance of
expenses in Orknay and Yetland to the falconaris, 1620.

Kine JAMES THE SIxtTH to the Haru oF Mar.

1620, April 17. Whitehall—Jamzs R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
Whereas wee intende, God willing, this nexte yeare to repaire to
that our kingdome and spende some dayes at our disporte of
hunting in Moore Eumont, wee have thoughte goode by these
presentes to require yow not onlie to have a care of preserving
our game there, by discharging all hunting with grewhoundes
therein and in some convenient space aboute it, but likewise
diligentlie to take heede that the same be not endomaged, eyther
by encroching thereupon by tillage, or yet by cutting up of
turfes, divottes or faill thereupon, whereby the grounde is not
onlie spoyled but likewise made stonie, and by that meanes
dangerous for horsemen to ride upon. Of this wee spake to
yow at our last being there and yee promised to have a care to
see it amended, the performance of which promeis wee now
exspecte. Moreover wee understande that these manie yeares
there have not bene so manie nor as good haukes bred in that
89

our kingdome as have bene this yeare, notwithstanding whereof
wee have not had anie sente to us. This also yee muste cause
be amended, for if wee be unfurnished frome thence wee shall
forgette to cause pay your pension. Farewell. Given at our
Pallace of Whitehalle, the 17th of Aprile, 1620.

Addressed:—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved
cosen and counsellour, the Earle of Mar, our ‘Treasorer of our
kingdome of Scotlande.

1620, June 2. Greenwich.—Warrant by King James the
Sixth to the Earl of Mar, Treasurer, to pass a gift of a small
pension which the King had been pleased to bestow upon
‘the Procuratour of the Churche for debaiting the causes of
the poore ministers that can noght attend the discussing of
suspensiones, wherwith they are trubled daylie in the mater
of their stipends,” so that he ‘may follow that service the
more diligentlie.”

king JAMES THE S1xTH to the Earn or Mar.

1620, June 29. Greenwich.—James R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, and righte trustie
and welbeloved counsellour, wee greete yow well. Whereas
wee have understood by the petition of one John Murray, the
sone of wmquhile John Dow McGregor, that Sir Duncan
Campbelle of Glenurquhay gave him a bande to enter him
to the landes of Glenstra and Strath Mallachan, provided that
he coulde gett our royall consente; and becaus wee are in
good hope that the young man shall proove serviceable to
us and his contrie, wee are well pleased that yee calle unto
yow the said Sir Duncan, and use your best meanes for
bringing him and the said John Murray to a finale agreement,
80 as upon some reasonable conditions, he may enter him
and putte him in possession of the said landes. And not
doubting cf your best endevours herein, wee bid yow farewell.
Given at our Mannour of Greenewich, the penulte of June,
1620.

Addressed:—To our righte trustie and righte wellbeloved
cosen and counsellour, the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer, and
to our righte trustie and righte welbeloved counsellour, the
Lord of Scone, give these.

Kinc JAMES THE S1xTH to the Kart oF Mar.

1620, July 18th. Theobalds.—Jamus R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
Whereas wee are crediblie enformed that Sir Hew Carmichacl
hath had verie harde measour offered and undewtifull and
uunaturall dealing used to him by his owne sone, importing not
onlie a kinde of disgrace to him, but also the losse of his wholle
estate, wee have thoughte good by these presentes to recommende
the said Sir Hew and his cause to your speciall favour, earnestlie
90

requiring yow that yee wille not onlie stoppe all such thinges as
are at our guifte frome passing in prejudice of the said Sir Hew,
but likewise, as a true frende to both, yee wolde employ your
best endevours to bring them to an amicable agreement. Wee
have likewise written to this same effecte to the Earle of Angus,
superiour of the landes, and what forder power yee shall thinke
requisite frome us for finall ending of these controversies, upon
your advertisement, sha!be sente unto yow. And wee hope that
your joynte endevours shall bring the mater to the wished ende;
which being a deede of Christiane charitie, wee nothing doubte of
your forwardnes therein. Farewell. Given at our Mannour of
Theobaldes the xviij™ day of Julie, 1620.

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Harle of Mar, our Treasorer of our kingdome
of Scotlande.

1620, July 18. Theobalds—Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute to make payment of the
pension of the King’s servant, Patrick Ramsay, who has no
other means of livelihood, notwithstanding the prohibition.

1620, August 21. Beaulieu—Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute to pay the pension of Sir
William Boyer, who is daily employed in the King’s service.
He is the only Englishman who has a pension in Scotland,
so that its payment cannot be drawn into a precedent for others.

1620, August 23. Beaulieu.—Precept by King James the
Sixth to the Earl of Mar, Treasurer-principal, and Sir Gideon
Murray, Treasurer-depute, to pay to the Bishop of Dunblane the
pension granted to him, without which he can hardly maintain
the state of a bishop, and that notwithstanding the order given
discharging the payment of all fees, pensions and other
casualties out of his Majesty’s coffers for a certain space.

1620, September 8. Windsor Castle—Warrant by King
James the Sixth to the Earl of Dunfermline, Chancellor of
Scotland; the Earl of Mar, principal Treasurer; Sir Gideon
Murray, Treasurer-depute; Sir William Oliphant, King’s Advo-
cate; and remanent commissioners for managing the King’s
rents, to prosecute the maltmen who contravene the Acts of
Parliament, and ‘‘so to proceede in punishing the offenders as
none may have occasion to compleyne that the ey of justice hath
bene blinded by respecte of persons.” And because he apprehends
“that cours to be a verie honeste and lawfull meane to bring
monie into our coffers for dischardge of some parte of the greate
burden lying thereupon,” his Majesty persuades himself they will
employ their best endeavours to make the benefit arising
therefrom answerable to his expectations.

1620, September 8. Windsor Castle.-—Warrant by the King
to Sir Gideon Murray, Treasurer-depute to pay two or three
thousand merks out of the first of the fines of the maltmen
of Glasgow to the Archbishop of Glasgow, towards the repara-
tion of his Cathedral Church, whensoever these fines sha!l be
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brought into the Exchequer. At first the King had refused
the Archbishop’s request, but seeing he asked it as a matter
of royal favour and liberality, and not for himself by virtue
of regality or any other prerogative, he had since been pleased .
to consent thereto.

Kine James THE SixrH to the Eart or Mar.

1620, October 9. Royston.—Jamzs R.—Right trusty and
welbeloved cosen and counsellour, and trusty and welbeloved
counsellour, wee greete yow well. Whereas John Stewart of
Ardsell in Lorne hath beene an humble suter unto us that wee
might be pleased to accept of him for our tennant in place of John
Abroch of Glenco and Rannald McAllane VeAllester Roy of
Lagnhaa, whom, after their obstinate resistance, they being
denunced our rebells, he having an commissioun for that effect,
did justly kill; for the encouragement of others in the like case,
and to the terrour of all such rebellious villanies, if the right of
the sayds lands which formerly did belong unto them be in us,
or if by imploying our Advocate herein, the samen be due course
of law can be brought unto us, oure pleasure is that yow dispose
of them from us to the sayd John Stewart, he holding them
after such a tennour as yow shall think fitt, and paying the rent
that formerly should have beene paied, or further, if yow finde
the lands maie conveniently beare it. For doing whereof these
presents shall be your warrant. From our Court at Roystoun,
the 9th of October, 1620.

Addressed :—To our right trusty and welbeloved cosen and
counsellour, the Earle of Marr, our High Treasurer of our
kingdome of Scotland, and to our trustie and welbeloved
counsellour, Sir Gideon Murray of Elibank, knight, our Deputy
Treasurer of that our kingdome.

1620, December 24. Whitehall.—Precept by the King and
the Treasurers, principal and depute, to pay to the Bishop of
Brechin and Mr. Patrick Galloway their respective pensions,
‘‘ withoute which hardlie can they maynteyne the credit of those
places which they discharge,” notwithstanding the order issued
long ago for restraint of such payments.

1621, January 26. Newmarket.—Warrant by the King to
the Earl of Mar and remanent commissioners of His Majesty’s
rents to expede the infetment which is to be made of the
lands and barony of Myrton and others to John Mackullo,
Doctor in Medicine, gratis, as he is ‘‘one of our physicions
in ordinaire and attendeth our person.” The lands mentioned
are to be resigned for this purpose by Sir John Vaux of Barn-
barrow.

Tyr Duc pu BovrItton to the Kina oF FRANCE.

1621, February 12. Sedan.—Sire,—Je m’estois propose de
demewrir dans le silence, ne recherchant qu’a sowlager mon
indisposition ordinaire dans la douceur de repose de ma famille,
mais a present j’ai estimé ne devoyr tayre a vostre Majeste
92

depuis peu de jours les deputez de la province de Haute
Languedoc et Haut Guienne assemb[l]ez a Millan ont envoye vers
moy un gentilhome pour me donner advis des craintes et
deffiances esquelles sont vos subjects de la religion de ces
quartiers la, aussy bien qu’es autres provinces a cause des
menaces qu’on leur faytt, tous les jours, en tous les endroits de
vostre royaume qu’on veut rompre les edicts, leur oster la liberté
de leur consciences, la seurte de lew vies, et la paisible
jowisance de leur biens et dignitez ; esmens comme ilz disent de
ce que c’est passé en |’ affayre de Bearne, de ce qu’on a anticipé
l’ execution, contre |’ ordre dont on avoyent donné asseurance,
de la part de vostre Majesté a la derniere assemblée de vos
dit subjects de la religion tenue a Loudun, sans que de leur
part, il ayt esté interrompu par aucune action contre leur
debuoyr ; a quoy ilz adjoustent |’ inexecution des choses qui
avoyent este promises, la jalousie que leur donnent les garnisons
que sans necessité on a laisseez en divers en endroits, les
deffences rigoureuses publiées contre l’ assemblée de la Rochelle
qu’ils tiennente foudée sur la parolle qu’ils croyent aussy avoyr
esté donnée de la part de vostre Majesté a ladiet assemblée
de Lodun; ainsi que le deputez d’icelle ont rapparté a leur
provinces et autres diverses occasions qu’ils disent voyr naistre
tous les jours; et qu’ils estiment despondre d’un dessein
generalle qu'on a de reviver la religion en tous ceux qui en font
profession en vostre royaume ; et sur cela, Sire, protestants qu’ils
ne veulent jamays departir du debuoyr et obeissance a quoy leur
subjection et leur conscience les oblige vers vostre Majesté. Il
me convient de compatir a leur ma!l, y prendre I’ interrest a quo
m’ oblige la profession de la religion, que j’ay commune avec
eux, leur donner advis e envoyer quel, que un de ma part, en
Vassemblé de la Rochelle, avec plaintes et tres humbles
remonstrances quelle desire fayre a vostre Majesté a laquelle
s’ay estimé en debuoir donner advis avant que de leur fayre
responce, et la supplier conime il fais tres humblement de me
donner ses commeandements la dessus lesquels attendant. Par
le Sire Justell, que j’envoye expres pour cest effect vers vostre
Majesté, je prendray la hardiesse de vous dire, Sire, avec tres
humble respect que je vous dois, et de la liberté que mon aige et
quelque experience du paise me donné, que les remonstrances
estant le seu! et legittime moyen par lequel vos subjects de la
religion se doibuent adresser a vostre Majesté laquelle par son
equité jugera dela justice ou injustice Wicelles elle paurroyt
recevoyr plus de contentement et utilité pour son service en les
recevants qu’en les rejettants, maintenant principalement que la
deffiance est telle parmy eux qwils croient qu’on a resolu leur
rouine et qu’on le veut porter a l’extremité pour les perdre. Le
remede, Sire, ne doit estre applique que par vostre Majesté
mesmes, laquelle seulie a pres Dieu peut detourner ce mal et le
prevenir par sa prudence et par son authorité en continuant sa
royalle protection a ces subjects de la religion sans souffrir que
pour advances la rouine de tant des personnes innocentes qui
ne respirent que la prosperité de son reigne et une fidele
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obeissance a son service ou fair violence aux edicts de roys vos
predecessurs, que vostre Majesté a plusieurs foys confirmez. Je
ne peus croyre, Sire, qu’on veus donne des conseills sy inutiles,
et si prejudiciables a vostre estatt, moins encores que vostre
Majesté le voulust protiguer pour reallumer au millieu de son
royaume le feu de la guere civille que la feu roy vostre pere de
tresheureuse memoire a esteint avec tant de paine, et de
prudence, cognoissant bein que les consciences ne se doivent
ni peuvent forcer par la puissance de fer et de feu, ni les esprits
estre concraints a croire ce qu’ils ne croyent poynt. II! seroytt
plustots a craindre que par un esperance doutteuse et incertaine
que la passion des maleveillance de vos subjects de la religion
pourroitt donner a vostre Majesté de rouiner par les armes
tous vos subjects en une mesme creance, on engast vostre
autorité eu de dangereux inconvenients. Ht Dieu vueille
detourner d’ aupres de vostre personne sacrée ceux qui-vous
voudraytt induire a ceste violence et avec eux le funestes
presagés que se pervent tirer de leur conseils. Qui si dans
ces occurences presentes que m’ont donne subject d’escrire
ceste lettre a vous toucher du vif resentiment que j’ay du mall
que ces deffiences peuvent opporter, et sur lesquelles j’ attens
V honnenr des vos commandements, je suis si heureux que de
pouvoyr contribuer quelque chose pour ayder a maintenir la
paix et tranquillité publique, j’y porteray tout ce que vostre
Majesté peutt attendre de moy et de ma devotion et fidelité
a son service. Je la supplie aussy treshumblement de
m’excuser sy a cause de |’ incommodité de ma goutte je suis
contraint d’emprunter la mayn de mon fils, pour signer la
presente plustost que de marquer a ce que j’ay estime estre de
mon debuoir en cest endroitt je supplieray le tout puissant.
Sire, qu’il continue a estandre sur vostre Majesté touttes
sortes des benedictions et vous donne en toutte prosperité
tresbonque et tresheureuse vie. Vostre tres humble, tres fidelle,
et tres obeissant sujett et serviteur, Henry pg La Tour.

De Sedan ce ij de Janvier, 1621. Copy.

1612, February 15. Whitehall. Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute, to pay to the King’s servant,
Sir James Levingston, his yearly pension out of the first
available moneys after the King’s own affairs have been
despatched. Sir James has not for a long time received any part
thereof, and he is now abroad on the King’s business, where he
is obliged to borrow money on interest.

1621, February 18th. lLondon.—The Archbishop of St.
Andrews to John, Lord Erskine :—‘‘I cam to London the 15
of this moneth, and had audience this day. His Majestie resavit
the Counsals letter most gratiously, and as I think will follow
the advyse proponit. The Parliament here beginnis wel. I pray
God it may end also so. The Lord Dikby gois to the ... . on
Tuesday for recalling Spinola, and after as that succedis sal the
advyse proceid for the defense and recovery of the Pulatinat.
94

The . .. gatheris a mightie army. In Bohemia they ar
making to the feildis. Count Mansfeild layis in Bohem with ane
army of ten thowsand. The King is yit in Silesia with another.
It wold appear that His Majesty expectis good and honest
dealing at the Spanishe hand, quharin I beseech God he be not
deceavit.”’

Kine James tHe Sixtx to [somz Members oF THE Privy CounciL].

1621, April 21. Whitehall—James R.—Right trustie and
right weilbeloved cosens and counsellours, we greet yow weill.
The tyme of the meiting of the Estates of that our kingdome in
Parliament now approching, we have thought gude by these
presentis to requyre yow as our principail officers of estate to
imploy your selffis and your best meanes not onlie to labour so
many of these as ar to be at our said Parliament as possiblie as
ye may to yeild to a good proportion of supplie to us, bot also to
remove all such impediments as in any wayes may hinder thair
yeilding therunto.

And since we have bene long put off by the Convention so as
that is yit to be sought which long before this tyme we thought
to have had in our coffers to have bene imployed to so honorabill
and necessare ane use, we hope that by your meanes the
quantitie of the supplie now granted sall contravale the long
tyme quherin we have wanted it, and thairfore we undowtedlie
expect that not onlie ye will perswade such as of before wer
accustomed to pay taxations to yeild to a good proportion, bot
also all annuelrenters and even the whole members of our
College of Justice it selff (which is a speciall important pint)
and all uthers either priviledged or formerlie not accustumed to
be taxed in any publik cause. And since ye ar the speciall
officers of that our Crowne we perswade our selffis that by your
exemple manie (if not all) will be moved to yeild quhen they sall
understand that your selffis ar not exempted. And althocht
there have not wanted complaintes of all and everie one of yow,
yet ye ar not ignorant that we have ever had ane deafe eare to
all such complaintes and reportes, and thairfore we assure our
selffis that at this tyme ye will by your uttermost endevouris
satisfie our trust reposed in yow, and give us a proofe of your
willingnes and habilitie to do us service. In which assurance
resting we bid yow farewell. (Contemporary copy).

1621, May 16. Greenwich.—Letter from the King to the
Earl of Mar (brought by Sir James Baillie) wherein, under
standing the exhaustion of the Exchequer through the multitude
of pensions, fees and other allowances imposed upon the royal
rents, all of which it is impossible to pay, he desires him and
his deputy, if he has returned, to consider how the revenue may
be increased, superfluous expense cut off, and some money kept
in the coffers for the facilitating of business, and to send his
report by Sir James Baillie. in

1621, May 16. Greenwich. Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute to pay the fees and pensions of
such of the King’s servants as are in dai'y attendance upon his
95

person quarterly, as is done in England. Special mention is
made of Sir James Levingston, Sir William Balfour and Walter
Stewarte, gentleman of the Privy Chamber, and Harberte
Maxwell, squire of the King’s body.

1621, May 24. Windsor Castle—Warrant by the King to
the Karl of Mar, Treasurer, narrating that arrangement had
been made for submitting all controversies between James
Johnstoun of that Ilk and Robert Johnstoun of Raecleuch to the
arbitration of some of the Lords of Session, but Raecleuch’s
escheat having been disponed to his adversary he fears it will be
held over his head as “an awband.” To remove this cause of
distrust and jealousy the King requires the Earl to see that
nothing be done in this matter to the prejudice of Raecleuch,
but that as soon as he signs the submission assurance be given
to him that he will have the escheat on the same conditions as
it was disponed to his adversary.

1621, June 24. Greenwich—wWarrant by the King to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute not to dispone the escheat of
Sir John Carmichael of Medoflat to any man before next
Martinmas, by which time Sir John, who has been put to the
horn for debt, is to take final order with all his creditors. ‘‘ Wee
wold be loth,” says the King, “that his house, whereof so manie
honest men and faithfull servantes to our selfe and our pre-
decessours are descended, should by the crueltie of a hard-
hearted creditour be utterlie overthrowne.”

Kine JAMES THE SrxtH to the Haru oF Mar.

1621, July 5th. Windsor Castle-—James R.—Righte trustie
and righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow
well. Whereas it hath pleased God to visite Sir Gedion Murray,
so as now he is no more fitte for our service, wee must frome
henceforth exacte and exspecte frome yow that diligence in our
affaires which formerlie wee founde in him, as well in foreseeing
what parte of our service was fittest firste to be done as in
putting our rentes and casualities to the beste avayle. And
cheefelie wee recommende unto yow the care of our workes, and
in speciall the speedie finishing of our Pallace of Linlithgow,
that (seeing wee intende God willing in person to be in that our
kingdome this next sommer) it may at our coming thether be
fitte for our receipte. So not doubting of your best endevours
for the advancement of our service in this ensueing Parliament,
nor of your care for preservation of the game this yeare, wee bid
yow farewell. Given at our Castle of Windesor the fyfth of
Julie, 1621. .

Addressed:—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved
cosen and counsellour the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer of our
kingdome of Scotlande.

Tur Harp or Mar to the Kina, IN ANSWER TO THE FOREGOING LETTER.

1621, July 5.—Most sacred soverane, Your Majesty’s letter of
the fyft come to my handis the xv of this instant, by the whilk,
your Majestie hes foirwarnit me that your Majestie will not onlie
96

exiet bot exspect frome me that diligence in your Majesteis
affairis whilk formarlie your Majestie fand in umquhile Sir
Gedeone Murray, and in speciall that your Pallace of Lynlythqw
be speedilie finished, that your Majesties gayme be preserved,
and last that I hald hand to the advancement of your Majesteis
service in this approtcheing Parliament.

As toucheing the first point of your Majesteis letter, thair
salbe nothing inlaiking in me that my cair, diligence,
travellis and best endevouris may produce, and I wilbe verie
respective and solist to eshew all imputatioun of defect or neglect
of dewitie in that service, whairin I hoip to prove ansuerable to
your Majesteis wisheis and to the truste that your Majestie
hes repoised in me.

And toucheing your Majesteis Pallice of Lynlythqw, I raid the
day immediatlie preceding the ressett of your Majesteis letter
and visite the worke at grate lenthe. It is now broght toa
reasounable goode perfectioun, and the Maister of Worke hes
undertane betuix and this approtcheing Michaelmes to haif it
fullie and perfytlie compleit for your contented receptioun
quhensoever it sall pleis God to bring your Majestie heir.

Thair is alreddy verie strait proclamationis sett oute and
publist for preserveing of your Majesties gayme, and I salbe
verie cairfull that the executioun thairof salbe prosequute and
followit oute accordinglie.

And toucheing the last pointe of your Majesteis letter for the
furtherance of your Majesteis affairis in this approtcheing
Parliament, your Majestie may constantlie and assuredlie exspect
frome me all suche deutifull concurrence and assistance for the
furtherance of all your Majesteis royall and princelie affaires and
commandementis quhilkis ar ever so weele warrandit with suche
infallible groundis cf pietie, equitie and justice, as may be
exspectit frome a most humble, loyall, truistie and dewtifull
servand. And so praying the Almightie God to watche over your
sacred persone and to preserve your Majestie with the con-
tinewance of mony happie and blissed yeiris, I rest for ever, your
Majesteis most humble and obedient servitour.

1621, July 11. Wansted—Warrant by King James the
Sixth to John, Earl of Mar, Treasurer, and remanent com-
missioners of his rents to expede a signature which the King has
signed in favour of the Harl of Nithisdale for infefting him in hi3
whole lands.

Kina JAMES THE SixrH to the Haru or Mar.

1621, July 13. Theobalds—Jamres R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete you heartelie
well. Although wee are assured of your faythfull and dewtifull
affection to our service, and that yee know too well your dewtie
to neede so much as anie rememberance to spurre yow faster
on thereunto, yet, having ordeyned the Marques of Hamilton,
our Commissicner at this approching Parliament, tocarie him s2lfe
97

according as yee shall advise him for the best furtherance of our
affaires, wee have thoughte good to putte yow in minde to be
sure that such frendes in whome yee have interest want not
information how nearelie the good successe of this business
concerneth our reputation, and that wee are resolved so to marke
everle mans cariage as they will finde by effectes that wee will
recompense them according to their dew. So nothing doubting
of your care herein wee heartelie wish yow well to fare. Given
at our Mannour of Theobaldes the 13th day of Julie, 1621.

Addressed :—To our right trusty and right welbeloved cosen
and counsellour the Earle of Mary, our principall Thesaurer of our
kingdome of Scotland.

1621, July 14, Theobalds.—Warrant by the King to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, to dispone the ward and marriage of the
‘heir of Alan Livingston of Dunlappie, who has died, to his
nephew and the King’s servant, John Levingston, on his paying
such reasonable composition for it as another would.

1621, July.—Information to the right honorable the Lords of
Secret Council anent the present state of the money
within this realm, by John Achesone, Generall of his
Majesties counyehous.

It may pleas your Lordships understand that the course of
the dollouris within this realme breidis ane great miscontent-
ment to the leiges for the lack of exchange be the daylie
transporting of our awin moneyes without controlment of
punishment quhatsumever, and importing daylie of new sortis
of dollouris, quherof the leiges can not understand the perfyt
worth, weght nor fynnes, as lykewayes the daylie importing of
false and counterfitt dollouris, quhilk can not eschew ane great
inconvenient, if the same be not obviat be your Lordships in
dew tyme.

For remeid quherof I knaw no uther way bot to convert the
saidis dollouris in his Majesties awin cunyie, for eschewing of
false and counterfitt dollouris and making of necessar and easie
exchange among the peopill, be reasone thair is no moyane
to gett exchange for the present, and that they ar at ane hier
rait nor his Majesties awin money.

Gif they be decryed your Lordships will do great wronge
to the innocent leiges quha hes bein compellit to resave the
same at the pleasoure of the merchantes, imbringeres and
outgiveris of the samyne, directlie against the lawes and actis of
counsall maid in the contrair.

Gif your Lordships wald think it expedient to mark the
dollouris that ar within the cuntrie and to discharge the course
of all otheris, the mark may be mair easilie counterfitt then the
prent and impressione of his Majesties awin money.

And if your Lordships can find it expedient to convert them
in his Majesties awin counyie, reasone wald admitt that the
samyne sould rather be done upon the expenses and charges of
thois men quha resaveit the benefitt of the highting of the same,

G
98

then to hurt or wrong ather the King or his subjectis, and to
impois upon them that maid the fault the payment of the
coynage of the saidis dollouris in his Majesties awin counyie, be
furnishing of ane stok for resaveing in frome the leiges the
saidis dollouris at the pryces they wer givin out for, quhairby
nather the King nor the cuntrie may resave wrong, quhilk wald
seime to be ane verie easie punishment for so great ane fault.
Quhilk being fund expedient to be done, ane directione wald be
givin to the Master of the Counyehous to provyde ane of everie
sort of the saidis dollouris to be tryed in presence of thrie
or foure of your Lordships number, quha ar best werst and
experimentit in the effaires of the money, quhairby your Lordships
may be the better informeit, and resolveit quhat course salbe
best to be takin thairanent.

And to obviat the transporting of our awin moneyes may it
pleas your Lordships to tak all the coquet keipperes solemlie
sworne that they sall delyver no coquet to any merchand, skipper
nor mariner, until sik tyme as they sall lykewayes sweir that
they sall nather directlie nor indirectlie be themselffes nor by any
uther persone quhatsumever, transport mair money nor salbe
allowit be your Lordships for payment of thair charges in that
voyage, under sik paines as your Lordships sall think
expedient, the forme of the quhilk aith wald be sett doun in
prent to the saidis coquet keiperis in the maist strik and seveir
forme that can be devysit.

Gif this be not fund agrieable to reasone lett the Buik of Raites
of the billione be doubleit yeirlie to import the same in money
of ellevin deneires fyne, untill sik tyme as the merchandis sall
leive off thair unreasonable transporting of our moneyes.

Last of all it may pleas your Lordships remember the urgent
necessitie of small money for the comfort of the pure and
making of exchange among the leiges.

1621, September 30. Whitehall—Jamrs R.—Directions geven
to our right trustie and right weelbeloved cousing and
counsallour, the Erll of Mare, our Thesaurar of our
kingdome of Scotland, concerning our customes and
impost of wynis of our said kingdome.

Yow shall doo weell to ferme our saidis customes and impost of
wynis for the space of fyve yeairs, incais you can get ane con-
venient yearly rent to us for the samyn, and honest responsall
men to tak the same in ferming; otherwayes yow must have a
speciall cair for preventing of cousinage and fraude croppin in
and used of late by the merchants, alsweell in transporting as
importing of commodities customable.

And first for transportatioun, you shall try what hath bene the
custome of old in packing of cloth, plading and skins ; for whiche
purpose (as we ar informed) ther wes sworne packers in every
brugh, and whiche ar of late, sens our customes wer sett in’
ferming, becom out of use. You shall thairfoir caus mak choise
of honest men for this purpose, ordaining all cloth, plading and
99

skins to be publictlie packed be them, and that none be packed
in privat mens housses, and that the fize in paking of clothe
and plading may be absolutely dischargit, and ane greit penaltie
inflicted upoun the usears thairof.

For importatioun, yow must have a speciall regaird of
appointing of honest men to be our customers and searcheours
at every sea port, and namelie at the ports upon the north and
south sides of the river of Forth, and above all at the port of
Leith, where the gritest fraud is used. At whiche port we think
fitting that you place ane honest man, knowen to be upright
and trew in all his actions, to be oure generall surveyour of all
commodities alsweell transportit as importit at that port.
Whiche man yow must repose upoun, geving him licens and
powar to mak choise of suche otheris to serve under him as he
wilbe ansurable for, with this proviso allwayes that he shalbe
ansurable for all the faultis to be committed by suche his
servauntis. You shall agree with him for a convenient yearlie
allowance for himself and his servauntis.

For doing of all whiche these presents shall be your warrant.
Gevin at our Court at Whitehall the last day of September,
1621.

1621, September 80. Whitehall—James R.—Directions to
our right trustie and welbeloved cousing and counsalour
the Erll of Mar, our Thesaurar of our kingdome of
Scotland.

In the particulers efterwrittin concernyng the manageing of
our rents and casualities of that our kingdome and in all other
thingis concerning our service ther, we have a speciall confidence
of your cair and diligence. Yet becaus it wilbe necessary for yow
at some tymes to have the advice and concurrens of some of our
officiars of estate, we have made choise of and writtin to the Erll
of Dumfermling, our Chanceller, and to the Erll*’of Melros, our
Secretair, to be ready at all occasions to concur with you, whose
advise and help yow may use. And incaice of any urgent
necessitie of forder advise, we do by these presents remit to your
owne choise to call and tak the advise of suche others of the
commissioners of our rents as yow shall think fitting to mak
choise of frome tyme to tyme.

For the particulers whiche yow have to remember of :—First,
we understand that our rents and casualities of that our
kingdome are so exhaustit by reason of pensions and other
extraordiner moneyis pait out of the same as ther is litle or
nothing left wherwith to manteyne our estate ther and to defrey
the necessary burdens liand upon the samyn. By whiche
oceasion not only ar our coffers empty, but we ar run in grite
debt. Yow must heerfoir cairfully advert how this grite incon-
venience may be helped. And becaus these pensioners ar to be
distinguished by three degrees, the first of suche as have deserved
well of us, the seconde of suche as have deserved nothing, and
the third of our old houshold servaunts and some others who
have litle or no other means to leive by, yow shall therfoir deall
with them accordingly in maner following.
100

And for the first sort of pensioners, because all or the most
part of them have good estats and means of ther owne to leive by,
and therfoir have the les need of our help, yet in regaird of ther
good desert, yow shall give them some reasonable satisfaction
for surrendring of ther pensions, whiche we ar perswaded they
will willinglie tak and embrace, when as yow shall mak knowen
to them the impossibilite of pament of their pensions, unles it be
with the disapointing of our service in the mater of our estate
ther; which our service must be preferred befoir the pament of
ther pensions.

For the second sort of pensioners, seing they have gottin the
same without merite and only by the moyen of ther frends, and
that the tyme they have possest the same hath bene to our
prejudice and ther grite benefite, we think that we are the les
bound to give them satisfaction for surrendring therof. Yet
since they have ther patents under our hand and seale, yow shall
in some small measure give them satisfaction for surrendring
therof.

For the thrid sort of pensioners, sens they ar of our old
houshold servants and of some others who have litle or no other
means to leive by, yow shall suffer them to bruke ther pensions
for ther lives; least when yow have geven them satisfaction for
surrendring therof, and that ther moneyis ar spent, they have
ther recourse to us for a new supplie and help, and so we shalke
in a daly trouble with them. Yet if any of them wilbe suitters
to have some reasonable composition in hand for surrendring cf
ther pensions, or that yow think it fitting to deale with them in
this kynd, yow shall agree with them in the best termes you can,
so as it be upon suirtie geven by them that we be no forder
troubled with ther sutes heirefter. For geving of satisfaction to
all these pensioners befoir writtin for surrendring of ther
pensions, our will and pleasure is that yow pay the samyn out
of the readiest of our rents and casualities, or out of the taxations
granted to us in our last Parliament holden in that our kingdome,
for which these presents shalbe unto yow ane sufficient warraunt.

And becaus we mynd, Godwilling, to be in Scotland this year
nixt coming, yow must have a speciall cair that ther be moneyis
in our coffers for defreying of our charges during our aboade ther.
And that the same may be done, we have thought fitting and do
by these presents mak a restraint of pament of any pensions
whatsoevir geven out of our rents or casualities of that our
kingdome for the termes of Martymes and Witsonday nixtocome,
and do heerby will and ordeyn yow to mak no pament therof,
bot that yow reserve all our moneyis for our owne use.

Yow shall tak a trew and exact triell of the nomber of offices
and officers and of the fees pait unto them in our young aige, as
weell of these that served in the offices of thesaurarie,
comptrollarie, and collectorie of the thrids of benefices, as of all
other offices and fees wherof allowances were taikin in the
accomptis of-our thres.urar, comptroller and collectour. Compair
the same with the nomber of offices, officers and fees pait at this
101

day, and send the samyn unto us in writting, with the opinions
of our Chanceller, your selff, and our Secretair, how the corruption
croppin of late by superfluous nomber of offices and officers, and
of ther extraordinary fees may be remedyed. Given at our Court
at Whitehall the last day of September, 1621.

1621, October 1. Whitehall—James R.—Directions to our
right trustie and right welbeloved cousing and counsalour,
the Erll of Mar, our Thesaurair of our kingdome of
Scotland.

Since that our kingdome is sattilled in suche quietnes as we
have no longer use for our ordinary gaird interteyned within
the same; as likewise sence ther is no more use of service for
our ship now remaning ther, we have writtin to the Lords of
our Privie Cousale to call befoir them the capitane and com-
manderis of our gaird, and to signifie unto them that we will
mak no longer use of ther service then to the first day of
November nixtocome. These presents ar therfoir to discharge
yow of geving of them any pay fra that day fordwart. Nottheles
we do by these presents aucthorize yow upoun all urgent
occasions for our service to tak up and employ under our pay so
many gentlemen and for suche a space as the necessitie of our
service shall require. As likewise we ordayne yow to caus put
our ship in als good estate as she wes into when she wes sent in
Scotland, and return hir heir to remane with the rest of our
navie.

And wheras in our other note of directions geven unto yow we
have ordeyned yow to keep up and mak no pament to any
persons within that our kingdome of the pensiouns disponit by
us to them, and that of the termes of Mertymes and Witsonday
nix to come, yet our meaning is not that this restraynt of pament
shalbe extendit to our poore old houshold servaunts, nor to suche
other poore pensioners as have litle or no other means to leive
by. And therfoir yow shall tak ordour for ther payment. For
doing wherof and all other thingis conteyned in these our
directions these presents shalbe unto yow ane sufficient
warraunt.

Yow shall remember upoun our last conference had with yow
concerning transportation of victuall and importatioun of
bulyeon in that our kingdome. Advise weell therupon at your
homecoming, and let us have your opinion therin with suche
expedition as convenientlie yow can. Geven at our Court at
Whitehall the first day of October, 1621.

1621, October 10—His Majesty’s directions, promises and
conclusions to and with the Earl of Mar, at his taking
leave from his Majesty, at Royston.

First, he hes promised to hauld bak his hand from any grantt
of pension or preceptt, exept theis quhairof he spak unto me att
that tym, to vitt, the Clerk of the Regesters 1,000 pounds sterling,
and 2,000 pounds sterling for his Majestis aun privatt effaers
to be delyvered [to] Jhoon Morray, within a yeir, or quhou
conveniently itt may be, and itt var partt and partt.
102

Nixt, his plesur is that all new bouldings be stayed tiJl munie
be in his coffers, and the cunyiehouss to be repared gif neid beis.

Thridly, that a restraentt of transporting of victuall may
be maed, and quhen the cuntrie may spaer itt, that he vill play
the marchentt him self, and be the only transportar him self,
and so bring home bulyoun to the cuntrie.

Orknay.—Fourthly, that itt be deltt into to see quhat honest
man vill doo best for itt, and find best seurtie, and than to
adverteis his Majestie.

Fiftly, itt is his plesor that no assignasion for paymentt of
pension be grantitt, and that he vill grantt non of that kynd.

Saxtlie, to haeve a caer for the Forrest of Glenamonth and of
Mairepomunth, as he hes vryttin to the Advocatt and spokin to
my self.

Sevintly, that the haill sillver plaett be delyvered to Jhoon
Acmoutie, as Master of the Gardrop, bott the honors to stay in
the Castell in the custodie of my Lord Treasurar; and that thaer
be aine exactt inventur takin of all his Majestis tapestrie, sillver
plaett, and all other movebills quhatsoever in the Master of the
Gardrops keiping, and that the inventor be subscryved be the
Master of the Gardrop his aun hand, and delyvered to the Clerk
of the Regestey that itt may bee incertt in the Regester or
Chakker rolls.

8. His Majestie says he mynds to tak his jornay into
Scotland in the midst of July nixtt. He mynd to cum by see;
and from tym to tym he shall latt me knaw his mynd, and for
the particular day he shall aquantt me with it quhen he is
resollved, lyk as he vills me to remember him of itt be my
letters.

Anentt my Lord Cancelar.

His Majestie aledgeis that in the generall he is nott so
deutifull a servantt vnto him as he expected, bott is ever
refragantt to his vill in his directions to the Counsall and vas so
in the last Parliamentt, and that he saed to the Bishop of Sanct
Andross (quhen he oposed his aun handvrytt and that direction
he had gottin from him self and many mor nobill to mak a frie
offer to the King) that vas only to rescew and hald of vith long
vapins, and that he talked much of the povertie of the cuntrie,
and that he spak tantinglie in the mater of the taxasion, for my
ansuers I vill remitt thaem to my aun memorie.

That he sayd publyklie, Quhy should ye nott ador the Sacra-
mentt and follow the Churche of Ingland. The rest to my aun
memorie, quha vilbe his friend. ,

Dunipass and Allan Livingston.

Brydkirk.

p. Jaems Haetlie. Keir and Edmiston.

1621, October 15. Royston.—Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer, the Earl of Mar, to pay to Mr. Patrick Hamilton, the
King’s servent, the pension due to him at next Martinmas as
well as that due at Whitsuntide last, which has not been paid.
103

He is to return to the King’s service shortly after Martinmas,
and the King desires no impediment may be placed in his way
by non-payment.

1621, October 17. Royston—Warrant by the King to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, narrating that he has written to the
Council to commit the son of Allan Makledowir to close prison
until his father find caution to obey the laws. And because
several will be ready to offer caution for his abode in Edinburgh
if he can have the liberty of the town, requiring the Earl “to
holde hand” that the Council accept no such caution, except it
be for the bringing in of his father.

Kine James rue Sixtu to Treasurer Mar.

1621, October 30. Theobalds—Jamus R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greet yow well.
The Marquis of Buckinghame being desirous to have firre trees
planted aboute his house at Burleigh on the Hille, hath
earnestlie requested us to cause him be furnished as well with
the seede as with young trees. Which his desire wee willinglie
wold have performed with all expedition. And becaus wee
know none who so readilie can give us satisfaction in this pointe
as your selfe, wee have thoughte good by these presentes to
require yow with all expedition to cause some store of seede be
gathered eyther in your owne boundes or in those of the
Marquis of Huntlie, where it may be soonest had, and so soone
as possiblie may be sende a man of purpos to Burleigh on the
Hille with so much of the freshest and fairest thereof as
convenientlie may be caried. And that yee cause sette downe
in writing at what time and in what kinde of grounde the same
is to be sowed, with the maner of sowing thereof; also when the
time of the yeare is fitting for removing and setting of plantes
and young trees. Yee shall likewise sende one to Burleigh with
four or five thousand of them, with the like instructions of time,
place and maner of setting and preserving them. So not
doubting of your care to have this our pleasour performed with
all possible speede, wee bid yow farewell. Given at our
Mannour of Theobaldes, the 80th of October, 1621.

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved cosen
and counsellour the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer of our kingdome
of Scotland.

Kinc JAMES THE SixTH to the PRivy CoUNCIL OF SCOTLAND.

1621, November 19. Newmarket.—Right trustie and right
weilbeloved cousens and counsallours, and right trustie and
weilbeloved counsallours, wee greet yow weell. Wheras we
have found the burgh of Edinburgh very ready and forward in
our service, and speciallie at this last Parliament, we have a
speciall regaird unto theme, and have them in our singular
favour for all thingis whiche may concerne thair commoditie
without our awin manefast lose. And wheras of late they have
104

desired to be collcctouris of thair awin taxatioun, and to pay a
certane sowme for thair wholl bodye, we have thocht guid by
these presents to require yow to call the principallis of thair
counsall befoir yow and learne of them the reasone why they
wold alter the accustomed forme of leaving of taxatiouns within
thair burgh at this tyme, and enquireing more particularly of
theme what they will give for thair parte of the suply granted
to us by the Estates of that our kingdome, ye shall labour by all
meanis to draw theme to the hieghest pitche, and haveing
understood thair heighest price ye shall conclud nothing with
theme, but maturly advyse amongst your selffis wheither thair
offer wilbe to our gayne or lose, and as ye sall resolve advertise
us with convenient deligence. Which undoubtingly expecting,
we bid yow farewell.

Kine JAMES THE SIxTH to the Privy CoUNCIL OF SCOTLAND.

1621, November 19. Newmarket.—Right trustie and right
weelbeloved cosens and counsallours and right trustie and
weilbelovit counsallours, we greit yow weell. Wheras we ar
resolved that the colectioun of the taxatioun granted to us by the
Estates of that our kingdome shall not be bestowed on any
persone as a mater of benefite or reward for service bot that it
shall be collected to our awin best advantage, we thairfoir will
yow to advise togitther and advertise us quhat personis ar most
fitt to be imployed in that charge for levying of the whole
moneys and making ane accompt thairof to our Thesaurer and
your wholl nomber; which moneys we will dispose upon according
as we shall find the estait of our affeirs to requir, and the said
collectours must exspect no other fees then we shall think thair
travellis to have deserved. Fareweill. (Contemporary copy.)

THE COMMISSIONERS OF EXCHEQUER to KING JAMES THE SIXTH.

1621, November 28. Edinburgh.—Most sacred Soverane, We
received your Majesties letter of the 19 of this instant by the
quhilk your Majestie hes bene gratiouslie pleased to make
choise of us to have the charge and directioun of your Majesteis
‘most weghtie effeares occurring in this kingdome, wherein, as
with all submissive reverence we acknawledge your Majesteis
favour and the confidence your Majestie reposeth in our fidelitie
to go far beyond any worth that isin us, and to be more nor our
services can be able to deserve, so we shalbe cairfull by the
uttermost of our endevours, and in loyall affectioun to approve
our selves ansuerable to your Majesties hoipes and expectatioun,
and by our cair, diligence and best resolutions, to give unto
your Majestie contentment in this charge concredite unto us.

At our meiting and conference upon this subject thare come
thrie other letters from your Majestie to our hands of the same
date, the first concerning the motioun made unto your Majestie
for superceding the executioun of the Act of Parliament made
aganis superfluous banquetting and apparrell, upon pretext of
diminutioun of your Majesteis customes; the secund concerning
the offer made unto your Majestie on the behalf of the toun of
105

Edinburgh for thair extraordiner taxatioun upon annuel rents;
and the thrid and last letter touching the collectorie of this
present taxatioun, quherin your Majestie hes declarit your will
that it shall not be bestowit upon any persone as a mater of
benefite or reward for service. Off the quhilks thrie missives we
remember that the first and secund hes bene already in some
sort ansuerit, for your Majestie having, by twa former letters of
the 12 of October last, recommendit unto your Counsall the
consideratioun of these twa particulers anent the banquetting
and apparrell, it wes upon the first of this moneth considderit
in Counsall that the wysest sort of the whole subjectis, greveing
vehementlie at the universall harme proceding from the super-
flouitie of both, and earnestlie desireing the restraynt therof,
receaved mervellous contentment when they saw that article
warrandit by your sacred hand, which gave libertie to the
Estates of parliament to advyse and resolve upon the most
expedient redresse; who haveing selected some of the best
experienced of everie estate to considder of the particulars, thair
opinioun wes so hartelie approved both in articles and publict
parliament, that it wes thoght to be ane of the most powerfull
inducements to procure so frie and hartie consent to the greit
sowme of the ordiner taxatioun, and to give way to the
noveltie of the taxatioun of annuel rents, thinking that the
foirbeiring of waste used of befoir upon superfluous apparrell and
banquetting should inable the subjects to give the more
abundant supplie to your Majesteis effeares. And now gif the
privat sute of covetous merchaunts preferring thair unjust gayne
to the publict benefite should, by the importunitie of fals
suggestions, procure the subjects to be defraudit of the effect of
that course which by your Majesteis royall favour wes settled for
the cuntreyes good, it might occasioun ane greiter greiff to
the subjects nor the pretendit interest of the trade and
of the customes formerlie payed unto your Majestie for goods
of that sort could counterveall, since no bypast diligence
of customers and searchers could imped the craft of the
merchants concealling of those pasments of gold, silver, silk
and otheris small wares of that kynd; and by triell of the
custome received for all those sortis of wares the sowme of your
Majesteis custome being fund by us not to exceed ij” lib., the
commodities which may be imported with the stock which wes
formerlie bestowed upon pasments and other such merchandizes
will, in our opinioun, equall that quantitie of custome used to be
payed for that which is now prohibite, so as we can foirsee no
prejudice to your Majestie in the allowance and executioun of
the Act of Parliament and rejecting of the merchants partial
sute. And tuching the agreement with the town of Edinburgh
for thair taxatioun, that mater upon the directioun of your
Majesteis first letter was settled and put to a point upon the
22 of this instant, and [we] have agreit with them for xl” li., in
satisfactioun of thair whole taxatioun, ordiner and extraordiner,
to be pait at the four termes of the taxatioun, to witt, x™ li. at everie
terme; quhilk sowme being conferrit with the ordiner taxatioun
106

of the said burgh extending to iiij” vij Ixxxj li. termelie, will
amount to more nor the double of the said ordiner, and will
ansuer in proportioun to a stock above eightene hundreth
thousand merkis, quhilk is moir nor in our opinioun wald ever
have come to light within the said burgh. And tuching your
Majesteis last letter for the collectorie of the taxatioun, your
Majestie hes alreadie made choise of the Erll of Mar for that
charge, whose patent is exped your Majesteis seale, and he is to
supplie that service frelie without any fee for his travellis. The
nominatioun of the under collectours who ar to be imployed to
charge for the taxatioun apperteynis to the principall collector,
seing he most be ansuerable for them, and he hes imployed none
bot these who wer imployed in the preceiding taxatiouns, and
upon these same conditiouns and allowances, to witt, xij d. for
the pund; quherof iff after consideratioun and heiring of the
compts any defeasance shalbe thought necessar to be made and
that any superplus shall appeir to arryse, the same shall accresce.
to your Majestie; and we shalbe very circumspect and cairfull
that at the making of the compts no unnecessar, idle and
superfluous allowances shalbe admitted. This being the effect
and substance of our procedings in [these] thrie particulers, we
humblie present the same to your Majesteis consideratioun and
will humblie beseik your Majestie to accept the same in gocd
pairt, as proceding from such grounds and warrandis as in our
opinioun tendis most to your Majesteis honour and benefite and
weell of the cuntrey. And so praying the Almightie God to
watch over your sacred persone and to blisse your Majesteis
raigne with the continewance of many long and happie yeares,
we rest. (Contemporary copy).

1621, December 5. Newmarket.—Warrant by the King to
the Earl of Mar, Treasurer, requesting him to do his best to pay
the pensions due to the King’s personal servants, which he
recommended to be done some years since, especially as they are
so few, viz., Sir James Levingston, Sir William Balfoure, and
Walter Stewarte.

1621, December 5. Newmarket.—Warrant by the King to
the Earl of Mar, Treasurer, to pay what is due to Walter
Slewarte out of the King’s coffers to Sir James Baillie.
Stewart has assigned part of his pension to another of the
King’s servants, John Levingston, for money advanced on his
behalf, and Sir James will pay to each what is due.

Kine JAMES THE SixtTH to the EARL oF Mar.

1622, January 138. Theobalds—James R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
Wee have sente this bearer, our servant, John Scandover, for
apprehending and transporting hether of that white hinde
whereof yee your selfe gave us the first notice; and therefor
have thoughte good by these presentes to require yow to cause
provide eyther at Edinburgh or anie other toune nexte to the
place where he is to employ his travelles, such thinges as he
107

shall thinke requisite eyther for taking or transporting the said
hinde, whether it be shippe, cartes or other thinges. And
becaus the contrie whether our said servant is to go is wilde and
waste, so as nothing is there to be had withoute acquayntance
and speciall favour, it is requisite that yee write to Glenurquhay
(as wee have done) to cause our said servant be furnished with
companie and all thinges necessarie, as well for assisting him in
his travelles as for his owne interteynment. And herein
exspecting your careful diligence, wee bid yow farewell. Given
at our Mannour of Theobaldes, the 18th day of Januarie, 1622.

Addressed:—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved
cosen and counsellour, the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer of our
kingdome of Scotlande.

Kine JAMES THE SrixTH to the Haru oF Mar.

1622, January 18. Theobalds.—Jamzs R.—Right trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
Wee have understood by the reporte of our servant, John
Levingston, your travell and paines taken for composing of
differences betwixte the Laird of Dunipace and Alane Levingston
of Dunlappie, whereby yee have broughte the parties to a
submission. For which your good endevouris wee have thoughte
good at this time to give yow most heartie thankes; earnestlie
desiring yow that seeing yee have broughte the parties so far on
in termes of agreement, yee will not leave of till all controversies
betwixte them be quite taken away and they made perfite
frendes. Whereof nothing doubting on your parte, wee bid yow
farewell. Given at our Mannour of Theobaldes the xviij™ day of
Januarie, 1622.

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earl of Mar, our Treasorer of our kingdome
of Scotlande.

1622, January 25. Newniarket.—Warrant by the King to
Treasurer Mar to provide for the payment of a pension which
the King has granted to the Lord Kinclevin, and which is to be
exped through the seals, out of the rents of Orkeney, or some
other of the crown rents. ;

1622, February 6. Newmarket.—Warrant by the King to
the Earl of Mar, Treasurer, and the remanent commissioners of
his rents, to desist from their opposition to the passing through
the seals of the gift which some months ago he had made of the
office of Master of Requests extraordinary, to his servant,
Mr. James Galloway, and which he has been informed they
have stopped as surreptitiouslie obtained. He assures them he
signed and granted the same upon certain knowledge.

License to JoHN, Hart oF MarR, TO ABSENT HIMSELF FROM
THE FESTIVALS OF THE ORDER OF THE GARTER.

1622, March 5. Theobalds.—James R.—Right trustie and
right welbeloved coosen and counceller, wee greete you well.
Forasmuch as you, by reason of your continuall imployment in
our realme of Scotland for our especiall service there, cannot
108

be present to attend our person at the dayes of St. George,
xecostomed for the celebration of our feast of the most noble
Order of the Garter, that is to say, the xxijth, xxiijth and xxilijth
dayes of the month of Aprill, according to the Statutes and
Articles of our said most noble Order, wee let you understand
that wee are pleased and contented to excuse your absens, and
by these presents doe pardon and remitt and dispence with any
fault you may incurre therby, and doe give you licence to be
absent on those daies from the said feast, or any other by
prorogation appointed for celebration of the same, both for this
and all other yeeres, until our further pleasure shalbe by us
made knowne unto you for and concerning such or any other
your attendans for or touching the said noble Order, any statute
or article of our said Order, to the contrarie notwithstanding.

Given under the seale of our said Order att our Pallace of
Theobals, the fifth of March, in the xixth yeere of our reigne, ete.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and right welbeloved cousen
and counseller, John, Earle of Marr, Treasorer of our realme of
Scotland, and knight and companion of our most noble Order of
the Garter.

1622, March 11. Theobalds——Warrant by the King to
Treasurer Mar and the remanent commissioners for managing
his rents in Scotland, to dispose of the tack of the revenues of
Orkney and Yetland to the highest offerer, as he had already
instructed them by the Earl of Kellie, but withal to inform him
before they made a grant of the same. ,

1622, March 15. Theobalds.—Warrant from the King to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, to pay the pension due to Sir James
Levingston, one of his personal servants, who is coming to
Scotland, and he desires that he may not by waiting for payment
be detained from his service.

1622, March 20.—Thin book called “ Cunzehous Compt fra the
first of Merche, 1620, to the 20 of Merche, 1622”; and further
detailed within as ‘The compt of the hail bullione adebtted for
the goodis and marchandice shippit and transportted furthe of
the realme at all the hevynnis and poirttis of this kingdome
sence the last compt maid be George Foullis, maister of his
Majesteis Counzehous, in the space of tua yeiris last by past,
viz., betuix the last day of October, 1619 yeiris, and the first day
of November, 1621 yeiris; togidder with the names of sic porttis
quhairof the customers ar adebtted for dyvers yeiris and hes
nocht maid compt thairof in Chekker.”

1622, March 29. Whitehall—Warrant from King James to
the Earl of Mar, Treasurer, directing that, if at all possible, part
of a sum of £2,000 which the King had ordered to be paid to his
servant, John Murray, for the King’s special service, should be
paid to him a month earlier than the date which the Treasurer
had appointed for payment.

1622, April 1. Whitehall—Warrant from the King to the
Karl of Mar, Treasurer, and remanent commissioners of his rents,
to pay £10,000 sterling to the Marquis of Hamilton. ‘

{

Re ss,
109

1622, April 12. Theobalds.—King James to the Farl of Mar,
Treasurer, and the remanent commissioners of his rents. He has
received their letter stating the offers made by Sir John
Buchanane and Robert, Monteith for the rents of Orkney and
Yetland, and inclines with them to accept that of Sir John.
But as Sir Robert Maxwell is also to offer, he desires them to
delay till then, and, if his offer is not more beneficial to the royal
coffers, to grant the lease to Sir John.

Tae Earu or Mar to the Kina.

1622, April 15. Alloa.—Most sacred Soveraigne, Wheras this
place and charge wherwith it hath pleased your Majestie to
honour me in the administratioun and handling of your
Majesties effeares, obleysses me in duetie and alledgeance to
make your Majestie foirsene and acquent with the true estate of
your effeares, and what proportion thare is betwixt your
Majesties casualities and rents, and the burdaynes lyand and
daylie multeplying thareon, I have for this effect made choise of
this beirar, Archibald Prymrose, your Majesties old servant (who
hes some hand and doing in your Majestis service) to present
unto your Majestie ane true and perfite relatioun and accompt
of all the particulers concerning this bussynes, to the effect that
etter due consideration thareof your Majestie may dispose of the
same as shalbe most agreable to your Majesties honor and
suirtie. And humbly praying your Majestie to vouchsafe unto
this beirar your graciouse presence and benigne audience and
credite in his relation of the premisses, I most humblie take my
leave, praying the Almighty God to watch over your sacred
persone, and to blisse your Majestie with the continewance of
many long and happie yeares, I rest. Copy.

THE E.art oF Mar to the PRINCE.

1622, April 15—Alloa. Pleas your Heighnes, since God hes
brocht your Heighnes to that perfectioun of aige and knawledge
that to all our confortts your Heighnes is most capable and
sensible of the estait of your faithers efferis, and that this
kingdome, being ane important member of his Majestie and your
Hieghnes royell estaits (blissed by your nativitie) all people heir
ar confident that your love and cair of it is als deir unto yow as

- any other part of your dominions. And albeit this countrie be
poore, yett being weell managed, it may furnishe many trew
hartis and able bodeis to his Majestie and your service, with
means competent for the ordinarie charges, if it wer not over
chairged by ane erronious custome begone amongst our people to
equall thair expenssis to the maner of Ingland, with whome we
can not in any degree compear in wealth, wherof the subjectis
heir have found the harme, to the undoing of many‘of the best
sort, and his Majesties rentis ar quite overthrowen by the like
abuse of precepts and pensiounis risen frome fyve hundreth or ane
thowsand merks Scottis to five hundreth [or] one thowsand pund
sterling; whiche multiplicatioun hath so incressed his Majesteis
110

chairges heir as thair is no possibilite that this estait can subsist
unles his Majestie be pleased to forbear imposing of forder
burdens, and allow the course prescrived for recalling of pensiouns,

Wherunto your Hieghnes authoritie and assistance being most:

necessarlie requisite I have directit’ this berar, Archibald
Prymrois, one of his Majesteis old servants, to informe your
Hieghnes of the trew present case of the affeires heir and most
probable remedies, mor importing to your Hieghnes nor to me,
who, being a temporarie servant, subject to the malice and
complainttis of manye, greved for want of moneyis which I am
unable to furnish, will calumniat me and importun his Majestie,
unles I be protected by your Hieghnes and those courses
manteyned which may retrench the abuses and reduce things to
that proportioun whiche the estait of the countrie may bear.
And so remitting the relation of all these particullers to the
sufficiencie of the berar and humblie praying your Hieghnes to
vouchsaif unto me your favorable, princlie audience and credit, I
humble tak my leive, with my earnest prayers unto God to
prolong your Hieghnes liffe with many long and happie yeirer.
Copy.

THE Eart oF Mar to the Marquess oF BUCKINGHAM.

1622, April 15. Alloa.—My honorable good Lord, According
as wes agreelt betuix your Lordship and me at our last parting,
that I should acquent your Lordship with such things tending to
the weell of his Majesties service as should fall out in this estait,
wherunto hithertills I have bene sparing, in regaird that I wes
loath to truble your Lordship with matters of small moment, yett
the estait of his Majesteis effaires heir ar now by his Majesteis
too greit liberalitie growen to that height as for dischairge of
my dewtie I am forced to derect this berar, Archibald Prymrois,
one of his Majesties old servants, to present unto his Majestei
ane breeff relatioun and accompt of the estait of his offices of recept,
wherof by his Majesties favour I have the chairge, to the effect
that after due consideratioun had thairof his Majestie may so
dispose of the samyn as shalbe most agreable to his honour and
ansurable to future occurrences. And sence the prooff of your
Lordships faith and love to his Majestie and cair to procure the
good of his estait hath deservedly acquired to your Lordship the
principall trust of his heart, and my awin bigane experience of
your Lordships noble favour to my selff, geveth me assurance of
your Lordships favorable assistance in matters concerning the
faithfull discharge of my dewtie in these his Majesties services
committed to my fidilitie, I expect that your Lordship wilbe
pleased to receave informatioun of the berar of these helpis
which for the present appeir most necessary, and that your
Lordship will give unto his Majestie your best advyse and
opinioun thairanent. And so intreating your Lordship in these
particullers to credite the berar, to whose sufficiencie I remitt
the same, and with the remembrance of my best affections,
recommending your Lordship to the Almightie, I rest. Copy.
111

Kine James tHe Srxru to the Earn or Mar AND OTHERS.

_ 1622, April 20. Whitehall—James R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosens and counsellours and righte trustie and
welbeloved counsellours, wee greete yow well. Wee were pleased
to directe a precepte to yow, our T'reasorer, for payment to be
made to our cosen, the Marquis of Hamilton, of the sume of ten
thousand poundis starling, and also wrote to yow all to give way
unto the same. And forasmuch as wee were pleased to grante
preceptes to some others, so as question may arise which
shoulde be first answered, wee have thoughte good by these
presentes to require yow to preferre our said cosen and cause
payment be made unto him before all others whatsoever. So
nothing doubting of your conformitie to this our pleasour wee
wish yow well to fare. Given at our pallace of Whitehall the
20th of Aprile, 1622. [There is added in the King’s handwriting.]
I promeised this unto him at his returne from Scotlande, and his
service at that Parliament deservid a great deale more, thairfore
according to his merite lette him be cheerfullie satisfied in this.

Addressed :—To oure righte trustie and righte welbeloved
cosens and counsellours and righte trustie and welbeloved
counsellours, the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer and remanent
commissioners appointed for managing our rentes in our
kingdome of Scotlande.

1622, May 18th. Theobalds.—Warrant by the King to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, to grant relief from the pension due to
Walter Stewarte, the King’s servant, to the Viscount Aire, and
John Levinston, also the King’s servant, who have become
cautioners for him in £100 sterling.

Kine JAMES THE SixtH to the Hart or Mar.

1622, May 28. Theobalds—James R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
Whereas the Ladie Lyone having allied hir sone according to
our desire, wee were pleased to passe our royall promes to her
that thereby wee shalbe engadged to have a care of the estate of
her said sone. And being crediblie enformed that his father was
obliged for Sir Johne Car of Litleden in divers greate summes
of monie and that, in regarde of the manie comprysementes and
inhibitions which are upon the estate of the said Sir John, the
said Lady Lyone is in greate feare that there wilbe founde no
cleere releefe for her sone, she hath bene an humble suiter
unto us that (since the eschete and liferent of the said Sir John
are fallen into our handes) wee wolde be pleased to bestow the
same on her and the Earle of Louthian (who is joyntlie bounde
with her late husbande for their releefe. And if the said Sir John
be denounced at the instance of anie other, that then that debte
for which he is denounced being payed, they may have the nexte
place in that benefite. Which suite wee have founde so reasonable
as wee have willinglie granted the same, not doubting but yee
will readilie seconde our said grant by expeding the same
according to the order. Farewell. Given at our Mannour of
Theobaldes the 28 day of Maie, 1622.
112

Addressed :—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved
cosen and counsellour the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer of our
kingdome of Scotlande.

1622, June 10. Greenwich.—Warrant, superscribed by King
James, and subscribed by Geo. Cancell.; Mar, Th™; Melros,
Landerdaill, Roxburgh, 8. W. Oliphant and Kilsayth, directing
the Treasurer and Comptroller of Scotland to pay to Sir Alexander
Hay of Forresterseate, knight, for the services rendered by him
to the King and Council for many years past, the sum of £3,600
Scots.

Kina James tHe Sixtu to the Lorps or Szssion.

1622, June 20. Greenwich.—Richt trustie and richt weil-
beloved cousign and counsellour, and others our richt trustie
and weilbeloved counsellours, wee greet yow weill. We haitf
receaved your letter of the twentie of this monethe, and haiffing
sufficientlie considderet thairoff we find it indeid a thing
unaccustoumed that any of your nomber sould be brocht to
plead at the bar giff he haiff not bein declyned for partiall
counsell or some uther reasonable cause. For our pairt, as we
love not to be author of novelties, so at this tyme we wold be
lothe to urge any of yow to that quhairunto ye haiff no inelina-
tioun of your selffes. As for this actioun intentet be the Erle cf
Mare we ar weill pleased that he quhome the Lord Elphingstoun
sall choose out of the nomber of advocatts to supplie the place of
ours sall be authorised frome ourselff as our Advocat in that
cause, have our rollis and registers patent for his instructioun,
sufficient tyme gewin him for his informatioun, be heard be
yow withe lyk care and attentioun, and be regarded and
respected by yow in all points concerning the said actioun as
our ordinarie Advocat. Wherin nothing doubting of your
conformitie to our pleasour, we bid yow fairweill. Contemporary
copy.

Kine JAMES THE SIxTH to the ApvocaTE [Sir WILLIAM
OLIPHANT |.

e 1622, June — —Quheras upon the informatioun off your
just ressones off refusing to compeir aganis the Erl of Mar in
that action depending betuix him and the Lord Elphinstoun,
we wer plesit to admitt off your excuse and to substitut one in
your roums, so we ar thus confident and assured off your
vigilant cair and faythfull service in our effaires that we ar
persuadit ye will not suffer our name to be usit in any persuit
to be movit be ather off the saids parties aganis utheris without
our speciall knaulege and allowance. For as it is oure speciall
plesure and contentment that the course off law go indifferentlie
to all but respect of persoun, so we think it nawais aggreabill to
our royall persoun and soverane place quhilk we beir that our
name and titill salbe usit at the appetit of any partie as ane
principal persewar to his behove for fortifeing off his privat
entres, except it be first weill and advysedlie considerit quhat is
118 r

our particular rycht,to the lands controvertit betuix the parties,
and that our awin warrand preceid commanding yow and our
officiaris off estaite to insist in the persute off our said
particular rycht in our name. And thairfoir it is our speciall
will and pleasur that if any suche persuite be movit in our name
for our particular rycht and titill in the said matter controvertit
betuix the said Erl of Mar and the Lord Elphinstoun that yow,
as our Advocat, nawais assist the said persuite, but disassent
thairfra till ye acquaint us thairwith and ressave our speciall
will and plesur thairanent, and that ye intimat this our will and
declaratioun to Mr. James Oliphant, your sone, quho is substitut
in your place in the said caus depending betuix the saids Erl of
Mar and Lord Elphinstoun to the effect he maye conforme
himself thairto in al points. So trusting in your cair and
fidelitie heirin, we bid yow fairewell. Contemporary copy.

These is a copy of the King’s letter to the Lords of Session to
the same effect.

1622, July 7. Windsor Castle—King James the Sixth to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, and Sir William Oliphant, King’s
Advocate, requiring them to examine the title deeds of certain
lands belonging to Sir Robert Stewarte of Shillinglaw, held by
him ward and relief, and which he has petitioned to have changed
to taxt ward, and see how such change will affect the King’s
commodity. If they find that he is not wronged thereby, they
are to expede a new charter to Sir Robert of.all his lands,
erecting the same into a barony to be called the barony of
Kingesbrough.

1622, July 7. Windsor Castle—King James the Sixth to
the Earl of Mar, Treasurer, authorising him to expede a grant of
the tack of the assise herring of Scotland to the Duke of Lenox,
upon the expiry of the present tack. He is to pay for it the
" same yearly duty asis now paid. At present the collectors of the
assise herring are frequently great hinderers to the officers of the
Admiralty in the discharge of their office, which by this means
will in future be avoided.

1622, July 8. Windsor Castle—Warrant by the King to
Treasurer Mar to pay to Lord Kinclevin his pension and the
arrears thereof, as he can hardly live without it.

1622, July 9. Windsor Castle——Warrant by the King to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, to expede a gift of the ward and
marriage of the heir of Sir Laughlane Makintosh (whom “ it
hath pleased Almightie God to calle oute of this mortall life”),
to Sir Patrick Murray, knight, for behoof of the said child;
“becaus wee understande that at the time of his decease he was
far engaged and his estate of living sore hurte, whereby his
house is now verie weake.”

1622, July 14. Wansted.—Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer Mar, to cause the King’s Advocate take measures
that Mr. William Kellie, who has purchased from the Karl of

H
114

Holderness the feu duties of East Barnes, and is reported to be
usurping certain prerogatives to the prejudice of the King and
his tenants, which he had no title to do, conform himself to the
laws and customs of the country.

1622, July 28. Theobalds.—King James the Sixth to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, and the remanent commissioners of his
rents, referring to them a petition by William Middlemest,
keeper of the fort and castle of Dumbarton, for arrears of pay,
and requiring them to satisfy the same if they find equity so
demands.

1622, August 21. Bagshot.—King James the Sixth to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, desiring him to grant the gift of the
escheat and liferent of John Stewart of Coldinghame, which has
fallen into the King’s hands through his continuance at the horn,
gratis, to any such person as the said John shall nominate. He
rather pities his distressed estate than will suffer him in anywise
to perish.

Tur Eart or Mar to the Kine.

c. 1622, September.—Most gracious Soverane, Becaus of the
warrands directit by your Majestie for pament of my Lord
Chanceller, the Marques of Hamiltoun, and Thomas Pudsey
of ther moneyis out of the first and second termes pament of the
taxatioun, ther wilbe no moneyis at this nixt Mertimes terme
wherwith to buy in any of these pensions, whiche your Majestie
hath appointit to be bought, for laik wherof your Majesties debts
will ineres, and the possibilitie of pament therof wilbe the
harder. For remead heirof I do heir present unto your
Majestie my owen simple opinioun, leaving to your Majesties
good consideratioun to embrace or reject the samyn.

If your Majestie wilbe pleased that ane hundreth thousand
merkis shalbe borrowed upoun interest, I hoip so to manage the
same as I shall buy in of yearlie rent to your Majestie frome
these pensioners tuentie thousand punds. The rent to be pait
for this borrowit money in ane year and ane half will extend
only to ten thousand punds, and the rent to come in to your
Majesties cofferis in that space will extend to threttie thousand
punds, so as your Majestie hes three pennys to come in for ane
yow give out. I dar not promise in regaird of your Majesties
former warrands that this one hundreth thousand merks can be
pait in shorter tyme nor ane year and ane half efter Mertemes,
frome whiche tyme furth your Majestie wilbe freed of pament of
the annuell therof. Iff your Majestie allow of this my opinioun
and will let me have your warrand for pament of this one
hundreth thousand merkis, with the annuell therof out of the
readdiest of the taxatioun and your Majesteis rents (the
Marques of Hamiltoun being first pait), I shall ingadge myselff
and my frends our credits for borrowing therof. I have ordanit
Williame Barclay to attend your Majestie and to receave your
directioun heirin, whome it will pleas your Majestie trust
Copy.
115

Kine JAMES THE SixTH to the Fart oF Mar.

c. 1622, September.—Right traist cousing and counsalour,
wee greet yow weell. Wheras by our former letters directit unto
yow for pament of moneyis out of the taxatiouns grantit to us
in that our kingdome, we understand that yow have already pait
to Sir George Hay of Kinfawnis, knight, our Chanceller, ane
thousand punds sterling, to Thomas Pudsey of Chapeltoun ane
other thousand punds sterling, to Archibald Prymrois for two
jorneyis made by him to our court for the mater of the same
taxations, two hundreth punds sterling, and yow have yet to
pay to our cousing the Marques of Hammiltoun tuelf thousand
punds sterling, by whiche occasioun ther wilbe no ready moneyis
in our coffers ther at this nixt Mertimes terme to buy in any
of these pensions whiche by our warrants directit unto yow we
desired yow to buy in to our use, wherby our debts ther will
ineres and the possibilitie of pament therof will be the harder ;
for this caus we have thought upoun a second means for
preventing of the incres of our debts, whiche is by lifting of
moneyis upoun interest to pay for buying in of some of these
pensions, and the sowme that we wold have liftit for this effect
is ane hundreth thousand merkis Scottis money; whiche being
weill managed we think the same may buy in to our use tuentie
thousand punds of yearlie rent frome the saids pensioners.
And as yow have hithertills geven us a good proofe of your cair
in all thingis tending to the weell and fotherance of our service,
so now we do expect the like, and doubtis nothing of your
forewartnes heirin; and for this caus we must lay a burdene
wpoun yow whiche altho it may seame hard at the first, yet yow
shall see that the samyn shalbe without your losse or danger.
We will heirfoir desire yow as yow tender the weell of our
service that by your awin credite and the credite of your frends
yow will lift this ane hundreth thousand merks upoun interest,
and buy therwith so many of these pensionis to our use as by
your good manageing therof yow can. For doing wherof and
repament of the same to yow with the interest therof, so long as
the samyn shalbe unpait we have assignit unto yow our haill
rents and casualities of that our kingdome with the haill
foirsaids taxatiouns (the moneyis to be disbursed for the
necessarie effairs of our estate with the foirsaid twelf thousand
punds sterling to the Marques of Hammiltoun being first pait),
and to this effect we have sent unto yow heirwith ane warraunt
and assignatioun signed with our hand. And so expecting your
cairfull furtherance of our service herein we bid yow heartely
fairweell. Contemporary copy.

1622, October 18. Royston.—King James the Sixth to the
Fiarl of Mar, Treasurer, approving his care in the matter of the
forest of Glen Amond, which has been reported to him by
Sir Patrick Murray, the King’s servant, and desiring that he
will now prosecute the matter vigorously with the Advocate in
causing the persons interested produce their rights before the
Session ; and also perform the promise he had made concerning
the Laird of Lawars.
116

Kine JAMES THE §1xTH to the Harz or Mar.

1622, October 21. Royston—James R.—Right trustie and
right welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
Yee remember that at your last being here, now more then a
yeare agoe, we acquaynted yow with oure opinion of the necessitie
of a deputy-thesaurer, but at that time yee desired that wee wold
delay the establishing of one till by some times triell yee might
know what yee wer able to doe be yourself, promiseing therafter
to advertise us, yf yee should find your self of strenth ynough to
undergo and supporte the whole burden of the paynes and service
incident to your place. And now, seing in the space of a whole
twelve moneth and above, wee have hard nor receaved nothing
from yow touching that purpose, except your accompts sent to us
with Archebald Prymroise (whiche being sufficient witnesses of
your paynes and diligent care in the exercise of your place wee
could not but be well pleased with) wee are therfore the rather
persuaded to persist and proceed in oure former resolution, and
soe at this time (what wee wes ever resolved at some time to doe)
to establishe a deputie thesaurer; that as there is here a
Chauncellour of Exchecker (being even the verie same officer) so
a deputie-thesaurer may be there, both to ease the principall
thesaurer of a part of the burden and paynes, and also to beare
witnes of the integritie of his actions in the exercise of his
service, whiche wee doubte not but yee will estime to be therefore
no lesse expedient for your honour and credite then for your
ease and furtherance of oure service. Whiche wee assure oure
self by your paynes, taiken therein be your self alone this yeare
and more bypast yee have broght to such a solide estate as
hereafter it wilbe easie for yow with such a helper to proceed
therein both to our pleasure and proffite. These respects above
specified having moved us to this resolution of establishing a
thesaurer-depute, wee could think of none more fitting than oure
olde servant, Sir Archebald Naper, and have therfore made
speciall choise of him to be preferred to that place, knowing that
no man will take exception against him, since by long experience
wee have had good proofe both of his sufficiencie and fidelitie ;
and he being therewithall frie of partialitie or any factious
humour, as tied to none but oure self, with whome he hath beene
bred even from his youth. And so not doubting but yee will
cherishe and encuradge him, as wee are confident that by
charging himself he will endevour to ease yow of the most
fasheous and burdenable part of your service, in that assurance
wee bid yow farewell. From oure Courte at Roiston the 21th of
October, 1622.

Addressed :—To oure right trustie and right welbeloved cosen
and counsellour, the Earle of Mar, oure principall Thesaurer of
our kingdome of Scotland.

1622, October 21. Royston—Warrant from King James to
the Treasurer, the Earl of Mar, to expede a gift which the King
had made to William, Earl of Angus, of the escheat of the Earl
of Louthiane so far as it extended to the liferent escheat of Sir
John Carmichael of Medoflat.
117

1622, December 8. Newmarket.—Warrant by King James to
the Earl of Mar, Treasurer-principal, Sir Archibald Napeir,
Treasurer-depute, and the remanent commissioners of the King’s
rents, to pay to Lord Gordon the arrears of his pension and
other sums due to him, which the King had already several
times recommended to them, but now more earnestly, because
of Lord Gordon’s outlays in repairing of the Castle of Invernesse,
and because his cautioners are pressing him very hardly. Pay-
ment is to be made either from the taxation or other readiest
moneys in the royal coffers.

1622, December 10. Newmarket—Warrant by the King to
the Treasurer, Treasurer-depute, and remanent commissioners
of his rents, to pay the pension due to David Murray, who has
brought the King’s pinnace hither, and has had no other
recompence but his pension.

1623, January 23. Whitehall.—King James the Sixth to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, Sir Archibald Naper of Merchiston,
Treasurer-depute, and the remanent commissioners of his rents.
Patrick Hamilton, the King’s servant, has made humble request
to him in behalf of Sir George Hamilton of Blaikburne, John
Ersken of Bagonie, William Dick, John St. Clair, and others,
with himself, to whom the Karl of Caithness and Lord Berridaill,
his son, are in great debt, that the gifts of the escheats and
liferents of the said Earl and his sone may not be passed
through the seals until their claims be first settled; and this the
King desires may be attended to.

1623, January 28. Whitehall—King James the Sixth to the
Treasurer and the remanent commissioners of his Majesty’s
rents. As William Hay of Strowie has lately died, and had in
his hands at that time the greater part of the estate of Archibald
Hay, chirurgeon in ordinary to the King, he desires that the
latter may be preferred upon reasonable conditions to anything
which may fall to the Crown by William Hay’s decease.

Kune James tur Srxtu to the Eant or Mar.

1623, March 6. Theobalds—Jaues R.—Right trustie and
welbeloved cosen and councellour, wee greete yow well. Haveing
perceived by the returne of that commissioune which we directed
unto yow for the surveigh of Glenalmond, that the boundes
thereof is fitt to be a forrest, wee have moved our trustie
and welbeloved Sir Patrick Murray, knight, gentleman of our
privie thamber, to dimitt his part in our favours, and have
wreatin to our right trustie and welbeloved councellour, Sir
George Hay, knight, our Chancellour, and to our right trustie
and welbeloved cosen and councellour, the Earle of Melros, our
President, to agree with our trustie and welbeloved Sir James
Cambell of Lawers, knight, for his part; and doe will yow to give
him satisfactioune for that sowme which shall be considscended
upon by them. For doing whereof these presentes shall be
yowr warrant. Wee desyre lykewyse that yow deale with our
118

trustie and welbeloved Sir Duncan Cambell of Glenurghie,
knight, concerning that parcell belonging unto him, whom wee
doubt not but yow will find well disposed for the furtherance of
any thing that may import our pleasure. And because howso-
ever that take effect, wee are resolved to plenishe that boundes
there which wee have already compounded for, with as much
diligence as can be used, our pleasure is that yow speake to all
noblemen and others thereabout who have any red deere, that
they give us some for that purpose; as lykewyse that yow
appoint a forrester for keeping thereof with such allowances as
yow think needfull to him, till wee determine who shall have
that charge. So not doubting but yow have a speciall care
of this, wee doe bid yow farewell. From our Court at Theobalds,
the 6th of Marche, 1628.

Addressed :—To our right trusty and welbeloved cosen and
counsellour, the Earle of Marre, our Treasaurer of our kingdome
of Scotland.

1623, March 14. Newmarket.—King James the Sixth to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer. On the death of the last Earl of
Crawford, not only were no means of maintenance provided for
his wife and children, but since then his said wife has been
hardly used by the said Earl’s son and other friends. As she
was long a faithfull servant of the late Queen, the King
recommends her to their special furtherance, and forbids them
to show any favour to the present Earl of Crawford in anything
at the King’s gift, and especially his escheat, till some competent
means be taken for the suitable maintenance of the said
Countess and her children.

1623, March 26. Newmarket. Warrant by the King to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, and collector of the taxation, to deliver
over to the Treasurer-depute all the money thus gathered in,
or which shall be gathered in, “to be used by yow and him
according to our warrantes and directions formerlie given to yow
and now to him.”

1623, March 28. Royston.—Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer and Deputy Treasurer to cause the penal statutes
enacted in the last Parliament to be enforced. He has reason
to suspect that there is great negligence herein, as the greatest
number of petitions received by him from Scotland are grounded
on grievances from one penal statute or another.

1623, March 30. Theobalds—wWarrant by King James the
Sixth to the Earl of Mar, Treasurer, and Sir Archibald Naper,
Treasurer-depute, to call Archibald Primrose, collector of the
fines imposed upon the resetters of the Macgregors, to account
for his intromissions therewith, and cause him to deliver such
moneyes as are in his possession to Sir James Campbell of
Lawars. And as some of the fines imposed have not yet been
uplifted, they are to see that they are presently brought in, as
the King is convinced that there is no better way to suppress
any rebellion in these parts than severely to punish the resetters
and abetters of the rebels.
119

XN

1623, March 30. Theobalds.—King James the Sixth to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute. He has written to the Earls of
Montrose and Perth to go and view the lands of the Laird of
Lawars adjoining Glenamond,and requiring them, if it be found
that they are worth adding to the proposed forest, to negotiate
with Lawars for their acquisition, and to promise him the
keepership of the half of the said forest, provided his price
1s reasonable, and that he undertake to plenish the same with a
stock of red deer.

1623, April 24. Windsor Castle-—King James the Sixth to
the Earl of Mar, Treasurer. He has heard of the pitiful estate
of Lord Borthwick and that his escheat and liferent are
sought still by several persons to his utter overthrow. He
requires, therefore, that these be disponed to no person but such
as the Earl of Nithsdale and Viscount Annan will name on his
behalf. Further, as the King has granted to the Earl of
Nithsdale a gift of the nonentry of his own lands, so he requires
the Treasurer to give way to the passing of the said gift.

1623, April 24. Windsor Castle-——Warrant by the King to
the Treasurer and Deputy Treasurer to pay in due course the
pension granted to the King’s ancient servant, Mr. Patrick
Galloway, “as one of the first and best deserving of our
servants,” together with all arrears, payment having been
hitherto neglected.

1623, April 24. Windsor Castle—Warrant by the King to
the Treasurer and Deputy Treasurer to expede with diligence
the signatures which he has granted to “the poore widow
Macolo, wyfe to the late Doctor James Macolo, our phisition,”
of the gift of the wadset lands of Myrtoun, Cardnes and
Anchinfluirs in Galloway, pertaining to the King’s late servant,
Dr. John Mazcolo, for any right his Majesty has to them as last
heir or otherwise.

1628, May 6. Greenwich—King James the Sixth to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer. He is informed that the condition of
“the house of Sauchie is so far hurte as if anie harde dealing
shoulde be used with Alexander Schaw now of Sauchie in such
thinges as may be dew to us frome him, it mighte threaten his
utter overthrow.” He therefore requires that his marriage be
disponed to none but himself, and if any part of his lands are
fallen in nonentry, that it be disponed either to himself or some
friend to his behoof. The King is perswaded that the Karl of
Mar would of his own accord have done this much for the welfare
of that house, without this recommendation.

1623, May 9. Theobalds.—King James the Sixth to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, the Viscount of Stormont and Sir
Duncan Campbell of Glenurquhay. The Earls of Montrose and
Perth, having been sent by him to view the lands belonging to
the Laird of Lawars, adjoining Glenamond, and report upon
their fitness to be added to the commonty thereof, had reported
120

that there were other adjacent lands fit to be annexed thereto
and converted into a forest. He therefore requires them to go
and view all these lands belonging to the Laird of Lawars, Sir
Patrick Murray and others, and report upon them, and also in
generall all that has been done by them and the Advocate about
this business of Glenamond, which they have had so long in
hand.

1628, May 9. Theobalds—Warrant by King James to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute to survey the King’s house of
Huntingtoure, which is decaying daily, and like to fall to total
ruin if it be not presently repaired. A little outlay now will
prevent much greater cost afterwards.

Kune James toe Sixtu to the Haru or Mar.

1623, June 22. Wansted—James R.—Right trustie and
welbeloved coosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well. Though
wee were pleased by our letter with our trustie and welbeloved
counsellour, Sir Archibald Naper, kyncht, to give order that all
such moneys as were receaved of the ordinary and extraordinary
taxatiouns granted to us in that our kingdome and not given out
by yow according to our former warrants directed for that
purpose should be delivered unto him; as likewise by an other
letter wee did appoynt the comissioners of our rents to heere
the accompts of your recepts and deburseing of the first and
second termes of the said taxations; yet this our purpose did no
way proceed out of any distrust that wee had of your faithfulnesse
or diligence in doeing our service, nor anyway to derogat from
that degree of trust due unto your. place, which was neither
desired by any other nor intended by us; but it was onely that
knoweing thereby what moneys were alreadie receaved and what
were to come in that wee might dispose thereof for buyeing in
of pensions, payeing of our debts, and repaireing of our houses
according unto that order which was sent unto yow first by
Archbald Primrois and last by the said Sir Archbald Naper.
And therefore that our meaneing therein be no wayes mistaken,
oure pleasour is at such tyme as yow find most convenient that
yee acquant the comissioners of our rents with the estate of
the first and second termes payment of the said taxaciouns, and
that yow have a speciall care that the moneys resting, if any bee,
or arriseing by the termes to come, may bee brought in to our
Exchequer and disposed of by yow for the uses forsaid according
to our warrant formerly given to that effect. And although wee
know that yee can not make a perfytt account till all the four
termes bee passed, yet wee doubt not yee will carefullie use your
best endevours for our satisfaction according to the trust wee
have in yow. And likwise wee will yow give your best assistance
to the said Sir Archbald by your advise and direction, procureing
him all the warrant and auctoritie that may stand by law for
surveighing of Orknay according to the course we have appoynted
unto him by our last letter, haveing out of a late consideratioun
alterea that which was intended at first So beeing confident of
121

your sufficiency and affection for the furtherance of any thing
that may tend to the good of our service, we bidd yow farewell.
Given at our Court at Wansted the 22th of June, 1623.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and welbeloved coosen and
counsellour the Earle of Marre, our Thesaurer in our kingdome
of Scotland.

1623, August 8. Salisbury—King James the Sixth to the
Treasurer and remanent commissioners of his rents. He has
on several occasions granted warrants for payment to Mr. James
Seaton, servant of the Duke of Lenox, of the sums of money due
to him; but in the roll signed by the King and sent to them by
Archibald Primrose his name had been omitted, as the King
believed he had been paid long before. Seaton has now
informed him that he had never received any payment, and
that his repeated journeys to obtain new precepts have been
very expensive to him. The King therefore requires that
payment be made of his debts as soon as his more important
affairs will permit.

1623, August 8.—King James the Sixth to the Treasurer
and remanent commissioners of the King’s rents. William
Murray, the sone of Sir Gideon Murray, late Treasurer-depute.
hath for himself and the rest of his brothers petitioned for
payment of the annuities granted to them from Exchecker,
of which they complain they can get no payment. In respect
of the good services of their deceased father, the King strongly
recommends them for special favour; and that some arrears
of salary due to him at the time of his death be now paid
to them as soon as other important affairs will permit.

1623, August 10. Cranbourne.—King James the Sixth to
the Treasurer and remanent commissioners of his rents. He
has heard that George Fawsyde has put violent hands upon
himself, whereby all his moveable goods have fallen into the
King’s hand. He requires them to expede a grant thereof to
Henry Ereskin, son of Sir James Ereskine of Tillibodie.

1623, September 19. Theobalds.—King James the Sixth to
the Treasurer and Treasurer-depute. He has mortified certain
small benefices to his Chapel Royal, and they are not to set any tack
of any such benefices till those to be allotted to the said Chapel
are designed and the grants thereof passed through the seals.

1623, December 2. Theobalds.—King James the Sixth to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute. They are not to dispose of
anything belonging to James Johnston of Longhouse [Lochhouse],
commonly called Captain Johnston, who is a fugitive from justice,
until they receive further instructions.

1624, January 19. Newmatket—King James the Sixth to
the Earl of Mar, Treasurer, Sir Archibald Naper, Treasurer-
depute, and Sir William Olyphant, knight, King’s Advocate.
The Laird of Drumlanrig has raised a summons of improbation
against all the tenants of the lordship of Torthorwell, and
amongst the rest James Johnston, commonly called Captain
Johnston, for his lands of Thornick. who being under the
122

censure of the laws, such action may tend to defraud the King s
coffers of what may be due thereto by his conviction. He
requires them to guard against this.

1624, February 17. Newmarket.—King James the Sixth to
the Treasurer and Treasurer-depute. He had written some
months ago about a contribution for the town of Dunfermline,*
and now understands that his “dearest sone, the Prince,
hath bestowed five hundreth poundes starling for that effecte.
Although he be much more interessed in the particulare then
‘wee, yet wee wolde be loth to be behinde him in so charitable a
worke.” He therefore requires them to inform him how the
like sum may be spared, his more necessary service being first
provided for.

1624, February 20. Whitehall—King James the Sixth to
the Treasurer and Treasurer-depute. He has recommended to
the Viscount Annand the rebuilding and repair of the decayed
Castle of Lochmahen, for which he has allowed him the sum of
£1,600 sterling, but specified no term for its payment, as he
does not intend that this work should be any hindrance to the
vepairing of his other houses. He has instructed Sir James
Baillie to remind them of this, and that when the work is
undertaken they may cause the Master of Work carefully to
survey and direct the same, and keep an exact account of the
money spent upon it.

Henry Erskine to the Haru or Mar, wis FatHer.

1624, March 1. London.—My Lord, pleas your Lordship,
Be the reseat of your Lordships last of the 20 of February, I
perseaved your Lordship had reseaved meyne of the fifth of
chat month, quhilk had rune very slowly post. I am wery glad
your Lordship reseavit my brother Alexander letter, and I am
ceitane before this your Lordship hes reseavit his uther paket,
quhilk your Lordship in your last letter thoght had beine
miskaried. Be all his letters your [Lordship] will perseave
that he hes optind the Prince of Orang leive to deall with any
Scotsman for a companie of hors; so in my mynd the shuner it
be doune it be the better both for your Lordship and him.
For so long as he hes no imployment, ther will every day
fall out such occasions of spending as he nor any wther of his
qualitie quho liveith ther can not for ther heart get eschewed.
For now presently the Prince of Orange with his hole armio
wes forced to go all to the fields, and Alexander with his credit
could not have stayed behind the armie, so’that he was forcet
to take upe 500 francs quhilk he nor no wher could gett
eshewed. And Alexander hes wreatin to me that so he may be
doth less chargis to his parents and less trouble and grief to
himself. He says be God all the world should not make him to
stay any longer ther. This fare he wreat to me in a letter of his,

 

* The town had been almost destroyed by fire on 25th May, 1624. The above
letter is dated according to the then English order and should therefore be 1625
snore Scottie.
123

quhilk I thogh good to advertice your Lordship of, that your
Lordship might doe all possible diligence to end with Capten
Wrwing. I have wreatin to my brother Alexander to come
heire, therfore your Lordship may send your letters to him at
this Court with me. I am very glaid to heir that your
Lordships action is leike to come to some good end. I have
spoken my Lord Mortone according to the tennor of your
Lordships direction anent my Lord Marqueis, quha says he will
doe wery weill; bot I will say nothing to your Lordship except
I have some warrant quhy I spake it. Sence my last to your
Lordship I have delyverit to his Majestie your Lordships letter,
and as neir as I could to your Lordships instructions I have from
your Lordship tauld his Majestie the raisons that mowed your
Lordship to condescend with the rest of the Lords to the fewing
of Orknay. Quhilk raisons his Majestie seimed to be wery
weill’ pleased with, and sayd that he thoght thes raisons were
wery materiall, and that he did find ewery body of your
Lordships opinion in that. He sayd that he wos sory your
Lordships halks he sent yow were so misgeydit, and he wald
faine have an wther stricwie, for Sually is becoming auld. And
a was the substance of all that passed betuixt his Majestie
and me.

The Parliament heir sitts ewer six days of the weeke, and
praisit be God it is leike to be the best Parliament that hes bein
in Ingland thir many yeirs. They begowed the first five or six
days and wer consulting about maters of religion quher they
decreyd to restore all auld Acts of former Parliaments mead
against the insolencies of Papists to ther first autoritie and full
wigour ; yea and are resolved to ad some new Acts to the auld
for that effect. The Prince, my Lord Bukinghame, and
Secretear Calware and Conowey, hes mead in presence of the
hole Parliament a full relation of all particulars that past in the
Traittie both of the match with Spaine and for the restitution
of the Palatinat. Quhilk relation my Lord Melros can leit your
Lordship see the particulars of it, for I knaw on that hes sent it
to his Lordship. My Lord Bukinghame, as on of the chief
actors in these businessis, spake most part of the relation. The
Spanish Ambassadors were exceeding offendit with my Lord
Bukinghams relation to the Parliament, in so mutch that they
went to the King, quho then was at Hampton Court, and
compleaned that my Lord Duke of Bukinghame had done ther
maister, the King of Spaine, so great a wrong in presence of the
hole Esteats, that if the best soubject of Spaine had done the
lyke wrong to the King of Great Bretaine it had cost him his
head. So shune as my Lord Bukinghame hard this he went to
the Parliament and tauld that the Spanish Ambassadors had
sought his head from the King for the wrong that he had done to
the King of Spaine in audience of the hole Parliament; so he
desyred them to declaire quhether or not he was innocent of the
Spanish Ambassadors imputation. So all the Parliament
declared him to be free from any thing was layd to his charge
be the Spanish Ambassadors; so that in place of dowing my
124

Lord Bukinghame wrong the Spanish Ambassador did him on
of the best offices that ewer wos done to him sence he wos a
man, for it hes gotten him the goodwill of many of the Lawest
House, quhilk he had not, and hes remowed all jealouseis from
sutch as souspected that it wos bot collucion all thir jars that
selmed to be betuixt the too mignons.

Upon Satirday the penult of February the Lords of the Upper
House of Parliament did sitt in consulting and deliberating
about the match with Spaine, and the restitution of the
Palatinat, and the hole Lords of the Upper House (I thinke some
for love and some for feire) all with on consent did conclud that
it wos most expedient both for his Majestie and his childrings
weill and credit to give upe and breake off both the traittie of
the match and that for the restitution of the Palatinat. And
this day the Lower House deliberats and consults upon thes
same particulars, so that quhen they have concludit, therefter
the too houses of Parliament will all meit together and then
acquent his Majestie with ther wills, to see give he will ratifey
them; quhilk he can not cheus bot doe, albeit he could wis it
wtherways, seing both the Prince and all the Esteats ar so sett
against that match, and so despered of the peaceable restoring
of the Palatinat. And as they conclud your Lordship shall
heire of it with every occasion. Ther ar too extraordinaire
Ambassadors neuly commed ower from the Esteats quho ar
winderfull weill reseavit heire of all men, both be King and
wthers; quhilk greifues the Spanish Ambassadors extremely.
Yesterday they had ther first audience. I meynd quhen
Alexander comes ower to desyr the Prince to speake them in his
favours. The Spanish forces that come ower the rewers upon
the eyce, both to the Beltaw and to Freisland, pat a hoat alarme
amongst the Esteats; bot, praised be God, they war forced
to retire, without doing any hurt to the Esteats, and with the
loss of some men to them selves.

I am in sutch heast that I most desyre your Lordship to
impart your news to the rest of your freinds; for I can have no
tyme to wreat. For God’s cause, my Lord, make the best excuse
that can be that I wreat not to my Lady, my mother; for if I
wreat to her I must wreat the veritie, and if I should doe so, my
Lord Due of Lenox business are leike to go so bakwardly heire
that I am certene if she should knaw it it wald augment her
preif; quhilk I feire is not necessaire at thistyme. Only I most
tell your Lordship that Sir George Elpingston presses be all
means possible to intrud him self in my Lord Duc of Lenox
affaires; therfore I should be glaid my mother should wreat
hire opinion to hire brother of that man; for I have both spokin
friely to my Lord Duc of him muself and hes mead all my
freinds to speake to him to bewar of that man. Bot my Lady,
my mother, hire letter wald doe no hearme. So this being all,
wissing your Lordship all trew happiness, I rest, your Lordships
most humble and obedient sone and servitor, Henrie Ersxine.

London, first of March, 1624.
125

Addressed:—To my most honorable good Lord and loowing
ae the Erle of Mar, Lord Hegh Threasaurer of Scotland,
ese.

1624, March 20. Okine [Woking].—King James the Sixth to
the Treasurer, Treasurer-depute and remanent commissioners of
rents. He has conferred upon the Karl of Nithisdaill and
Viscount Annand the gift of the escheat and liferent of James
J ohnstoun of Thornik, called Captain Johnstoun, and also signed
a signature to them of such lands as Captain Johnstoun held of
the King before his rebellion, so that they may be received as
tenants therein by the Laird of Drumlanrig, superior thereof.
He requires them therefore to further this matter and to take
no composition for the same.

1624, April 2. Theobalds—King James the Sixth to the
Treasurer, Treasurer-depute and remanent commissioners of
rents. John Auchmoutie, Master of the King’s Wardrobe in
Scotland, has moved him, in respect of the meanness of the fees
formerly paid to the keepers of the tapestrie and moveables of
the wardrobe under him, to sign four new signatures to these
persons, granting them each the daily fee of one merk Scots. He
therefore requires them to sign and pass these signatures and
especially a grant in favour of Martin Leache, as one of the
four, in place of Nicolas Elmar, who has died.

1624, April 9. Theobalds—King James the Sixth to the
Treasurers, principal and depute, and remanent commissioners
of his rents. To expede a gift to Sir Robert Ker of Ancrum,
gentleman of the Prince’s bed chamber, of the escheat and
whatever else has fallen to the King belonging to the late Earl
of Lothian, by reason of his death.

* 1624, May 21. Greenwich—Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer and his depute to uplift the fines imposed by the
King’s command on William Rig, bailie of Edinburgh, and
several others, “for their presumptuous and seditious behaviour
towards their ministers,” and not dispose thereof without special
instructions.

1624, May 21. Greenwich—Warrant by the King to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, to pay a small balance of money due to
the Earl of Morton, which will be a service most acceptable to
his. Majesty if done speedily.

1624, July 7. Windsor——King James the Sixth to the Karl
of Mar, Treasurer. When the Earl disposed of the escheat of
the late Lord Ogilvie to James Renton, the King understands
that, as was customary, he took bond from the Earl of Melros that
this gift should not prejudice Lady Ogilvie and her children. His
Majesty finds that she is debarred by virtue thereof from having
any portion of her Lord’s moveable goods or estate, and
therefore he requires the Earl to see that the said bond is
observed, so that she may recover the portion due to her and
her son according to equity and good conscience.
126

1624, July 7. Windsor Castle—Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute. Understanding that the
creditors of the Earl of Nithesdale, more out of rigour than
necessity, have put him and his cautioners to the horn, he
requires them not to dispose of their escheats until his Majesty
intimates his further pleasure.

1624, July 10. Royston.—King James the Sixth to the Earl
of Mar, Treasurer, and Sir Archibald Naper, Treasurer-depute.
He thanks them for their letter regarding the pensions he has
granted to Braidkirke and the widow of Robert Monteith. “Yee
neede not requeste us to holde in our hand hereafter, for wee
are and shalbe sparing aneugh in that kinde.” But Braidkirk
is “an olde servant and hath long served us, being at greate
charges everie yeare to bring us houndes and attende us in our
winter sportes, and therefor wee are verie willing to do him
good,” but if they can buy in his pension at an easy rate, or
put him off with partial payments, he would be well pleased.
As for the widow, either as to herself or the making of any grant
to her, his Majesty will be satisfied by their taking any necessary
course with her claim. :

1624, July 18. Royston—King James the Sixth to the Harl
of Mar, Treasurer, and remanent commissioners of his rents.
He lately signed a new gift of his lands to James Keeth of
Benholme, with no intention of thereby injuring any other
person; but it has been shewn to him that it will hurt others,
especially the mother and younger brother of the said James,
and therefore he requires them not to expede the said gift
without first securing the other persons in their lawful rights.

1624, July 28. Kirby—King James the Sixth to the
Treasurer and Deputy Treasurer. The creditors of the Earl’
of Nithesdale have dealt so hardly with him and his cautioners
as not only to put some of them to the horn but to comprise
their lands. This is more out of malice than necessity, and as
it is in his Majesty’s option what tenants to receive he directs
them to grant no confirmations nor infeftments upon this
procedure until they hear further from him.

1624, September 23. Theobalds.—King James the Sixth to
the Earl of Mar, Treasurer, and the remanent commissioners of
his rents. He had formerly granted the liferent and escheat
of James Johnstone, with his lands, to the Earls of Nithesdale
and Annandale; but now he has made the grant to the Earl of
Annandale alone, and requires them to expede the same to him
gratis.

1624, October 4. Royston.—King James the Sixth to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer, and the remanent commissioners of his
rents. He has signed a gift of the lands of Kintyre to James
Campbell, eldest lawful son to the Earl of Argyle by his second
wife, and requires them to show him all lawful favour in the
passing thereof.
127

1624, October 7. Royston—Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer and Deputy Treasurer to expede to Patrick Maulle of
Panmure, the King’s servant, the escheat and liferent of Mr.
Richard Murray of Cockpool.

1624, October 11. Royston.—King James the Sixth to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer. The Deputy Treasurer has given
the King an account of the Exchecker, which the King finds to
be in a better condition than he expected, and therefore gives
the Earl his hearty thanks for his great care and pains therein.
To guard against impecuniosity upon more urgent occasions he
requires the Karl to sequestraée in the hands of the Treasurer:
depute the yearly revenue of Orkney from Martinmas- next, or if
that is not possible, the following Whitsunday.

1624, October 11. Royston.—Warrant from the King to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute to receive the son of the Earl of
Roxbrough as immediate tenant to the King in his father’s
lands, who has placed him in possession of the fee thereof.

1624, October 29. Royston.---King James the Sixth to the
Karl of Mar, Treasurer, and his remanent commissioners of his
rents. At the last Justice Court at Dumfreis several persons
were cited for using firearms unlawfully and found caution for
compearing when required. They are to call for the names
of such persons and their cautioners and uplift from them such
fines as their offences deserve. Further, they are to direct the
Master of Works to go to Loughmaben and choose a proper
place on which a convenient tolbooth may be built, the cost of
which is to be defrayed, as far as possible, by the said fines.

Kine Jamus tHe Srxru to the Haru or Mar.

1624, November 1. Royston.—James R.—Righte trustie and
righte welbeloved cosen and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
‘Whereas wee have presente occasion to sende into France some
of those dogges which here they call terrieres and in Scotlande
they calle earth dogges, wee have thoughte good by these
presentes to require yow to employ your beste meanes both by
causing Sir George Ereskin to sende into Argyle, and yee
your selfe sending not onlie thether bot also to Glenurquhay
und all your other frendes, whereby yee may gette for our
use foure or five couple of these dogges and sende them to
us with all expedition possible. And that yee have a speciall
care that the oldest of them be not passing three yeares of
age; and that yee sende them not all in one shippe, but some
in one and other some in another, leaste one shippe shoulde
miscarie. And thus requiring yow with all possible diligence
to advertise us of the receipte of this our letter and how soone
yee thinke to satisfie this our desire, wee bid yow farewell.
Given at Royston the first day of November, 1624.

Addressed:—To our righte trustie and righte welbeloved
cosen and counsellour the Earle of Mar, our Treasorer of our
kingdome of Scotland.
198

1624,.November 7. Newmarket.—Warrant from the King to
the Treasurer and Deputy Treasurer, and remanent com-
missioners of his rents, to pass the gift of a pension which the
King out of compassion has given to. John McKenzie of £480
Scots yearly, and duly make payment thereof; but to cause him
surrender a former pension of £800 which he formerly received.

1624, November 7. Newmarket.—Warrant from the King to
the Treasurer, and Treasurer-depute. He has been petitioned
by the widow of David Droumond, late servant of the King, that
her husband, George Melvin, son of Sir Andrew Melvin, knight,
also the King’s late servant, may have the gift of tutory dative
to her child, whose father has now been dead a year, and no tutor
was provided by his testament. The King approves of the purpose
“because by the course of nature the mother must in reason
have the greatest care of her child,” and therefore he requires
that if they obtain from her said husband or any other friend
she may name suitable security for faithful discharge of the
office, they grant unto him a gift of tutory dative, so that “no
orphane whom we should protect may by any deede done by us
receave harme.”

1624, November 9. Newmarket.——Warrant by the King to
the Treasurer and Treasurer-depute to expede to James Fenton,
keeper-depute of the Palace of Halyrudhouse, in respect of his
continual attendance there, a gift of the said office, with all
fees, privileges and immunities thereto belonging, together with
the daily pay of 20s. Scots, and a chalder of bear annually from
the lands of Balincreefe ; and also to see him duly paid. He is
to surrender a former gift containing a fee of 18s. 4d. daily and
an annual chalder of bear.

1624, December 24. Whitehall—King James the Sixth to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer; Sir Archibald Naper, Treasurer-depute;
and Sir William Oliphant, King’s Advocate, requiring them
to cause Sir James Campbell of Lawers produce the rights of
his lands adjoining the forest of Glenalmond which the King
wishes to acquire and add to the said forest, but with which Sir
James is unwilling to part, that so after their report of the
nature of his evidents the King may determine what further
to do.

1624, December 24. Whitehall—Warrant by the King to the
Treasurer and Treasurer-depute to bestow the escheat of John
Brown, skipper of Burntisland, who, and his son and servant,
have been convicted and executed for manslaughter, upon his
widow, so that she may have no more loss than that of her
husband and child, and that her creditors may not be defrauded
of what is due unto them. If his goods have been already
disposed of, she is to receive an equivalent sum of money.

Prince Cuarues to the Earn or Mar anp Sir ARCHIBALD NAPIER.

1625, January 2.—Cuarues P.—Right trustie and right wel-
beloved cousin and counsellour, and trustie and welbeloved
counsellour, wee greete yow well. Though wee understand how
129

\ :
Johne Browne, skipper of Brunteyleand, his sonne and servand
are convicted and executed for the slaughter committed by them,
and that thereby their lands and goods are according to the lawe
forefeited to our dearest lord and father, and knoweing that the
said towne of Brunteyleand is within our lordshipe of Dunferm-
lein, and that thereby the goods of the said Johne Browne are
due to us, yett wee being contented and satisfied with what the
lawe hath determined on their lyves, doe hereby will and requyre
yow that whatsomever lands or goods are fallen due unto us,
which belonged unto the said Johne Browne, may be given unto
his widowe or to any uther person haveing power from her to
her use. And if the samyne goods be utherwayes disposed on by
yow alreadie, in that case our pleasure is that ye caus repay the
same backe agayne to the said widowe to the uttermost value.
And in soe doeing this salbe your warrand. From the Court at
Whithall, the second day of January, 1625.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and right welbeloved cousin
and counsellour, Johne, Erle of Marr, Lord Highe Treasurer of
Scotland, and to our trustie and welbeloved counsellour, Sir
Archibalde Napper of Marchiston, knicht, reasurer-depute of
the said kingdome.

KiInG JAMES THE SIxTH to the Marquis or HunNTLY.

1625, January 12. Theobalds——Righte trustie, ete.: Wee
were pleased to write to our Counsel and Session requiring them
to deale with the Earle of Mar to give yow such discharge of all
actions as he had alreadie given to the Marquis of Hamilton and
Earle of Angus. Since that time wee have been advertised by
the said Earle of Mar that he is willing to give yow the like
discharges as he gave to the other two, or otherwise to submitte
whatsoever may be questionable betwixte yow and him to the
determination of indifferent frendes. And therefor wee have
thoughte good by these presentes to advertise yow of the said
Farle his offer and likewise to give yow our opinion, which is
that if yee do not thinke the discharge offered to be a sufficient
securitie to yow, that then yee submitte to indifferent frendes
all maters which may falle in controversie betwixte yow, which
being the moste calme cours may soonest ende all differences.
Otherwise we cannot denie him the ordinarie cours of justice.
And this recommending to your consideration, wee bid yow
farewell. Contemporary Copy.

1625, January 31. Newmarket——King James the Sixth to
the Treasurer and deputy Treasurer. He had formerly
instructed them to uplift the fines of those persons convicted
of bearing unlawful weapons at the Justice Court of Dumfries,
and apply them in the building of a tolbooth at Loughmaben.
He now calls to mind that such fines were previously set apart
for reparation of the Bridge of Perth, and therfore requires
them so to employ the fines levied on all such persons through-
out the country, excepting those of Nithsdale, Galloway and
Annandale, which he will baye employed in the erection of the

1
180

said tolbooth. “Considering the necessitie of such a hous it is
good reason that it be builte at the costes of the neighboring
offenders, rather than otherwyse.” If there is any superplus it
is to go to the said bridge. Hitherto the Warden and Steward
Courts have been held in the church.of Loughmaben, which is
“verie unseemelie and unfitting.” The Master of Works is
therefore to go with all convenient expedition to Loughmaben
and choose the fittest place for a tolbooth, and so build the same
that the lower rooms may serve as prisons for malefactors, and
the upper as court-rooms for administration of justice.

1625, January 31. Newmarket.—Warrant by the King to
the Treasurer and Treasurer-depute to pay to William
Midlemest, sometime keeper of the Castle of Dumbartane, such
sums of money as they shall upon examination, find due to him
in that service, and for which he has petitioned his Majesty.

lune James tHe Sixra to the Haru or Mar.

1625, February 17. Newmarket.—Sir Patrick Murray and
Sir David Murray have petitioned him that the gift granted
unto Mr. Patrick Murray of the Abbacy of Inchaffrey might pass
the seals. It is not his Majesty’s custom to write twice on any
matter, and he therefore desires to know why his former letter
and recommendation have not been attended to, especially as in
this matter he was so cautious (though he did not acquaint the
Earl and other commissioners of his rents therewith) that he
took a backbond from Mr. Patrick Murray that he would resign
all his interest therein at the King’s command whenever Sir
Patrick, Sir David and the rest of their friends had been secured
in their lands and teinds belonging to the said Abbacy.

DesirE BY CAMPBELL oF GLENORCHY to the Haru or Mar.

1625, March.—The Laerd of Glenorquhy desyrs give his
Majestie vill place mor fosters thain on in Glenamund, that he
may be the man, and his reson is becauss he marchis on the
holl north and vest syds of the forrest vith his land. Only a thrie
mark land that Lauers hes quhilk he halds of him, and
quhairfor he pays him yeirlie feudutie, and he thinks he is mor
able to doo his Majestie good services in that place than the
Laird of Lauers, and he houps his Majestie vill nott prefer any
cadett of his houss to himself, bott give itt be his Majesteis
pleasur to bistou the holl fosterie vpon his aun servantt, Sir
Patrik Morray, he shalbe very glaed of it, and he shall have all
the help of good nichtbourhed that lyis in his pouar.

Kine CHarues tHE First to the TreasurER AND TREASURER-
DEPUTE OF SCOTLAND.

1625, June 24.—Cuartus R.—Whereas divers preceptes were
directed to yow by our late deare father of famous and eternall
memorie for payment of divers summes of monie to severall
persons, whereof some are in parte payed and others not yet
entered in anie parte of payment at all; we have thought good
131

by these presentes to require yow to go on in answering of the
said preceptes as the performance of our more necessarie service
wille permitte, according to our said deare father his meaning at
the granting of the said preceptes; in which behalfe these
presentes shalbe to yow a sufficient warrant.

1625, June 24.—Letter from the persons subscribing to the
Earl of Mar, urging his carefull attention to their claims on being
deprived of their rights of commonty and pasturage in the forest
of Glenalmond, in consequence of the King’s command for its
strict preservation as a deer forest. His Majesty having
promised them compensation for their losses, they estimate
these will amount to the third part of their estates, the truth of
which they desire may be remitted to the verdict of men of
experience. Signed by P. Drummond of Carrivahter, §. William
Morray of Achtirtyre, Antonie Murray off Raith, Antone
Murray off Dowald, Patrik Grame off Inchebrek, Williame
Maxtoune of Cultaquhey, Patrik Drumond of Galdwalmoir,
J. Drumond, fear of Mylnab, Allexr. Donyng of Waster Creiff,
Thomas Glass of Pittintiane, J. Mallock of Cairdneis.

Addressed :—To the Earl of Mar, Lord High Treasurer of
Scotland, who notes that he received it at London, on 24th
June, 1625.

1625, June 24. Whitehall—Warrant by King Charles the
First to John, Earl of Mar, principal Treasurer, and Sir
Archibald Naper, Treasurer-depute of Scotland, to choose some
“skilfull and well experimented gardener in England to go and
reside at Stirline for reparation of “the orchard adjoining his
Majestys Park of Stirline,” which he is informed has “ for lack
of attendance become wilde and overgrowne with bushes and
brambles ;” and which state of matters “being an imputatioun
to that wholle kingdome” he thinks should be remedied. They
are to allow the said gardener £30 sterling yearly, and to take
his advice concerning his Majesty’s other gardens and
orchards. The letter is superscribed Cuartzs R., but is not
dated. On the back the Earl of Mar has marked it as
granted “att Quhytthall, the xxiiij June, 1625.”

1625, July 19. Windsor.—Signature, superscribed by the
King, and subseribed by the Chancellor; Mar, Treasurer; the
Earls of Morton, Roxburgh, Melros and Lauderdale, and Archibald
Naper, Treasurer-depute, for expeding a grant under the great
seal to Mr. Patrick Murray, his Majesty’s wellbeloved daily
servitor, appointing him Commendator of the Abbacy or
Monastery of Iuchaffray called Iusula Missarum, vacant by the
death of James, last commendator.

Kine Carnes THE First to the Lornp High CHANCELLOR
oF SCOTLAND.

1625, October 22. Salisbury—Cuarzes R.—It is our speciall
plesour that ye cause a commissioun (to be termed in all tyme
cuming the Commissioun Judicatorie off the Excheckere or Tres-
sorie) be drawine up in dew forme and expede under our greit seall
132

geiving, granting and committing full power and auctoritie to
Sir George Haye, knichte, our Chancellare; Johne, Erll of Marr,
our Tressorare; Johne, Archebischope off St. Androse; William,
Erll off Mortoun; Johne, Erll off Montrose; Robert, Erll off
Niddisdeall; George, Erll off Wintoun; Robert, Erll off Roxe-
bruche; Johne, Erll off Annanedeall; Patrick, Bischope off Rose;
Sir Archebald Naper, deputie Tressorare; Sir George Elphinstoun,
Justice Clerk; and Sir Alexander Strachane of Thornetoun,
knichte, or any nyne of thame, our Chancellare, Tressorare or
deputie Tressorare being alwayes present, to transact and
compone in all materis belonging to our Exxcheckare or Tressorie;
nather sall it be lauchfull at ony tyme heireftir for our said
Tressorare or deputie Tressorare without the speciall consent
and presence of our said Chancellare with sex more off the
foirsaid commissionaris to deall in ony mater concerning our
Excheckare or Tressorie to pas ony gifte or compone ony
signatour whatsumevir, utherwayes the whole compositionis
giftis or signatouris to be woyde and of none effect. And iff it
sall happin our Chancellare at ony tyme to be absent then sall
the archebischope of St. Androse or the eldest councellour who
all happin to be present for the tyme supplie his place as
Chancellare for the Excheckare. Bot iff it sall happin our
Tressorare or Tressorare-deputie to be at ony tyme absent, then
our Chancellare or he who suppliethe his place and the rest sall
procede in all thingis belonging to our said Tressorie as iff our
said Tressorare wer thair present, leist our subjectis micht
ressawe wrong bye delaye: Ordaining ane publict place to be
appointtit whiche shalbe namit the Excheckare house or
Tressorie house, where everie thing belonging to the Excheckare
salbe publictlie done heireftir, the whole parteis interressed
being dewlie admonished for that effect; ordaining also that no
takis of our customes or casualiteis salbe sett heéireftir till first
publict notice be given in those places where the benefeit is
raised that suche leassis ar to be lett; at the letting whereoff
sex of the abowenamit commissionaris shalbe allwayes present
and consentaris bye thair subscriptioun thairunto, besides owt
Chancellare, Tressorare and deputie Tressorare as is abowesaid;
withe full power to the saidis commissionaris to informe thame
selffis and tak particulare notice off the estate of our patrimonie
and casualiteis and to raise and augment the rent thairoff, so far
as maye be with guid conscience without clamour or grit harme
of our subjectis; and lykwayes to tak ordour that all superfluous
and unnecessarie charges now lying upone our rentis may be
retrenchit and taking awaye; and that the said commissioun be
extendit in the moste ampill and best forme with all clatssis
nedefull, in whiche behalff these presentis salbe your sufficient
warrante. Contemporary Copy.

1625, October 25th. Salisbury.—J. Douglas, to John, Lord
Tirskine, that he had given his letter addressed to his Majesty
to Mr. Pitcairn, who delivered it. Yesternight he personally
saw the King, who desired him to tell his Lordship that he was
not being removed from his extraordinary place in the Session
133

on account of any mistake, but from a firm resolution taken by
his Majesty not to have any noblemen among the Lords of
Session. If his Lordship would accept of a place in Council,
more befitting his degree, he should willingly be admitted.
The writer adds: “Indeede I see he is fullie bent that no
nobleman shall hereafter be upon the Session; and when he
hath ones resolved to follow anie cours there is no meanes
to draw him frome it, or alter the least jotte of his resolution.”

Tue Earu or Mar to King Cuarues THE First.

1625, November 18. Holyroodhouse.—Most sacred Sovareign,
Being yisterday at Counsall, and thaer having hard your
Majestis direction by your letter to draw up a commission
concerning the office of Tresurarie, I have in all humilitie
presumed to putt your Majestie in remembranss of thes
speecheis I had vith your Majestie upon that subjectt quhen

had the happiness to see you last. Att that tym I sheu your
Majestie that I understoud that sum of my onfreinds had
intension onder culler to mak your Majesties commoditie to
putt upon me a mark of your distrust, quhilk by this
commission vill appaer manifestlie to all the varld, and yitt
never putt a pennie in your purss. Sir, I corifess as I am bound
vill I ever serve you as ye pleis to directt me, bott I doo nott
doutt bot your Majestie vill considder the treu hartt of aine
honest auld servantt. Give any man vill accuss me that I have
nott doun the deutie of a treu servantt unto your Majestie or
to your vorthie father cf good memorie, I am reddie to abyd
my tryall be the most strictt form that lau vill allou. I
humblie crave your Majestis pardon for my bauldness, bott give
in thatt poyntt I have committed any errour itt is only the
tenderness of my reputasion that the varld should nott think
me so onhappie as nocht to be trusted by your Majestie alls
far as all others in my place hes bein trusted by your Majesties
vorthie progenitors. Thus houping that your Majestie in that
course quhilk shall seime best in your awn eis vill have sum
respectt .to your auld servantts reputasion, efter the kissing
of your Majesteis hands, I rest, your Majesties most humble
subjectt and servitor, J. Mar.

1626, January 7—A short Note of what passed between his
Majesty and some members of the Privy Council of
Scotland at Whitehall on the seventh of January, 1625-6.

First. His Majestie begoud with giving us hartie thanks in
the behalf of all his subjects of Scotland for our franc and
frielie giving of the taxasion, without any stop or question, bott
(2) he did wonder that theis things quhilk he did propond of
himself only for the veill and securitie of that kingdom var in
effect all refeused, and that, as he had hard, by the splein
that sum men caried att theis quha var cariers of his
direction, as Nidsdeill and Annandeill, and that sum mens
134

opinions var so avers to his demands, as itt vas refused that
itt should be putt to a committie, quha micht have found
perhaps sum mor esie way than could be expected be the
cenerall number. In this itt is nott to be forgotté that he thocht
that micht have bein putt to a committie alls veill as that of my
Lord Arskeins, quhairin his Majestie spak very modestlie. To
this poyntt itt vas ansuered be my Lord Cancelar (bott in too
gritt coller) that for the first poyntt concerning the tuo thousand
men, efter a large discours, quhat had past amongst sum of his
Majesteis Counsall in his challmer upon that poyntt, and efter
the giving order to sum sey captens and to sum masters of
ships to cast up alls neir as could be the charges itt vald
amount unto, that than it vas proponed to the Estetts, quha did
altogither refeus itt as a thing onpossibill; so as to putt a
thing to a committie that vas altogither refeused, thay vald
never agrie unto itt. His Majestie sayd, Vas the tuo thousand
men refeused befor the committie vas proponed. Yis, sayd my
Lord Cancelar. Then ansuered the Bishop of Sanct Andross
(evin in sum lytill passion) that my Lord Cancelar vas mistakin,
for, sayd he, the committie vas refused befor the Estetts had
refused the furnising of the tuo thousand men, quharto the
Cancelar replyed that he vald ingadge his heid upon that poyntt.
Itt is to be remembred that his Majestie quhen he sayd that
aine com outt of Scotland and shou him that all vas refused in
effectt, that com doun by my Lord of Nidsdeill, and only in
regards that he and Annandell war the cariers of the message,
than the Cancelar brak outt in sum coller and sayd I shall give
my lyf, Sir, give any Scotts man have sayd theis vords except he
have bein a followar ether of my Lord of Nidsdell or my Lord
Ochiltrie, and that he com up befor the Counsalls pakket that
vas directed for lyf.

3. His Majestie spak anentt the commission of the Counsall,
and anentt thaer imunitie for thaer persons and housis. He thocht
itt strange that ve send bak the commission unto him, bott that
ve should have reseued itt, and give ve had bein desyrous of any
alterasion ve micht have advertised him, bott to send itt bak itt
vas a kynd of dispysing of itt. To this Mar ansuered, that thair
being contened in itt a thing directlie against aine Actt of
Parliamentt quhat should his Counsall doo, being sworne to give
his Majestie upricht counsall? His Majestie ansuered: Is thair
a law against protections? Yis, ansuered my Lord of Mellross,
a directt Actt of Parliamentt. Then, sayd Nidsdeill, bott the
Counsall have given protections. Then, itt vas ansuered, never
sens the Actt of Parliamentt except be consentt of the creditors.
Then his Majestie did fall upon the other partt of the
commission of the Counsall concerning the precedentts place
in the Counsall. In that he vas a lytill sharp with my Lord of
Morton, aledg:ng that my Lord of Morton should have sayd that
itt vas doun to mak a vott mor in Parliamentt for the King. All
this tym Nidsdeill satt on his knie, and as itt seimed vald latt itt
appeir that he vas the Kings informer in this poyntt. My Lord
of Morton ansuered, he could nott deny bott that he sayd itt
135

vaid mak » vott mor in Parliamentt, bott sayd nothing of the
King. is Majestie sayd also that the disposing of placeis of
honor or presedence vas altogither in his hands, and gave
instance of my Lord Cancelar and my Lord Tresurar of Scotland
being both presentt. Itt vas ansuered be Mar, that itt is treu
the Tresurar had his place of his father, bott the Cancelar had
itt sens ever thair vas a Cancelar in Scotland. My Lord of
Mellros sayd the reson he vas tender in that poyntt vas
becauss he thocht itt micht bring a distest to sum of the
nobilitie, bott could forther nothing to his Majesteis service,
becauss he micht doo all things apertining to that place alls
veill sitting in his aun place as give he satt in a heihar place.
a sayd his Majestie, give he vill nott [doe] it maybe aine other
vill.

4, Huis Majestie did fall vpon the revocasion vondering quhou
that should be so muche talked of seing he did nothing bott
that quhilk his father and grandmother and sindrie others of
his progenitors had doune, saving only he sayd thair vas on
thing in itt that vas nott in any of thaem, This he seimed nott
to remember on, bott I think his meining vas the erections. To
this thaer vas a long discours maed be my Lord Cancelar as a
thing most pertinentt for him to ansuer, being a mater com-
mitted to his trust, quhaerin he maed a treu discourss of that
passed in that mater, quhairin also thair vas sum contestasion
betuixtt him and Nidsdeill, bott nott very materiall as I can
remember. Than Mar sayd unto his Majestie, that itt vas hard
to any man to say unto him in particular any thing concerning
that revocasion, becauss for himself he had never sein itt bott
only ons had hard itt red in the Counsall, and he confessed he
could nott remember of everie particular contened in itt, bott
that in generall, itt had putt all his Majesteis subjects in grett
feir, for quhen that thay thocht itt vas intended that all thaer
rychts given be any of his Majesteis predicessors should be
called in question; as also that itt vas nott possibill that his
Majestie himself could mak any richt unto thaem bott quhat
micht be called in question efter his disses, thay thocht thay var
in a vars caess than any subjectts in the varld; Bott, ansuered
his Majestie, have I doun any thing bott that quhilk my father
and grandmother hes doun before me? To that Mar ansuered
give 16t vill pleis your Majestie to command my Lord Cancelar
that ve ma see itt than ve can say unto your Majestie quhat ve
think of itt. Bott, sayd Mar, give your Majestie vill give me leive
to say on thing unto your Majestie only outt of comun sens for I
confess Iam no lauer, your lau allous nott only to prince bott
evin to the meinest subjectt that thay may revok any deid doun
be thaem to thair prejudice befor thay be xxj yeirs of aige, and
the lau allous thaem also four yeirs mor till thay be xxv yeirs of
age to revok any act or deid doun by thaem befoir xxj; bott so
itt is that your Majestie vas neir twentie four yeirs of age befor
ye vas King, so that as King ye did never a deid befoir ye vas
xxj, and consequentlie can nott be the law revok any deid doun
be yow as King, bott as Prince ye may revok and hes revoked.
136

For your father and grandmother var both kings befor thay var
xxj, and so micht revok be the laus of the kingdom. To this
thair vas no ansuer maed att that tym. Quhatt vilbe ansuered I
knaw nott.

Efter all this, his Majestie being veried, he sayd he vald say no
mor att that tym, bott he vas to speik with us agaen concerning
the ordering of the Counsall and Session, and he aross. Lifter
his Majestie aross ve all did kneill as our duetie vas befor him,
and did heumblie intrett his Majestie that he vald trust no
senistruss informasions of us, his Majesteis trustie servanttis
and auld servantts to his vorthie father, till first ve should be
hard. He most graciouss ansuered, Be God that vas the only
reson I did send for you. For the quhilk ve gave his Majestie
most heumill thanks.

Itt is to be remembred that he spak to my Lord of Mellross
att his last being heir and did att this tym remember itt in all
our heirings anentt his commandments to be sentt to Scotland,
quhilk var of tuo kynds, on quhen he asked our advyss, and ane
other quhair he directlie commanditt quhairin he thinks he
should be obeyed. This to my remembranss is all that passt
att our heiring vpon the sevintt of Januar, 1625-6.

1626, January 18.—Our second conferens befor his Majestie
att Quhytthall, upon the xxiii Januar, 1625-6.

First, his Majestie begouth vith the protections and the
lafulness thaerof, quhair the Lord Ochiltrie vas brocht in and
aledged that the Session had givin protecsions sens the Actt of
Parliamentt, and gave that givin to Josias Steuartt withoutt
consentt of his creditors as aine instanss, and so meikill maer
micht his Majestie give protection to his Counsall or quhan he
plesed. The ansuer of this I remitt to that quhilk shalbe givin
unto his Majestie att our nixtt heiring, bott as I think the
Session having warned all his creditors and no man compiring
to oppon to it, that vas a tacitt consentt of his creditors; bott off
this the Session quhom itt concerns man ansuer for thaem selfs.
Efter this his Majestie vas a lytill bitter vith my Lord vf
Melross and sayd that he thocht he micht give his Counsall
protection alls veil as he gave a protection to my Lord Ogilbe,
by defending him by his pouar in opression of his father’s auld
servantt, Sanders Akmoutie, quharto my Lord of Mellross
ansuered that he never gave protection to any man nor had
pouar to doe itt; bott this in effectt vas remitted to the
particular petision givin in by Sanders Akmoutie against my
Lord of Mellross, quha I houp shall ansuer for himself.

Itt is to be remembered that the Bishop of Ross maed a long
and fecless speche evin in the beginning quhilk is nott vorth
the repeting. It appered that he vald have maed a suspension
and a supercedere in effectt on thing. Itt vas ansuered by my
Lord of Mellross that give my Lord of Ross had onderstood the
lauss als veill as he did his aun calling he vald nott have sayd so.
Than as I remember his Majestie spak to my Lord of Mellross
that quhilk is befor writtin concerning my Lord Ogilby.
187

Efter this as I remember, his Majestie spak sumquhat
aledgeine that all the places in [S]Jession-var voyd by the dissess
cf his father, and so now att his disposition; quhaerin itt did
appeir by his Majesteis speche that his end vas that being
resolved thaer should be no nobill man on the Session, and ag
appeired pointed att Latherdeill and Carnegie, bott to my
rememberanss did nott naem thaem by thaer naems. And than
his Majestie did shou that he had commanditt Sir Jhonne Scott,
quha vas a Sessioner (itt is to be remembered that Mar sayd he
vas bott a clerk), to gather outt of the Session books quhat had
bein the courss of preceiding ageis and tym past.

To this thaer vas no ansuer maed, bott by his Majesteis
commandmentt thay var delyvered to my Lord of Mellross to
considder of, quhilk I remitt to his ansuers quhen thay shalbe
givin unto his Majestie.

Efter this his Majestie spak anentt that partt of our letter
concerning the Laerd of Thorntoun, in quhilk subject my Lord
Cancelar maed a long and trew discourss; his gretest defens
vas that ve quha var thaer being his parteis could nott be
vitnessis agaenst him. Bott his Majestie sayd itt vas a hard
mater quhen a holl body of a Counsail had vrittin so of him.
And thaer ve all protested ve had nott particular to his person,
bott only to his Majesteis honor that sie aine infamuss man
should nett cum in amongst us. Than Thorntoun fell outt in
accusmg my Lord Cancelar of brybrie in taking a thousand
marks Scotts from Glenbervie for gettin past to him aine
infeftmentt vith altera[tion] of the tenor of his haulding of vard
ather in blench or taktt vard. This vas instantly provine to be a
lie befor his Majestie by calling in Jaems Douglas, quha thaer
opinly declared that he gatt that munie (quhilk vas fiftie pounds
sterling) delyvered in Edinbruch to his behoue. No mor of this,
bott I leive to the sequell that shall follow upon itt.

Than Thorntoun sayd that he vas forced to tak the courss
vith my Lord Marshell be reson I had givin his eschett to my
Lord Marshall, quha vas att that tym his mortall enemie, and
he thocht that his Majestie did nott give me the staff to oppress
his subjectts. To this I ansuered that itt vas trew I had givin
his eschett to a servand of my Lord Marshells called Mr. Jaems
Vood, and the reson vas I did receve a pitifull letter from my
Lord Marschall, quha now rests vith God, shawing quhou he
vas dishonored in the hiest degrie, his bed defyled, his houssis
robed, his hoill moubles, pleitt and joualls stollin from him, so
as quhen he com to Dunntiotter he had not an bed to ly upon
bott aine auld clouted bed be chanss he borrowed; and all this
vith his vyf resett in the Laerd of Thorntouns houss, and in
effectt he deid. I thocht I vas bound in conciens to doo any
thing that laufullie micht be doun to mak Thorntoun and his
vyf to eitt thaer meitt in order, and the rather my Lord
Marshall bein aine honorable aged man, and quha had bein
imployed by his leitt Majestie in so many honorable serviceis ;
and yitt quhen all this vas doune, I did it nott so bott that the

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138

pouar vas ever in his Majesteis hand, for I touk a band of Mr.
Jaems Vood, all writtin with his aun hand, that he should be
reuled and commanded in that mater by his Majestie, nottvith-
standing of his giftt.

Then did my Lord of Nidsdeill sitt doun upon his knie,
and sayd: I vilbe able to qualiefie that theis bands he taks ar
the most prejudiciall things to your Majestie commoditie that
ever vas doun. Quhaervpon I satt doun upon my knie and
sayd, Your Majestie siess quhou I am accused in nocht douing
my deutie in my office. Sir, itt is treu I have ain of the most
eminentt offices in that kingdom, and nixt to my Lord Cancelars
office, the office of grettest trust. My Lord of Nidsdeill hes a
office, only a commissionar vpon the Borders, I am contentt to
enter upon the penall vith him, latt him accuss me, and latt me
accuss him, for I houp to qualifie that in his office he or his
deputts for quhom he must answer hes oppressed your subjectts
onder pretens of justice, and only for pryvett revenge of thaer
particular quarrells. Than my Lord of Nidsdell fell outt in grett
coller and sayd, Be God I vill doo it and subseryve itt vith my
bloud, and I shall mak him suett for itt. To the quhilk I
ansuered, I houp itt shall not be sic a sueitt as ye have suatt.
Then he sayd: Ye accuss me and my deputts, be God I vill
accuss you and your deputts. I ansuered that albeid quhen the
office of Tresuarrie vas in integretie all deputies and officers
var choising be the Tresaurar, yitt now I had no deputt, bott the
Kings deputt, and yit I vald ansuer for the Kings deputt becauss
I knew him to be aine honest man.

Then I kneiled to his Majestie, and eftcr he had commanded
me to ryss I shew his Majestie that I had the honor to bea
suorn Counsallord to his vorthie father thir seivin and fourtie
yeirs past ; -I had bein his fathers Tresurar and his awin thir
ten yeirs past, and give my lyf war devyded in tuentie parts
thaer is nyntein and a half of thaem past, and now to be acoused
in the few days I have to leive as aine that shall suett for my
actions, quhat can I say, Sir? Bott I have thrie comfortts, aine the
testemonie of aine honest conciens befor my God; the nixtt is
quhen I leuk upon you my just King quha vill see me treulie
tryed, for I shall never begg mercie give I have doun any deid
may mak me sueitt; and my last comfortt is quhen I leuk upon
him quha is my accusar.

Last of all, my Lord of Bukkingham, he spak shauing quhou
erived he vas to see theis contensions cum to so hie a degrie,
being betuixtt thos to quhom he vas bound be law as villing and
desyruss to doo thaem all honor and service, and on the other
partt to sum others he vas allso bound in a band in sum other
kynd, and this vas nott the vay for his Majesteis service. This
seimed to tend to aine agrimentt. I ansuered, My Lord, nothing
shall drau me bak from his Majestie service, bot I houp his Majestie
vill try quhither or nott I have done anything may mak me
sueitt.
189

1626, January 17 and 19.—* Our conference (his Majestie
nocht being presentt) amongst our selfs, my Lords of
Bukkingham and Carlill being vith us in the Counsall
Challmer upon the [17] day of Januar, 1625-6, and in the
vithdrawing challmer upon the xix day Januar, 1625-6,
befor his Majestic.

Quhen ve did meitt in the Counsall Challmer the Kings
Majesteis revocasion, I mein the revocasion maed by King
James, vas red and conferred vith this new intended revocasion
by King Charlls, perticulerlie article vith articill, quhaerin ve,
the Lords his Majestie did send for, thocht thaer vas so grett
differens as no subjectt could be seur of any inheritans vithin
the kingdom of Scottland doun be any of his Majesteis
predisessor sen King Farguss the First, albeitt doun in ther
perfytt age, nether (give itt should ons be maed aine Act of
Parliament) could his Majestie or any of his sucsessor kings
mak thaem any securitie in tym cuming. Itt var longsum to
vrytt all the resons, bott I vill remitt thaem quhill sic tym as
the intented revocasion be seine be thos of gretar judgementt
in the lauss and securitis of the legeis than myself. Itt is to be
remembered that his Majestie hes givin command to my Lord
Cancelar to refeuss no man a coppie of this new intended
revocasion. Only the man quha teuk allmost the only speche
in defending of itt vas that vorthie judiciouss lauer, the Bishopp
of Ross, quha babled all the tym so far vithoutt sens or reson, as
everie indifferentt man quho hard him micht esalie perseive
that his judgementt vas far shortt of that quhilk the gravitie of
his beird did promiss.

Att this meiting thaer vas also givin in sic ansuers to Sir
Jhoone Scotts argumentts (quhaerby he intended to prove that
all the Lords places in Session var voyd and in his Majesteis
hand to disposs of) as var longsum to vrytt. Bott I remitt this
poyntt to the ansuers thaem selfs givin by my Lord of Mellross
(as I tak itt) be his Majesteis direction, and sic lyk the
articills in vrytt givin be my Lord Cancelar to his Majestie
concerning the Commission for the Grivansis, as also theis
ansuers givin by my self anentt this new intended Commission
of Exchakker or Tresurie, I remitt theis particulars to the resons
sett doun in the ansuers givin in vrytt to his Majestie the on by
my Lord Cancelar and the other be my Lord Tresurar.

Upon the xix day of Januar, 1625-6, in the fornoun, ve mett
vith his Majestie in his vithdrawing challmer, quhaer the Deuk
of Buckingham and my Lord of Carlill var also presentt, and
thaer the tuo fornemed revocasions var red and conferred
togither. Befor thay var red my Lord of Nidsdeill sayd to his
Majestie, Shall I callin yon tuay men? Yis, sayd his Majestie,
call thaem in. Than com in my Lord Ochilltrie and Mr.
Robertt Jonstoun. As for Mr. Robertt Jonstoun he never spak
on vord all the tym. Indeid my Lord Ochiltrie begouth in his.
bould fassion to rin throuh all the sevin siansis, bott he insisted
most in grammer upon the copulative vord and, and the
disjunctive vord or, and sayd his Majestie intended nothing bott

a
Aces oe! —
140

only to have his propertie desingned and maed knawn unto him ;
for, as he aledged, the Kings propertie vas nott knawn in
Scotland. Melross ansuered and sayd his Lordship vas
mistakin, for the Kings propertie vas very veill knawn; for he
had propertie of tuo kynds, on anixtt quhilk could nott be
disponed exceptt be lawfull desolousion in Parliamentt and
vithoutt deminission, and he had also sum propertie that vas
never anextt and that his Majestie micht lafullie dispon (as ony
subjectt micht doo) ondir his grett seill.

My Lord Cancelar sayd, Sir, quhen ever this revocasion shalbe
sein by vyss men and grett lauers in your kingdom, itt vilbe
found that itt being ains maed aine Actt of Parliamentt, thaer
shall no subjectt in Scotland in effectt have any seurtie of his
land. My Lord of Ochilltrie sayd that his Majestie had no sic
intension, and his Majestie sayd he vald crave nor doo nothing
agaens law, quhaerof ve all thanked God. Bott, says his Majestie,
I think I have laus and Acts of Parliamentt aneu for me all-
reddie, and that thaer is Acts of Parliamentt in his Majesteis
favors that orders give any Actt of Parliamentt shalbe maed
heireftir in the contrar ordens thaem to be null. Bot, sayd Mar,
Sir, give thaer be anie Act of Parliamentt maed thaerefter thatt
distroys that Actt itt hes no longar forse in that poyntt ve
contraverted.

Ochilltrie insisted stil] vith his accustumed bauldness. His
argumentts var far mor vittie nor having any ground of treu
visdom or judgementt founded upon reson.

Then Mar kneiled, and efter his Majestie had commanded
him to ryss he said: Sir, the kingdom of Scotland is ain
ancientt kingdom, and hes brocht furth a hundrith and seivin
kings besyd your Majesteis self, quhom I prey God to continu
and bliss long amongst us. I beseik your Majestie to considder
(give this intended revocasion shall go so throuh as itt shallbe a
lau) in quhat caes shall all your subjectts in Scotland be, give
nether any thing doun by thos hundrith and seivin kings befor
you in tyms past can mak us seur, nor quhat your Majestie shall
doo in this presentt age, for our seurtie can secur us nor in tym
cuming (give the varld shall lest so long as Scotland may or
shall bring fourth aine other hundrith and aucht kings), yitt
thay can nott all in any tym heirefter mak thaer subjectts
seur of thaer lands and inheritans. Than, Sir, considder, I
humblie beseik your Majestie, in quhat caes ar ve all, quhen
no subjectts onder the hevine that lives onder a monarch
professing Cryst is in that evill cass as ve shalbe.

His Majestie ansuered: I vill ansuer for my self, bott I can
nott ansuer for my sucsessors. .

Than my Lord Cancelar sayd: Sir, itt is a hard mater quhen
a number of your subjectts shalbe hard to inform you, quha hes
maed shipwrak of thaer aun esteitts, and vald now fish in
drumlie vatters by shakkin all things louss that thay may gett
sum partt to thaem selfs; sum of thaem having no vitt att all,
sum of thaem bott half vitted, and nether of thaem grett
honestie..
141

Oure meiting upon the efternoune.the xix Januar, 1625-6.

His Majestie did begin vith the Session and his powar of
placing of aine neu Session, thaer placeis being voyd. Itt is
to be remembered that his Majestie (quhen ve vas in discours
anentt the revocasion and hard my Lord Cancelar say that itt
greived him to heir a peice of sic importansie resollved on by
his Majestie vithoutt the advyss or knauledge of his principall
officers or his Cancelar, Tresurar, Secretarrie, or Advocatt, as
thay had nott bein fathfull servants, bott so undeutifull as thay
vald nott have advysed his Majestie to any thing that could
be justly or lafullie doun), his Majestie sayd the shortt tym
vas the causs of it. I vill nott say, sayd his Majestie, bott
give I should have had tym I vald have putt itt in aine other
form. Than the Cancelar sayd, In this mater of the Session,
your Majestie hes tym aneuh. And so Mar sayd, Seing your
Majestie hes tym, for God sak latt nott your legeis vantt justice,
for your Majestie can nott imagin quhat greif itt is to all your
subjectts ; and seing no tym can stay you to doo quhat lafullie
ye may, for Gods causs, latt thaem be douing in the mein tym
that the subjectts be nott defraudit of justice, till ye try quhat
ye may doo lafullie. The King ansuered, My Lord, itt is
better the subjectt suffer a lytill than all ly outt of ordor. Sir,
sayd Mar, ye can nott condem thaem nor displess thaem till
thay be hard. Then sayd Sir Jhoone Scott, I vill mak good
all I have sayd. Than sayd Mar, Sir Jhoone, think ye your
assersion good aneuh to allter the gretest judicarrie in the
kingdom onder the Parliamentt; and I doo think a better
mans opinion nor yours vald nott be sufficient to mak so grett
a cheinge. My Lord Cancelar sayd, Sir, give ever itt shalbe
qualified that thir fourscor and ten yeirs past, att quhilk tym the
Session vas institutt, thaer vas any Lord of Session cheinged or
depryved bott upon ether deth, demission or commission of a
fault, than I shall quytt my judgementt. To this Sir Jhoone
maed bott lytill ansuer, yitt still insisted in his foulish and
presumtious fassion. ;

Then concerning the Commission for the Grivencis, my
Lord Cancelar sayd to his Majestie thaer vas sindrie things in
itt that vas novasions and as he thocht agaenst lau, as on
concerning the takine up dittay in everie shyr, and the informar
nott to be knaun. Than sayd he, the informar onknaun may
be a vitnes upon ain honest mans fame. Bott for all theis
things I remitt thaem to the informasion givin by my Lord
Cancelar in vrytt to his Majestie. So the Cancelar sayd, I can
say no farther bott quhat I did give your Majestie in vrytt upon
that poyntt.

Than his Majestie said: Nou, concerning the Commission of
Tresurarie, quhat say ye? Than ansuered Mar, Sir, I can say
no mor bott quhat I gave you yisterday in vrytt, bott thaer vas
on thing (as than I did say unto your Majestie) that I had to
say unto you quhilk I had nott putt in vrytt, and give your
Majestie vill command me I shall say it heir in publik, eivin heir
142

in publik. My Lord, give ye pleis, sayd his Majestie. Then I
sayd unto his Majestie, I have beine aine auld servantt to your
Majestis father of vorthie memorie. I have all my lyftym bein
thocht in the cuntrie quhaer I duell both aine man of honor and
honestie, and now I can nott bott sorrow that in my auld age
that mark of distrust should be putt upon me that never vas
putt upon any man that ever hes bein in my place befor me.
Then sayd his Majestie, My Lord, my father did putt
commissionars in his tym, and this also is only to overleuk your
actions. Then sayd I, Sir, I caer nott quha overleuk my
actions, bott, Sir, your fathers commission vas no disgrace to me,
becaus I found itt so befor I com in the office. Bott this is of
aine other kynd, for I can doo no thing withoutt thaem, and
thay may doo all things vithoutt me, quhilk can nott stand be
law be reson of many Acts of Parliamentt quhilk maks many
grants null vithoutt the Tresurars subscripsion. Then sayd his
Majestic, thaer is no reson that give ye be away the legeis
shalbe delayed. Than sayd I, Sir, I am nott oftin absentt, bott
Sir, sayd I, I can nott conceil from your Majestie the greif of aine
honest auld servantt, bott I vill serve your Majestie in quhat
fassion ye pleiss, for quhat ye doo is no disgrace to me, albeittI
can nott bott confess and lay open my greif befor you. So thaer
vas no mor of this subjectt att that tym.

Then my Lord Cancelar kneiled and spak agaeyst the Laerd
of Thorntoun and shew his Majestie thatt by and attour all vas
sayd the last day he had sum farther to say, for he had
contracted his sister upon a man quhas vyf vas on lyf, and sic a
contractt the lyk quhagrof vas never sein. Thorntoun being
takin on the suddan att the first vas a lytill perplexed, and vald
have maed a good face upon itt be nott granting, yitt nott
absolutely denying. Than my Lord Cancelar teuk outt of his
pouche the extractt of the contractt from the regester, quhilk I
remitt to the contractt; bott itt vas a strange on, and yitt I
think itt shall nott bytt. Hfter all this ve all renewed our seutt
unto his Majestie for the Session. Quhat vilbe the end of itt
God knaus.

Than Mortoun kneiled and said: Sir, itt is strange quhou
the Laerd of Thorntoun can deny quhat so many honest men
hes verified, and vill verifie upon oth agaenst him. Yitt, Sir,
ve shall preive be tuo honorable noblemen the most partt of all
ve, have sayd, to vitt my Lord of Morray and my Lord of
Bukcleuh; and give your Majestie shall nott think that
sufficientt, I vill preive itt agaenst him quhat other way your
Majestie shall think good. This or to this sens, as I remember,
var my Lord of Mortouns vords.

1626, January 18.—Sir Robertt Dayells vords, so far as I can
remember, spokin to my Lord of Mortoun, my Lords of
Roxbruh and Mar being present, vpon the xviii Januar,
1625-6, in the Kings previe challmer att Quhytthall.

That within thir thrie or four days he hard my Lord Ochiltrie,
being in discours with my Lord of Fenton, say that he wondered
of my Lord Cancelars sharp accusation of Thorntoun for beinz a
148

Papist, seing he had hard my Lord of Nidsdeill say that quhen
he helped him to be maed Cancelar he gave him his hand to be
a freind to all Papists, and then Sir Robertt sayd he knew itt to
be my Lord of Nidsdells vords, for him self had hard my Lord
of Nidsdell say theis verie vords in his aun challmer, and nocht
privattlie bot publiklie.

1626, January 22.—A Note of the meéting of some members of
the Privy Council with the King in the withdrawing-chamber
at Whitehall, on 22nd January, 1625-6, in the afternoon;
my Lord of Bukkingham nott being presentt, and my Lord
of Cavrlill being thair.

His Majestie begouth to declair his intension and ernist desyr
that all the Lords of Sessions placeis var voyd and in his pouar
to disposs upon nou by the disseis of his father, King James of
vorthie memorie. To this my Lord Cancelar sayd that all that
ve could say in that mater ve had given itt in vrytt and vas
contened in theis ansuers quhilk my Lord of Mellross had sett
doun be his Majesteis commandmentt to the resons quhilk var
given to his Majestie be Sir Jhoone Scott. Then Sir Jhoone Scott
took outt theis ansuers, and red sum of his replys, quhilk I remitt
to the things thaem selfs, bott var fecless and to no porposs.
Than Mar sayd, I humblie beseik your Majestie to considder veill
of this mater, for ve can say no mor than is allredie sayd, for I
my self I am no lauer, bott only this far outt of comun sens and
reson, itt is hard to condem any man onhard, and far mor hard
to mak so grett ain alterasion in that grett courtt (being institud
by your grett grandfather, King James the Fyftt, with adwyss of
his Estetts in Parliamentt), and they never hard and having
nothing for itt bott only the assersion of Sir Jhoone Scott. Then
Sir Jhoone Scott sayd he vald prove all he had sayd; and thaer
bragged very meikill of his ancestors quha had bein Directors of
the Cancelrie this long tym, and had thair beginning in King
James the Thrids tym, and that his grandfather, Robertt Scott,
quhom my Lord of Mar knew veill to be aine honest man. To
quhom Mar ansuered, Indeid I knew him veill and he vas aine
very honest man, and give itt var nott as thay say that auld deid
folks vill fley baerns I viss att God he var standing eivin now
besyd yow to heir yow speik. At this his Majestie leuh a long
tym. Than Sir Jhonne begouth to speik sumquhat that did
tuich my Lord of Menmors parciallitie in being the first man
himself that did vott against aine Actt in Cession quhilk vas maed,
and he had consented to anentt the tryall of the Lords of Cessions
sufficiensie, and becauss he micht have his brother the Laird of
Edgyell aine sessionar quhom Sir Jhoone aledged nocht to be
capable of that place. To this Mar sayd, Sir Jhoone, speik good
and reverently of the deid.

Then Thortoun, (quhen his Majestie had sayd quha shalbe
jugeis in this mater give thay shalbe hard, for the Session ar
parteis) he sayd, Quha bott the King? and he vald qualifie itt be
aine prentitt Actt of Parliamentt. And thair he red the Actt of
Parliamentt maed in the last Kings tym against all thos that
144

should declyn the Kings and his Counsalls judgementt. This
Actt vas maed agaenst the ministers quha declyned the Counsalls
judgementt. Then Mar sayd, Think ye that be this Actt the Kings
Counsall may judge quhat is your heritage or quhat is myn. Itt
is treu all judgeis have thair powar from the King and his
Estaitts, bott thay ar distineuised and so man nott be confounded. .
He than aleged ain other Act of Parliamentt that the King vas
judge in all causes, bott ve saw nott that Actt, bott as I think itt
vas the Act of Supremassie. The Bishop of Ross then opened
his mouth and sayd he vondered that any subjectt sould deny
the Kings prerogative, for quha doth so, he vas no loyall subjectt.
Then Mar kneiled and sayd, My Lord, I'am sorie to heir a man
_ of your apparentt gravitie say so. Ve are heir some number of
his Majesteis Counsall cummed be his commandmentt; he asks
our opinion ; ve ar suorn to give him treu counsall according to
our knauledge; quhat ever ye think I houp his Majestie vill think
vs his loyall subjects. Then my Lord Cancelar sayd, My Lord,
quhatever counsalor he be that gives his Majestie nocht treu
counsall both against his knauledge and lau, that is nott aine
loyall subjectt. Than my Lord of Ross vald faen have interprett
his vords to aine vther sens, bott all vas thair sau his meining.
Itt is to be remembered that quhen his Majestie asked quha
should be judges in the mater of the Session, seing thaemselfs
var parteis, my Lord Cancelar sayd he could nott tell, exeptt itt
var the Parliamentt. Att that, Nidsdeill gave a startt. Then, Mar
sayd, itt man ather be the Parliamentt, or give your Majestie
strek nott att the routt (as appeiris by Sir Jhone Scotts
discourss), bott give thaer shalbe nyn leftt vith my Lord
Canceler ontuiched in the Session, I think the Session vilbe the
most proper judge. To this itt seimed his Majestie did applaud.
Than my Lord of Sanct Andross sayd unto his Majestie: Itt var
good, sir, that this mater should be att aine end, for your
service vilbe the vors that all your Counsall in effectt should be
furth of the countrie. Then sayd he, Sir, I think the gretest
poyntt I think your Majestie stiks vpon is that no nobillman
should be aine ordinar Lord of Session. Give your Majestie vald
be contented to mak those tuo nobill men (quha ar nou
ordinars) extraordinars of your Counsall, I think thay vill nott
refuss to lay thair office att your feitt. To this his Majestie
appeired nochtt to be onvilling. Mar also shew him that the
Advocatt, Justice Clerk, and Clark of the Regestar var ever
sessionars bott nott ever privie counsalors, as he conceved. Than
sayd the King, Vas the Advocatt ever a sessionar? Yis, said my
Lord Cancelar.

1626, February 9-12.—My good nicht from his Majestie takin
att Quhytthall vpon the 9, 10, 11 and 12 Februarie,
1625-6.

First efter I had desyred to know his commandments to
Scottland he did begin a lytill to expostulatt vith me, that (as he
termed itt) to be frie vith me, he thocht that both myself and
my Lord Cancelar, and mor of us, his counsallours in Scotland,
145

had nott bein so forduartt in his effaers att this last convension
as ve should have bein, and as he vas informed only for splein
agaenst Nidsdeill and Annandell, quha var messengers in the
bussiness, and that he had hard on (a Scottsman) say, quha com
up befor vs, that altho ve had granted the taxasion freilie and
vithout a contrar vott, yitt all the rest of his desyrs var denyed,
and only for the cause forsayd, and that he kneu the man
quha tauld itt to him by eisicht, altho he knew nott his naem.
I sheu his Majestie that give his Majestie kneu the man by
sicht I besocht him to try quhatt he vas and quhom he followed,
and I should varrand he followed sum man or other quha had
sum particular ends in the mater. Bott Sir, sayd I, God forbeid
ye should beleive all that Scottsmen says, for ve ar ewin lyk
other peipill, sum good and mor bad. Bott, says his Majestie,
ye yourself vas agaenst the tuo thousand men. Itt is treu, Sir,
sayd I, indeid I vas agaenst itt, nether had I any other reson
bott the impossibillitie throuh the povertie of the cuntrie. Bott,
sayd his Majestie, itt is nott onpossibill and itt shall yitt go on.
Sir, ansuered I, tym vill try all things, and quhen your Majestie
shall see the treuth, then ye vill knou quha ar your treu
servantts, and quha hes bott only thaer aun ends.

Then his Majestie sayd, anentt the sending bak the
commission of the Counsall, he thocht itt a grett contemp
that ve should send itt bak and nocht latt itt go on; and so fell
upon that poyntt of itt concerning the immunitie of thaer
persons, shauing itt vas the prevelege thay had heir. To that
I ansuered, So hes everie nobill man heir. That his Majestie
denyed, bott itt did nott becum me to contest vith him, albeitt
I think itt be very treu that Isayd. Then his Majestie spak
sumquhat anentt the Precedents place in Counsall, and thocht
itt strange that ve should putt in question his pouar to confer
honor upon any man he pleised. I ansuered, God forbid, Sir,
that ve should think so, for ve knau all very veill, that all honor
cums from your Majestie, and ye may confer it upon quhom ye
pleis. Bott in that particular the gentillman himself thinking
that he vas alls able to doo your service sittin in that place of
honor that your father had conferred upon him as in a heyar, and
that itt micht putt a busse in sum nobill mens heids and yitt doo
no good to your service, I houp your Majestie vill nott find fallt
vith your servantts to send thaer opinions and offer itt to your
Majesteis considerasion. Alluays in that ye may doo as ye list.
Itt is bott a shortt tym lost; bott I doo assur your Majestie ve did
itt vpon a good maning to your service. Bott, says his Majestie,
I vald knau quhat pouar ye had to sitt efter my commission
cam doun, for your only varrand vas vpon my letter till I teuk
farther ordor, and my commission vas the farther ordor, and so
by quhat pouar did ye sitt. I ansuered, I houp your Majestie
vill nott think bott ve thocht ve had only pouar from you.
Than, sayd his Majestie, I think I should be obeyed quhen I
send doun my directions. Indeid give itt var only a mater of
giving any thing by precep ye may stay itt till ye heir from
me, bott my commandmentts, ye should obey thaem; and ye

J
146

durst not have doun so to my father. Alace, Sir, sayd I, a
hundrith tyms your vorthie father hes sentt doun directions
unto vs quhilk ve have stayed, and he hes givin us thanks for
itt quhen ve have informed him of the treuth. Bott I prey
your Majestie, give me leive to say sumquhatt. I suppos your
Majestie nott being aqueintted vith the laus of our cuntrie be
informed be a particular man (for ‘his aun pryvatt ends) to
send a direction doun to us directly agaenst lau. Ye knau ve
ar suorn to give you treu counsall, quhat in that caes shall
ve doo, ve can nott be mensuorne. O God forbid, says his
Majestie, that is nott my meining.

Than his Majestie begouth to speik of his revocasion, alledgein
that ve had givin outt that itt vald cast all mens rights louss,
and that he vas nott mynded to doo any man vrong. Sir, sayd
I, no man doutts of your Majesteis love to all your subjectis,
bott give this revocasion be ons maed a lau, you have no pouar
to mak any man a richt of aine aker of land longar than your
aun fym. To this his Majestie ansuered, thaer vas no sic
thing. Sir, sayd I, give (quhen ever itt shalbe sein to lauers
and men of judgementt) itt shall nott be found as I say, than
latt your Majestie think me nott only aine evill lauyer, bott a
foull to the advantage. And quhaer itt vas reported to your
Majestie that ve had givine out and spred thos things
throuhoutt the quholl cuntre, for myself I sayd never so meikill
to any bodie in that mater as I had sayd to your Majestie
yourself, and I besocht God that his Majestie did knau every
mans meining and everie mans hartt to him and to the veill of
his cuntrie (for theis tuo var onseperable), and I douted bott as
God had givin him judgementt so he vald mak knaun to him
all mens harts both quha spak treuth to his Majestie and quha
spak only for thair aun ends and pryvett respectts.

His Majestie gave me direction to pay to Sargentt Bouy his
bygon feis eivin as he gave direction for Jhoone Livingstoun
and Jhoone Acmutie, becauss thay var all of aine natur, alluays
having considerasion that his publik service var first doun.

Than his Majestie spak sumquhat to me concerning my Lord
Ogilbe quhilk I houp I shall remember veill eneuh.

Kine Caries tHE First to the Lorps or Sssston.

1626, March 9. Whitehall—Forsamekle as we ar informeit
that our umquhile darrest father of worthie memorie gave
libertie to Alexander, Lord Elphingstoun, and the Master of
Elphinstoun to mak choose of any of the nomber of the ordinar
advocates to supplie the place of Sir Williame Oliphant of
Newtoun, his Majesties Advocat, quho wes sett in the actioun of
reductioun depending at the instance of the Erle of Mar and
Lord Erskine, his son, against the said Lord Elphingstoun, and
that the said Lord Elphingstoun haveing maid choice of Maister
James Oliphant to supplie that rowme, it hes bene laitlie
proponit and alledgit befoir yow that the choise maid be the
said Lord Elphingstowne expyres be the deceis of our said
147 ‘

umquhile father of worthie memorie; and we nawayes being
willing that be occasioun heirof justice salbe delayit to the said
Erle of Mar thairfoir, we have declairit and declaires, that it is
our speciall will and pleasour that he quhom the said Lord
Elphingstoun sall mak choise of, of the nomber of the saidis ordinare
advocates, sall supplie the rowme of our Advocat in all the saidis
actiounes and causses depending betuixt the said Erle of Mar
and Lord Elphingstoun, unto the finall end of the same.
Contemporary copy.

Kine CHaRues THE First to the Lorps or SEssIon.

1626, March 17. Whitehall—Whereas out of the earnest
desire whiche we have alwayes had for the furthering of justice
and to avoyd delayes, we wer pleased that yow should require
Mr. James Oliphant to compeir as our Advocat in the caus
depending betuix the Erll of Mar and the Lord Elphinstoun as
we had formerlie done. Yett calling to mynd how our late dear
father (in regaird of his awin interest) did writ unto yow
heirtofoir that he might be acquented with all the progres of
that action, and that yow should see the Marques of Hamiltoun
and the Erllis of Angus, Nithesdaill, and Annandaill sufficientlie
secured from any harme that might come to them by the succes
of the samyn actioun; and therfoir our pleasur is, as wes
formerlie intended by our said late dear father, that befoir the
said mater be any forder hard the saids Marques and Earles
may be secured conforme to the former letter, and likewise
yow acquent us with what is done befoir ane decree be
pronunced therin, nor that yow suffer no decree nor interlo-
quitour to pas therin, nor in no other action depending befoir
yow that may prejudge our revocation till yow heir forder
from us. For doing wherof these presents shalbe unto yow a
sufficient warraunt. Contemporary copy.

Kine Cuaries THe First to the Haru or Mar, THE VIscouNT
oF Stormont, and tHe Lairp oF GLENURQUHY.

1626, March 24. Whitehall—Cuaries R.—Right trusty and
welbeloved cosen and counsellour, right trusty and welbeloved
counsellour, and trustie and welbeloved, wee greet yow well.
According to our late royall fathers’ intention for making
Glenalmond a free forrest (having to that effect made choice of
yow to surveigh the boundes thereof), wee were pleased of late
to signifie our pleasure for satisfieing of such persones who,
pretending interest therein, did freelie submitt their right unto
us. Now to the end that this our resolution may tak the more
speedie effect in regard of the present spring being the fittest
season of the year for storring the said forrest with deere, and
being sorrie that our said fathers intention and ours to this
purpose hath taken so slow a course, our pleastre is that
(taking such others to assist yow whom yow our Treasurer shall
think fitt to nominat) yow surveigh the saids boundes of our
forrest (which for the greatest part consisteth of the lands which
148

belonged to Sir Patrik Murray, our servant), and that yow
cause sett true merches for distinguishing the samen from the
neighbouring bounds about to the effect that no beastes do in
any wise annoy the same, nor the deere to be put therein,
concerning which wee are willing that our lawes provided for
such cases be put in due execution upon breach of anie point
thereof. And our further pleasure is that yow in our name
require the Harles of Murray and Perth, the Lairds of
Glenurquhie and Lawers, to furnish our said forrest with suche
store of deere out of our forrests in these parts (wherof they are
the keepars) as may be most convenientlie spared, and that they
for helping to bring in the said deere cause give their best
assistance. And asin this so in all other things, willing yow
both touching the puting in execution the effects of our former
letters concerning this purpose, and for the sufficient providing
of fosters and keepers of the said forrest till our further pleasure
be knowen, to use your best endeavours for advanceing of our
said intention, wee bid yow farewell.

1626, March——A paper entitled “Intelligence regarding
occurrences in England, etc., etc.;’’ undated, but about
the end of March, 1626.

From Francz.—It is reported that in that Court great
discontent and division hes fallin out; that le Due de Main is
luppin out, and a great many followis his faction against
Monsieure de Luinys, whom they assaulted bot mist narrowlie.
That the Empreouris ambassadour was thair weill ressaveid and
caresced by the King, to whom he said at his parting from
Pareis, haveing first sent him a present, 14 peicis of Arras
hingingis estimat to 3000 crounes, Tell, sayis the King, the
Empreour, my unckle, I will not faill to assist him according to
his meritte and my qualitie, and that man (poynting to the Duck
de Vevers) I will send to yow with my forces; which ar thoct
to be 8,000 horse and 15,000 futt. Duck de Vendosme and Duck
de Guise ar compeditouris in the sam chairge. This new year
Quein Mother sent to the King and Quein the Kingis young
sister, and to Mons. de Soyssons great new yearis giftis to the
value of 40,000 crounes; and the King sent hir uther giftis with
a declaratioune of hir guid governement in tym of her regencie,
quhairof schoe rested weill pleased and much contented. Four
couple of mariages ar maid in the Court of France, altho the
parties be verrie young, the Kings brother, the Duck of Orleans
with Monpansies doughter, Count de Soissons with the Kingis
sister, and the Duck of Guise his eldest sone with the Prince of
oe doughter, his secund sone with Mons. de Luyns

ochter.

From Sprains. That the Pope hes sent by a bischop a
Cardinells bonnet and hatt to the Kings thrid sone, whiche
bischop gave him the first ordour of prima tonswra with the
bonnet. The Cardinall of Sappata gave him the hatt with all
the ceremonies and dignities of a cardinall, and he is called
149

Cardinall of Toledo. The sam Sappata was efterward sent to
Valiodolie to treat with Count Beneventie tuiching the affairis
of Cardinall de Lerma, called in Spain, il Cardinall Duca and of
Calderona.

From Irate, we heir that Duck de Zouna, Governour of
Naples, is conteneuallie leaveing men to send into Germany by
way of the Grissons and Suisses, and payis a duicat per testa for
thair passag. Upon ane uproir or question that fell out in
Naples the authoris being apprehendit war taken and sent to
the galies to the nomber of 48 gentlemen, among whom war men
of speciall note.

From Germany. That the Bohemians have got a great
defait. Count of Manflet, thair generall, being courting his
mistres in Pragg, and his armie upon the fieldis with his
Serjant-Major, Count Bucquoy set upon them on a suden, kild
300 men and defait the rest. Captain Henrie Bruce, in service
with the Empreour, by whom he was maid Governour and
Capitain of Nicollbrucht in Over Austria, being long seadged by
the enemies and bravelie deffendit by Bruce, at last was rendered
up upon fair conditions, much to his honor and reputation.
The first 6,000 Casslachie, and efter 4,000 moir sent by the King
of Polle in aid of the Empreour in thair passag had done much
harme and great discontentment, spairing nather freind nor
enemye quhair they cam, bot peild and kild all quhair they cam
indifferentlie, speciallie in Silesia and Moravie, and uther placeis
of Hungarie and Transilvania, at which tym the Prince
Bethelem Gabor, much offendit, sent word to the King of Polle
that he will cum and visit him or midsummer in his cuntrie
‘with 80 thousand Hayduckis, a ravenious kynd of people lyke
unto the utheris, the Gassachie of Polle. The gentlemen of
Polle, affrayit and offendit at this, and the King of Polle excusing
himself, and the wyt resting upon the Jesuitis, they have expelled
the haill Jesuitis out of that kingdome.

Heir in Inetanp we have nothing bot biave shewis and
treatties of ambassadouris. First, the King’s corronatioun day,
the 24 March, quhairon never braver nor moir glorious tilting
was sein in England—a prince tilting in state most bravelie,
weill performed for his aige and abone it,in honour of his
fatheris coronatioun, whiche was so weill lyked, and the prince
and his knychtis ar contented and ar appoynted to rin again
upon Setterday nixt the first of Apprill. The nixt show wes on
Sonday last the 26" Marche. His Majestie convoyed with all his
nobles and officiars of staite in a most glorious bot modest
manner (for all wer in blak) went from Whythall yett to St.
Powall’s in London and war thair resaveid be the major,
aldermen and whole companies of London most bravelie, quhair
his Majestie hard a sermon and maid a speich to that sam
effect, to the great applause and contentment of all the people,
and cam bak that sam way in that sam maner. His Majestie
gave to the-Bischop of London the text him self (Now is it tyme
to build Sion), quhairby it may weill be conceaved the effect and
cause of his going first that Sonday, being Mid Lent; and
150

Whytehall being far out of repairatioun, thocht it fitting to
schow him sellff that day to the people once for all, as lykwayis
to inveit and inceit the cittie to the repairatione of that rair
monowment of Poules Churche. Evrie uther day is treatting
of ambassadouris. The commissionar or ambassadour from the
United Princes of Germany, quhairof the King was head and
protectour, is pairted with sum discontentment; yit in end upon
promises maid by his Majestie he seimed weill pleased and
excepted the present sent him, whiche was a riche cupboard of
gilt pleat whiche of beffoir he refuised.

Upon the Tilting day all ambassadouris being invited to the
schow, the French and Spanish being equallie invited at on tym,
two severall placeis of equall qualitie was provyded for them
and thair followeris, so as no exceptioun nor distinctioun could
weill be maid. The Spanish cam joyfullie without any scruple
or cerimony; bot the French sent first to visit his place and
thinking it bot of equall qualitie with the uther, taking no notice
that the uther was ane extraordinar for this tym, and he bot a
leager, refussed to cum at all and remains yit with sum
discontentment. On scaffold being hung and maid reddie for
the rest of the ambassadouris, the Venetion and Savoyan came,
bot the Staits ambassadour refuissed, fearing competence with
the Savoyan, alledging for him he had ordour from his Lordis
to give place to none efter monarchis bot to the Stait of
Veneice, and to evit scandall cam not at all.

Some ten dayis past the Countes of Buckingham invited
Ladie Jeane Maneris, the Erle of Rutlandis doughter, to go to
visit a ladie, hir father not being present. Sche went without
his knouledg, and was that nicht keept still with the Countes
and feisted by the Marques that nicht and the nixt. MHir father
wold not suffer hir to be sent for. The thrid day sche was sent
hom, bot hir father wold not resave hir, bot sent hir bak saying,
since sche went without his privitie or command he sould keip
hir that had hir, till schoe proved ane honest woman. So
schoe remainis with hir aunt, the Ladie Knevet, and the Erle of
Rutland miskens all.

1626, April 1 to 23 December, 1629.—Fourteen accounts cf
the receipt and expenditure of his Majesty’s money by Sir
Henry Wardlaw, during this period. :

1626, May 6. Westminster—Sir George More to “John,
Earle of Mar, Lord Treasorer of Scotland, knight and companion
of the most noble Order of the Garter, and of his Majesties
most honorable Privie Counsell.” Sending copy of ordinance
made at a chapter held at the Palace of Westminster on 27%
April, 1626, by which it was ordained that the knights of the
Order shall wear in all places and assemblies, when not wearing
their robes, ‘‘an escuchion of the armes of St. George (that is to
saie) a crosse within a garter not inriched with pearles or stones,
that the wearing thereof may be a testimony apt to the world
of the honor they hold from the said most noble Order,
instituted and ordayned for persons of the highest honor and
greatest worth.”
151

1626, November 4. Holyroodhouse.-—Obligation by William,
Earl of Angus, Lord Douglas and Abernethy, narrating that
Thomas, Earl of Melrose, had dealt with him through his friend,
Sir George Auchinleck of Balmannow, to defer proceeding in
serving himself as heir to any of his predecessors until 10”
December next (1626), before which time the Earl of Mar and
his son, Lord Erskine, would be moved by friends to settle all
questions between them, and “that the said Erle of Mar and his
sone sall renounce all reicht they, thair airis or successouris can
pretend to my landis of Gedvart Forrest as air to Dame Elizabeth
Dowglas, Countes of Mar, or to any place or honouris belonginge
to me by any infeftment of the erledome of Angus, and sall
ratifie my infeftment.” In consideration of this, and at the
desire of the Earl of Melrose and Sir George, Angus undertakes
to defer proceeding with the service of his brieves until the
said day, but no longer ; witnesses: Sir George Auchinleck (who
is also writer of the deed) and Robert Dowglas, servitor to the
Earl of Angus. The deed is not signed by Angus, and the Earl
of Mar has written at the foot: “My Lord of Mar wes always
content to refer all questions to freinds, bot never wold bind
himself to renunce anything bot on sic tearms as freinds
sould think meitt ;” and on the back, “Copy of my Lord Angus
first wrett to delay his service.”

JoHn, Haru or Mar, to Kina Cuarues THE First.

1626, December.—Most sacred soverane, The wisdome and
guidnes wherewith God hath abundantlie replenished your
royall hart, makes us hope and bege that your Majestie maybe
gratiouslie pleased to permitt us to exhibite to your juditious
and equitable consideratioun this our faythfull remonstranc and
most humble and submissive petitioun.

Many of your Majesteis royall progenitouris, and speciallie
Queine Marie, your grandmother, and your father of glorious
and ever blessed memorie, calling to thair remembrance the
faythfull and memorable service done be some of us and many
of our predecessoris and authores, quhen thair crounes and lywes
wer indangered by the joyned counsellis, forces and fraud of
Popishe potentates and rebellious subjectis, tending to subver-
sioun of religioun and state, and withstanding your blissed
father atteining to his richteous inheritance of the croun of
Ingland, did royallie rewarde the bloode, meanis and trawellis
of us and our predicessors, by infeftmentes, erectiounes, grantis
of landis, teynds, patronages, offices, jurisdictiounes, priviledgis
and frie tenours whiche wer adwysed and drawen up be your
Majesteis Advocatis, judges and lawyers of the best fame,
learning and experience in the bypast and present tymes, quho
gave assurance to thair clientis and freindis, that thair titles
and securities wer perfyte walide in law. For farder corroboratioun
quhairof by thair’ adwyse sume of our ryehtis wer originallie
granted in Parliament, and many utheris amplie ratified by your
Majestie and Estaites of the kingdome, as the most accomplished
perfectioun which could be interposed to any inviolable title of
152

inheritance within this realme. Be wirtew quherof we and our
antecessouris and predicessouris in richt have peceblie possest
our afoirsaid inheritances by the favour, justice and protectioun
of your evir blissed father, your grandmother, and uther royall
progenitouris without any contraversie or questioun, and have
obteinet thame many ways authorized by innumerabill
sentences of the Lords of Sessioun, and most eminent judges of
this state, resting thairby confident that we and our posteritie
sould enjoye the lyk securitie and quyetnes under your Majestie,
comparable in justice and bountie to the best and most famous
of all preceiding kingis, till now your Majesteis Advocatis with
concurrence of some counsellouris at law, in your Majesteis
name and for your interess, intendit actioun and cawsed
summond us, and many utheris, your Majesteis faythfull
subjectis, to heir and sie our richtis and heritabill titles of the
befoir mentionat nature, reducet and improvin. And altho
your Majestie maybe informed that the event of this doeth only
cencerne us and utheris quho ar expreslie summond (whose
number, qualitie and interest [ar] in sume sort considerable),
that it is more nor manifest that thowsandis more of your
faythtull subjectis quho have at deir raites purchessed from us
and our predicessouris large portiounes of landes and teyndis
ather mediatlie or immediatlie may by the event of this action be in
equall danger with us of irreparable ruine, so that we may trewly
affirme that your Majesteis revocatioun taking effect (even with
the limitatiounes conteinet in your Majesteis proclamatiounes)
and sentence being pronuncet, and putt to executioun againes the
multitude interest by this summondis, according to the
conclusioun and desyr thairof, may bring more irreparable ruine
to ane infinite number of families of all qualities in everie
regioun of this land than wes in any former aage inflictit upoun
our forbeares by the srewdest and fearcest froounes of adwerse
and maling fortoun; because the vicissitude of humane accidentis
and conversioun of tymes and effaires left meanes to the afflictet
pepill of the deplorable dayes to repair (suppoise slowlie) the
overthrowes of the ruined estaites. Bot gif your Majesteis
revocatioun and actioun of reductioun presentlie depending
sould tak from us and so many utheris interessed tne titles
of our lawchfull inheritance, no course of tyme nor affaires,
being the lyf and sowle of your subjectis, can assuire or promeiss
to us any probabill hope of recoverie of our wreched and perished
estaites; nothing in that case resting to the maist pairt of us
but dignitie without meanes, families without mantenance, and
burding of annuelrentis and debtes to our creditouris and such
as we ar obliest to warrand, quho by our inhabilitie to keip
promeis, band and fayth to thame, will become pertakers of our
miseries. We ar no wayes diffident of the sufficiencie of our
titles, and much less of your Majesteis justice and bountie, bot
the instance laitlie maid to have your revocatioun registrat in
the Bukis of Sessioun to have the strenth of ane decrit of thes
eminent judges against us, and exceiding many more of your
Majesteis subjectis, incited and unhard, contrar to, your gracious
153

intentioun expressit be two proclamationes published and
printed, and our principall advocatis, acquented with the
secrites of our richtis, whose assistance we expectit in defence
thairof, being now our persewaris in the reductioun and impro-
batioun intendit, forces us to have recourse to your sacred
Majestie, humblie beseiking yow graciouslie to beliewe that as
we ar most unwilling to oppose ony of your royall intentiounes,
bot rather frielie and faythfullie disposed to spend our lywes
and fortounes in your service, so we expect and maist humblie
bege that eftir dew consideratioun of the manifest prejudice of
so grit number of your faythfull pepill your Majestie may be
pleased to command the afoirsaid registratioun and reductioun
to surcease for a tyme, and ather to call a Parliament, which is
the earnest desyr of all your pepill, extreamlie longing for the
happines of yonr sacred presence, or gif the multitude and
weght of your royall effaires may not grant us the felicitie so
zelouslie and universallie desyred, your Majestie may
bountefullie enclyne to appoint a competent number of best
experimented counsellours, prelatis, noblemen, judges, lawyeris
and pairteis interessed in the bussines to conveine and treat of
all that may concerne your Majesteis proffeitt and patrimony,
and your subjectis lawfull suirteis, by quhome the joynt and
equitable securing of both being impartiallie representit to your
most excellent judgment, such lawchfull meanes may be
adwysed as may giwe all respective satisfactioun to your just
desyres, and supplie to your royall patrimony and effaires,
extraordinallie important in thes difficult tymes, without
irrecoverable overthrow; and that the recompens which your
Majestie offeris to those quho for obedience of your will sall
renunce thair titles as testimonies of thair most humble desyres
to giwe all furderance that they can conceawe to be affectit be
your Majestie may by consent and auctoritie of the Estaites be
secured to thame according to your gracious declaratiounes,
which they ar confident your Majestie dois no less intend than
your auen power and proffeitt; quherin nather our lywes, landes,
guidis nor faythfull endevouris salbe wanting, bot is hartlie
contrabuited for your service and contentment, as our fervent
and sinceir prayers ar and salbe ever powred out to God
Almightie to grant your Majestie long lyfe, constant helthe,
flowrishing and incressing empyre, permanent prosperitie, to
be crowned with immortall renowne upoun earth and endles
blisse in heavin, we rest, etc. [On the back]: ‘ Petitioun
presentit in December, 1626.”

1626.—Observations anent the Commission of Judicatory of
the Exchequer, humbly proponed to his Majesty’s Royal
deliberation (evidently by John, Earl of Mar, Lord High
Treasurer, c. 1626).

This Commissioun off Judicatorie gewis no power of judica-
torie, nor appointtis ony actiounis to be intendit, parteis to be
summound, or sentencis betwixt parteis to be pronuncit.
154

Itt makis one off the principall officearis off the kingdome to be
in effect interdytit, gewing him no power to do onything in his
office without concurrence off ane number joynnit with him,
wtherwayes his proceidingis to be unlaucheful! and null.

It gewis the frie and full power of his office to wtheris who in
his absence maye do all thingis concerning the office more
frielie and absolutelie nor he micht do when he ‘is present.

It makis all suche signatouris concerning landis, patronages,
casualiteis and wther thingis insident to his office, to be
lauchefullie expede bye wtheris in his absence without his
subscriptioun, whiche wes nevir intendit or practised in ony
bygane aige.

His office bindis him to mak compte off all compositiounis,
casualiteis and sowmes off money belonging to his office and
intromissioun, and the commissioun excludis him frome power
or knawledge of thingis insident to his office, whiche maye be
done without his consent or knawledge when ather his lauchefull
effairis, indispositioun and seiknes, to whiche all men ar subject,
or his Majesteis effairis or commandementis, sall mak him to be
lauchefullie absent.

Iff signatouris, giftis and casualiteis expede bye this com-
missioun, bye ony of the commissionaris present, according to
the power gewin to thame, sall be impugned and sochte to be
reducit bye parteis haiffing interrest, it sall bring thame to triall
whiche off the officearis or commissionaris wer present, who wes
Chaneellare off the Excheckare, who was eldest counsallour,
whidder his aige or his being counsallour maid him eldest
counsallour, and to trye the tyme when he wes admittit
counsallour.

And whereas the ordinare commissiounis off Checkare, whiche
is a jurisdictioun off eminent power in materis concerning his
Majesteis rentis, prescrived ordour for directing all materis and
deciding all caussis concerning his Majesteis rentis and
casualiteis propire to the offices off Tresswrarie, Comptrollarie,
Collectorie, and Tressawrarie off new augmentatiounis, this
commissioun forgettis all mentioun off the offices off Comptrollarie,
Collectorie and Tresswrarie off augmentatiounis. And althoe
it maye be trewlie alledgit that thair is no grit respect to be hade
to the offices off Collectorie and Tresswrarie off new augmenta-
tiounis, becaus the benefeit thairoff is now almost extinguished
bye alienatioun off the moste parte off thingis belonging thairto;
yit the Comptrollarie is the cheiff and in effect the onlie office
importing his Majesteis rent and proffeit in the kingdome,
becaus it comprehendis the rewenew of all his Majesteis landis
and customes, whiche is the onlie assured and proffitabill rent
his Majestie hes within the kingdome.

A place is ordanit to be appointtit where everie thing
conserning the Checkare is to be done; bot no power is gewin
be the commissioun to do it.

Parteis interessed or ordanit be the commissioun to be
admonished, bot no ordour gewin for summondis, executioun
thairoff, or legall proceiding thairin.
155

No power gewin for calling parteis comptable. No power
expressit for directing charges and denuntiatiounis aganis the
disobedient.

It is to be rememberit that a formall and ampill commissioun
of Checkare wes grantit bye blissed King James, wherein the
now Archebischope off St. Anrose, thane Archebischope of Glasgw,
wes designed president in anno 1609 or thairbye, whiche
remaned unaltered to his Majesteis deceis.

The neglect off conwening of these commissionaris off
Excheckare, offerris mater to his Majestie to considder what
maye be expected off the diligence and attendance off com-
missionaris, iff cessionaris who ar onlie preceis residentis in
Edinburgh sall be strictlie excludit frome all commissiounis
wherein thei haiff in bypast tymes bene moste frequentlie
employed and haif moste diligentlie attendit; whereas wtheris
whois residence wes in the cuntrie, and who hade no benefeit for
thair attendance, did seldome conwene. And iff his Majestie
allowe feis and pensiounis to suche as he sall now mak com-
missionaris, it is to be feirit that the charge maye excede the
fruittis arising of thair trawellis. And iff he giwe no suche
allowance thair is small hoipe off thair residence.

Tue Haru or Mar to Kina Cuarues THE First.

1627, February. Holyroodhouse.—Most graciouss soveraine, I
render most humble thanks for your Majesteis favorable letter
delyvered to me by the Erlle of Rothess, nether could anything
be mor vylleum unto me then to ondirstand both be your aun
letter as allso be the Erlle of Rothess your Majesteis graciouss
disposition towards your subjects of this kingdom in that itt hes
pleased your royall Majestie to grantt a neu commission to
dealle vith thaem in thess contraversiess by action of lau
intented agaenst thaem. I can never think otherways of thaem
bot thay vilbe most willing to give all possibill satisfaction unto
your Majestie as thay ar able vithoutt thaer utter ruine rether
than to disputt in lau vith thaer soveraine. And for myself my
resolusion hath ever beine, is, and shalbe, to prefer my masters
service and the good of my cuntrie to my aun particular. And
thaerfor I humblie beseech your Majestie to conceave the best of
my sincere intensions and loyall servicess, quhaerin non shalbe
mor forward to prefer my masters service and the publique good
to his aun particular. [For I persuade my self that your Majestie
vill nott esteime me so voyd of sense as nott to ondirstand hou
easie a mater itt is for your royall Majestie to repair my privatt
loss vithoutt any greatt prejudice to your self]*, and so assuring
your Majestie of my continuance in the lyk fidelitie and
sinceritie in your service as J have formarlie doune in the tym
of your father of vorthie memorie and as doth becom a treu and
faethfull servantt, efter the kissing of your sacred hands I rest,
your Majesties most humble subject and servitor, J. Mar.
Copy. ,

 

* The part of the letter in brackets has been scored out.
186

Tur Eart or Mar to Kine Caarues tHe First, and
Directions To THE Earu’s son, Harry.

1627, March 19. Holyroodhouse.—Most graciouss Sovereing,
The gretest of my vardlie desyres being to end my lyf in your
Majesties good grace, as I did happelie enjoy that of your
blessed father in the courss of my bypast lyf by his bountifull
acceptans of my faithfull endevors, as veill in continuall
attendanss upon his sacred person as by my reddie obediens of
all his royall commandmentis, in maters of such qualitie as his
trust did exceidinlie honor me in so greatt a charge as God maed
me happie by the successe to his Majesties contentmentt. Now
quhen my age and infirmitie disables me from such performansis,
as I still vish I micht adde to quhat is bypast, I have found that
sum men, quho onder colour of mor zeale to your Majesties service
nor I can perceive by the courss of thaer dissenis to be treulie
intended, have by such vays as my soone, berar heirof, is
directed by me to signifie unto your Majestie quhen your better
affaeris may allou him the honor of your graciouss heiring, have
studied ether to mak me incur your Majesties displesor by
refusing to give vay to thaer obscure projects, or to be ane
odiouss and onprofitable exemple to others, quho in my opinion
vill nott by my proceiding be moved to tak the lyk courss in
their particulars of the lyk nature, and so vauld make me
hatefull as a man, preferring my privatt interes to the publick
good and your Majesties service. I am, as I vas ever, resollved
to submitt unto your Majestie all that I possess by the favor of
your royall progenitours bestowed upon my predecessors and
myself for our constantt fidelitie and services continued as
manie ages as can be recorded to have bein done by any
subjects in this kingdome, outt of my confience that your
Majestie vill have suche gracious respectt to my ancientt houss
and poore chiidrin in great nomber (to quhom I shall never vish
blessing unless thay persist in thaer forbears course of fidelitie
in your Majesties service), as thay may have some meanes to
save them from that vantt and misarie as may mak thame a
reproche to thair kinred. I vill nott troble your Majestie vith
the particulars nor vith my treu excuss of my so long silence,
butt most houmblie besaiche your Majestie to permitt the
berar to exprese thaem att any tym of your convenientt leasur,
and to believe that no subjectt on earth shall continu more
faithfull in your service or mor ferventt in his daylie prayers
for your Majesties long and happie lyf and reigne then, Your
Majesteis most houmble servantt.

The rest man be by instructions of ill mens projectts to
have forced me by the first commission ether to have renunced
all I had or to have incurred his Majestis displesure for my
refuse.

That thay have striven to bring me in the first quarter outt
of the lyk intension.

That thay ar averse from the progress of this commission
becauss itt vill exclude thaem from thair gridie houps of all the
tithes to them sellves.
167

That thay vithstand his Majestis just intension to all heritours
i have thaer aun teynds for the peymentt bott vald still possesse
thers.

The burding of my debtts.

The provisions of my childrene apoynted to have beine outt
of that quhilk his father gave me for service that vas nott
onprofitable. Gif thay shall nott have mentinance thatt vay I
vilbe forced to leive thaem beggers. Copy.

Kine CHarues THE First to the TREASURER AND TREASURER-
DEPUTE OF SCOTLAND.

1627, May 25. Whitehall—Cuarues R.—Right trusty and
welbeloved cousin and counsellour and trusty and welbeloved
counsellour, wee greete yow well. In regaird wee think it fitt
that all signatoures and wreittes that are to passe our hand or
the handes of our commissioners should be so formallie and
lawfullie done as neither our subjects nor wee should in aniewise
be wronged; and understanding perfectlie that none have reason
to looke so narrowlie unto those thinges concerning our revenues
or casualties of -our crown as yow in regard of the charge yow
have from us, wee are therfor well pleased and do hereby
authorise yow that from henceforth yow stopp anie such
signature or wreitt either that shall passe our hand here or
under our cachet there, as yow shall have just reason to think
that the passing thereof will prejudge us, and that untill such
time as yow advertise us of the hurt or inconvenient that may
thereby redound unto us. So wee bid yow farewell. From our
Court at Whitehall, the 25 of May, 1627.

Addressed :— To our right trustie and welbeloved cousin and
counsellour and to our right trustie and welbeloved counsellour,
the Earle of Mar, our Treasurer, and Sir Archbald Naper of
Mercheston, knicht, Treasurer-deputie in our kingdome of
Seotland.

Tye Haru or Mar to Kine Cuarures tae First.

1627, July 4. Holyroodhouse.—Mostt graciouse Sovereing, I
could nott omitt to troble your sacred ears vith this shortt letter
altho I knau this gentilman berar heirof can mor fullie acquentt
you vith all particulars concerning your Majestis service in this
cuntrie. In my pour judgementt the principall thing your
Majestie hes to advertt unto (nocht overseing your aun profeitt)
is the good of your subjects vith quhom I doo nott doutt bott
outt of your justice and greitt judgementt your Majestie vill
deill vith aene equall hand. I vill nott troble your sacred eys
vith my long serybling bott vill remitt all particulars to this
berar. Thus most humblie craving pardon for my presumsion,
efter the kissing of your royall hands I rest, your Majestis most
humble subjectt and servitor, J. Mar. Copy.

(On the back it is stated that the letter was sent by Sir
Archibald Achesoone).
158

1627, July 10—My freinds information att my going to
London. “Dell amico.”

1. To trye the dispositioune of the tyme and the affectioune
of persones so far as may be indirectlie, and by suche as by past
proof yee know to be your particular and assuired freinds, and
who respect yow more nor any pairtie with whome yee have to
doe.

2. At your first comeing to the toun pretend no busines butt
Jhones erectioun and teynds to see the generall course, because
when Harie offerred in his fathers name to have dealt
particularelie the pairtie would not; and now sence maters ar
putt in the pairties will, yee intend after knowledge of his
resolutioun in the generall to adverteis Johnne, becaus yee ar
assuired he will doe what shalbe thoght fitt.

8. That the goodwyff moved Johnne to caus yow mak the
jornay for the interest of hir dearest freinds in that kynd.

4. Be carefull to learne how far the Laird hes proceided and
expressed himselve in the bussines he proponed to Johnne
befoir he went away, and if yee rencounter with him yee may heare
als muche as he pleases to tell yow, geveing suche trust as ye
know he merits. In conferrence with him or the old man or
the young ye must be provyded of patience and distrust in a
fair maner.

5. Your greatest care must be to learne what those people
intend, by whom they deale and ar assisted, what respect they
find in particulars, sence itis noght to be doubted butt they will
gett countenance and good generall woords.

6. Be carefull to meet Williame in his returne. Try als
particularlie by him as yee can how he is affected to those
people and specialie to the young man, and whidder he inclynes
to that young man or to his good brother. By him also yee
may learne whiche of our people hes the trust of his affairs, and
it were not amisse that he recommended your busines to thame
by a letter, if yee think fitt to crave it and he to wreate it,
otherwayes yee may misken it.

7. Yee must speak to all men kyndlie or not at all of the
skipper, becaus it is thought manye speaks evill of him to try
mens mynds and report what they heere.

8. It is fitt yee learne what secreit wayes the depute used
there, what were his projectes, who assisted thame, and upoun

whom he relayes, and specialie what termes ar betueene him
and Williame.

9. IfJames can find any hand some meane to cause some
haveing credite of the goodman to persuade him to prease the
old man to quyte his tuo offices, it will perchance mak him
more moderat in maters concerneing others.

10. At your first comeing to toune I would not wische yow
to entir too soone to your busines but stay some tyme till yee
see the course of the marcat and thereefter mak use of it.
°

159

11. Be not passionat in James his busines and persuade him
to patience, for his pairtie will tempt him to impatience and tak
advantage therof befor there judge.

12. The questioun anent the peats will in my oppinioun doe
ill to his cause and mak him odious if it be not mitigat.

13. When tyme serves, yee may seeke the renewing of Johns
office. But I would mak that the last of my earands rather then
mix it with the other greater, wherein by way of gentle
regrate it may be told that Johns misluk hes beene suche that
when he wes persewing his lawfull actiones the common course
of justice hes beene interrupted by credite of his adversars, and
ever he haid beene putt to extraordinar trouble and charges by
there meanes, howsoone he obteaned sentence he dealt so
favourablie with his pairties as he gave thame almost the full
worthe of the land, and haid no suche advantage in the eas of the
pryce as might have refounded the half of his expenses.

14. That there is nocht any pairtie with whome he hes
questione, but he shalbe content befoir he proceid further in law
with thame to submitt there controversie to freinds, with declara-
tioune that howsoone any pairtie shall show a valide right he
shall presentlie renunce all actioune. And if before they putt him
and thame selves to more trouble and charges they will aggrie
at the sight of freinds, he shall quyte the thrid of the worth of
his right and more, if freindlie arbitoures think it expedient.
But if any refuise that course it may justlie be desyred that his
actioun be recommended to be decided with expeditioun.

15. If muche be talked of the superiorities, reasones may be
geven why he sould not be hindered for that, sence it is alse
lawfull for him as others to enjoy his right in that kynd. And
if the old men and others in that pairte, who have many more
nor he can obteine by this actioune, will transact with there
maister for there superiorities, he shall quyt his to him ata
cheaper rate.

16. But if the old man refuis to quyte his superiorities
and offices it is als reassonable that Johne possesse his or
recover thame.

Tue Eart or Mar to ais son JOHN,
“To be shaun to his Majestie.”

1627, August. Alloa.—Soone Jhoone, By your letter I doo
perceive that his Majestie thinks he vill deill no farther in this
mater of the valuasion and pryces of theiths nor of feu deuteis,
till first he onderstand that itt be remitted to him by the sellars
alls veill as itt is doun by the byars. This is the occasion of my
wrytting of this letter unto you att this tym. I prey you assur
his Majestie from me thatt I vill submitt unto him all that I
have ether of teinds, superiorities or feu deuteis. I have vryttin
this letter to you rether than to troble his Majestie vith my evill
serybling. God forbid that I should go bak vith that quhilk
both myself and my vyf did signifie to his Majestie be our soone
160

Harie. Itt var both follie and falshod in me to doo itt and I
knau my master vill think me a mor honest man than to play
sic triks. Itt is treu ye knau my straetts ar grett and very grett,
and I doo nott doutt bott his Majestie vill have respectt to his
auld servantt, his houss and childring being both in sic straitts
as ye knau. This is all I can say att this tym, bott only
quhousoun ye have doun your bussiness thaer hest you hom,
and have a caer that the bonsetter be caerfullie sentt unto me.
So I rest, Your loving father, Mar. Copy.

1627, August.—Submissions made to his Majesty by the
Earls of Roxburgh, Melrose and Landerdale. Copy made
“for your Lordships self onlye.”

Copy of my Lord Roxbrughes letter te the Kingis Majestie.

Moist sacred Soveraigne, Being informed by Sir Johne Stewart
of Traquair, and haveing sein an lettir direct under your
Majesteis awin hand to the Lord Balmerinocht and him
testefying that your pleasure is to have a more absolute
submissioun frome these wha hes right by thair erectiounis
then that presentit to your Majestie by the said Lord Balmeri-
nocht and Sir John, and subscryvit by diverse whois rightis
standis by thair erectionis, that it may be absolutely in your
Majesteis handis to sattill and determyne, as sall seym moist
just in your gratious considderatioun, all these contraversies
concerning the valuatioun and pryces of teinds and the pryce
of fewdewties; and I haveing ewir bein bussied since I under-
stood this much of your Majesteis will in that commandement I
hade by your Majesteis lettir for the furtherance I was abill
to mak for men to attend the Erle of Mortoun in this charge
your Majestie hes gewin him for supplie of your just warris
with France, so that I could nevir have tyme, nor yit hes,
to be in plaice where I might resolve so legally as may seym
necissarie for my interes to give obedience unto your Majesties
will. And doubting that delay may mak my trew meyning
appear other then it is, or evir hes bein, I have thocht it meitest
with an loyall hairt under my awin hand in substance to give
your Majestie full satisfactioun, by laying at your Majesties feit
all right and tyttill I have, with full power to determyne at
your pleasure in these aforesaid differences. Whate dois
concerne your Majesties selff, as that of the pryces of the
fewdewties, I nevir maid nor will mak questioun in it. Set
doun whate your Majestie pleases. I am, and sall be, hairtely
content with it; and whate may seim good or necissarie to
your Majestie for the ease of otheris to be done in the
valuatioun and pryces of thair teinds, as is aforesaid, I nevir
doutit, nor do I dout, your Majesties justnes and equitie in
your considderatioun of all particularis betuixt pairties, and
specially whate might concerne my selff. So determyne in the
premises as sall seyme moist expedient to your Majestie, and
I gall hairtely and willingly obey it as in everie thing els
that cane be moist deir to me. And yff at this generall meiting
that sould be at Edinburgh the 29 of this instant thair may be
161

& more commowne consent hade for your Majesties satisfactioun.
none sall more redely further it and more willingly put thair
hand to it then my self. Yff not, by these under my awin hand,
which in all humilitie I desyre may be acceptit of your Majestic,
I do bind myself to abyde at your Majesties determinatioun, and
to renew the same, yff neid be, till your Majestie be fullie
satisfeit with my obedience in the premises. So humblie
eraveing that my faithfull and loyall intentioun may procure
pardoun for all informalitie that may appeir, I forbear forder
trouble at this tyme, and sall evir remayne to my death, your
Majesties moist humble and obedient subject and servand,
RoxBURGHE.

Copy of my Lord Lawderdaills letter to his Majestie.

Moist sacred Soveraigne, Albeit the act of the Commissioun
and lettir presentit to your Majestie by Sir Archibald Atchesone,
frome the commissioneris, seymed to me and many otheris of
bettir judgment sufficiently to tye all those who set thair hands
to it, yit hearing your Majestie did requyre a more particular
submissioun frome those who have erectionis, in that nomber
being one for the Abbacie of Hadyngtoun, I sall nevir shune
io lay my lyfe and fortunes at your Majesties feit, and do heirby
in all humilitie (for any interes I have in boithe these
particularis mentiouned in your Majesties declaratioun to the
Lord Balmerinocht and Sir John Stewart) absolutly submitt to
your Majesteis moist just and royall determinatioun boith whate
sall be the pryce of the fewdewties, and whate sall be the
proportioun and pryces of the tithes dew to me by the
erectioun foirsaid. And as I do heirby declair that this sall be
als valeid to bind me and my airis for ewir to stand to whatso-
ewir your Majestie sall be gratiously pleased to decerne in
the premises, so at our generall meiting which is appointit
to be at Edinburgh the 29 of August, I sall be- moist
willing to concure with and give exampill to otheris to do the
same in a more ample and legall forme. For since I must ewir
acknawledg my self by mo hereditarie obligationis more particu-
larly tyed to your Majesteis service then utheris, I sall be
extream sorie yff in sincere and redy obedience to all your
Majesteis commandementis any sall prevein or go beyond your
sacred Majesties moist humble and moist affectionate subject
and servitour. (Not signed).

Copy of the Erle of Melros submissioun to his Majestiv.

I, Thomas, Erle of Melros, acknawledging the grace and
favour offerit by his Majestie, by his commissioun for surrenderis
and declarationis to the possessouris of erectionis anent the
rateficatioun and renewing of thair private rightis, fewis and
takis of particular landis, teindis, mansionis and otheris thairin
conteanit and humblie accepting the same, for testefycatioun of
my moist hairtie thankfullnes do heirby renunce to his Majestie
all the superiorities belonging to me by the erectionis of Melros
and Coldstream, without any conditioun of recompence bot

K
162

whate his Majestie of his frie bountie sall be pleasit to giff. I
also submitt to his Majestie the satisfactioun to be gewin to me
for each hundreth markis of few maillis or chalder of few ferme
yeirly dew to me by my saidis erectionis, and the estimatioun of
the quantetie and designatioun of the pryce to be gevin to me
for all the tithes belonging to me by my saidis erectionis;
reserving only my private rightis, fewis and takis of church
landis, teindis and otherig according to his Majesties com-
missioun and declarationis befoir mentioned. To all which
premises I heirby bind and obleise me and my airis, and am
content and consent that this my submissioun be extendit in
such ample and legall forme as may best sattisfie his Majestie ;
not douting bot that his Majestie will be gratiouslie pleasit to
considder that I have no erectionis bot whate I have boght
at dear rates, and speciallie Melros frome the late Erle of
Holdernes to whome it was gevin for memorabill service, not
unknowne to his Majestie; to whois good pleasure I absolutely
submit my self by these presentis wretin and subseryvit with
my hand at Edinburgh, the tuentie tuo day of August, a
thousand sex hundreth tuentie sevin yeiris, befoir thir witnesses,
Maisteris Adam Hepburne and Archibald Oswall, and George
Pringill, my servantis. Sic subscribiture, Menros wt my hand;
A. Hepburne, witnes; Georg Pringill, witnes; M. R. Oswall,
witnes.

King Cartes tHe First to the Earn or Mar.

1627, October 11. Whitehall—Cuartes R.—Right trustie
and welbeloved cousin and counsellour, wee greete yow well.
Wee received your particulare submission concerning those
things lately submitted unto us by the Commission for
Surrenders, which wee tak very kindely at your hands, and shall
not be unmyndfull to expres the effects of oure favoure and
respect unto you at the first occasion that can conveniently offer
for doing of the same. But in regarde wee intend to proceed
legallie in this purpose, seing wee have accepted upon us the
decision thereof, wee have been pleased to require oure Advocats
to draw up a legall submission or other securitie which may
stand good in law of all persones interested in the said
particulars, wherein wee do intend so fairely and equitablie to
proceed that no persone shall have just cause to complaine.
Therefore wee are confident that you will go on in that generall
and legall course as you have already showen your affection in
your said particular. And in regarde you are an officer who hath
cheefe charge of oure revenues, besides (as wee have just reason
to conceive) that your knowledge and long experience in
anything that may either concerne oure benefite or the publict
good, may conduce by your advice to our proceedings herein,
wee have thought good to desire your private opinion con-
cerning those things so submitted unto us, wherein wee have
given particular instructiones to oure trustie and welbeloved Sir
Archibald Achesone, knight, to be imparted unto you. So
168

expecting your answere concerning this purpose with the most
convenient diligence that may be, wee bid you farewell. From
our Court at Whitehall, the 11 day of October, 1627.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and welbeloved cousin and
counsellour, the Earle of Marr, our Treasurer of our kingdome
of Scotland.

[This letter is stated to be brought by the Earl’s son John.]

THe Earzt or Mar to Kina Cnarues tue First.

1628, February 11.—Most gracious sovering, (Being enforced
be the onjust calumneis of my onfreinds) I have presumed to
troble your sacred ears vith theis feu lyns. Give itt had beine
Gods plesor to give me habilitie of bodie I should have beine the
messenger my self, bott sens itt is otherways I have sentt up
this berar, my eldest soone, to ansuer to all can be sayed
agaenst me, quhom in all humilitie I vill intreitt your Majestie
to creditt. I can nott bot render your Majestie most humble
thanks that you ar plesed to heir him befoir ye give my partie
any ansuer. My humble seutt only is that your Majestie vill
keip an ear for me, and I houp the combinasion of a number
quha hes only thaer aun privatt ends shall nott move your
Majestie to think any vays of me bott as your Majestis auld and
faithfull servantt, Mar.

(On the back it is stated that the letter is sent by his son
John).

Kine Cuar.es tHE First to [? the Commissioners or Excuequer],

1628, March 26. Whitehall—Cuaries R.—Right trusty and
right weilbelovit cousin and counsallour, right trusty and right
weilbelovit cowsins and counsallours, and right trusty and
weilbelovit counsallours, we greet yow weill. Some articles
contening an overture of a large increase of our yearlie benefite
arrysing by the casualities of wardes, nonentresses and mariages

f heires in that our kingdome, in a faire way without wronging
our subjectis or derogating from our power over the heires of
ward landes, haveing been showin unto us and by us considdered,
we have conceaved weill of the purpose and intend to prosecute
it by granting a lease of those casualities for some yeares upone
the conditiounes propounded in the said overture, though we
wold not fullie determine therein without your advyse. Therfor
wee have sent yow heirwith inclosed the said articles contening
the said overture to be seen [and] considdered be yow befoir
the expeding of any lease thereupone, and our plesour is that
with all diligence yow seriouslie considder thereof as of a
purpose whereof we have taken speciall notice and that
immediatlie thairefter yow signifie your opinion concerneing
the same to Mr. Thomas Hope, our Advocat, to the effect he
may draw up a signatour and lease of those casualities to be past
in favours of any persones whome we sall think fit according as
he sal receave directioun from us, if yow doe approve the said
overture. And if yow doe not approve the same, haveing just
164

and [ne] cessery reasones to the contrarie whereby yow may mak
it evedentlie appear unto us that it is a course tending to our
prejudice and noway good for our service, that yow set doun
those reasones under your handes with a note of what moneyes
have been payed unto us and our late dear father, and maid
accompt of in Exchequer for whatsoever wardes, nonentresses
and mariages of heires in that our kingdome these sevin last
preceiding yeires, and delyver thame to our said Advocat whome
we will to bring thame unto us, because he is by our directioun
to repair unto our court, that we may considder thereof and
signifie our pleasure unto yow concerning the same. Se we bid
yow heartely faireweill. Followes the Articles :—

To the Kings most sacred Majestie——Heere is a propositioun
offered to your Majesteis consideratioune by which (if
your Majestie approve it) your yearlie benifite arrysing
by the wardes, nonentries and mariags of heires in your
Majesteis kingdome of Scotland is offered to be dowbled
and a constant revenew made thairof to your Majestie in
tyme to cum, whereas now it is uncertane.

1. Whatsoever soume of money hath been payed yearlie to
your Majestie or your lait royall father and maid compt of in
your Exchequer and subscrybed accomptis of your rentes,
casualities, or new augmentatiounes of the croune and princi-
palitie these sevin last preceiding yeires (communibus annis the
better to mend the worse) for whatsumever mariages of heires,
wairds, and nonentries of lands, annuelrents, baronyes and
others within your said kingdome, perteining ather to the
croune or principalitie or hauldin of your Majestie or your said
royall father or ony of your nobill progenitours, kinges or
princes therof by service of wairde and releif, untaxed or
intaxed waird, or by whatsoewer uther maner of way or
haulding; tuice so much sall be paide and maid count of
in your Exchequer yearlie dureing the space of sevin yeires nixt
ensewing for the wards, mariags, and nonentries now vaiking in
your handes or perteining to yow and at your Majesteis gift, or
which sall or may be fund to vaik in the handes of your
Majesteis or ony of your successours, kinges or princes of
Scotland, or being at any of thair gifts or dispositioun be
whatsoewer maner of way at any tyme dureing the said space,
and good sufficient securitie sall be fund for that effect, if your
Majestie sall be pleased to farme those casualities and grant a
lease thereof, dureing the said space or further dureing your
Majesteis plesour to the propounder heirof, or uthers whome he
sall nominate and think fitt.

2. And least it micht be thought the takismen of those
casualities (Gf your Majestie grant a lease thereof) may wronge
your subjectis whose wards, mariags and nonentries ar now
vaiking or sall vaik dureing the tyme of the lease, by hard usage
and exacting more than your Majesteis due, this offer sall be
maid goode and the lease accepted upone those ensuing
conditiounes, to witt :—
165

3. That no more sall be takin for the compositioun of ech
untaxed warde then the thrid of your Majesties and your said
successours due, els if the landes of any heire being in warde
sall be found to be worthe three hundreth pundis of yearlie
revenew, tuo hundreth thairof sall be allowed to the heire and
awner of the landes for ech yeir of the warde, and the takismen
sall onlie have and exact the thrid of thair due, wheras now the
whole rentis and duties of untaxed warde lands may be taken up
and intrometit with by your Majestie or your donatour dureing the
tyme of the said waird; and for such wards as ar taxed, the
takismen sall onlie have and exact the taxed duties thairof for
thair due.

4. That no more gall be taken for the mariage of any heire
which is taxed then the taxed duties thairof, and for the mariage
of ech heire which is untaxed on years rent of the landes and
uther inheritances whereunto the heires succeideth. And if any
heir or heires whose mariags ar now vaiking or sall vaike during
the tyme of the lease sall not lyke of that conditioun, the
takismen sall in place thereof accept that which in lawe may
be fund due to your Majestie or your said successours for those
mariags, and sall also acquit a fowerth pairt thairof in favor of
those heires, els if fower hundreth pundis sould be found due
to your Majestie or ony of your said successours for the mariages
of ony of those heires who sall not agrie to the said conditioun
of on yeares rent, as said is, the takismen sall accept of three
oe thairof for there due and quit the fowerth in favor of
the heire.

5. That no more sall be taken for the compositioun of ech
nonentrie then the half of your Majesties and your said
successours due, els if for ony one nonentrie, tuentie punds sould
be fund due to your Majestie or your said successours, the
takismen sall onlie have and exact tenn thereof for there due,
and the other tenn sall pertein to the heires and owners of the
landes and uthers which sall be fund in nonentrie. And, further,
if ony landes now being in nonentrie sall be fund be the
negligence of the heires to have been and remained soe any
langer space then the said sewin last preceiding yeires, the
takismen sall exact no more for the nonentrie thairof for any
yeir preceiding the said last sevin yeires then such resonabill
compositioun as the owners of those landes sall agrie upone
with the takismen, or uthervise if they can not condiscend,
such reasonabill compositioun as your Majestie and your
Treasurer and officers of the Exchequer for the tyme being sall
appointe.

6. That the heires and awners of all landes sall have the
wardes and nonentries of there owin landes, togither with the
mariags when they fall, disponed to them upone the foirsaid
conditiounes, and sall be prefered to all uthers thereanent,
unless your Majesties speciall warrant be to the contrarie. And
if ather upone your Majesteis warrant or refusall of the heires
and owners of the said landes to deale on those termes, any of
166

thair wairds, mariags or nonentries sall be disponed to other
persones, sufficient securitie sall be fund by those persones to
preserve the houses, parkes and yairdes perteining to those
heires and awners from all prejudice according to the lawes of
that kingdome dureing the tyme of the wairde or nonentrie
which sall be to rune and contayned in the grants thereof
maid to those persones.

7. That if by transactioun with the pairties or uthervyse,
your Majestie sall reduce any waird, landes and mariags of heires
which now ar haldin in taxed warde to be hauldin warde and
releif of your Majestie efter the ordinarie forme of untaxed ward
lands and mariags, efter any of them sall be so reduced, if they
fall to be in warde dureing the tyme of the said lease, the
takismen sall onlie have and exact for there due of those wards
and mariags dureing the tyme of the said lease suche duties as
they ar now taxed unto, and what more your Majestie sall be
pleased to allowe in favours of the takismen, and what further
pairt of your Majesties due more then the said taxed duties your
Majestie and your said officers for the tyme being sall think fitt
and ordaine to be taken for the compositiounes thairof, sall
accrease and pertein to your Majestie and be counted for
accordinglie in your Exchequer yearly by the takismen.

8. If any sall object against this course of farmeing the
said wairds, mariags and nonentries, alledging your Majestie to
be prejudiced by quyting the thrid of your due of ech ward and
the half of your due of ech nonentrie, and by restraining your
due of ech mariage to one years revenew of the inheritances of
the heires, this offer to dowble your benifite doeth ansuer it, and
the quyting and restraint is rather in prejudice of takismen then
your Majestie. Nevirtheles it sall be in your Majesties and your
said officers optioun dureing the tym of the lease to have what
further parte yow please of your due more nor the particular
rates abonespecefeit exacted for those casualities, in which case,
whereas now at the particular rates abonespecefeit your benifites
offered heirby to be dowbled, if your Majestie and your said
officers sall think fitt and ordain a greater part to be taken for
ony of those casualties then the particular rates abonewrittin,
your benefite sall be augmentit and maid count of yearlie in your
Exchequer accordinglie.

9. If any sall object aganis this course of bringing the said
casualities to a constant revenew as being derogatorie to your
Majesties power ower the heires of ward landes, it is answered.
This doeth noway diminich it, seing it is alwayes in your
Majesties optioun ether to shaw favour by permiting thair
wardes mariages and nonentries to be componed at the
particular rates abovespecefeit, or uthervyse to have what
further pairt of your due yow please to be exacted and maid
count of in your Exchequer. Nether sall any heires of any waird
landes have thair wairds or mariags disponed unto them where
your Majestie sall give any speciall warrant to the contrarie, but
they sall be disponed to such persones as your Majestie by your
167

warrant sall appointe, the takismen geting alwayes thair dues
abovespecefeit for the compositiounes thairof. And further, if
your Majestie sall think fitt and ordaine so to be, no ward or
mariage sall be disponed till your Majestie be advertised, that
yow may signifie your pleasure thairanent; or if your Majestie
sall not think it expedient to restrain the passing of all wardes
and mariags till yow be advertised, but onlie of nobilmen and
barrones haveing at least five hundreth pundis sterling money
of yearly revenew of inheritance or any uther certaine propor-
tioun of revenew which your Majestie sall be pleased to express,
it sall be performed accordinglie.

10. If any sall object against this course or alledge it to be a
restraining of your Majesteis bountie from revairding your
servants or other weill deserveing subjectis with the benefite of
these casualities, ij is ansuered your gracious bountie is nather
heirby limited or restrayned, but a meanes rather offered
whereby your Majestie may more liberally gratefie such as yow
please in such maner as your Majestie may certainlie know what
yow give and the receayrers acknowledge it.

11. If in any Parliament to be haldin in that kingdome
within the tyme of any lease to be granted heirupone your
Majestie, with the advyse and consent of your Estaits thairof,
sall think fitt and decree for the good of your Majestie and your
successors to change all the waird tennor of that kingdome into
heritabill taxed wairde or few haldinges, this course sall noway
hinder or prejudice it, and till such course be takin (if any sall
be at all) by this the benefite which your Majestie and your said
royall father have gottin for those casualities, these said
preceiding yeires, sall be largelie encreased these ensuing yeires,
and maida constant yeirlie revenew; whereas formerlie it was
uncertane, and that without derogatioun to your power ower the
heires of waird landes.

12. Ifany sall object against this course of setting doun a
certaine rate for the compositiounes of those casualitiés as
prejudiciall to your Majesteis Treasurer and uthers officers of
Exchequer, it is ansuered, As certane rates ar alreddie set doun
and appointed to be payed to the keipers of your Majesties seales
for ech grant of those casualities which sall pas, your Majestie
may lykvise (if yow think fitt) without ony inconveniencie or
wronge to your said Treasurer and officers of Exchequer, appoint
a certaine xaite to be taken for them then the particular rates
above expressed, and consequentlie your benefite further
ineresed (if yow think good). Nether doeth this course ony way
prejudice your said officers in any fee or benefite which your
Majestie formerlie hath or sall heirefter be pleased to allowe or
grant them. Nether is thair any dignitie or preceedencic
belonging to thair said places heirby diminiched. And the
yearly duties heirby offered to your Majestie for those casualtics
sall be yeirly payed and made count of in your Ixchequer and
delyvered to your officers thairof and the receavers of your
rentis, and soe thair is no seene or appearing prejudice or wrong
168

to them by this course. But if any sall be doubted or objected
it gall be ansuered and satisfied according to reason, and this
offer still maid good to your Majestie; and thairfoir the
propounder heirof humblie entreateth (if your Majestie think fitt)
that efter your Majestie hath considdered of this owerture, if
yow lyk of it, it may be sent to be lykvyse seen and considdered
by them, and thair opinions thereanent retorned to your
Majestie.

These ar the articles recommended by his Majestie unto
his Exchequer in Scotland, 26 of March, 1628. Signed, W.
ALEXANDER. Contemporary copy.

Tue Fart or Mar to Kine Cuarues THE First.

1628, July 18. Holyroodhouse.—May itt pleis your Majestie,
having upon the 14 of this instantt receved your graciouss letter -
declarmg your intention to be heir in this your Majesties
ancientt kingdom very shortly, altho I am assured thar could
cum no mor acceptable neus to all your good subjectts, yitt thay
could nott be mor vyllcum to any than to your Majestis auld
leam servantt, quha is almost outt of all houpe ever to
see you, my deir master, except be this or the lyk
occasion. In any thing thatt shall by vithin the compas of my
pouar or creditt I humblie beseich your Majestie to be assured
thaer shalbe no inlaek in me. Yitt being bound in deutie to
vrytt the treuth unto your sacrett Majestie the things I most
feir ar tuo, the on lak of munie, the other lak of tym, the last
being a thing nott in the pouar of man except itt pleis your
Majesties self to prolong your cuming. For munie thaer is non
in your coffers; your houssis ar in so evill caes as I feir, ye, nott
only I bott the Master of Work and all your best and most
skillfull servantts heir thinks itt onpossible that agaenst the
tym prefixtt in your Majesties letters thay can be reddie to
receive you according to that majestie that doth becom you, or
the creditt that doth belong to this your pour bott ancientt
kingdom. This berar, your Majesties particular servantt, cane
relatt unto you the estett of the office of tresuarie and quhou
that this long tym bygon I have ever bein declaring that your
housis ar in disrepair, and yitt vas forced to obey your Majestis
other liberall grantts. He can also shau your Majestie quhou
lytill houp thaer is that things in so short tym can be doune
withoutt graett shaem to this cuntrie. Quhaerof I doutt nott
bott your Majestie vilbe sensibill. For my self disposs of me
and all I can doe as shall seim best in your Majesties aun eis.
Thus in all humilitie craving pardon for my bauldness and
preying God to send your Majestie a long and happie reing,
I rest, your Majestis most humble servantt, J. Mar.

The Tresurar-deputie is presently thaer. Itt is knaun to the
varld my nott only age bott graatt infirmittie. At sic grett
tyms as this is he should eis me of sum paens. I humblie
beseik your Majestie to command him to cum hom vith speid.

(On the back it is stated that the letter is sent with Mr. David
Fullarton).
169

Tue Privy Councin or Scotuanp to the Earn or Mar.

1628, August 8. Holyroodhouse.—After our verie hairtlie
commendationes to your goode Lordship. Whereas wee haif
subscryvit the patent grantit be his Majestie to the Harle of
Linlithqw for making of powder upoun suche cautionrie and
provisionis as the Counsaill after goode advyse thoght fitting to
sett doun, we haif thoght goode to certifie your Lordship of the
same to the intent your Lordship may lykewayes subseryve the
signatour that no longer delay nor stop may be maid for passing
of the same through the seales. And so committing your Lordship
to the protectioun of the Almightie, wee rest, your Lordships
verie assured goode freindis, Sancr ANDREWS, MonterrH, Havinton,
Hamittox, 8. Tromas Hop, ScorrisraRvETT.

THe Karu or Mar to Kina Cuarnues THe First.

1628, October 15. Alloa.—Most gracious sovereing, Being
certified be a letter from my cousing, the Erlle of Kellie, of your
Majesteis gracious favor towards me in being pleased nott to
give vay to the onjust demands of any particular parteis tili
furst ye should heir my ansuers, I could nott oversie my duetie
so far as nott in all humilitie to give your Majestie most humble
thanks for your just resolution. In my Lord of Kelleis letter to
me he vrytts that your Majestie hes commanded a letter to be
sentt unto me from your Majesteis aun hand, signiefieing thaer
desyrs tuiching your Majesteis Advocatt and vithall to knau my
ansuer and quhat I vald say quhy itt should nott be. This
letter I have nott sein nor is nott cummed in to my hands, only I
have receved a letter from Mr. Galluay, Master of the Requests,
quhilk I confess unto your Majestie to my judgementt is of aene
odd and oncouth straen. Bot lest my onfriends should pres to
tak advantage and think that I am neclective of your Majesteis
commandmentt I have directed this berar, my eldest soon, to
mak ansuer to any thing can be sayd in my contrar, quhom in
all humilitie I beseik your Majestie to credeitt, assuring allways
my self that your Majestie vill nott suffer me to gett vrong, nor
that in makkin your Majestie my partie in a Parliament any
novelties should be begun upon me your auld leam servantt,
quhas gretest ambision is as I have livedd so to die, your
Majesteis most humble subject and servantt, J. Mar.

(On the back it is stated thait this letter is sent by his son
John).

1628, November 10. Whitehall—King Charles the First to
the Viscount of Duplin, Chancellor, the Earl of Menteith,
President, and remanent members of the Privy Council. To cause
the fines imposed at the Circuit courts to be collected by the
Treasurer and his deputes and brought into Exchecker, and that
out of the first brought in there be payment made of the sum
granted by the King to the Lord of Lorne for surrendring his
office of Justiciary. Further, the clerks of Court are to give
extracts containing the names and offences of the persons fined
and the amount of their fines.
170 :

Kine Cuaries tue First to the Commissioners FoR SURRENDERS.

1628, November 15. Whitehall,—Haveing considered of the
course that yow have taken for the more speedy valuatioun of the
heritours estates and that the true tithes may be known by
appointing the presbyteries throughout all the kingdome to
make choice out of everie one of them of such a nomber of
persones fitt for that purpose as yow have condiscended upoun,
wee like verie well of the same. And to the effect that no delay
may be oceasioned by appellatiounes from them to the great
Commission, but that their report may have trust, oure pleasure
is that yow give unto suche as shall be chosen commissionares
full and absolute power for proceeding to make the valuatiouns
of the constant rent of the said heritours estates, after the maner
of tryall that hath bene heretofore by yow agreed upoun at your
last meeting, admitting them and giving them charge to prosecute
the service enjoyned unto them with due consideratioun, and with
such indifferency that no person in soe farre as in them lyeth
may have just cause to complaine; and if anie person after they
have determined therein shall complaine, wee are well pleased
(if a Parliament shall finde by goode evidences that anie partic
is wronged either by any mistakeing of the sayd commissionares
or by any partiality in them) to appoint a commission to be
chosen by the Parliament with power to them to determine in
these particular complaints as they shall finde the cause in equity
to require. And this wee command to be done if yow doe not
advertise us of a better way for the expediting of this great
buisienesse before the 20 day of December next ensueing. So
expecting a speedie answeir of this oure letter wee bid yow
farewell. Contemporary copy.

1628, December 2. Whitehall—King Charles the First to
Sir John Hamilton, Clerk of Register. He had instructed him
to receive any petition the vassals of Marr and Gareoch gave in
against the Earl of Mar in the next Parliament; but as he has
given order to the said Earl and Lord Erskine, his son, to secure
him in anything concerning his interest in the case, and is
unwilling to show himself a party with any of his subjects, he
requires him likewise to receive any defences given in by the
said Earl and his son.

1628.—Papers entitled “The danger wherein the kingdome
now standeth, and the remedy,” written by Sir Robert Cottoune
and sent to the Earl of Mar.

1629, March 14. Whitehall—King Charles the First to the
Viscount of Duplin, Chancellor, the Earl of Mar, Treasurer, the
Lord Naper, Treasurer-depute, and remanent Lords of Exchecker.
Several notorious malefactors in rebellion for murders and other
crimes haunt the bounds within which he has granted a
commission of justiciary to the Earl of Murray, who may possibly
upon suggested pretences apply to them for remissions. These
he forbids them to grant without first communicating with the
Karl of Murray, and obtaining true information as to the life
and conversation of the applicants.
171

GrorGE, Viscount Durpiin, to the Earn or Mar.

1629, September 28. Perth——My most honorabill and most
noble goode Lord, After my cumming to Edinburgh, [not] finding
the rols, accounts, suspensiones, inventaires and uther papers
concerning the taxation, without whiche hardlie can I or my
under officeares collect what is yet not brought in, nor understand
the estait of the extraordinar taxation, without great paines and
charges, I sent for James Primrose, whom I fand willing, as
lykewayes his brother son at the first to bring all the papers to
me. But when I had sent tuo dayes efter for the youth he told
me that since my asking for them my Lady Marre had receaved
thame in a chest from his mother. Upon this I went to my
Ladye, who shew me that she wold not delywer them till she
receaved advertisement from your Lordship, whiche she hoped
to have within sum four or five dayes. The first Counsell
day thairefter ordre wes given that sum of the Counsell left
in Edinburgh for that purposs micht sie the papers sorted
whiche wer in James Primros and the widowes hands, and suld
desyre my Lady to let the chest be sighted. But my Ladye
being onwilling, and the uther papers shewen to them by others
being of small use, nothing wes done. Now I have raised letters
upon my gift to charge the havears for delyverie to me of thes
papers, but I will forbeare to have hir name hard; hoping that
befoir this your Lordship hath sent hir worde what she shall do,
and that I shali heare from hir at hir returne from the north.
As lykewayes if anye man thair with sinistrous information
wolde preasse his sacred Majestie to put ane effront upon me by
making another clerk then I mak according to the power given
to me under his great and privie seales, or attempt as Nithisdale
and Naper did the last yeare by suggesting fals and ill grounded
reasons to rob me of the hope of collecting off the taxatione when
any shalbe for supporte of my place and estait, I assure my self
your Lordship will oppose and stryve, if occasion be presented, to
confirme his Majestie in his resolutioun for me, as your Lordship
wes pleased onrequyred the last yeare to assure me by my Lord
Isrskine. And so I shall ever deserve with the best services can
be performed by, your Lordships humble and affectionate servant,
Dup.ine.

Addressed:—To the right honorabill my verie nobil good Lord
the Earl of Marre, Lord Highe Tresaurer of Scotland, and one
of his sacred Majesties most honorabill Privie Counsell in both
kingdomes.

Kine CuarLes THE First to [the Lorps or Szssion.]

1629, November 26. Whitehall—Right trustie, etc., Whereas
we ar crediblie informit that the Larde off Lie hathe led of sum
landis the tithes belonging to our richt trustie and weilbelowed
cusing and counsallour the Erll of Marr, our ‘l'ressorare, and
whiche these diverse yeiris haif bene led bye him, wherein we
do excedinglie dislyke off the wtheris proceding, seing bye our
decree we haif appointtit the titularis to keip thair tithes as
formerlie thai did enjoye thame till thei wer first satisfeit for
172

the same according to the said decree; thairfore our plesour is
that with all convenient diligence yow administer justice wnto
the said Hill in ony actioun of his or of ony wther our subjectis
in the lyke caise whiche sall cum before yow tuitcheing this or
the lyke purpose according to the lawes of that our kingdome
prowided in these cases. So we bid yow fareweill. Contemporary

copy.
Kine Cuarues tHe First to the Hart or Mar.

1629, December 8. Whitehall—Cuartes R.—Right trustie
and right welbeloved cousin and counsellour, wee greete you
well. Whereas for provyding a peale of bells for the church of
Halyroodhouse fitt to be hung there against our coming to that
our kingdome, wee have given direction to Sir Henrie Bruce,
maister of our Artelerie, to delyver unto Mr. James Hannay,
minister of that church, these two broken canons in our Castele
of Edinburgh; our pleasure is that no lett nor hinderance be
made herein by you, but that they be forewith delyvered unto
the said Mr. James for the use aforsaid, and if neede be wee are
willing that you be further secured by Act of Counsell. For
which these presents shalbe unto you a sufficient warrant.
Given at Whythall the eight of December, 1629.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and right welbeloved cousin
and counsellour the Earle of Marr, our cheefe Tresorer in our
kingdome of Scotland.

1630, March 9. Edinburgh.—Extract under the hand of the
Clerk of the Court of High Commission of a judicial confession
made by Mr. Joseph Lowrie, minister, who is charged at the
instance of Mr. Patrick Forrest, procurator fiscal of court, with
“misbehaviour and unreverend speeches dispersit be him
againes the Hrle of Mar.” The said Mr. Joseph, being personally
present, humbly confesses his fault, that both in word and
behaviour he has given cause of offence to his Lordship, and
refers himself to his Lordship as to his censure, desiring,
meanwhile, that some of the Lords of High Commission would
intercede with the Earl for him, and testify his most willing
obedience in all respects.

1630, March 11. Whitehall—King Charles the First to the
Earl of Mar, Treasurer. To send Sir James Baillie of Lochend to
Court in connection with the necessary preparations for his
Majesty’s visit to Scotland, and pay him the sum requisite for
his expenses.

1630, March 16. Whitehall—King Charles the First to the
Earl of Mar, chief Treasurer of Scotland. Dr. John Young, Dean
of Winchester, being employed by the late King James in some
service in Scotland, has some money due unto him, the payment
of which is like to be disappointed by the death of Archibald
Primrose, late Clerk of the Taxations, who has taken allowance
for it. The King therefore requires that no gift of the escheat
of the said Archibald’s goods be passed unless his said servant
be first paid of what is due to him.
178

Kine Cartes tHe First to the Harn or Mar.

1630, March 20.—CHartes R.—Right trusty and welbeloved
cousin and counsellour, wee greete yow well. Though wee have
ever beene confident of your affection to our service and of the
continuance of your endeavours in the place wherein yow serve,
yet haveing seene by your letter unto us that in reguard of your
present infirmity yow are willing, if wee be pleased therewith, to
demitt the office of Treasurer in favor of our right trusty and
welbeloved cousin and counsellour, the Earle of Morton; wee
approve of your resolution therein, and upoun your demission
shall presently graunt the sayd place unto him; not doubting
but as yow wrote unto us yow will still be carefull to attend oure
service as one whom wee specially respect. And soe wee bid yow
farewell. From oure Court at Whythall the twentie day of
Marche, 1630.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and right welbeloved cousin
and counsellour the Earle of Marr, High Treasurer of that our
kingdome of Scotland. ‘

THe Marquis or Huntiy to the Haru or Mar.

1630, May 31. Melgum.—My verray honorable good Lord
and loving brother, I cam this far agetuart to have kepit my
prefixit day with your Lordship, bot am forsit be diseis that I
can not go forder for the present, as this berar, my cousing, will
schaw your Lordship. Bot remembering our auld freindships
and kyndnes and allyens, I think fekles particulars suld not
cast us sindrie, seing that we ar both cum to that aige that we
suld think more of the lyfe to cum nor the schort tyme that
nature hes to give us heir. Sua think not, brother, bot I will
ever be willing to do you mor than reson or we suld be hard,
not duiting bot your Lordship will meit me with the lyk
affectioun. The particulars I will remit to this berars credit.
So my loving deutie rememberit to your Lordship and to my
sister, your Lordships bedfellow, I will ever rest, your Lordships
most loving brother to serve yow, Huntivz.

Addressed :—To my verray honorabill guid Lord and loving
brother, the Erlle of Mar.

Kine Cuarues THE First to the Earn or Mar.

1680, July 8. Whitehall—Cuarues R.—Right trusty and
welbelovid cousin and counsellour, wee greete yow well. As
your affection and endeavours to do good service have reaped the
due respect from our late deare father and of late from us, wee
are now verrie confident that yow will omitt no meanes whereby
yow may be serviceable unto us. And therfor these are to
recommend unto yow that yow have a speciall care for furthering
these thinges that are to be proponed for the good of our service
at this Convention of our Estates, whereof yow shall be informed
by our trustie and welbeloved counsellour, Sir William Alexander,
174

our Secretarie. And as yow carrie your self in this yow may
exspect respect from us accordinglie. Soe wee bid yow fairewell.
From our Court at Whythall the thrid day of July, 16380.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and welbeloved cousin and
counsellour the Harle of Mar.

Tue Earu or Mar to Kine Caarues THE First.

1680, September 29.—Most gracious Sovereing, Your Majestie
vas pleased by your letter of the fyftt of July to doo me the
honor to command me to have a caer to looke in tym unto theis
things that concerne my charge for your Majesteis houses, and
provision and preparing all things necessarie for performing
your Majesteis corronation and Parliamentt, quhilk I accompted
to be to me aene exceeding greatt happiness both that I micht
befor I died atteine to the gretest of my vissed joys in this
varld to see your gracious face, and by my endevors in the
obediens of your commandments in a mater of so grett and raire
importance give a testimonie of my endless zealle to doo your
Majestie most humble and faithfull service. In prosecution
quhaerof I have caused by all necessars for reparation of your
housses, and putt so many artificers to vork as I may be ansuer-
able that the reparations shalbe tymlie and sufficientt; and
for provisions to be had in this cuntrie have given sic ordor
that non shalbe vanting in deu tym. And quhaeras I vas
advyseing vith your Counsall for provisions of vyns, bankatine
stuff and other necessareis to be imported from Ingland, and
to send this berare, Jaems Ballyie, yoar Majesteis auld
servantt, and most fitt and onderstanding man, thither for that
purposs, the Lord Naper upon the 24 of this moneth, thocht itt
mor fitt to send to me from his houss your Majesteis letter of
the xxviij of August, nor to meitt and confer vith me anentt your
Majesteis directions; quhilk I thocht the less strange becauss
during the vhole tym of his being in Ingland he never imparted
tu me by letter nor message any passage of thing proponed or
resollved thaer in maters concerning that charge quhaerin your
Majestie joyned him vith me in the managing of your rents till
be your Majesteis letter I did sie that he had procured to him
self thatt imploymentt for preparation of necessars for your
most vished jornay quhaerwith your Majestie had formarlie
honored me, and quhaerin I had bestoued my best caer, travell
and charges, only leving to me place to joyne vith him in his
ondertaking ; by quhilk his indirectt and respectless deling I
foresie that I can nott probablie expectt any sic concurranss
from him as may conduce to the progres of that most importantt
bussines. I thaerfor humblie beg giff itt so may please your
most gracious Majestie that I may be permitted to proceid in
the soll charge quhaerin I doutt nott by my travells, freinds
and ereditt, vith God’s grace to give your Majestie contentmentt.
And since [ heir that sum hes construed my subseryving aine
ansuer from the Counsall to your Majesteis letter ordering the
Officers of Estate to furniss the charges of your jornay to a
175

refusall upon my partt to ondergo the burding, the wholl
number then presentt vill beir me vitnes that I, as officeare of
receptt, offered villinglie to ondertak quhat your Majestie had
injoyned or vald command. Preceeding and subsequentt actions
doo confirme, as this berare can more particularlie declare unto
your Majestie, and as the wholle course of quhat rests of my
lyf shall manifest that my greatest ambition and contentmentt
shalbe to approve myself by my actions that Iam, your Majesteis
most humble subject and servand. Copy.

Kine Cuarues tue First to Jonn, Lorp Erskine.

1630, October 12. Hampton Court.—Cuantes R.—Right
trusty and welbeloved counsellour, wee greete yow well. Though
to prosecute that course which upon good considerasiouns was
intended and declared by us at our last placeing yow upon the
Session, wee have removed yow from that judicatorie for a tyme,
wee ar so farr from doing it out of any dislike of your cariage
therein, or in any other thing concerning our service, that these
are to give yow most hearty thanks for the same, assuring yow
that wee shall nott be unmindfull thereof whensoever any
convenient occasion is offered whereby wee may expresse our
respect unto yow. We bid yow farewell. From our honour of
Hampton Court, the 12 of October, 1630.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and welbeloved counsellour,
the Lord Erskein.

1630, December 15. St. Andrews.—Decreet of the Court of
High Commission held at S* Androis, there being present John,
archbishop of S* Androis; Alexander, bishop of Dunkeld; David,
bishop of Brechin; Sir John Scott of Scottistarvett, knight,
Director of Chancery; Dr. George Martine, rector of the
University of St Andrews, and provost of S* Salvator’s College ;
Dr. John Douglas, parson of Crail; Dr. Robert Howie, principal
of the New College of S* Andrews; Mr. George Wischart, one
of the parish ministers of S* Andrews, and Sir John Spottis-
woode of Dairsie, knight.—In the action by John Low,
procurator fiscal of the High Commission, against Mr. Joseph
Lowrie, late minister of the Kirk of Stirling, who by sentence
of the said High Commission at Edinburgh on 16th March, 1630,
was permitted to enjoy the living and stipend of the said kirk
according to his presentation until the same was planted with a
competent minister, it is now found that this permission, with
the continued residence of the said Mx. Joseph Lowrie among
that people, effectually hinders the planting of the said kirk, as
they are no way disposed to seek another minister so long as
there is any hope of his being reponed, which for many
considerations cannot be yielded unto. Wherefore the said
High Commission discharges the foresaid sentence and decreet,
declares the kirk of Stirling vacant, and ordains the said Mr.
Joseph Lowrie, who does not compear, to remove from the
town of Stirling to Glasgow before 15th January next, and
remain confined there until Stirling be provided with a minister,
and further during the pleasure of the Commission.
176

Kine CHarues THE First to the Lorps or ExcHEQueR.

1630. To the Exchekker.—Rycht trustie, etc., We  greit
yow weill. Haweing considderrit the charges requisite for
repaireinge of our castles and palaces, interteininge our house
and many uther great and necessarie chairges dureinge the
tyme of our abode in that kingdome to ressave our crown and
hold a Parliament, the wich of necessitie doethe requyre present
moneyis, and in regaird of our great effairis we can not conve-
niently affoord them att this present, and that we intend to tak
suche a course for levyeinge of them that nane of our subjectis
can have cause to complean nor yet to suspect our royall
intention in seinge them att the tyme appointit by ws dewly
repayed, we have bein pleased to move the Erle of Mar, our
Thesaurer, to borrow those moneyis att this tyme for our said
use. And to the effect that he nor na utheris who are or
shalbe bound with him suld onywayss suffer for ther affectioun
to our service, or be in daunger of not being payed of what
they have or shall undergo for the samyn, we are heirby
willenge to graunt unto them any assurance that they can
ressonably demand, or that we can lawfully graunt for their
releiff. Owr pleasure is that ther be grauntit unto him and
them any securitie he shall requyre upon our rentis, casualityes
and taxatiounis present or to cum, in generall or by particular
assigmentis by actis of Counsell and Exchekker as he shall
devyss for his and his forsaidis securitie, and that all impedi-
mentis that can aryss in thair uptakeinge the saidis assigmentis,
whairby he or they may be henderrit friely to intromett with
the same, be remowed by yow till they be satisfyed of all
moneyis debursit be them for this purpose with the ordinarie
interest for the same dureinge the tyme of the forbeareance
thairof. Gopy.

Eieut Lerrers from Enizaperu, QuEEN oF BoHeEmta,
to the Earn or Mar, all Holograph. [1623-1635.]

1. My Lord, the thanks you give me for your sonne doth not
deserve so manie thankes. I woulde J had anie meanes to shew
you how much I think myself beholding to you for your love.
I assure you I woulde give you other testimonie of it than bare
complement; bot now, having no other meanes, I pray lett these
lines give you true assurance of my love. I am sure that it is
no small contentment to heere of my deare brothers safe arrival
in England. I hope one day God will open by my deare brothers
meanes the King’s eys to see the Spaniards villanie. In the
meane time I shall still think uppon your good prayers which I
hope God will one day heere, howsoever you may be assured
that I am ever,

Your most affectionat frend,
EuizaBerH.

The Hagh, this 4* of October, St. n., [1623].

Addressed :—To the Lord of Marre.
* The date is clearly 4th, but may le intended for 24th.

 
177 -

.2. My Lord, I cannot lett your worthie soune goe from hence
without renewing unto you the assurance of my love. Your
soune will lett you know all that passeth heere. Everie
thing for us in England is worse and worse. I hope one day
it will mende. My request unto you is still to continue your
love to me, and to be assured that I will never be other then,

Your most affectionat frend,
EizaBera.

I pray lett my ladie, your wife, receive heere the assurance
‘of my true love.

The Hagh, this ? of June [1625].
Addressed: To the Lord of Marre.

8. My Lord, Your letters which your soune shoulde have
brought came after he was gone. I was sorie I had not the
meanes to show to him how much I both love you and him,
who I assure you hath left a verie good reputation behind him
in his cariage heere. If there be anie thing whereby I may doe
your soune, Mr. Eskine that is still heere, anie kindness, I pray
lett me know, and I will doe for him what I can. I am so much
obliged to you for your love as I cannot enough acknowledge it,
but I assure that in all I can I will ever give you true testimonie
that I am ever constantlie,

Your most affectionat frend,
ELIZABETH.

From the Hagh, this 1 of August, St. n., [1625].
Addressed :—To the Lord of Marre.

4. My Lord, I have receaved your letter you writt to me out
of England, which I give you manie thanks for. I see Sir
Henry Vane is verie just in performing his commissions I gave
him. I woulde I coulde anie way shew you how much I ame
your frend, in which I will yeelde to no bodie. I ame sorie I
cannot doe more to your worthie soune that is heere, then I doe,
but if ever there be occasion I will be ready to doe him all the
kindness I can, for I assure you he desarves it. I trust the
King, my deare brother, will not deceave the good expectation
you have of him. He doth continue to give me all testimonies
of his love, so as he is the best brother in the worlde. I hope in
God all will one day be well again as your good wishes woulde
have it, howsoever no fortune shall ever change me from being
constantlie,

: Your most affectionat frend,

ELizaBEetH.

I pray my Lord commend my most affectionat love to your
worthie wife.

The Hagh, this i: of September, [1625].

Addressed :—To the Earle of Mar.
178

5. My Lord, I cannot lett your worthie soune returne to you
without these lines, to continue you the assurance of my
affection. He will acquaint you with a business that neerlie
concernes him, which is an affection he hath taken to a gentle-
woman that serves me, whom he desires, with your consent, to
make his wife. He hath not made anie acquainted with it
because you shoulde knowe it first. I came to the knowledge of
it by chaunce, for seing him much with her I did suspect it, and
asking him the question he confest to me his love, but would
not tell anie of it till he had your consent, for the gentlewoman,
Crofts, I can assure you, she is an honest descreet woman, and
doth carie herself verie well. If I had not this good opinion of
her, I shoulde not intreat you, as I doe by these, that you will
give him your consent to marrie her. I love you and him too
well to speak in this subject, if I did not find her as I tell you;
and I hope you will the rather doe it for my sake, to whom she
is a faithfull servant. Your soune hath caried himself so well
heere as I dout not but he will come to great preferment in
these warres. For me, I will ever seek all occasions to doe him
good or anie other that belongs to you, whome I doe so much
esteeme, as intreat you to be confident that nothing shall
change me from being constantlie, —

Your most affectionat frend,

EvizaberTH.
The Hagh, this 10 of November.

Addressed:—To the Earl of Marre. [In another hand] 38
November, 1625, annent Alexander. [In yet another hand] The
gentleman meand in this letter is Mr. Alexander Erskine, the
Earl of Mar’s third son of his second marriage. The Queen also
ee on the same subject to Lady Mary Stewart, Countess of

ar.”

6. My Lord, I cannot lett your soune returne without these
few lines, to thank you for yours I receaved not long agone, and
to desire you to be confident that I ame still constant in the
professions I have ever made to you of frendship, which nothing
shall alter. Your worthie soune can tell you how all things are
on this side the sea. I know you will not be glade to heare it,
but I hope one day our frends will have better fortune, for the
King of Dennemarc is in a evill estate. For me, I assure you
that no evill fortune can ever make me other then,

Your most affectionat frend,
EizaBETH.

The Hagh, this 28 of November, St. n., [c. 1626].
Addressed :—To the Lord of Mary.

 

* This letter is in similar terms to the above and is dated 30th November.
It is printed in full in the Report on the MSS. of the Honble. Mrs. Erskine-
Murray of Aberdona, Fourth Report, Appendix, p. 527.
179

7. My Lord, Having latelie received a letter from you, I
must give you thankes for it and for the continuance of your
affection to me, which I assure you shall never be forgotten ;
for I may be confident that you have not a frend wisheth you
and yours better than I doe. I ame sure you heere how our
affaires doe beginne to be in better state then heeretofore by the
prosperitie of the King of Sweden, who is very affectionat to us,
so as if the King, my deare brother, will but now help us, we
may by the help of God recover our former estate. Howsoever, I
assure you, the King is not resolved to stay heere and doe
nothing, but will goe alone to the King of Sweden if he may not
have other company fitt for him. I ame so confident of your
affection as I dout not but you will farther our business, if it
come into your power, so I pray be also assured that I ame
ever constantlie,

Your most affectionat frend,
ELIzaBETH.

The Hagh, this 22 of November.

Addressed :—To the Lord of Marr.

Also on back :—22 November, 1681.

8. My Lord, Your letter was most welcome to me, which I
give you manie thankes for and for the continuance of your
affection, which I doe verie much esteeme, being bounde to it by
so manie obligations I had to your worthie father and to your
self for the love you always shewed me when I was in England.
Therefore, I pray, be confident that I continue so to you, and
in all occasions I shall give you true testimonie that I will
never be other then,

Your most affectionat frend.

ELIZABETH.

My Lord, I pray tell your brother Bughan that he is growen
lasie, having not heard this long time from him.

The Hagh, this . . . . [probably in 1635].

Addressed :—To the Lord of Mar.

1631. A breiffe estimat of the Kings casualities in Scotland,
what they mycht amount unto per annum if they wer
dewlie collected and compted for in Exchekquer, as they
ought to be, by the lawes and statutes of the realme.

For the wardes, releives, mariages and nonentries of haires
thair wes offered to his Majestie by Sir Alexander Strauquhen,
knycht and borronnett, to be payed declaired free of charges
PET ANNUM... rveecrsscrentrsecnseccenansnonenasseeaesesssnenens 05,000 lib.

Recognicionis be verrie frequent, and dyvers of tham hath
bein lost to his Majestie since his Heighnes cumming to the
Croune by granting new infeftments of the lands which have
bin procured from his Majestie suppressw cause veritate. And
seing lands falling in recognitioun, the propertie and tennendrie
thairof doth belong unto the King for ever as being cons(ol)idat
with the supperioritie, thairfore they may shortlie be worth
PCT DANUMrcccrrscerrrscccrnsceereesescrscesnaneveanaersceares 03,000 lib.
180 4

Bastardies and last haires most neids be frequent in respect
thair be infinite nombers of bastards borne within the kingdome
everie yeire, as may appeare by the Church rolls theise many
yeires past, and some of tham have deceased worth 38,000 lib.
in lands and goods, sum more and sum lesse, and thairfore if
they sall be onlie nombered to 10 in the yeir, worth 100 lib.
a peice, they will yeeld 1,000 lib. per annum, bot if they sall not
be disponed, bot brocht in for the Kingis use, as they ought to
be, they will be worth mutch more, in respect theis lands and
goods do remaine with the King as propertie for ever, and the
nomber of tham doeth still encrease ...............0c0 eee 01,000 lib.

Forefitoures of lands and goods, and escheits of goods and of
chattells and of lyirentes of lands be verrie many, for thair be a
creat many more malefactours and rebells within the kingdome,
royaltie and principalitie thereof, then the King hath free
tennents thairin, as may appear by the registres of horneings
in all schreiffg books and otheres, and by the Justeice Clerks
registres and by the rolls of excommunicats, which registeres
and rolls, if they wer at this tyme searched, will showe above
1,000 rebells standing unrelaxed, whoes escheitts or leiverents
ar nather brocht in to the Kings use nor laufullie disponed for
compositiouns. And thairfor if they sall onlie be valued at 50
lib. a piece, will yeeld 50,000 lib. of present money; and if theise
forfeitures, escheits and leiverents sall be yearlie uplifted and
brocht in to the Thesawrer, as they ought to be by the statutes,
and not unlawfullie disponed and undervalued as they ar, being
reckoned to 200, by the yeare at 50 a piece (as they may weill be
reckoned to more) in respect that the leiverent of lands is of
tyms of longer contenouence than ather warde or nonentrie, and
the forfitures turne perpetuall in propertie, and also the whole
goods and chattelles doe fall under escheit, which they doe not
in wardes; thairfore the said forfeitures and escheits may
yeeld per ANNUM. wwicccs scons miwevers sone canecnenaeecs save ev oee 10,000 lib.

Contraventioun of the Generall Bond and of lauborroues
(sieing the persone denunced for not finding lauborroues ought
to pay the fyne alse weill as the contraveiner) may be prysed for
the Kings halff thairof per annum to ....... cele 00,500 lib.

Unlaues, iseues and amerciaments of courtes of Parliament,
of Generall Councells, of Exchecquer, of schreiffe courtes (wherof
thair be three head courts in the year), of justeice aires (which
be tuo yearlie), of Justeice courtes at particullar dyetts, of
Quarter Sessiouns (which sould be four in the yeare), of courts
of Admiralitie, of courtes of commissioun, and Chalmerlane aires
may be estimat in cuwmulo, one with ane other, to...... 01,000 lib.

The escheits and iseus which sould be brocht in be the

Conservitour and be the customeres and schercheres of unlawfull
and forbidden goods, if they wer weill bookt as they sould be,
wold yeild for the Kings pairt thairof of every yeare...03,000 lib.

The profeits of his Majesties Mynthousse (if the statutes
tuitching money and bullioun wer deulie executed) wold yeeld
everie yeare to the King without faill above............ 01,500 lib.
181

The fynes of penall statutes (thocht a great pairt thairof for
bygones wer remitted in August, 1630), yet if they wer dewlie
called for and brocht in for tyme cuming, after the rate
mentioned in the Statute, Jac. 6, Parliam. 15, Cap. 267, wold
yeeld for the Kings pairt thairof per annwin............ 02,000 lib.

The compocitiounis for passing in the Exchecquer of licenses,
remissiouns, respectts, presentatiouns to benefices, to bastards
and thair childrens lands haldin of uther supperioures, and to
the lands of subvassells being forfeated infeufemente, rehabili-
taciones, legittimaciones, pensiouns, offices, dignities, com-
missiouns and other signatours (if they sall be maid and valued
conforme to the Statute, Jac. 6, Parliam. 11, Cap. 7) will amount
PORTE TO wean sapienari hung ans nalnwca daavataaerewsatanes veneen 03,000 lib.

And so (besydes that throughe the dew executioun of the
lawes the contrie wold flurish in justeice and peace
to the great glorie of God and honour of his sacred
Majestie, and prosperitie of all his good and loyall
subjectes) the Kings casualities may yeeld everie
VOAIE sac sta doses wuts i ev eiouetende i entacueaaatamene 30,000 lib.

And his Majestie may have a present moneye ... 50,000 lib.

1631, March 30. Canongate and Holyroodhouse.—Articles
agreed upon between George, Viscount of Dupline, Lord High
Chancellor of Scotland, and John, Earl of Mar, Collector of the
Taxation granted to King James the Sixth in 1621 and as
assignee of the deceased Archibald Prymrois to the half of the
concealed annual rents of the said taxation, whereby the Earl
makes over his rights theirin to the said Viscount, who obliges
himself to pay in to his Majesty’s officers and receivers whatever
he is able to recover of these concealed moneys either by
agreement with the parties or process at law, the necessary
expenses being first deducted. And with regard to the other
half of these concealed moneys which shall be recovered, which
half is allowed to the informers, the Chancellor obliges himself
to pay one third thereof to James Primrose, Clerk of the Privy
Council, another third to the said Earl of Mar, and to retain
the remaining third for compensating the pains and charges
sustained by himself and his servants in the business. Signed
by Duplin, Mar, John Erskyn, witness, and Alexander Omay,
servitor to George Hay of Kirkland, witness. ;

INDICTMENT OF JAMES, LorD OcHILTREE.

1631, June—James, Lord Ochiltrie, yow ar indytit and
accused—I"orsamekle as be dyverse actis and constitutiounes of
Parliament maid and publisched in the dayes of our soverane
lord his most noble progenitouris, speciallie by the 48 Act of
the second Parliament of King James the First of worthie
memorie, it is inactit, statute and ordaineit that all leising
makeris and telleris of them quhilk may ingender discord
betwixt the King and his people, quhair ever they may be gottin,
salbe challenged by them that power hes, and tyne lyff and
182

goodis to the King; and lykwayes be the 83 Act of the sext
Parliament of King James the Fyft of eternall memorie,
bearand tuiching the article of leesing makeris to the Kinges
grace of his barrounes, great men and leiges, and for punisch-
ment to be put to them thairfore, it is therby declaired that the
Kings grace with the advyse of his thrie Kstaites, ratefies and
approves the actis and statutes maid thairupoun of befoir, and
ordaines the same to be put to dew exequutioun in all poyntes ;
quhilks Actis of Parliament in the 205 Act of the 14 Parliament
of our soverane lordis darrest father, King James the Sext of
happie and never dieing memorie, ar with advyse of his Hienes
Estaites in that Parliament ratefiet, approven and confirmeit and
ordaneit to be put in executioun in all tyme thaireftir following;
as in the saids lawis and Actis of Parliament at mair lenth 1s
contenit. Notwithstanding quhairof it is of veritie that you the
said James, Lord Ochiltrie, haifing in the moneth of Maij, 1631
yeires, last hard be relatioun of Donald, Lord Ray, that certane
speiches, surmeiss and informatiounes was maid to him be
David Ramsay with the heid, Mr. Robert Meldrum, and
certane utheris persounes beyonde sea in France, Pomerland,
and Holland respective, and be the said David Ramsay and
certane uther persounes within the kingdome of Ingland, anent
some plote and dangerous purpose intendit against the sacred
persone of our gracious lord and soverane, the Kings most
excellent Majestic, his gracious Queine and thair darrest sone
the Prince, and against the land, be suppryseing of the Kinges
Majesties housses and castellis of Edinburgh, Stirling and
Dumbartone, and fortefiemg of the towne of Leith; ye, not
being content to reteine your selff within the boundes of ane
loyall subject by the faithfull reveilling of that quhairof yow had
resaveit informatioun fra the said Lord Ray, out of ane malitious
policie and designe of your awin, tending to the sawing of
seditioun and discord betwixt his Majestie and his maist loyall
subjectis, the Marqueis of Hamiltoun, the Erle of Hadintoun,
the Erle of Roxburghe and the Erle of Buckcleuch, did
at your first meitting with his Majestie, quhilk was upoun
the xvij of May last bypast, signifie to his Hienes that the:
bussines was ane tressoun intentit against his Majestie,
and that the pairtie was the Marqueis of Hamiltoun, as ye
was informed. And to the effect his Majestie micht be put in
greater assurance of the treuth of these your speeches, ye upoun
the 16 of Maij preceiding delyverit to the Lord Thesaurer of
Ingland ane list of names, to represent to his Majestie the
strenth of the said Lord Marqueis of Hamiltoun his pairteis and
adherentis in Seotland, whilk was all writtin with your awin
hand and intitulat Representatioun for my Lord Thesaurer,
quherin ye name the Marqueis of Hamiltoun to be pryme agent,
and names the Erle of Melros, now Erle of Hadintoun, the Erle
of Roxburghe, and the Erle of Buckcleuch to be plotteris.
Lykwayes upoun the Sonday, being the 22 of Maij, at quhilk
day the said Lord Marqueis of Hamiltoun (haifing comed post
from Scotland in thrie dayes) was to present himselff to his
183

Majestie, ye thinking that ye had possest his Majestie
suflicientlie with your malitious leisinges and calumnies against
the Lord Marqueis, and that his Majestie being so instigat and
irritat against him wald imbrace and follow your perverse and
malicious counsell, ye verie baldlie and malapeartlie came to
his Majestie about the end of his denner and brak out to his
Majestie in these wordis: Sir, now we knaw the bessines bot
knawis not the tyme, and thairfore, Sir, ather do or die. Be the
giveing of the quhilk malicious counsell (gif God be his grace
had not reullit and directit the heart of our gracious soverane
to proceid in the bussines with greater wisdome, calmnes and
moderatioun nor ye be your former wicked counsell intendit) ye
thairby did what in yow lay to move and cause his Majestie
put in practeis some suddaine and violent course to the subver-
sioun of the lyff and honour of the said Lord Marqueis, his
Majesties most loyall subject. Lykas all the forsaidis articles
and passages of your proceiding in the premisses wer maliciouslie
forged, inventit and practeized be your selff without any
warrand arryseing to yow from the relatioun of the said Lord
Ray, quhilk is manifest be your awin depositioun maid in
presence of ane number of the Counsell of Ingland deputit be
his Majestie for your examinatioun upoun the 20 and 24 dayes of
Junij last bypast, be the quhilk ye haif grantit and confessit
the premisses layed to your chairge to be of veritie, and als
dois grant that the paper of names quhilk ye did delywer to
my Lord Thesaurer, utherwayes callit be yow in the tytle
thairof ane Representatioun to my Lord Thesaurer, as said is,
was maid be your selff, and that the Lord Ray was nocht privie
to the making thairof, nor to the delyverie of the same to the
said Lord Thesaurer. And siclyk in your examinatioun ye being
inquyred for what cause yow did name the said Lord Marqueis
to be pryme agent, ye could assigne no trew ressoun nor cause
by any warrand of the Lord Ray against the Marqueis, bot be
the contraire, the said Lord Ray being examinat upoun the 21
of Junij, in presence of his Majesties Counsell, declaired
that he knew nothing against the persone of the Lord
Marqueis, bot that the said Lord Marqueis was alse
guid ane subject as any the Kings Majestie had. And
lykwayes ye being askit be what warrand ye did call the
Erles of Melros, Roxburghe and Buckcleuch to be plotteris,
ye ansuerit thairto that the Lord Ray had taulde yow that the
Lord Seaforte had affirmeit to him that the Erles of Melros and
Roxburghe wer acquaintit with the particularis and secreites of
that bussines, declaireing thairwith that the Lord Ray had
affirmeit that to yow, befoir yow gaif in and delyverit your
paper of representatioun to the Lord Thesaurer; and farder ye
declaired that the Lord Ray tolde to yow that he could not gess
who els sould haif beine upoun the plote unless it wer the Lord
of Buckeleuche; albeit my Lord Ray being examinate in
presence of his Majesteis Counsell upoun the 24 day of Junij
last bypast, declaires that the first tyme that the Lord of
Seafort had any speech with him anent the Erles of Melros and
184

Roxburghe and thair being privie to the Marqueis of Hamiltounes
bussines was upoun the Mononday eftir the Marqueis of
Hamiltoun his comeing out of Scotland and not before. And
the Marqueis haifing come to Courte from Scotland upoun
Saturday, 21 Maij, and the representatioun gevin be yow to the
Lord Thesaurer contening the list of the plotteris and actouris
being gevin in be yow to the said Lord Thesaurer upoun
16 Maij of befoire, ye could never trewlie affirme that ye had
nameit the saidis Erles to be plotteris upoun pretence of any
informatioun resaveit from my Jord Ray, who did not speik to
yow anent them at the tyme of the giveing in of the said
representatioun, bot aucht dayes thaireftir. And siclyk the said
Lord Ray deponit upoun the said 24 of Junij, that ye and nocht
he did name the Erle of Buckcleuche as one who wold tak armes
in Scotland to assist the Marqueis. Be the quhilkis leisingis,
calumnies and sklanderous speiches, untrewlie plottit, devysed
and ventit be yow against the said Marqueis of Hamiltoun, the
Erles of Hadintoun, Roxburghe and Buckcleuch, in maner
foirsaid, all of them being his Majesteis faithfull counsellouris
and loyable subjectis, ye haif manifestlie contraveined the
tennour of the saidis lawis and actis of Parliament, and incurrit
the paines and punischment mentionat thairin, viz. :—the
deserveit punischment of death.

Tue Examinatioun or James, Lorp OocHELTRIE, TAKIN
20 Juni, 1681.

1681, June 20.—1. The said examinant sayeth that on or
about the sext or sevint of Maij last, at the signe of the Beare
neir the bridge foot, the Lord Ray told this examinant that
souldiers and travelleres did often hear these thingis quherof
these that stayed at home had no notice, and said he did
beleive thair wes ane plot against this land. This examinant
wisched him gif he had ony good groundes so to think that he
sould not faill to discover it. The Lord Ray said he had no
certane ground, but gif he had stayed but fyve weekis longer in
the Low Countries he wold haif knawin the certantie, and that
he wold haif hazardit his lyff that he wold haif had the
certaintie. [On the margin against this entry—No certain ground].

2. The thretteint of May the Lord Ray cam to this
examinantes chamber, and there putting this examinant in
mynd of the former speeche betuixt them he told this examinant
that he had *learnit more certaintie then evir he had befoir
sence the tyme of thair last speeche. Quherupoun dyverse
passages wes betuixt his Lordship and this examinant about the
discoverie of if and the maner. In the end his Lordship told
this examinant that the purpose of the Marqueis Hamiltounes-
levies, as dyvers of his commanderis and followeris had informed.
him, the said Lord Ray, wes, that ather they sould not goe owt:
of Ingland and Scotland, or, gif they did, they sould return

 

* Denied by Lord Reay on the following day.
185

into Ingland or Scotland and surpryse the Kinges housses in
Scotland, viz., the castellis of Edinburgh, Sterling and Dum-
bartane, and fortifie thameselfis in Leyth under pretence of
trayning, and sould tak Berwick and so marche fordward into
England. And this examinant asking quhat could be thair
intentioun so to doe, the Lord Ray said that he wes informed
they meanit to tak the Kingis persoune and to immurate him, to
send the Queene into ane cloyster, and to captivate the young
Prince with his father, and to strick of the headis of all the
principall men about the King, both Inglish and Scottis, and in
particulare the Lord Thesaurer of Ingland, the Erle of Monteith,
Sir William Alexander, and Sir Thomas Hope. And this
examinant sayeth that befor the Lords discoverit the particu-
larities foirsaidis to this examinante, this examinante using
persuasiounes to him to reveale it, asket the said Lord Ray
quhat it might be, saying it wes ather ane Frenche or ane
Spanish factioun, to quhilk the Lord Ray said it wes nather,
bot told this examinant quhat it wes, and so revealled the
particularis abone mentionat.

3. Wherupoun the Lord Ray being fullie resolved to proceede
to ane farder discoverie, and thinking it fitter to be done be this
examinate then be himself lest those quhome it concerned micht
sooner suspect it, desyret this examinate to acquaint his
Majestie or the Lord Thesaurer thairwyth.

4. On the morrow, being Saturday the 14 of Maij, at nicht,
this examinate came to haif spoken with the Lord Thresorer, but,
his Lordship being going to bed, by hisappoyntment this examinate
came the nixt morning and told him he had somquhat to reveale
that concerned his Majestie and all his kingdomes and posteritie.
The Lord Thesaurer therupoun went instantlie up to the King
and eftir the same day told this examinate that his Majestie had
gevin him commissioun to heir this examinatis relatioun.

5. This examinate forder sayeth that the Lord Ray told this
examinate that he had muche of this beyond sea from Robert
Meldrum and David Ramsay, but since his coming into Ingland,
as he said, he had spoken with Sir James Ramsay, Sir James
Hamiltoun, Colonell Alexander Hamiltoun, Captaine Douglas,
and had spoken somquhat owt of everie on of them. He also said
he had spoken with the Lord Seaford and had understood
somequhat from him.

6. On Monnonday, the sexteint of May, this examinate
attendit the Lord Thesaurer at Quhythall, and entring into
ane relatioun in the verie beginning discovered that the matter
quhilk he wes to relate concernit the Lord Marqueis of
Hamiltoun and his actiounes. Quhilk so soone as he had
nameit the Lord Thesaurer commandit him to say no more,
untill he had acquanted the King agane; but wished this
examinate that he and the Lord Ray sould goe presentlie to
Greenwitche where the Lord Thesaurer sould meitt. Bot the
186

King being comit towards Quhythall this examinate and the
Lord Ray came back againe and wer then appoynted be the
Lord Thesaurer to attend his Mujestie on Tuysday at ten of
clock, quhilk they did.

7. This examinate farther sayeth that on the Monday, 16
Maij, this examinate delyverit to the Lord Thesaurer ane list of
names to represent to his Majestie the strenth of the Lord
Hamiltounes pairtie and adherentis in Scotland.

8. At this examinates coming to his Majestie this examinate
told the King that the busines wes ane treasoun intendit
against his Majestic, and the pairtie wes the Marqueis of
Hamiltoun, as this examinate wes informit, and that it wes the
filthiest treasoun that evir wes intendit, and wes sorie that ony
Scottisman sould haif ane hand in it, for it wes ane schame to
the haill natioun. And then the Lord Ray himself coming in
maid relatioun to his Majestie, who remitted him to the Lord
Thresorer. Quharupoun this examinate coming to the Lord
Thresorer and telling him the King had remitted the lord unto
him, the Lord Thesaurer wished that the Lord Ray wald put his
relatioun into wrytting. Quharvpoun this examinate and the
Lord Ray went togeidder and sat up all nycht, and the Lord
Ray first putting it into wrytting, this examinate wrett it owt of
the Lord Rayes paperis, who on the morrow brocht the samyn
to the Lord Thesaurer, bot this examinate wes not then present ;
bot the nixt tyme that he came to the Lord Thesaurer, being askit
by him quhais hand the wrytting wes, this examinate said it wes
his hand, and the Lord Thesaurer telling that the Lord Ray had
not subseryvit it, and about tuo dayes eftir he brocht the Lord
Ray to the Lord Thesaurer quha red ovir his haill wrytting and
subseryvit his name to it saying, he wold seale it with his blood.

9. This examinate farder confesseth that he told the Lord
Thesaurer that the Lord Ray told him he had yitt more, and
wold say so muche as the Marqueis wold not haif the face to
deny it; quhilk the Lord Ray then present affirmed in so muche
that the Lord Thresorer said, Then is the busines at ane end; thair
neidis no wrytting.

10. This examinate farther sayeth that on the Sonday
morning, quhen the Marqueis Hamiltoun came owt of Scotland,
the Lord Ray told this examinate that he had spokin with the
Lord Seaford, who assurit him thair purpos wes to tak the King,
the Queene and the Prince. And this examinate asking how
they sould effectuat it, the Lord Ray replyit the Lord Seaford
had told him they wer verie great with the Erle of Dorsett, who
had the custodie of the Prince. And this examinate farder
sayeth that the Lord Ray told him that he wes assured by my
Lord of Roxburcht that the Marqueis and his companie wold
hastin thai: purpos, and the Lord Ray said that surlie the
Hamiltounes had takin some vent of the busines, and that Sir
James Ramsay had told him he had fyftein hundreth men in
187

readines upoun ane houris wairning, but they sould n.é come
about London till thair busines wes readdie; with all whiche
the examinate the same morning acquanted the Lord Thesaurer
to the intent his Majestie mycht know thairof.

ll. And farder sayeth that schortlie eftir the Lord Ray told
him he had spokin againe with the Lord Seaford, who told him
the matter quhilk he had formerlie told him concerning the Erle
of Dorsette wes but ane disguysed thing.

12. This examinat farther sayeth that on the Sonday
morning he wisched the Lord Thesaurer to advyse the King that
he sould goe to London for mair safety; and understanding the
King had sent for my Lord Ray, this examinate wisched the Lord
Ray wer not sent for, becaus the Lord Ray wes gone to the Eyle
of Seaford to learne more. And farther sayeth that the same
tyme being in the end of the Kingis denner, this examinate told
the King in these wordis: Sir, now ye know the business but
know not the tyme, and thairfoir, Sir, ather doe or die.

Ste subscribitur.
Carlile; Rideston ; Morton; T. Coventrye.

Trun Cory or Report or Examination or Donaup, Lorp Ray,
TAKEN 21 Junu, 1681.

1631, June 21—1. The said examinat sayeth that haifing
hard in Swedden from David Ramsay such thinges as ar
conteined in the writsin relatioun whilk hath beine delyverit to
his Majestie, and eftir haifing hard in Pomerland these passages
from Robert Meldrum quhilkis ar in the same relatioun, this
examinat haifing ane resolutioun to come for Ingland about
December last, was stayed in Denmark by ressoun of the yce, so
as he came not to Holland till about Marche last, wher he had
ane conference with David Ramsay and hard from him such
other passages as ar conteined in the same relatioun. And eftir
comeing into Ingland, becaus David Ramsay had tolde this
examinat that he wald wryte to the Marqueis of Hamiltoun how
far furth the said David Ramsay had treated with this
examinate, this examinate expectit that the Marqueis wald haif
spokin thairof unto him. He did thairfore forbeare to say any
thing thairof. Yet about two or thrie dayes befoir the Marqueis
went into Scotland this examinat did speik to the Lord
Ochiltrie to this purpose, that his Lordship was_ better
acquainted then this examinate with the faschiounes and lawis
of this land, and desyred to know what danger it was gif ane
man hearing beyonde sea of thinges that micht be dangerous
to the King or state sould not speik of it. ‘To which the Lord
Ochiltrie ansaerit, No less nor your heid and estate. And this
was all that passed betwixt them at that tyme, being ‘the first
tyme that they spak thairof, and the place was (as he thinketh)
at the Lord Ochiltries awin house.

2. He farther sayeth that about eight or ten dayes eftir, this
examinat comeing to the Lord Ochiltries ludging to talk of some
uther bussines, eftir speach thairof spak to this effect: My Lord,
188

yow remember I askit yow ane questioun ane lytle sence what
the danger micht be not to speak of materis dangerous to the
King or state whilk he had hard beyonde the seaes, and I wald
now againe haif your advyse thairin. And the Lord Ochiltrie
promeising his readines to advyse him so as he mycht be
acquainted with the particularis, this examinat tolde him he wald
acquaint him with the particular gif he wald sweare not to
discover it bot as he sould direct, adding that gif he did uther-
wayes this examinat wald pay him. The Lord Ochiltrie ther
said and protestit that he wald nocht discover any thing bot as
this examinat sould appoynte, wherupoun this examinate
declaired the particularis to him, who hearing it tolde this
examinate it was necessare to be revealled, and doubtit least
this examinat had keeped it too long alreadie. Bot then this
examinat said, considdering it concerneit one so neir the King as
the Marqueis of Hamiltoun, he thocht it not fitt that this
examinate sould himselff break it aff to the King, leist the King
sould at first reject it, bot it wald be fitter for some other to do
it, and thairfore desyred his opinioun how to discover it. The
Lord Ochiltrie advyseing ane quhyll said he thocht it best it wer
discoverit to some of the Privie Counsell, wherupoun this
examinate said that he wald not discover it to any Scottisman,
bot thocht it best to reveall it to the Lord Thesaurer, becaus he
thocht the Lord Thesaurer was no way in the plote.

8. According to the quhilk resolutioun the Lord Ochiltrie
(as he eftir tolde this examinate) did, according as was aggreit
betuixt him and this examinat, repair to the Lord Thesaurer the
same nicht, bot failling then to speik with him he went the nixt
morneing before this examinat saw him, and returneing told this
examinate he had beine with the Lord Thesaurer and in generall
impairted to him that he had ane mater to discover quhilk
neirlie concerned his Majestie, and said further it was no
Inglische bussines, bot it was (to his awin shame he spak it) ane
Scottische bussines; nather was it any Popische plote. And the
Lord Thesaurer then refuised to heare it till he had warrand
from the King.

4, Eftir the Lord Ochiltrie and this examinate wer appointed
to waite on the King at Greinwitche; quither this examinate
coming fand the Lord Ochiltrie within with his Majestie; and
then this examinate comeing in maid ane full relatioun to his
Majestie; who asking this examinate wherfore he had not
himselff tolde his Majestie sooner of it, this examinat ansuerit
that considdering the neirnes of the Marqueis of Hamiltoun to
his Majestie the examinate was affrayed leist his Majestie wald
haif beine impatient towardis this examinat, and besocht his
Majestie to forgive this examinat gif he had thocht or done
amiss thairin. His Majestie thairupoun referrit this examinat
to the Lord Thesaurer and bad this examinat put the relatioun
in wryteing, wherupoun that nicht this examinat and the Lord
Ochiltrie satt upe all nicht and this examinat wrytting it first
downe the Lord Ochiltrie wret it sheitt eftir scheitt out of this
examinatis paper; and this examinate brocht the same writtin
189

relatioun to the Lord Thesaurer and red it unto him and left it
with him. And ane day or two eftir this examinat and the Lord
Ochiltrie came againe togidder to the Lord Thesaurer, the Lord
Ochiltrie haifing tolde him that this examinate had forgottin to
signe it, and then this examinat signed it, saying he wald mak
it good with his bloode. ,

At quhilk tyme this examinat rememberis the Lord Ochiltrie
told the Lord Thesaurer that this examinat had more to say yet,
quhilk this examinat did then also affirme. And the cause quher-
fore he did affirme it was becaus this examinat [had been] with
the Lord Seaforte and had some particularis from him, quhilk
he did not particularlie tell to the Lord Ochiltrie bot affirmed to
him in the generalitie that he wald say more. Bot ane day or two
eftir this examinat went againe to the Lord Seaforte and spak
with him, and then he tolde the same first to the Lord Ochiltrie.

5. He farther sayeth that the Lord Ochiltrie on Sonday
morneing tolde this examinat that he had beine with the Lord
Thesaurer and had tolde him of the passages with the Lord
Seaforte, and of the Marqueis his returne, and that he conceaveit
it micht be dangerous at that tyme for his Majestie. Bot this
examinat tolde him he had done evill thairin, for thair was no
such suddainties to be feared. And on the same Sonday in the
eftirnoone this examinat comeing to his Majestie and hearing
from him that he had beine adverteist of somewhat importing
mater of present danger, this examinat said he had beine
with the Lord Seaforte, bot had not the certaintie of thinges,
but prayed his Majestie to give him leiff to go againe to the
Lord Seaforte and then he wald learne all. And at the same
tyme his Majestie telling what danger had beine suggestit to
him now upoun the Marqueis his returne, this examinat
protestit he knew nothing against the persone of the Marqueis,
bot that he was for ocht this examinat knew als good ane
subject as any the King had.

Copy oF tHE Examination or James, Lorp OcuILrren,
TAKEN ON 24TH JuNnz, 1631.

1631, June 24. The said examinate confesseth that the under-
standing which he had of the busines concerning the Marqueis
of Hamiltoun, quherof he hath beene so oft examined, cam to
him from the Lord Reay.

He confesseth forder that the paper of names which he did
delyver to the Lord Thresorer wes maid by this examinat himself,
and the Lord Ray wes not privie to the making of it or to the
delyverie thairof to the Lord Thresorer until eftir it wes done.

He sayeth that the caus quherfoir he did in that paper
mentioun of the Lord Marqueis to be privie (sic) agent was for
that the Lord Ray had told him, the Lord Marqueis, his followeris
had said the intent of the Marqueis his levies wes to invade
Scotland.
190

Being told that the Lord Reay hath beene so far from charging
the Marqueis that he hath affirmed afore his Majestie that for
oucht he knowes the Marqueis is as good a subject as ony the
King hath, he ansuereth that gif in tendernes and care of the
Kingis safetie, and upoun ground of the Lord Rayes relatioun
from the Lord Marqueis his followeris, he have gone ony thing
to far, he trusteth his Majestie will imput it to his dewtie.

Being asked quhy in the afoirsaid paper he makes the Erle
of Mewros, the Hail of Roxburght and the Erle of Buccleucht
to be plotteris, sayeth that the Lord Ray told him the Lord
Seaford had affirmed to him that the Erle of Mewros and
Roxburcht wer acquanted with the particularis and secrettis of
the busines and forder sayeth the Lord Ray had told him he
could not guesse who els sould be in the plot unles it wer the
Lord Bucclengh, of quhome the Lord Ray said he hard him speak
terrible and presumptuous words against the King at his awin
table in Holland.

He sayeth the Lord Ray did affirme to this examinate that he
had the afoirsaid report of Erles of Mewros.and Roxburcht from
the Lord Seaford befoir he, this examinate, maid or delyverit
the said paper to the Lord Thesaurer. [On the margin—Tho’
contrair to my Lord Ray’s depositioun 28 Junij].

The said examinate doeth [say] that on the 18 of May the Lord
Ray affirmed to him that since thair former speech (quhiche wes
the sext or sevint of May) he had learnit more certantie then
evir he had befoir.

He confesseth that quhair in his former examinatioun he said
the Lord Ray told him he wes informit that they meanit to strick
of the headis of all the principall men about the King, he wes
mistakin in mentioning all, and did not weill mark himself when
he so expressed it, his purpos being to haif said they wold strick
of the headis of many, for so he taks it wes the scope of the
Lord Rayes speache.

Being told that the Lord Ray denyeth that he spak with
Colonell Alexander Hamiltoun since his coming into Ingland,
he sayeth that it is possible that this examinate mycht mistak in
adding that name to the rest, and thairfoir will not contest
about that.

He doeth avowe that in presence of the Lord Ray afor the
Lord Thresorer, this examinate said that the Lord Ray could say
so muche as the Marqueis sould not have the face to deny it,
and quhat this examinate said, the Lord Ray being than present
and hearing it, did not gainsay.

He sayeth the Lord Ray told him Sir James Ramsay said to
him that he had fyftein hundreth men in readines, and the first
tyme said upoun ane houres warning, but at a second tyme the
Lord Ray speake of aucht dayis warning, and farder that he
wold not bring them to London till thair busines wes readie.
191

Being acquanted with quhat Johne MacKay, sone to the Lord
Ray, had or confessed to haif bene told him by this examinate,
he doeth acknowledge it, and that he said it to Johne MacKay
after the Lord Ray and this examinate had attendit his Majestie
about the. samyn busines, but did not think his speache thairof
to Johne MacKay sould have done ony hurt to the busines.*

1638, October 11. Whitehall.—Warrant by the King to the
Lords of Exchecker. The Earl of Mar and his son, Lord
Frskine, for relief of their debts, are feuing some of their lands
held ward of the Crown, but are delayed in doing so by the
terms of an Act of Parliament which prohibits such lands being
feued without the royal consent. He therefore, in consideration
of the good services rendered to his late father and himself by
the said Earl, requires them to allow him to proceed with the
feuing of the following lands, viz.:—Brae of Mar, Strathdea,
Kildiumie and Migvie in Cromar.

c. 1633.—Anent the Order to be keiped heirefter in all such

articles as sall be proponed or enacted in Parliament.

1. Itt is to be desyred thatt whattsoever bill sall be given in
to the Parliament may be doketted, which may conteine the
substance of the bill, thatt itt may be accepted or rejected as the
Parliament sall think fitt. [Deleted.]

*The following paper, evidently connected with the same business, is from
the Laing Historical MSS. in ‘the University of Edinburgh. It throws an
interesting side-light on the subject. “The manner of Donnald, Lord Rey and
David Ramsey, Esquire, their comminge to and carriage at tryall uppon
Munday, the 28th of November, before Robert, Earle of Linsey, Lord High
Constable; Thomas, Earle of Arundell, Marshall Phillip, Earle of Penbroke,
and Montgomery, Lord Chamberlaine ; Edward, Earle of Dorset ; James, Earle
of Mulgrave; Earle of Carlisle; Earle of Mourton; Viscount Wentworth ;
Viscount Faulkland ; Sir Henry Marten, knight.

The painted chamber was filled upon the occasion. In the centre, with
benches round it, was a large table at which sat the heralds ‘in their silk
coates’; the macebearer, Mr. De-thicke ; the regestar of the court, Dr. Ducke,
the King’s Advocate for the marshallship, and behind were two pews, one for
the os aoe and one for the defendant. The High Constable and Marshall
entered and took their seats and then Sir William Seyar, knight, Kinge at Armes,
delivered the charge to the Registrar who read it, in substance, that the said
Donnald, Lord Rey had charged David Ramsey, Esquire, with divers treasons
and conspiracies against the King, which being denied, that court-marshall was
held for the better determining the suit.

The appellant was then ushered up to the bar, his council, Dr. Reeves, standing
by him with his bill and papers in his hand. The defendant was afterwards
ushered in accompanied with his sureties, the Lords Roxborough and Abercorne.
Lord Arundel made a short speech declaring the authority of that court, an:
was followed by Dr. Ducke, the King’s Advocate for the marshallship, to the
same effect. ;

The petition of Lord Rey was read containing in substance the charges of
treason against Ramsey.

Ramsey then spoke saying it was false and that Lord Rey ‘ was a lyar anda
barbarouse villaine’ and then threw down his glove saying he would make him
die for it. He afterwards proceeded to argue against the charge and much con-
troversy on both sides followed. The court was dissolved till Friday, and
several other times adjourned till 11th February, 1631, when the Lord High
Constable delivered the sentence which was that as the court could not find out
the truth, the parties should fight it out on the 12th of April next in Tuttle
Fiefds Weston ; to meet between 7 and 9 in the morning and finish before sun
set.

The were to begin the fight with a spear or pike pointed ; secondly, lon
sword sharpe and pointed ; thirdly and lastly, sword and dagger pointed, anc
so the business was ended.” Copy,

 
192

9. If the thing proponed being fund rasonable be nott
presentlye putt to voycing in publik Parliament bott requyr
deliberation, itt will be fitt thatt so many of evry estaytt as sall
be thoght expedient be nominatt by the whole bodye to consider
of thatt article and to report ther advyse att the next sitting to
the whole bodye, thatt then itt may be approven or rejected in
publik Parliament as the Parliament sall think meitt.

8. Itt will be fitt thatt severall committyes be appoynted as
the bissinnes sall be fund to requyr to treatt on the things
proponed and of such number as the Parliament sall appoynt,
and nott always one committie to be for all bissines; and thatt
the number to be apoynted on the committies be some tyme
more some tymes less, as the Parliament sall appoynt and as
they sall think the nature of the bissines to requyre.

4. Thatt whatsoever sall be proponed sall be first to the
whole bodye of the Parliament and thatt no committee sall have
power to reject any thing once proponed, without the consent of
the whole body of the Parliament; lyke as no committe sall
have power to mak any act till itt be first approven by the
whole body of the Parliament.

Bureess Ticket or Joun HENDERSON.

1684, July 31. Preston.—The aith of ilk burges maid the
tyme of his admissioun.

Heir I protest befoir God and your (w[orships]) that I profes
and allow with my hairt the trew religioun quhilk at this tyme
is publictly preichit within this realme and authorizit be the
lawes thairof. I sall abyde thairat and defend the same to my
lyves end, renunceand the Romane religioun callit Papistrie. I
sall be leill and trew to our S [overane} Lord the Kings Majestie
and his successouris and to the bailleis of this burgh. I sall
keip and underly the lawes and statutis of the same. I sall obey
the officiars of the said burgh, fortifie, menteine and defend
thame in the executioun of thair offices with my body and gudis.
I sall not cullour unfriemenis gudis nor geir under cullour of my
awne. I sall not purches lordschippes nor auctoriteis contrair
the fredome of the burgh. In taxatiounes and all uther things
to be layit upone the said burgh I sall willinglie beir my pairt as
I am commandit be the Magistratis, and sall not use nor
purches exemptiounes to be frie thairof, renunceand the
benyfyte of the same for evir. I sall carie na eird perteining to
the freidome outwith to uther boundis without leive; and finalie
sall attempt nor doe nathing hurtfull and prejudiciall to the
libertie and commoun weill of this burgh; and sa oft as I sall
brek ony poynt of this my aith I obleis me to pay to the
commoun effaires of this burgh the sowme of fourtie pundis
money and sall remaine in waird ay and quhill the samin be
payit. Swa help me God, and be God Himself.

Apud Prestoun vitimo die mensis Julij anno Domini
millesimo sexcentesimo trigesimo quarto.
193

The quhilk day Johne Hall and Allane Hendersone bailleis of
the said burgh sittand in judgment, Johne Hendersone, sone to
the said Allane, compeirand sufficientlie airmit, is maid burges of
this burgh and hes gevin his aith in maner abonewrittin, and
hes payit for his burgeschip to the saidis bailleis to be furth
cummand to the commoun gude of this burgh the sowme of

hg : . Extract, &e. Signed, G. Dixsong, cls.

Kine CHAruLes THe First to the Lorps or ExcHEquEr.

1634, December 12. Whitehall_—Right, ete. ‘Though wee
have refuised to confirme the rights of anie heretable keepers of
our housses within that our kingdome, yett it is no way our
purposs to mak them leave there charge thereof till it be done in
a legall way, nor that any meanes be abstracted from them
which was by our noble progenitours or ourselves allowed for
that purposs; it is our pleasure that they still enjoy the rents
which ar allowed to them for keeping of our housses wherof they
have the charge as they formerly did, so long as it is not evicted
from them by courss of law ; they alwise performeing that which
they ar bound to doe either for keeping or for maintaineing of
the saids housses, for wee have a speciall care that all our saids
housges may be keept in good ordour, and not suffered to decay.
Contemporary copy.

Tue Viscount or Wentworts to [the Haru or Mar].

1634-5, March 13. My very good Lorde, The necessity of our
translation hence, each of us in his season, and the hope of farre
better exspecting us above, doth not only constraine our judg-
mentts to patience, but to denie ourselves the comfortt of our
best and nearest freinds with chearfullnes and contentment; soe
as I shall not spende any advise to a person of your Lordships
piety and wisedum upon the late departure of your noble father.
Wee may goe to him, but he cannot returne to us.

I am purposed now, God willing, to beginn my jurney into
Connaght the beginning of July, and spend my time in that
province till neare the latter end of September. The principall
end of my jurney is to intitle the Croune and therafter to settle
that plantation. I trust to the gratiouse acceptation of his
Majesty. Howbeitt as yet I doe not fully understande his
pleasure in all the incidentts thereof, but trust I shall before I

‘move thetherwardes.

I shall be very ready to give you any advise whearby I weare
able to serve your Lordship, but what, or how to doe itt in thos
things which may passe betwixt his Majesty and your Lordship
IT am not able at this distance, and knowing soe imperfectly the
termes when you left your affaires upon your solicitations to his
goodnesse, soe a8 your owne judgmentt I am sure will farther
shew you how to proceede in the pursute of your owne desires
and much better then I can suggest unto you. Only I must
advertise your Lordship his Majesty is purposed to make noe
proportion of above fifteen hundreth acers at the most, soe itt
willbe fitt for you to remove that lett with his Majesty, els

M
194

ith willbe out of my power to helpe you. Your Lordship
mentions twenty thousand acers, but indeed I doe not see how
possibly you can have itt, and therfore I should humbly advise
your Lordship for this turne to thinke only upon your self and
leave your freinds till an other time; for I feare both your
turnes will hardly be served at this time, and forth of thes small
plantations.

Ormonde for this yeare is not in my vew, nor doe I well see
how I can doe both att once, soe as that must stay; which is the
reason that I have not att all inquired after thos lands as yet,
nor the condition of them, soe as therin I am able to give you
noe presentt satesfaction. But soe soon as I know how to doe itt I
shall willingly contribute my best to your service. As for
the Barronry of Terrawlie I can say nothing in speciall, nor
for any of the landes in Connaght, untill wee see wheare the
Kings partte will fall to be, which cannot be knowen untill ther
be a full agreementt sett betuixt his Majesty and thos
Prouincialls.

I have caused to be inclosed a shortt note which will shew
your Lordship whear I shall bestowe my time during my
imploymentt and travell in settling this great worke, and a
great one itt is indeed, howbeitt in consequence to the good
governmentt and publike quiet of this kingdome, rather then in
profitt. I shall be most gladde to see your Lordship and most
wellcum you shall be to me, iff your other greate affaires will spaire
you from them. Your Lordship willbe pleased to pardon the bearer
his long stay, for he cums inn soe busye a time now upon the
conclusion of this Parliament that in good faith I could not
dispatche him sooner; and yet I have dun little els but write
ever sine his cumming.

Wee are, I trust, to conelude this Parliamentt with full
contentmentt to his Majesty, which is the first and principall
steppe towards the making of this people and cuntry happy. God
give His blessing unto itt, and to me a good occasion to shew how
truly and readily I am, your Lordships faithfull and humble
servant. Signed, WENTWORTH.

Dublin, this 18th of Marche, 1634.

1635, August 2 (? April 7).—Note of the order observed at the
funeral of the Earl of Mar at Stirling; and of the procession,
nobles and others present, and preparations for the same.

1635, October 27. Hampton Court.—Passport superscribed by
King Charles the First to Lord Erskein and his four servants to
travel into France and other parts beyond sea.

1635. Edinburgh.—Warrant by John, Archbishop of St.
Andrews, Chancellor, to the Commissary of Stirling to grant
licences to John, Lord Erskyne, who is nominated executor to
his deceased grandfather, and must be confirmed to his goods,
rents, etc., to pursue for the same and obtain decreets against
creditors wherever the estates lie, in Mar, Garioch, Angus,
195

Mernis, Fife, Lanrick and elsewhere, so that he make up a
perfect inventory. He has found heavy caution for doing this.
Signed, Sanct ANDREWS, Cancell™

1635.—Submission by William, Earl of Erroll, Lord Hay,
High Constable of Scotland, on the one part, and William, Earl
of Merschell, Lord Keith and Altrie, on the other part, of all
debates and controversies between them to the amicable
arbitration of John, Earl of Mar, Lord Erskine and Garviauche,
and Robert, Earl of Roxburgh, Lord Cessfurd and Cavertoun,
with the Earl of Moray as oversman. Signed, Errou;
MarscHatt; Mar accepts; Roxsurcue accepts; Morray acceps;
Kincorne, witness; M. Stormont, vitnes; Lyons, witness ;
M. D. Prymeross, witnes.

1637, September 23. Denmark House.—King Charles the
First to John, Archbishop of St. Andrews, Chancellor ; John,
Earl of Traquair, Treasurer; and remanent members of the
Privy Council of Scotland. He has taken notice of the inclosed
information and the Earl of May’s long sufferings and charges
in prosecution of the Tanning Reform, and authorises them
to pass in his favour a gift for uplifting a groat from every hide
during the few years of his patent yet unexpired.

Kine Cuarures tae First to the Hart or Traquair.

1638, March 9. Newmarket.—Rycht trustie and rycht weel-
beloved cousin and councellour, wee greete yow weell. Whereas
the Erle of Mar hath humblie represented to us the ruinous
estate of the Castle of Sterline, and how that by the tymelie
repaireing thereof and of our park wall there, a farr greater
charge hereafter may be now saifed which the helping thereof
will then necessarlie requyre, it is our pleasure that such defects
as shalbe found therein be speedilie helped with the walls of
the park, and that yow caus a stone dyk to be built about the
garden adjoyneing thereto for keeping out of the deere; for
doing whereof these shalbe unto yow ane sufficient warrant.
Contemporary copy.

Kina Caarurs tHE First to his ApvocaTe FoR SCOTLAND.

1638, March 9. Newmarket.-—Trustie and weelbeloved
councellour, wee greete yow weell. Haveing condiscended with
the Erle of Mar for his surrendering and upgiveing to our
Crown of his whole interest and right to the heretable offices
of the schireffshippe of Sterlineshyre and baillierie of the
lordship of Sterline, togidder with the baillierie of the Water of
Forth, as yow will perceave by the agreement mutuallie con-
discended upon between us touching that purpose, it is our
pleasure that with all diligence, haveing considered of his
evidents and rights thereunto, and of a sure and legall way how
hee and his heires may for ever hereafter be divested of these
heretable offices and they divolved upon our Crown, yow draw
up such wreitts and see him and the Lord Ersken, his sone,
doe and performe all such things as yow shall find necessarie to
that purpose, without prejudice alwayes unto the said Erle, his
196

heires and assignes of any other thing mentioned in these
ovidents, whereunto they have right not heirby disponed to us;
for doeing whereof these shalbe unto yow ane sufficient warrant.
Contemporary copy.

1638, March 22.—Note of the whole ordnance within the
Castle of Edinburgh, and their defects.

1639, March 22. Whitehall.—Cuartes R.—Right trusty and
right welbeloved cousin, we greete yow well. Wheras for the
better settling of businesse in that our kingdom of Scotlande
we have occasion to speake with yow, both concerning our owne
service and your particular, we do heerby will and require yow,
all excuses sett aparte, to make your immediat and personall
repaire hether to our presence for this our weighty and
important service, wherin yow are not to faile at your utter-
most perill. Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 22 day of
Marche, 1639.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and right welbeloved cousin,
the Karle of Marre. é

In Mar’s own handwriting :—His Majestys letter, 22 March,
’40, calling me to Court.

Kine Cuarnutes tur Frrest to the Karu or Mar.

1640, January 4. Whitehall—Cuartes R.—Right trustie
and welbeloved cousin and counsellour, wee greet yow well.
Having understood how yow with other two of our Privie
Counsell have taken upon yow the authoritie of the whole
boord in stopping of a remission which wee were pleased out
of our royall authoritie to give unto James Grant, wee are
highlie displeased that any whom wee had entrusted to be of our
Privie Counsell, who should maintaine our authoritie, should
committt any thing derogatorie to the same. And therfor wee
doe hereby command yow that yow forbeare any more to sitt
at our Counsell table till our further pleasure be knowen.
From our Court at Whitehall, the 4 of Januarie, 1640.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and welbeloved cousin and
counsellour, the Farle of Marre.

THe Fart or Mar to Kine Cuarues tue First.

1640, February 6th. Stirling Castle.—Most sacred soverane,
As in all humilitie I have resolved to obey your Majesties lettir
commanding me to forbeare to cum to the Counsall table till
your Majesties further pleasure wer knowne, so must I crave
pardon to desyre that your Majestie may be pleased to try the
trewthe of our cariage in that bussines by considdering of the
informatioun I have sent up to be showne to your Majestie,
which will mak itt appeare to your Majestie upoun how just and
warrantable groundes we have proceidit. By this meanes as I
doubt not bot your Majestie sall get satisfactioun of our pairt so
sall it appeare to the world how undeservedlie we have bene
misreported of ; and all honest men finding (out of your justice)
your desyre to try treuthe wilbe the moir incouraged and
hartned to attend your Majesties service heireftir. Expecting
197

your Majesties pleasure by your gratious ansuere, and beseiching
God to blisse and preserve your Majestie, I rest, your Majesties
most dewtiefull subject and humble servant. Copy.

1640, July 20. Edinburgh. Warrand and Commission by
the Committee of Estates to John, Earl of Mar, Lord Erskine
and Garioch, that “forsameikle as the necessitie of the tymes
requires that so soone as the men, horesmen and foote, alreadie
appoyntit shall come furth conforme to the generall ordouris,
immediatlie thairefter everie man betuix 60 and 16 be mustered
in thair severall shyres, presbetries, jurisdictiounes or paroches,
that ane perfyte roll may be made of all the men and lykwayes
ane inventar maid of all the armes as weill for horsmen as footmen
and the saids armes to be givin up on oath,” he take charge of
the shire of Stirling in this matter, so that ‘‘quhen occasioun
and necessitie shall require the said men and armes may be in
readines to defend the countrey or obey quhat the said Erle of
Mar or his officeris shall command for defence of the countrey
and as he shall get ordour from the Committee of Estates or the
Generall.” He is to report the lists to the Committee or his
Excellence, and with the consent of the several Committees to
divide the men into regiments and companies where this is not
already done, appoint commanders over them of the ablest
gentlemen of the country, and cause them exercise themselves
in martial duties. If when necessity shall require, or appearance
of invasion, he finds that he cannot make headway alone, he is
to call to his assistance those similarly commissioned in the
shires of Fife, Clackmannan, Perth, Linlithgow and Dumbarton.
Power is given to him to deal with recusants, and he is directed
to communicate with and report to the Committee of Estates at
Edinburgh at least once every week upon the public charges so
that prompt order may be taken with any delinquents. This
commission is to endure until it is discharged by the Committee,
and it is signed by A. Leste, Amont, Rotuzss, Monrrossg,
J. Burenty, Naper, W. Caprintown, J. Forses or Leste,
J.C. Garrarrtu, J. Surra, Mr. Au. WEDDERBURNE, and Epwarp
Epaar.

o. 1640.—Ane list of the men in Strathdone that may and
must goe furth with the Earle of Marr at this tyme.
Undated, but probably about 1640.

Curgarffe, tuantie four men, and Donald Farquharson on

Ger We ad: .dsvassdsinnseeratie says teas owe seg aeaetnneexeeesmoru se 24
Skellater, younger, for all his lands holden of the Earle

of Marr, sexteine men with himselfe .................... 17
Kandicraige, elder and younger, tuantie men and them

BOLUS, DOGD: sedidocacandsads seusnha diosaesnrqiqueearevsia edges hee 20
Donald Catanach and three men for Toldiwhill ............ 03
Belnabodach, three men, with John Fergusson, lyffrenter,

On ther Head: svsven cers deur aigeieege Sealy ects daar, uae usia en 04
John Forbes of Ladmacey, for his lands, tuantie men

iid: HIM BOLLE. g sess secs anna cats eeoeieraw rane eaceseens ear eeee tes 21
Culquhannie, sex men and himselfe .......cceeeeeseeeee eee 07

ee a —
198

Culquharrie, sex men and himselfe.............0. eee 07

New, sexteine men and himselfe ...............cccccccee eee eee eee 17

Alexander Forbes in Buchane and James Forbes ther,
themselfis and a prettie man with every on of them,

and William Forbes, messenger .............seseeeee een ees 05
Toldsheuch, eight men 1.00... cece cece nee cee cee eeeeeeneeees 08
Glenbuichet, thirtie men and himselfe .................0000085 31
Glenkindie, tuantie Men ....... cece ccc eccceeceeceesaeenesaeees 20

For his lands in the lordship of Kildromy

c. 1640.—Sir Jeames Galloway, a Royalist, his predictiones
befor the late trubles of King Charles the First.
About the time that one shall be
Joyned unto tuo times thrie, 1648.
With four times ten, and four times two,
Amongst us shall be great adoe.
Ane eagels head that time shall fall ;
Scattered shall be the younge ones all.
A cipher then shall rise full great, Oliver
His name ane 100 taks the seat, Cromwell.
And shall doe mightie things before
He is removed from the shoare.
Bot ten times five, with tuo and six,
Him in ane other world shall fix.
Then quickly after him shall hye
The eagles back againe to flye,
And shall bedeck himselfe againe King
With feathers of his father’s traine. Charles I (sic).
Till heavie times shall make men say
Often Alace, and willaway,
And wish that they a death might find,
For somethings truble sore the mind.
Old bloody Roome will greatly seek
Quite to destroy heretick sheep.
Great treachery and bloodshed then
Shall swipe away great store of men.
And after all a cloud shall come
Will almost darken quite the sune.
The Cross, the Surplice, and the Croune
Strives how to pull each other doune.
Foolish Irland contrives our woe,
Bot zelous Scotland doth not soe.
Begine againe with one and six, 1677.
Eleven times seven beging these tricks,
And for a time shall last full sore,
Which you may number once yet four, 1681.
And in four more it shall abait, 1685.
To welcome in a happie state.
Then better evryday shall be,
Bot no more in England sie.

* Sir James Galloway was Master of Requests to King James the Sixth,
and a Privy Councillor in the reign of King Charles the Firat.
199

Tur Kart or Morton to the Haru or Mar.

1642, March 24.—My Lord and luving cusin, 1 give you
hartie thanks for your kynd adwys tho I dar not promis to
follow it, for I never considerit my self when my maister or my
fremd had to do with my service. I have promised to advertis
my Lord Napeir of what I heir from Court and, God willing, I
sall be als good as my word. For the last part of your letter
concerning my bond to your father I must intrait your patience
untill it appeir what is don be the Erle of Traquhar, and thare-
efter your Lordship sall find all deutifull performance be your
cusin and servant. Signed, Morton.

Addressed :—For my honorable Lord and luving cusin, the
Erll of Marr.

(In another hand] Mortoun, 24 March ’42, anent the 6,200
lib. rest to me.

Kine Caarues tHE First to the Hart or Mar.

1648, April 21. Oxford.--CHarues R.—Right trustie and
right welbeloved cousin and counsel:our, wee greet you well.
Since nothing on earth can be more deare unto us then the
preservation of the affectiouns of our people, and amongst them
none more then of these of our native kingdome; which as the
long and uninterrupted government of us and our predecessours
over them doth give us just reason in a more neare and speciall
maner to challenge from them, so may they justlie expect a
particular tendernes from us in everie thing which may
contribute to theire hapiness. But knowing what industrie is
used (by scattring seditious pamphletts and employing privat
agents and instruments to give badd impressions of us and our
proceedinges and under pretence of a danger to religion and
government) to corrupt theire fidelities and affections, and to
ingage them in an unjust quarrell against us, theire king, wee
cannot therefore but remove these jealousies and secure theire
feares from all possibillity of any hazard to either of these from
us. Wee have therefore thought fitt to require you to call
together your frindes, vassalls, tenants and such others as have
any dependency upon you, and in our name to shew them our
willingnes to give all the assurance they can desire or we
possiblie grant (if more can be given then allreadie is)- of
preserving inviolablie all those graces ard favours which wee
have of late granted to that our kingdome; and that wee doe
faithfully promise never to goe to the contrarie of anything
there established either in ecclesiasticall or civill government,
but that wee will inviolably keepe the same according to the
lawes of that our kingdome. And wee doe wish God so to blesse
our proceedinges and posterity as wee doe really make good and
performe this promise. Wee hope this will give so full satis-
factioun to all who shall heare of this our solemne protestacioun,
that no such persons as studie division, or goe about to weaken
the confidence betwixt us and our people, and justlie deserve the
200

name and punishment of incendiaries, shallbe sheltered from the
hand of justice; and all such others as shall endeavour peace
and unitie and obedience to us and our lawes may expect that
protection and increase of favour from us which theire fidellity
deserves. So expecting your care hereof, wee bidd you heartily
farewell. From our Court at Oxford, the 21 of Aprill, 1643.

Addressed :—To our right trustie and right welbeloved cousin
and counsellour, the Earle of Marr.

Tue Privy Councit to the Earn or Mar.

1643, October 16. Edinburgh.—QOar verie honorabill Lord,
The Councell haveing this day mett, there appeared before us
some ministers of the Presbiterie of Edinburgh, and in name of
the said Presbiterie gave in the Solemne League and Covenant
with the acts of the Comittie of Estates and Generall Assemblie
made thairanent, and desyred us to concurre be our example
and auctoritie in sweareing and subscryveing thairof. And the
Councell haveing considered the same as tending to the good of
religion, his Majestie honour, and peace and happines of his
kingdomes, did hartilie concurre with the judgment of the
commissioners of the Convention and Assemblie, and have
appointed the secound day of November nixtocome for the
Councells sweareing and subseryveing thairof. These are
thairfore to desyre your Lordship to keep this dyett preceiselie
as yow desyre not to be esteemed ane enemie to religion, his
Majestie honour, and peace of this kingdome; and for your
Lordships better information we have heirwith sent to your
Lordship ane copie of the said Covenant and Acts prefixt thairto,
and rests, Your Lordships assured freinds,

Signed, Araytu; Lauperparty; Banmertno; Lovpown,
Can“rius; Casstnuis; DUNFERMELINE; WEMYS8; SINCLARE ;
J. Bureuiy; J. Suytu, provest of Ed

Addressed :—For the right honorabill Lord, the Earle of Mar.
In [another hand]: The Counsels letter, receated the 27 of
October, 1643.

1643, October.—The propositions wich the Sieur of Boisimon
(being sent by the Most Christian King) maketh to the
Lords of the Counsell of Scotland in his maisters name.

1, First, Thatt conforme to the instructions thatt the Lords
of the Counsell of Scotland gave to the Earle of Laudien, ther
deputy in France (by consent of the King of Greatt Brittane),
thatt the sayd Lords (so far as ther power can extend) sall
confirme the ancient alliances of France and Scotland.

2. Thatt for this effect the Scottes sall nott enter in England
in armes derectlye nor inderectlye wither under pretext to serve
the King of Greatt Brittane or under pretext of religion without
commission of the King ther maister ; and (in regarde that this
article presseth) the most Christian King desyreth ane presise
and prompt answer.
201

3. Thatt the Lords of the Cownsell of Scotland (in imitation
of the most Christian King) have no regard to the difference of
religion of those who serve in France who enrolle or sall enrolle
themselfes to serve ther; and in regard thatt the churches of
Scotland have determined the contrayre in ther Assemblye itt is
requyred thatt the Cownsell of Scotland sall give owtt ane act of
retraction of thatt wich is determined by the Assemblye.

4, The Sieur of Boisimon, be commandment of the King his
maister to make yett some farther propositions, bot as thir ar
the most principall wich concerne the maintenance or ruptur of
the alliance of the two kingdomes, he hes ordre first to advye
ue answer he getteth to thir articles, befoyr he propone anye
uthers.

(On the back)—The French Commissioner’s propositions to
the Counsell of Scotland translated in Scots in October, 1643.

c. 1644.—Paper, indorsed ‘‘ Articles craved by the Parliament
of his Majestie.” These consist of a preamble affirming the
dutifulness of the supplicants, lamenting the distractions of the
time, and proposing measures to be taken by his Majesty for
the restoration of peace. These are formulated in nineteen
articles dealing with the constitution of the Kings Council under
the supervision of the Parliament, the education and marriage
of the Kings children, measures to be taken regarding Papists,
the reformation of Church government, the militia, the courts
of law, and the forces now attending his Majesty; also desiring
his Majesty to enter into alliance with the United Provinces and
other Protestant States for defence of the Protestant religion
against the attempts of the Pope; and to clear Lord Kimbolton
and the five members of the House of Commons in such a way
as to secure Parliament in the future, ete. These being granted,
they promise to regulate his Majestys revenue to his best
advantage, and increase the same beyond that granted to any
former sovereign, to put the town of Hull into his possession,
and dutifully and affectionately to maintain the honour and
safety of his Majesty and his posterity. Undated.

1645, August 2.—Bond of caution by John, Karl of Mar, in
20,000 merks, that on the release of his daughter, Lady Elizabeth
Erskine, Mistress of Napier, and Mrs. Lilias Napier, daughter of
the Lord of Napier, from the Castle of Edinburgh, they will
proceed to his dwelling house and keep ward within the same
and one mile about it.

1645, September 27. Kildrummy.—Obligatione and tie
upon their trest freind, Robert Ferquharsoune of Inver-
gald, to the Earle of Mar and the Lord Areskine, his
soune, touching the keeping and defending of thair
house of Kildrumie, as after followes :—

1. I, Robert Ferquharsoune of Invergald, doe faithfullie bind
and oblige myselfe to be ansuerable for the house of Kildrumie
to the Earle of Mar and his soune, the Lord Areskine, onlie.
202

2. I bind myselfe to deliver it upp to no persoun or persons
whatsoever but to the said Earle and his said soune, and to
deliver it to them or one of them whenever theye shall require it.

8. That I shall receave non into the said house without their
especiall consent and privitie except suche a competent number
as I must needs have in garisoune for the defence of the house
as occasioune or hazarde sha! offer, and that of suche men as I
am content to be ansuerable for: shall still make the house
forthcomming to the said Karle of Mar and Lord Erskine.

4. That I shall refuse entrie within the said house to non
whou ar engaged in the Kings service whome the said Earle or
his said soune shall send to reside in it, I, the said Robert, still
being so master of it that theye exceed not my power within the
said garisoune.

5. That no hostile act, prejudice or injurie shall be doune by
myselfe or anie in the housse to anie whou ar or shall be
ingaged in the Kings service unless I, the said Robert, be still
able to justifie that thorowge their oune just desert it shall be
forced upon me.

6. That I shall be bound for, as farr as maye concern the
keeping and defending of this housse, to be a freind to the Kings
freinds and ane enemie to his enemies to the uttermast of my
power. Signed, R. Farg*sonz.

1646, March 1. Kelham.—Letter from Lieut.-Gen. David
Leslie to the Committee of Estates. Earnestly desiring them to
show clemency to the Earl of Mar and Lord Erskine, his son.
His Lordship was forced for the safety of his estate to join with
the enemy, and showed this by voluntarily leaving them; and
though he has been misled, he thinks that the father should not
be punished for the son’s error. By quarterings and impositions
from both sides, both have already suffered severely, and
anything further would mean total ruin. Their Lordships
present favour to Lord Erskine “ will prove a singular mean to
maik that honorable family continue as they have anciently been,
true and faithfull patriots.” The writer is under many
obligations to the Earl of Mar, and hopes therfore their
Lordships will grant the like favour as the Committee of
Glasgow did on October 30, 1645, when they declared they
would dispose of no fine to be imposed upon Lord Erskine for
joyning with the rebels without the advice of Lieut.-Gen. David
Leslie. The writer also requests their Lordships clemency to
the Laird of Keir (who came to him from the enemy upon his
protection), and also for Lord Annandale. Copy.

Ligvur.-Gen. Davin Lesure to the Commirrer or Estates.

1646, March 8. Kelham.—My Lords, Beeing informed that
the Lord Erskeen is appoynted to come befoir your Lordships
the 8th of this instant, 1 have taken the boldnes earnestlie to
desyre your Lordships to taik both his and his fathers case in
2038

your serious consideration ;, and then I will not doubt bot your
Lordships favour will extend so far to him that he shalbe for the
tyme liberat of aniefyne. For first the noble man for saftie of his
estait wes in a maner forced to joyne his person with the enimie;
which I think he declaired by his voluntary leaving him. Then
tho he had been misled I think his father should not [have]
been punished for his error, who by the severall quarterings an
impositiones of both sydes hath alreadie suffered verie much, and
{if} he who hath begun to frie his esteat of those great burthens,
under which it hath long groaned were now fyned, I presume if
it did not totalie ruine him it should at least put him in alse bad
a conditione as he wes in befoir. And I am verrie confident that
your Lordships favour towards my Lord Erskeen at this tyme
will prove a singular meane to mak that honorable familie
continue as they have anciently been, true and faithfull patriots.
The great obligationes I have to my Lord Marr, and having givin
his sone my protectione, forceth me to be your Lordships
humble petitioner for the noble man, and doe not doubt bot
yow will suffer me to enjoy the favour which the Committee of
Glasgow wes pleased to grant me by this inclosed act concerning
him.

And in regaird the Laird of Keer come from the enimie upon
my protectione and that his great sufferings during the tyme of
those troubles hath without all questione brought him to a low
conditione, I earnestly desyre that yow wilbe pleased so to
modifie his fyne as that he may subsist, and not onlie he bot others
be incouradged to leave those evill courses whairin they have
been misled. I beg humbly your Lordships [pardon] both for this
my importunitie and my former concerning my Lord Anandale ;
bot as your Lordships will in a high measure tye tham to yow
for your favour, so by the same in a singular maner yow will
obleidge me to testifie how much I am,

Your Lordships most humble servant,

(Sic sub’.) Davin Leste.

1646, April 9th.—Extract Act of the Committee of Processes
and Money, finding that John, Lord Iirskine, was with the
rebels since the battle of Kilsyth, and with James Graham and
his rebellious army at the battle of Philiphaugh ; also that he
obtained a pass from Lieut.-Gen. David Leslie, declaring that if
he left the rebels before 14th November then next he should not
be troubled in his person. Notwithstanding they adjudge him a
delinquent of the first class; and though his life is safe on
account of the pass, they fine him 24,000 merks, as he is in the
fee of his father’s estates, whose liferent they reserve. ‘Ihey,
however, deduct one fourth of this amount because of his
submissive behaviour, and, declaring him unfit for any place of
public trust, ordain him to find caution in £40,000 for his
compearance before tlie Parliament when cited and his future
good behaviour. Signed, Ja. Prymross.
204

1646, December 14.-—Lord Napier of Merchiston to the Earl
of Mar, condoling with him on the death ofa child. ‘‘ Nothing,”
he adds, ‘‘occurrs worthy of relation; only Cromwell is advance-
ing northward with a considerable power, and a little money to
the Scotts army, which if they will not accept, he will fall on as
his ordors caryes. Montrose is yet in Denmarke (and as wee
heare) hes taken imployment from that King.” Merchiston.
Signed, Napren.

c. 1647.—Ane ansuer of a letter concerning the Kings
going from Holemby to the armie.

Sir, yow desyr my opinion concerning this late great business,
the Kings going into the armie. My judgment is shortly and
eleirly thus: That his Majestie went thither nether against his
oune will nor the desyr of the armie. I beleve his Majestie had
no reasoune to be verie fond of the place quhair he was befor
or of the great respects he receaved thair, being (without doubt)
at the top of his preferment, and in all likliehood not to have
continewed so weillso long, had not some stronger brydle then that
of alledgeance to him or religioun to God maid thaim forbear any
further altempt. For that which you pleased or rather your
fears do suggest, viz., that his Majestie hes leapt out of the
frying pan into the fyre, left ill cumpaney to adhere to worse,
becaus yow are pleased to say (and you doe but say it) that this
armie consists of Independants who ar worse principaled for
magistracie then those of the other partie; I ansuer that
indeid it can not be denied that out of diverse of thair books we
may gather such conclusiouns, which for my pairt I cannot
allow of. But that the fears and jealoussies of both housses may
not forsaik thair old maisters in such a busie tyme as this, and
wholie tak up and possesse your breist, I pray yow, Sir, reason-
ablie weighe all circumstances, and yow shall find that his
Majestie hath fallen into much better cumpanie then ether his
cuntriemen wer to him, or commended him 40, not to say sold
and betrayed him. Of those men (call them Independents or
quhat yow will) I have had a great deall of experience. I find
tham in thair way verie devote, verie just in thair dealling, and
of all the armies imployed by the Parliament in this unnaturall
warre I will be bold to say non behaved thamselves mor civillie,
mor christianlie against the adverse partie then they; and
considering thair different judgments and opinions non wer mor
in charitie and unitie among thamselves. In all my discourse I
had with tham (and I talkt with maney of tham) I fynd a great
deale of humilitie and lowlines amongs tham; but as they
desyr to exercise no sever jurisdictione over other mens
consciences, so they seem to desyr in lyk maner that non may
over thairs. I doe not treulie perceave that they have a mynd
to give law to any other, but only to procure thair owne libertie
and quiet. This libertie they can not have under the Presbiterie,
who have both in pulpit and presse declaired so bitterlie (I had
almost said so unchristianly) against thaim. How then or by
quhom.can they.houp to injoy this priveleidge more frelie, mor
206

fullie, then by receaving it from him who hath the sole power
in these dominions under Christ Jesus to grant it? And thairfor
mak no doubt bot that thair will be a verie right understanding
begotten betwixt the King and the armie. And that as they ar
raised by God at this tyme to reinvest him with his just lawful
rights and prerogatives, to the eternall shame of his oune
natioune (the first nationne that ever I reid of who sold thair
King), so I doubt not but his Majestie will so weill resent this
seasonable kyndnes of thairs, that as they preserve his persoun,
honour and conscience, so he wilbe as tender of thairs. And
treulie I think him fitt to be brought to condigne punishment as
ane ewill counsellour that sall even go about to alienat the
Kings hart from tham, or mak him to forgett this handsome
loyaltie of thairs, that hath so gallantly shewed itself in the
midst of so much creweltie, neglect and contempt, and quhen his
Majesties other freinds had so litell power or opportunitie to doe
him good. And this I delywer the mor cleirlie becaus yow know
I am no partie at all in this busines, but (according to your
desyr) I have given my sense, and quhat yow have mor to say,
I pray communicat as friely to, Your affectionat freind to serve
yow.

Tue Larrep or GuENKinDIE to the Earn or Mar.

1647, February 12. Glenkindie.—The Goodman of Invercald
had asked him to sign a testimonial of ‘his sufficiencie tovards
the covenant and keeping of the house of Kildrummie,” but that
as he feared this might mean the placing of a ‘“‘stranger
garisone”’ there, he had refused, telling Invercald “that if my
brother wold preace to bring in ane stranger garisone ther I
wold oppose him all that lay in my power.” For the past two
years he has had four of his own and his son’s men nightly in
Kildrummie for the keeping of that house, upon their own
charges; and whenever he heard of the approaching of the
enemy, he went thither himself. He knows what the establish-
ment of a garison would mean to his lands which adjoin
Kildrummie, from his experience with his lands in Buchan, and
the garrison of Fyvie there, and be begs his Lordship to reserve
the keeping of that house in his own hands, and Invercald,
himself and others will contribute towards the cost.

Lizvt.-Gen. Davip Lesure to the Hart or Mar

1647, March 4. Edinburgh.—He will, so far as lies in his
power, prevent the placing of a garrison in any of his Lordship’s
houses ; only he will not to be able to avoid doing so if he
receive particular orders ‘‘ from the publick.”

1649, September 22. Edinburgh.—Mr. William Colville,
formerly one of the ministers of Edinburgh, to John, Lord
Erskine. He expresses his gratitude for his Lordship’s kindness
in his present distress, and then proceeds, ‘As for that gentlman,
Bosuell, he camme from the King in ane wauchter and is gone
to Ireland to Ormond to heir the conditioun of affairs thair.
206

The King is at St. Mala’s waiting what he heares from Ireland.
Some thinke he will comme heir. I heard of one who spoke
this day with the Chanclour. He told that he understude by
ane letter from Eglintoun that Cromwell’s men had got some
defeat of about 700 or 800 horse routed.” The writer, whose
necessities and that of his family have been cared for by his
Lordship, intends going abroad in this wauchter, the captain of
which has offered him his own bed. He also encloses to Lord
Erskine an epitaph upon his Lordship’s grandfather, and a copy
of his own sentence of deposition from the ministry by the General
Assembly on the 26th July, 1649, because of ‘‘his silence in the
publick cause in relation to the late unlawfull engagement
against the Kingdome of Ingland,” and his refusal to make any
acknowledgement of his sin and offence therein.

1651, January 29. Perth.—Order by the King and the
Committee of Estates to John, Lord Erskyne, to proceed with
speed to the raising of the regiment of horse from the shires of
Stirling, Clackmannan and Dumbarton, and to come to his
Majesty that his Lieutenant-Colonel and Major may be appointed.
Signed by A. Henperson, Cls. Dom. Con.

1651, February 18th. Perth.—Orders from the Kings
Majestie and the Committee of Estates to the Colonells
of Horse of the severall shyres.

Yow are hereby commanded by yourselff and all your under
officers to go activelie about the levying of your regiment, and
to quarter upon the deficients.

Yow are to accept of no souldiers but such as are free and
have passes, and are not of anie regiment of the armie.

Yow are to be carefull to get good horse and men, and that
they have good and fixed armes, especiallie good swords.

Yow are to be carefull that fyve firlots of oates be sent to
Sterling for everie horse, and layed up in magazine there to bee
at that place before the regiment come that length.

Yow are to cause collect fyiftein pund Scots for ilk horseman
to bee delyvered to some responsall man in the shyre, according
to former orders, and disposed of efter the generall randevouz of
the armie for intertainement of the regiment as shall be
appointed. And if anie monie bee already received by yow or
your officers, yow are to cause delyver the same to the forsaid
responsall man for the use aforsaid.

Yow are to be answerable that no officer under yow take
money upon anie pretext whatsoever; and hereof ane accompt
will be taken, and yow thanked or censured as yow shall deserve.
Signed, A. Henperson, Cls. Dom. Con.

16638, September 8.—Commission to John, Earl of Mar, to
apprehend and try Andrew Shaw, and McIntosh and
Morgan Bane, his accomplices, who as vagabonds infest the
bounds of Brae Marr, Strathdie and Strathdon, committing
outrages and wounding and plundering the lieges. Signed by
GuEncarRNe, Chancellor; Manriscuantu, Monrrosz, LavpERDAILL,
Carrunes, Morray, Hapinron, Sovriusk and Cx. Marruanp.
207

1669, October 20. Glenkindie. — Agreement between
Alexander Strachan, elder of Glenkindie, and Mr. Robert
Irving, minister at the Kirk of Towy, to pay to 7
merchant burgess of Aberdeen, such sums of money “as he
shall declare upon his faithfull, honest word that he shall give
out in Holland for casting the bell of the said Kirk of Towy new
againe, and for transporting of the said bell from Aberdeen to
Holland and back againe to Aberdeen from thence.” Andrew
Strachan, lawful son to Alexander Strachan, younger of
Glenkindie, is a witness.

1675, October 7. Edinburgh.—Orders by the Privy Council
to the Earl of Mar, as Governor of the Castle of Stirling, to
receive and keep Sir Patrick Home of Polwart and Robert Ker,
sometime of Kersland, as prisoners, allowing them the liberty of
the castle within its walls. Signed, Tomas Hav.

1675, December 15.—Letter superscribed by King Charles the
Second, and subscribed by Lauderdale, requiring the Com-
missioners of the Treasury before expeding the new lease which
has been granted for three years of the feuduties of the lands and
lordship of Stirling to Charles, Karl of Mar, to take from him, as
representing his father and grandfather, a sufficient discharge
of a debt of £8,000 sterling due by the Crown to them, and of
which from the former leases they have enjoyed they have now
been fully paid. Copy.

1676, February 8.—Diploma subscribed by Sir Charles
Araskine of Cambo, Lyon King of Armes, of the arms of Sir
John Nicolsone of that Ilk, knight and baronet, as the reputed
chief of that name.

1676, February, the last day.—Order from the Council signed
by Thomas Hay, directing the Captain of the Castle of Stirling
to liberate Sir Patrick Hume of Polwart; but who by his
Majesty’s command is still to remain under the other part of
his sentence delaring him incapable of all public trust in the
meantime.

* Artuur Forbes oF Brox to the Haru or Mar.

1677, February 27. Brux.—My Lord, I receaved yours
vharin ye manifest a great displeasur for returning ane ansuer
to ane imperius and impertinent letter of Jhon Keiries. I houp
if it var impartiallie considered it vold not afford a just ground
of pick. And vhearas your Lordship challenges me for new
doctrine disperst among your vassells and that my practise is
far contrarie to my proffessions of respects to your Lordship vhen
last in the north, in my opinion ther is non who treulie knowes
me that can justlie brand me vith hipocrasie, and I vold have
expected that justice from a person of your Lordships honor,
that according to your promises to me that non should have hed
that influence on your Lordship to have misrepresented me
unheard. I know ther ar severall passionat censorers that
208

pretends ane interest in your Lordships favour that vil not be
vanting to misinterpret the best of my actions, bot I houp tym
and experience vill discover them in ther ouen colors. I confes
my service or kyndnes is of small significatione and deserves no
thanks, bot such as it is it vas never vanting to your Lordship
nor non of your concerns vhen justlie calt for. And vhear [you]
threaten me vith the force of your courts if a vassels redendo
sets not marches betuixt him and his superior it is a knake of
laue Iam yet ignorant of. Bot your Lordship most pardon me
to tell you that as I should have been alvayes redie to have
served your Lordship in poynt of kyndnes to the heasert of lyf
and fortune, and on the contrar doe not imagine I vill be
menaced to ane obsequiusnes vhar [I] find not my self legallie
bound, so this [is] all from him vho subseryvs him tho mistaken,
my Lord, your Lordships most humble servand, Ar. Forzis oF
RUX.

1677, April 4.—The Lords of the Privy Council being
petitioned by James Erskein of Sheilfeild, that in his great
sickness, his only brother, Mr. William Erskein, who is now
prisoner in Stirling Castle, might be permitted to visit him and
assist him in the ordering of his affairs, ordain the Karl of Mar
to release the said Mr. William on his finding caution to return to
his confinement within a month, and not attend any conventicle
during the period of his release, under a penalty of 5,000 merks,

1677, April 4.—Commission by the Lords of Council to the
Earl of Marr and Lord Elphinstoun to take cognition-of two
attempts made by William Rob, formerly coal-grieve to Hugh
Paterson of Bannockburn, but dismissed for malversation, to
wreck his master’s coalworks out of revenge; and to report.
Signed, Au. GrBsonz.

-1677, December 7. Edinburgh.—Order by the Lords Com-
missioners of the Treasury to the Earl of Mar to store five
hundred stone weight of cheese In the Castle of Stirling.
Signed by Roruzs, LauperpaLe, Kincarpin, Cu. Marrnuanp.

1678, February 26.—Commission by the Privy Council to Sir
John Niclesone of that Ilk, lieutenant-colonel of the militia
regiment of the shire of Edinburgh commanded by the Duke
of Lawderdaill, to march with the said regiment on Thursday
next, the last of the month, to Glasgow for the suppression of
“rebellious feild conventicles and other insolences committed
latly against his Majesties authority in some Westerne and
other shyres,” with an indemnity for all killing, wounding,
apprending or imprisoning such as should make opposition,
Signed by Rotuxs, Chancellor; Sr. Anprews, LavupERDALE,
Marscuatyt, Doucias, Wicroungr, ArnGyLL, Kintorr, ELPHINSToN,
Cu. Marrnanp, Gro. Macxenziz, Tao. Watuace and Ja. Fourrss,

1678, May 3.—Commission by the Privy Council to the Earl
of Mar, to oversee the repairing of bridges and highways in the
shire of Clackmannan.
209

1678, October 20.—Paper entitled, ‘‘ The Military Exercise.”
It begins thus: ‘“ The regement being enbatelled and the
feyles opened to their orders, yow comand the pykes to
order their pykes and the musquetiers to exercise their
musquets ut infra.

The Exercise of the Musquett.

Musqueteirs take heed to exercise your musquetts.
Cary your armes straight.

Observe your distances.

Silence.

Mynd the word of command.

Joyne your right hand to your musquett.
Poyes your musquett.

Joyne your left hand to your musquett.
Take your matches.

Blow your matches.

Try your matches to the midle of your panns.
Guaird your panns with your tua foremost fingers.
Blow your matches.

Open your pans.

Present.

Give fire.

Recover your armes.

Returne your matches.

Put them in their places.

Blow your panns.

Handle your preymers.

Preyme your panns.

Shut your pannus.

Blow off your loose cornes.

Cast about your musquett to the sword syde.
Handle your charger.

Open it with your teeth.

Put the pouder into the barrell.

Draw furth your ramwands.

Hold them up.

Shorten them againes your breast.

Put them into the barrells.

Ram doune your charge.

Recover your ramwands.

Hold them up.

Shorten them to your breasts.

Put them into their places.

Joyne your right hand to your musquett.
Poise your musquett.

Shoulder your musquett.

Rest your selves upon your musquetts.

Then follows, ‘‘ The exercise-of the pyke,” then ‘‘ Musqueticrs
and pykes,” together with evolutions in marching, counter-
marching and wheeling.

N
210

1678, November 1. Edinburgh.—Order by the Earl of Lin-
lithgow to the Earl of Mar for all officers in regiments using
pikes, &c.: ‘Edinburgh, 1 November, 1678. My noble Lord,
Since my wreting of my last, I have sent for all the officers of
the Kings regement to acquent them with ane order that I have
given for ther carying all hoscoes when they are togither, and at
other tymes only thes upon guarde. As lykwyse all Collonels,
Levtennant Collonells, and Captains upon deutie are to cary
pikes of elevn foot long, the Levtennants partizans, and the
ensynges (when they doe not cary ther collours) halfe pikes. I
shall desyre that your Lordship will be pleased to give the lyke
ordor for all your officers. I have given ordor for the making of
som hoscoes, pikes, and partizans heir, which any body that
your Lordship will appoint may sie the same done for yow.
I am, My Lord, your Lordships most faithfull and humble
servant, LinLitHcow.

Orper to the Hart or Mar.

1678, November 28. Hdinburgh,—By vertue of ane order
direct to me by the Lords of his Majesties Privie Councill for
quartering of his Majesties forces within this kingdome, daitit
the 22nd day of November, 1678, I desyre your Lordship will be
pleased to quarter your regiment at the places following, viz. :-—
Fyve companies thairof at Muselburgh, Fisherraw and New-
biging, and thrie companies at Dalkeith, untill further ordors ;
for which doeing this shall be your warrant, Signed,
Linuirucow.

1679, April 4.—Order by the Privy Council to the Hayrl of
Linlithgow, Major-General and Commander-in-Chief of his
Majestys Forces, to send William Livingstoun of Greinyeards,
now a prisoner in the tolbooth of Stirlmg, under a sufficient
guard to the tolbooth of Edinburgh. Signed by Tuomas Hay.
On this same paper is an order by the Earl of Linlithgow to the
Earl of Marr to send in the said prisoner as above.

1679, April 10.—Caution by William Clark, tenant to Sir
William Bruce of Stainhouse, in the parish of Larbert, for the
appearance within forty-eight hours when required of Michael
Colvill in Stainhouse, and Thomas Clark, his own son, who are
presently prisoners in Stirling tolbooth, for being at field
conventicles, under the penalty of £100 each. °

Kine Cuarnes tue Seconp to the Lorps or JustIcIary,

1679, July 18. Windsor Castle—Right trustie and well
beloved councellors, and trustie and welbeloved, wee greet you
well. The punishment of crymes being of so great import to
our service, and tending so much to secure our peaceable
subjectis; and you being in the execution of that imployment at
so much paines, and your bench being by its late constitution
filled with persons of extraordinarie abilities and breeding, wee
211

have thought fitt at this tyme to assure you of our firme
resolution to owne you and that our Court in the administration
of justice to our people, and that wee will punish such as by
injureing you asperse our authority and poyson our people.
And particularly wee doe thank you for your proceedings against
Mr. James Mitchell, that enemy of humane society, these who
lessen that cryme or insinuat any reproach against these who
were interested in that process as judges or witnesses being
chargeable with the blood which they encourage to spill upon
such occasions. And so wee bid you farewell. Given at our
Court at Windsor Castle, the 18th day of July, 1679, and of our
reigne the 81 year. By his Majesties command. Signed,
LavuDERDALE.

1679, July 24. Hdinburgh.—Order by the Privy Council
in obedience to his Majesty’s letter of 17th instant, to the Harl
of Mar to set Sir Patrick Home of Polwart at liberty out of the
Castle of Stirling. Signed, Au. Grsson.

1679.—Sir Francis Winingstounes speiche to the House of
Commons concerning the pardoune of the Thesaurer, Sir
Thomas, Earle of Denbey.

1680, March 26th. Irvine.—Minute of the Council of War of
the Earl of Mar’s regiment condemning Abraham Gray, soldier
in Captain Belford’s company, to be degraded upon the head
of the regiment, and thereafter shot at a post for running away
from his colours; the time and place being referred to his
Excellency, General Dalyell.

On the following day at Kilmarnock James Davidson, soldier
in Captain Douglas’s company, was accused and convicted of
‘‘blaspheaming,” he having ‘‘exprest thatt Lord thatt we
depentt upon was a bastertt of Joshaef,”’ and is condemned to
be degraded on the head of the batalion, and thereafter his
tongue to be bored through with a red hot iron. This sentence
is endorsed by General Dalyell.

1682, April 29. Whitehall—King Charles the Second,
apparently to the Council, in reply to a letter of the 14th written
to the Earl of Moray, Secretary, respecting the rescue of a
malefactor by some of the soldiers of Captain Cairns’s company,
from the hands of Col. James Douglas, whom they used
barbarously in taking the prisoner from him, and ordering the
arrest of Captain Cairns and the imprisonment of such of his
soldiers as were engaged herein, until further orders are given
by his Majesty’s royal brother. Signed, Morray.

1682, May 20.—Instructions from his Majesty’s Privy Council
to General Dalyell, or such officers as he may send to the
shires of Lanrick and Air for taking notice of the present
condition thereof and receivmg proposals for securing the
peace hereafter. They are to go to Hamilton on Friday, the
26th, and meet with the Duke of Hamilton and other gentlemen
of the shire of Lanark; to obtain a list of the rebels who have
212

not submitted, and consider how the ringleaders are to be
brought in; to receive submissions from those willing to cast
themselves on the King’s mercy; to note places fit for lodging
such forces as may be necessary to send into the shire; to
consider what methods may be required for obliging persons,
both innocent and guilty, to keep their parish churches ; to see
that none buy back goods confiscated by rebels to their behoof,
and that the wives, children and friends of rebels possess none
of their goods; and to consider who are fit to be appointed
commissioners of Militia and Justices of Peace. On “ ‘Tuesday
come seven night” they are to go to Ayr and meet there with
the Earl of Dumfries and the Laird of Claverhouse, and follow
the same course as at Hamilton. Then they and Claverhouse
are to return to Lanarkshire and take such measures as will
secure the peace of both shires; and afterwards come to
Edinburgh and report to the Lord Chancellor for communica-
tion to the Council what they have done. There follows a note
of a meeting at Hamilton on 29th May, which is adjourned till
2nd June.

Kenneta Mackenzie to the Haru or Mar

1682, August 21. Dunblane.—He has sent the bearer, John
McIntosh, one of his corporals, to receive “two or three skeens
of match and as much puder as will make halfe a dussan shot to
the companie, for when this companie march’d from Glasgow
ther was only on skeen of match and not compleit three shot of
puder givne us; so that iff ther bee any thing to doe when wee
want amonition we will be able to do bot blunt service.”

1682, December 1. Whitehall.—Copy signature in favour of
Captain Archibald Stewart, brother german of Alexander, Earl
of Moray, Secretary of State for Scotland, as Lieutenant-Governor
of the Castle of Stirling.

1682, December 14.—Act of the Privy Council directing the
Earl of Mar, as principal Governor of the Castle of Stirling, to
administer the oath of office to Captain Archibald Stewart,
brother german of the Earl of Moray, one of the Secretaries of
State for Scotland as Deputy-Governor there.

1683, January 4.—Instructions for the Governors of all his
Majesty’s castles and garrisons in Scotland for the prevention
of waste, etc.; some of which deal with the firing of salutes,
which so far as relate to holidays are limited to the King’s
birthday, being the 29th of May; and the day of Gowrie’s
conspiracy, being Ist August. Given at Whitehall, 28th December,
1682, by his Majesty’s command, Mipuuronz.

Directed to Lieut.-Gen. William Drummond, Master of
Ordnance in Scotland.

1683, March 15.—Report by William Brown, Edinburgh :—
“ About three years agoe, having bein thorough most part of the
seventeen provinces of the Low Countreys designing to settle a
218

constant coall trade to best advantage, I found no place where
great Scots coalls are more in requeste then in the county of
Flanders. The wood which they were wont to burne formerly
being much destroyed by the late warrs causeth the great coalls
sell weell with the brewers, salters, soape boylers and most all
trades, except the smiths, especially in Ghent, Bridges, Ostende,
Newport, Dixmuyde, Ipre, etc., the price being the only impedi-
ment.” This he ascribes to the duties imposed, Scottish great
coal paying three times as much as Newcastle coal, and to the
remissness of the English consuls there, who, while taking their
fees off the Scottish goods, do not maintain the privileges of the
Scots, “our loss being their countreys profit.” He had desired
Mr. Lench, English consul at Bridges, to write to Brussels and
get the matter redressed; but his reply was that it was not
worth while, as so few coals came thither from Scotland, that
Mr. Brown was the first who had complained, and that though
he had instructions to resist any increase of duty upon
English goods, he had none in this case. Mr. Brown further
enquired, “ Why he took consul fies off us and did not mind our
privileges? He answered: I most not prescribe new methods
to him, bot pay the dues without dispute as others formerly.”
The dues, Mr. Brown states, were increased twice in one year,
without any opposition being made to it, at the instigation of
the wood merchants, who to advance their own trade persuaded
the Court of Brussels that Scottish coals were three times better
than English.

For remedy he advises that the coal-masters shall procure
a representation from the English Court to that of Brussels
for examining into the true value of Scottish coal (which will
be found under the English), and obtain a proper adjustment
of the duty. The Flemish merchants all prefer Scottish to English
coal, and will report so. Mr. James Kennedie, present Con-
servator of the Scotts privileges throughout the whole seventeen
provinces, and now resident at Camphere, should also be written to
to take energetic action in the matter, and to appoint deputes
in the considerable towns to watch Scottish interests. These
things being done, the County of Flanders (besides other places
in Brabant, Artois, etc.) containing thirty walled cities, twenty-
six great open towns, eleven hundred and fifty-four villages,
besides castles and fortresses, inclines much to the use of
Scottish coal, as they are destitute of wood. There is very
little Scottish coal burned in the seven United Provinces. Most
of this coal sent to Rotterdam is transported to Flanders and
Brabant, and Amsterdam uses little or none. Signed, Wiutaam
Brown.

1683, May 12. Windsor.—Secretary Moray to the Earl of
Aberdeen, Chancelor of Scotland, to be communicated to the
Lords of Privy Council. The Lieutenant-General has, since
coming to Court, represented to his Majesty that certain
encroachments are made upon his office. His Majesty therefore
directs that when their Lordships intend to employ any officer

€
214

of the army in any civil matter, they first communicate with the
Lieutenant-General, or Commander-in-Chief of the forces; or if
he be absent and the matter is urgent so that it is necessary to
send directly to the officer so to be employed, that in that case
they also send a copy of the order to the Commander-in-Chief.

1688, May.—The Kings final pleasure and determinatione
concerning the business of the Mint is that in satisfactione of
his Majesties interest in the decreet, the Earl of Lauderdale and
Lord Maitland doe forthwith dispone to the Lord Chancellour all
the lands and heretages they have within or about ten miles of
Dundie, free from all incumbrances from the Earl of Dundies
creditors and of the Lady Maitlands joynture or otherways,
excepting the house and yeards and park of Diddup, the Con-
stables place of Dundie and superioriteis of Bonnethill which are
to be made over to Claverhouse, he paying to the Chancellor 20
years purchase for them. And this security being perfyted to
the Chancellor and Claverhous satisfactione, the King promises
the Earl of Lauderdale and Lord Maitland a full and ample
discharge, remissione aud indempnity for all that can be laid to
their charges, any maner of way in any statione or trust
whatsomever. And for the Chancellour and Claverhouses better
security they are assigned by his Majestie to the decreet of the
Mint in so farr as concerns 20,000 lib. sterling, wherof 16,000 to
the Chancellour and the remains to Claverhouse. Sir John
Falconer is ordained to pay in to the Thesaurer four-and-a-half
years out of all his estate reall and personal, Alexander Maitland
and Mr. James Falconer each of them six years rent of theirs,
and they to be discharged as above upon payment.

(Indorsed) Earl Lauderdale’s sentence.

1683, November 27. Whitehall—tLetter from the King
requiring General Thomas Dalyell, Lieutenant-General of the
forces in Scotland, to place a detachment of sixty men of the
regiment of foot commanded by Charles, Karl of Mar, in the
Castle of Stirling, in addition to the ordinary garrison thereof;
to cause twenty men to return from the Castle of Blackness to
the King’s regiment of guards, and to place ten men out of each
regiment of foot in the Castle of Dumbarton in addition to the
usual garrison; and to change these detachments from their
several regiments at the end of every year. Signed, MrpLETounE.

Copy.

1683.—Memorial, indorsed as having been prepared by Sir
John Cunningham, respecting the claim of the Earl of Mar to
keepership to the Castle of Stirling. The Earl narrates that in
1566 Mary, Queen of Scots, considering that John, then Earl of
Mar, and his predecessors “had for many hundreds of yeirs
faithfully served her Majestie and her royall ancestors without
spott or offence,” entrusted that family with the custody of the
chief fortresses of the kingdom, “which they honourably and
faithfully defended in most troublesome tymes.” Further,
considering that for a long time the said Earl and his predecessors
215

had been captains and keepers of the Castle of Stirling and
sheriffs of the shire of Stirling, for which a fee of £400 was
payable out of the lordship of Menteith, but which fee the Earl
surrendered and contented himself with one of £100 yearly, her
Majesty, for payment of this fee and the collecting of her
rents of her lordship of Stirling, granted to him and his heirs
male the offices of sheriff of Stirling, captain and keeper of the
Castle of Stirling, parks, gardens, gallowhills and forrestry
thereof with the lands of Raploch, and bailie and chamberlain
of her lordship of Stirling; to which she added in the following
year the office of bailie and chamberlain of her lordship of
Menteith. By charters since and as late as 1677 these have
been confirmed with some modifications to the present Earl
and his predecessors. His Majesty will thus see that the Harl
has good right to the said offices. He has “the honour to have
descended from one of the most auncient families in your
kingdom, whose title and a pairt of that estate he yet enjoys by
Helen, sister german to Issobell, Queen of Scotland, and first
wyffe to King Robert Bruce, both of them daughters to Graitnay,
Earle of Marr, and that Donald, Earle of Marr, whose family he
represents, was Governour of this kingdom in the minoritie and
less age of King David, your predecessor, and that John, Earle
of Marr, my (sic) great grandfather was Regent of your kingdome
in the minoritie of King James 6th.” Besides being intrusted
with the keeping of the Castles of Edinburgh, Stirling and
Dumbarton, the family has been in such regard that the heirs of
the Crown have been placed in its charge, viz.: “Queen Mary
dureing the troublesom and factions tymes of her infancie, and
King James of blissed memorie dureing his infancie and untill
he past his age of 14 yeirs,” who frequently expressed his sense
of this “as if they had held the Crowne upon his head in the
tyme of the monstruous divisions and factions which arose in
his minoritie; and suche trust did he repose in that family that
he committit the care and educatione of Prince Henry to my
grandfather and honored him also with the keeping of
Edinburgh Castle, with the office of High Thesaurer, the
bonour of the Gairter, and matched him with his near relation.”
Suitably to the trust reposed in them the family has never been
tainted with the least disloyalty. And “although your most
humble, faithfull and obedient subject dares not pretend to the
pairts, abilities and performances of many of his predecessors,
yet haveing his harte frought full of firm purposes and
resolutiones to sacrifice his lyffe and fortoune upon all
occasiones for mainteinance of your royall authoritie and line
all lawfull successors,” he prays that his Majesty will continue
“to that family that which he accompts the greatest honour
thereof, the captanrie and custodie of your royall Castle which
for so many ages they have enjoyed; and seriously professes that
the loss of his lyffe and fortoune is of no suche value to him as
the honour and trust of that command, wherin his predecessors
have had the happieness upon severall occasiounes to signalize
their dewtie and loyaltie to their soveraignes.”
216

1684, August 1. Edinburgh.—Recommendation by the Lords
of Privy Council to General Dalyell as to the disposal of his
forces, as ‘‘severall desperat rebells doe dayly break out and
appear in multituds in arms at their seditious field conventickles
and lay ambushcadoes for his Majesties forces and kill some of
them and rescue prisoners in their custody,” viz., to continue
the foot where they now are, and post one squadron of the
Kings guard near Edinburgh, a second squadron under the Earl
of Balcarras in Fife, Sir James Turner and his company of
dragoons near Glasgow, Meldrum’s troop of horse and Lord
Charles Murray’s troop of dragoons in Teviotdale, the General’s
troop of dragoons and Captain Strachans in Galloway and
Nithsdale, Lord Drumlanrig’s troop of horse at Dumfries, and
that two squadrons of the King’s troop of Guards, Claverhouse’s
troop, Lord Ross’s troop, the Earl of Balcarras’s troop, and
Captain Inglis’s and Captain Clelland’s troops of dragoons be
placed in Ayrshire and Clydesdale at the disposal of Colonel
Grahame of Claverhouse or Lieut.-Col. Buchan, as flying parties,
both of horse and foot.

1684, August 8. Canongate.—Lieut.-Gen. Dalyell to the
Earl of Mar: ‘I render your Lordship heartie thanks for
your gosack, and certainly if the falconer doe his part, she cannot
feall bot be a bloody one. Mr. Spence reaves much, and it is
hard to keep him wakeing. He speaks severall tymes of my
Lord Argyle and his comeing home, but knows not what he
sayes. Since the Chancellor and Tresaurer went to the Shank
yisterday I have had the phisician and chirurgion with him,
who say if he be not eas’d with some sleep he will go mad; and
then all hopes of confession is gone. But I mind to make-
myself quitt of this employment, since they have rob’d me of a
more honorable one, as this inclosed paper will shou your
Lordship, which if yow understand, it is more than I doe.”

1684, October 6.—Offers to be made by each of the landed
gentlemen of the shire of Ayr in consequence of a special
commission directed thither for preserving the peace, that he
will take the oaths of allegiance and the Test, answer for the
orderly carriage of his tenants and servants, and, if need be, pay
his proportion of the cost of a troop of horse, ‘‘ in consideratione
of which offers I humbly beg your Lordships protectione to me
and my tenants (off whose orderlines I desire the strickest
inquirie to be made), and that notwithstanding of the bad
charracters the.countrey lyes under, your Lordships may looke
upon me your selves, and represent me to his Majesties most
honorable Privie Counsell, and to his sacred Majestie as one who
is resolved at all hazards to be constantlie and firmly his
Majesties most loyall subject and servant.” Copy.

1685, May 30. Ayr.—The Earl of Dumbarton to the Eavrl of
Mar at Paisley. He has written to Lord Cochrane to march
with the gentry under his command to Ardgowen, and desires
the Earl to furnish him with powder for his men, and to send
217

Cornet Innes there also with his party of dragoons with all
speed to see what news he can get, as he hears Argyll intends
going to Buit and Janding some men upon the coast. He
further orders Mar to send a lieutenant and sergeant with
twenty-four men of his own regiment to march straight through
the hills to the Large, whither also he has sent Lord Mont-
gomery with the gentry commanded by him.

1685, June 1.—The Earl of Dumbarton to the Earl of Mar at
Beth (Beith), directing him to march with his own regiment and the
two companies of his Majestys foot-guards to Air, lying overnight
at Kilwinning. He is to remain at Ayr till further orders.
“Signed at Largs near four in the morning.”

1685, October 6. Inveray.—Kenneth Mackenzie to the Earl
of Mar. He has now a party of forty men at Obertarphe, forty-
five going for Balwhider, twenty-five at Kincairn of Neill, and
the rest at Invernes; and is troubled about his own payment
and theirs.

1686, March. At Court.—Copy of the Act of Parliament
discharging the execution of the sanguinary laws against
Papists, in so far only as that they exercise their religion in
private houses. To this is appended copy of a declaration
signed by the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the Bishop of
Edinburgh, consenting to the above Act as seeming to them,
though not lawyers, a thing both equitable and reasonable.
The execution of these laws has fallen into absolute desuetude
for many years past, and the other penalties enacted against
Papists have not been inflicted nor enacted during the whole
of the last reign. They see no danger nor insecurity which
can arise thereby to the Protestant religion. But this, they
add, is but their own private opinion, and they cannot
undertake to say that others will acquiesce in it.

1686, April—Several papers relating to the above Act :—
1. Another copy of the Act itself.

2. Some queries and answers concerning the penal laws;
probably by the Lord Advocate: “The Protestant religione
being established and the professors thereof secured in all their
interests by the laws of this kingdome, Queritur, whether a
Protestant Parliament can in conscience and prudence consent
that their be a freedome granted for the exercise of the Popish
religione, and that the professors thereof may be capable of all
places of power and trust in the kingdome, and be secured
from all the punishments enacted by the laws against them?’

Answer: Hither the freedome and security we must grant
them is consistent with ours above-mentioned, or not. If it
be not then it is evident that neither conscience nor prudence
allow us to give it to them. If it be, then it is as cleare that
they must not by any condescensione be put in a capacity to
destroy our religione, lives or fortuns. And, if so, the Papists
must never be the prevailing number of a legall Parliament, for
then we might not only feare but be assured they would establish
218

their owne religione and invest the professors thereof in all the
priviledges of ours. And how can we prevent their being legally
the most numerous party in all offices and places of trust, and
evne in Parliament, if the laws that incapacitat them for these
places be abrogated? And therfore, to conclud, all that would
be condescended to in Parliament by any conscientious and wise
man, wer to grant indemnity to those persons whome the King
doth grant liberty to for the exercise of their religione and whome
he doth employ in places of trust, the laws still stand [ing] in
force so as to disable them from making any laws contrary to
those made before in favours of religione; for this alone gives
them all the security they pretend to require, and the concessione
of more would tend to the destroying of what we have by law and
cannot either in conscience or reasone part with. I am content
to give my consent in Parliament that such parts or clauses of
any Acts imposing pains or penalties upon Romane Catholicks
meerlie for their religione or worship, shall be taken off the file ;
as also that such of his Majesties Popish subjects as shall be
imployed in offices, civill or military, shall be secured against all
pains and penalties whatsoever, provided that at the same time
the Protestant religione be sufficiently and effectually secured by
such laws and statuts as shall be judged necessary for that end.

3. ‘Some motives for the Parliament giving their consent to
the King’s Majesties desire, which is that in respect many of the
Papists in Scotland have evidenced their fidelitie and loyalltie to
the Crown by their actings and sufferings for the King during
all the late rebellion and all of them have lived peaceably and
quietly without so much as a suspicion of sedition or conspiracie,
that therefor his Majestie, with consent of the Parliament may
allow them to enjoy their lyves and estates, notwithstanding of
the laues to the contrair. ‘‘ This is a paper of six folio pages
closely written, dealing chiefly with the casuistry of the question,
and in the close a reminder of the royal prerogative and
supremacy of the King’s sacred Majesty over the Parliament ;
which indicates that it is probably the work of one of the bishops.

4, ‘‘Reasones wherfore a consent to abolish the penall
statuts against Papists cannot be given by any who oune the
present Government in Church and State.” This is a paper of
five folio pages, closely written, offering seven reasons, which in
brief are: 1. Papists are guilty of Idolatry. 2. It is contrary
to the National Confession of Faith of 1581 and 1590. 38. It is
most contrary to the Oath of the Test. 4. Popery is at present
very prevalent and aggressive both abroad and in these lands.
5. His Majesty when royal commissioner and since his accession
gave security for the Protestant religion, which this will
practically annull. 6. It were a condemnation of former Kings
and Parliaments who enacted these laws because of the treason-
able and wicked conduct of Papists. 7. It removes all securities
formerly given.

5, List of those who voted for and against the Act in the
Committee of ‘‘ the Articles.”
219

For—Archbishop of St. Andrews, Bishop of Edinburgh, Privy
Seal, Duke of Hamilton, Marquis of Douglas, Earl of Erroll,
Karl of Strathmore, Earl of Southesk, Earl of Tweeddale,
Viscount Tarbett, L. G. Drummond, Lord President, Lord
Baleaskie, L. G. Douglas, Laird Cockstoune, Lord Drumcairne,
Ld. Forrett, and the Provost of Aberdeen—18.

Against—Archbishop of Glasgow, Bishop of Galloway, Bishop
of Brechin, Bishop of Aberdeen, Earl Marishal, Earl of Mar,
Sir William Bruce, Sir George Drummond, Provost Milne
Carridden, Provost of Dundee, Provost of Glasgow, Provost of
Dumfermline, Provost of Irvine, and the Provost of Dumbarton—
14,

1686, June.—Letter from the Earl of Mar to King James the
Seventh asserting his unswerving loyalty, and seeking to remove
a wrong impression which the Commissioner may have conveyed
regarding his conduct with reference to some measures to which
he had not felt himself free to consent on account of his religion
and some oaths of a special nature under which he lay. Yet he
“wes farr from the unmanerlie indiscretion to intrude on ane
oppositione to your Majesties will. . . . Your commands
shalbe my rule, and the greatest evill I fear on earth is your
Majesties anger at or mistake of me.” Copy.

1687, March 10.—King James the Seventh to the Privy
Council. He thanks them for their letter of 24th February and
especially all who have concurred in it. In consideration of the
promise of the Duke of Hamilton for the future his Majesty
suspends his resentment against his carriage in that matter in
the meantime; but lays aside the Earls of Panmure and
Dundonald. He approves of their resolution to have the letter
signed by all the Councillors, and he has presented the original
to such of them as are at Court, and they have signed it. They
are to take care there be no disorders, and that no Presbyterians
be allowed to preach but such as have the Council’s permission,
and on receiving the indulgence take the oath prescribed by the
proclamation of 12th February last. Copy.

Tur Earu or Mar to Viscount Tarsat.

1687, May 20th. Alloa.—Captain Stewart has never showed
him his commission, and the Chancellor has said that it is the
Earl’s duty to go to the Castle of Stirling and call for it. The
Viscount of Strathallan is of the same opinion; but he himself
is not clear on the point and begs advice. The Chancellor is to
be at Drummond to-night.

1687, August 12th.—Order by the Council to the Earl of Mar
authorising him to expend 700 merks on repairing the roof and
other parts of Stirling Castle which will otherwise become
altogether ruinous. Signed by Perra, Cancell; Arnoun, TweEp-
DALE, TaRBaT and HamiLton.
220

1688, May 23. Edinburgh. Letter to the Earl of Mar for
the King’s special service. My Lord, Pray order the Castle of
Stirlin with all care, and wee order the putting of all women
and children for a while out of the Castle and all other unnecessary
people, for the like will be ordored in the other Castles. Your
Lordship shall be Twesday at night in Glasgow. Yow most
informe the Governour-deputy that the Generall Artillery and
Mr. Sletzer are to ordore the Artillery and ammunition, and
therfore there ordors most be obeyd. As to Ardvorlick, wee
desyre that young Ardvorlick may goe free and be incouradged,
and the old man secured as dangerous. If Kipdarroch can be
had let him be secured. If any suspect or indifferent persons
have armes or horses they would be seazed and made use of.
Wee are, my Lord, your affectionat friends and servants, QuEENs-
BERRIZ, Comr.; Perra, Cancells.; Dumparron, Tarsat. Take
all possible wayes to seaze Achinbreak at any rate wherever he
can be found.

1688, August 15. Edinburgh.—Letter to the Earl of Mar
‘for his Majesties speciall service.” My Lord, Keppoch and his
adherentes in Lochaber, having so farr shaken off all dewitie and
alledgance to their soveraigne lord the King as to levie warr
and by oppen force to invaide his Majesties forces and otheres
his duitiefull subjects and killed severalls and made othcres
prisoneres in oppen defyance of justice and law, his Majesty
is resolved to bring them to condign punishment, and has
sent Captain Charles Straiton to pursue them. To assist in this
service the Earl is with all diligence to gather a number of the
lieges within Braemar, and post them in such places as shall
secure insult from the rebels or their obtaining shelter from
pursuit; and power of fire and sword against them and their
goods is given. By order of the Privy Council. Signed, Purtu,
Cancell., I.P.D.

Lorp CHancentorn Perra to the Eart or Mar.

1688, October 31. Hdinburgh.—His Majesty’s service requires
that some Highlanders be brought to Stirling and kept there
under arms prepared for any emergency. The Karl is therefore
to send thither one hundred of his Highland tenants and vassals,
and form them into two companies, with officers, who are to be
paid by the Treasury as the militia are paid. When they arrive
in Stirling they will be provided with ammunition and provisions
so long as they are required. In name of the Council.

Tur Privy Councit to the Eart or Mar.

1688, November 16. Edinburgh.—The Earl of Breadalbane
has been commissioned to go to Stirling to dispose of the
Highlanders presently there, by dismissing some and forming
the rest into companies, and they desire his Lordship to act
with him herein. Signed, Jo. Guascow, I.P.D.
221

1688, November 28th. Order by the Privy Council to
Charles, Earl of Mar, to dismiss to their homes all the
Highlanders lately called out and quartered in and about
Stirling, except one hundred belonging to himself presently in
Stirling Castle. Those who belong to the Duke of Gordon are
to receive four days provision for their journey; those to the
Marquis of Athole, three days; and those to the Earl of Perth,
Lord High Chancellor, Earl of Breadalbane and others adjacent
to Stirling, two days. Signed by Wi. Paterson, Clerk of the
Council.

ce. 1688.—Information to the Earl of Mar by Arthur Forbes of
Brux. In anno 1654 the Earle of Glenkearne being com-
missionat be his Majestie as his generall did ishue out a
proclamatione to all loyall subjects to joyne with him for freing
our native cuntrie from the yoake of the English servitude, and
for re-establishing our righteus and lawful Prince on the thron
of his predecessors. Upon the notice of the said proclamation,
tho a stripling, I forsook the Universatie and furnished my self
and servands with horse and armes at ane considerable raite,
and did joyne my self to Sir Charles Erskeene, laite Lord Lyon,
Captane Patrik Forbes, brother german to the present Lord
Granard, and severall other gentlemen, and being by the
treacharie of sum cuntrimen ve var attacted by the garisone of
Breamarr and maid prissoners, from vhence ve var transported
vith a strong gaird from prisson to prisson, being so sevearlie
treated that ve var put in the theefs holls of Cuper and Brunti-
land in our transport to Leith, vhar I stayed close prissoner
seaventene veekis until this Lord Klphingstone, his father being
my cusing german, gewe baile for ane thousand pound sterling
to enter me prisoner upon demand. So upon his suirtie I got
libertie to go to Elphingstone and stay, untill he vas upon
suspitione himself put under areast for fear of joyning vith
Glenkearne. Upon which I was remanded to prison; and hed
not Generall Monk, who then vas comander in cheef of the
English, gewen me ane forloaf to goe to the north to gett new
secuiratie I hed certanlie been sent to Barbados, as all var vithin
fewe days sent that var in that prisson. My small esteat vas in
the interim under sequestratione, and that expeditione stood me
upwards of ane thusand dollors. Shortlie therafter I vent to
Germanie and vas cornett to the Duke of Veymer his majore
under the King of Sueden, and hed ane promise of the first
vaicking troupe to staye. But upon ane promulgatione of the
Kings pleasur that all his subjects should forsaike the Sueds
service and com to Flanders to vaite his Majesties farder order,
both Meldrum and I did Jey doune our charges and brought vith
us about ane dusson of gentlemen to Brissels, vhar ve kist his
Majesties the Dukes of Yoark and Glosester ther hands; and
then in the laite Lord Midlton his regiment ve listed our selfs
in the late Lord Napiere his particular companie privat pykmen
and served in the Spanish service under great hardshipe. And
lastlie since the establishing of our Scots Militia I have been
majore and livtenant-collonel to the Kearle Martishall his
222

regiment q(uhicjh hes stood me considerablie of oven privat
fortune, untill May j" vj° aughtie thrie the Lord Keith got a
commissione to be livtenant-collonell to his fathers regiment,
vhich eased me of that burdene. And altho all my sufferings
and meane services var bot diutie to my Prince and cuntrie,
yeate they mey afford your Lordship sum small ground if anie
vacancie shall offer that your Lordship juges me capable of to
drope a vord in my behalf. For the trewth of this informatione
is knowen not onlie to Meldrum, bot to severall offishers in the
armie now standing.

1688[-9], February 5. St. James’s.—Printed letter requesting
the Karl of Mar to attend the meeting of the Estates of Scotland
to be held at Edinburgh, on 14th March next. Signed by
Wiuuiam, Prince oF ORANGE.

1689, April 12. Edinburgh.—Order of the Estates to the
Earl of Mar, Governor of the Castle of Stirling, to keep the Harl
of Perth close prisoner, allowing him only one servant, who is to
remain as a close prisoner with him, and not to give him the use
of pen, ink or paper under further orders. Signed, Au. GIBSONE.

1689.—Description of the cannon within the Castle of
Stirling.

c. 1689.—A representation of the losses sustained by the Earl
of Mar in the burning of three of his houses in the Highlands
by the Highlanders in rebellion to prevent garisons being placed
in them, viz.:—(1) Braemar Castle, “a great bodie of a house, a
jam and a staircase, being fyve storie high,’ which with the
furniture, etc., cannot be replaced under £800 sterling; (2) the
Castle of Corgarf in Strathdoun “consisting of a tour and jam
three storie high,” which will cost £300 sterling to replace; and,
(83) the Castle of Kildrimmie, totally burnt and destroyed. It
lies in the mouth of the Highlands and was a great building,
surrounded with high walls. It will cost £900 sterling. Other
devastations to his lands and tenants’ sawmills, brings the whole
up to £3,400 sterling.

Tue Eart or Searretp to the Haru or Mar.

1700, August 6. Whitehall—I receaved the honor of your
Lordships with that inclosed you receaved from the lait Arch-
bishop. I shal be verie readie to interpose for on in his
circumstance, bot I confess, I love not to be threatned to it. I
have done nothing in that mater bott at his oune most earnest
desire. Your Lordship may remember that he was under a
sentance of banishment long or I was Secretar, and a week after
I entred on this station I was acquainted of his being imprisoned,
~ and till then I knew not that he was in England. The Earl
Tullibardin and I wer appointed after the King went abroad
that year to speak with and interrogat the Scotsmen wer
prisoners. This was when the plot of assassination was
discovered. The Archbishop spok earnestlie to both to use our
228

endeavours for his liberation, and having compassion to him,
having found his prison verie bad we wer both readie to
interpose for him; and he having both written and sent his
chaplain to us desiring to be in a confynment at Northfolk, we
did, with importuning the Duke of Sreusberrie, obtain his
liberation, for which I had frequentlie thanks from him; and
then att his earnest desire, and he having not only writne but
sent his son to me, I procured his banishment to be takne off;
and he was aloued to return to Scotland bot under confynment.
For this I receaved his thanks. And afterwards I consented to
the alteration of his confynment; so why I should be threatned
as if I had acted illegalie, I know not, and he mistaks me much
if he thinks that method would prevail with me. Bot after al, I
know him to be a man of good sense and I am sorie that he is in
thos circumstances, and I shal not be against his applying to the
Councel; and I am sure if he is illegalie detained, he will be sett
at libertie; and I shall wreat to none against him. Se aes Iai
have read over what he wreats to your Lordship. If he expects
that will interceed for him he will send me a coppie of that
letter he sayes he hes of mine and shou your Lordship the
principall.

Tue Marquis oF ANNANDALE to the Earu or Mar.

1701, March 26. Holyroodhouse.—He is going to Coupar,
not so much for the races as to be with the Earl; and on the
way he is to spend a night or two with Durie. “Our frinde
Argyle, you kno, parted from thiss above a fortnight agoe. I
beleive he may yett be in the north off England. He did
expect leave to goe to Court and wes nott weell pleased when he
left thiss place. You have no doubt had a particullar account
off our famous Taliduce. Wee were verie briske upon itt at the
beginning and nothing could stand befor us. Butt now our
courage begins to coole and our hearts faile us after our
ordinarie manner. I am told our great man heare is mightillie
offended that he should have been called by a macer with mace
in hand. I beleive indeed itt did a little mortifie bothe his
Grace and his confederatte Marquise. Itt were good we wold
stick too and follow outt suche stepps. The Government might
by degrees att last recover the authorittie and respect that is
due to them.”

Ture Earu or Mar to the Baru or SEArIELD.

1701, October 17. Alloa.—Enclosing a humble address by his
Majesty’s Commissioners of Justiciary of the Southern District
for securing the peace of the Highlands, signed at Stirling on the
previous day, in which acknowledging “the many signall deliver-
ances procured to us by your Majestie from the imminent dangers
which threatned our religion, lives and libertys, and the profound
peace Brittain enjoyed under your Majesties auspicious and
happy government when at the same time our neighbours
abroad were embroyled in a long and bloodie war,” therefore
they renew their former solemn assurances “to stand by and
224

assist your Majestie to the outmost hazard of our lives and
fortunes against the pretended Prince of Wales and all others,
‘your Majesties enemies.” Signed by Mar, convener; Bucuay,
Duppuin, Ro. Stewart, Jo. Erskine, Auex™ Horr, Ja. Smouuert,
Ja. Hotpourns, Jo. Ersxine, Tos. Smo~uert, Francis Napier,
Wm. Livinestoun, C. CampBetu, p; A. Drummonp, J. Bruce,
Ja. Sprrrety, J. CampsBenn, J. Rouno, Ro™ Bunrine, Wr.
CunincHamE, J. ABERCROMBY, A. CampBELL, CoLINE CAMPBELL,
Jo. Gas.

Tue Haru or Srarietp to the Haru or Mar.

1701, October 25. Whitehall.—Acknowledging receipt of the
address from the Commissioners of Justiciary which he will
present to the King. There has also been one received from
the town of Edinburgh. He wonders that any should oppose
such a thing “ when it is so proper, and I may say necessarie, to
leat the world see that the King of France ouning the pretended
Prince of Wales has no influence on us unless it be to adher
mor closlie to the interest of his Majestie, who under God
delivered us from the great dangers to which our religion
and liberties wer exposed.”

Harry Erskine to his brother, the Earn or Mar.

1702, August 5. Breda.—On Thursday last we got a verry
suddin order to march hear to reinforse thise garrishon, for they
wer affrayed of the French atacking it. The French army is all
about thise place and the Buss. They have plundred all the
mayerie of the Buss. We dare not stir out half a meile from
thise place for there is not a villiage all round but hes a French
partie in it. Two three dayes after we left the Buss there was a
designe to blow up the great magazine but they wer discovered.
The Buss is a verry disafeckted place, for the most pairt of the
burgers incline more for Spean then the Steats. I belive by
thise teime they have made a purge of all such as they suspecketed
to be that way inclinned. There is just now a great desershion
in the French armie. There was last week 800 in one day came
in the Buss, for they say they get nether pay nor cloathes.
Yesterday Collonell Row got a letter from the camp which
brings the following acount from the camp at Everberg.
August 14 Niew] S[tyle]; On Saturday the armie marched
from Peer and came back to thise camp as laying more
convenient with reguard to the present situashion of the enimy
for covering as well our convoys from Mastricht and the Buss
and the seage of Venloe, towards which place ten batalions of
foot, four English and six Dutch, with 17 squadrons of horse wer
detatched thise morning under the command of Lieutenant-
Generall Fagill. My Lord Kuts commands the English foot as
Major-Generall, and Brigadeer Hamilton under him as beeing
his Brigadeer; Collonell Webs, the Lord Belhemoars, Sir
Matheu Bridges and Brigadier Hamiltons regiment; the Earle
of Huntington, the Marquess of Lorn, Sir Richard Temple, and
295

the Master of Stears are gone with them as wolntiers. The
Steats Generall have sent to the Prince of Nassow to repair
forthwith thither to command in cheiff, and Lieutenant-Generall
Couborne is to carry on the seidge under him. The place is to
be invested by the Baron de Hyden, who commands the Prushian
troups, and is to be joynned at the seige, besydes what are
marched from hense by some batallions out of Nimwegen and
the Grave, so that we reckon there will be about 40 battallions
and fiftie squadrons at the seidge. The enimie hath devaydit
there armie in three severall camps and lay between Bergeck
and Eyndhoven. Last night we had a convoay of 300 bread
wagins from Mastricht besaydes 100 we expeck to-day, and
yesterday the Earle of Albemarle was detached with 20
squadrons of horse and dragoons to cover a great convoay of
bread and mony for the armie from Borselduce. We have put
200 men of the garishon of Mastricht into Greivenbrock under
the command of a lieutenant-collonel, and a battalion of foot, a
detatchment of dragoons into Brey. Lieutenant-Generall
Shultz is to martch thise afternoon with fouer battalions and
siven hundred horse and dragoons for atacqueinge of Weat
which layes now heheind use.

Harry Ersxte to his brother, raz Earn or Mar.

1702, August 30. Breda.—Your have heard ear thise teime
how Huls went. The Marquis de Bedmar thought to have
carrayed it at the verry first and so been master of the Dutch
Flanders, but they wer most breavely repulst. They lost about
2,000 men, I mean killed and wounded, in Antwerp. When they
see any of the people that hes been at Huls they poynt their
finger at them and calls them Kikouts, which is the neam of the
fort they atackt so often and wer so breavly repulsed. I need
not tell you any thing about the two armies canonading one
another for I see the acounts of it just now in the English
prints, and likwayes about the battel in Italy whear they beat
the French to the divil; and yet with what confidence the Parise
Gazet gives an acount of that battel. But they are in the right
of it to give there people some incuragement that way be it
trew or fals, for I think the French are layk to spend thise
campaine but verry indifferently. As to Venlo, our troups
atacks the on sayd and the Prushians the other. We heard
thise day that Couborn is causing all thing be made reddie and
wont faire-a shot untill all things are in good order, so that its
thought when once they begin the town wont keek out fouer
dayes. They have weated all thise teime for their cannon
comming from the Grave. They have made their works so
heigh that they can see into the midle of the market place.
He that comanded in Kayserswet comands there now. I cannot
posatively tell you what is becom of Lando, but they talk hear
thise two three dayes that they had taken it by storme; but we
want the confirmashion of it, but thers nobody doubts but it is
taken by thise teime, “They talk leikways hear that the Duck

0
226

of Bevaria is to joyn the Emperor and that the Sweds and
Polland are at peace. We expeck to get the shure acounts of it
to-morrow and likeways to hear of Landos beeing taken. Before
we left the Buss Lord Mark Ker came there in hes way to the
armie. He got safly there, but two three days after he had got
to the armie hes Lordship thought fitt to take the air without
the leine, where he met with a French partie, and not knowing
them but that they had belonged to our armie he road up to
them with hes wonted air and spok English, and imediatly hes
Lordship was grupt and supt in steat that night with the Duck
of Burgandie. He calld himself on of my Lord Marleborrows
edicanques, which whenever my Lord heard he reclam’d him.
He stayed there some days and was breavly intertin’d and was
sent back with a guard from the Duck; but a little before he
went away the Duck comended hes horses and the captain of the
partie hes watch which you may be shur_ upon the first asking
would all be granted. And now hes Lordship by hes own teall
is mightily pleased with hes beeing taken, for he hes the honor
to be particularly aquented with the Duck of Burgondie. Every-
hody hear is mightily pleas’d to hear of the Duke of Ormonds
landing and the good suckcess he is leik to have. I wish from
ny heart we wer all with him.

Arcurpatp Row to the Haru or Mar.

1702, % September. Breda.—The regiments not goeing to the
campe this yeare affoorded use but little newes, att leeste too
laite to send to oure freindes. Any that I thought coulde be
aeceptable I acquainted your brother. I ame not sorey now we
have stayed in garrison, for there hes been noe actione nor is
there any likelyhood of any, the enemy not being in a condition
to attaque use, and we shall be contented with the taking of
Venloe, perhaps that Rooremond may fall too. We misst once
this yeare to have given them a blowe; they coulde not risen
agane in haste. But my Lord Athlone and the States were
azanst feighting. We had all the advantage a tired, disorderly
and inferiore armey coulde give to good troupes. My Lord
Marleburovh pressed it verey muche. They saye the Duke of
Burgundy is retourned to Parris on pretence his father is ill, but
its thought because he will not be witness to the taking Venloe.
He hes seen noething for his coming but running awaye.
Prince Eugane hes doun like himselfe in Italye, and we baffled the
Marquis de Bedmon, Monsieur Lamott and Monsieur Voban att
Hulste, in attempting to take a little fortt they call Keeke oyte.
They were forced to retire with the loss of above 2,500 men, a
1,000 of which laye on the spott; its not soe bigg as Milnes
Squaire.* My regiment had orders to goe thither, but they
stayed not to lett wse get aney honnoure byit. . . . .. .
We have now a good many sicke, but more burgers dyes then
souldiers.

* A small old-town residential place in Edinburgh.
907

Tue Karu or Mar to his brother, Mr. James Erskine.

1703. January 29. London.—The Duke of Queensberry has
obtained for him a tack of the Lordship of Stirling for the
lifetimes of himself and his future spouses, and his heirs for
nineteen years after the death of the survivor. Their family is
really much indebted to the Duke, and all of them ought to do
‘everything possible to serve him. “As for news, you know eer
now all our great changes in Scotland. We hear some people
there acts an odd parte, and are resolved not to pay the cess
without quartring, which they’ll find foolish in a little time. I
belive you'll have more news with you than we have here of our
Scots affairs, and that Presbitry is to be ruin’d; but if they
cairie prudently and calmlie themselves I belive they'll be saif
enoch. Our Parliament is likely to sit in Aprile, but no body
can be yet certain of it. For my own shair I’m very well just
now at court, but’ you know that’s a sliprie place. The Union
succeeds pritty well, tho slolie. I belive they will conclud most
of the articles, and realie the English are fair enoch hitherto.
By all appearence they will bring it such a lenth (tho it cannot
be just now concluded) that the two nixt Parliaments will see if
practicable, if they have a mind to it. I’m affraid we spoill it
ourselves; but by what I can learn the generality of the English
nation are for it, and some time or other we'll have it. There
has been a great strugle in the two Houses of Parliament here
about the Princes Bill and the Bill against occational communion,
both which are laid aside for this session. The difference
betwixt the Whiges and the Tories run very high—where it will
end ’tis hard to tel. ’Tis talkt the expidition to the West Indies
under Peterborow is laid aside, but ’tis not yet certain.”

Tue Duxe or Hamiztron to the Haru or Mar.

1704, April 11. Preston.—I belive yow are convine’t by this
tyme that what I told yow was trew, for it’s now publick—that
Duke Queensberry comes doun to Scotland to assist the present
projectted measures. His freinds are the best judges how much
this is his interest; but I from the begining belived it would be
soe. For the others I don’t know what they thinke of their
places, but I belive they’] follow Johnstons fast, who is now
turned out. I intend to be with yow two or thre days befor the
Parleament sits doun if the meeting houlds the 3rd of May.

Tue Earu or Mar to uis Lapy.

1704, June 16. Edinburgh.—Stair is arived this night who
sent me word just now that he had bussiness from the Duke of
Q————to speak to me which could not be delay’d . .-
The Parliament is adjourned til the 6th of Julie, but people are
not yet certain if it will then sit. Ther’s no other news here,
so I have not wryten to your father. It seems all is delay’d to
be declaird till your unckle come down: People pays court to me
upon his account. I wish they may not find themselves
228

mistaken. . . . . . I’ve sent you Saltons new book and a
famous Torie poem to help to divert you. I saw Salton to-day.
He askt for you. But he’s as ill pleased with our new courtiers
as he was with our old. Loudoun.goes west from this to-morrow
for his lady.

Tue Dvuxe or Queensberry to the Kant or Mar.

1704, July 1—He has received his letter of 15th June and
does not doubt the sincerity of his friendship. “I nether know
the measures of the new governours, nor is it my bussinesse to
medle. What toutches nearer is that I believe theire cheife
designe, and probably at theire first meeting, is to attack
particular persons. Noe doubt you know who these are. In
this case the best service our friends can doe is to stick together
and give constant attendance; and if they doe soe I can [not]
believe that the attempts will be great, or if they should, that
they will be able to cary theire point. Soe nothing is soe
necessary as diligence and union; and if they are dissapointed
in this, and other matters faill, wee may soon see the face of
affaires alter to our advantadge. I know yow will shoe this to
Loudoun, therfore I will not trouble him with a repetition.
ba Pray let me know freely how those who formerly
professed kindnesse to me doe now carry.”

Tue Dune or Queensperry to the Haru or Mar.

1704, August 1—My own dear Mar, I receved yours of the.
22nd July which was very acceptable, and gave a full arid exact
account of the procedure in affaires there, in all which I doe
intirely approve of your conduct and am of your oppinion that
some who were here last winter might have been so far in
honour ingadged for the succession, and it being likeways thaire
principall, that they could not well have voted otherwayes: in
that matter then they did; but in other things wherin the
successe of the Court was only to establish the new ministry 1
cannot yet see a good reason whye they concurr’d to make them
goe easy. I have not had letters from anybody to give any
reason for what has been done of this kinde, so till then I shall
suspend my judgement a litle. Its some surprise that my Lord
Montrose and his people have voted as they did. His doeing
evill that good may come of it, as his councellor told you, is a vew
verry remote for his Lordship to have, and I can assure him its
as needlesse as it is ungratefull. However, I hope you may
prevaill with our friend Stair and his famelly to ballance the
others, for they have little reason to help affaires to succeed in
your unchle John ‘ons hands. I know noebody that has better
interest with them then you, which I doubt not you’l make use
of both their and everywhere else; and let noebody be carried
away with fair words. I observe the first meeting of Parliament is
for private bussinesse, and that my Lord Montrose’s concern
comes in the first place. Possebly when that is over he may be the
easileir brought to his former byas, and you may again assure
229

him or his governours that I have noe thing lesse in my head
then what they seem to apprehend. By yesterdays news I finde
you have not been able to tack the Securety to the Cesse Acts,
as you seemed to think in your last, and I’m told your Court
would fain make people beleive here that they have got a victory
by carrying Lord Roxburgh’s proposall against Lord Rosses ;
and they hope by the same streingth to carry that the two
pointts should be separatly considered. But in case this should
faill perhaps some instructions may be given to grant some
limitations, and so by composition to procure the six moneths
cesse without the Act of Securety as it stands. Therfor you
wold take care to have your friends rightly apprised of this that
they be not taken off in the intervall, and be at pains both to
have them well conveen’d and firmly united to your former
resolution. 7

You desire to know how the dissapointment of the Succession
was relished at Court here. But I must tell you that since my
being dismist her Majestys service I have not been there but
once; for first I thought that my goeing might be considered as
if I was either come to insult or to observe what they were
doeing. On the other hand I thought it might doe prejudice to
bussinesse with you by giving jealousie to some who you are at
present joyned with, asif I either had interest or was making
mean courtship to bring myselfe in again, which I never intend
to doe. I hear, tho, from some who have often occasion to be at
Court that they could not conceall a good dale of dissatisfaction ;
but our new governours will easely find good reasons for that
dissapointment; and it not being verry certane how sincere our
great people here are in that matter, verry plausible pretences
may pass for good reasons. But if they faill in the supply it
will be a far greater dissapointment and will shoe to every body
the weaknesse of the present undertakers; so you ought to bend
your wholl strenth there. You will know befor this can come
to you (Mr. English haveing been sent expresse two or three
dayes agoe) if theire be any resentment yet shoen for what is
past. If theire is, I hope it will be generall. I think you
advised Morton right; but if you have occasion for him after-
wards, you need not fear his actings can doe prejudice to me, for
I have little to manadge here. Now, my dear Lord, I shall only
add that I am verry sensible of your friendship and shall
allwayes. value myselfe upon it. When I was in imployment I
had noe other design but what I thought was for the interest of
my country and to assist my friends with my best services, and
all I wish for, now that I am out, is to be able to live quietly
like a gentleman at home and sometimes to divert myselfe with
my friends.

Tus Duxe or QueEenspeRRy to the Haru or Mar.

1704, August 15.—He has received his letter with the list of
the Parliament, and approves of his procedure. When the
Parliament rises it might not be amiss if the Tarl “make
a tripp hither, for before that I hardly think any measures will
230

be taken either in rewarding or punishing. As to what you doe
so kindly write concerning myselfe of my being of your great
Commission, I confesse I am of your oppinion, but since it has
been moved I must expect to hear of the event to-morrow; and
goe now as it will, it gives me fresh proofs of the obligations I
lye under to soe many honourable and worthy persons, which I
shall ever have a gratefull sens off, and shall not be wanting to
make sutable returns if ever it is in my power. I doe truly
think that since this was only a complement (and one that
probably I shall not spoill) the D. of H. needed have opposed it
with so much heat, after so many of my friends and relations
haveing hitherto join’d with him and without whom -he could
not have made so good a figure or carryed what he did; and I
had such accounts of his faire and easie procedure towards me
both from my brother and others, that I was resolved by this
post to have signfied my sence of it, either in a letter to himselfe,
or to have troubled your Lordship with a message to him. But
what I hear of his carriadge this day sevennight takes away all
his former merit. However, I wish matters may be soe
manadged that this may not be the occasion of Duke Hamilton
or any of his parties joyning with the Court and get them a
victory at last, which yet they have had noe great reason to
bragg off. And for this end pray be earnest to keep all our
friends in town till the Parliament be up, especially my Lord
Staire, who talks of goeing to Galloway, which if he and others
should doe, some advantadge will certanely be taken. Therfore
its not good to be too secure, and now I hope a little time will
end all.” *

Tus Duce or Qurensperry to the Earn or Mar.

1704, September 14.—. . . . “Asto your coming hither at
this time I think if you are but a little inclined to the journey you
have a very faire pretence; for being in such posts in the Queen’s
service and differing from her Commissioner and other servants,
you cannot expect but they will informe the Queen of it, and-
unlesse you are better stated with them then I fancy you are,
they will hardly give good reasons for your doeing so. Therfore
I doe truly think your being here verry necessary, both to
prevent any misrepresentation of your selfe and to give a true
account of the weaknesse and mismanadgement of the new
ministry. And if you come at all, the sooner will certanly be the
better, for it will be too late when determinations are taken and
the last turn given to affairs; for that will be done upon the
representations that are made. For don’t think that ther will
be publick modelling or trying how things will goe when they
are soe and soe sett together. The method will be that after the
ministry here has inform’d themselves from as many as they
think fitt, or from those who will offer theire oppinions, then the
resolution will be taken privately and executed at one blow; and
then it will be too late to say that theire was either want of
information or wrong information; and possebly people who
231

may finde fault will be told that in some measure they have
themselves to blame. A verry short time here may be sufficient;
for after you have honestly and freely laid before the Queen and
her ministers the state of the country and of her affairs in it and
the sufficiency or insufficiency of the manadgers you have
acequitt yourselfe both to her Majesty and your country. . . .
lf you doe come up I think you should part verry friendly with
the two Dukes and know as much as you can theire thoughts
both as to publick affaires and private persons, and what part
they intend to act themselves with relation to both. . . . I
come to the proposall you make concerning me. You know my
temper is to live peaceably and quietly and I shall be verry
willing to doe soe with those noble persons you mention if they
will doe the same with me.” He has no intention of coming
again forward in the public service, and has but twice since he
left it spoken with the Queen. The Court will make no sudden
change, but patch up as much as possible to cover their own
mistakes. If the other two will do the same he may engage not
to take office, but not otherwise, and they need not think that
their not “prosecuting of the plott” has any weight with him.
“Tf men have been rogues and either said what they ought not
to say or said more then they ought, it’s none of my fault.” He
has nothing to fear from any inquiry; and is strongly of the
impression that the present managers have at bottom an under-
standing with the Dukes of H. and At. (Hamilton and Athole).

James JoHNSTONE, Lorp CuerK Recaistrer, to the Earn or Mar.

1704, October 7. London.—He has received his letter of the
26th. “As to bussiness, could I shun saying anything of it I
would doe it, for how will you believe me when I tell you that it
is to be determined next week, and that I know very little of the
matter, nor indeed are any resolves fixed that I know of. The
Court did not open themselves to me, and indeed to tell you
freely I shun bussiness as much as I can; but we are all to
know their minds next week. I have not been half a quarter of
an hour with the Treasurer, and spoke neither for nor against
any man to him. He was ill and is now at Newmarket. Then
in toun I hear that all opposers are to be turned out; but the
same persons tell me that Cromartye and myself are to be out,
he upon his brother’s account and I upon my relation’s account.
Cromartye seems to believe this himself, and I reckon to be not
long in; but in this I shall not differ with the Court, and I may
do better out for myself. But I write this only to yourself for
all is uncertain ; if not that some will be turned out for example ;
and the reason I told you. Queensberry’s people are positive in
this, but I doe not know that the Court has told any of us
anything of this. I doe not hear that Queensberry is to come in,
but that Roxburgh may be one of the Secretarys, and one of
Queensberry’s people the other, if Cromaity goe out; but unless
that be one that Roxburgh likes he will not accept, for he is not
fond of the place. What Tweddale and others will be neither
232

they nor I know. The Whiggs say that I and others were in a
juggle with the Dukes and you and Diplin; and nothing can be
invented that is not said of us all. As to yourself, if the
Chancellor and I can serve you, you may depend on it we will
doe it, and Coulter tells me that Argyle will joine, which if he
doe, we will pervaill unless the Court proceed by a rule which
you may remember I alwyse apprehended; and I fear, too, we
shall not be consulted in the matiter, for that was a measure laid
doun long before I was in bussiness, and never spoke of to now;
and the Court asks no information from us nor seems disposed
to receive any, as if they too thought that we had been jugling.
As to news the letters from Paris own that 40,000 men are
wanting of the army at Hochstette. Vendome asks 24,000
recruits and his brother 8,000. Then the Armys on the Rhyne
and in Flanders and Spain, and the garrisons will at least as
they compute require 40,000 more. That is, I think, 110,000
recruits to be the same in number they were in May last. Thus
its evident if the confederats be wise they will have what peace
they please. Adde to this that we are considered here as a
parcell of Jacobits or madmen, and use your own thoughts.
However, we will have tyme, I hope, to think on it, for there is
an apparent disposition to a revolt in Flanders, so that I doe not
see how the French can spare men for Scotland. And the
letters from Paris bear that their Court repent themselves and
they fear now (they write) that men of interest or thought in
Scotland will not join in case they should send troops. I was
surprised with some circulations I met with [in] Scotland; but
these notwithstanding your Lordship sees I write to you with
all freedome that you may have matters before you and take the
wisest measures you can for the interest of your familye, which
and yourself you will find me ready to serve to the utmost of
my power.”

Tue Duke or QuEensBerrRy to the Haru or Mar.

c. 1704, October 12.—Our Parliament will meet at the time to
which it is appointed, and [I] beg therfor that your Lordship
may make all convenient haste hither. Our ennemys are
gathering, and so its high time for us to beginn to be active
here. I have verry good hopes of maters if wee be unite and
dilligent, for to my certane knowledge the eyes of several people
are opening. Iam verry much convinced both of your zeall for
his Majesty’s service and your kindnesse for me.

Tuer Viscount or Dupruin to the Hart or Mar.

1704, December 17. Dupplin House.—My Lord, I have read
all your letters and copies of letters. I think yow are very
much in the right to goe to Court that you may understand hou
maters goes. Ye will there both gett advyce of your freinds and
be better capable to judge your self after ye understand the stait
of afaires; for if all be treu that’s talked, Mr. Johnstouns court
233

is not so great, and upon his the whole pairties depends. I
observe one paragrafe of Argyles letter to you says that their
will be alterations in our Scots bussines. I suppose he means in
the ministrie before the sitting of the Parliament. He lykways
ads that they must be better becaues it is impossible they can be
worse. Iam much of hismynd. I had yisterday a lyne from
Mr. Wood, whose at Edinburgh. He says that it is very
confidently talked that Mr. Johnstoun is in disgrace and Seafeild
is to get his place as Register, and your freend, Laudon, to be
Secretarie; in which caise I think ye could not but meet with a
cast of favour. My Lord, upon the whole mater I think ye
ought not to be rash in demitting or in letting it be understood
that yeare not ready to goe with your regement abroad. By all
apearance maters can not stand as they are, and what ever way
they turn ye will be more favourably sircumstantiat. Youre
bussines can not be done without some of the four Ducks, and I
think you are very weell with all. Wherfor I cannot but again
advyse you to let natoure worke and to advyse weell before ye
demit. Your having a regement does not hinder you from
getting ane other post in the government. I am very soor to
have a regement to give in leu of another post is better than to
have no thing.

Tue Duke or Areyitt to THE Hart or Mar.

1705, May 15. Holyroodhouse.—I have advice from Court
that St. Paull is come out of Dunkirk with five or six men
of warr, haveing on board arms, ammonition and mony to be
landed in Scotland Therfore I desyre your Lordship will goe
imediatly to Stirling Castle and put things in the best posture
may be and remain there till yow hear from me. If you have
any officers of your regiment absent, pray order them to their
Ve I am, my dear Lord, your most obedient humble servant,

RGYLL.”’

Tuer Earu or Searietp to tHe Hart or Mar.

1705, May 15. Edinburgh.—My Lord Commissioner has by
the inclosed accquainted your Lordship that ther is intelligence
from the Court that St. Paul with some ships is sailed from
Dunkirk for the coast of Scotland, and caries armes and ammoni-
tion and officers. What ever may be in this it is necessarie to
be on our gaird. Your Lordship will no doubt take cair to
have the Castle of Stirling in ass good condition as is possible,
and you may accquaint my Lord Commissioner with what you
think most necessarie. Noe doubt you will obey what orders
his Greace may have sent. I doe think your Lordship should
imploy some person you can trust to get intelligence from the
Hilands what they are doing; and if anie landing be, I doubt
not bot your Lordship may doe acceptable service to the Queen
and the countrey. I thought this short advertisment necessarie.
I believe the Commissioner may not communicat this to the
Councel till he hears again from Court.
234

“Top Kant or Mar to nis Lapy.

1705, July 16. Edinburgh.—To-morow will be a decisive
day, I believe, in Parliament, and then we'll be bussie upon
what cairies, either Treatie or Succession. We have trifled all
this time. There’s one Act past against importing Irish or
English butter or chise for useing in the country, but alowed for
export. This Act will probablie be keept as the rest of our Acts
are. Thers another Act brought in by the Duke of Athole
discharging the importation and wearing muslens, holands and
all kind of forayin linning. We have been twice upon this, but
perhaps it will not pass. Laws paper project was spoke of
in Parliament, and some words past betwixt Roxbrough and
Salton. After the House was up Salton sent a challenge to
Roxbrough by Lord Charles Ker. They wer laid in arest by the
Commissioner ; but nixt morning they stole out and mett in the
sandes of Lieth. Jerviswood was Roxbroughs second, and Lord
Charles the others. The Commissioner sent the gairds out
after them, but before they mett with them it was taken up by
Lord Charles means, and Jerviswood joind with him in the
proposall; so ther’s no more of it. Lord Charles is on the tope
of his marriage. If they had fought it had been unluckie to
him. . . . The Duke and Dutchess of Queensberrie are
on the road, and will be here Saturday. or Munday. This is like
to be a hote day in Parliament.

Tuer Earut or Mar to us Lapy.

1705, August 238. Edinburgh.—Yesterday the Act for a
trienniall Parliament was past, and we sit to-morow, when we
are to propose the cess. But the Duke of Athole is to bring in
the Plot, as we are told, to have a hitt at the Duke of
Queensberrie, which, if true, will make it a day of scoolding.
I'm affraid there will be some personall reflections which may
occation some quarrels.

Tue Earn or Mar to ats Lapy.

1705, August 25. Jidinburgh.—The Duke of Athole yesterday
brought in the Plote. The 3d sederunt nixt week is appointed
for takeing that affair into consideration. The Duke of Athole
did this against all his friendes advice, and he will not find
people to follow him in his humours in this bussiness. The
Cess Act was offred and a first reading creaved to it. There was
a great dale of debeat about it, and at last Rothes offreda
proposal to this purpose—that the House should agree to give it
a first reading, and immediatly therafter to go upon the Treatie
and such acts of trade as relaited to it before the Cess Act was
read a second time, and also such other acts as was needfull. The
Dukes of H. and A. joined in this, but the Court opposed it, for
the last clause being so generall. §o at last Rothes withdrew
the last clause, which angered the two Dukes mightily. Salton
offred a clause, much to the same purpose of that which Rothes
235

withdrew, to be added to the proposal, and it was put to the vote,

Add or no; and it cairied in the negative by 88 votes. So the

fe ¢ Cess got a first reading, and this day we are to be on the
reatie.

Tue Karu or Mar to nis Lapy.

1705, August 30. Hdinburgh.—On Tuesday the Parliament
was taken up the whole day about the Treatie, and at last it was
agreed that the Act I presented a good while agoe shou’d have a
tirst reading, but with that proviso that it shou’d not pass at the
second reading. Since people came to no capitulation of this
mater, I’m affraid tho it pass it will be ineffectuall the way
they'll make it. It is probable there will be a clause in it that
we shou’d not enter upon the Treatie til the English reshind the
Act they made against us last year. If this make them do it
Vl be glad of it, but I’m afraid it is not the most probable way,
and our commissioners will not go from Scotland certainly
until they know whither or not the English will do this. We
are to be on the Plote this day. What will be made of it, the
Lord knows. The Duke of Athole last night desired to speak
with me this morning. I fancie ’tis some proposal he has to
make about it. I’m just going to him.

Tur Haru or Mar to wis Lapy.

1705, September 7. Edinburgh.—Bussiness here has taken
a mighty turn since I wrote last. Contrair to our expectations
the Treatie has cairied as we had a mind, the Act I presented not
haveing almost a word altred. The Queen has got the
nomination of the treaters, and the Duke of Hamilton proposed
it first, which has made his pairtie mad at him. The House
has ordered that the Treatie shall not comence until the clause
in the English Act makeing the Scots aliens be repeald, and
tiereupon hes adrest the Queen. We cannot yet be sure if the
English will comply with our desire, tho we hope they will, and
if they do, perhaps a London jurnie will be my fait. . . . .
If I go, you shall too if you have a mind. . . . . If all
hechts had you and I will live more at London than we
expected. I can wryt no plainer; but you must keep even this
to yourself, else all wou'd be spoilt.

Sir Davin Naren to tHE Earu or Mar.

1705, September 29. Windsor.—By this flying pacquet I
send to my Lord Commissioner a commission for your Lordship
to be Secretarie of State in place of the Marquis of Annandale,
who is removed to his former post of President of the Council.
I presume to wish your Lordship all satisfaction in the imploy-
ment. I shall contribute all I can to make you soe as long as I
am allowed to serve in the station I now doe.
236

Tue Eart or Mar to nis Lapy.

1705, September. Edinburgh—Wednesday night near 12
o'clock. You'll see by the incloased what vexiation I was in this
morning. I mist the Commissioner when I went to the Abie, and
I dined at the Duke of Q s. When I was there at dinner
the flying pacquet came, which brought a comission for the
Marquess of Annandales being Precident of the Councill and
another for my being Secretary in his room. The Comissioner
goes on Saturday or Munday at furthest. There’s a letter also
from the Queen ordring the Comissioner, the Chanceler, the
Duke of Queensberrie and the two Secretaries to come to Court,
and that all the rest of the Queen’s servants stay here until
eall’d for or alowed to come. . . . . The Marquess of
Annandale sayes he’ll accept of no comission until he see the
Queen, so I believe he’ll go away one of thirr dayes if he be
not better advised. My comission is to be read in Councill
to-morrow, else I had left this place before Frayday.

1705, October 4th. Edinburgh.—Commission by John, Earl
of Mar, to Mr. James Erskine, advocate, his brother german,
to be principal keeper of her Majesty’s Signet under the
granter.

 

Tur Earut or Mar to toe Lorp Hicu TEasurer oF
TENGLAND.

1705, October 4. Edinburgh.—Since the Queen has been
pleased to make me one of her Secretaries I presume to give
your Lordship the trouble of this. I must acknowledge that I
am sensible of my own insufficiencie for that post, but I hope in
some measure to make that up with my faithfullness in serving
her Majestie and in being diligent in my post, and in doing
what may be most agreeable to her. It is my misfortoun that
I have not the honour to be knowen to your Lordship, but I
hope now in a little time that will be taken off. I am singularly
bound to your Lordship for not being preposest with the bad
oppinion of me that I have some reason to think certain people
were pleased to give your Lordship of my actings. You shall
find me alwise sincear in serving the Queen, and in the manur
and measurs her Majestie thinks fit; and your Lordship shall
find me also your most faithfull servant. Copy.

Tue Earu or SEaFIELD to THE Haru or Mar.

1705, October 7. Edinburgh.—He had not determined about
going to London till on hearing that Annandale was to take
journey to-morrow; at the desire of his friends he will also go
this week. “TI have not seen him, but I hear he is verie angrie,
and it is like he may ingadge in a neu pairtie and misrepresent
our measurs. If the Queen continou firm in what she has done
he will soon submitt, but if he is incouraged, he will rais his
pretensions of this.”
237

Tue Dvuxe or Qurensperry to the Karn or Mar.

1705, October 8th. Edinburgh.—He has learned that his
daughter Mary has taken the small pox at Durham,-which gives
him some concern. ‘The Marquis of Annandale went this
morning from this for London and was yesternight with me
sometyme. As he says, he only goes to vindicate himself, and to
know off the Queen a reason why he was so summarly trans-
ported, and is not to accuse any, if your Lordship take his word
for it. The Chancellor and my Lord Loudoun were with me
also yesternight.”

THe Fart or Lovupoun to tHe Hart or Mar.

1705, October 25. London.—The Commissioner came here
upon Wednesday. He and I kissed the Queen’s hand that
evening. “Her Majesty had thought fit to delay from time to
time to see my Lord Marquis, but had promis’d that he should
kiss her hand that evening. He came into the waiting room
while my Lord Commissioner and I were waiting to be admitted.
Wee had the honour to talk with him about indifferent things.
Her Majesty first called the Commissioner, nextt me, and last
of all my Lord Marquis.” He thinks there is little to be afraid
of from his Lordship. To-day the Parliament met, the Tories
setting forward Mr. Boombey to be Speaker, and the Whigs and
the Court, Mr. Smith. The latter carried it by 48 votes. The
Queen is to make her speech at the next meeting, and, it is
thought, will take favourable notice of the advances made by
Scotland towards a Treatie.

JoHN, BisHop oF Giascow, to the Earn or Mar.

1705, October 380th. Edinburgh.—He sends a memoir for the
Queen’s perusal with reference to the provision for the bishops.
“T am not willing,” he says “to mention the manie good services
I did to the Crowne and the Churche in the reignes of King
Charles 2d, and of the Queen’s royall father, but I may tell your
Lordship that since her Majesty’s happie accession to the throne
I have by my example and influence brought manie both of the
clergy and laity to their duetie to her Majesty who could never
be persuaded to owne King William. I procured a dutifull and
loyall address from above ane hundreth of our clergy to her
Majesty, and have engaged most off these to keep evrie week a
day off fasting and prayer for the health and saftie of her
Majesty’s person and the prosperity of her government, which
they still observe.” All the bishops but himself have a yearly
allowance from King William and the Queen, and he hopes her
Majesty will show him some favour, as his circumstances have
been misrepresented, and he has a numerous family of children.

Joun, BisHop or Guascow, to the Hann or Mar.
1705 - In the account of the bishops’

rents which is to be placed before the Queen by the Earl, the
bishopric of Orkney has been omitted. He urges him to press
238

her Majesty for their relief. “The Earle Kinkardin is dead,
and which is a much sadder death, poor Earle Balcarres is dead
also; and his familie must perish unless the Queen proves kynd
and gracious to his sone by continuing the pension granted to
the late Earle.” . . . “The diabolical effects of that cursed
wyne, drunk with Lieutenant General Ramsay, hath also broght
death to Harle Balearras. Oh! Sadd! God be praised your
Lordship got so litle of it.” Iff it may consist with your
Lordship’s conduct I wold know how M. Annandale is at Court,
and how his effairs stand. Your Lordship is sure that quhat
you sall say to me off it sall never be knowne to anie other bodie
living. Iam sure you trust my word and secrecie.

Tue Eart or Mar to nis Brotner, Mr. James Erskine.

1705, November 6th. London.—I got a very good reception
here notwithstanding of your Edinburgh news. As for my
predecessor I'll say little. You'll hear it from others. Only I
belive he will not be much the wiser for comeing here. He
still holds out as he did and nobody is pressing him hard to
accept. He visets none of us, but t’other day he was pleased to
take me by the hand on the Mell. The English, I believe, are
not yet positivly resolved what to do in our affair as to their act,
tho’ in a little { hope they’ll do as we desire. Ther’s little news
here. The Tories are very angrie and the Whigs very well
pleased.

Tue Earu or Cromartie to the Hari or Mar.

1705, November 17th.—He has not been paid his arrears of
salary and desires the Earl may speak for him to the Queen.
“My Lord, a man without doors can say litle to purpose of the
-publicke transactions, and I never was, nor will I now beginn to
be ane intruder, that being odious to the General Assemblie and
against both Claime of Right and Act of Parliament. Yet I may
say over ane old prayer of mine—God send a solid union in and
of Brittaine; for I am sorly afraid and firmly perswaded that
such only will secure Brittaine and deliver old Scotland from its
many complaints. If England will give us free trade with them
and theirs and take of the Act of Navigation—at least if they
extend it to ships of Scots built—in so farr I should be pleased.”
He refers to the report that Lord Ross is to be made Harl of
Ross, and says “It will be as great a cause of Highland disturb-
ance as ever was affoorded in Scotland and may be of as long
duration: and for eviting of such odious evils there is ane
peremptor Act of Parliament be King James the 8d stating that
none but the King’s second sonne shall ever be Earle of Rosse;
which made King Charles the 2d recall a patent given by him on
that cause.”

James Murray, Lord Clerk Register, to the Haru or Mar.

_ 1705, November 20th. Edinburgh.—The Duke of Queensberry
is in great grief for the loss of his child. He thinks the Earl of
Glencairn is to get Dumbarton Castle, as his father formerly held
2389

it. . His Grace wishes his Lordship to remind the Queen of some
secret disbursements he made when Commissioner, for which he
had secret instructions, but which because of their nature could
not be stated in the accounts with the Treasury. Her Majesty
may trust him and order payment or not as she pleases.

Lorp Datrympue to the Karn or Mar.

1705, November 17, N.S. The Hague.—Intimating that he
and the Earl’s brother, Harry, are coming home. Wee have this
‘day the news from twenty places in France that Barcelona is
taken. The account is not yet very circumstantial, but every
body believes it. Wee wanted that much considering the situation
of our affairs, for the King of Prussia is mighty angry with the
Emperor and the States. He has recall’d his troops from the
Rhine and threatens the recalling those are Italy (sic) ; but ’tis
hoped the Duke Marlborough, who is to return by Bedia, will
have skill enough to compose that matter. His troops being
recall’d would of consequence bring back the Danes, the Holsteins
the Hanovers. I believe the Dutch will very hardly consent to
the augmentation of troops. They are indeed much wasted by -
the war, and their affairs within are in great disorder; which I’m
afraid will hinder their taking right measures as to the command
next year. Things standing as they are ’tis to no purpose to
have troops who do not depend upon one chief.

THE Earu oF Mar to the EARL oF CROMARTIE.

1705, November 28th. London.-—He has spoken to the Queen
about the arrears of his pension as Secretary, and she has given
order to the Treasury for as prompt payment as possible, but it
is at present very poor. The officials cannot get payment of their
own salaries. He will do all he can for him. ‘“ Your Lordship
knows I am a McKinzie and their interest shall never suffer
where I can help it.” As to our affair, both Whig and Tory
joyns now in it, though some of the Tories proposed to clog it
with our Act of Securitie. Their frankness is a good omen to
the Treatie, and I have reason to believe it will meet with little
or no opposition in the House of Commons. I hope the
repealling of the prohibitorie clauses of their act as well as that
declareing us aliens, which we addrest for, will make people in
Scotland better pleased and to hearken to reasonable proposalls
of accommodation. I find here that no union but an incorporateing
relishes. I know your Lordship has long thought that the best.
I wish you could perswade others of it too. I beleive there will
be greater difficulties amongst ourselfs after the Treatie to adjust
then what we’ill have with the English in the Treatie betwixt us
Your Lordship would be mightilie pleased to see the good dis-
position in everie body now here towards that matter, tho’,
indeed, it is but of late, for when I came here first I confess I
allmost dispair’d of thair complyance with our desyre.
240

Tur Eart or Mar to his brother, Mr. James Erskine.

1705, November 27th. London.—I ordred Cleland last post
to give you an account of what the Lordes did in relation to our
affair. I was last night with some leading men of the House of
Commons, and they are perswaded it will meet with very little
difficultie in their house. I think this should be very agreeable
news in Scotland, but peoples humors are so uncertain that [ll
be glade to hear from you how it is taken by folks of different
sides. . . . The reason of my being with those Parliament
men last night was to assure them we were in earnest in this
affair, which they were inform’d we were not, I mean Scotland.
And the end of all was a bottle, which I’m now a great stranger to.

SecreTaRY Haruery to the Earn oF Mar.

1705, November 80.—My Lord, I received the honor of your
Lordships letter and have sent a pass persuant toit. I had
waited upon your Lordship at your own house to acquaint you
with it, but that being so late this night attending the Queen at
St. Jameses, it would have been unseasonable to your Lordship ;
therefore I will take some other time to do myself that honor.
_I am, my Lord, your Lordship’s most humble and obedient
servant, Ro. Haruey.

My Lord Tullibardin wil please to send the names of his
servants to be inserted in the pass.

Jonn Strruinc, Principal of the University cf Glasgow, to the
Eart or Mar.

1705, December 8. College at Glasgow.—Inclosing a memorial
for a royal grant for reviving the suppressed Chairs of Humanity
and Medicine in the University. Both these faculties and also
that of Law had formerly existed there since the foundation of
the University. by King James the Second, and up to the
Reformation, but from lack of funds they had been suppressed.
No other University lacks a Chair of Humanity; and the writer
has been assured that if that of medicine were revived there
would be no lack of students, even from Fingland and elsewhere.

Tuer Earu oF Guascow to the Earn or Mar.

1705, December 4th.—The Earl of Stair, the President of the
Session, my Lord Register and I, waited on his Grace [the Duke
of Queensberry| and committed our thoughts anent the nomina-
tion of the commissioners for the Union into a memorial,
wherin all were most unanimous, and Sir David Dalrymple, upon
his review off the same, perfectly acquiesced. The memoriall is
herewith sent to your Lordship, and it being full and plain, I
doe not insist. There is also a list of persons quhich we thought
fittest to be chosen and named by the Queen sent you up, out of
which the Queen is to name. The Duke is concerned that the
Earle of Weemyss should be named, he having made good
advances to his Grace; and very particularly that the Earle of
Morton be named, who is to attend his Grace, and that Mr. Clerk
of Pennicook be one, who is a very pritty gentleman.
241

_Rev. Witwiam Carstargs to the Earn oF Mar.

1705, December 11. Edinburgh—Thanks for obtaining the
pension for his sister (Mrs. Dunlop). “The procedur of the
Parliament of England as to our affairs gives great satisfaction
to those with whom I have occasion to converse, and I hope it
shall make way for a happie settlement to our countrey. As for
our ecclesiastick affairs I have nothing of moment to write about
them, for we have such a sense of her Majesties goodnesse to us
and the many advantages that we enjoy under her government
that we are under no anxietie either as to the meeting of our
Assemblie or as to a Commissioner to it; and we have not so few
friends amongst our nobilitie as to confine our desires of a
representative of her Majestie in an Assemblie to any one
particular person.” He knows of none of the brethren who are
interesting themselves about any particular person, and they
leave the choice entirely to his Lordship and the Earl of Loudon.

Tue Earu or Mar to his brother, Mr. James Ersxine.

1705, December 20th. London.—Our bill is now past. 1
here send you a double of it. The Queen goes to the House
to-morrow to give it the roiall assent, and also to the Land Tax
Bill. The Parliament here have given for this year about five
million seventie and two £ sterling, and this beside the old
fonds for paying their debts. ‘There were several debeats in the
House of Comons on our bill, but after every body had given
it over the Speaker keept it two hours from being approven,
still insisting to have their clauses only suspended, but he was
forced to yeald at last too. The Speaker is a comerad of a
certain mans of our country who you may suspect. I cannot
think he made him oppose our bill so much, tho’ the world is
wicked enough to give their frienship for the reason of it. It is
now past by good luck, and we must own the English have done
it in a very handsome maner, which I’m sure ought in reason to
be well taken by Scotland. . . . You'll see by the votes for
what Mr. Ceser was sent to the Tour. Show the incloased act to
Stair, Glasgow, the President and the Regester.

JouHN STIRLING, Principal of the College of Glasgow, to the
Eary oF Mar.

1705, December 26. College at Glasgow.—There remains
but 1,400 merks Scots of the Bishoprick of Glasgow
indisposed of, and in expectation of her Majesty’s munificence
the masters of the College have resolved upon reviving “the
profession of Humanity, and also begun a bottanick garden
on the account of the other profession.”

Tye Bart oF MarcHMont to the EARL oF Mar.

1705, December 29. Redbraes Castle—‘I have with very
much satisfaction had some accounts how affairs have gone in
the Parliament of England since its meeting, particularly of the
rescinding that Act which stood in the way of a treaty of union.

P
242

As matters now stand I conceived it my duty, as haveing once
been of a high station in her Majesteis service, and was as then
both ane observer how affaires move, and a wellwisher of her
Majesties prosperity and success in her attempts, to wryte to
her Majesty some thoughts of mine relateing to that great
affair.’ These he asks his Lordship to read to her Majesty if
upon their receipt he is in waiting, otherwise to give them to
the Earl of Loudon to deliver. “I have kept my house in the
countrey and have been nowhere from it since I parted from your
Lordship, soe I have had time and leisure to think and consider
what a protestant of my age that has a numerous posterity and
many friends and kinred to leave behind me in the countrey
where I am a native wold wish for, and to pray to God to
countenance and influence her Majesty and her Councels in
designeing and accomplishing what may tend to the honour,
prosperity, and peace of her Majesty and of her people. I have
knowen and esteemed you very long for the probity, worth and
ingenuity I have ever discerned in you.”

Tur VISCOUNT oF DUPPLIN to the EArt or Mar,
HIS SON-IN-LAW.

1705, December 29. Edinburgh.—I wish ye may not be rash
in being the first giver of the measour by which the treaters
ought to be named. I am tould that sume heer advyse to make
a pairtie bussiness of it and to name only those of our factione.
Perhaps this may be the way to make a short treaty, whether
successfull or unsuccessfull I shall not determine, but I believe
it will be thought by many that it will nather be for the
interest of Court nor countrey that the treaty be suddenly broke
up, for it is impossible to forsee all the bad consequences that
might follow upon it.

Tur Karu or Cromartie to the Haru or Mar.

1706, January 1. Edinburgh.—On this New Year Day, many
happy years are wished by me (and I am sure by many
Scotsmen) to yow and your family; and (as that which I think
Scotland’s cheeff politick good) to ane intire union with England.
I doe not mean without provisions and exceptiones—that were
ridiculous for beth—but in substantials, that both head and
body might be one politick body. Unless wee be a part each of
other, the union will be as ablood puddin to bind a catt; and till
one or the other be hungry, and then the puddin flyes. God
give all of yow prudence, wisdome and honesty and Brittish
minds. May wee be Brittains, and down goe the old ignominious
names of Scotland, of England. Scot or Scotland are words
not known in our native language. England is a dishonorable
name imposed on Brittains by Jutland pirats and mercinaries to
Brittains, usurping on their lords. Brittains is our true, our
honorable denomination. But of this more perhaps hére-
after. . . . . Wee are in quiet, and will be till next
Parliament, and view of their treaty. Some wold gladly seem
v 248

great ‘springs in that operation, who will perhaps be but
little mortals, as others on that occasion. I wish yow great
ones doe and conclude aright; and then shame fall them who
concurrs not with yow. Nay, I owne if my privat mortal
enimies make a good treaty I am on their syde; and if yow doe
wrong I will not joine; and that is very small news.

THE Eart oF Stair to the Haru oF Mar.

1706, January 3.—I acknolege the honour of yours of the
25th past in which your Lordship hath bein pleased to giv me a
full and clear view of our affairs how far they hav bein succesfull,
and wher ther is danger that they may miscary. I am wele
convinct the Ingliss hav don very handsomly and obligingly in
repealling all the clauses of ther Act which wer either injurious
or grivous to us, and tho ther wer no mor success to be hoped
for from the treaty, yet that sam was wele worth all the strugle
we had to obtain it; and it carys ane use of reproof to two sorts
of people, either thes who wold not enter into a treaty becaus
they pretended no good wold be gott by it, and others who wer
so fond as to hav rendred without ony termes to which it was
impossible to hav brought our nation or Parlement. I shall be
sorry if the Ingliss insist too peremptorly upon ane intyr at
present. Your Lordship knowes my sentiments in that matter
that I do firmly believ ane incorporating union is the best for
both nations, bot that may requir mor tim then the present
circumstances do allow, for if we should be so unhappy as to be
deprived of her Majesty befor the succession is setled great
mischiefs may follow; therfor I wish that upon the setling of a
free trad betuixt the nations and all freedom to ther plantations,
that the succession wer presently declared in our next Session
of Parliament, and that the treaty of a generall or intyr union
did likways proceed so as a scheem therof might be offered to
both Parliments, and if mor tim wer found to be necessary for
that, yet it needed not stop the other from bein presently
concluded and declared. For the nomination I think your
Lordships hav don your part in stating the difficulty and given
the generall opinion. I conclud the Court will hardly adventur
to make another mixtur without either ours or the opinion of
our friends ther, and if they be of another mind I think its your
part to submit if that alley brings the matter to a good
conclusion—its not to be considered by what hands—and if the
affair miscarys yow ar exonered, bot Iam affrayd another step of
this kind will render D [uke of] Q[eensberry] so jealous that he will
not medle, and your Lordship may consider how the busines can
succeid without him. Its a great happines for the publick and
security for your selfs that the two Secretarys and the great men
in the Government ar of the same sentiments. So long as yow
continew so its impossible for busines to miscary. It may stike
at one tim bot it will do at another. All the opposition can only
retard, bot without this sort thers nothing considerable either
ill or good can be don with us. Bot tho yow should not com to
open breaches if ther arys difference or shynes amongst yow,
244

then yow ruin yourselfs, your frends and country; therfor the
common interest is mor to be minded then the particular part
that every man is to act. Nor is it always the greatest actor that
represents the greatest person, bot the severall parts ar to be
given so as the whol plott may be best executed. Its only in
this point that I fear hart burnings may aryse. The Court and
our freinds ther should disgest and prepair this matter, and I
hope the persons shall acquiese in what parts freinds do assing
them, and who ever be’s the principall actor they should be
contented to act with consert and to allow others ther shair of
the influence and disposall of things according to ther interest
and weight in the party. I do not beleiv the two Duks will
differ in relation to the M[arquis of] An[nandale]. He must
either reconcile and quitt his humour before the nomination or
then thers an end of him, and ther will be the mor need of
caution to retain our friends heir, and cair to take of some that
wer in oposition. In order to retaining friends its absolutly
necessary to finish what was designed for the northern squadron.
I know its not your Lordship’s fault that Grant is not provided
as yet, bot except Kilraick be Sheriff of Ross, they never will be
hearty, for he manages the rest; and Gorg Brody is earnest that
Captain Brody be the under Chamberlain of Ross, which hath
som difficulty; bot it must either be don or that keept fair in
expectation which will hav great influence in the north. For
tho’ that corner who has many representativs ar the most
disaffected to the present establishment or the succession, yet
the matter of trad is mor in ther heads then any others in the
nation, which may make them easie in Parliament to ratify thes
good terms that may be obtained in the Treaty.

For getting of som of the opposers I wrott formerly to
Earl Lowdoun how little I beleived of advances had bein maid
by the leaders. My Lord Arnistoun is very currant for the
treaty and that we should take the best terms we can get;
for breaking up is ruin, and he says he wold not stik at quitting
our act of peace and war, which is a far advance. He is the first
barron in Parliament, and you will find few of his stat to be put
upon the treaty. Thers indeed a charm in being ingaged into a
party. For common cants take men off from ther own reason;
bot yet if he wer naimed one the treaty I think I could answer
for him, and he is certainly for the constitution. Thers another
freind of yours of whom ’le writt to Lowdoun when I hav mor
assuranc. He doth not desir to be on the treaty, and he is
valuable for his tounge, and I think not by in his pretensions.
All his freinds ar of our sid, so if onc he coms thers no fear that
he goes off again.

Tur Ducuzss or QuEENsBERRY to the Hart or Mar.

1705-6. January 4. Alnwick—My Lord, I am desired by
my Lord to tell you he forbore writting to your Lordship till he
cou’d date it on the road, and since then he has not bin very
well, which makes him employ me to lett you know it, as
also to clear him of being in the least accessary to it himself,
245

tho’ he heares he has bin under that scandall. But upon my
word without any manner of ground, for since your Lordship
saw him he has not bin much disposed to mirth. He did not
stay a minute longer at Eden[burgh] than the circumstances
of his family required it, and he will make all the hast
to you that’s possible in this season; for the days are so short
and the ways so deep there is no going above a stage a
day since there is no sort of accommodation to be found for
us between stages in these northern places. Therefore he
believes before he can have the honour to see you your
statesmen there will be impatient to have business determined,
particularly in relation to the nomination for the treaty; as to
which he cou’d add nothing more were he present to the
memoriall sent up by him and all your other friends, in which
they all still agree and are positive that if any mixture be made
in the treaty or Ministry the whole designe will be ruin’d, and
he is sure it can never be proposed but by those who are very
ignorant of the method of carrying busines in Scotland or have
another view. And therefore in case such a mixture be proposed
in any manner of way, he thinkes all friends shou’d give their
opinion once very freely against it, and if that wont prevaile,
they shou’d then submitt in obedience but be altogether passive
after, and lett them that advise it answer for the effects. For
he does assure you that it will be imposible to carry (at this
time) any kinde of busines with a jumble, and on the other
hand he has very good grounds to believe (which he will explain
to you at meeting if it is not out of time) that both the opposing
party are so divided among themselves that if the Court does
not countenance and support them they will be striveing (not
only most of the followers but some of the chiefe among them)
who shall be first accepted of by this present Ministery. He has
by experience found all along that whenever that party was
weak and that measures were like to succeed there was still
some pretence found to raise and strengthen them again. And
therefore he bids me tell you as a friend (and what he tells your
Lordship he means the same to my Lord Loudun) that if he
finds the least view that way now he will carry himselfe allways
very dutyfully to the Queen in any station she pleases to employ
him or whither she employ him or not, but is resolved not to
meddle nor advise, and in that case shall wish he had bin
alow’d to stay at home, since he shall be a very useles member
there. This is in freedom to your two Lordships, whom he
knows will make no ill use of it; and he begs to hear from you
on the road. He maks bold to use the alowance your Lordships
were pleased to give him of taking his letters out of your
packetts, which is more from your goodness than his desert ;
and assures you will always be your faithfull humble servant.
My humble service to my Lady Mar is sufficient to trouble you
with from my selfe, more than to tell you I shall not take it ill
if the answer of this be directed to the principall party and not
to the secretary, who is, your Lordship’s most humble servant,
M. QUEENSBERRY.
246

My Lord begs leave to present his humble service to the Duke
of Argyle, who he knows does not care much for epistles, but
believes him to be of the same mind with himselfe, if he is not
much alter’d since he saw him, which he does not thinke him
capable of.

Tue Eart or Mar to the Lorp ADVOCATE.

1706, January 8. lLondon.—Bruce of Auchinbowie has
applied to the Queen for a remission for the killing of the
Laird of Airth, which he says was accidental and in self
defence, as Airth drew first and ran at him. The (Queen
wishes him to take a precognition in the ordinary way
and forward it as speedily as possible. A Dutch ship has
been driven in on the coast of Caithness by stress of weather,
having on board some Ostenders who had taken her some days
before, and she has been adjudged by the Admiral Depute.
Her Majesty desires that he may examine into the affair, both as
to the value of the ship and to whom she will now belong, and
report the same to her with his opinion. Copy.

Tre Lorps oF THE TREASURY to the Haru or Mar.

1706, January 12. Edinburgh.—In last session of Parliament
the royal burghs were ordered to subscribe the amount necessary
for outrigging the Royal William frigate. They had accordingly
called for the Lord Provost of Edinburgh and other members of
Committee of the royal burghs to do so, but after getting time
to advise as to their action, they had returned answer that they
did not think the order of Parliament bound them to do such a
thing, and so refused. Signed, Forrar, Guascow, F. Monr-
GomERIE and Joun Homes.

Tur Eart or Mar to his brother, Mr. James Ersxrne.

1706, January 15. London.—I have seen severall scames of
our goverment from Scotland, which indeed were news to us;
but Edinburgh is very fertile in producing such stories. We are
as well at Court as we can wish, and business not being done
was by our advice, for we inclined to have the Duke of Q
here first. The Union is now very much the subject of every-
bodys talk here. Upon talking of it with some people some
materialls seem’d necessary to be got before we mett, an account
of which I shall send you in a post or two and you must do what
you can to informe me of them. You may shew them to Stair,
the Precident and Sir David, and anybody else that you think
cou’d assist you in them and wou’d not make an ill use of them,
but you wou’d not tell every body they are from me.

 

Tar Hart or Mar to the Eart or Leven.

1706, January 17.—Intimating that he is to be Commander in
Chief of the forces in Scotland. He had spoken often to the
Queen about it, and several times to the Duke of Marlborough
247

and the Treasurer. Yesterday, particularly, he had occasion of
speaking to the Queen, when she was pleased to tell him that
she was resolved to give the command to the Earl of Leven, and
also to continue him in the posts he presently holds. He was
to inform the Earl of this and would soon be required to prepare
his commission for her Majesty’s signature. Copy.

Tue Earu or Mar to his brother, Mr. James Ensxine.

1706, January,22. London.—Some posts ago I wrote to the
Earl of Leven, by the Queen’s command, leting him know that
she was resolved to give him the command of her forces in
Scotland and to continow him in his former imploiement.
When I wrote it was not publick here so I cou’d wryt to no body
else of it. But now everybody knows it, so ’tis needless to keep
it any more a secret, which you may tel my Lord Leven of from
me and give him my most humble service. The Duke of
Marleborough is at Woodstock, but will be back this week and
then ’tis probable the Queen will dispose of the other posts in
our armie in a little time. It is thought the English Parliament
will rise in February, and then the treatie must come on, so the
nomination of the commissioners must now very soon be made.”

THE Ear of NorTHESK to the Earn or Mar.

1706, February 4. Ethie—He had written severall times,
but ‘‘secretarys are long naibbed things not to be medled with.”
Erroll writes that the old Lady Innernitty has just married a
sturdy young fellow of whom she was very fond. “They say
our two Scotes dukes, Q. & A. are not agreeing, about which
you secretarys begin to bee so too. If that be true, shame fall
the couple.”

Toe Eart oF Mar to the Eart oF LEVEN.

c. 1706. [Undated].—Our affairs have been for some time at
a kind of stand. Your English friends and ours spoke nothing
of my predecessor untill the Duke of Queensberry came up, and
then they show’d a desyre of haveing him brought again into
the service, but withall said they thought it cou’d be no other-
wyse but by giveing him the post that was formerly offer’d
him. This we all consented to, and spoke to the Theasurer
and the Duke of Marlborough of it, who both went and visited
him. Our English friends spoke to him also; but he still
persisted in denying to accept. This treatie put a stop to all
our affairs, and particularlie to the Commission for the Union ;
but at last it cou’d be putt off no longer. So the Queen ordred
Lowdon (the Secretarie-in-Waiting) to goe to Annan[dale] and
tell him she had kept the place she had offer’d him all this time
vacant to give him time to consider of it, but now she thought
it for her service that that place shou’d be fill’d, therefor had
sent him to get his last and positive answer. He said he had
248

formerly given it, but since the Queen had been pleased to send
her Secretarie to him, he desyr’d he might lett her Majestie
know that he acknowledg’d she did him a great deall of honor
in offering him that post at first and now too, but he did not
think he cou’d serve her Majestie in it, so cou’d not accept.
This answer my Lord Lowdon carried to the Queen, so theirs
an end of the affair, and my Lord sayes he is now goeing home.
Evrie bodie must own that the Queen has not taken my Lord
short, and no bodie cou’d expect more condiscention in the
Queen’s servants, that after all the stories my Lord has been
pleased to talk of everie one of us since he came here, yet we
were willing to have receaved him, forgott bygones, and served
friendly with him. However, it is to be presumed my Lord
knows his own interest best; and, on the other hand, I hope
the Queen’s affairs are not so low but she can be served without
his Lordship or any one or more of us. Our English friends
who show’d a desyre of haveing him imploid again are satisfied
there cou’d not more be done for that end either by the Queen
or her servants.

I thought your Lordship wou’d be desireous of a true account
of this affair, which made me give you this trouble. Now, since
this affair is over, I beleive the Queen will very soon name the
commissioners both for Scotland and England, and the Scots
commission will very quickly be sent down. We were so
uncertain of our selfs till now that we cou’d not write to people
who we desygn’d to recommend to be on the treatie, and now it
is past time to have answers from them; but we hope none
will excuse themselves from comeing up, when so much depends
on the issue of this affair as the preserveing the peace of the
two kingdomes and settleing them on one Protestant bottom.
We all hope your Lordship will be with us very soon. I’m sure
you will be of good use to the generall cause, so I hope your
Lordship will lay aside any inconveniencies you may have by it
in your private affairs. We hear the Justice Clerk talks as if
he wou’d excuse himself, which I shou’d be verie sorie for. I
beteive the Queen will admitt of no excuse, and I wish his
friends wou’d keep him from makeing any. I’m sure his friends
here, either Scots or English, will not take it well if he doe.

The Queen has ordred my Lord Lowdon to let my Lord
Glasgow know that she is resolved he shall represent her
person in our nixt Assemblie. I hope, by the accounts I have
from Mr. Carstairs and other ministers of the good disposition
amongst the ministers in Scotland, there will be no troublesome
thing in that meeting, and I question not but my Lord Glasgow
will be very acceptable to them.

Your Lordship may be sure that your commissions not being
yet sent down proceeds not from any stop or demur in it, but
the Queen inclin’d to have the commission for the treatie first
finisht, befor she did any more in relation to the armie, and she
resolved to sign your Lordship’s commission when she sign’d
some others. Copy.
249

THE EaRL oF Guascow to the Earn or Mar.

1706, February 5. Edinburgh About Treasury matters and
sending copy of a letter from the Treasury to the Queen with a
Memorial by Lord Leven to the Treasury. There only remains
a balance of £1,900 without respect to the deficiency of cess or
excise. It will require £6,000 or £7,000 sterling to buy what is
absolutely necessary in Lord Leven’s Memorial “and we cannot
be ansuerable to apply what should subsist our troups and pay
our friggotts, for buying arms and ammunition. All we can spare
is a 1,000 lb. to buy 200 barrells of powder, which is a pitifull
provision for this kingdom.”

MEMORIAL BY THE EArt oF Leven, Master of ORDNANCE, to the
Lorps oF Her Masssty’s TREASURY.

1706, February 5. Edinburgh.—Reporting the very bad
condition of the magazine “their being little or noe cannon
pouder, noe flint stones, few or noe chests of ball, either for
firelock or pistoll, and but a small quantity of cartridge paper
and match. And for arms—their are not above tuo thousand
firelocks, and these the refuse and worst of all the arms provided
for many years, and soe consequently very bad. Their are noe
pistolls nor carabins but such as are old and insufficient. Their
are few or noe bayonets, and the patron tushes and holsters that
are in the magazine are very insufficient, being made up with
paper. Their are noe planks for making new or mending old
carriages.” He begs their Lordships will order and bring home
such quantities of each as they may judge proper.

Tue Earu oF Guascow to the Hart or Mar.

1706, February 25. Edinburgh.—Acknowledging his appoint-
ment as Commissioner to the General Assembly, and as to his
instructions. He has countermanded the orders given for the
roup of the Dutch ship that came in upon Caithness, and has
spoken fully to Lord Cromarty about it. ‘‘ Bot its reasonable if
the Queen deall so generously and discreetly with the Dutch
that they should observe the same rules with us. I am heartily
glad that my Lord Annandale’s affair is once at a close, and [
am verry much mistaken if aither the Queen or any in her
service have reason to repent the change.”

Hues McHenry to the Haru or Mar.

1706, February 6. Carlisle-—His Lordship’s known favour
to the oppressed and distressed, especially churchmen, em-
boldens him to place his case in his hands. He was settled
as minister of the parish of Dalton, but merely because he
differed from the ministry there in the point of church govern-
ment, his legal maintenance has been withheld from him since
1697. However till June, 1704, he retained possession of the
church and manse house and preached to that congregation, but
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then his funds being exhausted he went to Carlisle, and has a
congregation to whom he now preaches and from whom he has
some present support. He begs that the Earl will obtain for
him her Majesty’s letter ordering payment of the arrears of
stipend due to him.

Rev. WILLIAM CARSTARES to the EARL oF Mar.

1706, February 16. Edinburgh—The barrennesse of this
place as to any occurences, an account whereof can give me the
confidence of doeing myselfe the honour of writeing to your
Lordship, does ease you of the trouble of my letters. But I
have presumed by these lines to acquaint your Lordship that
there was upon Wednesday last a visitation of the churches of
this citie by the Presbyterie. It is an ordinarie thing in the
disciplin of our church, though it hath not been for manie years
as to this citie. All things ended with great calmnesse and
to the contentment of all concerned. The magistrats as
representing the heretors of the citie, and all the elders and
deacons were ask’d how their ministers behaved and if they had
anything to object against them, and then the ministers were
ask’d if they had anything to say as to what was unsuitable in
the others. All ended in mutuall commendations of one
another, and the magistrates afterwards treated the ministers.
I hear some false reports are made here of this affair, and it is
probable that they may with greater confidence be spread at a
distance, but if your Lordship shall hear anything of this
businesse as to which your Lordship would desire to be informed,
the writer will give him a candid account of the same.

Rev. WILLIAM CaABsTaReEs to the Hart or Mar.

1706, March 2. Edinburgh.—The Earl of Glasgow is very
acceptable to all that I have had occasion to see since it was
known that he was to represent her Majestie in the next
Assemblie, which I still hope shall be a peaceable one. Many
of the Marquis of Annandales friends here are sorrie that he
hath laid himselfe aside from being in the government, and doe
wish that he had complyed with her Majesties pleasure; and
indeed it was allways my opinion that he should doe so. But it
seems there is no help for that now. I hope her Majestie will
find him as zealous in her service when out of the government
as in it, though a Court is apt often not to believe such a selfe-
denyall till they see it.

As for the Union it is a matter to high for so mean a person
as I to presume to give my thoughts of it. But seeing your
Lordship is pleased to honour me with writeing about it I
should be ingrate if I should give any return to your Lordship
that were not plain and without reserve. As for the thing
itselfe your Lordship alreadie knows my thoughts of it, as your
Lordship is pleased to signifie in the last letter I had the honour
of from you. But reallie, my Lord, my fears are that the
urgeing of an incorporating Union now will furnish pretexts to

‘
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delay the setling of the succession upon which the quiet of our’
countrey seems very much to depend; and such as have their
_ eye upon St. Germains, and others who would be glad to have
even any good settlement to miscarrie in the hands of the
present Ministrie will frame many difficulties under pretence of
concern for the honour and libertie of their country, and so keep
affairs in the same unsetled state that now they are in. And
indeed, my Lord, I did humblie .conceive that your Lordship
and others of our great men with you were much of this mind
before you left this place; and therefor if terms any way
reasonable could be obtained it may be it would be the easier
way of settleing us. But all this is under correction and only in
complyance with the dutie I ow’ your Lordship; though for my
own part I have such a prospect of what may be the issue of our
continueing in this uncertain state in which now we are that I
should be glad we had a solid settlement of the Protestant
succession, whether it were the one way or the other.

Tur EARL oF Mar to the Earn oF LEVEN.

1705-6, March 2. Whitehall—I wrote to you two posts agoe,
which I hope you gott, and by it you woud know my Lord
Annandale’s storie and how busieness is goeing here. Since that
time the Queen bas nam’d the Commissioners for the Treaty (of
which I send you a list inclosed) and sign’d the commission,
which is sent down by this express. Your Lordship will see
that the first dyet of the treaters meeting is the middle of Apryle,
by which they will all have time to prepare themselfs for their
journie and be here sometime before the meeting, which the
Queen expects, that we may consult together befor we meet
with the English. Her Majesty expects also that upon this
occasion none who she has nam’d will declyne comeing up, and
reallie it wou’d look odd if any did.

Since your Lordship is to come, I wish, and so does the
rest of your friends here, that you may come as soon as
possiblie you can, for a great many reasons, and I hope it will
be no inconvenience to you, but will certainlie be an advantage
to the generall interest and your friends. JI hope your
commission will be with you in a few posts, so that needs be no
stop, for you'll have it befor you can possiblie be readie. I hope
your Lordship has disswaded the Justice Clerk from declyneing
this journie, as I wrote last we heard he intended. If he did, it
wou’d look very odd, doe harm to the generall interest, himself,
and his friends, so I hope he’ill be advys’d. The Queen thought
it absolutelie necessarie that the place of President of her
Counsell shou’d stand no longer vacant, so she has sign’d a
commission for it to my Lord Montrose, who has given all the
assurances of his being on the same interest with us that can be
askt from a man of honor. This I hope will strengthen the
interest, the Queen’s service and her present servants, so I doubt
not but your Lordship will be well pleased with it. He did not
incline to be of the treatie, because it wou’d oblidg’d him to
252

come up here, which in his present circumstances wou’d have
been inconvenient to him; so his commission will not be sent
down for some posts, that the Commission of Treatie may be in
Scotland some time before it. When his commission is sent
down there will also be sent a letter adding severalls to the
Counsell and Exchequer, most of whom were formerly of them.

There has been talking here a good whyle of a regiment’s
being to be leavied in Scotland upon the English Establishment
as MecKartnies was, but not to have quitt so many draughts,
and this regiment to goe abroad under Lord Mark Ker’s command.
Tho’ this has been a considerable time talkt off, yet we were
never so certain of it that I thought it worth your whyle to
write of it, till now that the Duke of Marlborough spoke to the
Queen’s Scots servants of it, and told us it wou’d be for
her Majesties service abroad, and that he inclyned to it for that,
to provide Lord Mark; and he thought it might be for the
Queen’s service also in Scotland. Therefor desyr’d we might
have our thoughts of it, how to make it conduce most for this
last end ; which we have done, and are to speak to him of it ina
day or two. There are severalls of the captains in the two
regiments commanded by my Lord Strathnaver and me, that we
know are more desireous of serveing abroad than at home, and
these we are sure of inclines this way. We are to propose to be
of this new regiment, and so make vacancies in Scotland. By
this we think there may be fyve or six companies in Scotland to
dispose off, which we wou’d advyse the Queen to bestow to
people of interest, quhich wou’d strengthen her service and her
present ministrie, without preferring any of our own particular
friends. If we be not sure of fyve or six of the captains of the
two regiments who are willing to goe abroad, we think to advyse
to send so many of the five or six commissions as we are not
sure of to your Lordship to fill up with any of their names you
think fittest, and they not to know but they had been fill’d up
here. As to the rest of the captains of this regiment, there are
more people recommended for them than there will be room for
by the half. My brother, who served captain in Rows regiment
all this war, is proposed to be leivtennant collonell, and
Clephane captain in my regiment, and an old good officer
major. Your Lordship may be sure if we had been certain of
this affairs being in earnest in such time as we might have
acquainted you of it, and gott your return befor we were oblidged
to give the Duke of Marlborrough our scheme of it, we wou'd
not have done it without your advyce; but he told us the
regiment behoved to be readie in six weeks time, and he wou’d
expect our scheme of it in two or three days. The subalterns
recommended for this new regiment are innumerable, and all
the blame from those who are disappoynted and those who
recommended them will fall on the Secretaries. We had need
of broad shoulders to bear all the blame both upon this account
and others that people with give us, tho’ we be very innocent
and have as little the doeing of things as any of the Queens
servants. Copy.
253

THe Hart oF Mar to the Marquis oF MoNnrTROSE.

1705-6, March 2. Whitehall—Since ever I was imployed in
the Queens service there is no body I wished so much to be with
us and to have a suitable post in the Government then your
Lordship. I must oun all the Queen’s present servants here
were as forward in this as I, and we all spoak to the Queen of
you. Her Majestie has been pleased to make your Lordship
Precident of her Councell and one of the Lords of Treasurie in
the same mainer my Lord Tweedale and my Lord Annandaile
were formerlie in those posts. I hope this will be agreeable to
you and enable you the more both to be serviseable to your
countrie and your friends. Your commissions had been sent
doun by this express, but wee understood your Lordship did not
inclyne to be of the treatie, that you might not be obleidged to
come up here at this time. Therfor the Queens servants
thought it would look better that your commissions shoud not
come doun til some posts thereafter, since you was not one of the
treaters. I beleive the Queen is resolved to make my Lord
Weymes Admirall, but your Lordship woud not speak of it til
his commission comes doun.

I’m sorie you did not inclyne to be of the treatie, both
because we'll want your good companie here and your assistance
in that affair which is of such consequence and may be of such
advantage to our countrie. The English nation were never in
such a good dispositione towards Scotland, and if wee gett not a
good union I have reason to beleive it will not be their faults.
But though your affairs requyred your attendance at home
which I believe made you not incline to be of the treatie, yett I
hoap your Lordship is of the same oppinion in this affair that
the rest of the Queens servants are.

I hoap non of those the Queen has made commissioners will
declyne coming up. And the time they are here, there will be
very few of the Queens servants in Scotland, which makes us
hoap your Lordship will be frequentlie att Edinburgh, else their
will be no face of a goverment, and bussiness, especiallie of the
Treasurie, will stop.

The Duke of Marleborough spoak to us lately of a new regiment
for Lord Mark Ker to be raised in Scotland and to goe abroad.
If this hold wee are resolved to have Urquhart a captain in it,
which is all that’s in our power to doe for him.

When your Lordship’s commissions are sent doun, ther will
also be sent a letter to the Councell and another to the
Exchequer adding severalls to their number, most of whom
were formerlie of them. There is nobody turned out. Copy.

THe Marquis oF Montrose to the Earn oF Mar.
1706, March 5. Glasgow.—Acknowledging his Lordship’s
letter of the 2d, stating that the Queen had appointed him
“ President of the Councill and one of the Treasurie, which are
such marks of her Majesties favour as I cannot but most
gratefully acknowledge, and I shall reckon it my greatest honour
to behave myself so as to have her Majesties approbation.”
254

Siz Witt1am Suarp of Stonyhill to the Earn or Mar.

1706, March 5. Stonyhill—Thanking him for his kindness to
his son at London, and hoping that speedy payment will be made
of the arrears of his pension. He suggests that a grant of land
from the Crown to the value of what is due might be bestowed
upon him during life and upon his sons, and to assist this he
incloses a rental of the Crown property in Scotland, dated 1674,
as it stood in the time of his uncle, though much of it is now
given away. “This is not so great a request considering my
losses by the Crown, the blood of my father, and my own
unshaken loyalty, and worthy of the Earl of Mar to procure
from such a Queen, who knows my story and circumstances.”

Tur EARL OF ROSEBERY to the Haru oF Mar.

1706, March 11. Barnbougle—TI had the honour of your
Lordships letter this day, wherein your Lordship tells me
that the Queen has been pleased to name me one of the Comis-
sioners for the Treaty with England, and doth expect that I
should be there befor it begin. I shall therefor in obedience to
her Majesty's command (though considering the scarcity of
mony in this country it is not very convenient for me)
endeavour to be att London befor the first meeting for the
treaty, which I earnestly wish may take effect; for I do belive
nothing will ever make this country easy but an intire compleat
union with England, which, since they now seem willing to
agree to, we were the most unhapy people in the world if it
should faile on our side. I will not troble your Lordship any
more att this time, since I hope to see you so soon. Only I
beg your Lordship may believe that I am what on many
accounts I am ever bound to be, and what I do asshure your
Lordship you shall allways find me, my Lord, your Lordship’s
most faithfull, most humble and obedient servant, RosEBERIE.

‘Toe Marquis oF Lotuian to the EArt or Mar.

1706, March 14.—Thanking him for his kind and discreet
behaviour to him and his concerns at this time. He will not
trouble his Lordship by ‘enumerating the affrownts I have met
with at this tym which I never could have imagined. As I had
the honour to be amongst the first that offered my service at
the happie Revolution, so, my Lord, I have the misfortown to be
the first who after seventeen years service is oblidged to quit the
service, being so publikly disgraced in the way of my treatment;
and I must say to your Lordship, I cannot see wherin I have
deserved it. For I can say I did my endeavour to serve the Quin to
my powr faithfully and honestly. I have sent my commission as
Colonel to the Duk of Argyll to be disposed off. If the Quin
hath any service for me as Colonel of the Gards, I offer my
services. If not, I heartily wish her Majesty and Government
all happiness.”
255-

THe Harn oF SUTHERLAND to the Earn vr Man.

1706, March 15. Hatton—“I am very sensible of the
honour the Quen has been pleased to confer. upon me in
choosing me as ane of the commissioners to treat with England,
and joyning me with soe many worthy persons that I belive hes
nothing befor ther eyes but her Majesties service and the good
of both kingdomes, and shall endeavour as soon as I can to be
att London.” He desires his Lordship to speak to her Majesty
on his behalf for the post in the Treasury lately held by
Sir John Home.

THe Hart oF Mar to the QUEEN’S ADVOCATE.

1705-6, March 16. Whitehall—The government here have
gott intelligence from a good hand that a ship belonging to
Abberdine, of which Pitter Forbess is master, who under the
pretext of tradeing caries persones and letters betuixt Scotland
and France and has a French pasport procured for him by a
Lord in Scotland, and is verie laitlie sailed for Scotland from
Ostend. It is necessarie and the Queens pleasure that this
affair be inquired into, and that the master of the ship be lookt
after and examined, and particularlie who procured him his
pasport from France and what persones he caried aither to
France or Scotland, and to whom the letters were from or
directed to. I have wryten of this to my Lord Montrose,
Precident of the Councell, who, if he be in toun, will certainlie
speak to your Lordship of it. But if he be not, your Lordship
would take such methods in discovering this affair as you think
most likly to bring it to a light. The less noice is made of it the
better. If the ship be not yet arrived, as soon’s she does, it’s
necessarie the master and some of the crue (if not all) be secured
and particularlie examined. Your Lordship would also informe
your selfe what keind of man this Forbess is and under what
repute he has been. ’Tis necessare that what discoverie is made
in this affair be transmited here by a flyeing packquet because it
requires dispatch. I doubt not but your Lordship will be
cairfull in this mater and make all the dispatch that’s possible,
which is all I have now to trouble you with. Copy.

Tous Earu of Rotues to the Hart or Mar.

1706, March 11. Leslie——I hope you’l pardon this, since if is
to reccomend a friend of ours (namely the Pape) to my Lord
Halcraig’s place in the Session, and all I shall say, dear Marr,
is—Faith it were both your interest and mine he were there.
No doubt your Lordship knowes what way that can be done, or if
it will doe at this time.

Rev. WILLIAM CARSTARES to the Earn or Mar.

1706, March 19. Edinburgh—The administration of the
sacrament in this city last Lords day hindered his replying to
his Lordships letter sooner. He hopes the treaty will be
256

“brought to an issue in some scheme that will setle the nation
and establish the Protestant succession ; and it will be of great
use if all in the government shall be heartilie unanimous in any
measures that shall be taken.” The managers should be earnest
to secure this. He believes the Lord Justice Clerk will attend
at London. The instructions for the Assembly will be as usual,
but Lord Glasgow will, he supposes, have the usual latitude.
Lord Haleraig’s death creates a vacancy which he feels the Earl
and Lord Loudon will have difficulty to fill without causing
discontent. He regrets the hasty step taken by the Marquis of
Lothian, from which, had he seen him, he would have
endeavoured to dissuade him ; but he will be sorry if the Duke
of Argyle is disobliged, for the strength of the party lies in its
unanimity.

Sir JoHN ERSKINE to the EARL OF Mar.

1706, March 19. Dysart.—Intimating the death of Lord
Halcraig. As a seat on the bench therefore becomes vacant
he declares his willingness to undergo the fatigue of ‘that
post and trusts his Lordship for doing what is necessary to
place him in it.

J. Houston to the Earn or Mar.

1706, March 26. Edinburgh.—I begg leave to give your
Lordship an account of a most inhumane murder committed
here in the street upon my brother Archibald, Writter to the
Signet, Wednesday last about six of the clock at night, by old
Auchtifardell and two of his sonnes. Severall persons that see the
actione declare that the old man gave him severall stroakes upon
the head with his kane and that he and his third son grapled
with him and held him untill his eldest son thrust him in the
belly with his sword, of which wound he died upon Sunday last
about seven of the clocke at night. The old man is in custody,
but the two sonnes are fledd.

Sir JAMES STEUART, QUEEN’S ADVOCATE, to the Earn or Mar.

1706, March 30. Edinburgh.—Sending a letter from John
Gordon, bailie of Aberdeen, dated 26th March, who reports that
Pattrick Forbes, shipmaster there, was at present at Ostend,
whither he went in December last with a cargo of salmon and is
thence bound for Campveer in order to get Dutch clearance and
proceed to Havre de Grace. He is well known to Sir Andrew
Kennedy, the Conservator, has hitherto always behaved as a well-
wisher to the government, and in the writer’s opinion is not at all
fit for carrying out evil designs. As soon as he arrives, however,
he will be secured.

Rev. Wituiam Carstares to the Earn or Mar.

1706, April 2. Edinburgh.—He has waited upon the Earl of
Buchan and made, as cautiously as possible, the proposal
entrusted to him. Lord Buchan looks upon himself as some-
what slighted, but he is of known fidelity to the government,
257

and will comply and accept, if in order to do so with honour
some honorary post in the government were bestowed upon him,
such as a supernumerary Lordship of the Treasury, with or
without a pension, and his commission be in the same terms as
those of the governors of the other castles. If the writer at
any time endeavours to remove any wrong impressions of
the Earl of Mar entertained by any of his brethren through
misinformation, he only does what justice and his own
inclination demands.

THE Earn oF GuAscow to the Eary or Mar.

1706, April 4. Edinburgh.—This day our Assembly sat
doun. Mr. Wishart, minister at Leith, was chosen moderator.
They appear to be perfectly calm and easy and are perfectly
pleased with her Majesties letter. The moderator, after his
taking the chair, expressed himself with entire confidence in her
Majesty’s assurance to maintain the present established govern-
ment of the Church. They have little business to do in the
Assembly and he is hopefull they will rise against Tuesday come
seven nights at furthest, and perhaps sooner. He has troubled
his Lordship with a double of the discourse he had to the
Assembly.

THE EArt oF GLAscow to the Earu or Mar.

1706, April 6. Edinburgh.—I have sent your Lordship a
copy of the Assembly’s answer to the Queens letter. I hope
your Lordship will study to haist doun a letter from your
Lordship’s collegue in waiting signifiing the Queens receipt of
their ansuer and with a compliment to them, for our clergy
mislyke not soft words.

Mr. Wintmu WisHeart, Moderator oF THE GENERAL
ASSEMBLY, to the Haru or Mar.

1706, April 6. Edinburgh—-He sends a copy of the
Assembly’s answer to her Majesty's letter to them, of the same
date, in which the Assembly thanks her Majesty for her
constant care to have the vacant churches planted with pious
and learned ministers, especially in the Highlands and Islands;
states their care to make a proper distribution of the libraries
mortified and sent for the uses of the churches in the remote
parts of the nation; and promises that moderation and
unanimity which her Majesty expects in their conduct of affairs,
and that confidence in her Majesty’s Commissioner, which his
eminent fidelity to her service, his good affection to the present
Establishment and unquestionable sufficiency demand.

Tur Haru or Cromartige to the Hart or Mar.

1706, April 6.—He had the honour to hear her Majesty say
oftener than once that she was resolved to bestow the rents of
the bishopricks, as far as law would allow, for the support of the
poor starving clergy of that character. He knows that many of

Q
258

these are now in very bad case, and particularly mentions the
Bishop of Moray ‘‘as an object both of charity and justice. And
so is the worthy Bishop of Edinburgh, Dr. Young, his relict and
her children.” When he was Secretary he urged their case upon
her Majesty, and he presses the Karl to remember what
Mordecai said to Esther.

THE Earu oF GLAscow to the EArt or Mar.

1706, April 18. Edinburgh.—TI shall take jorney so soon as I
dissolve the Assembly, which will be on Monday nixt in the
afternoon, or Tuesday morning at furdest. The Assembly never
was better pleased with her Majesties conduct towards them,
and they have good reason. The brethren are striving with one
another who shall speak with the greatest respect and regard of
her Majesty, and all unanimously putting intire confidence in

the Queen.

THE EArt oF GLASGOW to the Haru or Mar.

1706, April 16. Edinburgh—This day at one a’cloak I
dissolved the Assembly in most calm and peaceful manner,
every member in the Assembly expressing their full satisfaction
and intire confidence in her Majesty without the least distrust or
jealousie. I pray the Lord that good and moderate temper
may long continue, which I have good ground to believe shall.
I leave this on Thursday in order to wait on you.

Tue Earu oF Cromartie to the Earn or Mar.

1706, April 18.—I am glad to hear that so many in England
are for ane incorporation of Brittain; for federation is not worth
the paines, and will be ane Egyptian reed, and will be a mother
of future dangers and discords at some unhappy occasion.

In the matter of Madagascar, I have writt to the Earl of
Stair, and so will not trouble your Lordship with anticipating
of quhat he will say. My dear Lord, its said heer that D{uke]
of Q{ueensber]rie and Earl of Glas[gow] are to be Secretaries,
your Lordship Collonell of the Guards, and Earl Low[doun]
Privy Seall and of the Treasurie. I congratulat yow in the
good fortune of the change (if it be true) and in my litle opinion
the Earl of Lowdoun hath weel changed too. I hope your
Lordship will order Jo. Stuarts ensign comission to be effectuall
to him, and the Karl of Lowdoun that of Captane Vaus. I think
no body wishes the Queen, the nation, the Isle, and my freends,
better then I doe. As to whats good or not, I may be as readily
mistaken as any; for none can think that to be true which does
appear to them to be false; nor good, what appears to them to
be evill. These mistakes are the objects of pitty. This may be
my case in the matter of the Union. Iam taken with the incor-
porating, and Iam so because I am old, and in long experience
of slavry, and now of poverty; and I wish to leave the nation
free of the first, and at least in the road to have the other.
And I see not deliverance from either without serious union,
259

t.¢., incorporating ; for the other is a jeast, if not worse. Yet I
am no slave to any present sentiment, but ready to leave its
command when I see a better fellow. But I most see him or I
love him; and when things are dubious, I ever doubt whats
asserted by a party or faction. For that hath ever been my
aversation, and it my oppressor, and so to the nation. But I
‘can much rely on the Karl of Mar, because that family hath
been so long right, that I confide in its honesty as haveing
acquired a thrid and new habit of honesty. The schools know
none but whats infused or acquired by reiterated acts; but
that family hath a naturall habit to right, unless some
unhappy man interrupt it.”

THE BaILigs AND MINISTERS OF THE CANONGATE to the
Earn oF Mar.

1706, April 20. Canongate.—Their burgh is like to be ruined
by the pressure of taxations and impositions of various sorts,
and they beg he will concur with the Duke of Queensberry, the
Chancellor and the Karl of Lowdon in securing its exemption
from an impost of 2d. per pint upon ale and beer brewed and
sold within the city and suburbs uplifted by the City of
Edinburgh, and a gift therof made to the magistrates of the
Canongate for behoof of their burgh. Signed, Arp. Fauconsrr,
baillie; Parrick Jacksons, Theas.; Tao. Winxre; Wi.
MrircHeEtt.

Sir RoBert Buackwoop to the Haru or Mar.

1706, April 20. Edinburgh.—The many repeated injuries
and losses sustained by our Indian and African Company
' through the undue and unfriendly measures taken from time to
time by the Government and some of the tradeing companies of
England, and the open indignities done to our whole nation on that
account, are alreadie so well known to your Lordship that we
think it needless at present to trouble you with the recital of
them, otherways than to put your Lordship in mind thereof in
the general, it being humbly expected that care may be now
taken at so favourable a juncture to have the nation’s just
grievances with relation to our Company’s said sufferings
redressed by a suitable recompence, and that our Company’s
privileges be kept still intire. For which end whenever we
come to understand by the favour of a line or otherwayes that
that matter is to fall under the consideration of your Lordship
and the other lords, barons and burgesses appointed to treat
with commissioners on the part of England concerning an
union between the two kingdoms, we shall not be wanting in
giving your Lordship and the other treating commissioners full
information as to such particular grievances and matters of fact
as we humbly conceive may be most properly insisted on, even
in the preliminaries of the said treaty, if so your Lordship and
the other commissioners on the part of Scotland think fit.
So wishing a happy issue to the whole Treaty; this is in name
and by warrant of the Court of Directors of our said Company.
260

ALEXANDER, BisHoP oF EDINBURGH, to the Hart oF Mar,

1706, April 28. Edinburgh.—Urging expedition with regard
to the provision for the bishops with a specially liberal provision
for himself. But he turns his “pen towards another subject
and humble supplication to your Lordship, and that upon the
desire and earnest request of our poor afflicted clergy. My
Lord, they ar like to meet much hardship on the occasion of the
late proclamation of Council here, for last week ther passd an
order of Councill for shutting up the meeting houses of Elgin
and Keith, tho’ the preacher at the formar be qualified and I doe
suppose the other may be so also. But besids this ther ar
Council letters taken out against the ministers preaching at St.
Johnstoun, Dundie, Montross, and St. Ninians besid Stirling, and
who knows how far further this prosecution shall goe unless
that your Lordship and som others of temper interpose to put a
stop to it. I shall not pretend to dive into the policie of this
severe proceeding, but sure Iam it is nowais agrieable to the
indulgences wer granted to that party, nor those measurs of
lenity and forbearance which they pleaded so warmly was so
due to them, while they themselves wer under the hatches ;
and it seems very hard that poor men that have lossd all
and ar living most inoffensively to the Government, should at
once be deprived of the liberty of their conscience and the mean
left to preserve them from starving. Wherefor I beg your
Lordship compassionatly to consider their case, and to fall upon
som expedients for warding of this tragicall blow, and dispelling
this threatening cloud that portends nothing less than a
destroying tempest.”

Lorp DaLRYMPLE to the EArt oF Mar.

1706, April 30. The Hague.—I am here since Sunday.
Which way wee are to turn ourselves is yett uncertain. The
Hanover and Hesse troups are stopt in Germany upon the
enemys sending a detachment of 20 battalions and 30 squadrons
from hence to the Moselle. I reckon wee shall march from our
garrisons the 10 or 12 of May.

We have mighty good hopes of Barcelona; our King is
certainly in it. Earl of Galloway has besigd Alcantara, which
taken will open his passage to Madrid. The Duke of Berwick
has no foot to oppose him. Prince Eugene has had an unlucky
rub. Some of his quarters turned (?), but ’tis not to be supposed
that ’tis so much as the French make of it.”

THe TACKSMEN OF THE Customs to the Earn or Mar.

1706, May 2. Edinburgh.—By this days post the merchants
here have accompt of a Zetland privateer haveing carried up to
Lisboune a ship called the St. Andrew of Leith, Charles Charters
master, burthen about 80 tunns, with wines and brandies, that
was bound to Leith.” They and the merchants desire the Earl
and the other officers of State to move her Majesty to intercede
for the redelivery of the ship.
261

Tur Earu oF STRATHMORE to the Hart or Mar.

1706, May 4. Glammis.—‘ The late Proclamation of Councill
has soe much raised the zeall of our Presbeterians that they will
not only close up all meeting houses but also depose all
Kpiscopall ministers under the name of intruders, who are most
acceptable to the heritors and people. This, my Lord, may be
of soe much harm to the Queen’s interest in this countrey that
I think I am oblidged to intreat your Lordship would be pleased
to get her Majesty’s favour shown to them, which I am sure will
be most oblidging to this and neighbouring shires. And I hope
your Lordship will take this as well designed by,” etc. My
Lord Chancellour is addressed in favour of the meeting house in
Dundee, wherin I intreat your Lordship will concur.

Dr. Pitcairn to the Haru or Mar.

1706, May 10. Edinburgh.—I presume to wish your Lord-
ship may be pleased to mind the good education of our gentrie.
I know no better occasion for your Lordship to shew your power
and good will to the people of Scotland than what now presents
itself. The rascal Liddel that was professor in mathematics at
Aberdeen is deposed for murder, adulterie, etc. The fund is
50 lib. sterling a year. No mortal is able to stand against
Dr. Bower if your Lordship will be pleased to patronize him. I
know there is a child to be set up against him. I humblie
beg your Lordship wold consider that our education is
more than ruin’d already by raw, ignorant boys, and that it
makes not one sufficient for a mathematical professor by having
the surname of Gregorie, Dr. Gregorie is my worthy friend,
but I hate monopolies. I can assure your Lordship yee cannot
doe a thing worthier of your self and character than to prefer
Th. Bower. I speak freelie, for I’m half fou.

THe EARL oF FINDLATER to the HAaRL oF Mar.

1706, May 11. lEdinburgh.—The great friendship was
allways betwixt your Lordship’s predecessors and mine, and
the happiness I have to be related to your Lordship give me
confidence to give you this trouble, humbly intreating your
Lordship to join with the Duke of Queensberry and interpose
with the Queen for getting me some mark of her favour now in
my old age. Its known to all persons how faithfull I have been
to this government. I hope my son the Chancellour will speak
to your Lordship, and if you grant me this my desire your
Lordship will singularly oblige your Lordship’s most affectionate
cousin and humble servant, FinpLaTER.

Mr. CaRstTARes to the Hart or Mar.

1706, May 11. Edinburgh.—I did my selfe the honour to
write to the Earle of Stair what were the thoughts of some
here about the Church-government as to the Treatie, and so farr
as I can find it is desired that one way or other something

\
262

should be expresslie mentioned as to what may be for its
securitie. And I acquainted his Lordship with what some here
suggested about it which I doubt not but your Lordship will
know; but it is an affair so delicat that I desire to say
nothing further of it lest I should mistake my measures, but
I hope it will be the care of those concerned to manage it
as unexceptionablie and as much for the securitie of this church
as is possible, otherwise I am apt to think when the Parliament
meets we shall have zealous speeches for our church even
from those that at bottom make a mock of us and it both.
The Duke of Queensberrie hath in some sessions of Parliament
found a mightie fervour amongst such for the intrinsick power.

1706, May 13. Aberdeen—Declaration made by Patrick
Forbes, captain of the ship called the William, which arrived at
Aberdeen the previous day from Burntisland under convoy of
H.M. Ships, the Royal William and Royal Mary, before John
Gordon and George Cruikshank, two of the bailies of Aberdeen,
who narrowly searched the said ship, but found no arms, nor
letters and papers save such as referred to the cargo. In his
declaration Patrick Forbes details his voyage since leaving
Aberdeen on 9th November last, his capture by an Ostend
privateer, the pillaging of his ship, its redemption by the owners
for half value, the deserting of him by his crew, and his return
from the continent with a hired crew.

JAMES STEWART, LornD ADvocaTs, to the Hart or Mar.

1706, May 14. Edinburgh—He sends a copy of a letter from
a number of masters of Scottish ships dated at Dantzic,
18th Apvril, 1706, to Sir Robert Forbes of Auchinhove, advocate,
in which they crave that as H.M. Ship the Royal William is
coming to Gothenburg some time this summer to be fitted with
new masts, instructions might be given to Captains Gordon and
Hamilton to undertake the convoy of 25 or 30 sail which will be
ready then for Scotland. He supports their application, stating
it as for “our two friggotts for a convoy;” but thinks they
will not of themselves suffice, and that as her Majesty has
always ships cruising toward the Sound, the Admiralty of
England might be persuaded to allow one of their ships to join
with these two. This would be a great encouragement to the
Eastern trade, seeing that our Scots traders, having lost their
trade to the Low Countries are now venturing into the Baltic.

ALEXANDER Erskine, Lyon Kine or Arms, to the ,
Earu oF Mar.

1706, May 16. Edinburgh.—Thanks for assisting his brother.
He sends a draft gift for the augmentation of his fee as Lyon,
and craves the Earl’s support to it. He has held the office for
thirty years, and has never had anything from the Crown
except his small salary. With this he has had to strive
through many difficulties, his father when he died having left
263

him an estate worth £200 sterling but with £4,000 sterling of
debt upon it, and eight children unprovided for. These he had
tended as if they had been his own. Now he has ten children
of his own, seven of them sons, which forms the present
necessity.

SECRETARY Har ey to the Earn or Mar.

1706, May 17. Whitehall—My Lord, I received the honor
of your Lordship’s commands and send you enclosed the best
account ‘can be collected from those who came in so great
hast from so warme an action. You will find in print an
abstract of what Col. Richards brought in his letter, and in
writing an extract of the account given by the aid-de-camp
to Monsieur Auverque. I heartily congratulate with your
Lordship that you have so agreeable a subject to write upon
to Scotland, and that I have so fortunate an occasion to express
myself, my Lord, your Lordship’s most humble and obedient
servant, Ro. Haruey.

THe Earu or Mar to his brother JAMEs.

1706, May 17. Whitehall—tThis flying pacquet comes with
the news of the victorie obteand by the Duke of Marleborough
over the French, that their may be publick rejoiseings for it.
The Advocat being the only officer of State in toun, the pacquet
is directed to him. You have incloased the account of the
action, but next mail will bring us more particulars, and of the
kill’d. We hear of non of our friendes kill’d but Borthwick,
and some say poor Ninie Boyd; but because it is not sure
you woud not speak of it. Duke of Argyll has three
contusions, but not dangerous. Preston of Lord John Hays is
wounded, which is all we have yet heard of our people.

The sege of Barcelona is certainly raised, but the particulars
are not yet come. This is like to be a glorious campain. If
the Union be compleated this year too the Queen’s rigne will
make a great figure to all posterity.

Tue Eart oF Mar to the DuKE oF ARGYLE.

1706, May 24.—I heartily congratulat with your Grace upon
account of the glorious victorie ye have had and the con-
sequences of it, and the great pairt your Grace had in it. We
hope that it is so intear that their armie will not again, this
campain at least, offer to give ye any resistance. Our Treatie
advances very well, and in a little time I hope will come to a
good conclusion, for we have adjusted the matter of our
proportion of the taxes, which was like to be the most difficult
affair. And since the greatest pairt of action is probablie over
with ye for this season, and the Treatie now like to bear, your
Grace’s friends here think it wou’d be for your own interest and
the advantage of cairying the Treatie throw in our Parliament,
which is all our interests, as it is the nations in generall, that
your Grace wou’d be pleased now to make an end of your
264

campain in Flanders, and come home and serve with the rest of
your friendes in another where you will get more action tho’ of
another natur. Your Grace may be sure we wish it upon our
own accounts, but beside severall of our friendes with whom
I’ve talkt realie think it for your own intrest too; and I wish
with all my heart that your Grace may be of our opinion. This
day the Chancelor, Londoun, Glasgow and I spoke of it to the
Treasurer ; who approves mightily of it, and said he wou’d wryt
of it to the Duke of Marlborough. Tm certain your coming
wou'd be the surest way for your Grace to obtean any thing you
want for yourself and your friendes. And then consider of what
great consequence it wou’d be to the affairs we have to do, in
which I doubt not but your Grace is sincearly conserned. I
believe your Grace will find more of your friendes of this
oppinion, and I intreat you wou’d be pleased to think of it, and
be of the same mind with us. If I were not concern’d upon
your own account I shou’d not be so earnest with you, but since
it is my reguard for your Grace and your intrest, I hope you'll
pardon this freedome.

J. Buarr, Provost oF Dunpzez, to the Haru or Mar.

1706, May 24. Dundee.—The burgh of Dundie hath given
on all occasions very signal proofs of their loyalty and good
affection to her Majesty and Government, but these services,
though heartily performed, have nevertheless been expensive.
What we did to secure the town and assist General McKay in
the march of his troops to and from the north, and what we have
since done and suffered in the constant passage of the forces our
way together with the charges we have been at for rebuilding of
our harbours and other reparations, have brought us into such
debts and burdens that at the last election of magistrates none
dared adventure to serve, finding themselves to be unavoidably
exposed to the diligences of the town’s creditors until they had
obtained a supersedere of all diligences from them. But for
two months there was in consequence no government in the
town. Their common good is not sufficient to pay their debts;
their trade is much decayed, and unless her Majesty graciously
help them, as she has helped others, the burgh must sink. He
asks the Earl to lay their case before the Queen.

THE VISCOUNT OF STORMONT to the EARL oF Mar.

1706, May 30. Perth—At the earnest desire of a great
many of the nobility and most considerable gentlemen of the
shyre of Perth, I beg leive to lay before your Lordship the
divisiones and disturbances that are occasioned in this place by
the violence and forwardness of some against the meeting
housses, particularly against Mr. Henry Murray, minister of the
meiting house in this toune, who is of a blameless life and
conversatione, and orthodox in his doctrine even to the
conviction of his enmies ; and constantly and cordealy prays in
expresse terms for her Majestie and her Government. He was
summerly imprisoned by some of the magistrats of Perth, and
265

having applayed to be sett at liberty in the terms of the
Act of Parliament, was refused, which hase given occasione to
mutuall processes before the Privey Councill; and indeavours
are used to procure a delay untill it be knowen what measurs
her Majestie will take in a mater of so great concerne. And
this shyre being convinced that your Lordship is a patrone of
moderatione and justice, I am desired humbley to beg of your
Lordship to represent this to the Queen, that her Majestie may
take such an effectuall course for the ease and quiet of her
subjects in this cuntry as her Majestie in her royial wisdome
shall think fitt.

Tue Duke oF ATHOLE to the Earn oF Mar.

1706, May 81. Dunkeld.—This is the first trouble I have
given your Lordship since you went to London. But the too
forward and bigott proceedings of the Presbetery of Perth
against the ministers of the Episcopal perswasion who are within
my interrest, oblidges me to intreat your Lordship to lay theire
caise before the Queen, that she may be pleased to allow them
her protection ; which I supose is agreable both to her inclina-
tions and interrest.

I have alwayes allowed the churches where I am concerned
when they were vacant to be planted by Presbeterian ministers;
but have also thought it just and reasonable to preserve those
of the Episcopal ministers who are good men in the churches
they possess. There are yett five of these remaining in Atholl;
three of them were in before the Revolution, and has preached in
theire churches ever since. The other two have been in several
yeares before King William’s death, tho’ not admitted by the
Presbetery. And now during her Majesteis reigne they doe
expect her protection, which I humbly desire for them if her
Majestie think fitt; which may be done by sending me a letter
for her Majesteis Advocatt not to insist against them, which if
granted has need to be soon, because the Presbetery have taken
instruments against my Sheriff deput, requiring him to turn
them out in the terms of a late Act of Council in March, which
has given rise to these courses. They have likwayes required
my deput to turn out the meeting house ministers who are
within this shire, as to which I also humbly desire to have her
Majesties direction, for I did not think before this late Act of
Council there was any law discharging them; and some of the
magistrats of Perth have proceeded so far as to imprison Mr.
Hary Murray, the minister of the meeting house there, and
refused to let him out on baile, on which I ordered my deput
to set him at liberty on baile in the terms of the Act of
Parliament against wrongous imprisonment, which your
Lordship knoes requires all competent judges to take baile when
the crime is not capital, as I am sure his was not. The
Magistrats of Perth, however, raised a Council proces against my
deput, alledging he had encroached on theire priveledges; but
they have since let that fall and did come herc to acknowledge
they were in the wrong,
266

My Lord, since I have this opurtunity I cannot but intreate
your Lordship will also acquaint her Majestie that I meet with
great injustice in not having my sallarie I served for as Privy
Seale payed me. Her Majesty did send a letter to the Treasury
about itt last year, but it has not been obeyed. I now send your
Lordship a copie of the gift the Duke of Queensberrie gott for
what was due to him; wherfore iff her Majestie will doe me
the justice she does to others I doubt not but she will signe itt,
for those have served with me are payed, and the Earle of Rothes
who came in my place is payed. Your Lordship’s kindnes in
this matter will put a great and constant obligation on, my
Lord, your affectionate cousin and most faithful humble servant,
ATHOLL.

Tar Earzt or Mar to his brother, James Ersxrne.

1706, June 4. Whitehall.—Give my humble service to the
Advocat, because ’tis so late I cannot wryt to him this post, for
which I hope he’ll forgive me. But tel him that I spoke to the
Queen of what he wrote to me concerning those shipes in the
Sound. ‘Tis not thought saif to venture the two Scots frigats so
farr, but the Queen has just now five men of warr there and to
return very soon; which will do better for our ships there, if
they take the occation, which I doubt not but they will.
However, I wish there correspondants in Scotland may wryt to
them of this that they may not be expecting our frigats and so
loss this opportunity.

THE Eart oF Mar to the HarL oF STRATHMORE.

1706, June 11. Whitehall.—I received yours of the 4th May
some time ago, and have since read it to the Queen. That
Proclamatione of Counsell was emited since I came from
Scotland, and ther was no coppie of it sent me, but I’m told it
onlie revives former laws and makes no new ones. Were it yett
to pass, perhaps it were as advisable to be lett alone at this
time. I beleive the ministers your lordship wryts of are not
quallified conforme to law by takeing the oaths ; so if people will
persew them, there’s no protecting them. The Goverment
onlie conived at them before, and had they continued to doe so
still, I think ther had been no fault in it; but since the law
stricks against them, when they are persued it would be thought
odd and I beleive not verie legall to interpose. However, ther’s
non of the Queen’s servants here who incline to be hard or
sevear upon those people, and I hope the Advocats and others
concerned in these persuits will act so prudentlie that ther will
be no ground of complaint. The Queen herself is known to
have favour enough for Episcopale peopell, but she cannot stope
the law from takeing its courss. Her Majestie thinks it verie
odd that severall of those ministers prays expreslie for her and
her Goverment and yett doe not quallifie. This cannot but give
their enimies a great handle against them, and stopes peoples
mouths who incline to speak favourablie of them. As to that
267

minister at Dundee, I know not the particulars of his caise, but
if he be brought before the Counsell I hope they will doe nothing
but what is conforme to law. Copy.

Lorp DaLRyYMPLe to the Eart or Mar. i

1706, June 14th (New Style). Camp at Artelle.——I’m heartily
glad your Union go’s well. With a little patience, notwithstand-
ing your secrecy, wee shall come to the knowledge of the
particulars. I hope the Duke of Marlborough’s good success
will help our part to digest the Union, tho’ a good part of the
members should swallow it with a little reluctancy. Wee are
just going to see how much farther wee can push our good
fortune. To-morrow Monsieur D’Anverquerque marches with
16 battalions from this army, which with two sent already and
22 from the Duch garrisons and Flanders, are to make them-
selves masters of the pass at Plassendale and the forts upon the
canal between Ostende and Newport, and afterwards to make
the siege of Neuport. By that means Ostend remains blockt.
There are 14 Battalions between the two places commanded
by La Moshe; a good many of them are Spaniards who will
not defend themselves heartily. ’Tis not improbable after that
Dunkirk may be undertaken, unless we think it more 4 prépés
to anoy them by our fleet. If we lend you some troops from
hence, which is not improbable, wee have force enough to doe
both. Wee shall have 11 battallions Prussians and 18
squadrons and near as many of the troops of Hanover next
week, There are only five battalions English gone to this
siege, and they are the youngest. Mr. G. Murray and the
Duke of Argyll are gone already. I believe it will be hard to
persuade his Grace to return at present. By the Ist of August
it maybe would be possible, if the Duke of Marlborough would
make him M[ajor] G[eneral], and lett him touch the apoint-
ments. But his Grace seems very backward in matters of
promotion. Wee have but three brigadiers in this whole army
after this detachment is made, and yet I doe not know if [wee]
are like to see the number augmented. I hear my Lord
Tullibardine has got something but I doe not know what, nor
by what means he is a coming. My hearty service to Loudoun
and your family. If I had more time I should write more
particularly.

Mr. James Ersxine to his brother, rum Haru or Mar.

1706, June 22. Edinburgh.—This town is still very thin.
Salton came to it two or three days ago, and is in a great rage
against the Union. I supped with him yesternight all alone.
After a great deal of talk about it he desired me to read the 34.
section of Mr. Hodge’s 1st book on that subject, and if it did not
convince me how pernicious ane incorporating Union is he
would know what to think of me. He doés not believe any of
you to be cordially for it except the Dallrymples, and for their
paines he swears they ought all to be dragged at horse’s taills.
T fancy he is out in the reckoning he makes of people's
268

inclinations for it. He believes that the nation is generally so
averse to it that it will not stand out one sederunt in the
Parliament, and that the promoters of it will think themselves
happy if they can get it quickly smothered ; but that he and
those against it will endeavour to bring it in and have it debated
that they may opposé it for ever. He thinks, too, that it will
not carry in the English Parliament tho’ it should be ratifyed in
ours. He is as angry at the squadrone and at the D[uke] of
H{amilton] as ever. Kelly’s sentiments of the Union seem not
to differ much from Salton’s, only Salton is alltogether singular
in believing that it will meet with so very few friends in our
Parliament. I confess there are a great many much against
it, and some people’s politicks here are that it will break the
present Ministry’s Court if you have undertaken to carry it
through, for they are perswaded it will not do. I think there
seems to be very many who are neither much for the Union nor
against it, but arein a kind of suspense about it and know not
what to think. I fancy many of the ministers are of this sort ;
some of them seem afraid of it, but generally they do not show
niuch anger at it so far as I have heard, tho’ severals of them
do. The most part of the trading people talk pretty favourably
of it. . . . . . . Yesterday séverals of the squadrone
and the wise men of Perth came to town. I have not yet been
with any of them to know their opinion, except a very litle
in the coffé house this forenoon after the House rose. There is
never a word now of changes at Court, and people seem all
to be in suspense till you come down, and when that will be
and whether the Union be yet concluded are the questions I
am continually plagued with. There was a storry lately that
the Queen had sent for Anandale from the Bath, and told him
that she would have him and her servants good friends before
they went to the Parliament; but nobody gives credit to this.
Salton told me twice thrice that he was sorry you had to do
with such a business as this Union. I beleive he will be glad
of his instruments.

Tue Eart or Mar to the Haru or Cromartiz.

1706, June 238. Whitehall—I had the honour of yours of
the 8th some posts ago with a copie of your 3d letter concerning
the Union. I had read your Ist and 2d before, and in general I
think your Lordship has a very good notion of that affair. But,
I must confess, I think you treat the treaters pritty cavalierly.
For my own shair I’m very indifferent what people say of me,
but realie I wou’d not have expected such a character from your
Lordship as you are pleased to give me with the rest of the
treaters. Notwithstanding of that I was more concern’d upon
your account than anybody’s else, for if does you more hurt
than any concern’d. Your Lordship knew that our treaters did
not take very well what you was pleased to say of them, and
your Lordship cannot think that your ordring your papers to be
delivered before our face to the English after you knew this was
very obliging. . . The Treatie is now very near concluded
269

and I hope we will see you very soon in Scotland with it. We
liave made the best of it we cou’d, and I hope the Parliament
will think it for the intrest of the nation, and so ratifie it, by
which there wou’d be an end put to all our divisions and honest
people wou’d get leave to live at peace and ease, and mind their
uffairs and the improvement of their country—a much better
‘mploiment than the politicks. Copy.

JOHN AIRD, Provost oF GLascow, to the Hart or Mar.

1706, July 4. Edinburgh—-The toun of Glasgow have
presumed to address her Majesty on the happy occasion of the
glorious success which God has been pleased to give her Majesty
and allies against the French; and have desired me, tho’ I have
not the honour of your Lordships acquaintance, to trouble your
Lordship herewith, humbly to signify their dutyfull and loyall
affection to her Majesty and government; and likewayes to
signify to your Lordship the gratefull acknowledgment they
have of the many favours done by your Lordship to them. My
Lord, the toun of Glasgow hath been alwayes very much
oblidged to her Majesty and her ministers, but never more
than they have been of late, and particularly to your Lordship.

THE BiIsHop or GuLAscow to the Hart oF Mar.

1706, July 6, Edinburgh.--I add nothing to my last save
that iff the Queen sall provyd our bishops out of the bishops
rents it is all now expected. For their right stands yet good to
them, they having never been depryved off their benefices by
anie Act of Parliament, nor their rents been annexed to the
Crowne. As for the inferior clergy, they must be supported and
releeved by charitable contributions from Scotland and England
as heretofore; and I am sure her Majesty will charitablie
contribut also for their releeff. So that the bishops are in the
first place to be provyded out off their owne rents by her Majesty.
Great talk passes here of the Marquis of Annandales coming
into favor and trust once more. I beleeve it not, tho’ I am
sure he will doe all that artefice can doe to have it so. I long
now to see your Lordship here; and I still think the Union,
being concerted for the interest and advantage off Scotland, it
wilbe confirmed and ratified in our Parliament. Wee sall
prove more sensible of it quhen our episcopall ministers and
people are at least connived at here (while they carrie peaceablie
and dutifullie) in their meetings for religious worship, which
cannot be denyd by sober Christians, at the same tyme that a
toleration is established by law in England for all dissenting
Protestants. Her Majesty, I’m sure, will judge so, and intimat
so much to her Scots Minister of State. All persecution is
heathnish and antechristian.

Mr. James Ersxine to his brother, taz Haru or Mar.

1706, July 11. Edinburgh.—People again talk mightily here
of changes at Court. They still say that you are to command
the Guards, and add that my Lord Annandale is to be
270

Secerettary, for evry body here says that he is gone to Court,
and that the Justice Clerk went several miles out of town to
meet him. Some people pretend to have intelligence that the
Whigg Lords are grown jealous of the Treasurer, that they
would have Queensberry and all his people quite out of doors,
and bring in the Justice Clerk as our chief manager, and next to
him Earl Leven. They pretend that the Earl of Glasgow is
entirely in with this new party, and that he has not seen the
Duke of Queensberry this good whille. . . . . . One part
of the talk here is that there is a great confusion amongst you
about the Chancellor, whom they say the Whigg Lords would
have immediately laid aside. . You will know by this day’s
minutes of Council that Captain Campbel has taken a French
privateer, and an Irish ship which the privateer had taken
before.

THe DUKE oF ARGYLE to the Karu or Mar.

1706, July 18. Camp at St. Luis le Tere—lI should have
receiv'd your letter before Ostend, but so it is I had it only this
morning. I am extremely sorry that all my friends should
desire me to doe what for aught I can as yet see I shall not be
able to comply with. My Lord, it is surprising to me that my
Lord Treasurer, who is a man of sense, should think of sending
me up and down like a footman from one country to another
without ever offering me any reward. Thier is indeed a sairtin
service due from every subject to his Prince, and that I shall
pay the Queen as fathfully as any body can doe; but if her
ministers thinks it for her service to imploy me any forder I doe
think the proposall should be attended with an offer of a reward.
But I am so fare from beeing treated in this manner that I cannot
obtain justice even in the army, where I doe flatter my selfe I
have dun the Queen as much service, to say no more, as any
body in my station. My Lord, when I have justice dun me here
and am told what to expect for going to Scotland, I shall be reddy
to obey my Lord Treasurer’s commands. Till then I hope my
friends will think it fitt I stay here, unless I have sum body put
over my head; and in that cais I shall lett my Lord Marlboro
give my post to sumbody who chances to be more to his mind,
which will be a very noble reward for my service and I'll goe
and hear Camilla in her own country.

Ture Marquis oF Montrose to the Karu or Mar.

1706, July 19. Edinburgh Some days ago I had a letter
signed by severall of the merchants of Glasgow, in which they
represent the great losses they have sustained of late by the
French privatiers on the west cost, who have taken at least
18 ships belonging to the touns in the west of Scotland since
the furst of May last; that tho’ Captain Campbell has been
mighty usefull to their trade, and has of late taken a privatier
and ransomed ane Irish ship, yet that his cruise is so wide that
he cannot fully serve the end; and therefor entreating that I
271

might represent their case to your Lordship, to see if her
Majestie would be pleased to cause order a frigette to cruise for
some moneths in summer on the north pairt of St. George’s
_Channell. I caused read their letter in Councill, and there
Lordships thought fitt so farr to take notice of it as to recom-
mend it to me to write to your Lordship on this head; and
that if yow thought proper they deseird yow might moove it.

Tur Harz or Mar to his brother, Mr. James Ersxrne.

1706, July 23. London.—I was unwilling to wryt any thing
of Annandale all this while. By some secret negotiations of the
Justice Clark (which we know of too by the by) he came up here,
but he’s like to go away more dissatisfied than he came. His
pretensions are to the Guards, which he is not likly to succeed
in, and in all appearance you'll see me Secretary in Scotland
once more. But you wou’d be warrie in telling of this, for I
wou’d not you or I were the authour of it for anything.

Tae Hart or Mar to his brother, Mr. James ERsKine.

1706, July 25th. Whitehall—You cannot immagine how
agreeable it was to everybody here our concluding the Treatie
and delivering of it to the Queen, which was done very solemnlie.
She summond us to meet at the Council chamber at St. James.
We walkt throw the rooms from that to the room her Majesty
was in to receave us, where were all the ladys and the court and
forrayine imbassdors. One of us and one of the English walkt
togither, and so on; we on the left hand as we walkt but we
were on the Queen’s right. hand. The Keeper and our Chancellor
made a speech when they delivered the books, and then the
Queen made a speech to us. People in the city were beginning
to wager on the Union’s proceeding or not, but the odds went
on the first. This was thought undecent, therfore it is discharg’d.

Tae Marquis of Montrose to the Hart oF Mar.

1706, July 25. Edinburgh—Lady Kilvavock has begged
him to write on behalf of her son, Arthur Ross, who being
aboard a merchant ship bound for Leghorne has had the
misfortune to be captured by pirates and is now a slave at
Algiers.

Mr. Jamus Ersxrne to his brother, tuz Karu or Mar.

1706, August 8.  Edinburgh—My Lord Justice Clerk
arriv’d yesternight. He makes no secret of the Treaty, and says
he knows of no engadgment he is under to doit. People talk
several odd things of it which they lay in Carnwarth’s name.
I don’t know if he be the author of them; but Kelly tells me he
was informed by him that none of the English during the Treaty
had one of the Scots so much as to dine or drink a glass of wine
with them. People are generally much disatisfy’d still that the
terms agreed to are keept secret. Panmure went home yesterday
272

after having overcome his Brichen folks, which will make a great
revolution in the politicks of that fine place.

Every body here is surpriz’d with Sir D[avid] Dallrymple’s
demitting his post of Sollieitor. My Lord Tillecultryand Sir James
Dallrymple say they know nothing of it, but Will Carmichael
tells me he got a letter for it from Sir David himself. We hear
he has been rob’d by the way. This minds me of the Queen’s
Advocat who is no friend to the Union, in so much that Salton
jis now friends with him and was lately visiting him, tho’ I
believe he had a litle private business of one of his friends to do
with him. But before, all the business in the world would not
have made Salton so much as speak to him. I faney he has at
last fallen on the ordinary politick to laye off and be dissatisfyed,
that he may get the next vaccancy on the bench which he has
been so long pretending to.

Tuer Kart or Mar to his brother, Mr. JAMES ERSKINE.

1706, August 6. Whitehall—I came back from Windsore
late yesternight. The Queen ordred me to come back there on
Saturday, so it will be Wednesday come se’night before I can
begin my jurnie. But after that God willing I will not stay. I
belive Loudoun and I will come togither; and the Commissioner
setts off the end of that week or the begining of that thereafter.
Leven and Glasgow go to-morow or Thursday, and Ann[andale]
this week too. Just as we all were, notwithstanding of all the
stories you had; and I belive Loudoun nor I either are not in
great danger of being changed for any of them. The Queen is
to give us two the Green R[ibbon] on Saturday nixt, but tel
nobody of this until you hear otherwayes of it being done, for no
body here is to know of it till after it is over. People will see by
this that we are pretty much in favour.

THE Earu oF Mar to his brother, Mr. JAMES ERSKINE.

1706, August 14. Whitehall.—This comes by a flying pacquet
with a letter adjurning the Parliament to the 19th of September.
Loudoun and I got the green ribans on Saturday last and we
begin our jurnie togither to-morow, but our wives being with us
it will not be very quick. . . . The Duke of Queensberry
comes of nixt week.

Tue Eart oF Mar to his brother, Mr. James ERSKINE.

1706, August 18. Stamford—tI hope Salton and I shall still
be in speaking terms tho’ not of the same oppinion in this
measure of the Union. I have not forgot his case of instru-
ments. . . . . I belive we shall have pritty hard work in
the Parliament, but the terms of the Union are so reasonable,
fair and advantagious, that if we have some time before the
Parliament meet to discourse people I doubt not of gaining
grownd, and the more because if the Union shou’d fail I see
not what posiblie we can do to save our country from ruin.
273

THE Lorp CHANCELLOR to the Ear or Mar.

1706, August 20. Edinburgh.—I have spok fullie with such
of the Parlament men as are in toun. I have verie good hops
the Earl Marchmont will concurr heartilie, so my Lord
Torphichen told me this day, as did the Justice Clerk who hes
seen him, Cromertie and his brother are heartilie for it; so
is Dirltoun, Tillicoutrie, Sir Robert Dickson, and I think
Piteurr. The touns and merchants begin to understand it. I
leave several of the servants hier, and I shall doe in the countrie
what Ican. The Parliament is adjorned ; I wish it may meet
at that time, for we know not what to doe with the armie after
September.

Mr. James Ersxrve to his brother, THE Hart oF Mar.

1706, August 20. Edinburgh.—I had ane accidental conver-
sation with Salton lately on the Union. He urged his old
argument which he believed invincible that the Parliament
could not ratify ane Union unless called expressly for that
effect. I pulled out of my pocket the proclamation calling this
present Parliament where the ratifying of ane Union is the
principall thing it is conveened for. Salton, for as much as one
would believe he had thought on that mater, had never so much
as dreamed that such a thing was in the proclamation. His
answers to it were not very satisfying. He turned angry, and
so I said no more, but be concluded in his ordinary strain that it
was a damn’d villanous Union and so much the more because
those who pretended to carry it on were certainly against it in
their minds. I told him that I had seen him once or twice last
spring very positive in some such things and afterwards was
fore’t to own that his intelligence had not been so good. Ay but
I’m sure of this, said he. Thus we ended as to the Union and
fell a talking of books and building of houses. There does not
seem at present to be quite so furious a spete against the Union
as there was some time ago, but whether this be because many
people are gone out of town I can not tell. As to the ministers,
folks give different accounts still of their inclinations according
to those of them they converse with. I find that some of the
Episcopal blades pretend to favour it and others the contrary,
just as for any thing I can see the Presbiterians do. There is a
little book published against it, written (as they say) by Wylie of
Hamilton. Salton’s argument I just now mentioned and the
Covenant is what he principally insists on.

Sir Davip Narrne to the Haru or Mar.

1706, August 24. Whitehall—The D[uke] of Q[ueensberry]

romised a copy of the articles to Grant, and he 1s affrayd he

take it ill they are not sent already. By his Grace’s command

I here send a coppy for that end. The delay may be excused by

the hurry of business. I was in after the Treaty and getting

the minuts faire write, and being only to be trusted to one clerk
R
274

they could not be sooner dispatched. The Earle of Loudoun
shall have a coppy as soon as it can be write. This was designd
for his Lordship. :

My Lord Tales hears that the Mar{quis] of Montross is but
coole in the matter. Whither it proceeds from not knowing the
terms or not your Lordship will soon judge, and if soe he thinks
your Lordship and the Earles of Loudoun and Glasgow should
meet with him and on ingadgements of secrecy let him see the
Articles. For should he be indifferent in the matter it will be
a reflection on all of you who concurred in recommending him.
Perhaps he will not be soe free with the Chancellor.

Rev. Joun Logan to the Earu or Mar.

1706, August 27. Alloa—I had the honour of a line from
you some weekes agoe, and would have given your Lordship my
thoughts thereon had ye not been on your way for Scotland.
The Union between the crouns of Scotland and England beeing
now concluded by the treaters impoured and nominat for that
end is the subject of every man’s discourse here, and tho’ the
terms thereof have not as yet taken air, yet generally there
appears ane aversione at ane incorporatione with England be
the conditions thereof never so favourable or plausible, flowing,
your Lordship may be persuaded, from different principles in
Jacobites and true Revolutionists. The ministrie of this
Nationall Church have been hitherto silent (except some who
are suspected to be byassed by thos of leading influence in
their corner), and are loath as ministers to interfier with the
State in any civill affair, tho’ otherwayes as men and subjects
they are equally concerned with others in the resignatione of
the soveraignty ; and pains have been taken at the last session
of the Commission of the Assembly to prevent any rupture on
that head by their refusall of a nationall fast, zelously pleaded
for and préssed after by some before the doun sitting of the
Parliament. Yet all of them I converse with in privatt are of a
dissenting judgment from an incorporat Union, and doe looke
therupon both as sinfull in itself and of dangerous consequence
to the established government of this Church, it beeing (as is
thought by some) contradictory to the covenants against prelacy
in the three dominions quherto this nation stand engadged, and
ane manifest exposing of their government to patent danger in
regard the British Parliament may at after pleasure evert any
fundamentall in our constitution without the consent of their
constituents, and this the rather they are apprehensive of that
in one natione tuo legally authorized forms of Church
government are unpresedented and were never heard of, and so
cannot be thought to stand long in Brittain. I doubt not but
on the first tabling of this transactione before the Parliament
there will be ane addresse given in by this Church for the
security of her religion and government, and I hope your
Lordship shall use your power and influence and give effectuall
concurrence for hedging and fensing it against after infringe-
ments and incursions that may be made therupon, seeing there
O75

are strong sacramentall tyes for preserving and supporting the
English Church, her goverument and ceremonies. . . . . .
Your Lordship hath a cursory account of the privat sentiments
of many in the premisses quhich I have gathred from frequent
conversations on the point. The ministers in this country have
been wise and prudent und never done any thing in the matter,
but prayed to God for Divine conduct to thos that had the
management therof among their hands.

Simm Davrip Narrxe to the Hart or Mar.

1706, August 29. Whitehall—Haveing by this post write to
the Earle of Loudoun of all done in publick business, I need not
repeat the same to your Lordship. On Tewsdays evening my
Lord Thresaurer went to my Lord Whartons house at Win-
sington where he stays till Saturday. I herewith send to your
Lordship the: coppys of two letters write to the D{uke] of
Queensbery the originalls of which are sent to the Earle of
Loudoun. Your Lordship knows what noise plotts make, and at
this time in the beginning of Parliament it may doe more.
Therfore my Lord Duke recommends to your Lordships care to
goe secretly about the enquirie. I believe his Grace will
certainly part from hence Munday nixt. He is very impatient
to be gone. Iam mightyly pleased to hear from thence that
people begins to be more reasonable. I hope they will grow
more and more soe. I finde Paterson will goe doune, and is
like to have something towards his charges. He has given in a
long paper to the Treasurer to show the good he could doe, and
after this with the noise he can make has made my Lord
Treasurer think it not safe to detain him, lest if things should
miscarry the not sending him inay be a crime. Soe in short I
finde he will goe, which I am sorry for, and the more evrie day
I think on it. But there is no helpe. Iam sure the less regard
is showen to him the better. The Queen has promised to give
your Lordship and the Earl of Loudoun a consideration for your
expences, but is not willing to doe it now.

Enclosed are the copies of the letters. referred to.

(1.) 1706, Cockpit, 28th August.—‘‘My Lord, a gentleman
lately corfie from St. Germains, and now in custody, having
upon his examination mentioned one Caron as a person employed
between that Court and some disaffected persons in Scotland,
and he having described the said Caron to be a middle siz’d
man, of a flushy complexion, with freckles in his face and some
on his hands, wears a light perwig, and is near 40 years of age,
Isend your Grace this description of him, and am, my Lord,
your Graces most humble obedient servant, C. Hupaus.

Duke of Queensberry.”

(2.) ‘1706, August 27th, past nine at night—My Lord, it is
too late to waite on your Grace this night in person, wherefore
I take the liberty to acquaint yow that I have it from verry good
information that Colonell Hooke is sent from France just
276

now a second tyme to Scotland to negotiate affaires with the
discontented there, and to hinder the Union. He is a bold,
dextrous man, and if he could be taken knows verry much.
Captain Caron sett him on shoare the tyme before, and I believe
dos so now. It will not be difficult to catch him if proper
means be used with great secrecy, and it will verry well
recompence your pains. I thought it for the Queens service to
give this information to your Grace, to whom I am with the
greatest respect, my Lord, your Grace’s most humble and
most obedient servant, Ro. Harney.

His Grace D[uke] Queensberry.”

Lorp DALRYMPLE to the Kart or Mar.

1706, September 9th. Alost—After a whole age of silence,
my dear Lord, I had your letter by Captain Ross, which happen’d
to come slow by an accident happen’d him—he was taken
prisoner coming to the army. We are now pretty near the
end of our campagne. I’m so far in my way back from the
siege of Dendermonde to the great army that marches to besiege
Ath. The condition of the Dutch magazines do’s not allow the
undertaking of anything more considerable, which the goodness
and number of our troops might very well pretend to, but these
gentlemen had not laid their account with so many conquests ;
so we want bombshells and grenads. But we may be comforted
with what has happen’d. If the siege of Ath keeps us till the
end of September, we shall think of winter quarters then,
and goe to ’em I reckon about the midle of October—about the
time your campagne begins, which I most heartily wish may be
prosperous. The Duke of Marlborough is now indeavouring
to send you a reinforcement, and I’m persuaded he’le succeed.

; Pray, dear governour, make haste with your Union,
for the success of this campagne leaves no hope of further war.
. We are in great joy for the recovering of Turin, of

which nobody doubts any longer.

Sir Davip Natrne to the Harn oF Mar.

1706, September 10.—This day my Lord Halifax teld me he
had a letter from the Marquis of Tillybarden desireing him to
interseed for Lord John Hay’s regiment to him. My Lord’s
oppinion is that noe bodye should have that ienaad at this
time. The not disposeing of it may make the Duke of Athole
hope and not be soe violent as otherways. I am to speake
about this to my Lord Treasurer the morrow. My Lord asked
me particularly about the Advocate. I told him that by what
accounts I had he had not yet begun to act for it. He asked if
Mr. Scot, who is at the Court of Hanover and, I think, maryd
the Advocat’s daughter, had any influence upon him, and if soe
he could get a complyment from that Court of a letter. I know
the mariage was stole, but how matters are since accommodate
I know not; therfor you will informe yourselfe in this and let
me hear as soon as conveniency will allow.
277

There is ane other story write from thence, and | am told it
obtains amongst men of interest, and write as if it were asserted
by men of interest, viz., that my Lord Treasurer, and Secretarie
Harly are coole upon the grand affaire. There is a designe in
spreading such a story, and I doubt not but it will come to some
of there ears. Therfore if such things are talked it were better
I should tell them of it, and that your Lordship and others have
removed that ill impression. Otherways you know some people
are willing to atribut all good offices to there oune doeings only.

Str Davip Narrne to the Earu or Mar.

1706, September 10. Whitehall—I was this morning with

my Lord Halifax, where hapened to be Sir James Forbess
and some other company. Evrie body is fonde to hear from
Scotland and how people are disposed there. Sir James took
occasion to say that he heard the Advocate was much for the
Union. All I said was that I beleived he was better informed
then he had been befor, and that as all people were more and
more there violence against it wold abaite. I wish your
Lordship and the Earle of Loudoun from time to time wold
advise how people are affected especially even all those in the
service; for if any of those should be coole or oppose and
friends here not advised of it, it will ley most heavy on the
Commissioner and your two Lordships. I have not been at
Court since the Commissioner went, not haveing any business
to call me. I hear the Queen comes to Kinsingtoun the morrow
or Thursday. I remember it was once spoak off to have my
Lord De Lorain a Privy Councellor. I beleive it was not done
unless the blank letter your lordship had was for him. He sent
to me yesterday to know when the Parliament was to sit. I sent
word that it wold certainly the end of this month. I beleive it
will be the 19th befor the Commissioner is at Edinburgh.
Just now a gentleman is come in and tells me news is come by
a ship that Prince Kuginé has reased the sage of Turrin, fallen
upon the Duke of Orleans, woonded him and beat his armies,
and killed Count Mersin. I know its beleived at Court that
there has been a batle in Spain and that the Duke of Anjew is
totally routed. I write not this with such authority as to be
taken notice of, altho’ I am soe desireous to have it true that I
beleive both.

Sir Davip Narene to the Eart or Mar.

1706, September 12.—Before you went you heard that the
M[arquis] of An[nandale] paid severall visits in his way doun,
but you could hardly imagined he wold be soe imprudent as to
have affected finding out such a company as he did, which were
those famous for being Jac[obite]s, and openly avowed opposers
to the Union. Particularly he went thro Northamptonshire,
and there visited and stayed a night or two with Sir Justinian
Isham, and not only there, but in other places drank hilter
skilter. I can tell you that friends here knows evrie stop he made,
and I believe he has done his business with them effectually.
278

Tue Eart or Mar to the Lorp TREASURER.  ,

1706, September 16. Tdinburgh—I delayed writing all
this time till I should have occasion of talking with people, that
so I could the better inform your Lordship how they are
disposed towards our grand affair. When I came here first
there were very few people in town, so I went to my country
house and stayed till Saturday last. I converst with a great
many, and I found most of them prepossest against the Union ;
but when I told them what it was and the advantages we wou’d
have by it, they were surprized and acknowledged they did not
expect such terms. So that most of them were mightily softned
and some entirely converted. The Presbyterian ministers were
most allarmed, but now when they know it and that their Kirk
will be secured, they are better satisfyed and severealls of them
declare for it; others of them are still in suspence, and some
will not be convinced. The Advocat, on whome they very much
rely, declared himself so much and so long against it, that they
got such ane impression of it that its very hard to perswade them
of the contrary. However he has now done most of the hurt
he can, and since the Queen’s servants came down he has not
spoke against it. He confesses the terms are good and fair, but
one told me that when he said this to him he said likeways that
for all that it was destruction to us. He has said so much against
it that I’m affraid he will hardly act vigorously for it in
Parliament. But he'll either go along with us in show (I
believe) or else make the gout ane excuse for absenting himself.
If some people here would not make such a bustle about him as
if he were absolutly necessary for carrying it thorow I believe he
wou'd be the sooner gain’d. *It is most certain that he has done
more hurt to it than all the opposers beside. The Duke of
Hamilton is here and I have been with him. I believe he is not
yet determin’d what part to act; if he find the opposing party
strong he’ll certainly be against it, but if otherways I have
ground to believe he’ll harken to reason. I have not seen the
Duke of Atholle nor the Marquiss of Tweedale, so can say
nothing of them. Upon the wholle affair, untill the Parliament
once meet and so the members be all come here, it is hard to
make such a conjecture that your Lordship can rely on. But I
really have better hopes of success since I came to Scotland, for
since the terms were known theres a great many declare them-
selves for it that were formerly otherways, and the humor against
it every where is abated. I know of nobody who were with
us last Parliament who we have lost, and I know severalls that
we have gain’d of the opposing side. Cromarty and Marchmont
are very zealous for it, and I hope all their people will go along
with us too. > The Commissioner is to be here on Wednesday. I
go to-morrow to meet him on the road, which made me write
this to-night and leave it here to go by to-morrow’s post. The
project that some of our opposers are on is to join the two
opposing partys in the measure of declaring the successor
without the Union, and if the two partys join in this they will
ye strong in it against the Union; tho’ I hardly believe many
‘ 279

of them will join together, notwithstanding of the pains that is:
taken in it. I’m told that the Duke of Hamilton would go into-
that measure if he could get his folks to go along with him. If
this measure shou’d take I’m affraid the Presbyterian ministers
would go into it. Therefor, if your Lordship think it fit, I wish
you wou’d write to the Commissioner or any of the Queen’s
servants here, to be shown to the Advocat, that the Queen
expects all in her service wou'd act vigorously for the Union,
else they can not expect her favour, nor to continue in her
service ; and that they shou’d immediately declare themselves.
This, ’m perswaded, wou’d make him act if anything will, and
better than fairer words. But this with submission. Your
Lordship sees I have freely wrote what I know of people’s mind
in this affair, which I wou’d not have done to anybody else.
None here knows of my writing so, but I will allways think
myself oblig’d to let your Lordship know the true state of things.
so farasI can. I will never forget the obligations I had from
your Lordship, and I wish I may any way be capable to be
serviceable to you, for I am, ete.

Sir Davin Narene to the Hart or Mar.

1706, September 17-My Lord Treasurer told me this
morning that my Lord Malborrow had got now the Duke of
Argyle in a very good humor on making him or promising to
make him Major-Generall, upon which his Grace has promised
to goe to the Parliament and serve the Queen in the affaire of
the Union. But whether he will make the necessary hast to
goe we know not. He told me also that to please the Earle of
of Stairs his son was made a briggadier, and bid me write soe
to his Lordship. What I wold inferr from these is that by the
Courts taking these methods to gaine people shows how earnest
they are in it. Idoe assure your Lordship its expected that
evrie post some account should come from the servants, and
especially the Secretaries, how people’s tempers are. The
Chancellor fealls not that. He says he had a message from the
Earl of Cromertie to assure him of his concurrence.

Sin Davip Narrne to the Haru or Mar.

1706, September 17. Whitehall—The Queen commanded
me to give my Lord Commissioner ane account of the glorious
victory obtained in Italy over the French by the Duke of Savoy
and Prince Eugine, upon which it is her Majestys pleasure that
the usuall demonstrations of joy be exprest on this occasion as
has been in the like cases. My Lord Treasurer told me that
wee have taken 6,000 souldiers and 300 officers prisoners, and
taken 150 cannon and the horses of ten regiments of dragoons.
The number of the slain is not yet knowen, but that amongst
them are twelve generall officers. There are 2,000 deserters
from the French, and in short there armie which was computed
to upwards of 50,000 men reduced to 14,000. His Lordship
also told me that the Duke of Argyle was made Major-Generall,
280

and was to come over and goe to Scotland presently ; and since
my comeing to toun I hear his Grace came hither last night.
My Lard Dalrymple is made a briggadear.

THe Haru or Mar to the Lorp TRessuRER.

1706, September 21. Edinburgh—Since my Lord Com-
missioner writes to your Lordship by this flying pacquef, I shall
not give you much trouble, for I doubt not but he informs your
Lordship fully of the state of affairs here and how people stand
affected to the Union. Your Lordship heard formerly that the
Queen’s Advocat did not like it, and notwithstanding of all the
Commissioner and the rest of the Queen’s servants can say to
him he continues of his own oppinion, and argu’d against it fo
us all together. However he said he thought a separation of the
two kingdoms ruin, and that he wou’d do what he can to bring
himself up to our oppinion; and if he could not, he shou’d do no
harm. Or if we thought his place cou’d be given to any body
who wou’d do better service and was more convinced of fhe
advantages of the Union, he wou’d resign it very freely without
any grudge. His main arguments against it are the loosing of
our soveraignity and that a tolleration will ruin Presbitrie. He
gave the Chancellor a paper with his reasons against if much to
the same purpose with what he had said to us. But certainly
his being against it and acting the part he does must be with a
design, for a man of his sense cou’d never be convine’d with
those weak reasons and arguments he makes use of. What is
the properest method to be taken with him your Lordship is
best judge. There are very few of the members of Parliament
yet come’d to town, but we have wrote for our friends and hope
they will be soon here. When they come we will be able I
hope to give your Lordship such ane account of people’s
inclinations that you can in some measure judge what success
we will probably have, which is impossible to do just now; tho’
we have fully more reason to hope good success than before we
came to Scotland. The Commissioner is now on the con-
sideration with the servants what are the most adviseable
methods and measures for manadging and carrying on business
when the Parliament meets, and when the resolution is taken
your Lordship may be sure it will be laid before you. Copy.

THE Eart oF Mar to Mr. Hartey.

1706, September 21. Edinburgh.—Some time ago I had a
letter from Sir David Nairne with two informations that the
Duke of Queensberry had from you and Sir Charles Hedges of
two persons being come from France to Scotland. I was then
going to my country house for some days, so I spoke to the
Queen’s Advocat of the affair, and left the informations with
him that he might inquire after two persons named. Which he
has done, and got some account of one of them, as I have
ordered Sir David Nairne to show you. We are endeavouring
to make a further discovery of them, and if we be so luckie to

i>
281

succeed in it, you shall immediately know it. I was frequently
to have waited of you the two days before I left London, but was
not so fortunat as to find you, for which I was very sorrie. As
to our affaires here, I cannot yet give you a certain account, for
there are but few of the Parliament men yet come to town. I
have given my Lord Treasurer as full an account of affaires and
people’s inclinations here as I can. I doubt not but you will
know it from him, so I will not trouble you with repeating it.
Tho’ I cannot say we are sure of success, yet we have more
reason to hope for it than when we came from London, for the
more the Treaty is known the more it is lik’t by most people.
And the Presbiterian ministers who were mightily allarm’d for
fear of their Kirk are now turning about and I hope will be got
right; tho’ a great deal of pains has been taken to give them a
bad impression of it. Those who will oppose the Union are
pretty much disconcerted, and have not yet taken up their
ground where they will stand. Great endeavours are made by
some to unite those partys against us and the Union, but it is
not very probable that will be easily done, they being of so
different principles. However I believe they will oppose the
great affair, tho not all the same way. When our scene opens
[I shall write] more fully if it be not troublesome to you. Copy.

Sir Davip Narrne to the Earn or Mar.

1706, September 21. Whitehall—He has come from
Windsor this evening in the most violent tempest of wind and
rain that ever he travelled in. The Queen asked if any precepts
had been sent this year to the bishops as formerly, and taking
out the scheme of the bishops’ rent, wished information as tu
the sums to be given by recommendation of the Commission of
General Assembly. She observed that a sum of £600 was in
the hands of the receivers, and asked whether if she granted
warrants these would be paid. He could not say they would,
but advised her Majesty to wait till he obtained more certain
information. She is always more concerned when speaking
upon this subject than any other. Her Majesty had a little of
the gout yesterday and to-day.

Tur Fart oF Mar to Sir Davin NaIrRne.

1706, September 24. Edinburgh.—I received yours of the
17th on Sunday morning, with the good and glorious news from
Italy, for which we had rejoicings here on Munday. I allso
received yours of the 19th this morning. I’m very glad the
Court has done those things for the Duke of Argyll which he
desired, and I hope he’ll come down here in good humor. It
falls well out that he’s to come, for some of his people were
beginning to talk pretty oddly of our affairs, and we were affraid
of some difficulty in geting them manadged, so we were thinking
of writing to you to speak to friends to get them wrote to.
Since the Duke is now coming himself, there will, I hope, be
no need of it, but if he were not coming there would be a great

*
282

deal. The Commissioner has been a little indisposed thirr two.
days with a pain in his side, but he is now better, tho’ he
does not write to-night. Ther’s litle past since our last by the
express worth writing, and probably he'll send ane other
express to-morrow, which made him the more indifferent of
writing by this post. The Harl of Ruglen is in England seeing
his lady’s friends, and some people say he will not be back to
the Parliament ; but to make sure if any of our friends have any
interest with his lady’s, we wish you cou’d get them to use it
with them that they may perswade him not to come down to
Parliament. You wou’d mind to speak to the Queen of that
paper of Forbess’s in which she thought something extraordinary,
and if she still think so lei me know what it is. This is all I
now mind. . . . If the Duke of Argyle be yet with you,
pray give him my most humble service. I had wrote to
him if I did not fancy he wou’d be com’d off before this post
reach London.

Davip Campseti to the Earn or Mar.

1706, September 28. London.—The Duke of Argyle has
desired him to write and say that he leaves for Scotland by
coach on Monday and will be with him in a fortnight. If the
Parliament could be put off by adjournments till his arrival “ to
shaw his inclinations and us his intrist for so good 4 cause
under the caire of his best frinds, it will be most axeptabell.”

THe Eart oF Mar to Sir Davin Narrne.

1706, September 28. Edinburgh.—The Treasury sat yester-
day. I read that part of your last letter to them concerning the
bishops’ rents. The present collector of them was called. He
told that during his intromission (which is but for a year) all he
had got was superexpended, as he was ready to make appear by
his accompts; which he’s appointed to lay before a quorum
of Treasury immediately, and ane abreviat of them shall be sent
you for the Queen’s satisfaction. He who was formerly collector
of those rents is now troubled with the palsy, and the Treasury
could never yet bring him to ane accompt; but now they are
forcing him to it, and in a little time I hope to have an abreviat
of them allso to send you to be laid before the Queen. But in
the mean time four of the bishops are so poor and infirm that
they can hardly live without the Queen’s charity which she
used to give them of 100 libs a piece; therefor if her Majesty
please to order that to be given them out of the rests of the
Bishop’s rents, and failing of that out of the first and readyest
of her revenue, we shall do what we can to make it effectual ;
and then the Queen may considder how to dispose of what is
free of the bishops’ rents in time coming. But just now it will
be ane act of great charity to give the four bishops the 100 libs
a piece. I believe it will be absolutely necessary for the Queen’s
affairs here that her Majesty should grant those appropriations
out of the bishops’ rents which are recommended by the
283
Assembly and Treasury. Therefor if she will be pleased to send
them down to the Commissioner or my Lord Loudoun or me,
they shall only be given as we find absolute necessity. And the
sooner they come the better, particularly that of Inverness.

Pray read this part of my letter to the Queen, which I intirlly
submit to her. EL Sone <

I can say litle more of our grand affair than I told you in my
former letters, for the Parliament men are not yet com’d to
town. But we are dayly gaining some, and the Presbyterian
ministers grow every day better inclin’d, so we live in good
hopes. Wé had a meeting of all the Queen’s servants who were
in town t’other day at the Abbay, and several others too who are
members of Parliament, and had not been at the Treaty,
particularly Montrose, Eglington, Galloway, Dunmore, Cromarty
and the Advocat. We read and explain’d the Treaty to them.
Cromarty made the ordinary difficultys to it, a purpose to have
them spoke to and removed from the rest of our company,
which was done so fully that none of them had any thing to
say. But the Advcoat opened not his mouth the wholle time,
but at last said to one that if all was gold that glistered it
wou’d do well. He told the Commissioner one day since I wrote
last, that he was more softned than he was and lik’d it better,
and if he was any body’s convert he wou’d be his. So we hope
if he do us no good we will get him keept from doing us harm.
Eglington has declar’d himself for the Union very frankly.

THe Earn oF Mar to Sin Davip Narrne.

1706, October 4. Edinburgh.—The Parliament mett yesterday
but not at all throng of members, every body expecting an
adjournment for some dayes. After the House was constitute
Sir Alexander Bruce claim’d to take place as Karle of Kingcairne.
There was a protestatione and petitione against him by Lady
Mary Cochran, the late Earle’s sister, founded upon a procutry
of resignation made by his brother in hir favours, which was in
Sir Alexander’s hands, for which they produced his recept.
And though the resignatione upon the procutry was not yett
made in the Soveraign’s hands, yett it was not refused. So,
though it was not a clear right to Lady Mary, yet it invallidated
Sir Alexander’s right, upon which they were pursueing him
before the judge ordinar. They instanced a caise exactlie
parralel to this of the Lord Olliphants, which was determined
by the Session, the King being present as it were in Lady
Marie’s favours, and the King to make it up to the heirs
male gave him an other patent of honor. I once had pritty
good ground to beleive that Sir Alexander would be for the
Union, but since his son Tom cam doun he has declaired himself
openlie against it. The Queen’s servants would not appear
much against Sir Alexander because it lookt lyke picke, and it
was not fitt for them to occasion debeat the first day of a
Parliament. Tho’ indeed wee were not displeased to see other
people tak Broomie to task. When it was lyke to com toa
284

vote wee endeavored to gett it delay’d, that Broom might have
an opportunitie to apply to us to help him in this affair, for
which wee hoped to gain him to our side. This he wou’d not
hear of, but prest to have his affair presentlie determined, so
the vote was put. Admitt presentlie or grant a farther hearing to
Lady Mary and it carried to hear by 19 votes, which was
no small mortification to Sir Alexander. But how he will
beheave bétuixt and nixt sederunt, at which time the hearing is
to be, I yett know not. It is probable he will carrie it att last.
But som people intend to give him play for it. The Advocat
appeared stronglie for him and the opposeing partie. Annandaill
and the Justice Clerk and all Tueadles people voted for him.
Montrose voted for him, but he is Mr. Bruce’s near relation, so
that was nothing. This cannot be called a pairtie vote, for
severall of our folks were for him. But this may be observed
of it, that no man who will be probablie against the Union
was against him, and severalls who will be for it was for him,
and yett he lost it by 19. Most of the absent members wou’d
have been against him.

After this affair was over the Queen’s letter was read, then the
Commissioner and Chancelor made their speeches, then the
Artickles of the Union were read and proposed to be printed.
The Duke of Hamilton proposed that the minuts of the Treatie
might be printed too. Wee told that wee agreed, but it was fitt
to have them read first, which most people thought; but they
were so fond of seing them that the reading of them first was
dispenced with, so all is to be printed. The Parliament was
then adjourned till Thursday nixt, which was the longest it
could be put off; and then I hope we shall be well conveened,
for severalls of our friends have wryt to us that they are comeing
before that tim, and wee are wryting express for others. Wee
have wryt to the Duke of Argyle, which will meett him on the
road, that wee could not putt off the Parliament longer, therfor
wished he wou’d take post. His brother, Lord Archie, was out
of toun tuo dayes ago, notwithstanding of all our endeavours to
keep him. But if once his brother were com I hope all will be
right on that side. I thought it needless to trouble the
Treasurer at this tim, haveing so leitle of consequence to wryt,
but if he pleases you may shoe him this. Before our nixt
meeting of Parliament you shall hear how wee intend to proceed
in our bussiness, but wee are not yett fullie resolved, so Pll say
nothing of it now. The Duke of Hamiltone yesterday as he
was comeing out of his coach from the Parliament fell and
strained his leg. He saw the Commissioner yesterday morning
before wee went to the House, as everie body else did, and supt
with him, except Athole, Annandale and Lothian.

You may be shure that our hopes of success shall not make us
slaken our dilligence. The opposeing side are yett disconserted
and seem not to trust to their own strength. My Lord Montrose
opens now fullie for our grand affair and is takeing paines with
other people, and I beleive with success; so by all appearance
wee may have good hopes, and very quicklie the faite of the
285

Union will be seen, tho’ I cannot yett say that wee are
possetivlie shure of succeeding. Annandale appears yett to be
very cross, and unless he see us very strong will, I beleive, be
against us. Mr. Lockhart still keeps companie with the
opposeing partie, and I am assured by most people that he’s to
be against us. This is all I can now say, only I beleive the
Commissioner has wryt to my Lord Treasurer and sent you the
minuts. . . . . I beleive the Queen will think it prittie
odd that her Advocat should appear so much for Broomhall,
when all the effect of the thing being delayed would be to bring
it in the Queen’s power to quhich of them to give the title, and
so certainlie to gain one or other of them. Copy.

Sir Davip Narrne to the Earu or Mar.

1706, October 5.—I observe by your Lordships that the Earl
of Cromertie had acted a very good part at the meeting when the
‘Articles were read. I have a long letter wrote by him on the
subject with some arguments he used at it, and the particular
loss he wold have by the reduction of the representation, and
then he desirs I may tell the Queen of it lest her servants should
not think it worth noticeing; tho’ he says the Commissioner and
Earl of Stairs gave him particular thanks for it. Soe that I
read part of your letter to the Queen, and told her both your
Lordship and the Commissioner had done him justice. With
which she was very well pleased, and commanded me to write to
him that she took kindly what he had done and said for
promoting of the Union, and lykways to tell him from her
Majesty that her servants had done him justice. Whither the
Queen told my Lord Treasurer of what my Lord Cromertie had
done or said I know not, but I am apt to think it was wrote to
me from other hands, for I can not learn that I was with the
Queen from the time of my seeing her Majesty till I saw his
Lordship; in which caice it was lucky I told the Queen as I did,
for my Lord Treasurer this morning said that he wished I wold
tell my Lord Sunderland and others of Cromertis procedure, for
that they had but litle trust to give him even upon this subject
of the Union, tho’ he knew the Queen had always a good oppinion
of him as to that. Now befor I have or at lest take ane
opportunity of saying any thing to friends at London on the
subject, I may have your Lordship’s answer to know how far [it]
is needfull to touch this business with them.

Hurry of business made me forget to tell your Lordship that
I saw Mr. Secretarie Harly on Sunday, and he told me that
Carron had been latly on the North coast and had set on shoar
Colonell Cook, which I think was the name;* and that the
Colonell had been at my Lady Arrolls house in the North. Its
said D[uke] H[amilton] will not oppose violently. I shall be
glaid if your Lordship will let me know what English men are
there, for as I understand there are some that writs evrie post to

 

“It should, of course, be Colonel Hook.
286

some of the W{hig] Lords; for which reason I wish you wold
be very particular when there is the lest occasion that others
may not be looked upon as more dilligent than others. Verbum
sapienti.

Rosert Haruey, Secretary, to the Harn oF Mar.

1706, October 7.—I receiv’d the honor of your Lordships

letter, and immediatly acquainted the Queen with the contents
of it, who very justly expressed her satisfaction in your
Lordships great care. The person who was nam’d to be
brought over by Caron has been gone back some time since
into Flanders; but I hear there are other sort of emissarys sent
by that Court from abroad, of which I expect by the first letters
to receive a more particular account, which I will not fail t6
transmit to your Lordship as soon as it comes to my hand.
. And now I must crave leave to wish your Lordship most
heartily success in that great, noble, just, and useful designe
you are upon of uniting the two nations; and I hope it will be.
equal to the care and pains you take in it.

THe EARL OF Mar to the Lorp TREASURER.

1706, October 8.—I cannot yet give your Lordship much
more assurance of the success of the Queen’s affairs here, than I
did in my last. Only this I can assure your Lordship that evry
day there’s more appearance of the Union succeeding. My
Lord Montrose has now fully declar’d himself and used his
interrest with several people; I hope with very good success.
My Lord Tweddale and most of his people appear very
reasonable, and I hope will join with us in carrying it throw. . I
told his Lordship that you had been pleased particularly to
recommend to me to do what I cou’d for geting him payment of
what is owing him by the Queen when he was in her service,
and I assured him of all the assistance in my power, and that I
believed much would depend on himself to make it in my power
or not. He was very sensible of your Lordships kindness and J
believe he’ll speak to me of his affair afterwards. I knew your
Lordship was inform’d- of what passt on Thursday last at the
opening of the Parliament, so that I did not trouble you with it.
We meet again on Thursday next, and I believe there will only
be discoursing of the Treaty in generall, without coming to any
particular vote, unless it offer very fair, in case people shou’d
think we drive too hard in ane affair of that consequence. We
expect the Duke of Argyle here to-night or to-morrow. I hope
we shall find him in a better temper than his brother is.

Your Lordship may remember that at my coming from
London I spoke to you of a brother of mine who has studyed the
law and is not ane ill proficient. He’s just now ane advocat, and
last spring the Queen was pleased to make him one of her
receivers here, upon Sir Alexander Ogilvie’s preferment to the
Bench. My pretensions for him was the first vaccancy that
happen’d in the Session. One of the Lords of Session, Sir
Archibald Hope of Rankeillor, is just a dying, which makes me
287

give your Lordship this trouble. At the time I spoke to you,
the Commissioner gave me his promise to use his interrest for
my brother at the first vaccancy, and I hope is for him still;
tho I know he both is and will be very much sollicited by others.
I wou’d be loath to speak for my brother if he were not fit for
that post nor capable to do the Queen service, but since he’s
both I hope your Lordship will forgive me for begging your
protection, and that you'll be pleased to speak to the Queen in
his favours. I’m not to press the Queen to do it now if her
Majesty and your Lordship think it better not to be done till
after the Parliament; but I allways thought it more for the
Queen’s service the sooner places in Scotland were disposed of.
But I being so nearly concern’d in this ’m not a fitt adviser.
My Lord Rankiler is both a Lord of Session and Justiciary.
To make it easy to the Queen, I only pretend to the first for my
brother, and her Majesty may dispose of his place as one of the
Receivers as she pleases. If your Lordship please to speak to
the Queen for my brother, it will not be new to her, for I once
mentioned it to her Majesty. Since ever I came into the
Queen’s service I resolved to put my self under your Lordship’s
protection and direction, and your Lordship show’d me so much
of your countenance when I was last at London that I presum’d
I was not unfavourable to you, and for which I wish I were
capable to serve your Lordship. My Lord, I intirely depend on
you, not only in this but in any favour I can ever pretend to
from the Queen; and however your Lordship pleases to dispose
of me or any of my pretensions, it shall allways be very pleasing
to me, since it comes from your hands. . . . Since writin
I have seen my Lord Montrose. He thinks he will bring a oud
number of people into the measure, but he wou’d not say it
positively till some days hence. However, it must be acknow-
ledged that he acts a very fair and handsom part, and if we
succeed a great deal will be owing to him. When my Lord
Argyle comes here I hope he'll join cordially with us, and then
we are sure of succeeding; but his brother is just now in such a
humor that if he shou’d influence the Duke it may give us
trouble. But I hope the Duke is wiser; tho’ if it shou’d
happen otherways I hope we shall carry the grand affair
notwithstanding.

The great success the Queen’s affairs have had abroad this
campaign, and the dayly increase of them, makes me hope that
her affairs in Scotland will have the same fate, by which her
Majesty will not only give peace and liberty to Europe, but
unity and happyness to this wholle island.

Tue Fart or Mar to the QuEsEn,

1706, October 8. Edinburgh.—May it please your Majestie,
I would have presumed to give your Majestie ane account of
your affairs here sooner, if I had not wrote to my Lord Treasurer
fully, who I know wou’d inform your Majesty of them. We can
not yet positively say that we are sure of success, but evry day
288

gives us more ground to hope. My Lord Montrose acts a very
handsome part. He has been very active in geting severalls to
join in the measure, and I hope he will succeed with them; but
ina day or two he tells me that he’ll be more sure. I hope when
the Duke of Argyle comes here he'll join cordially with us, tho’
some of his friends just now want to be put in good humour.
His presence, I hope, will do that, and then we have litle to
fear from the opposers. Your Majesty has had so continued a
track of success this campaigne and dayly more and more, that
I hope your affairs in Scotland shall have the same fate with
those abroad, and that your Majesty will not only give peace and
liberty to Europe, but unity and happyness to this island, that
has God to bless for being under your Majesty’s protection.

When I had the honour of waiting of your Majesty last I
presumed to speak in favours of a brother of mine, who you
was pleased to make one of your receivers generall here some
time before. He has studyed the law, and those who know
him think not unsuccessfully. What I pretended for to him
was to supply the first vaccancy in the Session; and I wou’d
been loath to have done so had not I and others known him
qualifyed for it. There is now one of the Lords just a dying,
which makes me presume to mention it to your Majesty again.
I have written fully of it to my Lord Theasaurer, so I will not
trouble your Majesty any more with it. But if you be pleased
to conferr that post on him, I’m sure he will serve you in it
faithfully, and it wou’d be such a favour to my familly that
I cou’d never forget, and wou’d tye me more (if possible) to
your Majesty’s service. But I referr both the thing and the
time of doing it to your Majesty, and how you are pleased
to dispose of it shall be most agreeable to me. I hope your
Majesty will pardon me for all this trouble, and I am,
Madam, your Majesty’s most dutyfull, most faithfull and most
obedient subject and servant. Copy.

> Tur Eart oF Mar to Sir Davip NAIRNE.

1706, October 8. Edinburgh.—We have evry day better
hopes of succeeding in our grand affair. My Lord Montrose
acts a very handsome part and is very dilligent in bringing
people into the measure, and I hope will succeed with a
great many, I mean of his old friends of the Squadrone, tho’
this must not yet be talkt publickly; but pray let our friends
at London know it, that they may see the measure of bringing
him into the Government was not wrong. Annandale laught
at evry article of the Treaty as it was read. Lord Archibald
Campbel, the day before the Parliament met, wou’d go to
Dumbarton, whether we wou’d or not, and was in very ill humor.
But he return’d on Saturday in order to go meet his brother.
He came to the Abbay on Sunday, but in worse humor at us
all, and for what reason I know not, unless it has been by
his mother’s influence. One told the Commissioner to whom
Lord Archie said it, that he was going to meet the Duke, his
brother, to make him break with us; but I hope the Duke
289

will be wiser. The Commissioner had a very discreet letter
from him yesternight, but it was before he met with Lord
Archie. If the Duke of Argyle and his people be right, we
have nothing to fear, and I hope they will be so upon their
own account, the grand affair, and our own. But if unluckily
they shou’d chance to be otherwise I do not fear our succeed-
ing. I know to whom I write all this, and you know to
whom this is fit to be told and to whom not; but ’tis needless
to tell from whom you had it, tho’ the Commissioner desir’d
me to write so to you, which is matter of fact. 3
- + « « » « We have evry day greater and greater news,
but we were all out that by the post before the last none of
the Queen’s servants had Jone’s paper with the news from
Italy when other people in the town had it by the same post.
I hope the news of the Duke of Marlborough’s defeating
Vendosme, which we had by the last post, is true; but we
expect the confirmation of it to-morrow by a flying pacquet,
which you shou’d allways send when there’s so remarkable
news. Copy.

Sir’ Davin Narrne to the Earn or Mar.

1706, October 9. Newmarket.—I had the flying pacquet
yeasterday of the 4th, and by it your Lordship’s. It being
directed (I mean the pacquet) for me at her Majesty’s Court, it was
caryd up to the Queen. She sent for me immediatly, and smiling
told me tho’ she belived it brought only the news of the sitting
doun of the Parliament, yet she wold not open it, neither wold
she send it me for fear she shou’d not have the news soe soon.
I read your letter to her and the Commissioners and Chancellors
speches, which are very well liked. A great many friends are
here, and they think that affaire of Sir Alexander Bruces very
materiall. J told my Lord Wharton that we were not very sure
of his nephue. He told me that he promised to be for the
Union. ‘The Queen told me she heard the Earle of Melvill was
dead. I not haveing any account of it doe suppose it a mistake;
but by what the Earle of Leven has write it may be true by
this time. My Lord Treasurer told me this day that that affaire
could not be expede till the begining of next week. Noebody
has told me which of the letters to the Parliament was. read.
There was two signd, but I reckon the next post will bring them ~
all in print. The Queen took notice of the Advocats voting for
Sir Alexander Bruce, from which she concluds he will oppose.
Both your Lordship’s and the Earle of Loudoun’s accounts are
very full and satisfying, and I doe assure you the Queen expects
you will containow soe. I shall make the best use of them I am
capable.

e
Tur Eart oF Mar to Str Davin NarRne.

1706, October 18. Edinburgh,—I was so weary last night
after the Parliament that I cou’d not write myself, which I
thought the less matter because we resolved to send a flying

s
290

pacquet on Munday. But in case the post shou’d by chance be
sooner at London, I caused my brother James write you what
passt in Parliament, and therefor now I'll be the less particular.
The opposing party doubted so much their own strength that
they durst venture nothing, so they only proposed things to put
off coming closs to business and to get a delay for some days;
and amongst other things a fast for asking God’s direction in
the great affair before us. However, they durst not venture a
vote, but yielded that the Articles of Union shou’d be read, which
was done; but nobody speaking to them, I proposed that the
first sederunt next week should be appointed for proceeding on
them, which was ordered. And then they again proposed the
fast not only in Edinburgh but throw the wholle kingdom, with
a design to stop our proceeding till that was over; and after
much debate this was let fall for that time. My Lord
Annandale, who has not yet declar’d his opinion as to the
grand affair in publick, tho’ he has spoke against it to severalls
in private, proposed that since the Commission of the General
Assembly was sitting he thought we shou’d now let it fall, and
if they thought it fit after hearing what had been spoke of
it in the House, no doubt but they wou’d apply to us. But he
desired he might not be mistaken as if he were against the
fast, which he thought very necessary; and throwout all his
discourse he inforced the necessity of it, but proposed a delay at
that time, evidently with a design that it shou’d come in with
greater force next day from the Commission. This affair had
been formerly before the Commission, and had been put off;
but now it will be before them again to-morrow, tho’ I hope
they will be wiser than to medle with it, and we are taking all
the pains we can to manadge them right. It was proposed in
Parliament by a foolish fellow, one Stewart of Pardivan, but
he was supported by the Dukes of Hamilton and Atholle, the
Earl of MarishalW, Lord Balmirino, Salton, Killmarnock, and
all that set. They proposed to themselves to make the Kirk the
cause of delaying the Union, or else to make the Kirk and us
break, tho’ I hope they shall miss of their end. Perhaps some
people will not believe this cariage of Annandale’s, but I assure
you it is true. The great ground the opposing party design
to insist on is that the elective members shou’d have time given
. them to consult their constituents before entring on the con-
sideration of the Articles of Union, which is ridiculous. But
they are so disconcerted that they know not what to do, and
they have not a party that will be able to support them. We
had good ground to believe that the Queen’s servants and those
who join’d with them were able and wou’d have carry’d throw
the Union; but now since the new party have declar’d
themselves for it, there’s allmost no doubt (if any) of it’s succeed-
ing. Lath glad of the new party’s behaving so, tho’ some pretend
we shou’d be affraid of them, and assure us that their terms
were made at London by Johnston and the Justice Clerk, and
that after the affair is done here they are to be the favourites.
But this ’m not afraid of. The doing of the thing is my concern,
291

and if it were once done I can trust myself to the Queen and her
Ministry and those we had to do with, as I think all the Queen’s
present Scots servants may do, for I’m perswaded they will be
juster than to act such a part towards us; and I think we
woud be in the wrong if we refused anybody’s help, tho’ I’m
sure we were able to do the affair by ourselves. Cromarty
behaved very well in that meeting at the Abbay, as I wrote
before, and I hope will do so in the Parliament too, and his
people if once they were come up ; but they are but yet a coming.
Marchmont goes on bravely with us and all his folks. There is
not one of my friends here but has join’d us, and two of them
whom I was affraid of I have got to stay at home. I wou’d
write some times to our friends with you, but I know you
communicat to them what I write to you, so I think it needless
to trouble them with repeating the same story. Since this is
pretty full on all our affairs you may show it them, and
pray give them my humble service. The Duke of Argyll came
here on Thursday. His brother had made him angry with us
all, but when we mett with him and reason’d what he had to say,
it was quickly over, and now he is in very good temper, and he
and all his people will concurr heartily. He is very desireous
to have his brother made a peer of Scotland, and made us all
promise to write to the Treasurer of it, which I have done. We
represented to him that the Queen wou'd have difficulty of doing
it at this time, betwixt the Treaty’s being concluded and the
Union not yet perfected by us, and that she had refused severalls
on that account. But he insisted, and I must acknowledge not
without some reason, for by his being a peer of England himself
he will not have a vote in chusing the peers for Scotland who are
to sit in the Parliament of Britain, and it’s fit for him to have
one of his familly to take care of his interrest here in that case.
Beside if it be done it will put him in good humor, and satisfy
him (at least untill the Parliament be over), so consequently
strengthen our hands; whereas if it be refused it will have quite
other effects. The Commissioner sends you the patent for Lord
Archibald, which is ane Earl’s, and I hope you'll get the Queen
to pass it. I wrote to you in my last that my Lord Rankeillor
was a dying. He is since dead, and I have spoken again to the
Commissioner in favours of my brother for the Lord of Session’s
place. He is mightily presst by severals for it, particularly the
Register’s brother. However, he has promist me that my
brother shall have it. He designs the Receiver’s place for
Mr. Murray, Phillip’s brother, and the Lord of Justiciary of
Tillicultry, who had his promise for the first vaccancy there a
long time ago. He told me that he was to write to you for
those three papers to-night, but desires that they may be
sent down blank, because he thinks it not fitt to fill them up
nor to give them out till after the Parliament or near the ending
of it. I hope you'll take care of my brother’s concern so far as
lyes in your way. I thought it would have done better, and
been easyer for. the Commissioner to end that affair just now,
but since he thinks otherwise, I have nothing to say, and I’m
—_—

292

not a proper judge in this since [’m so nearly concern’d.
However, the sooner the papers come down the better.

I had yours this morning, with the papers passt the Queen’s
hand, which I wrote for, and I shall take care that they be
disposed of to the best advantage.

Mr. Fullarton and Mr. Stewart go from this to-morrow
towards London. They have really been of very great use
here in convincing people of the necessity aud advantage of the
Union. When they come up I know Mr. Fullarton designs to
see you and some of ourgreat friends, who I hope will give him
a good reception. Defoe is here, but I’m not acquainted with
him, so have not seen him. One Mr. Shout, a friend of my
Lord Wharton’s, is here allso; he came down with my Lord
Ross, and goes away, as he told me, this week. Paterson wrote
some sheets of paper upon the Union, and show’d them to
us, but we perswaded him not to publish them. Hodge has
sent down another book here, but ’tis not much minded;
tis upon the foot of a federal Union. There’s severall other
pamphlets here, tho’ of no great moment. I’m sure you
are weary with reading this long letter, as I’m with writing
it; so all I shall say further is that we have sent for a man
to town who we hope can give us some account of Caron and
the Colonel. But more of this after I have seen him.

THe Eart oF Mar to Sir Davin NAIRNE.

1706, October 16. Hdinburgh—My Lord Loudown, as
Secretarie in waitting, has promist me to give you the detaill of
yesterday’s proceeding, of which I’m shure you and all friends
will be very well pleased. After a great dale of wrangling wee
gott to a vote, and carried to proceed imediatlie to take the
Artickles into consideratione by a plurallity of 66, which is a
grater number than those who were against us. By this
plurality it plainlie appears that the Queen’s servants and their
friends cou’d have carried the affair without any new assistance,
for the number of that partie who have joyned with us is not
above 18. However, I say not this to lessen them, for I’m
mightie well pleased with their joyneing with us in this measure.
They doe themselves the best service that’s possible, beside their
doeing good to their countrie, and I wish other people would
follow their example and forgett parties now when I hope the
occasion of them will be taken away. But they are not like to
doe so, for now when they see leitle hope of defeating the
designe they are more exasperat, and they will certainlie commit
some foolish extravagant thing if they can bring it about. The
Duke of Hamilton yesterday wou’d have yealded it, and not
brought it to the vote; but after he had done so Balheaven
woud not, and so the vote was putt. I, nor I believe no
body else, wou’d understand this politick of Balheavens, for he
knew they would lose it by a grait plurality; so I can find no
reason he had for it if it were not for an excuse else where by
shoeing plainlie they were overpouerd. My Lord Annandaile
298

spoke for a delay as much, and as earnestlie as he could, and
voted so too; but all his people (which are three) were with us.
Lothian was with us, and so was the Advocat. Wee did not
think fitt to proceed fast even after wee carried the vote, so
after the first Artickle was read and the minuts relaiting to it
and spok too som tim, to take away all handle they pretend
by our hurrying, the Commissioner adjurned the Parliament
till Thursday. And then I hope wee shall doe something
effectivelie. Our only fear now is of delays, for since they see us
such an overmatch for them they will keep things from comeing
to a determinatione, by a vote or otherways, as long as they can.
And reallie they have a grate facultie that way. There were
severall of our friends absent yesterday, so I hope you’l hear
of the nixt votes being carried by a graiter plyrality.

The Commission “of the Assemblie putt off the fast, tho’
it was stronglie debeat amongst them, and they appointed
Fryday for a day of prayer amongst themselves in the place
they ordinarlie sitt in, and everybody that pleases may goe
ther. They are also to recomend to their bretheren in everie
presbitry to pray for direction to the Parliament in this great
affair.

I doe not at this tim trouble my Lord Treasurer with a letter,
because I know you will communicat to him what I have wryt
to you. Pray tell his Lordship from me that it is only to save
him trouble that I doe not always wryt directlie to himself.

I forgott to wryt to you in my moneth that my Lord Forglain
expected to be putt on the Counsell and Exchequer. He takes
it so ill that he was not that wee were forced to say that wee
had left orders with you to send doun tuo letters for him. So
pray speak now to the Queen of it, and I beleive now her
Majestie will not refuse it. And if she pleas I wish the tuo
letters were sent down as soon as possible, and that they were
dated som tim agoe, a leitle after we cam away the better.

Copy.
THe Eart or Mar to Sir Davip NalIRne.

1706, October 17. Edinburgh.—I wrote so fully by the flying
pacquet yesterday that I need not say much now. To-day in
Parliament we went throw several articles of the Treaty. The
opposing party did not open much, nor will they, I believe, untill
we be quite throw them. However, we read the minutes relating
to evry article and explain’d it. That they might have no
handle by our going fast, we thought it best to go throw the
wholle articles without coming to a vote on any one of them,
which will delay any determination for some days. But had we
done otherways, people wou’d have complain’d as if we
precipitated ; and the mob of this town are mad and against us,
but the members of Parliament are every day better inclin d.
When the next materiall vote comes I believe you'll see
Annandfale] with us. 66 is the best clearer of people’s judgments
that can be. You wrote to me that a certain Duke wou’d
294

not oppose vigorously. Since our last vote he appears calmer,
and perhaps he may alter his opinion in some measure.
But I have not such authority for this as you can certainly rely
on.
We had a long debate to-day about printing the English
oath of coronation, with a design to fright the Presbyterians,
but it was so ridiculous that they wou’d not venture it to a
vote. The great stickler for this was my Lord Kingcairn,
alias Broomie. We sit again on Saturday, to-morrow being the
day the Commission of the Assembly have appointed for prayer.
We will get throw the articles in a few days, and after that I
hope you shall hear of our determining some materiale things.
The town story ..... (torn) are to be the great
men and favourites after the affair is carryed, and one assured
me that Roxburgh has wrote for the Lord of Session’s place to
a friend of his, and that he says nobody’s interrest will carry it
against him, and that it will either be done now as he desires
it, or at least keept open till after the Parliament, that the
Court can with freedom give it him. But thirr storys will not
fright us. We are willing to receive anybody who will join in
the measure. As things stand that party cou’d do nothing
else, for their number, tho’ all intire, was but 18 at most, and
we had got severalls of them before they declair’d. And
Montrose, who was with them formerly, and made with his
interrest a great part of them, told them fairly that he wou’d be
for the measure and all the interrest he cou’d make, and if they
join’d he wou’d be glad of it, but if not he took leave of them for
ever. After this what cou’d they do else, for there was not ten
of them left. This is matter of fact, and they never declar’d
themselves till once Montrose told them so.

Mr. Fletcher says now that the wholle nation are grown
rogues. JI believe before the Parliament end he will go out of
it; but he has not yet spoke much. He reserves himself untill
we come to determine.

I thought you had known that Marchmont had been here
since some days before the Parliament mett. He behaves as
you cou’d wish, and so do all his people. The Advocat will be
forced to join too, tho’ I confess it is backwardly. ay
Tweedale. . . . . . . . . . (torn) the Commissioner.
All his people were invited, but they were preingadged with
Annandale, so cou’d not come. However, we made a shift to get
very merry, and my hand is not yet very steddie, as you may
see by this. Annandale has made great court to those people
ever since our vote, and some of them yesterday told in their cups
that now he was clear’d and wou’d be for the measure, what wou’d
he give to have last day forgot?

We will not have much to write untill we get throw the
articles, which I hope will not be a long time. But in the
meantime pray give ane account of what I have wrote to our
friends, for I have not yet wrote to them, because I know you
communicat to them what I write, and that is easyer to them.
Since we behave so I’m sure they must see we have greater
295

regard to the cause than to our own private interrest. And tho’
I would not lessen the new party, yet our friends must see they
could do nothing else, since it wou’d have carry’d without them ;
and they wou’d have made a pittyfull figure if they had acted
any other part. Copy.

Tue Treasurer to the Haru or Mar.

1706, October 19. This is to acknowledg the honour of your
Lordship’s letter. The accounts of the 14th have given very
great hopes of good success in your affairs.

The Queen is very much pleased with what you have said of
my Lord Montrose and the good effects of it for her service.

Her Majesty has been very ready to agree to the desires of
her servants in relation to my Lord Archibald Campbell, and
also concerning the vacancys you are pleased to mention, in
which she hopes it will be thought for her service that your
Lordship find your particular satisfaction.

Wee are very impatient to hear what farther progeress has
been made last Tuesday, which wee hope will give some light as
to the time which this affair is like to take in the Parliament of
Scotland. (Signed) GopoLPHIN.

Harry Ersxrne to his brother, the Earn or Mar.

1706, October 22. Lisbon.—Dear brother, after prodigius
stormes and a long tedious voyage we have at last thise day got
hear, and I bliss God for’t verry safe as to our pairt. I wrot
to you a little time before we sail’d from Tarbay. We sail’d
from that on the first of October with a faire weind and verry
good wather, but was not two dayes at sea but we had it
contrarie and blew hard, which we thought wou’d oblidge use to
goe ether back to England or for Ireland. But we stood it out
for that time. And two dayes after, it blew the most terrible
storme that has been seen, and derectlie against use. It
continoued for 48 houers and more and separat all our fleet, so
that I’m affrayd we shall hardlie all meet again. We found
ourselves when the storme was over by good luck in companie
with two or three men of war, and some transports. We made
up in all about 40 saile, and having a faire wind made streight
for Lisbon, which was the place ordered use for rendevous.
But our good fortune continoued not long. However, one way or
other, with our small fleet, we got to within six leagues of Lisbon,
and when we thought that night to be ashore we wer again
attackt by a storme and contrairie [weind], which lasted for four
dayes, but I may say last yet. However, we got in to the Tagus.

We can hear no account as yet of Sir Cloudslie, my Lord
Rivers and the rest of the fleet. We hope they are well; but
there is certainlie vast loss. We wer just three weeks in our
passage, and I cannot say all the while had 48 houers of a faire
weind or tollerable wather. I belive from first to last it has
been the unluckist expedition ever was. I can wryt you allmost
no account how affairs goes in Spain, for I’m but just now going
296

up to Lisbon. I shall wryt to James from that; but its certaine
that King Charles and his armie is retired to Valantia and but
in an indifferent taking. They have been expecting use thise
two moneths, so I doubt not but as shoon as the rest of our
scatter’d fleet joynes use hear we shall goe for Valantia and
joyne the armie, which I shall be glad of, for thise seems to be
an indifferent countrie. I never keept my helth better then
all the time I was at sea, and even in time of the stormes,
though our provisions fell skarce and had nothing but small
beer, but-————all thats over, and now we drink good wine and
eats oringes fresh pluckt. The ship Douglass was in is yet
amissing, with five companies of our regiment. The rest are
hear. I shall long much to hear from you. Please to cause
anybodie wryt to me how the Parliament goes. I’m glade to hear
that you have a majoritie for the Union of 40 votes. I hop all
will goe verry well.

THe Earnt or Mar to Sir Davip NAIRNE.

1706, October 28. Edinburgh. To-day when the House
rose the Commissioner carryed me down with him to concert
some things again to-morrow, and the Register promised to
write to you the detail of this dayes proceedings, which he has
done and I have seen it, so I need say little more. Only one
thing he has forgot, that when the Affrican Company was spoke
of in the House my Lord Annandale said that it was not then a
very proper time to insist on it, but he thought that company
should not be dissolved at the passing of the Act in the
Parliament of England for the mony of the equivalent as is
agreed in the Treaty, and that we cou’d not forfeit that company
without citing evry member. This wou’d indeed be ane effectual
stop to the Union, and the Justice Clerck, his friend, was extreamly
out when he said it. His Lordship in his private companys
says that he’ll be for the Union, but evry day in the House he
dips himself so far against it that I see not how he can well
retreat and be consequentiall to his actings. However, if he see
it a going game, notwithstanding of all the difficultys and rubs
his Lordship and others throw in the way of it, perhaps he will
make a short turn; but I believe he’s not yet fully resolv’d to
do this. Our opposers finding themselves now weak and that
the affair will probably do, they take themselves to the mob and
cajol them all they can, in so much that they have got the mob
and populace on their side intirely, and it is hardly to be doubted
but before this affair end there will be some mobish affair. We
have all been advertis’d that we will be mob’d, tho’ we are not
much frightned with their threats. Evry day when the
D[uke] of H[amilton] comes out of the house, the mob waits of
him home with huzzas, and he encourages them not a litle. It
is fit that you represent all this.

The Commission of the Assembly have at last ended the
affair of the fast. The opposing party wou’d have had them
addressing the Parliament for a national fast, but it was put off
297

by the expedient of their writing to the different Presbytrys to
apoint a day of fasting within their own bouuds when they
thought fit, and this was but done yesterday. Mr. Carstairs
was the principall man in the manadging of this affair, and had
ib not been for him probably it had taken another turn not so
much to our liking. We sit again to-morrow and against next
post I hope to get written to you fully. I am now in the Abbay
and can say no more, so adieu. (Copy.)

Sir Davip Narrne to the Eart or Mar.

1706, October 24.—There are many true Scots proverbs and
some English; and this is knowen by both—That there is never
great smoak but thers some fire. That there is a correspondence
between a great man here and some of the new partie there is
noe doubt, and he has told me soe, but nothing engadged
nor towards it, nor doe I realy beleive otherways than cajolling
and promises of the Queen’s favour in generall. He told me
that E[arl] Rox[burgh] had write for the Lord of Sessions
place. But you are convinced ere now that he was not gratyfyd,
and I beleive to in the letter he promised not to let it be knowen
for some time, and at this he took occasion to say he beleived
you wold think it for the Queen’s service not to make use of if
yet. He also not only told me of but read to mea letter he had
yesterday from the Dfuke] of H[amilton] wherin he complains
of too much haste and precipitation in proceeding on the articles
and which he says he beleives will not be for the advantage of
the thing. Soe that you see even the great caire that is taken
to prevent that clamour has not its effects. However, I have all
the reason in the world to beleive your proceedings agreeable.
Pray, let noething discover that you have any hints of this, and
be sure to give good entertainment not only to those who have
joynd but to any that will. I am sure it will be to your
advantage. I hope the M[arquis] of An[nandale will joyne; it
will yet add to the oppinion friends have of him. It has been
asked how the Justice Clerk’s son and son-in-law goes. Read
and burne because noe body knows what chances. ,

Tur Eart oF Mar to Str Davip NAIRNE.

1706, October 26.—Edinburgh.—I wrote to you on Tuesday
last and dated it the 23d, which should have been but the 22d.
I told you then that we were to sitt again on Wednesday. The
wholle debate that day was about printing the English Book of
Rates and Acts of Parliament relating to the Customs and
Excise. But when the House met first, the Estates separated
and choosed the committy for considering the equivalent, and
in all the 8 Estates the people we design’d carry’d it. Their
names you'll see in the minuts. Their proposing to print the
Book of Rates and Acts was meerly to delay business, for they
knew it behooved to be a work of time and we cou’d not get over
the articles untill it was done if ordered by the House. So we
proposed that the consideration of them shou’d be left to the
298

comitty allready nam’d and that they shou’d bring a report of
what was necessary to be printed. The opposing party allways
keep things from coming to a vote as long as they can, as they
did in this, so that there was a necessity to have candles, and
allways in candle light there’s a great deal of confusion in the
House. There was above 50 battons in it, which are white
sticks given by the Marishal and Constable to priviledged people
to come in as their guard, and there was beside a great many
other people who had no priviledge of being there, but had
crowded into the House. The longer the debate lasted the
more strenuously it was maintain’d and the greater confusion
there was, but at last we brought it near toa vote. I told you
in my last that the opposing party, seeing they could carry
nothing in the House, had taken themselves to the mob and
populace, which they encouradged and stirr’d up extreamly by
misrepresenting the Union and evry article of it, and told them
that they were to loss the Crown and wou’d be taxt excessively.
The ministers have generally recoill’d on this affair, and I
believe it may come to pass what I’m credibly inform’d my
Lord Bellhaven said, that he wou’d make the Kirk and State
knock hard heads. The ministers being in this humor and so
preach up danger (tho’ few of them positively against the
Union) and the Jacobites exclaming evrywhere against it,
frights the commonalty, so that their inclinations are very
much altered of late, and speak openly against the Union. When
we were coming to the vote it was whispered that there was a
rable at the doors and were pressing to be in, and had knock’d
down some of the guards. This was told my Lord Marishall
too, who tho’ he opposes, yet acted very handsomly in this,
for he proposed to adjourn the debate, it being then late. I
seconded him, and it was done accordingly, and the Comissioner
adjourned the Parliament till yesterday. Had the mob got in, it
was too probable that the consequence wou’d have been tragicall.
When we came out of the House we found the Parliament Closs
full of mob. The Comissioner and severals with him went
to the Abbay, and the Duke of Hamilton went to the Duke of
Athole’s, which is in the Land Market. The wholle mob and
rable follow’d him. He was in his chair with the glasses down,
and was huzza’d all the way. He stay’d not long at the Duke
of Athole’s, but went down the streets to his lodgings in the
Abbay accompanyed in the same manner. My Lord Montrose
chanced to be coming up the street in his coach. The mob
commanded the coach to stop, but the coachman drove on.
Some of the mob called to Montrose if he was against the
Union, God bless him, but if for it,God damn him. However, he
went on. When the Duke of Hamilton and the mob came to the
Abbay gate the guards stopt them from coming in to the Court;
so they went back to the town in ane uproar, and went streight
to Sir Patrick Johnston’s house, who you know had _ been
provost last year and one of our treaters. They assaulted his
house, broke his windows, and did what they could to beat
open his door, giving him names and calling out that they
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wou'd massacre him for being a betrayer and seller of his
country. My Lord Glasgow and the Register lodge in the
same stair with Sir Patrick (as you know the way is here),
whome they allso insulted, tho’ not so much nor so violently
as Sir Patrick. By this time the wholle town was in ane
uproar, and the rable on the streets evrywhere in hundreds
together. The Duke of Argyll, the Marquis of Lothian and
I, and about half a dozen more when supping then at my
Lord Loudoun’s, which is next door to the Duke of Athole’s,
when we heard of this uproar we sent for the magistrates of
the town, who came to us. We sent them away about their
business, in which they took as much care as possibly they
could. They, with the town guard. reliev’d Sir Patrick
Johnston and apprehended five or six of the rable who were
breaking up Sir Patrick’s door; but they were not able to
suppress the tumult. We in my Lord Loudoun’s were expecting
to be attacqued evry minut, so we resolved to go out and walk
down the streets. We saw great numbers of the rable with
stones in their hands, but as soon as they saw us they dropt
them and let us pass. But after we were gone some way
they followed us with a great noise and attended us to the
Abbay gate, which we cou’d have spar’d; they cursed us if we
were for the Union, and some, tho’ few, blessed us. This
expedition of ours, I confess, was as hardy as wise. If one
stone had been thrown at us there had been five hundred,
and some of the mob were heard say after we had passt the
Cross that they were to blame for leting Argyll and Loudoun
pass unpunished. However, we got free. When we came to
the Abbay the Comissioner call’d a Councill, and the regiment
of Foot Guards was got together immediately, and a party of them
sent to take possession of the Neather Bow port, which they
did. But that did not compesce the tumult, but on the contrary
the mob got a drum and beat throw the streets, so there was
150 more of the Guards sent into the town to take post at the
Weighhouse and Parliament Closs with orders to disperse the
rable with violence if there were occasion; for before this time
they had insulted the magistrates themselves. This put ane end
to it for that night without firing a shott, and so we went to bed.
The Comissioner came up to Council next day (which was
Thursday) in the town. There was a very frequent Council.
They approved of what we had done the night before, and
ordered the Guards to continue in the town till further orders.
They made a proclamation against rables and indemnify’d all
slaughters, ete., that shou’d be committed in suppressing it; as
you'll see by the proclamation, which the Register promissed to
send you with the minuts. The Councill allso ordered the
Chancellor to lay this affair before the Parliament next meeting.
There was no disturbance all that day, but many people
endeavoured to extenuate the rable and say it was only children.
Yesterday the Chancellor represented the affair to the Parlia-
ment. We expected that evry body wou’d have thanked the
Council for what they had done; but it was so far from that,
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that the Duke of Athole said he did not approve of the mob, and
was glade it was suppresst, but he believed there was some-
thing done since that was of a high nature; he complained of
Guards being sent in to town to overaw the Parliament, as he
call’d it. He was supported by the Duke of Hamilton, Earl of
Kineairn, Lords Bellhaven, Balmerino, Killsyth, Mr. Fletcher,
\illmaronnock, and Fountainhall, the Lord of Session. At last
they came to speak pretty favourably of the mob, and Mr.
Pletcher said it was the true spirit of this country, for the
Reformation and Revolution were both brought about by them.
My Lord Montrose was resolute and bold against them, and we
all supported him. The other side wou’d at last have let it fall,
but we insisted and offered a resolve giving the Council thanks
for their care, and recommended it to the Commissioner and
them to continue their care and to keep the Guards in the
town. It was brought to the vote at last, as you'll see by the
minuts, and the resolve was carry’d by a great plurality. But
we had two votes upon it and Annandale was against us in both,
and spoke against continuing the Guards in town too. After
this I believe he’ll be entirely with the opposing party. Tho’ I
know his principles will allow him to do anything, yet I did not
think his prudence wou’d have allow’d him to act so. The Duke
of Athole visits him often. When we came down the street the
night of the rable, Lothian came part of the way with us, and
then left us. Next day he went out of the town and came not
to Parliament yesterday, and the member from his town was
against us.

The part that some people act now is very odd. A certain
great man has spoken pretty openly of his pretensions to the
Crown being taken away by the Union. One night after the
Parliament rose some boys got into the House. He call’d to
make way for them to see the Crown, for perhaps they wou’d
never see it more; and that night he told the mob as they went
home that he wisht they had evry one a vote in the House, for
they wou’d vote like honest men. I’m credibly inform’d of all
this, and it is fitt it shou’d be told to our friends. I’m told too
that some people sent mony to some amongst the mob the night
before the rable, particularly two top peers, tho’ I cannot
warrand it, yet I’m told it could be made out.

We sit now in some more security than we did, and ’tis good
that this bomb broke in the air. You see by this our intelligence
was not ill founded. There’s more troops ordered to come near
the town, so the Parliament will be in security, unless people
bring their designs to a greater hight, which I’m perswaded
some design to do. There’s emissarys sent throw the country
to get hands to addresses against the Union, and I doubt not
but some people will do what they can to stirr up the country to
some foolish irregular thing. Some people I’m assured are
bringing their men to town, and I’m sure that there’s several
Highlanders here allready; by which it wou’d appear that since
they see they will lose their end in Parliament they will endeavour
to obtain it ane other way and give law to the Parliament.
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I have wrote to you often of late that we’re sure of success in
the Parliament, tho’ by the opposition it may take some time to
finish the affair this session. But I confess within this short
time the humor against the Union in the country is augmented
and I must say the ministers are most to blame for it. But in
the Parliament we have still as good hopes of success as ever.

Yesterday, the House was better regulated than it has been a
long time. The Comissioner got the Constable and Marishall to
restrict their battons to 8 a piece and nobody but who were
priviledged were allow’d to come into the House. My Lord
Errol, the Constable, had those who were apprehended at Sir
Patrick Johnston’s door remitted to him to be try’d, but he
protested that bringing souldiers into the town might not
prejudge his right, and that it was ane incroachment on the
Parliament and the town of Edinburgh; which we wou’d not
debate then, for fear of delaying our other affair, but on
Munday, when the minuts are read, ’tis probable this protestation
may be taken to task and then the battons will be spoke to that
they shou’d be oblidg’d to qualify which few.of them are now.
By this I’m affraid litle else will be done that day, but this
seems necessary for our own security. I’m affraid this will be
a long session, for the opposing party can put off time tho’ they
be able to do nothing else. If once we were got throw the
articles, we hope to pass a considerable vote which will humble
them, and then I hope we shall go on faster. I wish our slow
proceeding may not do hurt to the grand affair in England.
The Parliament there must of necessity sit I fancy before we be
done here, but I hope we will have finished the Treaty before
they be done with their Supplys, and then the Treaty may come
before them. I thought it necessary to give you a full account
of all this affair, that our friends may know particularly how we
are circumstantiated; but it has made my letter very long,
which I cou’d not help. I have written to my Lord Treasurer,
but not to trouble him too much I have referred him to this if
he has time to read it.

Lord Archibald Campbel’s patent is passing the seals, and
now we are all very well together. Since that was to be passt
there was a necessity of passing Lord Charles Douglass’s too.
I shall cause send you all the pamphlets wrote here in relation
to the Union. I’m gure you are as weary reading this as I am
a writing it, so adieu. p I did not write by the last
post because I knew of this flying pacquet’s going to-day, which
I hope will be with you before it. The Register has ordered the
printing the book of Rates that we may have no more debate
about it in the House.

If it be not troublesome you may read this letter to the
Queen. Copy.

Tur Eart or Mar to the Lorp Treasurer.

1706, October 26. Edinburgh.—I have written fully to Sir
David Nairne from time to time of the Queen’s affairs and of
our proceedings here, to be lay’d before your Lordship, because
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I thought that wou’d be less troublesome to you than writing
directly to yourself. I have by this flying pacquet given him a
full account of what has passt here this week, and ordered him to
show it to your Lordship if your time will allow. I’m sure your
Lordship will be surprized with something in it and of some
people’s cariage here. We have still as good hopes of success in
the Parliament as ever, tho’ perhaps it will take some time
before we finish the affair. I wish that may be no prejudice to
it in the Parliament of England, which I fancy must of necessity
sit soon. ButI hope before the Supplys be over there we may
have finished the affair here. Tho’ we have still as good hopes
as ever of succeeding in Parliament, yet I must acquaint your
Lordship that the humor in the country against the Treaty or
Union is much increased of late, and I must acknowledge the
ministers preaching up the danger of the Kirk is a principal
cause of it; and the opposing party’s misrepresenting evry
article of the Treaty make the commonality believe that they
will be oppressed with taxes. These and other byways have
altered all of a sudden the inclinations of the populace very
much as to the Union; and most of the churchmen are not like
to behave so wisely nor prudently as I expected. Yet the Union
will certainly do in the Parliament, but I’m affraid some people
may commit some foolish irregular thing either before it pass or
after it; which I think myself oblidg’d to let your Lordship
know that it may be lay’d before her Majesty, I doubt not but
others of the Queen’s servants have written to your Lordship,
so I will not trouble you any more at this time, but shall think
it my honor to receive your commands when you are pleased to
lay them on me. (Copy).

Sir Davip NaIRNE to the Kart oF Mar.

1706, October 29. Whitehall—Yesterday I had your
Lordship’s of the 22d. The story in the toun is that the
M[arquis] of An{nandale] has joyn’d with those for the Union,
but noething like that appears in his beheavour the 22d. But I
reckon he will not declare himselfe till it come to voteing, and
if he does that right he will finde twenty way to excuse what he
has done hitherto. Frinds here are mightyly concerned to have
business done there before the 21 November. To be sure there
will be opposers here, and when they have a minde to retard or
delay, its too good a pretence to move that they maye have the
sentiments of the Parliament there that being at the same time
sitting. I have been asked by friends whither you have yet any
vew of the manner of chooseing the 16 peers and 45 commoners,
and what itis. Also if the Earl of Aberdeen is in the House
and how he carys. The Queen is concerned about the mob, and
asked whither there was anything to be done in it from hence.
I told her Majesty that I had noe directions to propose anything,
and that I doubted not but the Government wold have such
due precaution as not to suffer her Majesty’s servants to be
affronted.
803
THe Earn oF Mar to Sin Davip Narrene.

1706, October 29. Edinburgh, Tuesday morning, 9 o’clock.—
Since my last by the flying pacquet, ane accident had very near
broke us all amongst ourselves, which wou’d have been of very
bad consequence ; and tho’ it be now over for this time at least,
yet I write it to you in case you shou’d get a wrong account of it.
The title Lord Archibald Campbell choosed was Dundee, and it
was fill’d up in the warrand. But before it passt the seals, my
Lord Montrose came to the Comissioner and told him that
he had all his lifetime endeavoured to live well with my Lord
Argyll and avoided differences or anything that cou’d occasion
them, that the quarrel betwixt their familys might be forgot.
And now he heard that my Lord Argyll had choosed the title of
Dundee for his brother, which had been last in a person who
was a cadet of his famillie. He acknowledged that he was
justly forfeited, so that nobody else cou’d pretend any right to
it; but he knew it wou’d make his friends reflect on him if a
Campbel shou’d get it, and so perhaps it might be the occasion
of reviving the old quarrel. Therefor, and since my Lord
Argyll had no interrest in that title, he wou’d beg of him as
a favour not to take it for his brother. He further said that
when the Comissioner had askt the servants’ opinion as to
the giving up Lord Archibald’s patent he was the first man that
gave his opinion for giving it him presently ; therefor he hopt
the Duke of Argyll nor Lord Archibald wou’d not refuse him.
My Lord Glasgow was sent to the Duke of Argyll with this
message, but his Grace did not take it well, and thought the
Marquiss put himself in competition with him, so wou’d not
yield it. Then the Comissioner spoke to Montrose thinking
to perswade him to say no more about it but let it pass, which
he upon no account would do, and said if the Duke refused him
so small a favour when he was in the Government with him, and
on the same measure, and asked . . .. . . favour, he
saw that he had no mind to live in tollerable friendship with
him ; so if Lord Archibald got that title he wou’d serve no more
as President ot the Council, nor never be in a pack again with the
Duke of Argyll, tho’ that wou’d not make him differ from us in the
measure we were on in Parliament. When the Comissioner saw
this he spoke to the Duke of Argyll himself, and so did my Lord
Londoun. The Duke said the Comissioner and Queen’s servants
might determine it as they pleased but he wou’d never yield it.
And we saw that if we determined it against him he would be
mightily disoblidged, so we were in a mighty doubt what to do,
for one of them wou’d certainly be disoblidg’d. The Comissioner
spoke again and again to them both by turns, but to no purpose,
both being so positive; and this lasted till yesterday morning,
that the Chancellor and Loudoun got the Duke perswaded and
then Lord Archibald to condescend to take ane other title tho’
they wou’d not do it as a favour to Montrose, and desired that
Montrose might not speak to them of it. So the title of Islay
was put in the warrand in place of Dundee. The patent was

a
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immediately expede and read in Parliament, and the Earl of
Islay took his place. The word is generally spoke Yela tho’ it
be not so spell’d. There is ane end of this affair for this bout;
but I’m affraid the Duke and Marquiss will never be so very
good friends again, which I’m sorry for.

Yesterday, when we met in Parliament, we thought to have
taken notice of the Earl of Errol’s protestation (as I wrote last)
wou’d have losst us a day so we resolved to let it fall, tho’ some
people spoke of it. There was a list of adherers to it as you'll
see by the minuts which the Register is to send you. Some
desired to be added to the list, and some to be deleted who had
been put in by mistake, particularly the Earl of Bute. The
Marquis of Annandale resum’d the most of what he had said the
day before, and desir’d to be markt as adhering to the Earl of
Errol’s protestation, which indeed surpriz’d us, for now he has
listed himself with the opposers and will be with them in print.
When this was over the Duke of Athole proposed that since the
Presbitry of Edinburgh had, conform to ane act of the
Commission of the [Assembly], appointed Thursday next for
a fast within this Presbitry, [we] might have preaching in the
Parliament House, and nam’d two ministers to be appointed to
preach before us. This was debated a long time, particularly by
the D [uke] of H[amilton], Bellhaven, and Fletcher, but they were
run down; and Fletcher chanced to speak of the Commission of
the Kirk and the carriage of members of it who are members of
Parliament, whom he said if it were not to rip up a sore he
cou’'d make them blush. He was so taken to task for this by
the gentlemen he spoke of that he and his friends were forced to
let the Duke of Athole’s proposall fall to bring himself off this
undertaking of his. So we proceeded then to read the 18th
article of the Treaty, where we had left on Wednesday last. It
was told that the Book of Rates were a printing, so litle more
was said of that. But the great objection was that the incor-
porating Union was inconsistent with the Claim of Right; and
this my Lord Annandale averr’d very strenuously. My Lord
Stair said that cou’d not be alleadg’d, for the Convention of
Estates, who made the Claim of Right allso and at the same
time, appointed commissioners to treat of ane intire and.
compleat Union, and had by a letter to the late King referr’d
any differences that might be to his decision. He said allso
that Lord had been on a former Treaty, and very forward in it,
where most of what is material in this Treaty had been
concluded then, and his Lordship was not then of that
opinion; and he believed, had he been on this Treaty,
he would not have been of that opinion either.3 This
made the wholle House laugh. His Lordship answered
that whatever he had done he cou’d answer for it, but
he thought that Lord shou’d avoid reflexions, because there was
no man more obnoxious to them than himself. The Chancellor
said he thought reflections shou’d be avoided, but he did not
think the saying that his Lordship was on that former Treaty
was a reflexion, tho’ he knew not what his Lordship thought of
805

it himself. This made the House laugh again; and Annandale
answered much as he had done before, and concluded that he
thought this Union inconsistent with the Claim of Right, by
which I cannot see how he can now come about to be for it.
I cannot think but this acting of his will surprize our friends
with you, but more particularly Mr. Shout when you tell him it.
He'll be at London e’er now, I believe. He spoke with
Annandale last, and told us that he excused his actings for the
preceeding days, but assur’d him he wou’d be for the Union.
There was no more said to this article, and then we went on
to the next three and read the minuts relating to them, but
there was nothing spoke to them because it grew dark. The
ee was adjourned till this day, when we are to speak to
em.

The pacquet has just com’d, and I have got yours of the
24th. The Earl of Aberdeen is not here this Parliament, nor is
he to come. I shall send you a list of Parliament, and all those
present marked. The flying pacquet came on Sunday’s night,
about a quarter of ane hour before the ordinary pacquet, which
was very late of coming that night by reason of the excessive
rains. My Lord Montrose was very well pleased with the
Queen’s letter, and we were all glade that the Treasurer had
wrote to those Lords; I wish he wou’d write to Cromartie and
Marchmont too. I assure you for my share I have no jealousy
of these people being fair spoke to, and the more that join us
the better, I think, and I do all Ican for thatend. I’m mightily
oblidg’d to my Lord Treasurer, and particularly at this time in
my brother’s affair. I allways resolved to depend on him, and I
were ungratefull now if I did not. I wou’d be loath to take out
the Commission [now, but?] will trust that till after the
Parliament. Since the Guards [came] into the town we have
been very peacable, but there are addresses going about in evry
shire to get hands to them, and they design to present them to
the Parliament. They are all against the Union, you may be
sure, and the opposers wou’d fright us with storys that the
country will rise, and I’m credibly inform’d that the Duke of
Athole’s men are to muster this week. Some people stick not
to say that the Parliament will not get leave to finish the Union.
I thought it fit to let you know all this that you may lay it
before the Queen and Ministry, for tho’ I hope it is only braggs,
yet it is fit that it shou’d be known there. The forces are
all brought about this place so that we can hardly be insulted,
but there is no powder allmost in the magazines and very litle
to be got in the nation. The Castle of Stirline, of which
I have the command, is mightily out of repair, and hardly
a gun mounted, and there is not five barrels of powder
in it. There’s no beds within it for the souldiers to ly
in, so they are forced to ly in the town; by all which
you may see how litle service it cou’d be of if there
were anything to be done, and how easily it might be taken.
It is the great pass in Scotland, so no place is of more
importance. The Treasury here can do nothing to it for want

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306

of mony, and I’m not to blame, for I have represented the bad
condition of it again and again. Pray for my exoneration, let
the Queen know this.

The D[uke] of H[amilton] was yesterday morning 2 hours
with the Comissioner. I know the Comissioner is to write
what passt, so I shall say nothing of it. [I’m just going to the
House, and after it is over, I shall write anything that passes if
worth the whille and if I have time.

o’clock.

The Parliament sat till after four, and I have but just dined
and am going to the Abbey, so can not say much. We read
this day the 22d and 28d Articles with the minuts relating
to them. There was a great deal spoke to them, and that lasted
till it grew dark. They say that they have more to say to them,
so to-morrow we are to be on them again, and then I hope (at
least we will endeavour) to get throw all the Articles; and on
Friday, after we are clear’d by the fast, I hope we'll have a fresh
touch as to the incorporating Union. To-day Fletcher in
passion said that the Treaters had betray’d their trust, which
you may believe was taken up warmely. Severals endeavoured
to excuse him, and particularly Bellhaven, who if he had got
leave to say out wou’d been as deep as Fletcher; but he
interrupted him and acknowledg’d that those who endeavour’d
to excuse him made it worse. We had pity on Fletcher and
upon his begging pardon let it fall; but this was no small
mortification to him to be oblidg’d to beg pardon. Nothing else
materiall hapened to-day. The Duke of Hamilton spoke
extreamly much, about half ane hour at a time, and most anent
the peerage; but when that comes to be determined all will be
repeated.

You ask me about the Justice Clerck. To do him justice I
must acknowledge he behaves very well and acts very cordially.
His son and he are just now in very good terms, but he’s of the
new party and goes along with them. His son-in-law has not
yet been with us, but I know not what he’ll do in the main, for
he’s a litle uncertain.

I send you inclosed instructions from a brugh to their
member, which is said to be drawn by the member himself
and printed for a copy to others. Copy.

Sir Davip Narene to the Earn oF Mar.

1706, November 1. Whitehall—Your Lordships of the 26th
by flying pacquett came Wednesday morning. Lest the mob
should be still humorsom it was thought propper to send noe
thing materiall by the ordinary post, the time of that being soe
sertain that it might be easyly intercepted. And my Lord
Treasurer haveing write by this to the Commissioner and
Chancellor, the Duke of Argyle and Earle of Leven, it was.
judged fitt to send this flying pacquett; soe last night by the
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ordinary I wrote only what was in course and a line to the
Earle of Loudoun to excuse me to your Lordship and others I
had not write to, without saying any thing of sending this, for if
I had hinted it it was a good advertisement to watch.

In the first place my Lord Treasurer desired I might excuse
him to your Lordship for not writing at this time. Since recept
of the pacquett I have not seen anybody to speak to about what
it brought except her Majesty, and my Lord Treasurers friends
being out of toune. As to the proceedings of the opposing
partie in Parliament everie day confirms that noething is
design’d but delays to protract time; and should they doe soe
till the meeting here and that there shou’d: happen to be any
here to joyne with them the whole year might be spent in
messages and conferences and lose thereby the Union and all
publick business. Therfor seing noe better use has been made
of time by those without dors its thought you should go more
vigorously on within. The thing is soe just in itselfe that there
is not the least doubt but a few months will satisfy evrie body
of the advantages that will acrew by it. I believe people here
will not easyly be brought to understand how any arguments
can be brought against a communication of trade, especially by
those who had soe much to say for it two or three years agoe.
For my part I am convinced if that very particular were under-
stood it wold turne the mob on the other side. This leads me to
regrait that Dr. Gregorie was not there about the Equivalent.
He says he will forfault his head if he convince not the most
obstinat of the justness and fairness of it; and if need were he
will yet come. These two may be men of letters and figurs,
but if they are not acquented with business and the practicall
part of business and even the custome of this place soe that they
know the grounds upon which things were done, its impossible
they can understand what they are about, for example, anuitys
at soe many years purchase. There notions or there reason or
the practise of other countries may make them think anuity for
one, two or three lives are too low or perpetuitys. Yet all that
are here know they are full market price. And Mr. Paterson
will helpe to confound this for he talked of 20 per cent. when the
dayly practise on the Exchange was 154. So your Lordship
may easyly judge from this it 1s not arithmetick only that can
make a man understand the equivalent. Besids I am affrayd
Dr. Bower is not much for us. It seems there are some errors
in writting or printing the equivalents, but I have not heard
them nor have seen any Scots prints either of the Articles or
Minuts. But the doctor has examined those printed here and
they differ much from my originalls. The doctor has wrote a
letter to be communicate on the subject, which I herwith send
to your Lordship for the more speedy delivery. It may be of
use. The Comissioner sent me.up a signature in the Earle of
Hopton’s favours for a thousand merks a year, which I have
returned herewith to his Grace. It seems that Earle has
behaved mighty well, and therfor the Queen granted it very
freely.
308

Sir Davip Narrne to the Earu or Mar.

1706, November 1—It is mighty well taken that your
brother’s letter is not to be made use of till the Parliament
is over or near it. You can not imagine what a low oppinion
evrie body has of the M[arquis] of An[nandale] and I doe
assure you if it turne now it will have noe effect in the oppinion
of your friends. He or some body in his name wrote to a
friend whom he trusted here to tell the Karle of Sunderland
that he wold be for the Union. But that Earle is more
disoblidged then the rest for it seems he took more pains then
others on the assurances he had that the Marquis acted from a
principill, and that he wold containow to be for the measure
whither he was oblidged by the Court or not, Soe that had he
acted that part vigurously and showed himselfe more publick
spirited and less interested, he wold have had such friends here
as might with there assistance made him pritty topping. Now
I dare [say] all his enimies joynd could not have soe effectually
done his business as he has himselfe. There is one step of it
could be hansomly brought about and that is to get the Justice
Clerk in a line when he writs to any of his correspondents only
to disaprove of the Marquis’s conduct. It wold doe good if it
were never soe slight, and by way of regrate for his not being
advised or the like. Verbum sapienti. George Dalrymple gives
me account of proceedings some times. In his last he says I
hope the Union will doe and if it shou’d it will be chieffly owing
to the D[uke] of Ar[gyle]. I wish it be done, I doe not love
gutting fish befor they are caught. I fancy too the D[uke] of
H[amilton]’s conduct of late has not done him much good in the
oppinions of those who were willing to favour him soe much as
to humor him a little, and therby keept him as if it were
reserve, either to imploy him really or to keep him in vew of
being imployed for a ballance to others or a pair of taws.

Tae Eart or Mar to Sir Davin Narrne. “%

1706, November 8. Edinburgh.—It was so late last night
before the Parliament rose and we were so weary and hungry
that it was impossible for me to write by the ordinary post; but
the Comissioner thought it fit to send a flying pacquet to-day,
which I hope will be with you sooner than yesternight’s post.
I know my Lord Register will send you the minuts of yesterday
and Friday, by which you will know our procedure. With much
strugle and difficulty we have got thirr two days bypast at the
first Article of the Treaty. Yesterday the House met betwixt
10 and 11 a’clock, and it was dark very near before we cou’d get
at that Article. After we got at it we proceeded to reason on it
in order to bring it to a vote in the terms of the vote which we
carry’d before. We got lights,.and the reasoning lasted till 8
a’clock. Annandale argued against ane intire Union as being
inconsistent with the Claim of Right, and so did all their
opposers, notwithstanding of their being run down in that. But
their way is to mind nor regard nothing that is said against
309

them however reasonable, and evry one of them repeat what
ane other says; and some of them yesterday spoke near ane
hour at a time, which retards us extreamly. But there’s no
help for it. Bellhaven made a long speech, and told us of a
vision he fancy’d he saw, wherein he represented the Union to
be very horrible; but this speech of his was made pretty
ridiculous. It is too long to give you a full account of it and the
replys. Kincardin or Broomie spoke much and represented the
Union with the grossest falshoods you can immagine. Fletcher
gave us two of his study’d speeches, which certainly we'll have
“eer long in print as allso Bellhaven’s. The Duke of Hamilton
spoke too with a great deal of force (I mean loud speaking). He
said that he thought the Queen and prerogative was concern’d,
so that the Queen’s lawyers ought to be heard; and named the
Advocat who was there but said nothing. He had been with the
Duke three mornings before successively, closs by themselves,
and he seldome comes now to the House, tho’ yesterday he was
with us in both the votes. He behaves pretty well in the
Commission of the Kirk, who are still sitting and with great
difficulty and pains are keept from going wrong, which I’m
affraid they will do at last. My Lord Roxburgh spoke very
handsomly for the Union, and gave Bellhaven his payment
particularly. It is needless to tell you what we all said or what
more of us spoke since most of us all did; but our endeavour
was to bring it to the vote and their’s to speak us and our
friends weary. It grew at last so late and evry body faint with
hunger, for most of us had eat none that day, that a great many
grew weary; so Annandale and many of the opposers proposed
that the debate should be adjourned till next sederunt. Some of
us proposed a vote, Proceed or delay; but a great many of our
own friends growing weary and sent word to the Chancellor that
they were for delaying, that it was not thought safe to venture
the vote; so there was ane acquiescence to the delay, and we
were adjourned till Munday. We all had been glad that we -
cou’d have got to the vote, Approve or not in the terms proposed,
but there was no help for it. And tho’ the vote to proceed or
delay had been put and the first carry’d (which would have been
but by a small plurality at best) there wou’d have been so much
speaking afterwards that we might have siti four hours and not
got it to the vote neither. But on Munday I hope we shall
finish it. I forgot to tell you that the Duke of Athole spoke
against us too, tho’ not so long as others. Sir D. Cuningham
and Sir Pat. Home had two of the longest speeches against us.
By the ministers preaching up fear and danger, and their
carriage in the Commission, and the misrepresenting the Union
by others, the humour of the commonalty are mightily against
us; and untill the first Article of the Treaty be approven I
doubt not but we will have more addresses against ane
incorporating Union; but they will signify nothing, And
if once the Parliament had gone throw some of the Articles
and settled and secured the Church I hope the humor will
turn about. There’s a vast deal of pains taken to give a wrong
310

impression of the Treaty, so ’tis litle wonder that simple well
meaning people are deluded. We have a certain and great
plurality in Parliament, so I hope (tho’ it will take more time
than I could wish), yet we will get throw and carry it; tho’ our
opposers stick not to say that the Parliament will be rais’d by
force, which I hardly beleive will be ventured on. However, ’tis
fit I shou’d tell you what’s said. Just now I have got yours of
the 29th, but we long for ane answer of ours which were sent
by the flying pacquet giving ane account of the rable, that we
may know how it was taken with you; and this we hope to
have to-night by a flying pacquet.

I have got most of the pamphlets wrote here concerning the
Union for you, but they are so bulkie that I must send them by
parcels, and when you get them few are worth the reading.
Only you will see how mad people are, and what false glosses
and views are put upon it. Hodge has sent down a book here
(what I wrote of formerly was not his), this is come since. I
doubt not but you have it with you at London, but for security
I shall send it. You'll see it the oddest that can be immagin’d,
but it is right calculated to catch the ministers and comonalty ;
so really it has done harm, which I know will be thought odd
with you when people see it. The Committy here are busie
about the Equivalent, and allready most of the mistakes that
were objected are found to be none, only one in the transcribing
which evidently appears to be no mistake but only in the
writing that a 8d figure is in place of a 2d. So I hope the
calculation will hold too, which we'll know in a day or two.
The two calculators are Dr. Bower and Mr. Gregory, the
doctor’s brother. However, I wish the doctor were here himself.
I’m sure he wou’d be of use both in this and other things, which
makes me wish that he were sent yet. We were affraid that the
Excise wou’d not hold as we represented nor the salt, by what
those who wisht well to the Union told us; but upon enquiry
they will hold too, as they now find, especially the Excise, and
the salt too very near at worst. But there will be a necessity to
get a drawback on oats and oatmeal, for it’s the grain of the
generality of this nation, and there is no drawback on it in
England. But certainly a drawback on it will be for the’
advantage of England as well as Scotland after the Union, so I
hope this will be no difficulty. But ee’r long you will get a
memorial of all thirr things wherein there appears a necessity
of ane explanation. When once we get the first Article approven,
we are to go upon securing the Church, as you'll see by the
resolve we carry’d; and this will probably give us a great
deal of trouble, for the ministers, at least most of them, are
grown very wild. After that is tabled there’s a necessity of our
going to the Cess, for we have nothing to subsist the troops with
this month. By all which you will see that our work here will
neither be easy nor short. Gest, tagleheiiny Sauce tiste  ste Nain a
soe e ee ew ee «6. 6m credibly inform’d that the
opposing party’s last shift is to be ane Act setling the
succession with limitations as formerly proposed, and that
31]

Annandale, Duke H{amilton}, and all his people, ar join’d in
this, and that Annandale is to propose it. But they will not
have pith in Parliament to carry this either, for the new party
will stand by us for the Union against this too as well as the
other pretences for obstructing the Union.

I know my Lord Montrose has given you a particular account
of the addresses, so I shall say little of them, only as to that
from Angus, which shire has ever been dissafected to this
Government both of Church and State, and they will as willingly
adress against the first and I’m affraid wou’d not scrouple over
much to do so as to the last either. (Copy).

Sir Davip Narrne to the Eart or Mar.

1706, November 5. Whitehall—The proceedings of the 28th
and 29th received by your Lordship’s yesterday make us all
impatient to hear of Friday’s and Saturday’s last, which if good
are expected the morrow by a flying pacquett. Its very lucky
that the affaire of the Earle of Isla’s patent was soe adjusted. If
any breach should happen now it wold give the opposers too
great advantage. I finde some people there are as industrous
to give fals informations from thence hither as they are to breed
mischeff otherways there; which gives me a world of truble,
first of goeing to particular great men to give them first
information, and then to as many of my own friends as I can;
who goe to publick places such as chocolate and coffee houses,
and I know it has obtained soe far that friends to the Union
whom I never saw send to me to know if such and such things
are true in the prints. I hear Mr. Shute is come. I am not
acquented with him, but am promised I shall He wrote ane
account what was said to him by the M[arquis], and I beleive he
did it with that sincerity that it was given out here that his
Lordship was positively for the Union. The Queen took notice
of the Earle of Wigtouns being amongst the protesters. She
also asked who Mr. William Southerland was. I gave noe
direct answer, not being sure, but I fancy he is brother to my
Lord Duffus. Since I begun to write I had a letter from my
Lord Treasurer telling me the Queen wold write to the Duke of
Argyle and Earle of Marchmount, to which last she does
frequently. And he has write this night to the EHarles of
Haddington and Merchmount. His Lordship is very glaid that
those wrote by the Queen and himselfe to the Marquis of
Montross were acceptable, as your Lordship writs they were;
and wishes those sent on Friday may please as well, which were
cheiffly to press the forwarding the grand affaire with as much
convenient dilligence as the nature of it will admitte off. I hope
they will be approved off. I long much to have it over.

Mr. Taomas Funzarron to the Hart or Mar,

1706, November 5. Mr. Eaglesfield’s in Cecill Street in the
Strand —I find amongst the English a generall disposition to
the Union and great resentments against those that oppose it.
312

And our countrymen before I came here had prepared and
signed a modest address to your Parliament on that subject, but
they were told it was needless and therefore it was not sent
down, tho’ some of them think it might have been sent to your
Lordship, and left to you to consider whether it was fit to be
presented or not.

It is comonly talkt here that the great worke you have in
hand is obstructed secretly from hence and also from the other
side of the water. But I hope you will overcome all opposition.
There must of necessity be struglings before the new birth, and
the good and great labours of Herculess (were most of them of
this nature and) were all attended with pain and difficultys. I
have on all occasions observed how zealous and capable you that
have the management of this affaire are, and how impossible it
had bin for any other set of men without your concurrance.

Tue Eart or Mar to Str Davip Narre.

1706, November 5. Edinburgh, after 12 at night—I’m so
very bad of the cold and a sore throat that I am not able to say
much. I know you have full accounts from others, particularly
my Lord Montrose whose letter I saw, and allso the minuts and
other necessary papers, so ’tis the less matter for my not writing
fully. On Munday in Parliament things hapned very near as I
wrote by the last flying pacquet. The opposers were going on in
their wonted course, evry one of them speaking a dozen of
times always pretending to have new matter. But after they
had all spoken oftner than the rules of the House allow, we made
the Chancellor stand his ground and keep them to order by our
supporting him, which cost some of us a great deal of wrangling
and loud speaking ; but we could not have done it without doing
so, else we had not been heard, their lungs are so good and they
make so much use of them. We forced Bellhaven to give over
speaking first, and then the Duke of H[amilton], much to their
mortification, and at last got to the vote, which we carry’d
by 82. A good plurality, but fewer than we expected. What
with the addresses and the humor that’s now in the country
against the Union, several members left us, tho’ I’m hopefull
many of them will come about again. But I beleive who were
with us in this vote will be staunch. Some people left us
which we did by no means expect, particularly Glencairn and
Buchan, who had spoke as firmly to us formerly on this measure
as we cou’d wish. What’s the reason of their doing so I cannot
comprehend, but certainly pains has been taken to debauch
them. We shall try to retrieve them, tho’ I confess I have not
great hopes of succeeding; but if we do not, tho’ they be both
my cousins, ’m sure I shall never speak to save them, and no
body can blame the Queen for using them as they deserve.
They did not so much as tell us before hand of their intending
to do so, which was not fair. Lauderdale came not near the
House for some days bypast, and when he comes I’m affraid
he'll be against us. His lady has great power with him,
and so has she with Glencairn, who is her cousin. She
813

is very ill affected to the Union, and s0 I believe their
cariage is chiefly owing to her. Glencairn had not got his letter
of pension, and now we must think before it be given. If the
minuts be not particular enough, I’ll endeavour to send you a
list of Parliament marked how evry man voted. Just as the
vote was beginning and the Duke of Athole entered his protest,
the Duke of H[amilton] said he had a concern which his familly
was concern’d in, and if he might protest afterwards he would
not then trouble the House with it, but if not he wou’d enter it
now. Evry body were so desireous of coming to the vote and
fearing some new debate that he was told he might protest
afterwards; so he still reserves it. You will easily know that it
is the right he pretends to the Scots Crown after King James
6th’s heirs. You think we proceed slowly and will now proceed
faster. But were you here you woud be convinced that it is not
in our power, and “tis very fair we do as we do, evry thing
considered ; so our work will not very quickly be over. I hope
notwithstanding of this we'll carry it. But people who wish
well to the Union and will go thorow stitch think that there will
be a necessity of explaining the Excise, the Salt, the Drawbacks,
and some other things on Trade; but you'll see this more
clearly by the memorial which I hope will be ready to go by this
express. Our friends with you wou'd considder in time if those
things will go down, and in what manner ’tis best to put them.
If they will not ’tis needless for us to strugle to pass the thing
which wou’d not do in England afterwards.

I’m glad the Queen resents the mob so much and folleys
people are like to commit here. There’s a great confluence of
people in this place, and when the Parliament meets people on
the streets look pretty mobish, especially when it sits late. The
Duke of H{amilton] gets a huzza yet evry night he comes
from the House, and some other people get names not very
agreeable, so you see the humor people are in. The Kirk
are still like to go mad, which is not a small occasion
of this; and the Advocat, tho’ he does not vote against us,
yet underhand does a great deal, and we are assured that some
places if not most of the country are to rise. It is publickly
talked that the Comissioner will never live to touch this Act,
and ’tis but too much to be feared that there is some villanous
design in hand not only against him but others, and I wish I
had not too good ground to believe this. However, we are not
soon fear’d; we'll go on and I hope defeat these divelish
designs. I’m sure we have a good cause and must stand by it.
We are not a little incouradged with the support the Queen is
resolved to give us. I confess I do not so much comprehend
any rising as some villany, for there’s people here capable of
anything. But I can tell you no more of this, at least for some
time. J suppose now our friends and evry body else with you
will have no more doubts about Annandale. The Justice Clerck
never fails to answer him when he speaks in the House, and
now I believe will not scruple to write freely of him; so ’tis
needless for me to say any more about him. Most of those

o~

‘
314

who are Jacobitishly inclin’d join’d with Annandale in his
resolve, so you see they wou’d do anything to defeat the Union.
Tho’ we have carry’d this vote we are far from having ended
our business; but the Queen and our friends standing by the
measure and supporting us will, ’m very hopefull, make it
succeed, tho’ it cost some time. To-morrow we are to be on
the Church Act. There will be great endeavours to stuff it with
such things that cannot pass in England, but I hope we'll
prevent that, tho’ I’m affraid that we will be weakest on this
point. We'll endeavour to give this Act a first reading to-
morrow as it is, and then go to the Cess which is absolutely
necessary. You may be sure, and you may assure evry body
of it, that we shall lose no time we can help, but proceed as fast
as we possibly can. We are now too far dipt to look back, and
I must do the new party the justice to acknowledge they act
very heartily in this measure. My letter is now much longer
than I intended, and I am not able really to write any more, so
T leave it to others to give you ane account of the meeting of the
Burrows and the Commission of the Assembly.

November 6.—I had a letter from Sir John McLean some
days ago desiring me to speak to the Duke of Argyll to consent
to his coming to Scotland. The Duke has nothing to say against
it on any account of his own as he tells me, but the Queen’s
servants are all of opinion that his coming here during the time
of the Parliament might be inconvenient to the Queen’s service,
which I have wrote to him, and you wou’d tell her Majesty and
my Lord Treasurer of this.

Ihave sent you all the minuts that are printed and seven
pamphlets. Belhaven’s speech is beside, which I believe you
will think the most impertinent paper ever you saw.

12 at night—————The memoriall not being fully reddy
to-day before the time of going to the House the flying pacquet
was delay’d til to-morow morning. To-day in Parliament after
wrangling a long time about some adresses and adjusting the
minuts, the Act for the Church was read, and a first reading
markt on it; and then the Act for the Supplie, and a first
reading markt on it too; so that we advanced as farr as we
cou’d expect to-day. We had severall things to manadge out of
House to-morow, so were adjourned to Frayday. The force of
adresses are now very near over, and if once the Church Act and
Cess were over I’m hopefull the countrie will gether their wits
again. Mr. Fullerton is at London e’er now; pray get our
friends to take notice of him, for he was very usefull here. Give
him my service. I’m sure he’ll be surprized with the humour
that has appeard against the Union since he left us; but after
all the adresses come in, which have been mightily solicited.
I’m sure the fourth of the nation either in substance or numbers
will not be found against it. You shall have the printed list of
Parliament as they voted by the nixt post and as they were
adjusted in the House to-day. I’m as sleepie now as I was
last night at this time, so adieu. I’m hopefull to reclaime
Glencairne. Copy.
815

Str Davip Narrne to the Haru or Mar.

; 1706, November 7. Whitehall—yYour lordship cannot
imagine how earnest the Queen and evrie body here are to know
of what passes. The author of the Flying Post designs all the
mischieff that he can, particularly that paper of Saturday last
about Salton, for instead of askeing pardon of the House he
makes Salton use the Treaters worse, and the turn he gives
to the Earle of Arrall’s protestation. If you will give me
authority I will complain of him. I beg the favour of your
lordship to let Mr. Raite send me evrie post two coppys of
the minuts as they are printed, for its necessary I keep one and
the other I give amongst friends.”

Tue Earu or Mar to Srr Davin Narrene.

1706, November 7. Edinburgh.—The Memoriall was to alter
in severall things which has taken all this day to do, so the
flyeing packquet could not be dispatched sooner. It fell well out
that Montroses’s letter went by Tewsday’s post (which was by
chance) for it will certainlie be with you before this. The
memoriall is full so I need not say much upon it, but it is by
the joynt oppinion of the Queen’s servants. I wish with all
my heart that these things proposed by it may be agreed to, for
unless they be I have but small hoaps of success.

The Commissione of the Assemblie have this day gone on in
their own way. They declair that it is their oppinion that no
churchman shou’d bear any ceivill office, and that it is contrair
to the Covenant, therefore that they cou’d not be sillent lest it
shou’d be thought that they consented to the 26 bishops sitting
in the Parliament of Brittane. This with some other things are
to be layed before the Parliament to-morrow in an address from
them, which shall be sent you. Rothes, Jerviswood, the Justice
Clerk, and some others dissented from and enter’d their protests
against it, but it was carried by fourtie votes. Mr. Carstairs
has acted avery good pairt all allong, and is sensible of their
follie. My Lord Minto, who you know better by the nam of
Sir Gilbert Elliot, was one of the most violent for the adress,
which I confess is but what I ever expected from him. One
thing I most say for the Kirk, that,if the Union fail it is oueing
to them, and since it is so they act fairlie in takeing the burden
upon themselves; but if they will be able to bear it I shall not
determine. When all this is done I beleive it will not alter five
of our side in Parliament, so I’m not yett much affraid. Wee
have nothing to do but to stand by the measure, which I’m sure
some of us, and I beleive all, will doe to the last. I doubt not
but the Queen will continew resolat in the measure of the
Union, and so I still reckon on its succeeding, tho’ it may coast
some time. I’m shure wee can have no settlement without it,
for though the succession were made the measure that those
who were Jacobitish now seem to joyn in, yett if it were they
wou’d jostle it out again with the Unien or a Treatie.
816

There was a storie in toun to-day that the Incorporationes
were to adress against the Union. And I know their has been
great paines taken to make them do it; but they have not yett
consented to doe so, and probablie they will not. But if they
should it would be insufferable, and the Queen behoved of
necessitie to remove the Judicatories and the Parliament from
this to Stirling, which would make the toun repent of their
follie. And this has been done severall times before. But it is
needless to say more of this till wee see how they adress.

If wee loose not the morrow by reading adresses I hope wee
shall pass the Cess, which will putt us more out of reverence,
and I hope will by that be a spurr tothe Union. I have wryt
to no body else by this packquet, so you may read this to my
Lord Treasurer if he has so much tim. We'll long for ane
answer to the memoriall. Copy.

Sir Davin Narrne to the Haru or Mar.

1706, November 9. Whitehall.—I had the flying pacquett of
the 3d just as I had sealed my letters last post. I in the first
place wish your Lordship joy of your young son and my Ladys
soe good health. The Queen made your Lordship a complyment
upon my reading your letter. She asked me if he was the only
son and what his title was, neither of which I could answer.
be ate es We conclude certainly that the first Article of the
Treaty is approved because if it had been otherways I suppose a
flying pacquett wold have come. People here being as ignorant
of our constitution as of our humors wonders mightyly why any
such long delays can be in the House before bringing to a vote,
because here in the House a member is to speak but once. I
hope the ley elders will gett the affaire of the Church rightly
adjusted, and then its supposed here that humors will turne a
litle to the better. Your Lordship, as well as some I have had
from the Karle of Cromertie, gave me occasion to speak both to
my Lord Treasurer and other Lords about the drawbacks on
hereon and oatmeall, etc., and they all think noe seruple should
be made in the articles for any of these objections, for that they
are confident upon the representation of these to a Parliament
of Brittain they must be soe remedyed as is most for the
advantage of the whole Island. And they say there may be
twenty other particular commoditys not mentioned that must
be incouraged in one place more than ane other, as shall
appear most for the interest of the whole. I long to see my
Lord Belhaven’s visionary spech. My Lord, I finde many, ney
most of our countrie men who live here are for sending ane
address to the Parliament shewing the great benefits will arise
by the Union, and entreating and praying the House to forward
the same as what is the greatest good that can be done for the
nation. They have had severall meetings about it, but I will
not be seen in it, lest if it goe on some malitious people might
think it a Court project or that I put them on it as being
advised from thence. There are just now two of their number
317

come to desire I wold acquent your Lordship with it, and if you
think it will be of any use they will dispatch as speedyly as they
can. I am mightily pleased that the equivalent is likely to hold
good. I wrote befor that Doctor Gregorie was ready on a call,
but I told the termes, and if he is sent for I beg that noething
may be left to me, but let it bea positive direction one way or
other. . . . . . . . I wish your Lordship would resolve
whether anything is to_be done to the author of the Flying Post.
I never heard anything of the story he tells of the passes at
Stirling’s being guarded to prevent the comeing doun of the
Highlanders.

Tue Fart or Mar to Sir Davin Naren.

1706, November 10. Edinburgh—When wee wmett in
Parliament on Fryday we went on the Church Act. The
address from the Commissione which I wryt of last was
presented and read, and I have sent you a coppie of it inclosed.
The opposeing pairtie proposed to delay the Church Act untill
this address was printed, and wou’d have had the Parliament
ordering it to be printed. But this wee wou’d not agree to.
After some debeat the Duke of Athole spoke for the ordering the
address to be printed and for delayeing the Church Act for that
day, and proposed to goe on the Cess Act. After som more
debeat we proposed to delay the Church Act for that day, but to
order nothing about the printing of the address, and in the
mean tim to goe upon the Act for Cess; and this was yealded
to. So the Act was read, and the blanks filled up without much
debeat. There is a month att this Martimes, a month and a
half at Candlemiss, as much att Whitsonday, the lyke att
Lambas, and so att Martimes nixt, and a moneth att Candlemiss
therafter, in all eight months. The arrears and cloathing
oweing to the armie from October, 1705, to October, 1706, is
order’d to be payed out of it,.and a month of it appropriat to
the frigats and berlins. Wee cou’d not propose more at that
tim, both for the poor conditione of the countrie and people
wou’d not have gon allong with us. The month for ships is
leitle, and will make their cruse short, so maney people are
inclyning to give half a month more for them. Yesterday my
Lord Marishall, tho’ he had voted against the Cess Act, gave in
a proposall for this, which is to be considered afterwards. The
Cess att other times was thought a victorie. I think now it was
a verie good daye’s work for now wee are more out of reverence,
come of our bussiness what will; and it pleases the troops,
so makes them sure to us. There was a storie putt throw the
toun that wee had given over the grand affair, and were now
asking Cess, and then that the Parliament was to be adjourned.
This I reallie beleive made the Cess Act go the more
unanimous; but now they feind themselves mistaken. Wee
satt again yesterday, and after reading some addresess proceeded
to the Church Act, as you’l see by the scrole of the minuts,
which the Register sends you. We had tuo votes, and carried
them both. Att last it grew dark and wee were adjourned till
818

Tewsday ; and then I hope we'll finish this Act. But the
opposers will doe what they can to load it so that it may not pass
in England. I have sent you the overtur for this Act as it was
given in and the tuo minuts which have been printed since
those you gott last and the list of Parliament as wee voted.
Glencarne and Buchann voted with us yesterday, but Lauther-
daill both spoke and voted against us in everie thing. When
wee finish the Church Act wee are to returne to the artickles,
and we'll have a batle to feight then, for the opposers intend
to begin with the 4th artickle and to leave the 2d and 38d
to the last. But we most by no means yeald to this for maney
reasones, so are resolved to batle it. I’m afraid we’ll be weaker
upon this point than any, tho’ I hope we'll carrie it; and if wee
doe I beleive we'll grow stronger everie day. The handiecrofts
men in Glasgow muster’d last week ; notwithstanding of their
being discharged by the majestrats they marched throw the
toun with this inscription on their hatts, No incorporating
Union, and then dissipat without doing any insolence. I have
sent you a list of Parliament and those who are absent marked.
Pray gett an effectuall ansuer to this express as soon as possible,
but wryt it to non of us but Glasgow. I have sent you a papper
concerning the Union which is called about the streets here,
by which you’l see the malicious turn some people give to it;
and also instructiones from the toun of Dumbartone to their
representative. Copy.

THe EKaru of Mar to Sir Davin Narre.

1706, November 12. Edinburgh—-By this flyeing pacquets
being delayed till this night it will now bring you an account of
this dayes proceedings, with which I’m shure you will be verie
well pleased. You know the great rock wee were most afraid to
spleet on was the Church; and notwithstanding of all the paines
and endeavours that have been taken to delude people on that
score, yett wee have this day carried the act secureing the
Presbiterian Church government as now by law established in
Scotland after the Union with verie leitle alteratione from the
overture for that act which I send you in my other letter. My
Lord Belheiven offered a clause to be added to it freeing Scots
men from the sacremental test in England after the Union. It
was long and stronglie debeat, and att last brought to the vote,
add the clause or not, and carried Not by 89 votes. All those
who used to oppose and were in the House faild not to be for
adding the clause. My Lord Annandale spoke earnestlie and
voted for adding it. Lothian and severall others of our people
were not in the House, and some of our people who were in it
did not vote, and yett wee carried it by a good plurallitie.
Glencairne voted with us in this vote, but Buchan and Lauther-
daile were against us, and so was Galloway to my astonishment.
Craufoord did not vote. Severalls of the opposers were out of the
House too, and Mr. Lockhart and others. There were some
more clauses offer’d, but not insisted long on. Then the question
was putt Approve the Act or no; but before calleing of the roles
319

Belheaven entred a protest, which you will see in the minuts,
and severalls adheared to it. Likewayes before the vote it was
proposed that everie man’s name should be markt as he voted,
so that they might afterwards be printed; which was done, and
you shall have them when they come from the press. Wee
carried this vote I believe by 74. Severalls who voted against
the act did not adhear to the protestatione. Buchan and som
others who had been against us in the last vote you may
perceave by the great pluralitie were with us in this. This
affair is well over and now I hope the ministers and populace
will be pleased and the humor against the Union abait. I must
confess I hardlie expected that this act wou’d have passed with
so few amendments. We are adjourned till Thursday, which
was neccessar in order to prepair people for the nixt point
before us, which is the 2d and 3d artickles to be taken into
consideratione before the 4th or any other. Wee are takeing
all the paines in this wee can with everie body, and I hope wee’ll
carrie it, but I’m affraid wee will be weaker upon that than any
thing wee have had yett. If wee gett at the 2d and 3d artickles
first, which I hope wee will, I beleive wee will not have much
difficultie in carrying them. By the Thursdays post you shall
know what wee gett done in this matter.

I must doe the Justice Clerk the justice to tell you that he
behaved this day as he has done all along verie firm to us. My
Lord Duppline was sent for to the countrie on Sunday last to
see his 2d son who is lyke to die of a fever, so that you will not
see his nam in the printed list of this day. I think you verie
much in the right to complean of Ridpath for his telling that
affair of Salton’s falslie; and the Queen’s whole servants here
are of that oppinione, and I was to wryt to you of it, tho’ you
had said nothing of it to me. Therfor pray doe it and gett him
sensured. The postman had it prittie fair, but not so expreslie,
as Saltone said he was sorie for it and beged the favour of the
house and any body he had reflected on. Ridpaths account of it
is intollerable, and in all his accounts of our proceedings he
putts them in the most unfavourable light that can be. Copy.

Sir Davin Narrne to the Earn or Mar.

1706, November 14.—Your Lordship knows the Queen has
many good qualitys, and she has one properly belonging to
her sex, tenderness. She is extreamly concerned for the
Commissioner and all of you for fear of some villanous designs,
and she earnestly recommends to take all the necessary caire
that is possible. Your Lordship’s last insinuats as if some
discovery were made or makeing, and the toun has it that there
is a designed assassination discovered. Noe body can be too
carfull in such times; yet the sending about letters seems
rather a designe to frighten. I doe assure you the Queen and
all here will support her servants. A letter yeasterday from the
Earl of Cromertie says, too, there is greater reasons of fear then
any of the servants will give account of here lest it be thought
timorousness in them. The Queen had resolved a good while
820

agoe not to let Sir John goe doun at this time, and I beleive
he will not venture without leive. The proposall of D [uke]
H[{amilton]’s protestation is both laughd and wondered at. I
reckon if the House were to take the Mar [ | of 8
proposall under their consideration the Duke’s protest wold be
good and made against the Setlement. It was talked here
that he had entered a caveat to the Prince of Hanover’s title
of Cambridge. I have inquired into it and can assure you that
one from him was at the Hearaulds office about it to make some
stop as to the armoreall ensigns, and they at that office wrote to
the Secretary of State about it. It’s said he presented the toun
of Preston in Lankyshire with a mace, and ane inscription on
it, Ex Dono Jacobi Ducis de Hamilton, et Comitis de Cambridge.
I have spoak with a friend of his about this, and he gives for
reason that upon his mother’s resignation on his new signature
from King William he is called soe. Your Lordship can know
the truth of this from the records. I hear the Earl of
‘Abercorn is teyred there and comeing away. He loves to be
taken notice of.

Srr Davin Narene to the Haru or Mar.

1706, November 14. Whitehall—Last post I said but litle,
hopeing to have sent a pacquett yeasterday. with the answer to
the memoriall. My Lord Treasurer and other Lords are at
great pains about it to have it for your satisfaction there,
agreeable here, and coresponding to the articles as neer as is
possible; soe that it taks some time to have it soe done, and
therfore can not get it ready till the morrow. And lest there be
then a longer delay I say now what I have to your Lordship.

The addresses does not give soe much uneasyness as the turne
the Commission of the Kirk has taken. I must beg leive to aske
your Lordship a question which indeed noe body has yet asked
me. Whey has there not been some pains taken to gett counter
address from some places? I hope there wold be as many and as
good hands at them as at the other. It wold have been of
mighty use here, for I finde people here, I mean coffee house
company, begin to droop or dispond to hear of soe much doeing
against the Union without doors and soe litle for it. What is it
to that has given thigturne to the clergy of a sudden, and what
has blinded the borrows to make them oppose there oun interest?
Searse any body here believes that my Lord Belhaven made
that speech, or at lest said it all in the House. It is a very odd
one. Lvrie body here as well as I are convinced of the difficultys
your Lordship and the Queen’s servants have and are like to
have in this matter. Yet they think that the manner of
opposition without dors should be good reasons to proceed faster
in the House. Noe body can pretend to aske time for there
information. Buchans and Giencarns cariages are very odd; I
hope there is not fear of more. I thought the other had got
new teys latly. The Queen is very glaid the others pension was
not given him.
321 ek

Ture Tarnu or Mar to Sik Davin Narene.

1706, November 14. Edinburgh.—To-day in the House the
debate was whether we should begin with the 2d article of
the Treaty in the terms the Register proposed (which I have
sent inclosed) or the fourth. The debate lasted till it was
allmost dark, and at last we got it to the vote and carry’d
to begin with the 2d by 26 votes, which we will do to-morrow,
for it was too late to enter upon it to-night. Now since we have
got at it I believe the greatest difficulty is over. In my last I
told you that I was affraid that this vote would run narrow, for
severals who will go in to the succession when once terms of the
Union are explain’d and adjusted to their minds, yet would not
join with us in voting the succession first tho’ in the terms
proposed, which you will think odd; but so whymsical people
are here whom we have to manadge. Most of the Morray
squadron failed us who used mostly to be with us. Glencairn
was with us, but Buchan and Galloway were against us. I can
say nothing for my friend Buchan, but when it shall be thought
a fit time to dispose of his place to ane other I’m sure I shall
say nothing against it; only if that be thought fit I wou’d
recomend ane other of my name and a member of Parliament
who has been right all along this session to succeed him.
Lauderdale was against us too, and I believe will continue so.
But it is needless to particularize any more since our names
are to be printed as we voted, which I shall send you. Notwith-
standing of many people’s being against us in this vote which we
might have expected to be for us, yet you see the plurality was
not despicable.- And now since this article is allmost over, I
hope our work shall be much easyer after this than if we had
left this article last as our opposers would have had done.
Youw’ll see the Marquis of Annandale’s name in the print with
those who were against us, so I need say no more of them.
Kineardin or Broomie overeat himself yesterday, as I am told, so
could not come to the House to be against us, as he certainly
would have been in this as well as in evry thing else. We
think here that this day’s proceedings is a piece of a victory;
I hope you will think so too. Tho’ it costs time we have lost
nothing yet, nor will we, I hope, if we get a good answer to the
memoriall which was sent by the flying pacquet before the last.
As for trusting to the Parliament of Britain for rectifications it
does not sound well here at present; and except those of us who
were treaters I’m affraid few will be willing to do it. By which
you may see how necessary the memorial was, and how much
reason we have to wish for a satisfying answer to. it.

I believe the Comissioner and Duke of Argyle will not give
out the commissions you sent for the Horse Guards till after
the Parliament.

The inclosed signature-and revignation we were forced to send
up or else lose Killmarnock. The Comissioner said he was to
write to you about it, so I shall say the less, but we told
Killmarnock how great difficulty the Queen would have in

U
322

granting it, and I believe there needs be no great hast in it.
_. [have sent you Defoe’s 4th essay. He is still here. I’m not
acquainted with him, but he really takes a great deall of pains
in this affair. I have allso sent you ane other pamphlet
concerning the Union. I’m told it is wrote by Mr. Clerck, one
of our comissioners of the Treaty. Receive allso Mr. Seaton’s
speech which he read in the House that same day Beilhaven
made his. I’m now so hungry that I’m forced to give over;
but pray send me some of the pamphlets concerning the Union
printed at London both pro and con. . . . . . . The
Comissioner has been very much indispos’d to-day ; I wish he
may be able to come to the House to-morrow.

Since writing I have seen some people and I’m affraid of
some more difficulty in carrying the 3d article before the 4th
than I expected. But yet I’m hopefull of our carrying it, tho’
perhaps it will not be to-morrow.

There has been a litle mob at Glasgow, which I believe is now
over. Those people have allways been mobishly inclined, and
at this time their ministers have stir’d them up and fomented
them not a litle, as I’m told. Copy.

Sir Davin Narrwne to the Haru or Mar.

1706, November 16. Whitehall—aAll here are very desireous
to give satisfaction to all that are friends to the Union in all
particulars, especially these contain’d in the memoriall; but
how to doe any thing by way of addition or explanation to any
of the Articles of Treaty is hard. They think it may endanger
the whole. Particularly stipulating a premium for exportation
of oatmeall, for that is payt out of the customes. And first
there can be noe computation what it wold amount to yearly,
and next it wold alter the whole calculation of the equivalent on
that revenue. Yet its thought very reasonable that ane
allowance shou’d be made in proportion to what is here on oats.
As to laws for prohibiting the importation from Ireland, its
thought the containowing of them is not inconsistent with any
Articles of the Treaty.

Sir Davin Narrne to the Fart or Mar.

1706, November 16.—The Treasurer told me he had gota
very impertinent letter from Lord Belhaven with his speech,
to which he has write ane answer that will not be very satisfying,
as his Lordship says. He would fain be sure of the delivery of
it, yet had a doubt whether to send it by me for fear it should
look as if conserted. Therfor I intend to send it under a covert
to Pencatland and inclosed in your Lordship’s this night by the
common post. The cover is not seal’d; if you approve of that
way your Lordship will seall the cover and send it, or if any
person is more propper to send it to, your Lordship will doe it.
I told my Lord Treasurer I wold take this way ; and this notice
will caution your Lordship not to open the pacquet when many
1s present.
823
THe Ear oF Mar to Sir Davin Narrene.

1706, November 16. Edinburgh.—Yesterday in Parliament
wee had more strugling to pass the 2d Artickle of the Treatie
than I expected after what had happned the day before; but
wee gott throw it att last and that Artickle was aproven with
the reservatione that I wryt of in my last. At the begining
of the debeat yesterday the Marquis of Annandale said that
he had offer’d two resolves some tim agoe; he desired the last
of them shou’d be read, which is satleing the successione on
limitationes, which he thought was the onlie way it cou’d be
done, and that voteing it as an artickle of ane incorporating
Union was putting such a slur on the protestand successour that
wou'd not be in our power to remidie. He was seconded by
the Duke of Hamilton and most of that side. The Duke of
Hamilton some tim after that made a long speech and addrest
himself to the Commissioner, which was never done before
and is contrair to the rules of the House. I cannot mind
all he said, but it was representing to him that he might
lay it before her Majestie the humour of the countrie against
this Union, which appeared by the addresses, and that everie
body was willing to setle the protestand successor, which if her
Majestie knew he doubted not but she wou’d be pleased to give
a recess, and after that to call the Parliament again for sattling
the successione; and otherwayes he was afraid of troubles here
and of a civill war. The Commissioner made him no ansuer,
but pointed to speak to the Chancellor, which he afterwards did
much to the same purpose, and concluded that the Parliament
shou’d address the Queen for a recess. He was seconded by
Balhaven (who made a long speech too), the Duke of Athole,
Marquis of Annandale, Fletcher, and most of that pairtie. This
was spoke too a long tim. The Queen’s servants and all who
are for the Union spoake against it. I said that to me this
propoasall lookt verie odd; that the Parliament had alreadie
voted that we shou’d take the 2d artickle under our consideration,
so I thought wee were obleidged to give our oppinion on it
before any thing else. As for the recess that was proposed wee
shou’d address, all the reasone I heard adduced for it was the
humour of the countrie, which was known by the addresses from
severall pairts. This I thought no reasone att all, for the storie
of the addresses was verie well known. ‘They were procured by
people mostlie disafected to the Government, and they had been
industrious to misinforme people of the termes of the Union and
aver’d manifest falshoods; that those who had addrest were
mostlie of the commonallitie, and some of them forced to signe
them; that noe body cou’d say that the nationes inclinationes
was knowen by those addreses, for the quarter of it had not
sign’d them. But tho’ a great deall more had, what did it
signifie. I was not for dispising them, but giveing all the
regaird to them they deserved. They had addrest the Parlia-
ment it is true against an Union as is agreed by the Treatie, and
desired that the Parliament wou’d not goe heastilie into it. It
824

was certaine they did not understand it, nor were they capable
nor fitt- judges. The Parliament was the fitt judge to consider
of the terms of the Union before us, which certainlie they ought
and wou’d doe. If they saw reason to approve them they wou'd
surlie doe it. If ther was found any thing in them wrong it
would be alter’d. If any thing wanted to be explained it wou’d
be done; and after all was gone throw if the Parliament lykt
not the whole it was in their power to throw it out; and if they
lykt it, ib wou’d be approven. This was the way to see whither
or not those addresers were in the right or if they were
misinformed and knew not what they did. And what ever
the Parliament did I doubted not but wou’d convince the
addresers and the whole nation of the reasonableness of
it; and that as I doubted not of their addressing dutyfully
so I as leitle doubted of their aquiescing to whatever the
Parliament determined. Wheras otherwayes if the Parlia-
ment shou’d address the Queen for a recess upon the
addreses from the countrie without considering every artickle
of the Treatie, this was makeing the addresers the Parliament’s
masters, and the Parliament wou’d be to blaim not to consider
whither the addresers were in the right or not; if in the right
to be of their opinion, and if in the wrong it was their duety to
bring them out of the mistake, and not to address the Queen as
if the Parliament were in the same opinion with the addresers
without considering the termes. I aded further that I had
alwayes been for keeping the successione open that wee might
see if it were possible to gett an Union by sattleing it, and it
had now the good effects that a Treatie of Union was laid before
us. Therfor I thought it our duetie to our Queen, our countrie,
and posterity to consider it cairfullie, and if wee found it good
for us to goe into it, and if otherwayes to lay it aside and settle
the successione in the Protestant line as England had done,
which cou’d now no longer be deferred. As to the civill war
that some members threatned us with, perhaps (said I) I am not
one of the stoutest members amongst us, and yett I saw no
reasone to be affraid; but suppose ther were, ought not everie
honest man to doe conforme to his conscience and to goe on to
serve his countrie in getting a happy settlement for it notwith-
standing of any bugbear that’s thrown in his way. Upon all
which I thought the Parliament shou’d goe on to consider the
2d artickle and so on to the rest, and previous to anything
else to give their opinion of this 2d artickle which is before
them; and if that did not carrie it was then tim to take the
motione made by the Marquis of Annandale under con-
sideratione. Ther was a great deall more said by others.
Enster made a long speech, and told us since wee had heard
of visions he wou’d tell us of one to counter the other; but
it’s too long to wryt. Dougall Stewart, Earle of Bout’s brother,
said the Act of Parliament satling the succession on the
nearest of blood behoved first to be reshinded, and that if the
Duke of Savoy offer’d his son and he turned Protestant he had
certainlie the right to succeed. This was plain dealling, and the
325

mind of a great maney of our opposers, tho’ they doe not tell it
so plainlie. At last wee cam to state the vote. Lord Belhaven
proposed it to be Approve the artickle or Address, and was
seconded by all that pairtie; but wee said their behoved to be
an yea or noe on the artickle, so wee proposed Approve or not.
This was debeat a long tim, and att last the vote was putt what
should be the question frst or second, ours the first and
Belhaven’s the 2d. The ist carried by 65. When that was
over wee called for the vote upon the artickle as had carried.
But Fletcher was full of a studied speech and so wou’d interupt
the calling of the vote untill he spoke to the artickle. But this
wee wou’d not allow of, because the debeat was closed. He
was seconded by Duke Hamilton and all his pairtie. Wee wou’d
hear non of them speak; and so with their bauleing to be heard
and ours to stope them the Houss cam in a great confusione.
After wee sattled a leitle, some proposed the reading of the tuo
Acts of the English Parliament mentioned in the 2nd artickle,
which for quiet wee yealded to upon their agreeing to vote
imediatlie after whither the vote upon the artickle snou’d be
called or delayed, which was done and carried by a good
plurality to proceed. Before calleing the vote upon the artickle
my Lord Marishall entred a protest and took instruments on it
(which the Register sends you) in his oun name and those who
wou’d adhear to him. Then the vote was call’d and the artickle
was approven by a plurality of 58. Our names as wee voted are
to be printed, so I shall say leitle of particular peoples voteing.
Only Annandale, notwithstanding of all he had done this
Parlifament] and what he said to-day, that voteing the
succession in ane artickle of the Union was putting such a
slur on the Houss of Hannover as wee cou’d not afterwards
remidie, yett he voted approve. IJ know not how he will behave
afterwards, and it is much doubted here, but a litle tim will try.

Wee were adjourned till Munday, and then wee will be on the
8d artickle. I beleive wee will have some dificultie in getting
it approven, but I hope wee will carrie it too; and then I think
the hardest of our work is over; and I doubt not but wee will gett
the Treatie approven (tho’ it take time) if we gett a favourable
answer to the Memorial, which we long verie much for. I
reckone the last tuo dayes verie materiall ones, which made me
wryt the fuller. I have not troubled the Treasurer att this tim,
therefore you would shoe this to him and lykewayes give the
Queen an account of it, if she has not tim to hear it read. For
our friends satisfactione if any of them wou’d be fullie informed
you may shoe it them, for it’s true matter of fact.

Ther has a mob hapend at Glasgow, mostlie occasioned by
the preaching of their ministers. But I know my Lord Montrose
wryts to you by this post, and he being acquainted in that place
by liveing in it I leave it to him, who has promised to give you
an account of it. I hope it will prove nothing and quicklie be
over. Wee have no more forces than is sufficient to guard this
place, so can send non ther tho’ it were expedient, which I doubt
if it were. But in my opinione the best way is to lett them cool

é 4 ‘ of
326

in the same skinn they grew hott in, as the proverb is, and after
the stirr is over to punish the ringleaders who are knowen.
The provost or mair is a very honest man, and had they gott
him in their hands they had certainlie tore him in pices, but he
esceapt and is com here. They riffled his house; so all the
Queen’s servants are of oppinione that the Queen shou’d order
the Treasurie to pay him an hundred pounds, and for that end
I have sent you inclosed a scatch of a letter from the Queen to
the Treasurie.

As to the storie which Ridpath has in his print about
guarding the passes about Stirling, there’s nothing of it but
this, that ther was quarter’d at Stirling a regiament of foot, and
when they were all called in here to toun three troups of
dragouns who lay at Perth were ordered to remove to Stirling.
But that fellow Ridpath as I told you before putts everie thing
here in the worst light it can bear, so pray complean of him and
gett him punished.

Last night before the Parliament rose it was dark, and as the
Commissioner went to the Abie, the Chancellor and the Duke of
Argyle being in the coach with him, ther was som stones
throun att his coach. One of the guards were hurt; but it
being dark it cou’d not be knowen from whence the stones cam,
but som of them falling upon the rooff of the coach it is
probable that they cam from windoues.

As to that address from our countriemen receiding at London
to the Parliament, pray forward it and lett it be sent doun to
some of us as soon as possible to be presented or not as wee
judge fitt; for I’m just now of the opinion that it wou’d be of
service. Tom Couts has wryt doun some letters here, which
I’m told has been of good use amongst the mertchants. But it’s
incredible to beleive how ignorant our mertchants are even
about trade any where out of this kingdome. Copy.

Sir Davin Narrye to the Eart or Mar.

1706, November 19. Whitehall—The Duke of Marlborough
came last night, and this day my Lord Treasurer did appoint
me, but he was soe taken up with his Grace and twice at
Councell that I could get noe time of his Lordship. I read what
was propper of your letters to the Queen. She and others at
Court think the gitting of the Cess a verye considerable advance ;
but I must say amongst other people the grand affair is soe
much in their head that the Cess is hardly talked off. The Act
for security of the Church being over gives very great satis-
faction, and the alterations are rather amendments than
otherwayes.

Tue Eart or Mar to Sir Davin Narene.

1706, November 19. Edinburgh.—Sir, I have received yours
of the 12th and 14th. You wou’d know by mine of the 16th
that the Parliament was to be on the 8d artickle of the Treatie
B27

yesterday, which it was. The debeat upon it lasted the whole
day till it was dark, but the particular procedor you’l know by
the minuts which the Register sends you. People were not
keept long in suspense what pairt the Marquis of Annandale
wou’d act after his approveing the 2d artickle; for as you’! see
att large in the minuts he entered a protest against the 3d
artickle in as weightie termes and as much suited to the humour
of the populace here as he cou’d feind out. And he had
conserted it with the heads of the opposeing pairtie, which
appeared by the Duke of Atholl’s speaking of a protest that he
said was to be made. Then the vote was goeing to be called,
and before Annandale had spoke of it. Some tim therafter
his lordship of Annandale spoke fullie against the 3d artickle
and then entered his protest and took instruments on it. The
Register sends you too a list of those that adheared to this
protest, and our names as wee voted, by which you'l see that
the artickle was approven by a plurallity of 30. E[arl] of
Eglingtone, who has been with us all this Sessione, left us in
this vote. The passeing this artickle was a good dayes work,
but before wee cou’d possiblie gett it done it was dark and wee
had candles above an hour. As the Commissioner went to the
Pallace the mob on the streets threw stones at his coach and
maltreated one of his servants, Crawfoord, who was on the
streets by chance and not near his coach. Some of the stones
cam from windous; and it was so dark that-all the guards cou’d
do non of the mob was catched. This was much insolence, and
haveing been done more than once, tho’ not so much as at this
tim, that the Commissioner thought fitt to call the Queen’s
servants and other friends to the Abbie this morning and laid
the affair before them, and desired them to consider how the
actors might be discovered and punished, and how the lyke
might be prevented in tim comeing. Wee all resolved that it
should be laid before the Parliament this day, and that it
shou’d be inquyred into what had been done as to those who
had been catcht of the rablers and commited to prisone som
tim agoe that the Constable was to judge. This was accordinglie
done. No body indeed did offer to justifie the thing, nor durst
they. So it was remited to the Committie already named to
inquyre into, with power to them to call for persons and to
imprisone such of them as they thought fitt, to promise rewards
and indemnities for discovering the actors and abetors of this
affair, and to report to the Parliament; and also that they
shou’d think of fitt methods to prevent the like in time comeing.
So I hope ther will be some discoverie made in it. As to those
in prisone wee found nothing has been done, so wee order’d
them imediatlie to be prosecute. Ther’s certainlie more in all
this affair than meerlie the mob, and I hope it will som tim or
other appear. Wee are told from some places of the countrie,
especiallie the south, that ther’s a viset designed us by some
numbers in armes, and that ther has been mustering of them in
severall places is certaine. Nothing I doe reallie beleive wou’d
keep this from being putt in executione but the seasone of the
328

year and the bad wather. All the troops are scarce sufficient
to guard this place, so if ther were any riseing there is no
troups to send against them. The Queen knows this and our
circumstances already; however, you may acquant her with it
again, and her Majestie will certainlie take cair that the
Parliament sitt in saftie and be keept free from insults. If any
thing of riseing happen att all it will be prittie soon, so the
rewidie should not be delay’d. I’m hopefull now that nothing
can make the Union miscarie here but force, and it wou’d be
hard if it shou’d faill so, when the plurality of the Parliament
are for the thing and have alreadie past the most deficult things
of it.

You nor your friends with you need be surprised at nothing
that the opposeing pairtie does, after their debeating against the
4th artickle, which is the communication of trade; and this
they did to-day in the House. But before that when wee
proposed to goe upon the 4th artickle the Duke of Atholl
offer’d a clause to be aded to the 3d which wee had voted
yesterday. It was that the Parliament of Great Brittane shou’d
sitt once everie three year within that place of Brittane now
call’d Scotland. Ther was a good deale said to this, but wee
declined speaking to the subject matter of it as not comeing in
properlie into this place, and that if anything was proper to be
said or done of that kind it ought to come in when the Parlia-
ment cam upon the 22d artickle, which is about the constitutione
of the Parhament. After some debeat it was lett fall at this
tim and markt to be spoke to when wee com to the 22d artickle.
Then the 4th artickle was read and spoke against by
Fletcher and some others of them. Some of us spoke for it and
others were goeing to speak, but wee saw that the more this
artickle was spoke to the better, for wee wou’d run doun the
opposite upon it;.so wee resolved to speak to it fullie, which
cou’d not have been done this day unless wee had run ourselves
into candle light, which is inconvenient. So the Chancellor
proposed that the debeat shou’d be adjourned till next sederunt,
which was done, and then the Parliament was adjourned till
Thursday.. The Commissioner was forced not to sitt the
morrow, that the Justice Court might have time to dispatch
some things that’s before them, which keeps a great maney
people attending here in toun, which is inconvenient at this
time that wee have more companie than wee desire.

Wee long for an ansuer to the memoriall, and pray God it
may be a satisfieing one, else I confess I would be affraid of our
success. But I hope I need not be in pain about that. As for
counter-addreses, we thought it better to lett them allone, for it
is past time to gett verie maney, and few wou’d look worss than
non. As to our faster proceedings, if you were here you would
think it odd wee cou’d proceed so fast; but in tim comeing unless
wee be supported, and that effectivlie too and verie soon, you need
not expect that wee’l gett leave to proceed so fast. But that
shall not feall att our door, for wee are to farr to look back; and
tho’ we were shure to die att the end of it, some of us will stick
329

to it to the last and take our fait. I’m not verie timerous and
yet I tell you that every day here wee are in hazard of our lives,
Wee cannot goe on the streets but wee are insulted, as I
and some others were just now. But the affair shall not stick
att us. I hope the Queen will look to it in time. I'll ansuer
your other letter by the nixt, so adieu.

I send you Balhaven’s 2d speech, or more properly the Duke
of Hamilton’s and the Marquis of Annandale’s. Since wryting
of what’s within I supt att the Chancellor’s with Balhaven,
where he was baited so till even I was sorie for him. However,
all was taken in good pairt. Copy.

Siz Davin Narrne to the Eart or Mar.

1706, November 21. Whitehall—By the ordinary pacquet
yeasterday I had your Lordships of the 14th, and at night that
of the 16th by a flying pacquett. What concerned the
proceedings in Parliament I read to the Queen, which she
was mightyly pleased with, and took particular notice of the
Marquis of Annandales turne. God knows what he designs by
it, but his voteing makes us long for ane other trying vote. I
can say very litle on particulars, for since I read the pacquetts I
could not see my Lord Treasurer but a minute this morning in
the croude, and he appointed me twice to see him this day, but
fealed; and I have stayd soe late that had I much to say I could
not doe it. I finde your Lordship desirs some things about
trade and taxes to be explaind now rather then referr it to a
Brittish Parliament. I can not understand how that can be,
for tho’ I doe declaire I think the Court and other Lords most
sincere and hearty, yet I know not what they doe. For if you
make explanations and pass the Act provisionally its thought will
unhinge the whole. Besids, considder the advantage the opposers
will get if you yeald to any one that you think reasonable. They
will make it a handle and launch out to innumerable particulars.
I dare say ther is noething desired within the power of people
here to satisfy evrie body there that are friends to the Union but
what they will doe. All people here show a greater fondness of
it then ever. My Lord Malborrow made speeches to me this
morning on the subject before all the company. There is just
now very late a letter come from my Lord Treasurer to the
Chancellor.

Tue Karu or Mar to Sir Davin Natene.

1706, November 21. Edinburgh.—To-day after the Parlia-
ment the Commissioner carried me down to the Abbie to meet
with some people to consider the ansuer to the memoriall, which
cam by the flyeing packquet. I knew it would be lait before I
cam home, so J desired my brother James to give you an account
of what had past in the Houss to-day, which I hope he has done.
But ther’s a flyeing packquet designed to be sent the morrow,
and I shall wryt by it if any thing be needfull to be said more
than will be in the memoriall, which is to be sent. I perceave
330

by this night’s meeting that it will take more tim to adjust that
memoriall fully than to-morrow, so I reckon it can not be sent
of as soon as is designed. In ansuer to our last memoriall,
ther’s much said as to what the Parliament of Great Brittan
woud do, and that it’s too narrow a thought to doubt it; but
that is not the language of this place just now, and one wou’d
be staired att if they said so in the Houss. For the British
Parliament is what frights most of our Scotish members that
wee are forced to manage; so for God’s sake sett this matter in
a true light when the memoriall comes. For that ther is a
necessitie (considering our temper) to explain some things is
evident, though they be hott reallie to our advantage, else I’m
affraid the whole affair will faill, by which you may immagine
how made people here are.

I had B[elhaven]’s letter to-day by the common pacquet, and
seald the cover and took cair to have it delivered, tho’ not as
coming from me. I wish it may have good effects.

Annandale has now pulled of the mask intirelie, as you will
know by his actings thir tuo dayes bypast. His onlie companie
is the Jacobites of the opposeing pairtie. The Register carried
me to-night to a taverne as I cam from the Abbie, and after wee
had drunk a botle of wine wee were comeing away, and att the
door wee mett with some of that sett who had been with
Annandale to-night and last night too. They were verie drunk
and wou’d have us turne in again to drink one botle, which
wee were forced to doe. They regraited to us that wee had
forced them to take up even with Annandale, so wee might
judge whither or not they were hard putt to it when they took
up with him, who all the wheile they were rediculeing.

Fletcher was so angrie to-night when he saw the artickle of
communication of trade caryeing in the Houss that he run out
of it; but since they voted against this artickle you can be
surprysed at nothing afterwards.

The 5th artickle was not fully understood in the House, so
wee choised to put it of till nixt sederunt. I see we will be
forced to alter that pairt of the artickle from the signeing the
Treatie to it’s being ratified here, I can say no more now it’s
so lait, so adieu. Copy.

Sir Davip Narrne to the Haru or Mar.

1706, November 28.—I have herewith sent a paper to be
printed there which may take with many, and the title and way
of speaking will, I suppose, make more people read them. The
sooner it is published the better. I have sent with it a few
words that may be added as is directed, but I had not time to
get it wrote over again. I hope you will send five or six coppys
when printed. The smaller the price the better. Some body
must be imployd who understands the press for pointing it
right and spelling. It needs not be knowen from whence it
came. Our countriemen were goeing on with their address, but
some started as if the Parliament here wold not take it well to
331

have people resideing here petitioning or addressing the Parlia-
ment there. I was imployd to speak to my Lord Treasurer
about it. He did not apprehend any ill effects it might have
here if the thing went well, but he thought such a thing
comeing from hence might irritat the discontented there and
give them a handle to say wee are all corrupted here and put
upon it either by the Court or the people, who always consider
there oune advantage and our ruin. §o it is laid aside.

Tue Fart or Mar to Sir Davin Narene.

1706, November 23. Edinburgh.—I wrote to you last post
that there was a flyeing pacquet to be sent with a reply to the
answer to the memoriall sent from this some time ago; but that
reply not being yet ready the Comissioner thought fit to send
the flying pacquet without it. There has been severall meetings
about this reply, not only of the Queen’s servants but others
who go along with us in the affair of the Union. And first as
to the Excise, they are perswaded that as is agreed by the
Treaty is most for the interrest of Scotland, which they did not
alltogether think before ; yet we are all convinced that there will
be a necessity of making some explanation or allteration of that
artickle, else we are afiraid that it will not pass in Parliament.
And much the same as to the rest of the articles mentioned in
the memoriall. Tho’ the new memoriall had been ready to send
to-day, we wou’d have been at those articles wherein there are
explanations or alterations desired before we could possibly have
had a return; and if we shou’d now make a stop we need not
think to begin this affair again. So there’s a necessity of going
on, and we shall endeavour in all the articles to keep as near
the Treaty as possible. But our people here, even those who
have hitherto gone along with us, are so skittish and have
advanced so far on amendments to be made that we have litle
hope of carrying the Treaty without alterations, of which you
wou’d inform her Majesty, the Treasurer, and others concern’d,
for if there can be no alterations made, the sooner it be thought
of what course is to be taken next the better. I hope the new
memoriall will be ready to be sent on Munday or Teusday
morning at furthest, but this may prepare you against it come,
and when it comes I hope any explanation or alteration of the
articles that are desired shall not be thought inconsistent with
the Treaty, or particularly to alter the foundation of the
equivalent.

To-day in Parliament the debate was again renew’d that we
were on t’other day about the fifth article. We were forced to
consent to alter that part of it from the signing of the Treaty to
its being ratifyed in the Parliament here; this carry’d, and
Lord Belhaven’s clause making it from the Treaty’s being
ratify’d in the Parliament of England and six months thereafter,
was rejected. Then the Duke of Hamilton offered a clause to be
added freeing Scotland from the press of seamen for seven
years after the Union. This was debated a long time, and at
332

last rejected by a great plurality. Then the rest of the clause
was voted and aproven. You'll know the story of this day more
particularly by the Register’s letter and the scroll of the
minuts he sends you. Now here’s ane alteration, and yet I
hope it will not be thought a materiall one, or inconsistent with
the Treaty. Perhaps the rest may be so too (tho’ I can not
warrand they will) therefor I hope there is not so much to be
fear’d from the allterations as some people apprehend. I do
indeed wish there were to be none, andI think Scotland would
be fully as safe; but since it will not probably carry so, in my
humble opinion it’s better to go on and endeavour to keep the
alterations or explanations which are desired and will allmost
certainly carry moderate and reasonable, than to give it over at
this time, which if we do the Lord knows if ever the Parliament
will meet again so well inclined towards the Union as it is now,
tho’ the generality of the country may be in a better temper,
and that is not certain either, if it be not finished at this time.
You may let the Queen know this, but what I have said is with
all submission, and as I wish well to her service; but if her
Majesty think otherways I am to obey her commands.

: Tleave it to others to give you account of what
has happened at Dumfries, which I do not value very much
because those people were used of old to such doeings. They
are mad men, and allways were so, and are thought so by every
body. Copy.

Sirk Davip Narrne to the Earn or Mar.

1706, November 26. Whitehall—yYour Lordship’s of the
19th brought account of the proceedings that day and the day
befor. 1t is very unaccountable the opposeing of the 4th
article, but as your Lordship observes noething is to be
wondered at that the opposers doe to obstruct the designe. I
hope it is now over and well, otherwayes I might have expected
to know otherways by a flying pacquett. The Queen is
extreamly concerned about the mob, and fully convinced of her
servants’ zeall and fidelity for the measure she has proposed.
She only wants to know in what manner it is fitt or necessary
to let the kingdom know the satisfaction she has with her
servants and her resolutions to encurage and support them.
I must also say my Lord Treasurer and all about the Court are
of the same minde, and the noble Lords whom you are in
friendship with are perfectly uneasy because it is not in there
power to give the satisfaction to the friends of the Union there
they wish to doe. The Karl of Sunderland, Lord Haly and
Lord Sommers are at a great dale of pains. They have had
severall meetings with Parliament men, and all agree to make
additions to or explanations of the articles will lose the whole,
yet they are convinced of the reasonableness of the demand in
the circumstances the countrie is in at present. The whole
stress or scope of what is desired is about the salt, excise on ale,
premiums on export of victuall and drawbacks on goods

+7 * i . -
333

exported. All these doe lessen or augment the customes or
excise, and which of either or how much noe man can make
ane estimate; but any of them will alter the whole equivalent,
and the incress or decress not being knowen it will be im-
possible to calculat ane equivalent. And that being the point
which it’s thought will goe worst doun here, it’s dangerous to
give a handle. The duty on salt, you know, is not to comence
for seven years, nor then unless thought fit by a Parliament of
Brittain ; and it is so grivous here, especially to those who are
friends of the Union, that they doubt not but to have it quite
taken off befor the time of commencement. The excise, if
allowed that 2de ale shall be as small beer, then I suppose it
will be noe hardship; all which it’s hoped will be urged to ease
people and satisfy them. But if all will not doe, it’s thought
that rather than alter or inovate the articles by explanations or
additions that you pass them with ane address to the Queen,
as was done at the passing the Act for Treaty. I doe not mean
that the Treaty should be null if what is presently desired shou’d
not be granted, but setting forth the necessity of haveing these
things adjusted, and that she will use her endeavours to have
it done either in the Parliament of England befor the Treaty or
in a Parliament of Brittain. This proposall and‘a letter from
the Queen to the Commissioner is the occasion of this pacquett.
The severall Lords I have named have wrote to there friends
they correspond with on the subject, and I write at there desire
to as many asI am able, therefor shall add noe more to your
Lordship, but,” &c.

Tue Earut or Mar to Sir Davin Narene.

1706, November 26.—By mine of the 23d you are expecting
a flying pacquett, I know, with a reply to the answer to the
memorial from this about the excise, ete. Before we cou’d form
the new memoriall there was a necessity for going throw those
articles by ourselves wherein we understood that amendments
or explanations were expected, and to form such explanations as
we thought wou’d satisfy. When this was done and the
explanations form’d we found it was not ane easy matter, and
the more we reasoned upon them the more we were convinced
that the articles were right. But notwithstanding of this we
have good reason to believe that the articles as they stand in
the Treaty will not pass in the House without some explana-
tions or allterations. The temper of the House is so odd and so
uncertain that we are not sure what turn things may take in it
upon any of the points that’s desired to be explain’d, or whether
arguing upon those explanations in most of the cases may not
fortify the articles as they stand and make people better
satisfy’d with them; so it is almost impossible to form a
memoriall upon them. Tho’ there had been a memoriall sent,
we wou’d have been at those articles before we possibly cou’d
have had a return. We are all of opinion that there’s no
making of a stop to our proceedings now but by indangering
334

the wholle, so we must certainly go on, and by this all the use
the memoriall would have been for was to let our conjectures be
known what explanations or alterations we expected to be made,
tho’ without any certainty, and this we thought wou’d serve for
nothing since we cou’d not have a return before those explana-
tions or allterations were made. Upon all which we thought
as a memoriall upon this wou’d be allmost impossible to be
made to any purpose, so it wou’d be to no effect, which made
us give over thoughts of it at this time, and to write in place
of it that those who join with the Queen’s servants are convinced
with them that the fewer explanations or allterations that are
made to the articles the better, but that we are all perswaded
that there will be a necessity to make some to satisfy people and
make the grand affair carry. So a general rule is laid down
amongst us to make as few allterations as possible, and where
they are inevitable to keep them as reasonable and as near the
Treaty as we can; by which I hope the Queen and those
concerned in England need not be much affraid of the explana-
tions or allterations that will be made. One thing we are
particularly to guard against, that any allterations do not alter
the foundation on which the equivalent was calculated.

I hope thirr things considered will give satisfaction and be a
sufficient excuse for no memoriall being sent. As I wrote last,
if the Queen and those her Majesty advises with there think
that this is not to be hazarded, and that there must be no
allterations nor explanations of the articles, then the sooner her
Majesty orders us to be adjourned the better, for there can be
no promise given that the affair can be carry’d without them.
I confess I wou’d be sorry if the Queen took this last resolution,
for I hope there is not great danger in any allterations or
explanations that will be made, and if we are adjourned all that
has been done at this time wou’d be lost. For tho’ it came after-
wards to be layed before the Parliament here, evry article
behoved to be voted anew. And I doubt much if it be delayed
or given over at this time if ever our Parliament will meet
again so well inclined to the Union, tho’ perhaps the humor of
the populace may be lessened, and that is not certain either.
Therefor as a faithfull servant to her Majesty and a lover of
Britain I wish that the other method may be approved of and
the explanations or allterations ventured upon, which all those
who are friends to the Union firmly resolve to make as few as
possible. Therefor I am hopefull any that are made will not
be inconsistent with the Treaty, but this with all submission. I
saw yours by the last post to my Lord Montrose, wherein you
say that people with you think not much of the mobs here
because we seem to undervalue them. It is true we do, for
their threats should never make ane honest man allter his
opinion or desist from doing what he thinks for his Queen and
country’s service; but this should not go so far as to quite
neglect them and not use a reasonable precaution. The troops
we have here are very few and weak corps, so if there were any
commotion in the country they wou’d be of litle use for
335

suppressing it, for they are scarcely sufficient to guard this
place. The mobs are very far from being over, or the
industry and pains that is taken to stir them up. At Glasgow
they are threatning to raise contributions, and ’tis a hundred
to one but they put it in execution. If they do so there or any
place else, or any other kind of insolence, what can the Govern-
ment do, since they have no force to support their authority ?
We are threatned evry day that we shall be murdered, but not
only that but that several thousands are coming to town armed
who will force the Parliament to give over this affair. In
several places of the country there are musters and rendezvouses,
particularly in the south and west, and the Duke of Atholl’s
country. The ministers throw most parts of the country are
preaching against the Union, and some of them preach litle less
to their people than to arms. So altho’ we go on in our business
and are not frightened with their threats, yet those things
are not to be despised and neglected. I wrote to you some
posts ago how necessary it was that the Queen should order as
many of her troops as possibly cou’d be spar’d in the North of
England and Ireland to be ready in case there was occasion for
them here. I’m still the more of that’ opinion, and so are all the
Queen’s servants here and those who join with them in carrying
on this great affair; therefor you wou’d lay it before the
Queen, the Treasurer, and Duke of Marleborough, and I
doubt not but her Majesty will give the necessary orders
about it, and the sooner we have account of it the better.
I suppose it will be thought fit that those troops be ordered
to obey such commands as they shall receive from the
Commissioner, the Privy Council, or the Commander-in-Chief
here, as to their marching into this country if necessity require
it; for if it shou’d be delay’d untill the information go from this
to the Queen and then orders be sent to them, the occasion may
be losst and things ruin’d by the delay. If the Commissioner
get from company to-night in time, I believe he’s to write to the
Duke of Marleborough much to this effect, so I do not trouble
his Grace nor the Treasurer at this time with letters from me,
but if it be needfull you may show their Lordships this; and I
know all the Queen’s servants here are of the same opinion
with me in thirr affairs.

To-day in the House we proceeded on the 6th Article, and
after some reasoning some explanations or amendments were
offered, as you'll see by the Register’s and the scroll of the
minutes he sends you. Then it growing late the debate was
adjourned, and to be reasumed first of anything next sederunt,
which is to-morrow. If anything materiall be done to-morrow
either I or my brother shall write to you by the common post.
This going by a flying pacquet I hope it will be soon with you

. . After I had seal’d the cover of Beilhaven’s
letter to Pankaitland and caused deliver it, I wou'd gladly have
known how his Lordship took it. I cou’d not appear in this
myself, so I put Roxburgh on it. After Bel[haven} had one
day made a violent speech against us in the House says
336

Roxburgh to him, what do you mean by this Bel[haven], for
you loss evry body? I know, continues he, that you write to
the Treasurer, and had yesterday a letter from him by which
you wou’d find him not well pleased with you. Who told you
that, says Bel[haven]; and after speaking some more of it,
upon my word of honour I had no letter from the Treasurer,
says he. Roxburgh told me this, and after I had assur’d him
that he had got it he told him again of it next day, but he still
deny'd it. This made me a litle suspicious, for I could hardly
think even Bel[haven] himself would be so impudent; so to-day
I ordered the letter carryer who had given the letter to Pankait-
land to go to him and tell that he had a letter by this post from
his correspondent desireing to know if he had delivered the
letter to Pankaitland, and because there was a letter inclosed to
inquire if he had delivered it. When he askt him this, says he
I'll give you no answer to that, but you may tell your corres-
pondent that you delivered the letter into my own hand. By
which you may see Bel[haven] has certainly got the letter tho’
he denys it. You may let the Treasurer know this story. Copy.

Sir Davip Narene to the Haru or Mar.

1706, November 26.—You bid me not to write to any body of
what was desired of my Lord Treasurer by the joint letter, yet
I cannot help telling your Lordship that. the affaire was finished
this day and I write of it this post to the Earl of Glasgow. But
it’s good you know it both for your own sake and mine. The
troops on the Boarders are three regiaments of foot, and in the
North of Ireland, three of horse, one of foot, and one of dragoons,
and they have the necessary orders; but all relateing to this
afiaire must be kept very private.

Tuer Fart or Mar to Sir Davin Narrne.

1708, November 28. Edinburgh.—Yesterday in Parliament
the House proceeded on the 6th article and it was remitted to
the committy as you'll know by the minutes which the Register
sends you. Most of our own people thought this the best way to
satisfy people who are inclin’d to the Union, and the easyest
way to get it passt. There was a vote whether to add any to
the committy or not. Severals of our own people had by
accident gone out of the House at the time, and the members of
the committy did not vote, so it carry’d by two votes to add.
Tho’ this was a trifle, yet we were vext it went so, because it is
the first vote we lost. After that the opposers proposed that
the number to be added shou’d be four, and we two, so the vote
was put, and two carry’d by a good plurality. To-day we chused
the new members of the committy, who are pretty right in all
the three estates, for they are all of our people except Minto,
and we cannot say that he is allways against us. The two
noblemen that the opposers voted for were Annandale and
Buchan; but Haddinton and Cromarty who we were for carry’d
837

by a vast plurality. After this the House took the 7th article
about excises under consideration. The excise on ale and beer
was only spoke to. It was plainly made appear that as the
article made it Scotland wou’d be easyer than at present; but
people wou’d have ane explanation as to our twopenny ale, so
we were forced to comply with it. One explaining clause was
given in that notwithstanding of this article the ale in Scotland
retail’d at 2d. per Scots pint shou’d pay no dearer excise than it
now pays; but you will understand 1t better by the clause itself,
which the Register sends you. Lord Beilhaven offered another,
which the Register sends you too, declareing the ale in Scotland
to pay for ever but small beer excise. The debate run which of
thirr two clauses was most reasonable and shou’d be added. It
is needless to tell you the reasoning, for to people that will hear
reason there needed no arguing on it. It was put to the vote,
and the article in relation to ale and beer was approven, with
the explanation which was first given in, by 88 of plurality.
Then we were adjourned till to-morrow, and then I doubt not
but the whole article will be easyly approven. I hope this
addition to the article will not be thought of consequence there,
for it does not alter the foundation of the equivalent, and
notwithstanding of it Scotland will probably very quickly after
the Union come into the same method of excises with England,
for it is plainly their interrest, and in the meantime England
receives no hurt nor damnage by it. It will only make a third
denomination of excise here, but the excise here will certainly
be uplifted by agreements with the brewers asis done throw the
most of England. This explanation will please the country here
extreamly, and it was impossible for us to carry this article
without it, tho’ it was really better for Scotland as it stood
in the Treaty ; upon all which I hope there will be no umbrage
taken at it in England.

I leave to my Lord Montrose to give you ane account of what
passt in the meeting of the African Company, since he was
present, so certainly can tell it better than I. They losst the
vote by one, but ’tis of litle consequence.

The Councill are to issue out a proclamation for Glasgow as
they did here against the mob, which we hope will prevent any
more disturbance from that place.

We have evry day informations of rendezvousing in several
places of the country, and of there being a place of general
rendezvous agreed on amongst them near this town. We have
got some accounts of this kind to-day which look to be but too
well grounded. Mr. Wylie, the minister of Hamilton, appointed
the people to meet out of the pulpit, and actually met with them
at the place apointed, where the other minister of the place
offered to be their captain. Mr. Wylie rebukt them for not
being a more numerous meeting, and appointed ane other day
to meet again. We have pretty good intelligence that those
people who met at Dumfries resolve very soon to pay us a
visite here, and some say the people in Annandale and other

v
338

places. Perhaps thirr informations may prove only braggs, yet
we think it fit to do something in time to prevent them,
therefor we are thinking to lay it before the Parliament and to
get the Parliament to issue out a proclamation against such
meetings. Perhaps this may be before the House to-morrow,
which if it be you shall hear of it by next post. This is for
prevention, but if it have no effect, and those people notwith-
standing come towards this place, we must make the best
appearance against them with the troops here that we can;
which I’m affraid wou’d be but indifferent, for they are but very
few. And considering the temper of the nation, ’tis hard to say
how the troops wou’d behave when they are so few, unless they
were sure of more force to support them soon, by which you
may see whether or not I had reason for what I wrote last.
. . . . . + . My Lord Northesk has all this Parliament
behaved very well. He is Sherief of Angus, and wou’d gladly
have it for his own life and his son’s. The Comissioner
desir’'d me to write of it to you that you may lay it before
the Queen. He thinks to get Northesk pleased with it for his
own life only, but he wished that the Queen wou’d sign two
commissions, one for his own life and ane other for his own life
and his son’s David, Lord Ethie, that in case he cannot be
pleased with the one he may have the other. He’s a very
pretty honest fellow, and this will show in that country that the
Queen favours those who go into the measure of the Union,
which few of the peers of that country do; and ’tis obliging him
without taking anything out of the Queen’s pocket, so I hope
her Majesty will think it reasonable, and there’s a great many
who have had such favours before. '

I wrote to you last of Annandale’s protest. I have now sent
you a copy of it, and that it may be fully, perfectly and rightly
understood as it deserves, I hope it will be printed from the
inclosed eopy and eall’d about the streets at London; for it is
reasonable and fit to do his Lordship justice, and that his care
of his country, the lasting peace of the island, and his firmeness
to his principles and the Queen’s service, be fully known.

Copy.
Tae Haru or Mar to Sir Davin Narrne.

1706, November 30. Edinburgh.—By mine of the 28th you
wou’d know that we were to represent to the Parliament the
accounts the Comissioner and others had got concerning
people’s rendezvousing in severall places of the country, and
in some places commiting irregularitys, and of the design
that was talkt about of their coming here in arms. Yester-
day morning the Comissioner call’d the Councill and laid
thirr affairs before them. The Councill were unanimous of
opinion that the Chancellor by the Comissioner’s and Councill’s
order shou’d represent it to the Parliament that same day, and
they doubted not but the Parliament wou’d order a proclamation
against those disorders and rendezyousing. So there was the
339

draught of a proclamation order’d to be in readyness to be
offered to the House to that effect, after the Chancellor had
represented the affair. As soon as the Parliament met the
Chancellor represented the case, as you'll see by the minutes,
and after some time the Commissioner spoke to the House.
The draught of the proclamation was offered and read. There
was a clause in it in effect suspending during the siting of this
session of Parliament that clause in the Act of Security allowing
of musters and rendezvousing. This was spoke to a long time,
and at last the vote was going to be put Approve the proclamation
or not, and the Duke of Atholl offered a protest against it, but it
was proposed that what related to the Act of Security should be
left out of the proclamation, and if that clause of the Act was to
be suspended that it shou’d be done by ane Act which might get
a first reading that night and a second next sederunt. This the
opposers went all into, for they thought we were so fond of the
proclamation as it stood that we wou'd not alter it. I believe
indeed we had voted the proclamation as it was, but my Lord
Tweedale grew a litle scrupulous, so we consented to the allteration
proposed; whereupon the proclamation was voted with the
alteration, and immediately thereafter there was a first reading
given to ane Act suspending that clause of the Act of Security. In
this the opposers were catched. The names as we voted for
the proclamation were ordered to be markt and printed, which
the Register certainly sends you, by which you'll see but four
against the proclamation. A great many of the opposers did
not .vote tho’ in the House, and some were absent. Lord
Fountainhall made a new speech in praise of mobs, and
instanced severall good things which they had done, tho’ I
confess he found a new name for the mob, and called it the
genius of the nation. Most of the opposers lessened all the
mobing that- has been at this time, and all pretended not to
allow of it, but why should not people muster, say they? The
Parliament was adjourned to this day at ten o’clock. Before we
met we had accounts from Glasgow that the rable army had
marcht from that towards this place yesterday morning,
consisting of a very considerable number indeed, which was 49
and a drum, but they gave out that they were to be join’d by
greater numbers by the way. This account you may think did
not fright us much; however it made the suspending of that
clause in the Act of Security the more reasonable and necessary.
So when the House met to-day we went upon that Act which got
a first reading last night, and after some speaking to it it was
voted and approven. ‘Then the Comissioner toucht it with the
scepter. It was carry’d by a great plurality, but severals of the
top opposers both spoke and voted against it. lt and the
proclamation were immediately proclaimed, and are to be sent
throw the kingdom. The Duke of Hamilton was not in the
House to-day. He'was taken ill last night about ten a’clock, as
Selkirk told me to-day, with such a fit as he had last. He says
it tends to a palsy ; it seized on one of his eyes and the roots of
his tongue, which makes it very difficult for him to speak. He
340

still continues ill. After this suspending Act passt, the Duke
of Argyle proposed that the ministers in all the churches
throwout the kingdom should be ordered to read from the
pulpits the proclamation and the Act, and he was seconded
in it by severalls; but many of our friends were against
it, thinking it might occasion more trouble, for some of
the ministers would not read them notwithstanding, and some
durst not in those places where the commotions had been;
and beside they thought people might make a pretence
that untill it was read so it was not promulgated, and by that
might plead not to be certiorated of it and so not binding upon
them. My Lord Montrose, Hyndford, Marchmont, the Justice
Clerck, and several others were of this opinion; so we did not
press it, and it was let fall. Upon which the Duke is very angry
at us all; but I hope that will not last long. - Some body has
taken the liberty to print the declaration that was affixt on the
cross of Dumfries when those people burnt the articles; upon
which his Grace took occasion to complain of it in the House
and proposed that the paper shou’d be burnt by the hand of the
hangman. He was seconded by all the Queen’s servants and
several others, and it was ordered accordingly to be inquired
into who printed it and who gave it to the press. After this the
rest of the 7th article was voted and approven, and the 8th
article remitted to the committy. Then ane Act adjourning the
Session for a month got a first reading, and then we were
adjourned till Tuesday. There are some troops sent towards
Lithgow to meet those people from Glasgow; but I fancy that
great army will not come that length unless they be joyn’d by
more force. You will know the event of this by the next post.
There is a story spread about thirr two days that King James
(as they call him) is to land immediately in some place of the
Highlands with no men but about 200 officers and mony, and
that he will be join’d by a great many of this kingdom. They
give out too that he has turn’d Protestant, and offers not only to
establish and confirm Presbitry, but the Solemn League and
Covenant. This story has frightned some and as I’m told
gain’d others, and even of the Presbiterians. I confess I can
hardly believe that he wou’d venture his person; but ’tis known
with you that there was a proposall made from this at St.
Germains for his coming over here at this time, so I thought it
fit to write you this story. I’m: hopefull the methods the
Parliament has taken will prevent any more trouble in this
country, at least that it will keep any body of interrest from
heading those mad people. But it is not nevertheless to be
slighted, for there are people enough here abundantly mad to do
anything, and they give out that there are not forces sufficient
in England to suppress any commotion here; but I hope the
Queen will quickly let them know the contrary. I’m very
hopefull that now nothing can keep the Grand Affair from
carrying, but some open rebellion or villany, and I hope the
Queen is able to prevent that or very soon to suppress it. I’m
confident her servants here and those who join with them will
341

go on vigorously and stedfastiy, and we doubt not of support
from her Majesty. I wish a good session of Parliament in
England, and notwithstaning of all the spitter here, I hope there
will be a happy conclusion to this great affair.

The Commissioner has just now sent me word that he’s to
send a flying pacquet to-morrow, which makes me keep this to
send by it. I write nothing by the common post to-night, for
they are, beginning to intercept letters, as they did a man of the
Duke of Argyle’s some days ago. I have sent you two new
papers against Beilhaven, and against next post I believe I shall
send you ane other. The press here gets good employment now.
Copy.

Tue Earu or Mar to the Lornp Treasurer.

1706, December 2. Edinburgh.—I doubt not but the Com-
missioner and the Chancellour have written fully to your
Lordship by this express how affairs stand here at present, and
answer’d what your Lordship wrote concerning the allterations
or explanations of the articles; so that I will not give you the
trouble of saying anything about it in particular, since 16 wou’d
only be repeating what they have said. Only in generall, your
Lordship may be sure since it was impossible to prevent
explanations the Queen’s servants and those join’d with them
will do what possibly they can to prevent their being inconsistent
with the Treaty, or that they shou’d alter the foundation on
which the equivalent was callculated; and allso that there may
not be a necessity of bringing the Treaty back to a Scot’s
Parliament and to make all dispatch that’s possible so that
the Treaty may be ratify’d in this session of the English
Parliament too, all which I hope we will be able to do. It was
thought fit that some of us shou’d write to the English treaters
and other friends to the Union, so I have written fully to my
Lord Hallifax, which if your Lordship have time you will see.
But I will not trouble you with repeating it, otbers having wrote
to you on that subject much better than I can. I hope this
affair will come to a happy conclusion ; but if it shou’d faill I’m
sure all the world must own that your Lordship has done what
possibly you cou’d to make it succeed. I’m hopefull that by
the methods the Government and the Parliament have taken
the commotions in some places of this country that we were
affraid of are prevented, and the noise of them and dislike to the
Union will quickly be over.

The Queen has indeed done all that cou’d be desired for the
support of her servants, and I hope they will continue to act
faithfully and firmly for her Majesty’s service in everything,
and particularly to bring this great affair of the Union to a
happy and speedy conclusion here, in spite of the opposition
they meet with. Copy.

Tue Earu or Mar to Lorp Hatirax.

1706, December 2. Edinburgh.—I wou’d have done myself
the honour to have written to your Lo:dship e’er now had it not
342

been to save you of trouble. I wrote fully to Sir D[avid]
Nairne from time to time and desir’d him to communicate it to
your Lordship when there was anything worth your whille. I
have seen some letters to-day from my Lord Treasurer and
some of your Lordship’s friends to the Commissioner and some
others here. My concern for the success of the great affair we
are upon, and to give your Lordship a clear view of the circum-
stances of it here, is the occasion of my giveing you this trouble.

When the Queen’s servants came down here, both ‘in the
Parliament and elsewhere we allways spoke as if none of the
articles were to be altered in the least; but in a litle time when
several people join’d us and told they wou’d be for the measure,
yet they told plainly they behoved to explain some of the
articles or make some small allterations. After this we were
oblidg’d to speak less of not altering or explaining the articles,
but that if once the Parliament came at them we would
endeavour to show that there were no occasion of explanations
or allterations. Many of the Presbyterians and especially the
ministers having join’d with the Jacobites against the Union
made so great a party against the measure that we were oblidg’d
to take all the ways possibly we cou’d to satisfy people, so we
cou’d not speak so positively against explanations, as we wisht
or design’d to carry the Treaty in Parliament. The clergy
preacht at last allmost evrywhere against the Union, and other
opposers misrepresented it all they could, and both rais’d such
jealousys about it as to evry article, but especially the dear
excises and heavy taxes, and the partiality that the Parliament
of Brittain wou’d show to England in opposition to Scotland,
that the wholle populace and many of the gentrie too
turn’d violent against the measure. We still retain’d a
plurality in Parliament for it (which I confess was a
wonder), but many of the Parliament men, even those who
were sincere for the affair, positively resolv’d to make some
explanations to satisfy the generality of the country’ This we
were very sorry for, but cou’d not help it. If the Parliament
had been adjourn’d we were all convinced it wou’d never have
met again so favourably dispos’d towards the Union, tho’ the
generality of the country should chance to be better inclin’d;
so upon good reason we concluded that ane adjournment was
equall to giving over the measure, which made us chuse to
go on and send up a memorial concerning snch things as we
apprehended might be altered or explained. When the answer
to the memoriall came back here we were come at those articles,
and notwithstanding of the answer, people who were join’d
with us, and I really believe sincere for the measure, persisted
in their opinion that there was a necessity of some explanations.
We wou’d gladly have disswaded them, but to no purpose,
tho’ by this time they were come to our oppinion that as the
articles stood it was better for Scotland. But notwithstanding
of this we found it was impossible to carry it in Parliament
without explanations. It was impossible on the other hand
to wait untill we had ane other return from London; so we
343

cou’d do nothing but go on, and those join’d with us engadg’d
to assist us in keeping the explanations or allterations from
any extravagancy, but as near to the Treaty as possible; and
they have done so yet accordingly, so I hope we have been more
afraid than we will be hurt. The first of those articles was the
excise, which is now over. I wrote to Sir D[avid] Nairne as to
this, which I hope has given to your Lordship and others satis-
faction. The explanation makes the ale retail’d here at 2d. per
Scots pint, which is about two English quarts, to be lyable for no
more excise than it pays at present. Without this explanation,
by manadgement as is used in England it had certainly
fallen under the small beer excise, which is much cheaper ;
so we have only hurt ourselves and not England The
foundation of the Equivalent as to the excise was calculated
as the excise is presently, so this explanation does not alter that.
All the difference is this, that if England will not allow that
species of ale to pass for small beer, which is not really so good
as the small beer in England, then there must be a 38d.
denomination of excise for it; but in a litle time when jealousys
here are over I really believe our people will be desireous of
coming into the excises exactly as they are in England, since ’tis
certainly evidently for the interrest of Scotland. I wish indeed
there had been no explanation on this article, as I wish in all
the rest, but it was not in our power to help it, for if we had not
comply’d with it the wholle had either been rejected or made
worse. The next is the premium for oatmeal exported. This
and other premiums are only askt when premiums are allow’d
in England, so if they be taken off there they fall here of
consequence. There’s no satisfying without this; but I hope if
it be rightly considered it give no offence or umbrage, for it will
not come to a very considerable thing, so will diminish the
customes but a very litle. The foundation of the Equivalent as
to the customs was calculated as they are just now too, which is
30,000 libs. Now suppose our trade not to encrease after the
Union (which is hardly to be imagin’d) yet the customs being
regulated as in England will amount to a much greater summe;
so the foundation of the Equivalent there does not fall either.
It will hold so too tho’ there were premiums on other com-
moditys as some people crave. It would allso be considered that
whatever the customs encrease here after the Union for seven
years is to belong to Scotland; so whatever these premiums take
off the customs diminishes only what Scotland was to have how-
ever, since the prime stock of the 30,000 libs. will still stand good
by the encrease of the dutys. This considered, and that it is not to
be a perpetuall stipulation but only when England has premiums,
I hope it will not be thought inconsistent with the Treaty. Oat
meal and grotts, which is liker to the English oat meal, will be
one of the commoditys which will be most exported from this
country to the West Indies after the Union, by which there will
be less of it to be transported elsewhere, and consequently the
less of premiums to be pay’d. I’m credibly inform’d that the
premiums on this commodity will not amount to above 2,000 libs,

ae
344

in the most plentyfull years, and often not near so much.
As to the salt, I can not yet say much, for that article is
committed to examine and consider the proposals about it. The
members of that committy are all but one or two at most very
well inclin’d, so I hope they will bring it right back to the
Parliament. By the Treaty all fish and flesh that is shipt from
Scotland is to be salted with forreign salt only during the seven
years for which Scotland is to be exempted from the dutys on
Scots salt made use of at home. This makes merchants and
seamen here complean, for they say for short voyages Scots or
English salt is more proper, and salting with forreign salt for
those uses will be a great loss to them; so I believe they will be
rather content to do it with English salt and pay the English
duty. That Scotland and England must pay equall dutys on
salt is most certain, so your Lordship and others may be sure
that we shall guard against any explanations of this article that
may be inconsistent with the Treaty. But I cannot be more
particular on this untill we see what turn it is like to take
before the comitty. It is thought the drawbacks on white
herrings in England is too small and not proportionable to the
drawbacks on other fishes, and that the drawbacks on white
herrings does not amount to the duty on the salt with which
they are cured. This seems to be unreasonable, and there’s no
doubt but the Parliament of Britain wou’d rectify it, that being so
great a subject of trade that it deserves all encouradgment; so that
all the treaters and a great many others cou’d with confidence
trust to the Parliament of Britain; but people’s jealousy here is so
great that I’m affraid they will be positive to have it explain’d
here. And if they do I hope England will not take exception at
it, since “tis a thing the Parliament of Britain wou’d certainly
do, and it will be the interrest of the wholle island as well as of
this country. As to the malt, people here are extreamly affraid
of it, and I know they will be mighty earnest to be sure that it
shall not be imposed on them dureing this war, which I and
others hope is a groundless fear, but they will insist on it, tho’
TP’m hopefull we will be able to get this done by ane address to
her Majesty, and allso any objection they have to the duty on salt
after the seven years for which Scotland is exempted. We had
it under consideration to make all the explanations or allterations
by way of address, but found it impracticable as to the other
points.

This, my Lord, is all that occurs to me just now as to the
particulars desired to be explain’d; and after your Lordship and
other friends have considered them again I hope ye will not be
so affraid of anything that is desired or design’d here to be
explain’d or altered. I wish with all my heart that the Treaty
cou’d have been ratify’d here without altering or explaining a
letter of it, for many reasons, but it was impracticable. For tho’
the plurality of the Parliament be for the measure in general yet
by the humor that is raised in the country against it by the
clergy and others they are so scrupulous on evry article and so
desireous to do something to satisfy the country that we have
o45

difficulty to make them go along as they have done. And
besides this the opposers make such a noise against the Treaty
as it is, and are so united in anything that may break it, that
our difficultys may be seen to be very great. And yet I hope we
shall bring this affair to a happy conclusion, which is more than
we expected when we came from London; as we told then if
the Jacobites and Presbyterians join’d against it, which they
have since done, at least most of the clergy and many others, to
that degree that the country is in a mighty ferment against it
and in many places ready to rise in rebellion; but all that
ferment will now I hope go quickly over. I doubt not but there
will be difficultys in the Knglish Parliament too and people
there desireous to break the measure, but I hope there’s a
plurality of reasonable men in it that will be able to carry it
throw and keep it from coming back to a Scots Parliament,
which indeed I would be sorry if it did. Against the Parliament
of England has finisht the supplys and other necessary business,
TI hope the Treaty will be ratify’d here and ready to lay before
them in such time that this same session may have time to
ratify it too in England. Your Lordship and other friends may
be assured that we shall make all the dispatch that possibly we
can. <A happy conclusion to this affair is the thing in the world
I’m most concerned about, and I hope your Lordships who have
laboured so much to bring it to perfection shall not be dis-
apointed of your design. I’m ashamed of the trouble I have
given your Lordship of this long letter, but I hope my zeal for
the affair will plead my excuse. Copy.

Tue Earu or Mar to Sir Davip Narrne.

1706, December 2. Edinburgh.—I have written fully to my
Lord Hallifax, which I desire you may deliver and allso that to
the Treasurer. I have not time to write to you what I have
wrote to my Lord Hallifax, but I doubt not but you can see
that from his Lordship if you have a mind, which I hope wiil
give satisfaction. :

We have not heard of the Glasgow mob army being advanced
any further than nine miles on this side that place, and there
they found mony was a necessary thing which they wanted,
so I believe this army incognito are dispersed e’er now, and in
a very litle time I hope all apprehensions of this kind will be
over, and the generality of people see their mistake as to the
Treaty. on as You may be sure the forces on the
Borders encouradge us not a litle, and has quite different effects
on the opposers; but I differ from you in this that anything of
that kind shou’d be keept private, for I’m of opinion, and so is
the Commissioner, that the publicker it be the better, and in
place of saying the numbers are small we think that it shou’d
be insinuated that they are greater than they really are.

What’s above I wrote in the forenoon. Since that time we
have heard of the Glasgow mob army, They came the length
of Killsyth, and increast to about eighty and_ane other drum, but

»
346

hearing of the dragoons they marcht towards Hamilton. They
gave out that they expect to be join’d by others at Lendrick. I
do not believe that this will come to anything, but we'll hear
more of it to-morrow, which you shall know by to-morrow’s
ost.

: I just now received yours of the 28th by the express. The
letter concerning trade pleases me extreamly. I’m just now to
read it again with the President of the Session and Sir D.
Dallrymple, and we think it will be fit to print it. Your letter
gives me great satisfaction, and you may be sure I shall give the
hint but to such to whom it is absolutely necesssary and
who will make no bad use of it. I have wrote so fully to
my Lord Hallifax, which probably you will see, and the Register
so fully to you, which I have seen since the morning, that ‘tis
needless to say any more now, so adieu for the 2d time.

[There is a postscript by James Erskine as follows] :-—“ Sir,
because my brother is reading the letter concerning trade, etc.,
with my Lord President of the Session and Sir David Dallrymple,
he bids me tell you that he just now heard from the Commissioner
that the Duke of Hamilton had sent his Grace a letter which he
got this day from a servant of his mother’s, the old Dutchess of
Hamilton, telling him that the Glasgow mob came yesternight
to that place from Killsyth, much to the surprise (as the letter
says) of the people there. They asked quarters and said they
would make them good, and assured the Dutchess and the
magistrates that they intended no harm to them or to their town,
but would fight whille their blood is warm for the independency,
religion, etc., of their country against England. The letter adds
that they had abundance of mony, and were to march from
thence next day nobody knows whether; but they assur’d the
people of Hamilton that in a litle time they wou’d be strong
enough to defeat all the forces in the kingdom, which I think
none but such fools as themselves will readyly believe, tho’ ’tis
hard to say what the madness of the west country people may
lead them to.” Copy.

Sir Davip Narrene to the Harn or Mar.

1706, December 4.—I told my Lord Treasurer the passage of
delivery and denyall of B[elhaven]’s letter. He doubts not of it
being safe with him, and his denying it is a signe how litle he
liked it; for if the lest thing had been in it which he could have
constructed to his advantage he would have been proud enough
to have showen it. I find great doubt in friends about printing
the protest you sent me, especially seeing it was done in the
minuts. All friends that you can wish to know of the
Mar[quis’s] procedure are fully apprised and its not sure
whither a mob here will understand it and know to make
any other use of it then to tell one another how ill a thing the
Union is when such a man whose name is well known here is
against it. I shall advise once more about it, and if the same
thoughts are containowed I hope you will not be for printing.
e 347

Tue Proressors or THE CoLLEGE or St. ANDREWS to the
Haru or Mar.

1706, December 4. St. Andrews.—The Rev. Mr. Thomas
Forrester, late principal of the new college has died, and as is
customary, they recommend the Rev. Mr. James Hadow,
professor of theology and second master of that college, to the
vacant principalship, which must be filled by a presentation
from the Queen. Signed by Robert Ramsay, rector; Col. Vilant,
Fac. Art. Dee.; Jo. Craigie, p-p-; Fra. Pringle, L. Gr. p.;
N. Young, H.H. LL. p.; Thomas Tailzior, p.p.; Wil. Young, p.p;
Jo. Syme, L.H.P.; Thos. Forrester, p.p. ; Alexr, Scrymgeour,
p-p.; Pat. Haldane, L.G.P.

Captain Winu1am Howegurn to Lirvr.-Cou. Erskine.

1706, December 4. Stirling Castle—This day at twelve
aclock I was standing near the cross of Stirlin, and ther cam
some ruffians out from a sham gward the toun keeps since the
dragouns went from this and brought the articles of the Treatie
of Union to the cross, kindled a fire and threw the articles in it
with severall huzas. This partie was headed by Patrick Stivin-
son late thesaurer. The gward was commanded by Baillie
Allen who at that time was out of the way, whither designedly
or not I shall not say. - This rascall Stivenson was ensign of the
guard. Mr. Brishen is gone to Glasgow to concert matters with
the bretheren there. I hope the next week we shall hav our
men lodged in the castle. . . . . The guard that is keept
here is good for nothing but to raise tumulfs, for the whole toun
are evry night drunk. I wish we had some of the forces to curb
this seditious people.

Sir Davin Narrne to the Hart or Mar.

1706, December 5. Whitehall.—By a flying pacquett yester-
night I just told of receaveing your Lordship’s of the 28th.
Now I have that of the 30th; both which I read to the Queen
and my Lord Treasurer, who are mighty well pleased with the
accounts you give and the proceedings in Parliament the 29th
and 80th for suppressing the mob. What assistance the Queen
intends I have already told your Lordship, therfor shall not
insist. . . . . It’s much wished that the methods
taken may quiet the countrie people, for then wee have all the
reason in the world to hope for good success in the grand
affaire. The address made to the Queen this day from both
Houses will convince the world of the good disposition of the
Parliament here, and I hope no small matters will prevent so
great a good.

Sir Davin Narrne to the EaRL oF Mar.

1706, December 5.—The Queen had a mighty scroople about
the Earl of Northesk’s gift for life at this time. I said all I
could. She wold not say she wold doe it, but I got it soe
348

far that I had her orders to draw them as you advised. { wold
not take notice of it in my other letter to your Lordship till I
am sure, soe my not mentioning of it may rather suppose I had
them not ready to present rather than that they were demurr’d
at. I hope to get it done. It’s hardly thought that the young
gentleman at St. Germains will venture himselfe, as the story
goes; but all caire will be taken to support the Government in
cace of any attempts. I know the opposers of the Union have
given over thoughts of being able to doe more then put it off as
long as they can, and such as this is write to their friends here;
and it’s fifty to one but after a sally or two more the great man’s
illness or palsy fitts may make him thinke it necessary to come
to the baths.

J. Frnuaysonz, in name of the Magistrates of Stirling, to
Lrevut.-Cou. Erskine.

1706, December 5. Stirling—The magistrates and council
convened this day, took to consideration that yesterday some
few persons presumed to burn the Articles of Union upon the
High Street. They deem the same a manifest contempt of the
government and both disclame and disown the same as done
without the least knowledge on the part of any of them, and
profess that they are ready to punish the perpetrators. It was
only the act of some drunken people and boys who knew
nothing of the late Act of Parliament anent tumultuous and
uregular meetings. They also desire advice as to the punish-
ment of those guilty.

THe Earu oF Mar to Sir Davip Naren.

1706, December 7. Edinburgh.—In my letter to my Lord
Halifax, I said that 1 hopt any alteratione or additione as
to the malt might be gott done here by way of address to her
Majestie; but by what was done that day you see I was
mistaken. For with a great strugle and by the Chancellor’s
casting vote wee carried onlie that the exemptione should be
dureing this war, and not a certaine number of years, which
wou'd have been seven at least, and very probabilie thertein or
ninetein if we had lost the vote. The addressing the Queen
upon it was proposed, but wee cou’d not get it to take in the
House. Yesterday wee were on the 14th artickle again, and
the opposers proposed that an exemption for Scotland as to all
taxes whatsomever should be aded, except such as are alreadie
agreed to. Some proposed this for a certain number of years,
and others dureing the war. This batle was strongly fought,
and wee toke a vast deall of paines to gaine people to approve of
the artickle as it was, now since that concerning the malt was
added for which they were so affraid. It is needless to tell you
all that was said in the House upon this; but some of us
spoke a great dale and with all the earnestness we cou’d, and
349

the opposers were not silent, I can assure you. They used all
the populare and plausable arguments they cou’d feind, and by
them deluded severall people. However, wee at last brought it
to a questione. Wee were forced to have a previous vote what
shou’d be the state of the question, which wee carried by 18;
then the artickle was approven by 88. The necessity that was
of yealding to explanationes or alterations plainly appears by
Thursday’s procedor; but now since wee carried the artickle
without any other alteratione I hope that of the malt will not be
thought inconsistent with the Treatie, so will be no stope to its
passing in England. Scotland by the Treatie was not only to
be free of the present malt tax, but also of any that shou’d
be imposed upon England this Session of the Parliament
there. This tax is never imposed but in tim of war, and
I hope this war will be at an end before the ensewing cam-
paigne be over. For my self I did wish with others that
there had been no addition to or exception from this 14th
artickle, for I thought Scotland very saife with the reference to
the Parliament of Britain, who will certainlie be tender of us in
‘the infancie of the Union, when we are poor, and it will take
some years to make us feel the advantadges of the communication
of trade; so shou’d greater taxes be imposed upon us imediatlie
after the Union than Scotland boar before it, and before the
generality of this kingdom found the sueet and advantages of
being incorporat, it wou’d certainlie have bad effects and be very
griveous to the people. This will certainlie be under the
consideration of the Parliament of Britain, so without any
express stipulation I wou’d have thought Scotland shure of
being free of any malt tax this war, and I did all in my power to
persuade others to be of the sam oppinion; but ther is such
an apprehension here of the griveousness of this tax that wee
cou’d not gett a plurality by a great odds to be against the
additione, tho’ wee gott them to trust to the Parliament of
Britain for being free of any other imposition. And since it is
so, I hope the addition will give no umbradge nor offence to our
neighbours. Pray give my humble service to my Lord Halyfax
and show him this, because I was mistaken in mine to his
Lordship as to what wou’d be done upon this point. The artickle
about the salt is commited you know. I confess I’m more affraid
of that than any artickle now remaining, but I hope if any
alteration be inevitable wee shall carrie it so as not [to be]
inconsistent with the Treatie; which is all I can say as to that
untill wee gett a report from the comittie and see what turn it
is like to take in the House.

To-day wee proposed to proceed upon the 15th artickle.
Fletcher in a vast heat said the House had commited an error
yesterday in passing the 14th artickle without first ending the
6th and 8th. He was taken up as warmlie, and after som reasoning
he beg’d pardon of the House, which was accepted ; and the 15th
artickle read, and then the 1th paragrafe of it. The report from
the comittie concerning the calculation of the equivalent was next
read, which confirmed the other. Wee had then a long wrangle
350

about that paragrafe. At last the vote was proposed (as you’l
see by the minuts), Approve this paragrafe or not. Fletcher
proposed that the vote shou’d be whither wee should enter into
the debts of England or not. Then it was voted whilk shou’d
be the state of the question. The first caried by 71, and then
that parragrafe was approven by 113; but before the vote
Belhaven entred a protest that the voteing to this shou’d not be
binding on this nation to enter into the debts of England. One
of those who the committee had imploy’d for examining the
calcule of the equivalent thought fitt to make some remarks and
desertations upon our paying pairt of the English debts, which
the comittie would not receive, and he was told that was non of
his bussiness, so they wou’d only receive his report as to the
calculation, which he gave and said he wou’d not speak of the
other. This lookt a leitle as if he had been practised; so to
prevent any deficultie that way my Lord Montross by our advice
proposed that the Parliament shou’d recommend those who had
examined the calculation to the Treasurie for a gratification,
which was ordered, and by this they are kept in dependance.
And it will also be a good preparative for getting an allowance
to those who calculated the Equivalent at London, tho’ wee did
not think it fitt to propose it at this tim. I lykt this dayes
procedor mightie well, for not one of those who are for the
Union were mislead in their votes, notwithstanding of the
plausable pretext of being free of the English debts which the
opposers insisted on all they cou’d; and this gives me a good
view of the finishing vote. Against wee nixt meet, which is
Tewsday, I believe the comittie will have a report reddy for the
Parliament as to the 6th artickle; and in that I hope we shall
not have much dificultie, tho’ aboundance of wrangling.

You was told som posts agoe that a detachment of 200 horse
and dragoons were sent to Glasgow to disperce the mobe ther
and to apprehend the ringleaders, then to march to Hamilton,
Lendrick, and Douglass, and so after making that toure to com
back here. This detachment marched to Glasgow, where the
rable had dispersed a leitle before they cam. ‘Tuo of the rable
captains who had been in armes at Kilsyth were taken, and the
pairtie returned with them here yesterday. They are putt in
the Castle closs prisoners. As they were delyvered att the Castle
gate som of the Edinburgh mobe gathered about them, and one
of them thought to have rescued one of the prisoners out of the
Castle serjant’s hands. Collonel Campble was hard by on horss
back, and cam up and run him throw the shouldier, but the
fellow run doun tle stipe of the hill where the horss cou’d not
follow, so he made his escape. But he’s knowen, and his
master is a hatt maker. The tuo prisoners’ names are Finlay
and Montgomrie. The first sayes that what he did he was
warranted by law; but the other sayes he’l confess all and
thro’ himself on the Queen’s mercie. Ther was a Counsell to-
night, and a comittie of three appointed to.examine them. My.
Lord Montrose is one of them, so I leave it to him to give ane
account of what they said.
351

The troups did certainlie mistake their orders in coming so
soon back, but it was thought fitt to be winkt att. After they
cam from Glasgow the mobe rose and threatned the magestrats
unless they got back the prisoners they wou’d do wonders; so
the majestrats are com in here, and the affair was represented
to-night in Councill. Som say the majestrats have not behaved
so as they ought, so ther’s a comittie named to examine the
affair on Muuday and to report to the Council.

By the inclosed coppie of the leter from the Commission of
the Generall Assembly to Presbyteries, you’! see the clargie are
begining to grow some wiser; but it is easier by much (they
say) to raise the deivell than tolay him. . . . . . I have
sent you a song on Balhaven, but it’s not in print, which is a
pittie. « s 6 + e ws

Sunday’s night, December 7th.—The flyeing pacquet that you
mentioned to Raitt is not yett come, but the Commissioner
resolves not to keep this packquet for it. By good luck the
Chancellar had a copie of the Queen’s speech sent him by the
last post, which cam this morning. If it had not com wee
would have been in a maise here, for ther’s severalls here in
toun who gott the heads of the speech, and in them it’s said:
that the Queen speaking of the Treatie sayes it is now under the
consideratione of the Scots Parliamentt, and she hop’t it wou’d
be redie to lay before them in England against their next
meeting. The opposers are overjoy’d at this, for fue of them
has yet seen the reall speech. My Lord Loudoun’s porter sent
one of thir papers so to his man Smith, and it is wryt on the
back of the flyeing post which was sent to the Duke of Athole,
and I’m told Sir David Dalrimple’s servant Arbuthnet has one
of them sent him too. I’m persuaded this has been done of
designe to do harm here. I saw these papers in the morning,
and I assure you I was not a leitle releived when I saw the
printed speech to-night. The Chancelar has sent it to be
printed here. I wish you cou’d learne from whom these papers
cam. Loudoun’s porter will tell you from whom he had it, and
you may gett notice who sends the Duke of Athole his neus
papers. Sir David’s man, I believe, corresponds with one in
Mr. Harlay’s office. I’m soray for the loss of severall places in
Spain. Belhaven told to severalls yesterday in the House of
Carthagena’s being taken and tuo regiments in it; but how he
cam to know it is pritty odd, for the post cam not till this
morning, and the fleet from Holland which cam tuo dayes before
knew nothing of it. So its licklie this intelligence was such
an other as what cam over with the Burgandie wine, as you
have itin the song. . . . . Isend you the French King’s
proposals for a peace which wee have printed here. Lord Ross
gave them into the press, and says he had them from Mr. Shout.

Copy.
Tue Earut or Mar to Sir Davin Narenn.

1706, December 10. Kdinburgh.—I have both yours of the
4th and 5th. The addresses give great satisfaction here, and
352

their firmness I hope will have good effects. I have litle to say
since my last of the 7th. This day the committy told the
House that they had gone through the 6th article and the
clauses concerning it which were remitted to them, and that
they had put their report on the generall and allso on evry
particular clause which was remitted to them in the clerck’s
hands, and proposed that they should be taken into consideration
as they had gone throw them, which was the particulars first.
They allso told that the grounds on which they went were in the
clerck’s hands for the satisfaction of the members. Their first
report, which is concerning a premium on oatmeal exported,
was read. The Duke of Hamilton, Fletcher, and some others of
that sett proposed the reading of all the reports on the 6th
article and things relating to it before any one of them were
taken under consideration, and that they shou’d be printed and
the grounds the committy had gone upon. This was a new
delay, so we argued against it and told that evry member might
have been present at the committy as severalls were, so the
printing was needless, and that it was absolutely necessary to go
upon the reports concerning the particulars before we went upon
the generall. There was a great deal of wrangling about this,
and when it was like to come to a vote the Duke of Hamilton
spoke so often and so loud that we were forced to call to order.
Some people said that that order for speaking but twice to one
thing was in desuetude, and others, as the Marquis of Annan-
dale, said people ought to be let speak as often as they will on
this great affair of the Union. So the Duke of Argyle and I
proposed that a resolve should be declaring that all the orders of
the House should be punctually observed, and whoever broke
them, particularly this concerning speaking, incroacht on the
priviledges of Parliament and should presently be censured.
This interim debate lasted a long time. Some cited the Act of
Parliament regulating the orders, and said there was no need
of a new resolve. Evry body at last own’d that this Act was in
full force and none of it in desuetude tho’ often broke, and those
who had spoke against it yielded what they had said, so we
proceeded to our former debate. The Duke of Hamilton is very
angry with me for this affair, but that is nothing. i)

The report of the committy makes the premium for oatmeal
exported to be half a crowne per quarter, but says nothing of
oats. Some proposed that the premium shou’d be forty pence.
The vote was at last stated approve the report or alter, and it
carry’d approve by a great plurality, which was all we cou’d do
to-day, so were adjourned till to-morrow. Some still think to
propose a premium on oats, but I believe they will not carry it.

I hope the commotions here are now near over. The two
prisoners have told some storys, but I have not yet seen their
informations, so will not say any thing of it. If it be fully ripe
you'll hear of it from others to-night, and if not, as soon as it is.

The Councill gave the magistrates and deacons of trades of .
Glasgow who came here a reprimand and ordered them to go
back to their town and keep them in order, cr else they wou’d
353

be pursued for their priviledges which they had certainly
forfeited, and that the Government wou’d take care to support
them in keeping the peace. Some troops are to be sent to
quarter there, which I believe will put ane end to all this affair.

, + lonly desired Annandale’s resolve to be
printed to inform people rightly of his Lordship, and I thought
the mob of London were better inclined than to be misled by ‘it;
but if others think not so there’s ane end of it. I rather thought
it wou'd do good. Copy.

Sir Davip Narrne to the Hart ofr Mar.

1706, December, 10. Whitehall.—I had a letter from Mr.
lirskin yeasterday of the 8d giveing ane account of the pro-
ceedings of that day, which I communicat to her Majesty, my
Lord Treasurer, and others. Wee did not expect much
opposition to the five articles then past. I have that skandelous
paper taken from the cross at Stirling. They say a warned
man is halfe armed; if your Lordship should goe that way I
hope you will not be too negligent of yourselfe; a villan may
doe anything. There is 800 horse marched from this to the
Borders by advice of the Duke of Malborrow, for he thinks they
will be more usefull then thrice there number of foot.

Tue Earu or Mar to the Earu or SunpERLAND, SECRETARY
oF State ror ENauanp.

1706, December 10. Edinburgh—I’m very glad of ane
opportunity of congratulating your Lordship upon the employ-
ment you have deservedly got, which I do with all my heart. I
hope that you'll forgive me to wish that as your Lordship has
got the employment, so you may allso get the house belonging
to it, by which I wou’d have the happyness of being in your
neighbourhood when at London. If the Queen shall think after
the Union that there’s no use for me or any body else in the
employment I now have, I shall be very glad that your Lordship
is in that post to take care of this part of the United Kingdom,
which I’m sure wou’d be safe in your hands.

To save your Lordship of trouble I have not wrote to you
since I came to Scotland. I wrote allways fully to Sir David
Nairne, and when there was any thing materiall I desired he
might acquaint your Lordship and other friends with it, which
I hope he did; and this was easyer I thought for your Lordship
than writing directly to yourself. JI know severals here wrote to
your Lordship some days ago concerning some explanations and
additions to the Articles of the Treaty, so I would not trouble
you then either; but I wrote fully at that time to my Lord
Hallifax upon the same subject.

I hope your Lordship and others are convinced that nothing
wou’d have made us who are friends to the Union here yield to
any explanations, additions, or alterations of the articles but
absolute necessity. And by those allready made I hope it
appears that any we will yicld to are not inconsistent with the

w
354

Treaty, nor doe not at all alter the design of any part of it. I
doubt not but there will be unreasonable things proposed to be
added or explan’d so as may make the Union impracticable,
but I doubt as little of our being able to get such things
rejected. We have a strugling fighting life of it here, which
has made and will make our procedure slow, but notwith-
standing all the opposition I hope we shall have finished
our part of this great affair against the English Parlia-
ment have finished their supplys, and then I doubt not
but there will be time for their ratifying the Treaty too.
There’s nothing of the Treaty I’m now so affraid of here as the
salt; but that article stands committed, and we shall do all
that’s possible to keep it right. I hope one way or other we
shall be able to do it. Friends here are not a litle pleased with
the addresses of both Houses to the Queen, but particularly
with that from the Lords, which came to-day and is now
a-printing; which certainly will show the world and the
unbelivers here that England is in earnest in the affair of the
Union, tho’ there has been pains taken to perswade people here
that it was not, or at the least wou’d drop the measure.

I have seen some letters from Holland and spoke with some
people come lately trom that country, who say that the Dutch
are mighty apprehensive of the Union, and would do what
possibly they cou’d to ruineit underhand. This I never doubted
of, but your Lordship will have more occasion of knowing it.
They tell me allso that the Dutch have particular correspondents
here who give information of evry step we make. Of what use
it wou’d be to know who are those correspondents and what
designs are in it, your Lordship may easily judge. It is hard to
discover it here, but Ifancy it might be done with more ease at
London; for here any letters from this to Holland that are of
this nature, people from whom they are will certainly be
cautious about them and probably enclose them in letters directed
to London. There’s a story here a good whille that mony has
been sent to this from Holland. I hope it is not so, but ’m
sure I wish it may not be true, for if it were I confess I wou’d
be affraid of its consequences. I will not presume to advise
any further on this matter, but leave it to your Lordship.

I hope the commotions that were likely to be in this country
are now going over. I will not now trouble your Lordship with
any particulars of our procedure, since Sir David Nairne will
give you a full account of all that is done from time to time.
Tho’ our work here has been very hard, yet I hope it shall come
to a good conclusion, and that the pains that your Lordship and
other great men in England took in this important affair will
not be losst, but that both nations will be happy in ane intire
Union, which I’m sure are the earnest wishes of, etc. Copy.

Tue Haru or Mar to Str Davin Narene.

1706, December 12. Edinburgh.—I have very litle to say of
our proceedings thirr two days, more than the minuts which the
Register sends you will let you know. All the difficultys as to
355

the 6th article are now I hope over, and at our next sederunt I
doubt not but that article will be approven. Pray heavens the
8th article may have the same fate, and then I wou’d think we
were passt hazard and within sight of land.

Because of Lord John Hay’s buriall the Commissioner was
oblidged to adjourn till Munday. . . . . I send you inclos’d
the paper that was ordered by the House to-day, to be burnt by
the hand of the hangman. I’m credibly inform’d that it is write
by Mr. Wylie, minister of Hamilton.

The prisoners in the castle have made a full confession, and
the party that apprehended them are ordered to apprehend
severalls who they informed of. They march to-morrow, and it
will be some days before they return. It plainly appears that
the rising in arms was a form’d design, and perhaps it will be
found out who were the contrivers; but you shall hear more of
this when it is ripe. We are now on the right scent and it will
be odd if something be not made out, if the people be catcht
whom the party is going about. We have reason to believe that
people of good condition and of a high rank will be made appear
to have had a hand in all this affair.

Nine at night. I could not get the paper to send you thats
ordred to be burnt and J had it not my self as I thought, but it
is some queries reflecting on those for the Union. Copy.

THe Eart oF Mar to Caprarin Housurn.

1706, December 13. Edinburgh, Friday morning.—Sir, you
have incloased an order for apprehending ————— Steenson,
late Treasurer of Stirling, which you are to do once to-
morow. As to the maner of doing it, the most convenient and
saifest way must be left to yourself, you being on the place so
being best judge ; but my own thoughts of it are that you cairie
your partie down the back way from the castle with as little
noice or observation as possibe, when it is dark, and march up
the Fryer Wynd to his house or where else you surely know he
is, and saise him; then to march up the street with him to the
castle, and in case any attempt be made upon you to make your
post good by force if there be occation. Because he is an officer
of the toun guard, if he shou’d chance to be on the guard to-
morrow you wou’d delay apprehending him until the most
convenient time on Sunday. You wou’d take some way tho’
very secretly and without being noticed to informe yourself
where he is before you make the attempt for him. He is to be
keept closs prisoner, conform to the order. Collonel Erskine
is to wryt to you in what room he is to be put. Use him sivillie,
und I believe you will not be long troubled with him, for he’ll
be brought here. As soon as you have put him in his room give
him a copie of my order. I think about thertie men will be
a sufficient pairtie, but you wou’d choose the best men and be
sure their armes be in good order. If you think a greater pairtie
necessare then you may order it as you think fit; but be sure
that it be such a pairtie as any force the toun can bring against
356

you of a sudden cannot affront you. Both for secresie and other
reasons I-can trust the comand of this pairtie to none but your
selfe, but when you go out with it order the ensing and the
rest of the garison to be in the castle until you return. As
soon as you have executed your orders let me have an account of
it from you by an express. I trust this affair to your cair, and
I am, Sir, your humble servant, Mar. Copy.

oes Sir Davin Narrve to the Haru or Mar.

1706, December 14. Whitehall.—The letter from the Com-
mission of the General Assembly is of more consequence here
than can be well imagined for the calmness and disapproving of
the tumults make people thinke they are become more inclinable
to the Union, and that the Act of Security of their church has
made them soe.

Srr Davip Narrne to the Ear or Mar.

1706, December 17. Whitehall—Wee ave in great expecta-
tions of hearing some great matters discovered by Finlay and
Montgumrie. I fancy if the discoverys are greate they ought to
be kept this time very secret. Who ever are guilty know it
themselves and may be some awe on them; and if the discoverys
are publick there must be a publick resentment, which may
retard other business and that seems what wold most gratify
some people. Redpeth sends the Duke of Atholls newspapers,
and on, Morgan, gave the paper he called the Queens Speech to
the Earl of Loudouns porter.

THe Earu oF Mar to Sir Davin Narene.

1706, December 17. Edinburgh, 8 p.m.—Yesterday the 6th
artickle of the Treatie was approven with the explanations
formerlie made, which the Register told me he was to send you,
else I had done it. I hope the Queen, her Ministrie and others
concerned will think this point well over, and that ther’s nothing
in the explanation or additiones inconsistent with the Treatie
or what will make deficultie in England. It was not possible
to carrie it otherwayes here, and I hope the alterations are of no
consequence.

To-day wee were on the 8th artickle in relatione to salt.
The committee made their report upou severall branches of it.
Tuo of them were approven, which the Register also promist to
send you. I hope, too, that neither of them will be thought of
prejudice. I told you always that this was the artickle I was
most affraid of, every body seeing that if this countrie cam to be
subject after the seven years’ exemption to the dueties on salt,
it would be such a burden to the-poor that cou’d hardly be
borne. For my ouné pairt I neaver thought Scotland wou’d be
lyable to it, for since our claim of further exemptions was
857 :

carried #0 the Parliament of Britain I firmlie beleived that ther
wou’d be som way fallen on during the seven years to releive us
of it, and the rather because this tax was griveous to England
too. But other people have not so much faith, and therfor are
frighted at it. I’m affraid wee will not be able to carrie the
artickle as it stands, but that ther will be an exemptione for a
further term of years insisted on and probablie may carrie.
Some people designe to ask a perpetual exemption, but I hardlie
beleive this will obtean. Wee are takeing all the paines wee
ean possiblie about this affair of the salt; but I’m reallie affraid
that all wee will be able to bring it to will be an address to her
Majestie, or more probablie a stipulatione in the artickle that
before the experatione of the seven yeares of exemptione the
Parliament of Britain for the ease of all the United Kingdom
shall put this upon an other fond. I hope wee will be able to
carrie it thus, tho’ I’m not sure.“ Wee sitt again to-morrow,
and will be first on that point whether or not all fishes
shall be cured with foraigne salt, which I think, will carrie ;
then upon the drawbacks. The comittee has allowed 20s.
Scots per barrel upon the whyt herings more than the duetie
on salt, which is of all 10s. sterling per barrel, but subject to the
Parliament of Britain. Many think this encouragment to this
fishing too small, and so are resolved to ask a higher. drawback
or premium. It is pritty plausable, so I’m not sure how it will
goe; but unless it be very extravagant, I hope ther’s no danger
in it, and especiallie since the Parliament of Britain can alter it
if it be found wrong. But I wow’d be sorie if they were
obleidged to doe so. After this wee will com to the further
exemption, which is the nice point; you may rest secure that
wee will doe all that’s possible to keep this right and to approve
it as it stands if possible; but tho’ they shou’d carrie a further
number of years against us I hope that sam wou’d not break
the Treatie, for if they did so the Parliament of Britain could
still remidie it by laying it upon an other fond. But I hope it
shall not come to this.

I told you that ther was a pairtie gone in quest of som
people who had been guilty in riseing in armes and stiring up
the people to it. They have mist the principal people at
Glasgow, and so has a pairtie of the garrisone of Stirling Castle
mist one of that toun who wee had informatione against.
Those people knowing themselves guiltie have all fledd and
absconded. Ther was a servant of the Dutchess of Hamiltons
ordered to be brought in. I’m affraid he will be brought and by
missing the other people wee will want witneses against him.
But more of this afterward, the pairtie not being yet
returned.

I believe my Lord Loudoun is to wryt to you to-night
concerning my Lord Crommerties appropriation for his 1,500
libs. By his carriadge at this tim he reallie deserves to be
incuradged, and I doubt not but the Queen will inclyne to be
favourable to him. If my word can doe him any good pray lett
it be known that I have wryt in his favours. Copy.
358
Tun Hart oF Mar to Sir Davin Narrne.

1706, December 19. Edinburgh.—I received yours of the
14th this morning. I’m glade the alteratione of the malt tax
gives you no uneasiness.

To-day the Parliament was on the drawbacks. I told you
formerlie that the comittie had agreed to 20s. Scots over and
above the duetie on each barrel of whyt herrings, and that some
people thought it too leitle and wou’d ask more, which they did.
Some proposed 80s., some 40, and others 24s., and then 25s.,
who were for accomodating the matter. After a great deall of
wrangling the last was agreed to without a vote; so it is of all
6 lib. 5s. sterling on the laste. The comittie reckoned that each
barrel of herrings required four bolls salt to cure it, which was
what was allowed by the Royall Fisherie Company. I hope this
will give no umbradge, for if the trade incrase and so maney
drawbacks to be payed the returnes will augment the
customes. The fear of haveing the drawbacks higher made us
agree to this without a vote. The nixt thing proposed was a
drawback or premium on beeffand pork. This, as it is redicolus
and rather a loss than an advantage to the nation, wee argued
against all wee could and told it wou’d certainly break the
Union ; but a great maney of our own people went of from us,
so wee coud not push the vote, but adjourned the debeat,
hopeing to gett them better informed against the morrow. The
occasione of their leaving us is mostlie oweing to letters from
London to people here, particularlie one from Mr. Shipherd,
which says, as I’m told, that England wou’d not refuse it. By
such as this I’m reallie affraid of its carrieing; but wee are
doeing what wee can to prevent it. If it doe carrie all the
remedie is that it is subject to be alter’d by the Parliament of
Britaine.

I wou’d fain hope that we'll end the 8th artickle to-morrow,
but it is not sure that wee will, and I’m still affraid of a longer
exemptione being carried then seven years; however, wee are
doeing our best to keep it right.

The pairtie is com back and brought the Dutchess of
Hamilton’s man with them, the Treasurer of Hamilton, and tuo
of the meanest mobers from Glasgow; but all the principal
men who cou’d have proven anything are escaped. Those who
are brought are to be examined to-morrow, but for want of those
people I’m affraid there will nothing be made out against
them.

Ther’s a paragraff in the last flyeing post from Edinburgh
prittie odd, which made me send it you that you may inquyr att
the author who was his correspondent, which might be of use
for us to know.

I have sent you a new pamphlet, which is reallie prittie well

done considering the author, who you would hardly guess to be
Roben Seatone. Copy.
359

Sir Davip Narrne to the Haru or Mar.

1706, December 19. Whitehall—This has been a kind of
holy day. The Duke of Malborrow was entertand by the City
and the trophies of the last years campaigns were caryd befor
him, which the Queen came to see. I wish I had got some
informations ere now of the mighty discoverys the toun talke
will have to be made by Finly and Montgumrie, but I know soe
litle that I have not had a charecter of the men more then that
the first had been a souldeor in Dumbartons regiament.

THe Eart or Mar to Srr Davin Narrne.

1706, December 21. Edinburgh.—By the inclosed scrole of
yesterday’s minuts you’l see that wee lost the vote concerning
the drawbacks on beeff and pork. The plurality was but one.
I’m very sorie for this, for I know people in England who have
no lykeing to the Union will indeavour to make this appear to
be a verie great unequality, and so will freight others with it.
But if it be considered as reallie it is or possible ever to amount
to, it can give no such umbradge. There is verie leitle or no
stald beeff here, for our ground will not produce what is large
enough for that purpoas. No grass beeff is verie fitt for salting,
but especiallie ours that is so leitle and for the most part lain.
There was never a hundred barle of Scots beeff, save once,
transported for seall in one year, as I’m erediblie informed; so
as for beeff you see it nather is now the subject of trade from
this nor can it ever be so. As for the pork which is salted and
exported from this, it is but fyve or six years since ever ther was
any such thing; and the most that ever was exported from
Aberdine in one year was eight hundred barle; and that is the
only place from whence any was ever sent. The first two yeares
of this trade the pork was well cured, so sold well; but
afterwards they neglected to cure it faithfullie, so it is now
in such disrepute abroad that the last that was sent I’m
informed still lyes unsold in Holland. For want of trade and
shiping at home, pork here was useless unless exported, which
made the last sessione of Parliament give a drawback on it, but
after the Union when trade and shiping incresses here ther will
be occassione for more pork than this countrie affords, so non
will be exported for seall. By all which I hope it appears that
even as it has caried it is of leitle consequence. Wee argued
against it all wee cou’d, but people had gott such an impressione
of it that they wou’d not harken to us. They said that for thir
severall years bypast the Scots cattle sold verie ill in England
so that trade cam now to no account; and after the Union if
they were not on a foot of being capable to export them salted
with profeit, then England wou’d sett the dice upon them and
then they wou’d be forced to sell them to them at what price
they pleased to give. This and the incuradgment that som
mertchants from London gave by privat letters to people here
that insisting on it wou’d obtean it, that a great maney of our
oun people were ledd of from us, some of whom now repents it.

\
360

Prestonhall and all Cromerties people went against us. Mr.
Seatoun thinking wee wou’d carie it without him and to make
court to his shire of Abberdine voted against us too. But what
did us most harme was Sir Patrick Johnston’s voteing against
us, who was a treater and the first voter of the Burrous. The
clause for this drawback nor the drawback itself is not yett
adjusted. Some of us are to meet about it to-night with the
Commissioner, and I hope wee shall forme it in such terms and
leave it so intire to the Parliament of Britain that our loosing
this vote shall be nothing. So maney appear to be sensible of
their mistake yesterday of voteing against us that I hope wee
shall be able on Munday to carie this clause so that any appre-
hension that may be upon our loosing the vote yesterday may
be in a great measure removed. Severals who have imploy-
ments from the Queen voted against us as some of those people
have done in other things before, particularlie Meldrum, who
is one of the masters of work, and Maxwell of Cardiness, who
has a company in Inverlochie and a Lieutenant-Colonels act.
I am of oppinion that the Queen’s shoeing her displeasure
against thir tuo by disposing imediatlie of their imployments
wou’d doe good, and shoe other people who are in the service
their hazard of goeing contrair to the measures of the Queen’s
servants. I believe the Commissioner is to wryt to you of this,
that the Queen may be pleased to signe tuo blank commissions
for thir tuo posts to be sent as soon as possible to the Com-
missioner. Maxwell has not attended his post of a long tim,
and has growen rich on it. He has been for the most pairt this
Parliament against us, and in these things which wou’d
certainlie have broak the Union had his side caried. So
I think such a man is not fitt to be intrusted in the
troops. Meldrum is a knowen Jacobite, and only gott his
place last year upon goeing allong in the act for the Treatie
and promising to goe throw with it. The Duke of Argyle who
put him in is nowclear for turning him out, so I think ther
can be no objectione against it. I’m sure I have no quarrell
or pick at either of them, but only advise this as what I
think for the Queen’s service. ,

I’m still affraid as to a further exemption for the salt being
prest and in hazard of carieing. I feind a great many even of
our own people scroupolus on that point. Vm hopefull their
failling as yesterday may make them the easier to guid on this
point, tho’ I confess I almost dispair of our being able to carie it
without some alteratione. Wee are doeing what wee can to fall
on som expedient for this, in which I hope wee shall be success-
ful; but it’s needless to say more of this untill it com a greater
length, which will be the nixt sederunt or that imediatlie ther-
after. Cromertie, who was the only one of his partie with us
yesterday, promises to take all the paines with his people that’s
possible to bring them back to us. I believe they will certainlie
be with us in most things after this 8th artickle is over, as they
were with us in most things before it; and I reallie beleive it is
not Cromertie’s fault that they are not with us in this too.
861

Sir David Dalrimple is just come in to me so I can say no
more, for wee have gotta botle of better claret than London
toun affoords, and are just goeing to drink success to the Grand
Affair and your wirships health. Copy.

Tur Haru or Mar to Sir Davip Narrne.

1706, December 24. Edinburgh.—I believe my last wou’d
not be very acceptable, but now I hope the Queen and those
concerned for the Union will be satisfy’d that anything which
was amiss by my last is now rectify’d, and I think we are now
in sight of land.

I have not time to get copies of the two additions to the 8th
article that have been voted thirr two days, but I known the
Register sends you them. You will see by that of Munday that
the drawback on beeff and pork is only the duty of the salt
made use of for cureing them, and it is entirely subject to the
allteration of the Parliament of Britain, so I hope the loss we
had by the former vote made up by this. We had two votes on
this point; the 1st carry’d by 29 and the 2nd by above 70.

To-day we were upon the main point, to wit, the home salt.
AsI wrote last we had a meeting on this affair at the Abbay
and there were severals with us beside the Queen’s servants.
We were all of opinion that if possible we shou’d stand to
and earry that part of the article as it stands in the Treaty;
and to be sure whether or not we were able to do so, we made a
list of Parliament as we thought they wou’d go in this affair.
Severall of the members we found to be doubtfull, so those we
markt to be spoke to. When we had made this computation it
appear’d that we cou’d carry this clause of the article if at all
but by one or two; but if those who were doubtfull went
against us or stay’d out of the House then we wou’d loose it by
a great plurality. So that night, which was Sunday, we took
no positive resolution but to speak to those doubtfull members,
and evry man took a certain number to speak with them and to
see how far we cou’d bring them along with us. I for my own
share spoke as earnestly as I cou’d with the squadd assign’d to
me to perswade them to approve the clause as it stands, and I
beleive the rest did so too; but to little effect. Some of
them told us that they wou’d stay out of the House, others
that they behooved to be against us, and some thatif the clause
was carry’d ag it was that they would be against all the rest
of the articles and the Union in generall. We who had spoken
to thirr people waited of the Commissioner on Munday morning
as was appointed and told the answers we had got, by which
it was plain to a demonstration that we wou’d lose it by a great
plurality if we pusht the clause as it stood. So what was the
best way to manadge it was the question. Some thought that
before we yielded to ane allteration that we ought to have a
previous vote, Approve the clause or Alter; and that if it carry’d
to alter it wou’d show that it was none of our fault, and that we
might still have the allteration in our power to be spoke to and
362

formed as we had a mind. Others thought, and of whose
oppinion I was, that since we were sure of losing the vote Approve,
the puting of it very dangerous, for in that case we cou’d not
speak of any allteration to those doubtfull people before the vote
passt in the House to alter, so they wou’d take their side and
measures with the opposers for the allteration, which wou’d
make the allteration to carry as the opposers had a mind. And
alltho’ we shou’d carry the clause as it was (which we saw was
hardly possible) yet there was great hazard in it, for a good
number had declar’d that if it carry’d so they wou’d be against
the Union in generall and evry article of it which is not yet
voted ; by which the wholle wou’d run a risque of losing, or at
least our plurality wou’d be small. Upon all which we thought
it safer to form a clause for the explanation or allteration imme-
diately, and speak of it to our friends and those doubtfull
people to prepare them to go along with us against it came into
the House. The plurality of our meeting was of this opinion ;
so a clause was immediately form’d and people spoke to, which
had a good effect, for our friends were pleased and stuck closs
to us, most of those doubtfull people were brought over to us,
which made us carry the vote to-day. It was not possible to carry
the explanation or allteration in milder terms than it passt, and
since it is left free to the Parliament of Britain to change this
fond and substitute ane other in it’s place to which Scotland is
to be lyable in proportion geting ane equivalent, I hope it will
be thought no obstruction to the Union. You'll see too that
Scotland is to be lyable to the shilling on the bushell of salt
after the seven years which is perpetuat to the Crown; so it is
only the 2sh. and 4d. that is to be free of if the Parliament of
Britain alter not the fond. Thus it has carryed to-day by 26 of
plurality against a perpetual exemption on the wholle dutys
now or ever to be on salt. It was the best we cou’d make of it
and I hope evry thing considered it will please. Some people
were displeas’d with my Lord Stair for yielding some time ago
to the supposition of this allteration, and for his proposing it
some days ago in the committy. JI do indeed think he had
better not done it so soon nor so publickly, without first
speaking to those people of it; but since ever there was allowed
to be any supposition of allterations this was the main point
that evry body within the House and without proposed to be
explain’d or alltered. So that truly I do not believe it wou’d
have been possible to carry it without this allteration tho’
Stair had not spoke of it as he did; and if it had been possible
to have carry’d it in the House without the allteration it wou’d
have been at best by a very scrimp plurality, and the country
wou'd have been so universally displeas’d with it and the
wholle Union upon that account that it is but too probable that
the consequences wou’d have been bad. It is very probable
that there will be accounts wrote of all this and consequences
drawn from it, which made me write the more fully. And as
I have no byass to either of the two sides above the other, I
thought I was oblidg’d to tell matter of fact and the reasons
363

that moved me to be of the oppinion I was. I think it is my
duty without respecting particular men’s oppinion to act as I
think most conducing to the great affair, and to endeavour to
keep evry body together and to take them allong who appear to
be for the Union. I believe none suspects my sincerity in the
affair, for I have put that without doubt; so I tell my mind the
more freely, and I’m sure I do it impartially and with a good
design.

If what was done to-day please, I believe you will be of my
oppinion that we are now in sight of land. When we meet on
Thursday ther’s litle remaining to be done with the 8th article
but adjusting the clauses to it that have been voted and then to
approve, of which I think there is no doubt; and then I hope
we will proceed faster in the rest.

Prestonhall offered the clause which was put in opposition to
ours to-day, and stuck to it violently notwithstanding of all we
cou’d say to him; but Cromarty was keen for us and all his
people save one, and ane other of them who I believe wou’d
have been against us was out of the House. I need not tell you
how others voted since the lists are to be printed, which you
shall have.

Before this you have from the Commissioner Finlay and
Montgomrie’s confessions or declarations, so I need say nothing
of it. I had given you an account of it sooner, if I had not
thought others had done it. Since non of the principale people
were catcht at Glasgow when the partie was last there it is not
possible to make anything out against people concerned in the
riseing for want of witnesses. But ther’s a way taken to make
som of these peoplé who the partie mist to surrender them-
selves, which I hope shall take effect, and then perhaps some-
thing more may be done. Leven and Duppline cam to the
Houss to-day, tho’ nether of them are yett fullie recovered.
Grant has gone north to see his lady, who is seick; but Strath-
more went away with him and is not to returne till he come
back, so his absence is no loss to us. Adieu. Copy.

THe Eart oF Mar to Sir Davip Narrene.

1706, December 28. Edinburgh.—The opposers of the Union
haveing been disappointed of mobs and the raiseing of the
countrie, by the act and proclamation of Parliament, thought
nixt to bring the heretors who had sign’d the addreses against
the Union to toun from all places of the countrie to back their
addresses and demand an ansuer to them. There was letters
wryt to those gentlemen from this to this effect inviteing them
to toun; and the shirreff-depute of Clidsdale wryt sircular
letters to all the gentlemen in that shyre who had signed the
address to com to toun to meet with others who had signed
addresses too from other places; upon which several gentlemen
from different places cam to toun, and others were a coming.
The Commissioner being informed of all this thought fitt (with
364

advice of the Queens servants and others who are well inclined)
to have it laid before the House yesterday, and ther was a
draught of a proclamatione reddy drawen which the Register
offer’d to the House. There was a long tim spent in debeating
upon it, but at last it was brought to the vote and was approven
by a great plurality, and was this day proclamed. It is needless
to tell you all was said against it, but it was by the old sett, and
they justified their comeing to toun and the whole storie very
impudentlie. When they saw that wou’d not doe they formed a
protest against it, which Mr. Lockhart presented, and took
instruments upon it. This proclamation was a mortifying
stroke to them, for besides it’s defeating their designe it was a
surpryze upon them. I know the Register sends you a coppie of
the proclamatione and Loudoun the minuts of Counsell which
satt to-day, so I need say no more of them. The proclamation
took up the Parliament all yesterday, and to-day the committie
was to sitt, so the Parliament was adjourned till Munday; and
then wee will be on the uses for which the equivalent is to be
applyed. Severalls of us have been talking of this. We think
there is a necessitie of prefereing the loss of the coyn in the first
place, then the Affrican Companie, and then the debts. I doubt
not but friends with you are weareing, and think our pro-
ceedings slow; but were they here to see the deficulties and
delays wee meet with they wou’d be convine’d that it was not
possible for us to have proceeded faster. They may be shure wee
shall make all the dispateh that possiblie wee can, and I hope
wee shall not now stick so long on any artickle as wee did on
those that are past. I assure you our life here is not very
diverting, so wee long for an end of the affair. Nixt moneth
will doe it, I hope. Copy.

Tue Eart oF Mar to Sir Davip Narrne.

1706, December 81. Edinburgh—The Commissioner and
the rest of the Queen’s servants thought that the proceedings
of the Parliament thir tuo dayes was worth a flyeing pacquet,
that the Queen may know soon what forwardness her affairs are
now in.

Yesterday the 15th artickle was approven with an explanation
which the Register sends you. By it you’l see the preference is
given to the reparation of the coine, then to the Affrican
Company; and then to the debts of the nation ; and it is remitted
to the commitie to consider how that of the coine shall be done,
and to stait the stock and intrest of the Affrican Company, and
to consider to whom their money shall be payed, and also to
stait and class the debts, and to report the whole to the Parliament.
This remitt saves us of a vast deall of trouble and loss of tim,
and also from disobleidging some of our friends who have debts
oweing them. In the tim the commitie is adoeing this I hope
the Parliament will have near finisht the Treatie; and some of
those things which are remited can be done by seperat acts,
865

they only concerning Scotland. You will see also by the
explanation that ther’s tuo thousand pound to be payed yearlie
out of the equivalent for seven years for incuradging manu-
factoring of course wooll in the countries that produces that
species of wooll. This was agreed to in the commitie for
incuradging those wooll masters, and in som maner to mak up
the loss they will at first sustain by that wooll’s not being
exported. This can be no loss to England, and the rather
because in England ther’s none of this wooll, which is all tar’d.
I indeed thought ther was no great reasons for this incuradg-
ment; but som of those wooll-masters wou’d have been very
troublesome without it, so I thought it best not to strugle. It
is not yett determined how this tuo thousand pound shall be
particularlie apply’d for incuradging this manufactor, that being
yett before the commitie; but it is agreed that it shall not be by
premiums on export, which was once proposed, so ther’s no
hazard in it. It is to be payed out of the incressing equivalent
after the first year, but that year is out of the first equivalent.
The rest of the explanatione is but what was imply’d in the
artickle. There was a great strugle made against the company’s
being taken away without first hearing the proprictors, but the
artickle was approven by a great majoritie, and the oppoasers
were so kine on the standing of the company that they forgoat
to debeat on the rest of the artickle. This advanced us well,
for had they debeat on the rest of the artickle as they used and
might have done wee wou’d not have gott over it thirr tuo dayes.

To-day the 16th and 17th artickles were approven without
very much debeat, only a word or tuo were aded to the 16th
concerning the officers of the mint, which are in effect nothing,
but it was to please Lauderdale and Airdess.

When the 18th artickle was read ther was not much said to it
for along tim, so wee were proposing to putt it to the vote; but
Balhaven said that by this artickle the Parliament of Britain
cou’d impose the sacramentall test on Scots men. Wee told
that that matter was alreddy taken cair of in the Act secureing
the Church, and the Act was read; but they insisted and wee
told it was not now inteir, for ther had been a clause for that
effect offered and was rejected and another clause voted in its
place, for which wee ceited that daye’s minuts. Balhaven,
Annandale, the Dukes of Hamiltone and Athole, and Earle of
Buchan said with most of that partie that it was not only
thought fitt to be added to the Act concerning the Church
but inteir to be spoke to and added to this artickle or the 22d,
and they insisted to have it added here. Wee prest that the
vote should be Approve the artickle or not, and Buchan offered a
clause (in effect which Balhaven had formerlie offer’d to be
added to the Church Act) and desired the vote might be
Add the clause or not, or which of the tuo shou’d be the
stait of the question. Our side said that clause cou’d
not be voted because it was not inteir, and that whoever
offer’'d a vote on what the Houss had alreadie determined
deserved the censur of the Parliament. The opposers said it
366

was inteir and prest what Buchan did. I haveing sett doun
Buchan and Balhaven before for speaking oftner than the rules
of the House alowed (for which they were very angrie with me),
and haveing spoke twyce before myself, I cou’d not speak again
without leave, which the Commissioner granted me, so I
proposed that wee shou’d first vote whither or not the clause
offer’d by Buchan was inteir or not, and if it cairried inteir that
the vote then shou’d be whither Approve the artickle or not or
Ad the clause or not, by first or second; but that untill the
House determined whither or not this clause was enteir it cou’d
be no pairt of the question, and that if by the first vote it was
found not inteir, then certainlie the proposer deserved the
censur of the Houss, since so maney before had affirmed that it
was not inteir and shoe’d it so clearlie by the minuts and
Church act. After some more speaking this proposall of myne
was agreed to, and the vote Inteir or not was putt, which wee
cairied by 29; and imediatlie therafter (since the clause was out
of the feild) the question was putt Approve the artickle or not,
and caried Approve by a great pluralitie. Buchan is mad at me
for what I said, and I believe our friendship is new quyt up;
but since he has caried so, after all the pains I toke to gett the
Queen to show him a mark of her favour, I thought he deserved
to be so treated and I’m very indifferent hew he take it.

This debeat was unexpected, but it is well over and wee are
now sure not to be troubled with it again. The list of the votes
are to be printed, which you shall have when they come out.
Craufoord, Eglingtone, Maxwell of Cardiness, and Sir Patrick
Johnstone were against us. Galloway was so too, but he’s now
so always. Northesk went out of toun some dayes agoe to see
his lady, but will be back this week. Severall of our friends
were this day absent, not expecting anything of moment before
us; and wee have always great deficultie in getting som of them
to attend the Houss punctuallie.

It was too lait to enter upon the 19th artickle, so it was only
read, and wee are to beginn on it next sederunt. An Act
adjourning the Session to the first of February gott a first
reading, then wee were adjourned till Thursday that the
commitie may have tim to sitt to-morrow. I hope against the
end of Janwary at furthest the Treatie will be ratified here, so I
hope all that are concerned for the Union will now be prittic
easie.

I send you inclos’d the ansuer to the Scots merchants att
London their letter. It minds me of a storie of tuo gentlemen
who are knowen here. They were argueing about som point
or other. Sayes the one to the other, If you’l take notice Ile
convince you that you are in the wrong. Convince me, sayes
the other, by heavens, I defay you, for I will not be convinced.
I see no other reason this ansuer gives. J doubt not but
Mr. Black is the author of this as he was of the Considerations
of trade, which the mertchants had seen, and its lyke the
rest of his wrytings and conversations on the subject of the
Union. Copy.
‘ 367

THe Haru or Mak to Sik Davip Nairye.

1706[-7], February 1. Edinburgh—tThe Register sends you
the scroll of yesterday's minuts and by them you'll see the
adjourn’d debate was resum’d, concerning the commissioners’
expences at the Treaty. My Lord Marchmont insisted that the
commissioners’ expences who were at the last Treaty shou’d
allso be taken under consideration at the same time. No body
spoke against the last commissioners’ expences except some of
the Squadrone, and they did it but faintly either, some proposing
that it shou’d not be on the equivalent and others that was
demanded was too much. My Lord Marchmont particularly
insisted on this last. The treaters themselves said nothing, but
some who had been friendly to them insisted for the vote,
Approve the Duke of Argyll’s clause or not? Those who have
all along opposed said nothing in this affair, nor did they vote
init. The Justice Clerk at last said that he thought 800 libs.
was enough for a gentleman, and in porportion to a nobleman
600. Most of the Squadrone went into this and seconded it, but
the Duke of Argyll and those who had appeared for his resolve
stuck by it. At last the vote was put, Approve of that resolve or
Alter, and it carry’d Approve by a vast plurality, there being
only about 20 for Alter. After this my Lord Marchmont and
some others presst that those on the former commission shou’d
have the same fate, and after some debate it was proposed that
there should be allowed to them 500 to each nobleman, 800 to
each barron, and 200 to each burrow. This was voted and
approven allso, so you see the Parliament has been pretty liberal.
Iwas very indifferent in all this matter and had nohand in bringing
it in, but since it was once spoke of in the House I thought indeed
either to reject or diminish the summes (since they were not
extravagant) would have been a reflexion both on the Treaty and
treaters. I have no quarrel nor picque at the Squadrone, and have
endeavour’d to live well with them ever since I came down, even
before they declar’d themselves for the Union; but their manadg-
ment, in this affair I can not understand, for they show’d them-
selves against giving the treaters anything at all; but they found
t’other day that they were not able to carry that, so yesterday
they went into that proposall of lessening the summes and
clogging it, which they soon saw they were not able to carry,
tho’ the treaters said not a word. Upon the wholle matter the
way of the Squadrone’s appearance in this affair shows that
they have not forgot the old differences and animositys and
want but ane occasion to resent them. This I’m sorry for with
all my heart, for I had really forgot all former differences and
was glad that now we were to be on a foot where we cou’d all
live good friends without partys. But enough of this affair.

The Duke of Argyll went away to-day. I’m affraid he is not
in good humor with any of us, as you'll soon see when he comes
to London. He has put himself so much in his mother and
brother’s hands that they turn him against us when they will
upon their own views. Tho’ he seems not pleased with us he is
in with nobody else, which is one comfort. When he comes
368

to London I know he’ll take the wholle praise of the carrying
the Union to himself. He did his part very well indeed, but
that he was the only doer of it nobody can averr, for ’tis
known that our business was all lay’d and well begun before
he came. He now pretends that tho’ as ane English peer he
has priviledge to sit in the House of Lords, yet after the
Union he can elect the 16 peers from Scotland, and grants
that any of the Scots peers who after the Union are made peers
of Brittain can not. This to me I confess looks pretty odd,
for since he can not be elected I see not how he ean elect; but
if any of them get the priviledge both ought certainly to have
it. However he takes this very high, and told the Commissioner
last night that if it went against him in the House he would
either be ane Inglish Duke before the Union or quitt the
Queen’s service; and by this he would after the Union have
place of the Commissioner or the Duke of Hamilton, tho’ the
Queen were pleased to give them the priviledge of sitting
allways in the House of Lords. This would be very hard on
them, and I’m sure not for the Duke of Argyll’s interrest to
bring such ane odium upon himself and his familly, since they
have the place of him now; and at this time the Commissioner
wou’d not expect to be put back from the place he has. What
wou'd this signify to the Duke of Argyll, for after the Union
he’s a Duke of Brittain however? I really believe this point
he’s affraid of will go against him in the House, for most people
think it unreasonable and have declar’d themselves init; and if
it go on he'll certainly be at the Queen to be made ane
English Duke before the Union, which made me write the story
so full that you may put the Queen on her guard in case he
surprize her with it. And should her Majesty grant it it would
be hard upon other people and be of ill consequences for her
service ; whichis the only thing makes me concerned in it, and
T’m sure out of no design against the Duke of Argyll. It is not
amiss that you should acquaint the Treasurer with it too.
Since the Queen’s affairs keep her servants in Scotland so
that they cannot be the first at London to give her Majesty
account of things and persons here, yet I hope her Majesty
will keep ane ear for them, and delay taking measures in her
business here till they have the honour of waiting on her, which
I’m sure will be for her Majesty’s ease and interrest. One thing
the Duke of Argyll is angry at us for is that the Commissioner
and some of us would not concert a list of the 16 peers to be
chosen for the first Parliament of Brittain and go soon into the
election, and there to seclude the Squadrone or a part of them,
which they take alike ill. This we could by no means agree to,
for it would certainly break us all entirely either with the Squad-
rone or the Duke of Argyll or perhaps with them both, or others of
our friends; therefor told him plainly that the longer that was
a doing the better. Come the election when it will, I’m affraid
(I may say certain) of great trouble in it, and that a great many
will be disoblidg’d by it is most certain; so the longer that is
put off ’'m sure ’tis the better for the Queen’s affairs.
369

Collonell Murray, of the Guards, spoke to me t’other day
of his brother James, who is in Morpeth jail, desiring me to write
to you of him to see if it were possible to get him pardoned. I
told him that I believed it was not in my power to do him any
service. Upon the Register’s account and Jock’s, I wou’d be
glad he were not hanged, but I confess I would be allmost
ashamed to speak for him, and I believe so would you. However,
I thought I wou’d tell you this. Copy.

Tae Karu or Mar to Sir Davin Narrne.

1706-7, February 1. Edinburgh.—You may remember that
when we were at London my Lord Rosebery askt of the Queen
to be made Chamberland of Fife for life, with a pension of
300 libs., which now he has only during pleasure ; and when the
Queen scrupled this, he proposed it heritably with a pension
only of lib. 100. This the Queen would not grant either, but
said after the Parliament she would think of it. And Roseberry
said to the Treasurer that he would not speak of it untill the
Parliament was over, which I know he will not do; but he’s
very desireous the Commissioner should move in it again as
from himself. He has given me his signature drawn both ways,
and I have spoke to the Commissioner of it. Roseberry has
indeed served very honestly and firmly, therefor the Com-
missioner would be very glad that the Queen show’d him a
mark of her favour; and desired me to transmit the signatures
to you that you may lay them before her Majesty. When
the Queen scrupled both those ways before, some of us askt
Roseberry how he wou’d like it if the Queen should make him
Chamberlane of Fife for life with a pension of 100 libs. for
life too, and the other two which he now has continued during
pleasure. This I do think more reasonable than any of the
ways he proposes it. But he was not at all pleased with it,
nor would he be pleased with it now, and he has told me
that he wou’d rather want it. So the Queen’s doing it so would
be giving away a considerable thing, and yet it wou'd not be
taken for ane obligation, which makes me think it is not
adviseable for the Queen to give it so, since he to whome the
favour is to be given is of this mind. But lay all before her
Majesty and let her do it in what she thinks fit. Of his two
ways the first is certainly most for the Queen’s interrest, I mean
for life with the pension of 800 libs.

I send you ane other signature to be lay’d before the Queen
which I hope her Majesty will approve of and pass. The
signature itself will inform you of the matter of fact, so I
need say the less. There being such a scarcity of ministers at
the Revolution, was the occasion of so many bursaries of
theology being erected; but now there is no such reason, all
the churches being planted, and the great number of bursarys
makes mean poor people follow that study, and so our ministers
come to be made up of the scumme of the people, which is
certainly a great loss. Copy.

Xx
370

Docror Jonn ArsurHnott to the Hart or Mar.

1706-7, February 1. London.—Your Lordship will have a
particular account of what was done in the House of
Commons to-day, which was to appoint three dayes in a
week to go throw the articles, which they are to debate
article by article, and it is not so much as doubted here
but they will all be past without any amendments. The
Archbishop of Canterbury brought into the House of Lords a
Bill for the security of the true Protestant religion in England ;
and indeed yow cannot imagine how much the candour of yow
worthy gentlemen who have carry’d through the Union in
Scotland is commended, first in rejecting all the bigott
proposals of the clergy with yow, and leaving with the same
justice the security of the Church of England to their own
Parliament. I telle them never blame us Presbeterians if ther
kirk is not secure, since they have it in ther own hands.
And indeed some of the very highest of their Churchmen have
owned that this is so fair dealing that they beleive the Scots are
willing to leave nighbourly and upon the square with them. In
a word, you have aquir’d a great dale of reputation to our
kingdom of constancy, courage, wisdome and moderation, in the
conduct of this whole affair, which God bring to a happy
conclusion. Jo. ARBUTHNOTT.

Tur Tart or Mar to Sir Davin Narrne.

1706-7, February 5. Edinburgh.—The affair I wrote of in my
last concerning those who are peers of both kingdoms having
a voice in chusing the 16 from Scotland was proposed by my
Lord Rothes in Parliament first by way of question, and then
Lord Marchmont seconded him. We were unwilling to say
anything of it since the Duke of Argyll took it so hot and
thought it personally design’d against himself, tho’ I’m con-
vinced, as a great many of us are, that they have no right to
chuse the 16; and by our not speaking it was like to be let drop
without our saying anything of it. But my Lord Ilay spoke to
it and pleaded their right to chuse. This in a manner begun the
affair again, and severall spoke against them. It was like to
come to a vote, which I was very unwilling of; so with concert
of some of our friends I proposed that there should nothing at
all be said of it in the Act, and that the debate should be let fall,
for if those Lords had no right the saying nothing of it did not
give it them, and if they had right I thought it was unjust to take
it away from them. This proposall took very much in the
House; but some who appear’d most against their having right
would not yield to it, so it was voted as you'll see by the minuts
and carry’d to say nothing of it; which I think is the safest way,
for it gives them no right unless they had it however. But
perhaps it may some time or other be disputed in the House of
Lords, who are certainly the most proper judges of it. You'll
see by the list I send you of a vote where people voted much the
871

same as in this that there were but few against my proposal.
All the Squadrone were, whose number of all the three estates
you'll see as markt to be but 15. | We have had great difficulty
in adjusting the list of the 16 peers to be chosen, a great number
pretending to it, and four or five and twenty of them of whome
we could not leave out one without disobliging extreamly and
making ane open breach with them and their friends. The
Squadrone pretended to five (which is all the peers they have)
and we saw it would be breaking with them to refuse any of
them, which of all things we thought was to be avoided. My
Lord Marchmont was one of their five, and the Duke of Argyll
told us that if we nam’d Marchmont he wou’d take it very ill and
neither he nor his friends could join with us. So this made a
breach with one of those sets certainly. The Duke of Argyll
askt to have in the 16, three, which with the other five of the
Squadrone, makes eight. Evrybody agreed that the Duke of
Queensberry, Seafield, Montrose, Mar, and Loudoun should be of
the number, so there remain’d but three to please all our friends,
as Leven, Weems, Stair, Glasgow, Roseberry, Dupplin, and a
great many others. This made us tell the Squadrone that we
saw such difficultys in the choice and that none would yield to
ane other, that if we came to the election there would certainly
be open breaches betwixt people, which might be of very bad
consequence to the Queen’s affairs; and therefor if there were
not some temper found in the affair there would be a necessity
of puting the election off untill the write did issue after the
Union took place, and that the Queen might then appoint the
peers to meet at oné place, the barrons at ane other, and the
burrows at a third, to make their elections; which tho’ it had
inconveniencys yet they were probably less than open breaches
just now, and against that time of electing perhaps there might
be more room for people and less inconveniencys of breaches
tho’ they should happen. They knew (I meane the Squadrone)
that they could not be chosen without us, and that if we pleas’d
we could seclude them and yet make up the 16 of considerable
people who had all been for the Union; so they bethought them-
selves. Withall we told them that our proposing this expedient
was only to keep union amongst us, and that afterwards there
might be more room for them; but we wisht that whatever was
done in this might be unanimously as we had done allmost in
evry thing else. My Lord Montrose did indeed take a great
deall of pains to bring this affair to some temper, and so did
others of us. On the other hand some even of our own friends
(who I do not care to name) wisht nothing more than a breach
with the Squadrone and that we should seclude them; but the
Commissioner and I and some others were mightily against
this. Upon the wholle matter we talkt fully this morning at
the Abbay amongst ourselves and with the Squadrone too, and
they came to see how much difficulty there was in it upon all
hands, and they knew it was in our power whether to chuse any
of them or not; so we all agreed and they told they would take
what list the Commissioner pleas’d to give them, whatever the
3872

persons were. After this we adjusted the last clause of the Act
which was not done before, appointing the election to be before
the Parliament rose. Since they have done so, I hope the other
people will be easyer too with their pretensions and all breaches
be avoided, which will be a mighty comfort to us and a great
ease to the Queen and advantage to her affairs. And I hope old
differences shall now be forgot, and that all we who are upon the
same foot and have concur’d in the measure shall live in friend-
ship together, free of all jealouseys and divisions. I’m sure I
intend it for my part; tho’ I confess the Squadrone have acted
a pretty odd part in several things o’ late and not very wise I
think, for they set themselves up as a distinct party and show’d
a backwardness and a jealousie, and even opposed anything that
concerned any of us; but there’s ane end of that I hope.

When Marchmont found there was such difficulty in the
election, he came to the Commissioner and desired that he
might not be named one of the 16, so we are eased as to him.
Since the Squadrone have refer’d it to the Commissioner I
believe he will put three of their people in his lists, Tweedale,
Roxburgh, and either Rothes or Hadinton, which number must
certainly please them, for it is full as many as come to their
share, but I really think it is right to do so. There will be a
ereat deal of difficulty in pleasing all the rest of our friends, but
we shall do the best we can, tho’ whatever way we do some will
be disobliged. The Squadrone is the name the new party gets
here.

I received the order you sent me under the Queen’s hand for
delivering to the Duke of Argyll that gun which belonged to his
familly and is in Edinburgh Castle. I told my Lord Ilay of it,
the Duke being gone. He said he would write to his brother of
it, but he believed he wou’d not take that order untill he saw
how the Queen determined his other pretension. I'll long to
hear from you what humor the Duke of A[rgyil] is in when he
comes to London, and what account he gives of our affairs here.

Copy.

Str Davin Narrne to the Fart or Mar.

1706-7, February 8. Whitehall—wWith great satisfaction I
by this acquent your Lordship that this day all the Articles of
Union agreed to there were approved of in the committie of the
whole House, and the report is to be made on Tewsday next,
and a motion for bringing in a Bill on them, soe that now I look
on the worke as finished. There was not a division on any
question, nor any material speches.

THe Eart oF Mar to Sm Davip Natrnr.

1706-7, February 8. Edinburgh.—My last letter was so long
that I could not tell you the full account of the part the Justice
Clerck acted in that affair of secluding the peers eldest sons
from representing shires or burrows. It was so extraordinary
373

that ’tis fit you know it and yet I allway put off writing it, being
willing to forget those things; which I see he does not, but
endeavours to cover his own faults with accusing others. The
story is this: That day in Parliament that we came first to speak
of the proportions the barrons and burrows was to have of the
45 there seem’d to be great difficulty in pleasing of those states.
The Justice Clerck went up to the throne and told the Com-
missioner if he would then adjourn and not sit next day, he
wou'd undertake to adjust the affair. The Commissioner took
his advice; and next day the barrons met in a tavern and the
Justice Clerck with them, and they chused him to preceed.
Fletcher propos’d the excluding the peers eldest sons, but after
it was spoke to some time the plurality of the meeting said it
was needless to make any new rules as to that, so it seem’d to be
let fall. But the Justice Clerck toss’t up the ball again and
insisted on it extreamly. He was seconded by severals, and at
last almost all the meeting agreed to it by their vote in a manner
being askt round by the Justice Clerck. They next agreed to
send to the burrows, who were met at ane other house, to offer
them 15 if they would concur with them in excluding the peers
eldest sons. A great many of the burrows agreed to it and gave
their promise to stand by it in the House. Here were two
states join’d in a combination against the third by ane officer of
state, which as it is not very decent is as litle legal, and how it
can be answered for J really know not, for such preingadgments
out of the Parliament House entirely inverts the foundation and
constitution of Parliaments and was never done before in such a
form and openly own’d as they did this. I believe the Queen
wou’d not think this was good service done her. We were at a
great deal of pains to keep this matter from being determined
against us, and with difficulty enough avoided a blow; at which
the Justice Clerck is so angry that he does not behave towards
us as he has done all the Parliament before, and by what you
wrote me it seems he pushes his resentment a litle further.
But I can not conceive what he cou’d say against us upon this
score. This story is so literally true that all the Queen’s servants
will tell you the same, and so will evry body else. You need not
tell of any particular person you had this from, but it is fit so
‘remarkable a thing should be told to those with you we are
concerned with.

The Commissioner and the rest of us are mightily plagued
with this election, and that a great many will be disoblig’d is
most certain let us do what we will. Copy.

Tur Eart or Mar to Sir Davin Narrne.

1706-7, February 18. Edinburgh.—This day was appointed
for the Parliament to make the elections of those to serve in the
Parliament of Great Brittain, which was done accordingly. I
wrote to you some time ago that the Commissioner and the rest
of the Queen’s servants foresaw great difficulty in this matter,
and therefor were forced to have some thoughts of puting the
374

elections off till after the Parliament to prevent breaches
amongst those who had appeared for the Union. This we only
spoke of as ane expedient, but told, too, that there might be
inconveniencys in it. Our new friends did not like this, and
told the Commissioner rather than the elections should be put
off they wou’d take what list the Commissioner shou’d give
them; and my Lord Marchmont in particular desired of the
Commissioner that he might not be named. Upon this we
agreed to make the elections before the Parliament rose, and
ever since the Commissioner has been doing all that possibly
he could to adjust a list that would be pleasing to all partys
who have been for the Union, and that we would be able to
carry, but the difficultys in that were so great that he did not
fully determine it till last night. Some of us a good while ago
thought that it might be adviseable to name the Duke of
Hamilton; but after that the Commissioner told us that he
understood it wou’d not be acceptable above, so ever since we
have taken pains to prevent his being chosen, which was very
hard to get done. The Commissioner told us that it wou’d be
acceptable to some friends with you to have my Lord Ross and
Earl of Killmarnock two of the number. The first we saw would
be very hard to bring about, and the last impossible ; however,
the Commissioner resolved to see what could be done in it, tho’
in the meantime he could give neither of the two assurance of
being nam’d. We brought every body who had been for the
Union to be content to name three of the new party beside my
Lord Montrose, who is very intimat with them; but it was not
possible to get room for the other two lords of that part without
disoblidging a great many of our old friends by excluding
them, by which the wholle list might be endangered, and the
Duke of Hamilton had by that certainly been brought in. The
Duke of Argyll was earnest to have the Marquis of Lothian and
the Earl of Ilay, so those two there was a necessity of naming.
He was desireous of Sutherland too, and he being one of the
treaters and representing a very old familly, we could not leave
him out. HEvry body agreed and were positive to have the
Commissioner, the Chancellor, the President of the Council, the
two Secrettarys, and the Treasurer depute of the number ; those
make twelve, and my Lord Leven, who could not be left out,
makes thirteen, so there remain’d but three to satisfy all our
old friends. Evry body must acknowledge that my Lord Stair
behoved to be one both upon his own account and his father’s.
My Lord Weems is in the Queen’s service in a considerable
post, was a treater, of a good familly and of interrest in the
country, and he’s the only relation the Commissioner has
amongst them, upon all which reasons he could not be left out.
Three others who had been very serviceable in the Union
pretended to be of the number too, Lord Northesk, Lord Rose-
berry, and Lord Dupplin. There was but room for one more,
so two of them behoved to be left out. It was thought my Lord
Roseberry had the most favourable pretensions of those three,
for he had been on both Treatys and ever firm to the present
375

servants both before and since his being a peer, and was extra-
ordinary desireous to be one of the sixteen. Lord Ross presst
the Commissioner to promise him to be nam’d these eight days,
which the Commissioner cou’d not then do, not being sure which
to shift out for him untill it shou’d come to the last. It seems
his Lordship had not patience to wait, so he resolved to make
himself sure, and for that joined with my Lord Beilhaven and
the rest of the opposers to name him and he would name them.
Upon this he procured several meetings, especially of the lord
barrons and vicecounts, to whom he represented that it was ane
affront to them if none of their rank was named. Few of the
lord barrons and vicecounts who had been for the Union went
into this project, but all the opposers did. These meetings
were like to have broke any list that could be concerted at the
Abbay, but with pains we prevented most of the bad conse-
quences they might have had; but after my Lord Ross’s acting
this part it was impossible for the Commissioner to name him,
so Roseberry was put in in the place that yet wanted to be filled
up, and the list was but fully concerted last night late; and this
morning the Commissioner gave it out to the peers (who had
been for the Union and who he had desired to be at the Abbay)
as I send it you inclosed. By it you will see there is a conjunc-
tion made of all partys who had been for the Union, and unless
it had been so it could hardly have carry’d, and the Duke
of Hamilton had certainly been elected. When the Com-
missioner gave out the lists to-day, notwithstanding what the
new party had said to him before (which was after they knew
that we cou’d name but three of them) they told him that there
was severall people in that list whom they could not name,
and some out of it whom they would name, so that they would
give in such a list as they would be answerable to the Queen
for. This was surprizing after what had formerly passt, but
there was no help for it. When we came to make the election
to-day, my Lord Montrose did not name Lothian nor Roseberry.
My Lord Tweedale and the other four of the new party did not
name Lothian, Rosebery, nor Hay, so these three lords did not
name any of the new party either. All the new party nam’d
my Lord Crawfurd, thinking by that to give him more votes
than Lothian or Roseberry, and so he might come in place of
one of them; but this did not succeed as they intended, for by
all their voting for Crawfurd and some others voting him by
chance who did not dream of his carrying it, he came to have
more votes by two than Rothes, by which Rothes is excluded
and Crawfurd comes in his place, which is the only difference
betwixt the Commissioner’s list and that which was carry’d.
The new party is very angry at this, but it is entirely their own
fault, for none of us failed them but stuck closs to the Com-
missioner’s list (where three of them were) except such who
were in that list whom they first left out in their nomination.
Tweedale and Roxburgh carry’d but very scrimply, so had the
Commissioner put more of the new party in his list than three
it had disoblidged more of our people and consequently made
376

them against the Commissioner’s wholle list, by which the
wholle new party would have been excluded and some of our
old friends run a hazard of being excluded too ; whereas had the
new party taken the Commissioner’s list entirely, their three
had been carry’d certainly. The new party have mistaken
their measures in this extreamly, for they had no way of being
named at all but joining entirely with the Commissioner’s list,
but they did not and so came of it. Evry body was surprized
with Crawfurd’s being chosen, for few expected it. Severalls of
the opposers did not come to the election, but had they all come
by the new party’s leaving out some of the Commissioner’s list
and leaving out their three, not one of the three had been
chosen. So upon the wholle I’m sure the new party have no
reason to blame the Commissioner nor the Queen’s servants for
my Lord Rothes’s disappointment; for not one of them failed
them but those who they failed to first. By this jumbell it is
pretty odd that the Duke of Hamilton did not get it at some
chink. Had the Commissioner given out the list sooner than
this morning by which the new party’s dividing had appeared
sooner, he had certainly got in; but it was so near the election
before the division was known that the Duke had not time to
work. My Lord Ross is prodigiously angry and certainly will
complain to his friends at London of us all, and will give some
other turn to his being none of the number; but I have told
you true matter of fact by which you and they will see it was
impossible for the Commissioner or the Queen’s servants to
have behaved otherways towards him. He voted for the Duke
of Hamilton and not for any one of the Queen’s servants but the
Commissioner, which all the opposers did too. Pray advertise
those lords who are Rosse’s friends at London of all this that
they may not be imposed on by his stories. After the Com-
missioner got the recommendations for Ross, he really inclined
to name him if it had been practicable, but unless he had
left out the new party it was impossible, both because it left
so little room for other people of far greater interrest, and his
being named would have disoblidged a great many who bore
their being left out because nobody was prefer’d to them but
who were of higher rank and greater interrest, and this would
have disoblidged them so that they would not have taken the
Commissioner’s list, which might have disappointed the whole.
My Lord Dupplin was not in town, but his affairs in England
which oblidges him to be at London allmost evry winter, and
being all along for the Treaty and one of the treaters, made his
friends think it was reasonable that he should be named; but
there was so litle room that I saw the Commissioner could
hardly get it done, so I begged of the Commissioner to name
him in place of me. The Commissioner told me that he could
not do, and though he should leave me out yet others would not.
When I saw that this offer of mine could not do, and that the
Commissioner was so much straitned, I told him to make
shings easy I would not insist more for Dupplin, tho’ his
gretensions were none of the worst. I hope the Queen and my

?
377

Lord Treasurer will approve of this and that Dupplin shall not
fare the worse for his not being one of the sixteen, since I
yielded his pretensions to make room for others that they might
not be disoblidged. Notwithstanding of all this jumbell I hope
there will be no ill consequences from it. The new party will
certainly see it was their own fault and none of ours, so ’m
sure they ought not to be angry at us, and we are still as wiiling
as ever to live well with them. I know there will be a great
many different representations of all this affair given, which
made me give you so particular and full ane account of it that
you may inform her Majesty truly as it all fell out.

Yesterday when the Parliament was sitting we got your
letters by the flying pacquet giving the agreeable news of the
wholle articles of the Union as passt here being approven in the
committy of the wholle House. You can hardly imagine what
joy appear’d in those who had been for the Union and what a
damp in those who had been against it, upon our telling the
news in the House. I hope your next will tell of the Act
ratifying having got a first reading, and e’er long of it’s being
fully concluded, which I think will be a very joyfull day.

I have sent you a list of the peers present at the election or
who had any votes, with the number of votes each had. You'll
see Ross has 19, which was by his joining with the opposers and
agreeing to vote them if they voted him, which both he and
they did; and those of the Commissioner’s list whom the new
party did not vote voted for Ross to get his votes. Had it not
been for these two accidents Ross had not had six votes. I have
allso sent you a list of those chosen of all the three estates.
There is but one chosen of the barrons and one of the burrows
who appeared against the Union, Sir David Ramsay and Hugh
Montgomery; but Sir David Ramsay was one of the discreetest
opposers and not against the wholle either. Copy.

Sir Davin Narrne to the Eart or Mar.

1706-7, February 15. Whitehall—The House [of] Lords
entered this day on the consideration of the Articles of Union,
and the Queen was there. Privatly, I have seen the Earles of
Sunderland and Wharton since, and they say there was noe
speeches that were of any consequence. My Lord Everham
spoake against ane Union in generall which was little minded.
The first article was read and my Lord Nott{ingham], my Lord
Garnsy and some others spoak mightily for postponing it for the
game reasons were given there. There was a division, and 71
were for proceed and 22 for postpone. Then the same people
made speches against it upon account of altering the name that
it would subvert the whole laws, just as was done in the House
of Commons. But in short they have approved five of: the
articles without a division but on the first, and have appointed
to proceed further on Wednesday. Your Lordship will receave
by this pacquett a green ribbon I think as good as ever I saw
but a litle dearer.
378

Sir Davip Narrne to the Eart or Mar.

1706-7, February 20. Whitehall—The minuts will tell your
Lordship what the Lords have done. They could have gone
faster but they spin out the time that the Bill from the
Commons may be sent up before they are ready to make a
report, because on a report there must a Bill be ordered to be
brought in or it is like dropping it; soe that they propose
two sittings more in a committie to goe through the articles.
The Bishop of Salsburry is chairman in the committie.
There were long speeches made against the land tax for
Scotland as too litle, and a division upon it, but cary’d to
approve by about 50. The second reading of the Bill in the
House of Commons is put of till the morrow, this day being
spent on reports about wayes and means.

Tue Kart or Mar to Sir Davin Narre.

1706-7, February 22. Edinburgh.—You would hear from
those who were here on Munday last that the Parliament past
an Act remitting the affair of the teithes to the Sessione in place
of a commissione as formerlie, and an Act concerning the
redemption of Church lands. There is now a memorial sent you
in relation to this last Act to be laid before the Queen. Because
the Commissioner is not instructed to pass it, so I need say
but leitle on that head. The Croun never made any thing by
redeeming of those lands, nor couw’d doe it without running
more hazard than triple the vallue. Those lands are now so
consolidat with the subjects’ propertie that they look upon them
fullie as much their own as any land they have, and offering at
some of their redemptions was non of the least causes of the
troubles in King Charles the 1th time. This Act will sett
people’s minds att ease about this matter, and in after reignes
prevent any courtiers oppresing any of the subjects. Those with
a great maney other reasons makes me think that this Actis of no
loss but advantage to the Croun, which makes us hope the Queen
will be pleased to instruct the Commissioner to pass it. I have
very leitle personal intrest in this affair myself, but my Lords
Roxbrugh and Haddington and several others are deeplie
concerned. Yesterday the Parliament [past] an Act prorogating
the suspension of the clause in the Act of Security for rande-
vouzing until the 1th of January nixt betuixt and which tim I
hope the Parliament of Great Britain will take effectual courss
with that matter. The Duke of Hamilton went out of the
Houss when I offer’d this Act on Thursday to gett a 1st reading,
and did not com to the Houss yesterday when it past. But
Lord Balheven, Fletcher, and Kilmeronock spoke against it, tho’
they had but fue seconds. Wee are plagued with Acts for tuo
pennies on the pynt of aill in favours of particular touns, and
some one or other always of intrest appears for them, so they
becoming personal favors fue people appears against them for
fear of disobleidging, by which maney of them have past and a
379

great maney more lying before us and prest very violentlie.
There was a necessitie of passing some of them, but they are
reallie wrong and a hurt to the countrie, which makes me wish
that a stope may be putt to the passing any more of them,
which will be hard to gett done if the Parliament continow
sitting. The Parliament of England proceeds so well that I
hope it will quicklie make it unnecessary for us to sitt any
longer, and I wish heartily wee were up, for unless it be to
order some things about the publick debts and the money of the
Affrican Company (which will be done in a day or tuo), ther’s
no more remaines necessarie for us to doe, and whatever hurt
we may doe I beleive wee can hardly doe more good. Copy.

THe Eart oF Mar to Str Davip NAIRNE.

1706-7, February 27. Edinburgh.—The new party had got
themselves all chosen to be of the number of those whom the
Affrican Company named to receive their mony, and they were
all along directors too, so as their manadgment may have been
good, yet if otherways who could have known it if the report
had been gone into? By so much mony being put in their
hands and others who have litle dependance on the Queen they
would have had more influence than all the Queen’s Govern-
ment here; so I’m sure that method is not proper. We incline
to make the manadgers of the equivalent ease those gentlemen
of that trouble, for since the Queen in a manner gives that
mony it is reasonable those who are to have the manadgment of
it should be of her Majesty’s naming and have their dependance
there, and that their influence should go for her Majesty’s
service; and this I hope the Queen and our friends with you
will approve of. But the Squadrone are excessively angry at
their disappointment and cannot contain themselves. The
Justice Clerck joins with them in this too, as does Salton.

Do not those gentlemen the Squadrone behave oddly towards
us? They have been baulkt so often that I think they may be
weary of it. Notwithstanding of this carriage of theirs we are
still willing to live well with them, and still behave so towards
them; tho’ I believe few would do so but ourselves, after they
have so often of late show’d us such coppys of their countenance
and good will. Copy.

Tue Eart oF Mar to Sir Davin NarrRne.

1706-7, February 27. Kdinburgh.—This flying pacquet is
sent by the Commissioner with a memorial from his Grace and
the rest of the Queen’s servants in relation to the Customes
and Excise here after the Union commences, and allso to the
altering the coin currant now in Scotland, conform to the
articles. I thought to have wrote to the Treasurer on these
subjects, but since there was a memorial sent which is our
wholle oppinions on these heads I thought it best to ease the
Treasurer of the trouble of my letter, which would have been
380

but repeating. The memorial is so full that I need add nothing
to it, only I hope you will take pains to inform the Queen and
my Lord Treasurer of the absolute necessity of sending down in
specie that part of the equivalent which is desired for changing
the coin and that very speedily, else a great confusion will of
consequence follow, which may be of dangerous consequence and
give people here a handle of complaining and grumbling at the
Union. If the Queen be pleased to advance this part of the
equivalent, it should properly be payed in to the manadgers of
the equivalent, but those are not yet named, and I’m affraid
there would be inconveniency in naming them or passing that
commission untill the Queen’s servants come up, for we are
not yet fully resolved in what terms if is most proper for the
Queen to give it, and that will take some time to adjust; and
beside a great many people will be desireous to be of it, and
disoblidged if they be disappointed. And I believe it will not
be thought adviseable that the number of those persons be many
nor their sallarys great, all which makes it necessary that this
affair be well thought of before it be done. The mony to be
sent down can not wait this delay, therefore I think there will
be a necessity of lodging it in the hands of the Treasury, and
they to be accountable to the manadgers of the equivalent after
the Queen names them. I believe the Parliament of England
is thinking to make new appropriations of parts of the Customs
and Excise for payment of debts which are now to be contracted,
by which there will be a new equivalent answerable to Scotland
yearly, in which case it is not fit to speak to the Treasurer and
others concerned, that when the Parliament comes to give a fond
for paying the first equivalent to Scotland that it may be made
so large that this new equivalent may be brought from Scotland
as the first was, if it be thought fit? I beg you may hast back
ane answer to the memorial, for the Parliament here must sit
untill it come, and we are extreamly weary of it and we can do litle
more good. Yesterday there was a report made from the
committy to the Parliament concerning the mony payable to
the Affrican Company, of which I hope the Register sends youa
coppy (as I know he does of that concerning the coin). It
appoints the mony to be paid in to such people as the Company
shall appoint, and continues them and allso a committy of
Parliament after the first of May, all which the Queen’s
servants (at least most of them) thought improper. The
Company presumed so far on this report, tho’ not made to the
Parliament, that they actually choosed those who were to receive
the mony from the manadgers of the equivalent, and they are
all of one sett. All this affair lookt odd and made many people
complain that by this they would want their mony long and
have greater difficulty of geting it than from the manadgers of
the equivalent; and beside they thought it more just and
reasonable that the books of the Company should be inspected
by others than by the directors, since the mony ought to be
repayed by what was instructed by the books to have been payed
in. The continuing of the Company as isdone in a manner by
881

this report we thought inconsistent with the articles and would
give umbragein England. The naming acommitty of Parliament
to continue longer than the Union commenced lookt odd too,
so we concluded that the thing behooved to be better thought of
before we went into it. So severalls of us proposed that the report
should be printed and delayed untill next sederunt. When this
was proposed, the wholle new party fired against it and seemed
mightily picqued. It came to the vote Proceed or Print, and
earryed the last by a great plurality. The Parliament was
immediately adjourned till Monday, and the Commissioner has
appointed the Queen’s servants to meet with him at the Abbay
to-morrow to talk of and consider this report. The report
concerning the coyn was delayed till we get ane answer to the
memoriall that is now sent. The time of the Assembleys
sitting now draws near, which is about the beginning of
Aprile, which made the Commissioner talk of that affair to the
rest of the Queen’s servants, that they might considder who is
the fittest person to recommend to the Queen to be Com-
missioner. ‘We were all of oppinion that the Harl of Glasgow,
who was it last, is now the most proper. I believe the Com-
missioner writes of this himself, and I doubt not but the Queen
will be of the same oppinion. It is fit that the commission be
sent down as soon as can be that he may be preparing both
himself and those he will have to do with, tho’ the commission
will not be made use of untill the time of sitting come. We are
preparing a draught of the instructions and the Queen’s letter
to the Assembly, which shall be sent up in time, but the passing
and sending down the commission needs not wait for them.

The Parliament being now near a close, you would spéak to
her Majesty of what of her servants she will be pleased to call
up. I believe it will be necessary that they take journy as soon
as possible after the Parliament is up. The Commissioner
thinks that the persons proper to be called are, beside himself,
the Chancellor, the President of the Council, the two Secrettarys
(who go in course), and the Treasurer Depute. My Lord Leven
expects allso to be called, and the Commissoner thinks it reason-
able he should, so these make seven. The ordinary way of
doing this is by a letter to the Commissioner from the Queen
ordering him to come immediately to attend her Majesty and to
bring such people with him. I believe the Queen will think
this fit for her service, and if she do you would prepare a letter
accordingly for her Majesty to sign, and the sooner it be sent to
the Commissioner the better, and he may keep it by him untill
the proper time of producing it. Glasgow can not go untill the
Assembly be over, if the Queen think fit to make him Com-
missioner to it (as I doubt not but she will), so there must be
either a separate letter calling him as soon as the Assembly is
up, or else a separate paragraph in that same letter; but his
call would be at the same time with the rest, and in the same
manner, I mean bya letter to the Commissioner. All those
things you would lay before the Queen as her servants’ humble

oppinion. Copy. 2
382

Sir Davip Narrne to the Earn or Mar.

1706-7, February 28. Whitehall—This day the Union Bill
was read a third time in the House of Commons and past, and
it will be caryd to the House of Lords the morrow. There
were 274 for it, 196 against. This allon I think worth a
flying pacquett. There were some debats and arguments used
to prove it of disadvantage to the Church, the trade and the
laws, but more were of ane other oppinion.

Hontocrarah Lerrer from Queen Anne to the Earn or Mar.

1707, March 4. Kensington.—I hope you will excuse my not
thanking you sooner for the good news you sent me in yours
of the 17th of January of the Treaty of Union being ratefyed
in the Parliament of Scotland, the continuall hurry of business
I have bin in this winter being the cause of it. I can now in
return tell you with great satisfaction that the Treaty is
concluded heare, and I intend, an it please God, to give my
assent to it on Thursday. The pains you have taken in
bringing this great affaire about deserves more thanks then Iam
able to express. I do assure you I am truly sensible of your
faithfull service, which I shall be ready to shew on any occasion,
and will ever be with all sincerity, your very affectionatt freind,
Anne Rh.

Tue Earu or Mar to Srr Davin Narene.

1706, March 4. Edinburgh.—I think the Union now safe
since ’tis sent up to the Peers. Yesterday in the Parliament
here we were again upon the affaire of the Affrican Company,
and we offered a proposal about it. The Squadrone were as
angry as could be, and spoke pretty picquishly and not over
mannerly. Roxburgh was not there, he’s in the country; I
know not whether he will be with us to-morrow. After some
debaet it was put to the question Proceed upon the report
of the committy or Print the other proposall and delay going
upon the matter till next sederunt. The last carry’d by a
great plurality and some time after the Parliament was
adjourned till to-morrow, and then I see we will have a batle.
Copy.

Tue Eart or Mar to Sir Davin Narenz.

1706-7, March 5. Edinburgh.—The Parliament has found
allready the summe total of the Affrican Company not altogether
right, and therefor remitted it back to the committy to be
altered. I see that the wholle will turn upon this, whether the
Queen, the Parliament, or the directors of the Affrican Company
shall have the naming of the cashiers who are to receive the
Company’s part of the equivalent. If we get the summe total
exactly stated in the Parliament of what belongs to each of the
proprietars of the Company and that the directors nor none
else shall have any handle or pretence by manadgement to
delay or diminish the proprietars’ payments, it is the less

atter how it goes; but sure I am that it would not have
383

been right to take the summe total of the Company’s mony
upon trust, and let such a direction go to those chosen by the
Affrican Company as the report of the comitty gives them. I’m
sorry a certain set of people takes this matter so hot and so
much to themselves, for what can be our concern but to see the
thing rightly done to evry body’s satisfaction, and none of the
mony misapplyed, nor more taken out of the equivalent for that
end than is justly owing by the order of the 15th article of the
Treaty. Copy.

Str Davip Nartrne to the Earn or Mar.

1706-7, March 6. ‘Whitehall—This brings the great and
good news of the Queen’s haveing this day given the royall
assent to the Act for uniting the two kingdoms, and this brings
your Lordship a coppy of the Queen’s spech at the doeing it.
The guns at the Tower and in the Park fired when the Queen
was in the House and rejoyceings are exprest in the usuall
manner after glorious victory; and her Majesty thinks the
Castle there should fire on receaving the news. I had the
honor to see her Majesty give the finishing stroak. Her
Majesty doe not desire the Parliament to rise there till the
examplyfyed coppy arrive that it may be read in Parliament
and ordered to be recorded, which evrie body here thinks is
what ought to be. My Lord Register tells me it will be
Tewsday night before it can be got ready to send.

THe Hart oF Mar to Sir Davip NaIrnez.,

1706-7, March 18. Edinburgh.—I wryt to you before I went
out of toun that my Lord Loudoun in my absence was to
prepair with my Lord Glasgow a draught of the Queen’s letter to
the Assemblie, and of the instructiones to the Commissioner;
which they have done, and I have since I cam considered them
and spoke of them to the Commissioner and the Queen’s other
servants. Wee all approve of them as they are inclosed. You
will see they differ very litle from those last year. The time of
the Assemblies meeting draws now pritty near, being 8th of
Apryle, so it was thought fitt to send this by a flying packquet,
and also to lett it be knowen that the messenger with the
examplification arrived here last night. You wou’d take the
first opportunitie you can to lay the inclosed pappers in relation
to the Assemblie before the Queen, that her Majestie may give
her orders about them and that they may be expead and sent
doun by a flying pacquet as soon as possible.

The examplified act is to be presented to the Parliament
to-morrow. I need say no more of it now, for I believe to-
morrows night or nixt day ther will be a flying pacquet sent or
the messenger with account of what is done in it. It is very
fynlie done, but by the motion in cairying it most of the seal is
broak; tho’ that signifies nothing.

I send you here inclosed a coppie of the report of the com-
mittie concerning the publick debts, which has been presented
since I went out of toun. It is a very odd paper and designed
884

as an accusation against the Goverment. The committie went
out of their road to bring this matter about, for their bussiness
was only to consider and report what classes of debts were to be
preferred and so to rank them in generall, and it was the
Treasuries bussiness to state the particular persones accompts.
By the fault of the clarks of Treasurie their books are not
indeed in so good order as they might have been, but tho’ they
had been in as good order as possible it was impossible for the
committie to have stated every mans particular accompt in
such a hurrie and so short a tim; so this report is plainly a
designe to have som thing said which reflects on the Goverment.
They were told of this before the reporte was made and that
their stating every particular mans accompt and telling who
shou’d be first paid and who last by name wou’d look invidious
and be of ill consequence at this tim. But those gentlemen in
place of minding this made their report as you have it here, and
as youl see brings in very mean people on the same foot with
the officers of state. I’m told my Lord Haddington and Minto
was the most violent in this affair. The last is growen so
impudent that thers no endureing of him; you never saw any
thing so choking. Roxburgh was but a day or toun since I
went (sic). The Commissioner tells me he disouns haveing
any hand in this report, tho’ some people say otherwayes. The
reporte was done by a sub-committie, and Minto was the drawer
of it. They meett where fue people knew, and brought it in to
the committie when fue were present, so gott it transmited to
Parliament. But I beleive as leitle notice will be taken of it
ther as was of the last concerning the company’s money. You
shall hear what is done upon this afterwards. That and the
Act concerning the company’s money is all that now remaines
for the Parliament to doe (except the ratifications) and those
can hardly, I beleive, be ended this week; but I doubt not but
the Parliament will rise the begining of the nixt. Thanks to
heaven it is com to so good a close, but I assure you I’m
heartily wearie of it as every body is, and I’m fully convinced
how necessary it is for us to be soon att London. Copy.

Tue Eart or Mar to Sir Davin Narrne.

1706-7, March 18. Edinburgh.—TI’m very sensible of the
honour the Queen did me by hir letter. I thought to have wryt
to hir Majestie by this post but it is too lait now, by my being
taken up about the papers I send you, so I must deferr it to the
nixt. . . . . . I told no body of the letter from the
Queen but the Commissioner, in caise others should have
grudged their not haveing one too, and I should be sorry any
mark of favour the Queen is pleased to show me should give her
Majestie uneasiness by her other servants.

Considering the Squadrones cariadge all along and now in
this affair of the report, I think our cariadge and disposition
towards them will be thought pritty moderat and more than they
intend towards us if it be in their power; but I cannot understand
their politick in all this, they show themselves to soon. Copy.
385

Tue Eart or Mar to Str Davin Narre.

1706-7, March 20. Edinburgh.—The examplified Act was
read in Parliament yesterday and ordered to be recorded. The
Commissioner made a short speech which perhaps he’ll send you.
The Act for the Union which passed here is to be proclamed to-
day. God be thankt this great and good work is now so happily
concluded. The Act concerning the Affrican Company’s money
past yesterday, of which probablie the Register sends you a
coppie. The Parliament meets to-morrow, and then an
overture for an Act concerning the publick debts will be
presented of which a coppie shall be sent you. It will take tuo
sederunts more I beleive to finish it and some other things,
and so the Parliament cannot rise till the midle of the next
week. The Councell has the proclamation about the coine to
adjust and publish, which will take some tim, so I beleive it will
be the weeke after the nixt before the Queen’s servants can sett
of from this, but wee shall make all the dispatch wee can.

. . The gunns was fired from the castle when the
exemplified Act was ordered to be recorded, and wee are
thinking of the draught of a letter from the Parliament to the
Queen, of which more per nixt. Copy.

Toe Hart or Mar to the QuEEn.

1706-7, March 20. Edinburgh.—I had the honour of your
Majesties letter of the 4th last week when I was in the countrie
seeing my poor wiffe, who I fear is a dyeing. Your Majesties
goodness in takeing notice of any thing I have contrebute in
forwarding of your service at this tim is more than I deserve.
What I have done was but my duety; but your Majesties
favourable acceptance of it shall for ever make me the more
zealous and forward in what concernes your Majesties intrest, if
it be possible for me to be more so than I am already. The
examplified Act your Majestie sent doun was read in the
Parliament here yesterday and order’d to be recorded, and this
day the Act for the Union which past here is to be proclaimed.
God be thankt that this great and good work is now come to be
happily concluded, and it’s being done in your Majesties reigne
is no leitle satisfaction to me. I doubt not but your subjects
will alwayes bliss your Majestie for this amongst the other
great things you have done, and that your memorie will be
famous and admired in all succeeding ages. There are some
things yett remaining necessar to be done by the Parliament
before it rise, and the ranking of the publick debts, which
cannot be finished in less than tuo or three sederunts ; so I
beleive it will be the midle of the nixt week before the Parlia-
ment can rise. And as soon as possible after that your
Majesties servants are to sett off from this to attend you, and
they will make all the dispatch they can.

Since I hope to have the honour of waiting of your Majestie
so soon, I will not trouble you much at this time with any
thing which concerns myself in particular, only after the Union

¥
386

I believe it will be thought fitt to have but one in the post that
my Lord Loudoun and I are in, so one of us at least will loose
the imployment wee have the honour to serve your Majestie
in now. For my own shair I shall very chearfullie submitt to
whatever your Majestie thinks fitt to determine about us, as I
beleive my Lord Loudoun will doe too. I confess my greatest
ambitione is to serve near your Majesties persone; but any of
us that looses our present post I have no doubt but your
Majestie will provide for in another. All prosperitie attend
your Majestie, and as you have happily concluded this Union
that you may leive long to see the good effects of it shall be the
constant wishes of, Madam, your Majesties most obedient, most
faithfull and most duetyfull subject and servant. Copy.

Lerrer from Sir Davin Narrne to the Earu or Mar.

1706-7, March 22. Whitehall—This morning I received your
Lordship’s of the 18th by a flying pacquett. Our impatience
now is to hear of the adjurnment of the Parliament and that
your Lordship and the other servants are parted from Edin-
burgh towards this place.

I herewith send to your Lordship a letter to the Councell
for putting the laws in execution against priests and Papists, a
letter to the Generall Assembly, and two instructions to the
Commissioner of the Generall Assembly, and a signatur in
favours of the minister of Libberton which the Queen signed
very freely. I hope I shall gett the ship redelivered that was
taken by the Gairnsay privateers. I am now desired by my
Lord Treasurer to gett a certyfycat signed by the propper
person of what touns and borrows have the keeping of the
standards of weights and measures. J know not who is propper
to send such a thing except it be my Lord Register, for I
suppose the borrows have that priviledge by Act of Parliament.
However, your Lordship will communicat this and get what is
necessary. These things are now makeing, as also what is
propper for the mint, but I am much affrayd they will not be
ready just at the time. I had notice of this only this day.

Tue Earu or Guascow to the Earu or Mar.

1707, April 10. Edinburgh—Sending a copy of the
Assembly’s answer to her Majesty’s most gracious speech which
he hopes will be found both dutiful and discreet. ‘There are
a good number of warm brethren in our Assembly; yett I
hope throw the influence of the more moderate and judicious
brethren this Assembly shall be brought to a happy issue.” He
hears that Lord Crossrig is dying, and recommends Mr. John
Montgomery for his judgeship.

Mr. Davin Erskine to the EKarnu or Mar.

1707, April 10. Edinburgh.—He has been desired by the
Writers to the Signet to represent an encroachment upon their
387

privileges secured by Act of Parliament 1695, that no letters
should pass the signet of the Session but what are signed by
them, whereas in the late Act of Parliament in relation to the
teinds it is provided that the Clerk Register and his deputy alone
shall have the power of signing all summonses and other
diligences. They ask his assistance for the vindication of their
privilege. He forgot to tell his Lordship in his last letter
“that the Privy Council emitted ane order last weeke to the
directors of the banke discharging them and their servants to
take in any more English money, which has occasioned some
murmerings in this place. That which gave rise to the order
was a representation made to the Councill of a great quantity of
English money brought in by English men on purpose to draw
a share of the equivalent, and its thought the discharging the
banke to take it in may be a mean of discovering the cheat.”

Sir Davip Narrne to the Eart or Mar.

1707, April 12. Whitehall—The Duke of Ormond is laid
aside, and the Earle of Pembrock declared Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland.

JoHN, ARCHBISHOP oF Guascow, to the Earn or Mar.

1707, April 15. Edinburgh.—He craves payment of the
£300 sterling yearly promised by the Queen to him when he
was last at London. He has received nothing for four years
past, and his long and causeless imprisonment, banishments
and confinements for ten years, with the maintenance of his
family and the education of his children at home and abroad,
have reduced his small stock to one-half of what it was at
the Revolution. For the past eighteen years he has received
none of the rents of Glasgow, though the other bishops have
had £100 sterling yearly allowed to them. “I have done my
best endevors,” he says, “to bring as manie both of our clergie
and laitie to their due allegiance to her Majesty, as also to
promot the union of the two kingdoms.” Further, his son-
in-law, Dalmahoy, is in such straits that he will have to sell
his estate, and so his wife and children will fall to be supported
by him.

. Caprain Curuanp to the Haru or Mar.

1707, April 17. Alzira.—Reasons which were certainly of the
greatest force oblidged my Lord Galway, acknowledged even
by his enimies for one of the wysest men in Kurope, to give
battle to a vastly superior enimie in number and _ situation.
Our foot generallie did well as did part of our cavalrie, the
Portugueze, lyke cowards, or as some say they beleive without
reason lyke traitors, leaveing us the honor to begin and end
the action which for the tyme was, as old and experienced
people say, was one of the hottest ever known. The French
themselves acknowledge the loss of three thousand horse. They
388

must certainly have lost more foot, their center and part
of their left wing haveing been pusht near a myle to the very
walls of Almanza; in which action the Dutch under Count
Dona destinguisht themselves, as indeed no people could
behave better than all their troops here did. He retyred with
the very small remains of our infantry over a great plain, in
spyte of all the enemies cavalry, to an old castle, where
yesterday he had the same capitulation as was given to the
French at Bleinheim in which this battle resembles that. I
pray God it mayn’t have more fatal consequences.

Mr. Carsrarrs to the Karu or Mar.

1707, April 19. Edinburgh.—We have had lesse warmth and
more unanimitie in this Assemblie then I once thought we
should have had, and I hope we shall have a calm conclusion.
We had this day brought into the committie of Overtures a
paper about innovations in worship, and after long and many
debates, forenoon and afternoon, we at last adjusted it so that
for preventing heat and division it was unanimouslie gone into,
though some of us thought that even as it was smoothed and
adjusted, it was not necessarie and might be inexpedient; but
we did judge that in this junctur it was fitt that we should
part calmlie if possible, as I doubt not but we shall, and I hope
some foundation is laid for our future quiet; and I doubt not,
my Lord, but the Court will wiselie bear with the warm zeal of
some, while all of us appear heartilie well affected to the honour
and peace of her Majesties Government. We have past a form
of practise in ecclesiastik judicaturs which hath been the great
work of this Assemblie and will be of use.

THE Karu oF Guascow to the Harn or Mar.

1707, April 21.  Hdinburgh—This day I dissolved the
Assembly, who parted in most calm and peaceable manner.
Never was ane Assembly so well pleased with their Sovereign as
this Assembly is with the Queen. They concluded with a most
loyall and dutyfull address to the Queen which your Lordship
hath transmitted to yow by the Moderator. This day also the
Councill met and adjourned the Parliament to the 29 Apryle.

Surcron-Masorn Grorcre Preston to the Haru or Mar.

1707, April 24. HEdinburgh.—He has held the appointment
of Surgeon-Major to the whole forces for the past four years,
and has received no pay. He begs that his case be represented
to her Majesty and a warrant obtained for his payment out of
the equivalent.

Joun Srimuinc, Moderator of the General Assembly,
to the Haru or Mar.
1707, April 24. Edinburgh.—Upon the account which my
Lord Grange was pleased to give of what your Lordship had
written in return to that sent with the ansuer to her Majesty’s
389

gracious letter I did acquaint the Assembly, and am obliged in
their name to return their humble and hearty thanks to your
Lordship for your kindness to this Church, of which they
humbly intreat and confidently expect the continuance. I hope
the moderat and calm procedure of the Assembly wil not only
be pleasing to the Government but tend to quiet the minds of
people throw the nation and serve to allay the ferment which
was in many parts. And as her Majesty and those who have
the administration under her have manifested a very tender
regard to the peace of this Church at this juncture in not
injoining any thing uneasy to the Ministry and which might
serve to waken the discontent again, so it is humbly and
earnestly desired your Lordship will be pleased to continue
your good offices for this purpose, that the same wise measures
so evidently for the Queen’s service may stil be taken.

Harm Mautz to the Hart or Mar.

1706, April 29. Edinburgh.—Yesterday the Parliament was
dissolved, and this day the Council and Exchequer sate and her
Majesty’s letters being read, there was two proclamations
published accordingly.

Yesterday we had account of 31 whales from 15 to 26 foot
long being found dead on the sands of Kirkcaldie, which is very
much talkt of as ominous.

1707, April—Petition by Mary Campbell, widow of Lieut.-
Col. Fullerton, whose husband, having come over with King
William and being advanced to be Lieut.-Col. of the Earl of
Angus’s regiment, was killed at Steinkirk. King William then
granted her a pension of £80 yearly, but this was discontinued
at his death for three years and a half, when the Queen gave
her a new gift of the same pension. She craves the amount due
for the three and a half years.

Hariz Mavur to the Haru or Mar.

1707, May 1. Edinburgh.—Yesternight there came by the
packetts five letters for the English gentlemen come downe to
assist in manageing the customs, which were delivered them
in the Earl of Glasgow’s lodgings how soon the packet arrived.”

The towne has been full these two days of your Lordship and
the Earl of Loudoun’s being made marquesses, and your Lord-
ship Keeper of the Signet during life, and the Duke of
Queensberry Chamberlane of her Majesty’s Household in place
of the Earl of Kent. What has given rise to these I do not
know.

There is nothing so much taken notice of here to-day as the
solemnity in the south part of Britain and the want of it here.
The first tune of our musick bells this day was “Why should I
be sad on my wedding day.”

There being a printed account of the whales come ashoar at
Kirkealdie, I send it inclos’d to your Lordship.
390

Tur Eart or Mar to the Treasurer.

1707, May 8. Whitehall—I heard yesterday of my poor
wife’s death, which tho’ I have been expecting for some time yet
I cannot now help been extreamly concerned and out of order
with it. I cannot go abroad for some time and beside I’m not
very fit for business just now, so I beg your Lordship may
excuse my not waiting of you. It is probable the Queen will
now be thinking how to dispose of her old Scots servants. I
have served her Majesty will all the faithfullness and zeal I was
capable of, which I acknowledge was but my dutie. I know not
in what shape her Majestie will put the office which I had. IfI
can be of any use in it I confess it wou’d be my greatest
ambition to serve near her person; but if that be not thought
for her service I freely submitt. Ihave been alwayes extreamlie
oblidged to your Lordship and I must now beg your protection.
Your Lordship was once pleased to tel me that you had knowen
some of my people and familie. It was of pritty long standing
in Scotland and the fortoun was once as considerable as most
there, but by some accidents and chifly by their adhearing to the
Crown in King Charles the Ist and 2nd’s time it was brought
low, and was so when I came to it. By manadgement and the
Queen’s bountie I have recovered it a little, but it is not yet in
such a condition that I can live well without the Queens favour
and assistance. I am very much bound to her Majesties good-
ness, but if your Lordship will be pleased to countenance me
and speak in my behalf it shall tey me perpetually to your
service. The misfortoun I have now mett with makes me cair
less for liveing at home than I wou’d have done otherwayes,
which wou’d make some post here much more agreeable to me
than there if it sute with her Majesties service; but whatever
the Queen pleases to order shall be satisfying to me, only I
wou'd be very glade that I knew my fait soon that I might order
my affairs accordingly. I beg pardon of this trouble; I thought
those things may now be a concerting when I cannot go abroad,
and your Lordship is the only person I relay on. Since your
Lordship had the goodness to be favourable to me before I hope
your Lordship will now forgive this. Copy.

Lorp Treasurer oF Eneuanp to the Karu or Mar.

1707, May 3.—I have the honour of your Lordship’s letter,
and am heartily sorry for the occasion of your confinement.

T shall wait upon your Lordship as soon as I can without
being troublesome to you, and if any occasion offers where I
may bee any way serviceable to you, nobody shall embrace it
with more readiness than, my Lord, your Lordship’s most
humble and obedient servant, GopoLPHIN.

Mr. Secretary Hartey to the Earn or Mar.

_ 1707, May 8.—No person takes a greater share than myself
in any thing which afflicts your Lordship. I know your
391

Lordship reckons these great misfortunes amongst the rectigalia
vivendi, and accordingly the strength of your own reason will
correct what natural tenderness would make otherwise im-
moderate. When I know your Lordship receives company I
shall endeavor to pay my duty to you.

Lapy GriseLt Barwure to the Haru or Mar.

1707, May 8. Edinburgh.—Commiserating his Lordship on
the loss of his wife, and begging him to procure a pension for
life for her sister, rather than a commission for her sister’s
husband, Charles Billingham, as he is in a decay and cannot
live long.

Mr. Joun Srrruine, Moderator of Assembly, to the Eart or Man.

_ 1707, May 9. College at Glasgow.—I am glad I can assure

your Lordship that the Assembly’s management has had a very
happy influence on the temper of this part of the nation where I
now am, and tends much to the quieting and calming thereof. And
certainly her Majesty’s proceeding in such tender measures of
forbearance towards her subjects in this part of the Island
cannot fail to have good and satisfying effects to her Majesty
and those who minister such wholesom counsels. The Earle
of Glasgow acted his part so well at the Assembly that by his
prudent and obliging methods he did render himself very
acceptable to all.

Lorp Treasurer or Eneuanp to the Eart or Mar.

1707, May 10.—I have the honour of your Lordships letter
and will bee sure to wait upon you to-morrow morning as I sent
you word. Ifin the meantime your Lordship would write to
my Lord Glasgow all ships coming in to Scotland after the 1st
of May are liable to the same customes as they would have done
if they had come to the port of London and to the same prohi-
bitions and restrictions. Iam with great truth, my Lord, your
Lordships most humble and obedient servant, GopoLpHin.

Tue Bart or Man to the Earn or Guascow.

1707, May 10. Whitehall—He has only been abroad to-day
and has seen nobody but the Queen. He is to see the Treasurer
to-morrow about the two ships at Leith which came in after the
1st of May; but he believes “the greatest favour they can
expect is to gett leive to export their goods any where else than
here. The noice of the goods imported to Scotland at this time
is so great,” that they dare not say much in favour of these
ships. He recommends some persons for the Customs and
Excise, but urges Lord Glasgow with whom the nominations
chiefly lie, to prevent anything like jobbery, as everybody seems
“so apprehensive of frauds and unfair doeings in the affair of
the Customs that it will be a scandal to our nation and to us all
in Parliament, if there be any wrong doeings in these matters.
892

Tur Earu or Mar to the Eart or Guascow.

1707, May 13. Whitehall—-Since my last I was with the
Treasurer and represented the caise of those ships that cam in
after the first of May. His Lordship said the caise was plain,
for since they cam not in befor the first of May, whatever goods
they entered behoved to pay the English duties. If they broak
bulk and had any prohibited goods, then they were ceasur ; but
if they did not break bulk, they might transport their ship
and goods anywhere else. This caise is so plain that its
needless to say any more upon it,, and it was impossible to gett
any favour showen in it. The Duke of Queensberry is now
prittie well, and I hope will be able to goe abroad ina few
dayes. Wee bave had several meetings with the Queen’s
servants here about the modeling of our new Government, but
are not yet come to any certaine resolutione, save that the
Privie Councell of Great Brittain is imediatlie to constetute and
then our affairs will be dispatcht, and I believe the equivallent
amongst the first, so it may be expected doun ere long. Copy.

Harte Mavur, writer, to the Haru or Mar.

1707, May 138. Edinburgh.—My Lord, before we had the
account of my Lord Couper’s being Chancellar of Great
Brittain we had the project thus that the Karl of Seafield should
be keeper of the great seal here with power of preceeding in the
judicatorys as Chancellor, that the Duke of Qu[eensberry]
should be Chamberlain of the Household, and the Privy Seal
and Signet setled during life on your Lordship and the Earl of
Loudoun; but since we had the account of her Majestys
declareing my Lord Coupar Chancellor of Great Brittain the
project is altered and they’l have the Earl of Seafield 8rd
Secretary of Great Brittain, but ’tis not yet condiscended upon
how the signet and other seals will be disposed of; but people
very impatiently wait the determination of these matters. The
equivalent is mightily longed for here, and because ’tis thought
the delay is for want of commissioners to manage it people
heartily wish they were condiscended upon, for many an honest
gentleman’s credit depends upon it at the term.

Tue Earn or Cromartiz to the Hanu or Mar.

1707, May 17. Edinburgh.—He had represented last year
that two scoundrels from Scotland, one called Thomas Forrest,
a confessed forger of false writs, and the other David Scotland,
convicted of larceny, and who had escaped from jail in England,
had accused Colonel Villars at Tynemouth Castle of importing
forbidden goods from Scotland. Col. Villars is a man of honour
and has ever been a forward friend to all our nation. The facts
as to these scoundrels have been proved by the testimony of
their judges, and the prosecution of the Colonel stopped, but
they are pressing for a reward. He will esteem it a personal
favour if they receive the just recompence of their deeds.
393

Norm rrom tur Lorp Hicu Treasurer or Encuanp to the
Haru oF Mar.

1707, May 17.—I have sent orders by this post that transires
should forthwith bee given for all goods imported regularly into
Scotland before the ist of May, provided such goods were not
Ee by the laws of Scotland. (Unsigned, but in his own

and.)

Harte Mauts, writer, to the Earn or Mar.

1707, May 20. Edinburgh.—The enimies of the Union have
made several stories of late about the equivalent, as that the
Queen had writ downe for a delay of the payment thairof for 12
moneths because of the emergent in Spain, and her Majesty
would pay interest for it, etc.

THe Earu oF Mar to his brother, Mr. James Ensxine.

1707, May 21. Whitehall—The Queen on Munday last
caused summon five of us to be admitted of the Councill here,
viz., the Dukes of Queensberry and Montrose, the Earles of
Loudoun and Seafiefd, and myself. The four last were admitted
yesterday, but the Duke of Queensberry was not so well
recovered as to venture abroad, but I hope he will against nixt
Councill day. There are to be no more Scots added at this
time, which I belive displeases some people. This express is
sent down with a new commission for the Councill in Scotland.
The Queen resolved to put nobody off but who had been against
the Union, nor to add anybody but such who had been formerly
of the Councill and had now been for. the Union.

Tue Ear or Mar to the Hart or Guascow.

1707, May 21. Whitehall—Since my last which was in
returne to yours of the 13th, I read yours to the Queen and
shoed her Majestie those papers you sent me inclosed, with
which she was very well pleased and is sensible off the dilligence
and paines your Lordship has been att in bringing them to such
a clearance. She thinks the debt on the civill list amounts to a
greater sume than was expected, but reallie I have not yet gott
tim to read that paper exactlie over.

On Munday the Queen was pleased to cause summond five of
us to be admited on the Councell here yesterday; the Duke of
Montrose, the Earles of Loudoun and Seafield and I were
admitted, but the Duke of Queensberry who was the fifth was
not abell to goe abroad, but I hope he will be before the nixt
Councell day for he’s now prittie well. The Queen acquanted
the Councell yesterday that she thought it fitt to grant a
commission for a Councell in Scotland conforme to the Artickles
of Union, the draught of which commission she caused read
and in the afternoon I cairied it to her Majestie to pass hir
hand. It was thought fitt to putt nobody off the Councell but
394

those who had been against the Union, and to add nobody but
such as had been formerlie of the Councell and had been now
for the Union. So this being a generall measure the Queen
thinks nobody can be angrie with reason for not being putt on
att this time. Her Majestie can add whom she will afterwards
by letters. Your friends thought here since this was judged the
reasonable measure your Lordship would dispence with your
friend’s not being named att this tim; it can be easilie done in
a leitle tim when he’s fully of age and then ther can be nothing
said against it. I would not so much as desire my brother
Grange to be named just now since he had never been of the
Councell before. The Queen is very desirous to have this
Councell constetut soon, because the proclamation for calling
the Parliament will not be issued untill she hear of the new
Councells meeting from Scotland and it is tim it wer out, so by
her Majesties orders I have wryten to all who are named to meet
and qualifie as soon as possible. I know your Lordship will gett
the meeting as soon’s you can. I wish it may be pritty full and
I beg your Lordship may order the clerks to send me the minuts
of the first meeting and attesting the Councellors being qualified
signed by himself as soon as possible. The quorum of this new
Councell is made six because the sam number is the quorum of
the Councell here. This commission was drawn and adjusted
with a great dail of cair and paines so I hope it will be likt in
Scotland. This day wee are to meet to finish the commission of
the equivalent and to adjust the Court of Exchequer in Scotland.
I hope our whole Scots affairs will now be soon coneluded. I’m
sure the sooner the better for the Queen’s service and for all
their advantadges who have the honour to serve her.

Tue Earn or Rosgepery to the Eant or Mar.

1707, May 27. Barenbougall—He desires his Lordship to
speak again to the Queen for a gift to him of the Chamberlainry
of Fife. He thinks he may now reasonably expect some other
post in the Government than merely being a councillor, as he
has ever firmly served her Majesty and her interest in all the
sessions of Parliament he has been in, and has also been at
some expense in attending her service. But whatever her
Majesty may do it will not in the least alter the zeal he has
ever had for her service.

THE EARL OF GLASGOW to the Hart or Mar.

1707, May 80. Edinburgh.—There are letters sent doun last
post from the manadgers of the Customes in England by order
off my Lord High Treasurer off England to the gentlemen that
were sent doun here to teach us the forms used in England in
collecting the customes and duties off goods exported and
imported, the double off which letters I think it my duty to send
yow. Not only are our merchants much alarmed bott our
people are in ane unaccountable ferment. My Lord, if my poor
advyce had been asked I would not altogether advysed the
395

method off the letters inclosed, for in my judgement I think the
importing of tobacco from England to Scotland a perfect trick,
and ought not to be imported into England but upon payment
off the high dutyes; as also the whale finn and cocoa nutt
and the other dry wares ought all to pay the high dutyes if
imported into England. Bott for the clarett wyne I wish it
had been allowed to be carried into England, especially con-
sidering that they could not have imported into England above
fyve or six hundred tunns, and that we have imported in some
years as great quantities off red wyne as wee have done this
year. My Lord, your Lordship will be pleased to advyse with
my Lord Chancellor and the rest off the Queen’s servants above
and give us here your ansuer as soon as possible. I wish yow
would dispatch the commissiones for the Customes and Excyse,
for I have a pretty uneasy time off it. My Lord, I gave a
commission to ane active fellow to goe throw the precincts off
Kirkaldi, Prestonpans and Burrowstounness, and try if he could
learn that there were any wyne or brandy run in these bounds.
There being seven or eight ships that came in with their
loadings off wyne and brandy after the first off May and their
temptation was great to run the goods. In pursuance off my
commission he found four ships in the precincts off Kirkaldi
that had run almost their haill cargoes, so by force upon my
warrand to the Horse Granadeers he boarded tuo off the ships
and brought them this morning to Leith. The other tuo ships
upon the sense off their guilt cutt their cables and ran to sea,
and lay at the back off the Isle off Mey. Captain Hamilton
being in the road I design to send him out and bring them in.
I have also discovered considerable running off wyne and brandy
in the precincts of Prestonpanns and Burrowstounness by my
private commissiones, for it is impossible to discover these
frauds and tricks bot by secrecy, for if I had done this at
a Treasury board so that our clerks had known the secrett, I had
discovered nothing.

1707, May 31—‘ My Lord Treasurer’s answer to my Lord
Glasgow’s letter, May 26th, concerning the Scots marchants and
Gray’s affair.’ Upon that certificate from the Counsell of
Scotland the Privy Counsell here may meet and appoint the
time of the Parliament’s sitting.

Gray’s memorial] cannot in my opinion be comply’d with,
because if he bee allowed to unload his goods which are not
prohibited it may give the more opportunity to run those which
are prohibited.

As to Gordon’s paper, he is in right to bring his goods to
England, but he will certainly bee subject to the laws of England
considered with the Act of Union.

Tue Haru or Cromarty to the Hart or Mar.
1707, May 81. Edinburgh.—I had the honor of your line in
company with the Councel’s commission. Your Lordship hears
seldome from me; not that I have not some privat matters to
396

desyre, but that I judged the publick effairs so heavy on yow
that I would not add to the load till these grow lighter. Wee
wish to hear better knews from Spaine and the Rhyne, for
Louis of Baden is not only apologized for but magnified for his
keeping well and long what his successor hath so easily lost. I
wish wee may hear of ane equivalent for our enimies in
Flanders. But I suspect Vendosme will talk bigg but stand on
the defensive there, whilst our weaker sides are thereby exposed
to them in other posts. I ever thought our merchants
adventured too much on the catch of the nick of our conjunction,
yett, my Lord, yow cannot imagine how great advantage the
enimies of our Union have gott over this old nation generally
by the orders for prohibition of import from Scotland not only
of returned tobaco (which none can condemn) and of French
wine, but the prohibitory article of all other customable goods.
That hath raised a clamor and threats of more, especially in the
loyall west country. I gett my share, tho’ I beleve my zeal for
the Union be not so much notticed elswhere in my favour as
heer, it is to hurt me if they can. I wish those that are crowned
with the laurels for that victory would stand in these gaps of
inconvenience. But yett Iam no penitent for what I did nor
will I trouble any with resentment of my treatment, and enough
of this. Bot, my Lord, I most still wish happy effects of our
Union and its stability; and that nether keeping up the larva of
a kingdome deceast in its useless officers may fright us who by
distance are as children on sight of these ghosts; nor by any
harsh treatment of our traders, for if no merchandise goe in but
what truly belongs to Scotsmen, ne vault U peine, and other
hidden traders I beleeve doe raise the greatest clamours heer.
This is intrusion enough for a bystander. I hear these sent to
oversee the matters of Excise dar not goe to the west till some
troups scour the rout. Weell kens the mouse, etc. See what
it is for a hobby to beginn lettering with a statesman, and for
fear of too much faulting I break off.

Harte Mave to the Haru or Mar.

1707, May 81. JTdinburgh.—By the post that arrived
Wednesday’s night there was a letter from Mr. Philps for giving
out your Lordship’s and the Earl of Loudoun’s commissions.
This morning I received your Lordship’s. I payd drink-money
as for former gifts in favors of your Lordship ; but Mr. Stewart,
deputy keeper of the great seal, thinking he would get orders for
quitting my Lord Chancellar, the Purse, and keeper’s dues,
demanded onely a note from me for said dues till he should get
his orders thereanent. I have scen Mr. Stewart since the post
came on to-night, and he tells me he has had a letter from my
Lord Chanecellar concerning your Lordship’s and the Earle of
Loudoun’s commissions and no orders for passing them gratis.
I told him the dues should be payd him on Monday, but I did
not expect that it should have been exacted.

There’s a great grudging and uneasiness among our
merchants upon the new orders dischargeing coast cockets to
397

be given them. Some say they will take their hazard upon the
articles of Treatty and a protest for a coast cocket. The takeing
of two ships, one belonging to Mathie, a Prestonpans man,
and the other to Wood, a Montrose man, who were designing to
run their wines and other goods, augments the ferment among
ignorant people who cry out, “Is this the effects of the Union?”

The equivalent is so much dispaired of here that among
the vulgar the greatest part beleeve it’s gone to Spain, and
some beleeve that the bridge of Berwick is fallen with the weight
of it, and all is lost. However, the expectation of it on the
other hand has made this term very easy to a great many
and stopt diligence very much, which, to your Lordship’s loss,
I found at the signet, for since your Lordship was concerned
there was never so litle collected in one moneth, and no wonder,
for most of the writers have been out of towne, and very rarely
we had a Lord of Session in towne except my Lord Grange, and
when he was in the country we had none at all.

Sir William Maxwell of Monreith’s eldest son was drowned
the other day in the water of Nith as coming to Edinburgh to
plea against his father for an aliment, tho’ people generally say
his father was in the wrong to him so that they look upon as
no particular judgement on the sone.

Hare Mavte, writer, to the EARL oF Mar.

1707, June 3. Edinburgh.—The uneasines among the mer-
chants upon the prohibition of importing their goods does dayly
augment and now they do not stand to blame the ministers of
state for insisting so much to favour strangers in opposing twice
the bills brought in to the House of Commons to their prejudice,
for had the bill passt they had been free and furreigners run
the hazard, but now both they and forreigners are in the same
case; and tho’ the generality of people here be pretty well
satisfied with the prohibition, because they’l drink cheap wine,
yet they appear sory for their friends the merchants, who will
suffer. The people in the west are so obstinat still in their
inveterated temper against the Union that rather than submitt to
it yet they’l assist King James; for they can not see, they say, a
security for the Kirk, which they will by no means part with;
and the ministers, tho’ perhaps not much against their own
inclination dare not but preach against the Union.

We have a list of commissioners for managing of the equiva-
lent cryed throw the streets in the Courant, which I send
inclosed; notwithstanding of which people here wager it shall
not be downe before Candlemas next. But I beleeve the
greatnes of the fear proceeds of the necessity of the generality of
people concerned in it.

Tue Eary or Mar to his brother, Mr. JAMES ERSKINE.

1707, June 6. Whitehall—I doubt not but those ill-affected
to the Union will improve every thing just now to their own
398

ends, but those who concurred in the Union will no doubt do
their endeavours to counter them, espeatially seeing all favor
and fairness is designed. I wish people wou’d not be too rash
in their judgments of things, for at such a time as this when
of necessity there must be such alterations, and consequently
some disorders sometimes, but if they wou’d have a, little
patience they wou’d see things come right about as they desire
them. The comission of the Equivalent is sent by this express,
which I hope will put people out of their foolish apprehensions
that it is not to be payed at this time. There was a necessity
of nameing severall members of Parliament in the comission,
so no salaries cou’d be given them; but if they performe their
trust well and cairfully ther’s little doubt but the Parliament
will make up the loss and trouble they will be at by it. My
service to the Pop, who is one of them. I will wryt to him in a
post or two. Tell Collonel Erskine that Kelhead is named on it
upon his account. After the comission was expead Jerviswood
thought fitt to decline in, so I belive he will not accept. The
sooner those commissioners meet the better and the sooner will
the money be transmitted. The rule by which the com-
missioners were named was that nobody shou’d be of it but
those who had nothing else of the Government, I mean of any
valow, and that they shou’d all be comoners.

Joun Airp, Provost of Glasgow, to the Haru or Mar.

1707, June 10. Glasgow.—Sir John Shaw of Greenock is
attempting his interest at the Court to obtain the transfer of the
custom house from Port Glasgow to Greenock. He formerly
tried to have this done in 1694, but the Lords of the Treasury
after hearing the city of Glasgow refused. Greenock is only a
burgh of barony, and Glasgow is a royal burgh and bears much
of the public burdens.

Captain James Urquuart to the Earn or Mar.

1707, June 11, 0.8. Bayoune.—Telling him of the battle of
Almanza and the death of his brother Colonel Harry Erskine
there. When brought in the following day liberty was obtained
from the Duke of Berwick, and he and Col. Ramsay, also killed,
were buried.

JoHn Currx to the Earu or Mar.

1707, June 12. Edinburgh.—James Clerk suggests that all
the money to be coined here should bear her Majesty’s arms
quartered as appointed by the Union. He hears that some old
stamps which were made use of in the Tower are being sent
down; but these will never do so well on our new coin. He and
other commissioners for the Equivalent are to qualify to-morrow,
and he begs his Lordship to expedite the sending of the money
“for ’tis impossible to express how ill the delav of the equivalent
399

is already taken. For if publick and secret caballs, drinking
King James’s health in whole shoals upon the streets and other
demonstrations of dissatisfaction can route up any of our
ministery to reflect seriously on the affairs of Scotland and to
compare them with the unhappy circumstances of affaires
abroad, then possibly both our trade and the equivalent will
meet with some more consideration.”

CoLonEL Stewart to the Earn or Mar.

1707, June 12. Edinburgh.—We have had a solemn day,
called the 10 of June. Some of the merchants’ ships in the
road put out their ensigns and the night was past with drinking
full bumpers to the health of the day, and at one in the morning
a very considerable company came to the Cross where the
forsaid health and the brave Duke of Berwick’s went round. I
belive Sir David and some of the English gentlemen who were
in his house had the diversione of looking at them. The noble
toun guard took care to give that mob no disturbance. There
was abundance of pouder brunt in all quarters. Att first I did
not think of the day, so wondered that I could not set my nose
into a close or court but puff it went. Well, I hope the licence
being come for exporting the merchandice will sweeten a littell
our tempers, tho’ it had been much better the same thing had
been done from the begining. The shares of the Darien
Company are going at 12 or 15 per cent. lower then when your
Lordship parted from this, and till money come in there hands
they'll belive nothing of that matter. I understand that
all quarters of the countrey are com to be very beliving of the
not performance of anything for our advantage.

Mr. J. Taynor to the Haru or Mar.

1707, June 12. Whitehall Treasury Chamber.——My Lord
Treasurer commands me (in the absence of Mr. Lowndes) to
acquaint your Lordship that upon his receipt of your Lordship’s
letter dated last Saturday night with other papers concerning
the seizure of certain casks of brandy in the ship Eleizabeth of
Prestonpans from Rotterdam, and other matters therein men-
tioned, his Lordship sent the same to the commissioners of the
Customes here to give his Lordship a true state of the severall
particulars therein complained of; and the said commissioners
haveing now returned the said papers together with their
answer in a report thereupon, I am directed to transmit to your
Lordship an extract of the said report together with the said
papers, and to acquaint your Lordship that my Lord Treasurer
observes there is just cause for the said seizure, and therefor
cannot give any order to discharge the same, it being proper
to be deceided by the Court of Exchequer only. But this case
haveing hapned so soon after the Union, his Lordship makes nc
objectione to the permitting the said ship with the remaining
part of her ladeing to proceed on her voyadge to Norway or such
other ports as she shall be bound for.
400

As to the linens and other goods of the product or manu-
facture of Scotland brought from thence since the Union, your
Lordship sees the commissioners here have in all cases coming
before them taken of the stope, tho’ they had no proper
dispatches for the same; and my Lord has now given further
directions therein. (Copy).

Tur Duxe or Montrose to the Earu or Mar.

1707, July 2. Glasgow.—You can’t expect much news from
this place. I don’t at all find people here in any such ferment
as we heard off. On the conterar aboundance of those who were
most against the Union seem to think themselves pretty easie in
reaping a considerable benefite by cheating the Government,
which they do most heartely by running considerable quantitys
of goods since the furst of May. I have got pretty sure
information this waye since I came here, and treuly it is not
much to be doubted off, for this is now done pretty openly and
is sufficiently knowen to every body here. I shall be able to
write more fully on this matter in a few days to your Lordship
and will certainly do it, but if my information holds, as I think
I may venture to say it will, it will be found that near 800 tunns
of brandie have been runn into this place since the Union com-
menced without paying any dewty. If this be so its easie to
guess what the amount of our Customs will be for some years to
come, for I reckon other ports have been no less guilty then this
same. This cheat is no less prejudiciall to the Queen then it is
to the fair treaders of this countrie who entered their goods
dewly paying the dewty before the furst of May. I shall see my
Lord Chancellor and the Earl of Glasgow in a few days. We
shall talk verie fully on all these matters and I hope we shall
not be wanting in takeing all the pains we can to discover any
such triks. I shall wish and hope that when our ships come to
London our people may meet with all dew encuradgement. If
fair treaders are treated as they ought to be we can with the
more assuredness take ways to find out and expose these that
have not been so. I am still of this oppinion, that it is verie
easie for England to gain our people, let them but do us justice
and make us a good countinance and they certainly have us.

Tue CHanceLtor to the Haru or Mar.

1707, July 6. Edinburgh.—The people are at present all
quiet and peaceable, but they are in full expectation of the
equivalent, and that also the merchants who reside in Scotland
and imported goods before the first of May will be protected, and
a comunittie of Thesaury doth sitt de die in diem for taking the
oaths of the merchants who have imported the goods upon there
own proper risque. I found all the goods that are to be
transported from this countrey into England on shipboard, and
the ships had there coquets granted before I came, and
401

accordingly the wind offering fair they sailed under the convoy
of Captain Gordon and Captain Hamiltone, Thursday last. I
intreat that the Duke of Queensberry, Earle of Loudoun, and
your Lordship may use your endeavours to the outmost for our
merchants, quhatever may be thought fitt to be done to
forreigners ; for if our merchants’ goods be saised it will make
ane extraordinary ferment here, whereas if the merchants are
protected and the equivalent duely answered it will not be in the
the power of the enemies of the Government to make any
disturbance.

I find the commissioners of the Equivalent have fully
answered the letters wee wrote from London, and are doeing
nothing till they hear again from your Lordships. Our coyn
is in great disorder, and wee are afraid that the next fleett of
merchant ships from Holland and from the Baltick may bring
in considerable quantities of duckadowns and dollars.

Tue Earu or Mar to the CHanceLLor.

1707, July 9—The Duke of Queensberry and my Lord
Loudoun designd to have wrote to your Lordship by this
pacquet, but to save repetition they desired that I might do it
for us all. We are very glade to hear of your saif arrivall at
Edinburgh and of the good reception you got; but we cannot
but wish that your Lordship had been here at this time when
there was so much need of your advice in this matter of the
equivalent which is now sent down. But we have had a great
dale of trouble about it. Your Lordship has incloased a copie of
our letter to the comissioners of the Equivalent and by it you
will know the reasons of our actings in that affair. We are
hardly cireumstanciat, for any scrouples or difficulties that were
proposed in the method of the payment are thought here to be
of our own making, and so we are jeloused. If there be any
difficultie made in Scotland it is thought here too that your
Lordship and with other friends there might have removed or
prevented it if we hada mind. Then again in Scotland ’tis but
too probable we will be mistaken by people there. Those here
who understand that matter think that there will be no need of
sending more money down in specie if people there have a mind
to make things easie, and this ‘tis said the English comis-
sioners of the Equivalent who are now gone down will make
appear. We wish and realie hope it may be so without any
inconveniencie or loss to Scotland; but we are sure that ther’s
more money now sent in specie than can be made use of for a
considerable time, since the coinage must be first over before the
loss of it can be knowen and consequently before any other debts
of the equivalent can be payed. In that time it will be seen
how the notes will be receaved and certainly a great many
of them may be transacted without loss ; then if it be found that
ther’s an absolute necessity of more money in specie it’s but
sending p notes for money here, and the Queen will be at the

z
402

charge and alow guards for it, and this money can be down
before the comissioners can be charged for it. It was not
thought fit to say this in our letter to the comissioners, because
that might have incuradged them to call for more money in
specie tho’ it were not absolatly necessare; but we thought
fitt to let your Lordship know it that you may take what
method you think fit to perswad the Comissioners of the
Equivalent to receave the notes if they make any scrouple
about them. If they shou’d refuse them, it might be of very
bad consequence upon severall reasons and might put such a
stope to the affair that the equivalent might be a long time of
being payed. By sending back notes here for more money (if
absolatly necessare) the comissioners can be in no hazard, for
they being numbred, tho’ they were rob’d (which hardly can fall
out) the payment of them may be stopt here. We design’d to
have wryten to the Duke of Montrose, my Lord Glasgow, the
Precident, and the Regester, but since ’tis all to this effect we
beg your Lordship may comunicat this to them, and it being
an affair m which the Queen and nation are so much concerned
and also your Lordships and us all, we doubt not but you will
take such measurs as will make this affair easie and to the
satisfaction of every body both here and there. Since the
money is now sent and will be at Edinburgh very soon, ’tis
thought here that the Councill there will quickly set about the
proclamation for calling in the money which is to be recoined.
Nothing else materiall has happned since your Lordship went
from this else I had given you the trouble of a letter e’er now.
We will be glade to hear from your Lordship and particularly of
this affair and how it is taken there. What we have done cou’d
be out of no designe for ourselves but mearly out of conviction
that it was the best for the publick service, and before that
should suffer we resolved to venture the criticizms of ill-affected
people and those who wish things to go in confusion; but we
hope the comissioners of the Equivalent and all well wishers
to the United Kingdome will approve of our parte in this affair.

Your Lordship will see that this letter is not fitt to be showen
to everybody ; but we leave the manadgment of it to yourself.
Copy.

Tue Earu or Cromarty to the Earut or Mar.

1707, July 10. Ethie—As to what yow writt of peoples
founding misunderstanding on severall oceurrents, which cannot
be helpt in the begining of constitutions, is farr from noveltie ;
but rationall men most walk by rules, especially the rules for
publick good, and not by the litle polstarrs of mens privat
interests and yett farr less by privat humors which are very oft
extravagant. And therefore I pray that yow quite not your
fondnes for the Union, for I am as much as ever perswaded that
it was and is the cheff politick good of Brittain. I labourd (and
with as much heat sometimes as discretion) in it for 40 years,
through good report and ill report. I was often scornd by some
403

who now glorie in it. I am farr from repenting it; it hath in it
the true nature of good. It is a good, in its worst veiw. But no
sublunary thing is at first perfect. It is ane infant as yett, and
needs a nurse. It was oft exposed as a Moses in a flotting
baskett ; recovered unexpectedly, and by a King’s daughter ; and
now more then that I pray God shee may pitch on good nurses.
And Ill tell, under adventure, that I shall never think any to be
such who for any particular interest will keep up a seam of
division. Any thing that will make us look as two now that wee
are one may ether on purpose or by mistake bring us againe to
be divided. The next thing I fear is that for some litle politick
wee may compliment the Dutch (not in not hindering them to
fish, for that I would not desyre) with not setting our desygns
for outshutting them in their owne bow, for allowing them to
fish as they did; if wee but fish as wee may, then wee will
undersell them through all the earth and so worm ourselfs in to
what alone (on examination) will be found to be first and great
base whereon their riches, trade, and power are founded. This
I did demonstrat to King Charles 1st (sic, lege 2nd) on debate in
his closet with Mr. Slingsby, anno 1662, and can doe so still.
Therfor as the best politick wish to one whom I wish very weell,
I wish that the Earl of Marr may work with as great zeall and
constancy for establishing both herrin and codd fishirie in
Scotland by Scots hands and English direction and Brittish
stocks as I your Lordship’s servant did for the Union, but with
more speedy successe ; and then I dare prophesy Europ or any
potentat in it may envy but shall not hinder us for the greatest
and best founded trade in Europe. I doe not think to live to see
it; 75 year old is too low for that; but whille I live I will wish
it and indeavour it as farr as a wearied age can act. I am here
at Ethie and where I receaved your Lordship’s letter; and tho’
I be in full health yett I think it is the last journey out of a
chair that I will make in my lyfe. But good will, good wishes
and sincer indeavours for these three things, viz.:—I1st, no mark
to remain of two divided kingdomes in Brittain; no faction in
Scotland nor groonds of faction from places and divided power
in North Brittain (these are two negatives), now one positive,
viz.:—a vigorous fishirey; to shew that we have a better that is
a more mine-full foond in Scotland then the Indies can affoord,
for theirs will never grow, ours doe evry year, and meat never
wants mercat and so can never want vent or vendition; and to
fell two doggs with one stone, at once sett up Room and
cause Carthage to fall by fairly takeing of its base on which it did
rise, and yet without hindering them from the claim of their
greatest man and greatest lawier (Grotius), viz.:—mare liberum.
For tho’ they fish with us they can never equall us; if English
purses, Scots hands and provisiones and Brittains strength joine
cordially and prudently; I wish (I say) to see this or I goe hence
to where these concerns will be litle thought on by, my Lord,
your Lordship’s most obedient humble servant, CromERTIE.

Bear with this long letter, for your Lordship will not gett many,
and the fewer if yow doe not plunge into a Brittish fisherie.
404

Tur Earnu or Leven to the Hart or Mar.

1707, July 15.—This serves to acknowledge the honour of
your Lordship’s letter of the 9th with inclosed coppys of the
orders and routs relateing to the Equivalent, for which I give
your Lordship thanks. I had them sent me by Mr. St. Johns
a post or two befor so that I had given the necisary orders for a
party’s marching to Berwick befor I gott yours. The party is
to consist of one hundred and twentie dragouns under the
command of Lewtenant-Collonel Dowglas, and under him two
captanes and thre subalterns, which I think more then
sufficient, yet I am told sume are grumbling that it is so weak.
My Lord Admiral is at Eathie, but I shall acquent him by a
line of what you wreat.

I hop people will be a litle easie now that the mony is
cuming doun. I am, my dear Lord, your Lordship’s most
obediant cusing and servant, Leven.

1707, July 19. Edinburgh.—Memorial from the Earl of
Seafield, Chancellor of Scotland, with reference to the returns
of the members of Parliament, the Scottish goods sent to
England, the removal of the military guard from the Nether
Bow port of Edinburgh, the payment of the equivalent, soldiers
for Glasgow and the Mint.

THe Haru oF GuAscow to the Kart or Mar.

1707, July 20. Hdinburgh.—My Lord Chaneellor’s writting
to your Lordship anent the way and maner of summonding our
Peers and Commoners to attend the first Parliament of Great
Brittain, and his sending the tuo forms by the Advocat and Sir
David Dalrymple of the returns from this that yow may choose
either or send doun such a form as gives most satisfaction there,
makes me forbear to give your Lordship trouble by repetition.
My Lord, I am sorry to tell yow that some of the commissioners
of the Equivalent, of whom wee had reason to expect better
things, are lyke to prove most uneasy, such as Sir Thomas
Burnett, young Pittmedden, Mr. Clerk of Pennycook, and
severall others; bott all paines shall be given to remove their
scrouples. Bott it was scarce to be expected that there
possibly could be a commission off such a number of our
countreymen, and that they should aggree. Certainly the
commission is too numerous.

Lorp Haurrax to the Haru or Mar.

1707, July 22. Hampton Court.—I return your Lordship
many thanks for the honour of your Lordship’s letter with the
enclosed from the Duke of Montrose. I shall be proud of
seing your Lordships here when your leasure will permit you to
take the air at Hampton Court; but ’tis my desire to attend
you upon any busnesse that concerns the good of the Union,
0

which is so much at my heart. I shall therefore come to
town this evening, and will not fail to wait upon your Lordship
and my Lord Loudoun at the Duke of Queensberry’s to-morrow
at twelve o'clock. I am, with great respect, my Lord, your
Lordship’s most humble and most obedient servant, Haurrax.

Tur Lorp Hier Treasurer to the Hart or Mar.

1707, July 23. Windsor.—I have received the honour of your
Lordships letter with the letters and papers enclosed. Those
from Scotland I shall keep according to your comands till I have
the honour to see you; the order of Counsell I send to Mr.
Taylour, who will send it to the Customes, and I hope my report
to the Counsell upon the whole will bee ready here by next
Monday which is the soonest the Counsell can meet.

Jam not much surprised to find your Lordships are hardly
thought of both there and here. ’Tis a fate wee must submit to,
and does usually attend those who use their best endeavours to
serve both one and the other.

I am sorry my indisposition hindred mee from waiting on the
Duke of Queensberry, the Karl of Lowdoun, and your Lordship.

I will not fail to recomend to the commissioners in Scotland
the persons named in yours, nor in any thing else where I may
approve my self, as sincerly I am, my Lord, your Lordship’s
most humble and obedient servant, GoDoLPHIN.

Tue Duxe or Montrose to the Earn or Mar.

1707, July 28. Glasgow.—I find people generallie are mighty
well pleased with what has been done, and the great grudge and
antipathy that seem’d to appear against the papper monny, as I
have heared the Exchequer nottes called by waye of disdain,
evanishes a little; and now folks beginn to calculate how much
monny they are to receave, and I think their hearts beginn to
warm eaven to the nottes that were so terriblie exclamed against
by some a. while ago. In short, my Lord, I’m verie hopefull
that when the bussiness comes once to be sett about it will be
found verie practicable, and when once the mmonny beginns to be
plentifull by circulateing thorow the countrie we shall heare no
more of tuintie idle difficultys and objections that have been
made of late. For as much as the people in this place encline
to be upon the catch I suppose the nottes may be as wellcomly
receaved here as anywhere.

Tur Earut or Mar to the CHANcEeLior.

1707, July 29. Whitehall—Since I write to your Lordship
last the Duke of Queensberry, the Earle of Loudoun and I
have been att Windsore, where our cheiff bussiness was this
troublesome affair of the mertchants. Wee spoke to the Queen
of it before the Councell mett, and also to the Treasurer and
severall others of the Councell. My Lord Treasurer said that
406

all favour should be showen them that could be to make this
affair easie which was not contrair to the oppinion of the
Queen’s Councell learned, and further he nor none of the
Queen’s servants durst advise her Majestie to doe without
hazarding their heads. He proposed tuo expedients, the first
that they shou’d give bail and the Aturney-Generall being judge
of the bail, it shou’d be made very easie, as their being admitted
to be bail for each other ; the second was that the goods shou’d
be unloaded and putt in such cellers as the merchants pleased
with a lock for them and another for the customers; and there
to ly untill the Parliament gave orders in this matter. Wee
lykt the first of those proposals best, but the merchants being so
averss from giveing any kind of bail wee could not agree to any
of the tuo. Wee spoke to the merchants of this, but they con-
tinued resolved not to give bail. Their petition was read in
Couneell and a report from my Lord Treasurer which referred
to one he had gott from the Boord of Customs here. After
these were read the Treasurer proposed that the Queen should
remitt to the Aturney and Solicetor-Generalls the considera-
tione of this affair since there were points of law in it and that
they should speak with the people concerned and might perhaps
propose some temper in it to their satisfaction. This the Queen
approved of. The Duke of Queensberry said that since her
Majestie approved of what my Lord Treasurer proposed
he wou’d not trouble her Majestie much, but he understood
by the proposall that her Majestie did not now determine
that the mertchants shou’d give bail but that she remited
tke whole affair inteir to Mr. Aturney and Mr. Solicetor to
consider it and to speak with the people concerned and then
to report to her Majestie that she might have the whole before
her nixt Councell. The Queen said she did understand the
Treasurers proposall so, and it was ordered so accordingly. This
is some delay but the best wee could make of it at that time.
The merchants after the Councell appointed to meet with the
Aturney and Solicetor this evening, and nixt post your Lordship
shall know the result of that meeting. The flying pacquet
arrived this morning with your Lordships of the 25th and the
address of the royall burrows. I sent imediatly for Mr. Stewart
and askt him when he desired my Lord Loudoun and me to goe
to Windsore to present it to the Queen, the Duke of Queensberry
being there already. He said that he thought wee should delay
doeing it till wee saw what would be the effect of their meeting
with the Aturney and Soliceter, which cannot be till to-morrow.
Wee shall continue to doe all that lyes in our power and shall
follow such measures as Mr. Stewart thinks best since the
burrows intrusts him in this affair. I beleive that I write to
your Lordship before that the merchants when I was att
Windsore last week desired me and the other tuo lords to beg my
Lord Treasurer might allow them to unload their goods and to
choose their oun cellers with a lock for them and another for the
customers, because in the time this affair was under the Queens
consideration their goods might perish ashipboord with the heat.
107

Upon this the Treasurer granted their desire and gave the orders
about it; but the merchants altered their minds and resolved
not to unload untill the affair was determined, and yesterday
I’m told they entered a protest att the Custome houss, a coppy of
which I’m promist and shall send it to your Lordship inelosed if
it come in time. This altering their resolutione after their
desire was granted looks pritty odd. have reasone to beleive
that the Englishmen who are concerned in this affair and know
their case not so favourable as the Scots advise our people in the
methods they follow for their own ends that they may be cloakt
by them; but our merchants will be foolls if they doe not
propose the distinctione, which they have not done as yett. It
they did it’s probable that they would gett the more favour, but
our not being positively shure of this makes it dangerous for us
to propose it to them, especially since they advise with those
English mertchants.

The Parliament sitts doun the first day of the terme, so tho’
bail were given I’m persuaded that it would never come to a
tryall, for I doubt nothing of the Parliaments giveing orders in
it, and such too that wou’d free the Scots mertchants. My Lord,
I write the fuller on this affair that your Lordship may lett
people with you know the true state of it and the paines wee take,
tho’ after all I beleive wee will gett litle thanks. My Lord
Treasurer told me yesterday that he wou’d write to your
Lordship and send me the letter to forward by this post.
Those papers concerning the returne of the Scots members of
Parliament are referred to the Chancellor of Brittain and the
Aturney. The Queen and the Treasurer were pleased with your
Lordship’s memoriall. Her Majestie has ordered me to write to
severalls of her servants to attend att Edinburgh, which I have
done and enclosed them to your Lordship to order them to be
delivered. .

_ There is a convoy ordered for the ship in which the things for
the mint att Edinburgh are on boord, so I hope they will soon
be with you. The letter for the Councells appointing justices of
the peace was sent some time agoe. Your Lordship was certainly
in the right in letting the battalion of the Guards goe to Glasgow
and continueing the guard on the Nether-Bow. Wee long to
hear that the equivalent is come to Edinburgh and that the
Commissioners understands better the goodness of the payment.
By the Act of Parliament ordering payment of the Affrican
Company your Lordship is in the right about the payment of
that money, and if more ready money be absoluitly necessary it
is very easie seen how it can be gotton demand. ButI'llsay no
more of this now, untill wee hear again about it from Scotland.

Copy.
Tue Earu or Mar to severaL NopueMEN AND OTHERS.
1707, July 29. Whitehall—The Queen considering that at
this juncture it will be very much for her service that severalls

of her servants reside at Edinburgh for some time for giveing
the necessare orders and directions for preserving the peace and
408

giveing right notions to people there of anything which concerns
the publick, espeatially seeing that those disaffected to the Union
are at such pains to misrepresent everything to alienat people’s
minds from it; and also that it is very necessare to be con-
sidred before the Parliament of Britain meet what laws are
thought needfull to be altered or what new ones to be proposed,
which cannot be done so well as before the Scots members of
Parliament come up; therefore her Majestie has ordred me to
signifie this her pleasure to your Lordship and some others
of her servants, which I have done by this post. This will be
of great advantage to the publick service, so I doubt not of
your Lordship attending, which is all I’ll now trouble you with.
I wryt this by command, and am, etc. (This letter was sent to
the Chancellor, the Duke of Montrose, Earl of Leven, Earl of
Northesk, Earl of Glasgow, Lord Register, Lord Justice Clerk,
Lord President of the Session, Lord Advocate, and Sir David
Dalrimple—a copy).

Toe Kart or SeartenD (Lord Chancellor of Scotland),
to the Earn or Mar.

1707, July 81. Hdinburgh.—I have receaved the honour of
two of your Lordship’s since I wrote last, one by the com-
missioners of the Equivalent who came upon Monday last. I
shall give them all the assistance in my power, and I hope
wee shall overcome all our difficulties, for they declare them-
selves willing to give bills payable at sight to any that makes
ditficulty to receave Exchequer notes. If those in the Govern-
ment doe as J am willing to doe, that is to demand what’s
owing me rather in Exchequer notes than money, the credit
of these will quickly be established. After all I’m afraid that
some more money will yet be required. I have also told these
gentlemen that in the issueing of the proclamation concerning
the coyn the Privy Council will be ready to concurr with °
what they can reasonably propose that may preserve some stock
of cash in there hands, provyding the coyn can be effectually
rectifyed. They are to dine with me to-morrow, and wee shall
discourse further of this matter before any thing be done con-
cerning it in Council. They are to meett this evening with
some others of the commissioners who are come back to town
on this occasion. They are to setle with them the method of
secureing the money when it comes, quhich wee think may be
upon Wednesday next.

The letters which our people receaves here from our Scotts
merchants at London occasions a great deal of ferment, for
besides the loss that privat persons sustains it is a generall
discouragement to those that had projected to trade, and they
say all our tradeing people will be necessitate to goe to some
other countrey, and the Jacobites say plainly that nothing will
be observed to us that is granted by the Treattie.

Your Lordship has heard that there has been severall goods
run both at Glasgow and in this Firth. The commissioners of
409

the Customes and wee are takeing all possible measures for
discovering of the transgressors and getting a legall proof
against them. In order to this the commissioners did resolve
to cause summond some that are most guilty before the
Exchequer, and I can assure your Lordship they shall have
justice done them. There is one thing that does occasion
difficulty, that is by our law all merchants are oblidged within
three moneths after importation to depone if they have imported
any goods to this kingdome without paying the duties, and in
there oaths to condescend upon the particular goods so imported.
The merchants say they are not oblidged to depone because the
laws of England concerning the Customes are to take place
thorowout the whole kingdome, and no merchant in England is
oblidged to swear against himself, and they say it is most
inconsistent that they should be liable both to the laws of
England and Scotland which are so very different, whereas the
English merchants are only liable to the laws of England. I
have desired the commissioners to acquaint my Lord Thesaurer
with this difficulty, and desyre his Lordship’s directions in it. I
was somewhat surprysed the other day when Mr. Cochran of
Kilmaronnock and above twenty merchants with him came to
my house. They did at first represent the concerns of the
Seotts merchants at London, to which I answired that the
Duke of Queensberry, my Lord Loudoun and your Lordship
were doeing for them what was in your power, and that I was
very hopefull that the concerns of the merchants would be so
adjusted that they would have no just cause to complain. Then
they represented that above 1,000 people had been summoned
to compear before the Exchequer for runing of goods, and that
it was unprecedented to bring so many from the countrey at
one time; but I told them that I did not beleeve that they were
rightly informed, I knew that severall persons were to be sum-
moned and that most justly for the great runing of goods contrary
_o the laws and to the great prejudice of her Majesties Customes
and of trade, but if by mistake those employed by the com-
missioners of the Customes had summoned so many I would
speak to the commissioners and fall upon some method to
prevent the comeing of so many at once. z

I have accordingly spoke with the commissioners, and they
doe think that too many have been summoned though not near
so great a number as Kilmaronock and the other merchants
informed, and this will be so setled as to prevent any disorder,
for wee resolve that they shall be prosecute by seven or eight at
atime. . . . . . . . Your Lordship mentions in your
last letter to me that there is intelligence of a Highland
hunting that’s projected for bringing many people together. I
doe assure your Lordship I heard nothing of it till now,
nether had the Duke of Montrose intelligence of any such thing,
for I had a letter from him to this purpose this night. It is lyke
enough the Duke of Athole may have some such hunting in the
end of August or September, but I am not afraid of any
insurrection or rebellion.

ce
410

Petition by the Lorps or Szssron to the Qurnn.

1707, July 31. Edinburgh.—To the Queen’s most excellent
Majestie—We your Majesties most faithfull and dewtifull sub-
jects, the President and other senators of the Colledge of Justice
in Scotland, do humbly represent that notwithstanding of the
high station and heavie charge we are stated in under your
Majestie for administration of justice, which requires a long
laborious and expensive attendance, yet our allowances and
sallaries are so very small and unproportionable to so great a
trust and burdine, that as your Majesties royall predecessours
and the Estates of Parliamant have on severall occasions taken
notice thereof, so your Majesties late Parliament upon the same
consideration and particularly from the sense of the new burdine
laid upon us to conveen and sit every Wednesday in the after-
noon ag judges commissionat by Parliament to determine and
decide all causes for valuation and sale of teinds, modifeing and
localling stipends for the ministers of the church, and other
matters propper and usuall to be determined in that court, did
upon the 25th of March last recomend usin a speciall maner to your
Majestie for ane addition to our sallaries. We have therefor from
the confidence and assurance of your Majesties royall justice and
goodness presumed to lay this our case with all submission
before your Majestie that 1 may be your pleasure to make the
forsaid addition to our sallaries and also to appoynt the fund
and maner of payment thereof in such sort as your Majestie in
your royall wisdom shall think fitt.

Sir Davip DauryupLte to the Mart or Mar.

1707, August 5. Edinburgh. There is indeed great need
for a watchfull eye upon the people of this cuntry. There arise
evry day new subjects of complaints. The execution of the new
rules about the Excise makes our brewers mad, and they have.
been in mutinies here, and it will be yet more uneasy in the
cuntry. I cannot precisely tell the reasons, but in general they
complain that there 9 gallon barrels pay as 12 gallons Scots or
34 English. I apprelend the difference may arise from the
maner of the gageing, for they do not survey or gage the
barrels but the survey is made on the wort, and our way of
brewing differeing from that of England the allowances given
by the law of England in consideration of the wast in working
the liquor does not answer our wast, which it seems is greater.
Another reason of difference may arise from this, that our
barells are not of an exact syze, but contain more then nine
gallons. These things will be remedied in tyme, for our cask
will be made after the English rules and our brewers will learn
there fashions, but in the meantyme ill men inflame these
broils all they can and are very impudent ; nor is it any wonder,
for we have a thin Government here, no troops at least no
suteable number, no cruisers on the coast, whereby it hapens
that letters from beyond sea may be delivered, and it is to be
411

feared are delivered every day. I pray God send us a good
account of Tholoon. That enterprise is of vast consequence ; if
it miscarys we shall heare from these parts with a witnes I am
affraid. And as our people are solicited to madnes on one hand
there is such stifness and coldness shown in all there concerns
in England, and our merchants get such strange accounts of
there effects that this indifference has litle better effects then the
suggestions of enimys. If a Parliament must be chosen next
year the consequences of these things will appear.

THe Eart or Searireup, Lord Chancellor of Scotland, to the
Tari or Mar.

1707, August 5. Edinburgh.—I have sent this by a flying
pacquet to acquaint you that the Equivalent is come and safely
loadged in the Castle. There was a great confluence of people
to see it; it was satisfying to all excepting the Jacobites and
such as are so foolish as to desyre the Union to be overturned.
It came about 12 aclock, yet I am informed some stones were
throwen, notwithstanding of all endeavours to prevent such
insults, for the magistrates were desyred to take care; the
Guards at the port, the Cannongate and her Majesties Palace
were also doubled, and there came with the equivalent one
hundred and twenty Scotts dragouns.

There happened a tumult last night. Severall of the brewers
haveing given over brewing there servants broke loose and
pretended to putt out the fires of the other brewers. I ordered
the guards to be doubled and acquainted the magistrates, and
the tumult was compessed about ten aclock, at which time a
great many of the prentises were conveening. There is indeed
a great ferment in all the sea-coast townes. They beleeve there
merchants are ruined, most of there seamen pressed, and that
there ships will be sent back without convoy. I have not failed
to communicate when it might be of use what your Lordship
writes of the offers that has been made to our merchants. [
beleeve this night Kilmaronnock and severall others have writt
to there factors and correspondents to offer bail to perform what-
ever shall be determined by the Parliament provyding they be
allowed in the mean time to dispose of there goods. I hope this
will not be refused them for it’s certain they will never acquiesce
in what is determined by the judges; if there sentance were
against them they would appeal to the Parliament. Therefor I
earnestly intreat that the Duke of Queensberry, my Lord
Loudoun and your Lordship may second any proposall of this
kind that may be made, but I still hope that this affair is before
now setled since the Attourney Generall and Sollicitor were to
meett with the merchants after they had advysed with there
lawyers. I shall use no other arguments, but desire your Lord-
ship to mind her Majesties servants of that citation of the
Advocat’s—Serve this people for one day and they will be thine
for ever; and without such a complyance wee have but a very
uncomfortable life of it here.

ae Lee

hie
412

Tun Duxe or Montrose to the Eart or Mar.

1707, August 14. Hdinburgh.—Yesterday from five till eight
acloak at night the Exchequer sat upon the process at the
instance of the officers of the Customs against severall mer-
chants for running of goods since the first of May. The
lawyers on both sides spoak verie long and fully, the affair
being of verie considerable consequence. The partys were
ordered to inform against Monday next, at which time the
Exchequer meets again. I shant say how this matter will go;
on the one hand the merchants think it hard that now when
we are subject to the same Customs and Excyse as in England
we should not have the benefitt of the English law with respect
to the Customs, which they think is imported in the Article of
Union. On the other hand it’s evedent there have been the
greatest cheats in the world committed of late by running and
embazeleing of goods, and that we are to know no law but our
own till the Parliament of Brittain make it.

CotoneL Joun Steuart to the Earn or Mar.

1707, August 14.  Edinburgh.—We have had a comicall
government here since your Ch[ancellor] came doun, especially
since the Marquis went last to Glasgow; the brewers mobing
allmost evry night, the premier minister for security of his
person bate to arms the battalione of guards; John Phillp and
James such a one doun to Lith for a reinforcement to the
Netherbow and Gilbert another name run to Forgland but for
security of his person bring him doun the Nore Loch side and so
forth for the danger is all on the Cowgateside. Well the army
being put in order and the grand court-martiall mett, be that
tyme the brewers are weary and think fitt to go sleep, the troops
dismist, and my Lord easy but inquire no more after it least
that should be ill taken and our person indangered. Old Fiz
when the commissioners of Excyse complaine there officers are
kicked and cuffed, ete., answers there is no probatione, and
Thomas Spence says they most not gage a Sundays, tho’ they
most brew then. Tle assure yow things were come that lenth
that these gentlemen of the Excyse swore to me they belived
they should not have one officer to serve here and so the matter
most fall; which wold not done well; the revenue is a
dangerous point to be baffled by the people. When the Marquis
friends came to toun I told them that as things went his Grace’s
presence was necessare here, for they were packing up all the
violent adressers against the Union to be justices of the peace.

Mr. Hariz Mavue, writer, to the Earn or Mar.

1707, August 14. Edinburgh.—Yesterday after that the Privy
Council had ordered the returns of the brieves for calling the
peers and commoners here to attend the Parliament, and a
draught of the commission of the peace to be laid before them
413

this day in order to be transmitted, whereof your Lordship will
have a full account from the clerks of Council, there was a
proces called against four Episcopal ministers who had set up a
meeting house at Kitlenaket within the West Kirk parish. There
was none of them found to be qualified, and therefor they were
discharged preaching, and the sherifs ordered to close up the
meeting-house. Immediatly after this there was called a proces
at the instance of Barbara Fea, who pretended to be married to
Patrick Trail, younger of Elsnes in Orkney, against Joln Trail,
her father, and David Trail, her brother-in-law, for dispossessing
her and violently beating her, etc. This mariage betwixt
Patrick Trail and Barbara Fea being. made by the Advocat in
place of the minister, he was obliged to give the account of
it himself before the Privy Council, to this purpose that Patrick
having made love to Barbara he had writ her a great many
letters on that subject; this intrigue produced a child, upon
which Barbara asked my Lord Advocat’s advice, seing Patrick
would not own her as his wife, and let him see her letters from
Patrick, which he thinking that they amounted to a promise
of mariage advised her to a pursute of adherence against him
before the Commissars of Edinburgh. Patrick finding himself
straitned made a fashion of courting her again, and by that
means gets his fingers on his own letters that he had writ to
her, which she immediatly perceiving made her complaint to the
Advocat, who gave a warrand for apprehending him, which was
done that moment while she was yet with the Advocat, and
being brought to his room where she was he was most willing to
marie her, upon which the Advocat caused writ a contract
whereby he obliged himself to adhere to her as his maried wife
and she to perform the duety of a wife to him, and the Advocat
declared them maried persons and dismissed them well satisfied.
But he very soon after deserted her which occasioned the
Council proces. After the Advocat’s giving the account of the
mariage as above the Iarl of Isla proposed that there should
be an order for shutting up my Lord Advocat’s meeting-house
for clandestine mariages as being more dangerous than that
of the Episcopal ministers immediatly before discharged ; and
my Lord Duke of Montrose proposed that Mr. John Blair,
agent for the Kirk, might be ordained to prosecut the Advocat
for an irregular mariage. But upon the whole the Advocat’s
mariage occasioned mirth enough for a while in the Council.

Tre Ear or Mar to his brother, Mr. JAMES ERSKINE.

1707, August 16. Whitehall.—I am heartily sorie for the
dissatisfied humour that still continows in Scotland and the
unluckie accidents that happen to foment it, which is all I'll
say about them. I’m sure we three here do what we can to
gerve our country and make things easie, which makes our lives
worse than holding the plew, and after all I belive we will get
little thanks for it. After we have thought that the affair of the
114

marchants hade been concluded these ten dayes, a new difficultie
has arisen, upon which we are forced to put off our jurnie to the
Bath for some dayes and go to Windsore. I hope it will yet be
adjusted, but I know the news of this will augment the flame in
Scotland. It is no winder that the government in Scotland is
not more active, for in interrigues and the begining of gover-
ments it cannot be otherwayes until they be fully sattled and
ours cannot be so til the Parliament meet and order severall
things. You may be sure there are practices amongst the ill
wishers to the Union now at worke both at home and from
abroad and we know them pritty well, but I hope they will eome
to nothing. Lord send us good news from abroad. ‘The knot
of the Union is once tyed and I’m sure it cannot be easily
undone, for it wou’d shake the whole island; so it will force its
own way throw all difficulties. The Equivalent will be made
easie, as I was alwayes sure of, notwithstanding of some peoples
blaiming us. I’m not much surprized at the uneasiness of the
brewers at the changeing of their method of excise, but all that
I’m very hopefull will come right about. God forgive some of
our own countrymen for fomenting and incressing the dissatis-
faction which cannot but postpone the good effects of the Union.
As to the jiliousies and differences amongst some of the Queen’s
servants you wryt of, it may be true tho’ their is no open breach,
but our own intrest will force us to stick togither. oe
Parties here are broak amongst themselves and if the Scots
members manadge themselves right and stick togither they will
appear to be of consequence; but I’m affraid this is more to be
wisht than expected.

Lorp Grance to the Earn or Mar.

1707, September 2. Edinburgh.—I wrote a good whille ago
that you would send me a factory for uplifting the mony due to
you out of the Equivalent, which I wish were comed. Tho’ I
doubt not but you have heard of all the janglings and work
which has been occasioned here by the Equivalent, yet I designed
evry post to have written about it; but my letters were allways
so long without it that I delayed it. Tho’ the way in which
that affair has been manadged in Council and the parts that
severals acted both in Council and at the meetings of the
commissioners appear to me pretty odd, yet I must confess that
our people here seem to be so uncertain of one aneother and
sometimes act so strangely that I am at a loss what to think of
them. But I will not trouble you with that now, only the
Squadrone have all along seemed to be the most zealous and
forward in the measures of the Union, and I doubt not but their
friends at Court will endeavour to improve it to their advantage.
I wait frequently on the Chancellor and make him all the
speeches I can to show how much you value him. He has ane
address signed by all the Lords of Session (except Lauderdale)
to the Queen for augmenting their sallarys, which I wonder how
I have all this whille forgot to write of. The Lords ordinarly
415

appoint so many of their number as a comitty to look after
and .considder their common affairs. Of this number were
appointed last Session the President, Tillecultrie, Minto,
Cessnock, and myself. The Saturday before the Session rose we
were all (except Cessnock who was accidentlly absent) invited to
Craighouse by Sir James Elphinston, our factor, and after talking
of the ordinary affairs of the Lords, the President fell a speaking
of augmenting our sallarys, and they agreed that a representation
should be drawn up to be presented to her Majesty about it. This
the President was to make a draught of (which he employed the
Advocat to do for him) and lay before the Lords. Upon second
thoughts I began to think that it were better not to propose any
such thing publickly till once the mind of the Queen’s servants
at Court were known about it, and allso till the Chancellor and
Register were spoke to in particular ; and I never doubted but
the President would speak of it to them two. However I was
resolved to do it; hut the hurry we were in made it some times
go out of my mind, and at other times when I did remember it I
had not ane opportunity to do it. So the first time I heard of it
again was when the President proposed it on the bench and
offered the draught of it. The Register chanced to be standing
beside me, and I askt him whether it would not have done
better to have first known the minds of our friends above, but
he told me he had never heard anything of the matter before.
However, he and all the rest joined with the proposal, only the
draught offered by my Lord President did not please them so
well, and therefor my Lord Minto was desired to prepare ane
other, which he did accordingly against the next day (which was
the last of the Session) and it was signed by all except Lauder-
dale. This is the history of it, which I think were not at all
proper to be known as from me. There has been a story going
these two or three days of ane insurrection designed in the
Highlands and of a meeting that was to be betwixt the D[uke] of
At‘hole], the Earl of Br[eada]lb[ane], and L[ord] Dr[ummond];
but I will not trouble you longer at present.

Srr Davip NaIrrne ‘to the Earn or Mar.

1707, September 17. Whitehall.—Yesterday I caryed to the
Queen commissions for the vacant companies in my Lord
Strathnaver’s regiment and the other commissions all blank.
You know the Queen’s gocd and meek temper, and really it
surprised me to hear her say soe quickly, Is not the names of
those filled up whom the Earle of Leven had recommended? I
told her Majesty that my Lords the Secretaries had got letters
from severall pretenders to the vacant company and that your
Lordship had directed me to lay the clames befor her Majesty.
She told me (which was spoak by way of reprimand) that she
thought I had knowen that her Secretary for England never
medled with affairs of the armie and that she had told your
Lordship and me oftener than once that she wold only doe in
416

the armie in Scotland as the Earle of Leven had or should
advise and recommended, and asked me very peremptory if I had
not by her commands write to your Lordship and the Karle of
Loudoun this her minde. I told her Majesty I had done soe
and that even in this cace neither of your Lordships had
recommended, but that you were oblidged in your stations to ley
all the caces of her subjects befor her and that she was free to
dispose of her favours as she thought fit. She said she never
thought herselfe a fitt judge to know what men wer to be
imployed or preferred in the armie and therfor she had trusted
tkat to propper persons and that application must be made to
them, viz.:—to the Duke of Malborrow here and the Com-
manders-in-chieff of her forces in Scotland and Ireland. I
told her Majesty that evrie body who are not gratyfyd wold
complain, and if they applyed to the Secretaries, who
hithertoo have been the propper persons for what concerned
Scotland, and they had not represented it to her Majesty
they were only to blame, and when perhaps the party who
thought himselfe agreved shou’d find some way to let her
Majesty know it, and perhaps she might think there was
hardships done, which might have been prevented if she
had knowen the cace in time. Therfor I thought with all
submission the Secretaries were oblidged to ley befor her
Majesty ev’ry man’s cace. She said, In all things except as to
the armie: and her Majesty has positively commanded me to
signify her pleasure to your Lordship and the Earle of Loudoun
that whatever any man’s pretensions are to posts in the armie
that your Lordship write back to them to apply to the Earle of
Leven. She has sign’d all the commissions blank, but with a
command that I part with none of them till filled up and by the
Earle of Leven’s directions. Her Majesty says that when
severall people writs to your Lordship for any place in the
armie, and your Lordship ley all the pretentions befor her she
can but chuse on, and it’s only she that disoblidges all the rest,
for that you have done all required of yon by laying them to be
determined by her. I told her Majesty that I had reason to
believe in this cace there wold be complaints of hardships and
particularly the Earle of Sutherland upon Captain Hepburn’s
account. She said she wold not break her rule. However, I got
her Majesty’s leave to lay all the pretentions befor her. 1 own
Inever knew her Majesty speak as she did, and I am convinced
she must have some reason for it, that I can only guess at.

I laid befor her Majesty the Marquis of Lothean’s, Lord
Polwarth’s cace. She said it was a cace she could not tell what
to say to but as she was advised by propper persons, and ordered
me to speak to my Lord Treasurer about it. The Prince was by
and said that was a propper subject for the Court of General
Officers. I told his Highness there was noe such court
established here. In short, I dare venture to assure your
Lordship if it come to a publick hearing here the Marquis will
lose by it, and I am sure it will be for the interest of both to
have it accomodate by friends.
417

THE DvxE oF Montross to the EARL oF Mar.

1707, September 22. Glasgow.—Your Lordship has heared
before now from my Lord Seafield of Robert Murray’s being
apprehended; yow’l easiely belive that I was not a little
surprysed to have a visit from him in my own house. He
came to this place on Thursday ; was seventh night in company
with the Earls of Erroll and Linlithgow. The Justice Clerk
happened that same day to come to my house too. When I
was last at Edinburgh, my Lord Chancellour had shouen me
the Earl of Loudoun’s letter and Mr. Harly’s concerning Mr.
Murray, as he did afterwards to the Justice Clerk. Next
morning after Murray came here, the Justice Clerk and I having
furst spoak together, he was by his order apprehended by
Colonel Sharp, and detained in the garde till we seign’d ane
order to the magistrates of Glasgow to receive him, and to be
keept in the tolbooth till further order. I wrote immediately
to my Lord Chancellour, who no doubt has signefied to your
Lordship’s alreddie what was done. TI had tuo lines from his
Lordship by the officer of dragouns that commanded the party
which carried Mr. Murraye from hence on Freyday morning.
Tho’ I know nothing of his story, it was a little odd upon my
word that that gentleman should have come to my house, since
he ouns as I’m told that he was in France, tho’ sent thither
as he says upon my Lord Winton’s account. I did not see
him since he was committed. I belive whatever projects are
in head amongst these sort of people, yow have much better
information of them above as we have here.

Mr. SEcRETARY St. Joun to the Earn or Mar.

1707, October 5. Bucklebury.—I received the honour of your
Lordship’s letter of the 19th of the last month just as I was
coming to this place, where her Majesty has been so good as to
allow me to spend a little time.

Captain Vause has so good a reputation in the army, and I
have seen so much proof of his diligence in promoting the
Queen’s service, that he shall not want any good offices of mine ;
but if I had been indifferent to him before, your Lordship’s
recommendation would have made me active in endeavouring
to advance him.

I hear all the vacancys occasioned by the battle of Almansa
are filled up in Spain, whereby great injury will be done to some
gentlemen that were absent from Spain by command. This I
take to be Captain Vause’s case. But until the collonels of the
several corps arrive, or att least till we have an authentick
account of the promotions made by Lord Galway, it will not be
very proper to apply for relief. (Signed) H. Sr. Joun.

LerTterR REGULATING THE Scots PACKET.

1707, November 14. Whitehall —The Queen having taken
into her consideration the great charge of her Scots Secretary’s
LA
418

pacquet betwixt London and Edinburgh, by the great number
of letters noways conerning her Majesties service which
severall people send that way to save the postage, and her
Majestie haveing now ordered all the letters of those who are
members of Parliament to be frankt, by which there will be [no]
occasione for their goeing in the Secretary’s pacqeut, therfor
she has been pleased to regulat what letters shall goe in it,
and has given us orders that non be received att the respective
offices att Whitehall and Edinburgh but those to or from her
immediat servants, as the Officers of State, the President of
the Councill, Commander of the Forces, the Admirall, the
Justice Generall, the President of the Sessione, the Lords of
Treasurie, Secretary Deput, and their principall servants. And
her Majestie expects that non of those whose letters are allowed
to goe this way, will suffer other people’s letters to goe under
their covers. Therefor in time comeing you are to take cair
that this be observed att your office att Whitehall as it is in the
office att Edinburgh, for which this shall be your warrant, her
Majestie having so ordered it. (Copy.)

R. Cotton and THomas FRANKLAND, Postmasters General, to
the EArt or Mar.

1707, November 14. General Post Office.—The cover of his
Lordship’s packet and that of Lord Loudon having been broken
in transit, the letters therein became dispersed, and disclosed
the fact that a number of letters were thereby transmitted on
which postage ought to have been paid. He has put the State
and franked letters in one packet and the others in a separate
packet, as per the following note :—

Letters out of the Scotch packquet.

Unpaid at 5 ... dhs gw be 12% 21
Members es eas Kee le sa. bak chO- se!
State ... ; . 1:10:10

His Lordship will thus see how much her Majesty’s revenue
suffers by this being done every post, and give directions for
preventing the same in future.

GEORGE MaAckrnziIg to the Earu or Mar.

1707, November 15-26. Turin.—We hear by our last letters
from Leghorn that the Dunkirk and Pool, two of her Majesties
ships, were arrived there, they being part of Sir Thomas Dilke’s
squadron, who was also expected at that place very soon with
the rest. We hear from Milan that that state has appointed
the Marquis de Castiglioné and the Count d’ Oppitone to go and
wait on their King at Barcelona, to solicit his Majestie for the
confirmation of several of their privileges with some private
commissions relative to their country. These gentlemen design
to go aboard some of her Majesties ships who are on their
departure to Barcelona. We are told the state of Milan has
sent two deputies to Vienna upon this same occasion.
419

“The Emperor’s envoy having receivd his master’s orders to
signify to the Duke Savoy that the Emperor is willing to treat
of an equivalent for the Vignevanesis, Commissaries Count
de Vernon and Mr. Melerade are nominated on his Royal
Highness part for settling that grand affair.

Turin, 30th November, 1707.—Letters from Genoa of the
25th show that Sir Thomas Dilkes and his squadron are on
their way to Leghorn. About 30 British and Dutch ships are
in these seas, and no force can be sent forth from Toulon
to match them. ‘‘Sir Thomas Dilkes advised that Lerida
surrendered the 11th instant, and the garrison marched out on
the morrow with the usual marks of honour. This exposes
Catalonia to the incursions of the enemie.’’ The French have
15 ships in the Gulf of Lyons to intercept our squadron.

Lorp GRANGE to the Fart or Mar.

1707, November 22. Edinburgh.—People here talk (as in
ordinary) sometimes one thing and sometimes any other of
the politicks, which storys are all so trifling (now since the
division you was afraid of is over) that I shall not trouble you
with much of them. They talkt a whille that the Dukes of
Argyll and Montrose and Roxburgh were forming a gort of
triumvirat to head the Squadrone, and of great alterations to
be made in our session, particularly that we were to be divided
and such a number of us sent to Aberdeen, as many to Glasgow,
etc., which nobody seemed really to believe, but many thought
fit to say that considerable alterations were certainly to be
made, and that letters insinuating such projects were sent down
by some great men. . . . . You'll know no doubt before
now that Mr. Murray is setat liberty. . . . . The storry
in this town is that by Drumelzier’s interrest with Tweedale
and the rest of his friends, they procured his enlargement that
he might not upon too closs examination, now that Earl of
Winton is com’d home, tell tales of that gentleman. The
unexactness of the standards sent down from England surprizes
evrybody, the quart and gallon of the ale measure net at all
answering to one ane another, of which no doubt you have heard
a good whille ago; and in my humble opinion it is odd that the
people concerned here (as the Commissioners of the Customs)
have not so much as try’d the standarts of weights as yet.

Mr. Secretary St. JoHN to the EArt or Mar.

1707, November 28.—Being myself obliged to attend my
Lord Treasurer this morning, I send Mr. Lynn with the
estimates for Great Brittain, which will be this day lay’d
before the House of Commons. Those for North Brittain are
calculated as was agreed upon att your Lordship’s house, and
if you please to sign that part, I hope it will meet with no
difficulty in the House.
420

Tue Fart oF Mar to his brother, the LorpD GRANGE.

1707, December 2. Whitehall.—Our noble Squadronie resolve
to make use of their time and to leave the Crown as little power
as possible, and also to leavell other people all they can by
lesning the power of our jurisdictions, and to take them away
if they can, I realie belive, tho’ it break that article. The
English wou’d never have thought of those things had they
not been promt to it by some of our people. It is comicall to
see Mont[rose] join in those measures, but he is a philosopher
and stolen off his feet by his old friendes. It is no less mirry
to see Ar[gyll] join with them, but anger at the Court for not
provideing his brother immediatly is the occation of that. I’m
sure all this will be thought odd at Edinburgh. The pap, pritty
man, is e’en relapst to his old way and companions, after
severall long conferences with me, so fair him well. The Court
continows firme in our way, and desire us to do so too and they
will support us. I wish they may do so, as I have ground to
belive that they realie will. I'll long to hear from you of those
matters, and you wou’d take occation to discourse the Regester
and Advocat about them. The Justice Clark certainly is in with
the Squadronie in their new schames and keeps intelligence
with them, so that may keep some of the Presbiterians from dis-
liking them so much as they wou’d do. J must confess that
I wish that people wou’d raise a clamour against those new
schames, but they seem to favour the anteunioners so much
that I’m affraid they will all be pleased with them, at least at
first, tho’ that’s just as the humour takes.

Sir SamueL McCrevyuen to the Hart or Mar.

1707, December 2. Edinburgh.—Consideration of the salmon
fishing by the Convention of Burghs, which is found much
decayed through killing the fish in forbidden time. As an
exneriment the commissioners of the Northern burehs in the
shires of Mearns, Aberdeen, Elgin, Forres, and Inverness,
applied to Col. Grant, commander of the Independent Company
in that district, and he posted his men as watchers in the high
country at the rivers and tributaries with such success that
more has been effected in remedying the evil in this way in the
past six months, than by the ordinary process during the last
twenty years. As his men best know the creeks and branches
of the rivers, it is hoped her Majesty will not only consent to
their remaining at this employment, but to an increase in the
number of the rank and file.

Torp Granace to the Barn or Mar.

1707, December 9. Edinburgh.—The Register, with whom
I have spoken several times since these news came, was on
the first accounts extreamly sorry and surprized at them, and
still is. T told him that the Court had desired you to continue
firm against these measures of the Squadrones and promised
421

to support you, of which he was very glad. I showed him your
letter I got this afternoon (there being nothing in it but what
I thought he might see), and said to his Lordship that I thought
he should endeavour to fall upon ways to make it known among
the English how disagreeable to the wholle country these
proceedings are, and that he might get people (without his
being seen in it) to write up as much to this purpose as can be,
which he seemed to approve of. He is to write this night to
the Chancellor, but I fancy will not have time to write to any
others, for we were in the Session house from 3 in the afternoon
till after 6 upon the two Conservators’ affair ; of which I shall
only tell you by the by that Sir Alexander Cumming after much
litigious debate has won the cause, tho’ I fancy we may still
get reclaiming bills from Sir Andrew Kennedy. Whether Sir
Alexander carry’d right in geting that commission or not is
not now the question; but that Sir Andrew deserves most
abundantly to lose his, and has malversed most horribly both by
a total neglect of all that belonged to his office and acting
directly contrary to his trust for the sake of gain to himself,
is made appear as I think (and as the Lords have found, tho’
with some strugle) most evidently, and that not only before the
indemnity but even since that time, for Sir Andrew thought
to have sheltered himself under it.

You cannot well imagine the consternation and surprize that
evry body is in at the taking away of the Council and these
other proceedings pusht on by the Squadrone. Salton, the
Marquis of Annandale, and some of that kidney are rejoycing
at them, but they tell people at the same time that these are
the effects of the happy Union; and this afternoon, before the
Lords went up to the bench, even Anandale was exclaiming
against this new project of the militia as a most horrid burthen
on us. In a word all sorts of people, Unioners and Anti-
unioners, Episcopal and Fresbyterian, are thunder struck with
these news, and I pray God they don’t turn exasperate to the
highest degree if these proceedings be not stop’t. J assure you
T don’t exagerate the matter at all, for these proceedings seem
to sink so deep into people’s minds and make them so wild and
desperate, that I think the Union more prejudiced by this than
any thing that ever happened. ‘The clamour about the wines,
the high excise, and all these matters seemed light in respect of
this. Evry body knows that it is the Squadrone’s doings, and
really the most part seem to do the English the justice to believe
that they would not have thought of such things nor proposed
them were it not for the Squadrone, who have thereby rendered
themselves so extreamly odious, and have given people such a
character of their spite, malice and rash inconsiderate forward-
ness, that one can hardly be anywhere without hearing them
exclaimed against as the worst of men. People know that
some of the English oppose their measures, and I believe that
if we get more instances of their doing so (especially if thereby
any of these measures come to be defeated), very many people
in this country will be more reconciled to the Union and put
422

more trust in the fidelity of the English and the security of our
rights and libertys by being united to them than ever they
would have done otherwise. I wish it may be taken care of
that evry post all the instances of this kind may be written
down to somebody or other who can let it be known among our
people, whom nothing can satisfy so much as to know the
particulars of all these matters, and how both English and
Scots carry in them. This day I chanced to see Mr. Webster,
the minister, who told me his own sentiments and the senti-
ments of his brethren. In short they begin now to lose any
hope they began to entertain of their security, tho’ before these
proceedings of the Squadrone they seem’d evry day to turn more
and more satisfy’d with the Union. After all, it is very hard
that the misrepresentations of the Squadrone should have any
influence, for I believe that if North Brittain were pole’d upon
it, there would not be found fifty men in it to join them.

Mr. Davip ERSKINE to the KARL oF Mar.

1707, December 11. Edinburgh.—We are not a litle
surprised here at the proceedings of the Squadrone, which is a
party that’s turned most odious to this countrey ; and I must
own that [ contribut all I can to raise a clamour against these
levellers. I shall be sorry if they prevaile in their politicks.

EARL oF LAUDERDALE to the EARL or Mar.

1707, December 13.—I thought it my duety to acquant your
Lordship of the preceedent of the recoynage of our money
(having the honor to serve her Majesty as General of the Mint
of this place of the United Kingdome). My Lord, it hath
succeeded beyond expectatione, and I hope wee shall be able
to performe that which was expected in the recoynage. My
Lord, I most sincerly acknowledge that a great pairt of this
performance is due and ascryveable to the knowledge and
industrie of Doctor Gregory, who since he came here upon that
account hes rendered himself acceptable to evry bodie thairin
concerned, yea, even to bystanders, for he condescended to
assist and direct in the meanest pairt of any thing that con-
cerned the coynage. He has been the happie phisichian that
came and did know our disease, and lykewayes did apply the
proper remedy.

My Lord, I begg leave lykewayes to say that it has been
a verry happie chance that he was sent hither, he beeing
acquanted both with our temper and circumstances ; for if on
the contrair, Ovan, who was a strainger to both these, hade
been sent hither, both her Majesties service and the natione’s
intrest might have been retarded. My Lord, I want expresiones
to recomend Doctor Gregory to your Lordship’s favour, only
this I begg leave to say (with all submissione to her Majesties
will) that his reward is not suteable to the paines he has been
at, and you are the proper persone to whome I can address
inyself for the augmentatione thereof.
493
Lorp Grance to the Kart or Mar.

1707, December 20. Edinburgh.—People here are still of
the same sentiments about the Squadrone that I formerly
wrote. Tho’ some people are pretty well pleased with one
part of their proceedings and others with other parts of it, yet
upon one head or other allmost evry body is angry at them.
Annandale made a jest of the Council’s being taken away, and
lookt on it as a mortall blow to the Duke of Queensberry ;
but when he heard of the militia and the heritable jurisdictions,
he found no jest in that at all. The Duke of Hamilton has
been in town some days; they say he is going for London.
He is very angry at Squadrone, but your uncle Kelly tells me
that his Grace speaks as if he inclined to join the Union party.
re . The Advocat is still indisposed and keeps the
house. I hear he has written up that it was his oppinion that
the 15 days of prevention ought to be removed. I was some
nights ago in company with my Lord President and the
Register, and speaking of that same affair the President said
he was heartily glad of anything that impaired these heritable
jurisdictions for they served only to support greatness, and
ought therefore to be intirely demolished. . . . . People
talk’t very much about ten days ago that the Squadrone were
to propose three presidents in our Session, which I confess was
generally very well relished, and the Squadrone having en-
deavoured this formerly in the Scots Parliament, made _ it
believed. My Lord Annandale, too, told some people that in
the last Parliament when you were on the 19th article, he
sitting beside Roxburgh, asked him why he did not now insist
for his old proposal of three presidents, who answered that it
Was not a proper season, but if ever I be ina British Parliament
take my word (said he) you shall hear of it. I make no doubt
but my Lord President as to his skill and abilitys deserves his
post better than any on the bench, and if it should happen
that other two be joined to him, I pray God that the next best
may be pitched on, for whoever ventures to undertake it must
either be a thorow lawyer of much application, experience and
readyness, or else he must be ane unworthy brute who would
venture to expose himself and harm the liedges in a post of so
much importance, of which he could not handsomely acquit
himself.

Lorp GRANGE to the Kart or Mar.

1707, December 25. [dinburgh.—There goes a story here
among some folks that the Earl of Seafield met with a little
mortification in the House when our Exchequer was under
consideration, and that very high things passt about the affairs
of Spain in regard to my Lord Marlborrough. People here
begin now to think that the Squadrone is not invincible in the
British no more than they were in the Scots Parliament, for
they talk that you are like to defeat all their five resolves except
that of the Lords of Justiciary going circuits.
‘Tun Earn oF Man to his brother, Mr. JAMus Ersxkine.

1707. Undated.—This being the day in the House of
Comons for considering the Union, I was there til our dinner
was turnd to supper, and now ’tis late, so I have only time to
give you a short account of it. Sir James Campbel proposed in
the House that our Act of Security should be read, and after it
was done he proposed that an act rescinding it shou’d be brought
in. He was seconded by Gleneagles, who also proposed that the
militia of Scotland shou’d be put upon the same foot with that
of England. The first motion was agreed to, but the last was
fit to be proposed in the comitty. So after the House was turn’d
into a comittie he renewed his proposall. It was debeat a long
while which is too tedious to give you the particulars of, but
at last the question was put and it cairied almost unanimously.
Then Glenagles proposed that the Justices of Peace in Scotland
shou’d have the same power given them as those in England.
My Lord Coningsbie proposed that it might be added to the
motion, so farr as was consistant with the Articles of the Union.
Upon this the 15 dayes of prevention came to be explained
and spoke to. Jerviswood said after a great dale of speaking
that tho’ some people said the giveing the Justices of the Peace
that power seem’d to incroch upon the 20 article, yet he cou’d
not think so, for that article ought to be explained by others
that were more clear. He followed out this argument a long
while, which I cannot now give you a full account of, but if
this be the way that the articles are to be explained and by
our own countrymen too, I most confess I see not what security
we have. It was even surprizing to severalls of the Knglish.
If they go on at this rait, will not our heritable jurisdictions
and jurisdictions for life be worth much. ITH long to know
how those things will be taken in Scotland. Itis very probable
that those who opposed the Union will laugh at some of us
now who were so violent for it, but this affair is not yet over.
Some of the English said since the Union itself came to be
in question, I mean if this incrocht on it, it was fitt to delay
this affair; so the House was reassumed and the comitty is
appointed to sit again on Teusday nixt. This with the militia
is what is proposed in lew of the Councill, two noble securitys ;
‘Tousday will let us know if they will propose sircuits of the
justice court also, as I hear they have under their diliberation.
I’m told too that they are to propose the dividing of their
session, and since their hand is in, the Lord knows where they
will stope. Ly the minuts of our House, you will see how we
proceed about the Admiraltie and how we have paved the way
to the Cabin Councill. The high Whigh and high Torie seem
to be combined to attack the Court, and Scots politicks and
changes does not serve some of our people, but they seem as
forward in this project too as cither of their two setts of friends
I have mentioned. Heavens knows if this be for the nation’s
service at this time a day.

1707.—Note about teinds in the North in 1707; with list of
heritors in the parishes of Kippen, St. Ninians and Gargunnock;
425

also Memorial for Mr. William Gordon of Balcomie in 1710,
claiming compensation for his ancestor, James Learmonth’s
attempt to civilise the Island of Lewis in the reign of King
James the Sixth, and other services to the Crown.

_1707.—Papers relative to the foundation of and first admis-
sions to the Merchant Maidens Hospital of Edinburgh.

Civil List for 1707, being a note of the salaries and fees paid.
Copy letter to her Majesty about imports.

Correspondence with the Commissioners of the Equivalent.
Treasury papers relating to pensions and salaries, 1705-1707.

Lorp Grance to his brother, the EARL oF Mar.

1707-8, January 29.—I’m very sorry to find by yours.of the
24th that it is too true what has been talked here for some time
before of the Squadrone’s carrying all in the House of Commons.
For anything I can hear, that party is very far in the wrong
still to assert that their proceedings are satisfactory to the
generality of the people in this country. I think that nobody is
satisfy’d with them except their own particular friends. When
the news of their projects first came among us, there was a
general and very grievous outcry against them, and I know of
no change except they will reckon the generality now to have
become their friends, because they have allready expressed
so much dissatisfaction and railed at them so much and
so bitterly that they have nothing left to say. But people
seem still very dissatisfyed with them, and allways express
their joy when any story happens to go of the Squadrone’s
losing ground; and evry body here speaks of that party as
the most selfish, interrested and spleenatick set than can be.
But one may easily observe how differently these disgusts and
resentments work now on the people’s minds from what they
did before the Union. For then there being a sort of govern-
ment here, and a Parliament’s being to sit in which all sorts
of people hoped allways to can do something or other, that made
them much: more crouss and brisk, and they had something
wherein the'r thoughts fixed and to which their reasonings and
projects terminated ; but now they being wholly in the mist,
not knowing what our Government is or what it will turn to,
and being pretty ignorant of the humors, interrests and views
in Parliament, in which the most of people here think they
can never have much to say, our representation in it being
so very small; all this makes them that after they have scolded
their fill at any party or proceeding they even fret a litle, and
when they have done, know not what to think nor where things
will land. ‘This, according to what I can observe, is a true
account of the sentiments of the generality concerning the
Squadrone ; but they fancy that the English can not but relish
their proposals, tho’ at the same time the most of people seem
to own that any of these too sudden alterations at this time are
426

entirely owing to the Squadrone, and that the English would
not have driven on things so had not the Squadrone pushed
them to it, but would have honestly stood to the Treaty, and
suffered our former constitution to have worn out by degrees
and gently slip into the same with South Brittain. I still think
that if people in this country find their rights and priviledges
maintained and their trade encouraged that they will be fond
of the Union; but if otherways, and if any occasion of dis-
turbance or reeling times happen, I’m much affraid that there
may still be a great deall of uneasyness about it. I’m sure it
is in the power of the Government and Parliament of Brittain
to make the Union not only durable, but most acceptable and
advantag‘ous to this country, as I expect it shall. Our high
flying Presbyterians are the old people still. I doubt not but
you have heard that the late Fast was not observed very well
in several places because forsooth it was not appointed on the
application of the Kirk. It isa good thing that now both high
Church and high Kirk join in their princ!ples as to screwing
up the power of the clergy; which I hope will teach people
that Church and Kirk are at the bottom much of the same
kidney, and that neither ought to be too much indulged or
trusted to. I’m only afraid that our madcaps here provoke
the Government some time or other to be severe upon them,
and that would put us all in confusion. But I’m perswaded
that by right manadgment these extravagant notions will wear
out, and then I shall heartily wish that Presbytery in Scotland
and Episcopacy in England shall for ever be established, and
so we'll be no longer troubled with the fury and impertinence
of biggots on either side, but honest men will get leave to live
in peace securely.

Mr. Davip ErRSKINE to the Earu or Mar.

1708, February 3. Edinburgh.—l’m desired by one, Mr.
Corse, writer here, to inform your Lordship of a recommend-
ation he had from our last sess'on of larliament to the Queen,
in order to be gratifyed for the preservation of the Recorde of
Privy Seal during the troubles in King Charles the First’s
reigne, which were preserved by carrying them to the High-
lands, with much pain and trouble. He has transmitted the
inventory of the records with the Parliament’s recommendation
to the Chancellour, who will concurr with your Lordship for
having some equivalent given him. “

THe Earu or Mar to his brother, Jiorp GRANGE.

1707-8, February 5. Whitehall.—In this very cold day I’m
come from seeing the Scots Councill perish. The bill was read
in our House a 2d time to-day, and afterwards we were in a
comitty upon it, where it was debeat fully, tho’ we might have
saved ourselves the pains, for all the tories and high whigs and
all the bishops, save two, joined against the Councill, tho’ we
427

only proposed its continowing til the first of October nixt; and
so we were defeat by five. We putt off tho with a strugle the
going upon the rest of the bil till Saturday, but when I belive
the other clauses will pass the same way. All the Scots who
were against it were the Dukes of Montrose and Roxbrugh, the
Marquess of T'weddale and Earle of Sutherland. ‘The Bishop of
Sarum was chearman, and violently against it. It determins
now the begining of May. I wish that we may not have laid
a fundation for reviveing it again, and continowing it longer
than any of us hada mind to. The two great and I may say the
only arguments against it was that it wou’d have an influence
on the elections, and that if it were continow’d to October it
was the same as continowing it for ever; which tho fully
answered in sence and reason as I thought, yet it Went as I tel
you. The Court appeared with more warmth for it than any-
thing I have seen them speak to in the House, but that wou’d
not do, so thers an end to that matter, and against I wryt nixt
‘tis pritty sure that I can tel you the same of our jurisdictions ;
and if this be (I may say it yet), I’m affraid the Union is not
uncrackt. I know not what people’s oppinion in Scotland will
be of it, but I shall be glade it make not more enimies to it than
there was, and that was too many.

THE Eart or Mar to his brother, Lorp GRANGE.

1707-8, February 10. Whitehall.—By the last post I
ordred Rait to send you a copie of the Act concerning Scotland
as it is past, for I had not time to write myself. He wou’d tel
you that notwithstanding all we and severall of the ablest of the
English could say of its being directly a breach of the 20th
article of the Union, yet we lost it by 7. I send you a copie
of our dissent which is as strong as we cou’d be alow’d by the
House to make it. The Duke of Queensberrie got coald at the
birth night, and has been so ill that he has not been able to
come abroad since, so that he cou’d not signe our dissent, which
is no small grife to him. The more that see the dissent the
better, tho’ I wou'd not have it comeing directly from you. I
shall be glade to know what people with you of all kinds say
of this affair, and of our different partes in it. I wish with all
my heart the incroaching on the articles have no bad con-
sequences, nor be not made a preparative, but I’m mistaken
if those who have been the occation of it be not the first who
repent it. ;

There is a great change at Court. Harley is out, tho’ it has
cost no little work to get the Queen to parte with him. ’Tis
said that more of his friends will go out too. Upon this the
whigs and the Court are likly to be better together, but a little
time will show what effects those changes have.

Docror Prrcatrn to the Earut or Mar.

1707-8, February 10. Edinburgh.—Most noble patron, I
presumed to recommend your owne mathematical professor,
428

Mr. Charles Gregorie of St. Andrews. That college will not
receive him, and laughs at her Majesties patent. What to doe
Tknow not. But, my Lord, there is a thing in your Lordship’s
power, independentlie of Council or presbyteric, for our friend,
James Hamilton. It is a post no man in the nation (I mean now
the island) can behave so well in as he can. I beg your Lord-
ship may be forward in it, least some insignificant southerne
put in for it. Our surgeons are abler far than our neighbours,
and it is just wee should be served by the best of our owne.
Your Lordship’s, Prrcarrne.

Tue Eart or Mar to his brother, LorD GRANGE.

1707-8, February 19. Whitehall.—Thers a strange jumble
here just now, for tho’ Harley be out, yet the Court is not yet
intearlie well with the juncto of the whigs, and they are not
yet well pleased. Time will show the event of those matters.
T wish all may be well, but indeed things look odd. We are
now frightened with the preparations at Dunkirk, tho’ some
people pretend not to belive it. I wish it come to nothing,
but I’m sure we have reason to apprehend the consequences of
it if there be an attempt made by them on any place of this
~ island. I know to whom I wryt all this.

Tue Eart oF Mar to his brother, LoRD GRANGE.

1707-8, February 26. Whitehall.—I wrote to you before
of our news from Dunkirk. We have accounts since that they
still go on with their preparations, and are imbarquing armes,
ammunition, etc., and have 22 battalions lying there to be
shipt. People talk differently where this desent is intended,
but ’tis thought most probable for Scotland; upon which the
Queen has thought fitt to wryt a letter to the Councill of
Scotland (of which I send you a copie) to show that she is not
unmindfull of the saiftie of that parte of her kingdome. Upon
this the councelours wou’d attend and have a watchfull eye
and give what information here they can, but until their be
further orders given them they cannot do much more. I wryt
this only for your own use that you may know how to behave
yourself. My Lord Leven and all our officers here are in a
reddiness, and if the news incress they will immediatly go
down. Invitations from Scotland and the noice was made here
ot the fleets being in so bad a condition has probablie made the
French undertake this, but now there is by this time I hope so
good a squadron in the Downs, and such good orders about
other things given, that when the French knows this ’tis
probable they will give over the interprize. A certain kind
of people here, and amongst them our Squadronie, will belive
nothing of all this matter, but say it is a trick of the Court;
T wish we may not be convinced of the reality of it with a
wittness. I send you incloased yesterday’s Courant that you
may see the different oppinions people have of this affair.
429

Yesterday in a comittie of the whole House of Comons the
Squadronie endeavoured to invert the classes of those to be
payed out of the equivalent. Bennet, Sir Androw Home and
Mr. Cockburn, I’m told, spoke most reflectingly and scurvily
of the Parliament of Scotland upon this occation, but they did
not carie their point. Sir David Dalrymple took them up for
their reflecting on their country and the Parliament which is
now no more, for which he was apladed by the House, and they
have gained no credit by their attempt.

THE Jiorp HicH TREASURER to the Hart or Mar.

1707-8, March 2. Treasury Chamber, Tuesday at 11.—
My Lord, I give your Lordship many thanks for the favour of
your letter. It will not be possible for mee to attend the
comittie this morning, being just now going to Kensington,
and must therefore begg your Lordship’s excuse. I write to
my Lord Glasgow to make my excuse to the comittie, and to
give the papers there which they expect from, my Lord, your
Lordship’s most obedient humble servant, GODOLPHIN.

Lorp GrRaAnace to his brother, the Earn or Mar.

1707-8, March 2. Edinburgh.—TI received yours which
came with the express yesterday morning. The Council met
and after reading the Queen’s letter, Major General Maitland
was called in, who gave account of the condition the forces were
in and where they are quartered, and was ordered to command
them all to be in readyness to march on the first advertisement.
Want of ammunition and arms in the country for supplying the
garrisons and forces, etc., was taken notice of, and Maitland
told that he had many times represented it to the Queen’s Scots
servants, and at length to the Duke of Marleborrough, and that
he hoped now to be better provided in a short time. He gave
ane account of the condition of his garrison at Fort William ;
and as to the rest of the garrisons the Council ordered the
commanding officers for the time to be sent for that they might
tell what state their respective garrisons were in, and receive
the necessary orders about them. All the councellors were
ordained to be advertised to attend ; and the sheriefs, magistrates
cf burghs, etc., to be ordered to take notice whether any people
in their districts were stirring, or providing themselves more
than ordinary with horses, arms or ammunition. Then it was
considdered what security should be taken of suspected persons ;
and the north country, especially some of the Highland
chiftains, being lookt upon as most obnoxious, the clerk was
ordained betwixt and the next meeting of the Council (which
is to-morrow) to look out and lay before the Council lists of those
chiftains and others whom the Government looked upon as
most suspected, and was endeavouring to bring under baill
some years ago, as allso reports made by order of Council about
430

the same time of what arms, etc., were in the Duke of Gordon’s
lands and elsewhere among those who were Papists or dis-
affected to the Government, that the Council might considder
what was to be done. This occasioned severals of the Council
to complain that notwithstanding the many complaints there
has been made of the encrease of Popery and the swarming of
priests openly and avowedly in many places of the North and
of Galloway and Nithsdale, that yet nothing was effectually
done to restrain them. Earl Seaforth was allso instanced, who
having been carry’d abroad to be confirmed Popish, and being
brought back by the desire of the Government, yet had priests
about him and others of that religion, which is not the way
to make him turn Protestant.

Tt was allso urged that it was no wonder the Jacobites should
take courage to enterprize something, since up and down the
wholle country, and even here in Edinburgh, there are a great
many of the Episcopal ministers who without the least check
keep open and publick meeting-houses, who yet are so far from
praying for the Queen as the law requires and good subjects
ought to do, that in a manner they pray and preach for the
pretended King James the 8th. Upon this the Provost of
Edinburgh was asked concerning those Episcopal ministers
who keep meeting-houses within the town’s jurisdiction, and
which are a great many. He told that he had called severals
of them before him and asked them whether they prayed for
Queen Anne, who answered that they did not pray for her but
that they prayed for their soveraign and all the Royall familly
in general. Some of them added that their auditors would
desert them if they prayed for the Queen by name; and being
asked whether they would now and in time coming pray for
her as the law requires, but none of them would say that. they
would pray for her, and some of them said that they behooved
to have some time to think on it before they would give ane
answer. None of them, except one Mr. Walker, said they
were willing to pray for the Queen, and he said he was very
willing to do it but that he durst not because he subsisted by
the charity of his hearers, who would all desert him if he should
so openly declare himself for the Queen. And none of these
ministers observed the late fast, except this same Walker, if
I remember right. The Council enquiring how it came that
such insolence to the Government had not been taken notice
of, the Advocat began to blame the Provost ; but he said he had
frequently acquainted the Advocat of it, and desired his advice
and concurrence. It all ended in this that none should be
allowed to preach who did not pray for Queen Anne expressly ;
and the Advocat was ordained to send the same order to all the
sheriefs and magistrates of burghs, ete., in North Brittain.

As to the invasion, the noise of it makes some people uneasy
and others pretend to give no credit to it, at least pretend that
they don’t believe it is intended for any part of Brittain. But
perhaps I'll be able to write of this more particularly the next
occasion.
431

Tae Duxke or ATHote to the Eant, or Mar.

1707-8, March 3. Dunkeld. Having the occasion of my
son, William, I take leave to put your Lordship in mind that
there is 1,500 lib. due to me as Privy Seale, and that it is now
ubove three yeares agoe, and I hope it will be thought too long
a time to lye under such a hardship. It is like to prove a yett
longer time before I can have itt out of the equivalent, where-
fore I intreate your Lordship will be pleased to lay this before
the Queen, who I hope will doe me the justice to order my
payment out of some other fond, and she may be reimbursed
out of the equivalent. I am perswaded this will not stick at
her Majestie, of whose goodnes and justice I have formerly
had experience when I had the honour to serve her; and tho’
T was turned out, I supose by some of my old friends, I doe
not reckon that a great loss, since I have found it a great
advantage to live at home. However, I should have been very
well satisfied to have known the reasons were made use of to
her Majestie for itt, for I am sure I was guilty of no fault to
her Majestie. But att Courts I have heard that is not enough ;
but it was to serve her only that I engadged, and I was much
indifferent as to others favour.

THe Eart of Mar to Mr. Greorce ERSKINE.

1707-8, March 12. Whitehall.—I’m affraid before this
come to your hand that you have heard of the French landing.
E’er long there will be such a force sent against them that they
and their associats will not be able to stand before; but I’m
affraid our poor country and particular persons suffer. I wrote
some dayes ago to my brother to wryt to you to put my papers
and cabinets into the charter-house, which I hope you have
done. The furnitur of the house is not so pratious that I’m
much affraid of it, so take not down one bitt of it, but the looss
things in the house of any worth, as linning or so, put into
the chartur-house or some other sure place which I think better,
except a few which you wou’d keep out in case any of my
friends chance to come and ly there. You must alow nobody
whatsomever to put their goods into the house, as I have seen
done upon such an occation, for thats the way to have it burnt.
There are some armes in the closet of the cross vault, which
you wou'd cause clean and give them out to the prittiest fellows
of the toun who you can trust most, and they wou’d keep some
kind of guard on the house to prevent its being pilaged or
burnt by any loose partie. I hope my people about Alloa will
not think this any hardshipe, for I belive non of them wou’d
willingly see me burnt out, and this you may tel them from
me. I wish you cou’d get the cannon which are in the chartur
buried, but it must be done privatly. If the enimie come near
you, I’m more affraid that my hay occasion their coming to
Alloa than anything, so I wish I had not a pyll; but if you
shou’d distroie it they wou’d be exasperat if they came to know
489

it, and perhaps might do me more mischife than other wayes
they would, so I leave it to you to do what you think best as
to this. I hope nather friends nor enimies will be so barbarous
as to spoil my gardens.

Tue Earu or Mar to his brother, Lornp GRANGE.

1707-8, March 12. Whitehall.—I wrote yesterday morning
to my Lord Leven by a messenger of the French sailing, of
which I doubt not but you will hear before you get this. We
long to hear from Scotland, and I’m affraid the French are
landed there, but by the superiority of our fleet we can hardly
think they wou’d attempt to land in the Firth ; so if they have
landed I hope ’tis in the North, and if it be so I would have you
io send a coach and six immediatly to Stirling to bring your
mother, sister and nephew to Edinburgh. I have wrote the
incloased to your mother which I’ve left open for your perusing,
end then forward it to her by a sure hand, and also that to
George Erskine. There will be such a force sent to Scotland
e’er long that the French and their adhearers will not be able
to withstand. but our poor country will suffer in the meantime,
tho’ there will be no fear of the main chance. I have wrote
fully by this express to the Earle of Leven, so I referr you to
what he will tel you. Our greatest concern here is for the
money at Edinburgh, but we hope the Councill will take cair
of it that it fall not into the enimies hands.

THe Ear or Mar to his brother, LorD GRANGE.

1707-8, March 16. Whitehall.—I hope our greatest danger
is now over, so that my mother and Tomie may continow at
Stirling in saiftie. We must not yet be too secure for all this,
for it is posible for them to escape our fleet, and then they may
perhaps (tho’ not probablie) Jand in the North or go north
about to Clyd. But if they did so, you will not be now surprized
as you would have been had they landed now in the Firth as
they designed.

Lorp GRANGE to Mr. Grorcr ERSKINE.

1708, March 16. Edinburgh.—By a letter I had from my
brother yesterday, he bids me tell you immediately to secure
all his papers and cabinets in the charter-house, but to do it
with as little noise as possible. IT have some of his papers, viz.,
rights bought in on the estate of Mar, which I wish were there
allso, for they would be more safe in that place than in my
custody. The British fleet under Sir George Bing’s command
attacked the French, who were to invade us, on Saturday last
at 4 afternoon off the coast of Angus, and they fought till night.
Next morning their canonading was renewed. What has been
the event of this engadgment we do not yet know. . . .
“ir George Bing came up above Inch Keith yesternight, and
438

brought up a French ship in which are 700 men, a lieutenant-
general, Earl Midleton’s two sons, and Lord Griffon. The rest
are all got off scart free, and this morning we hear are lying
before Aberdeen ; and if so, no doubt they are landed or landing
by this time. The enclosed came by ane express this morning
from my brother, to which I need add nothing, but if the people
of Alloa do not readyly concur to defend both their own houses
and my brother’s from being insulted, they are strange people,

Mr. Davip ERsKINE to the EaRu or Mar.

1708, March 16. Edinburgh.—Admiral Bing lyes still with
his fleet in Leith road, though there be fears of a French landing
in the North.

THE Haru oF Mag to his brother, orp GRANGE.

1707[-8], March 18, Whitehall.—I had yours of the 11th’
yesterday, and of the 14th to-day. We long impatiently for
further news of the ingadgment and are in great expectations
of a victorie, which I hope we shall have by to-morow morning.
aoe this storme is over, for which we have reason to bliss

od.

Lorp Reay to the Hart or Mar.

1708, March 20. Tongue.—My Lord: I’m very much
surprised to hear that I’m cited to Edinburgh among these
thought dissaffected to her Majestie’s Government, since your
Lordship and all our statesmen knows how helpfull my friends,
relations and followers were in promoting the late happy
revolution, having last themselves and partly ruined my mean
fortune by their zeal and forwardness therein. And your
Lordships were all wittness that I have been hithertoo a true
follower of their footsteps conforme to my power. So that
I can’t imagine what shou’d make me suspected, save that
I was neglected in the late reign, which I can’t blame
her Majesty for, having neither the honour or happyness
to be known by her. But, my Lord, a good action bears
its own reward, and as nothing is able ever to make me
join in any interest against the present setled Goverment,
so I rather ruine myself and family in serving in so just a
cause than raise both otherways; and I expect your pe lp ees
after communicating this to the Earle of Loudon, will bo
of you do me the justice to assure her Majesty that I’le
venture my life and fortune as readily and freely in defend-
ing her person and Government, as these who shares most in
her royal bounty and favour. The situation of this countrey
renders it usefull if their be occasion, being ’twixt tuo that are
thought ill-affected, and iff some arms and ammonition were
ordered me, which I have acquainted the Earle of Levin of,
T can bring a handsome parcell of pretty fellows without one
dissafected man among ‘em wherever the service wou'd require,
and all my own friends and relations.

= 1B
434

Mr. JoHN STiRLInG to the EARL oF Mar.

1707[-8], March 24. Glasgow.—I had the honour of your
Lordship’s of the 16th instant this evening. I shal not fail
to communicat the contents thereof to the Commission when
it meets. Iam heartily glad that what was so honestly intended
as to the Fast had been so acceptable to her Majesty. It will, I
hope, have good effects in this countrey, and prove serviceable
at this juncture. Great pains are taken here by the ministers
to bring people to a right temper and impress ’em with a just
sense of their danger upon this invasion, and to dispose ’em to
all dutifull affection and loyalty to the Queen. The presbytery
here meets weekly and corresponds with all the presbyteries
in this province, which is the largest in this Church. This day
we had correspondents from the greatest part of ‘em, and
unanimously agreed to a very dutiful address to her Majesty.
It is to be dispatched with this post, and I hope will be followed
with moe addresses from other presbyteries.

Tue Haru or Mar to his brother, LorD GRANGE.

1708, March 25. Y.sondon.—The intelligence we had this
morning by the flying pacquet of those ships seen off the north
cost, gives us a great dale of uneasiness now after we were in
hopes that the affair was over, but we must keep up our hearts
the best we can til we hear again. If they do land ’tis probable
it will be in the Moray Firth, so we have some comfort that
it will be long before they can march south, and the Queen’s
troups will be in time to meet them more than half-way, so
we will not be surprized. Therfore, tho’ you hear of their
landing, I think you need not be in great heast to send for my
son soon; but you upon the place can better judge of the
circumstances, so I leave it to you. What Leven wryts of
Drummond’s going towards the Hi’lands and some other
people, makes folks here not doubt of a landing, and think
more seriously of the affair than they have done for some dayes
past ; but I wou’d fain think that those hote headed gentlemen
may yet be disappointed. If the French land, I’ll be sorie there
was not a warrand for apprehending Pan , but I hope
he will not play the fool. I’m just now in Sir David Nairne’s
drinking his Holiness Glasgow’s foie, who goes to-morrow.
We must keep up our heart come what will.

 

Mr. Davip ERSKINE to the KARL oF Mar.

1708, March 25. Edinburgh—This day we had expresses
both from Inverness and Inverlochie with ane account that all
is in quiet, and no apearance of the French fleet either on the
north or west coasts, so that we are hopefull they are returned
from whence they came. Yesterday were put in our Castle
Duke of Gordon; Earles of Murray, Seaforth, Traquair; Viscount
435

of Kilsyth; Lords St. Clair and Ballhaven; Sir William Bruce
and Col. Balfour. Those that has not come up upon the
Councill’s orders or Farl of Leven’s are to be charged upon
Councill letters to compear under the paines of rebellion, which
I believe, will force them all here. Our Councill was a little
difficulted in what maner to proceed against peers in case of
contemning their orders, whereanent there is a memoriall trans-
mitted with this packet for direction. Last post would advise
your Lordship of the packet intercepted from the D[uke] of
Athol to a gentleman here, which looks a little misterious.

THE Eary or Mar to his brother, Lorp GRANGE.

1708, March 29. Whitehall.—I hope the fears of the invasion
is now over. I’m affraid severall people in Scotland have
behaved themselves so foolishly that they have brought them-
selves in aboundance of trouble. There are more people ordred
to be taken up and amongst the rest your friend, Mr. Fletcher,
who I’m sure will be very angrie; but if he be innocent, as I
hope he is, his friend, the Highland Duke, is the occation of it
and there was no saying against it. Say nothing of this until it
be publick. I'll long to hear from you what face things have
now in Scotland and how people behaves and what’s the comon
talk. I have no news to send you from this. Now all is expected
from you, tho’ not so much as was a while ago. The Duke of
Marlborough is gone this daie for Holland and I hope the
Parliament will be up this week. We will now begin to think
of going for Scotland, but after the Parliament all the Scots
affairs are to be adjusted, which will take some time.

Mr. Carstairs to the Karu or Mar.

1708, March 30. Edinburgh.—My Lord: Allow me in the
name of our Societie to return your Lordship our most humble
acknowledgments for the honour you have done us in coun-
tenanceing our addresse. I hope that which the Presbyterie of
Edinburgh sent to your Lordship will give satisfaction. I doubt
not but many other presbyteries will doe the like. I am
informed this day that they appear very zealous in the west for
her Majestie and her government. We have indeed had a
wonderfull deliverance, but, if I may take the libertie to speak
of an affair that is out of my road, in my humble opinion we
cannot well be in safetie here without a visible force and such a
mannagement as may make men sensible that they will not be
allowed insolentlie to own their disaffection to her Majesties
person and government, for now they have not the shelter of a
pretended countrey interest which formerlie they had.

I hope, my Lord, considering that in the wonderfull goodnesse
of God we are still in quiet; all thoughts of adjourning our
Assemblie will be laid asside, for we can never meet in a better
temper, and adjourning may be not a litle inconvenient.
436

Mr. Patmer to Lorp GRrance.

1708, March 30. Kilwinning.—Sending the Address by the
Presbytery of Irvine congratulating her Majesty on the failure
of the French invasion, for transmission to the Secretaries. He
mentions ‘the vigilance and zeal of the ministers here for
exciting people to a due sense of the danger and their duty to
her Majesty, and the good success we find therein, so that
disgusts ’gainst the Union, tho’ industriously fomented by some,
ar much suspended and mor generally terminat against the
invasion. Subscriptions ar increasing for raising and maintaining
soldiers for six weeks to serve against our enemies in case of neid
and that the Government see fit to call them. Ye will find the
Earl of Killmarnock and diverse gentlemen who are members of
our Presbyterie signing our addresse. . . . The Presbyteries
in Dumfries Synod have likewise addressed, as have the Pres-
byteries of Glasgow, Paisley and Ayr, and I hear Hamilton and
Lenrick intend it.”

Anprew Fuetrcuer of Salton, to the Hart or Mar.

1708, April 14. Stirling Castle—My Lord: Your friendship
shows itself by effects not words. My Lady Mar has put herself
to so much trouble about me as gives me more than my confine-
ment. But my greatest mortification was from the civilitys I'
received from Collonel Ariskin to whom of late I never showed
common ones. All that I could say for myself was that my
prejudices were never personal. You see what uneasyness one
falls under by imprisonment, when even kind things done him
turne to be of a different nature, especialy to a man who sees
himself in no capacity to returne them. You may tell my Lord
Colvin we are not locked up here at night, and that we drank
all yesternight of the Collonel’s good wine and continued till
this morning, that he can find no such company in Scotland,
and that for his excuse we shall perswade the Collonel to say
that he is confined. I am with great sense of your obligations,
my Lord, your most humble servant, Fuercuer.

Lorp AnstrutHer to the Hart or Mar.

1708, April 15. Edinburgh,—The Earle of Glasgo entred
into a state of grace this morning. All the good company in
toun waited upon him to the Assembly whose great business is
over this day having keept up their fancifull privilidg of meeting
once a year, so that the sien will come to a period nixt week and
the Commissioner will fall from the state of grace to that of
nature; which is an Arminian doctrin exploded by our Assembly.

Tur Hart or Bure to the Earu or Mar.

1708, April 15. Edinburgh.—Sending a list of the Justices of
Peace for the shire of Bute for nomination by her Majesty, and
interceding for the liberation upon bail of his brother, Dougald,
437

and Lord Balmerino. They are quite innocent of any crime and
are only suspected because of the Duke of Athole’s having
written a letter to them, which they neither received nor
answered.

THE Ear oF GLascow to the Hart or Mar.

1708, April 15. Edinburgh.—This day the Assembly mett,
all in a good disposition to serve the Queen and her interest not
only against the Pretender but also against all her enemies;
which your Lordship will quickly see by their answer to her
Majesties letter, and also by ane address which the Assembly
designs to make to her Majesty. Your Lordship hath inclosed
what I said to the Assembly upon their meeting.

My dear Lord, your Lordship will with the Queen’s other
servants be considering upon some proper scheme and posts for
Scottsmen. I love to be easy to all that I am in society with.
If the Queen with her servants think fit to continue my sallary,
my office being fallen, and turn the same into a pension till her
Majesty find a post for me, I shall study to deserve it the best way
Ican. My Lord, I judge the election of the peers will goe verry
well, if it be not our oun fault. My Lord Aberdein, my Lord
Bute and my Lord Balmerino have been verry friendly and have
acted a good pairt. I shall trouble your Lordship with more of
this afterwards, only I could wish that my Lord Aberdein and
my Lord Balmerino were liberated on baill, for every person is
convinced that neither of those Lords is in the least directly or
indirectly guilty of any bad practises against the Government.
Your Lordship will excuse this trouble. xo

My Lord, Mr. Carstares is verry unanimously chosen
Moderator of the Assembly, so your Lordship may judge they
were all in a good temper and disposition. Bs

My Lord, the Duke of Atholles friends have given me in the
inclosed representation, petition and certificat to be transmitted
to your Lordship. I know your Lordship will show all the
justice and kindness you can to his Grace; he stands mightily
to his innocence. Your Lordship will doe in this as you see in
prudence.

Tue Harn oF Mar to his brother, Lord GRANGE.

1708, April 16. Whitehall.—I leave the incloased to Salton
open that you may read it and then deliver it. I cou’d not
wryt it to him, but you may let him know that he cou’d not be
sett at libertie just now because those who were taken up upon
the same account, I mean the Duke of Athole’s letters, are
ordred up here with the rest, but as soon as they are gone he'll
be sett at libertie, tho’ he wou’d not speak of this. I know not
what he’ll think of it, but here ’tis thought a mighty favour, and
IT assure you I bestir’d myself for him, tho’ [ fancy Pl hardly
get thanks. It was not we but the Cabin Councill that advised
the Queen to order the prissoners to be sent up, and the reason
was given was that because the Councill of Scotland being just
438

a falling so that nobody there was of authority enough to
examine them. People will now see if we or other people were
in the right about that Councill. It is but justice to every body
to set this in its true light to the world.

Tur Earu or Guascow to the Earn oF Mar.

1708, April 17. Edinburgh.—He sends the Assembly’s
answer to her Majesty’s letter, and they are now engaged upon
a most loyal address. He earnestly begs that his Lordship
would intercede ‘‘ that the Earle off Aberdein and my Lord
Balmerino may be liberated upon baile, and also Dugall Steuart,
who are, I dare say, perfectly free of any hand in the invasion.
They are our friends and will concurr heartyly with us. Bot
if wee cannot serve them they have no great reason to serve us.
My Lord, Dugall Steuart is not only sure of being elected for
Bute, bot if he be admitted to baill will carry the election of
Perthshire and hold out Glenegies, so I beg there may be some-
thing done to encouradge our friends.’’ He also sends a memorial
for the liberation of his Lordship’s neighbour, Keir, who will
die if he is continued in prison.

1708, April.—Edinburgh.—Address by the General Assembly
of the Church of Scotland to her Majesty, signed by W.
Carstares, Moderator.

Mr. Hua Kemp, Moderator of the Provincial Synod of Fife,
to the Haru or Mar.

1708, April.—Sending a humble address by the Synod to her
Majesty to signify their sincere affection and unfeigned loyalty
to their sovereign the Queen, and their firm resolution to use
their utmost endeavours in their stations to support her just
title to the rightful sovereignty over these lands, and maintain
her in the possession thereof against the pretended King James
the Eighth and all her other enemies; to express their just zeall
and deep concern for the preservation of our holy religion and
the Revolution Establishment, and their thankfulness to her
Majestie for all the favours and privileges they enjoy under the
influence of her auspicious reign; and particularly the season-
able reliefe so lately sent when they were in the most imminent
danger of being “overrun by a bloody army of French and Ivish.”

THE EARL OF GLASGOW to the Earn or Mar.

1708, May 1. Edinburgh.—I send your Lordship two attesta-
tions concerning the Duke off Atholl’s indisposition, which your
Lordship will show the Queen. He is very ill. He desyres
to know if it would be well taken if he should petition the Queen
and Councill of Brittain to remove the garrison out of his house.
So if your Lordship please to write to his Grace your opinion,
after you advyse with friends above, it would be most accept-
able. My Lord, I shall say nothing of what paines hath been
taken with the Cavalier party since I came here, bott they
439

will as one man be for the Government measures. There are
four alreaddy qualified, viz., Earl Marishall, Earl Aberdein,
Viscount Kilsyth, and Lord Belhaven. This last sounds
damnably with me, tho’ he hath been at great pains against
Squadrone. All the rest will universally qualifie and give > their
proxies to our friends. My dear pupills, the Duke of Montrose,
Erles of Rothes and Hadinton, are mightily enraged against my
Lord Leven andme. They now give out in all companies, and
did these three weeks past, such as were here of them, that it
was the Duke of Queensberry snd his friends that occationed
the imprisonment of all our contrymen here, and their going to
Tuondon. It takes no great impression, but I do verryly believe
such a sett never was upon the earth.

Mr. SanDELANDS to the Earn or Mar.

1708, May 5. Edinburgh.—It was with great satisfaction
that we heard, by your Lordship’s letter directed to Mr.
William Carstairs, moderator of the late general assembly,
and communicated by him to us, that the address of the repre-
sentatives of this national Church was so graciously accepted
by her Majesty, that she was willing it should be universally
known how sensible she was of the loyalty and good affection
of this Church to her royal person and Government, and that
she was resolved to protect it in all its rights and priviledges
as established by the present laws.

We have so great a sense of her Majesty’s goodness, and of
the duty and fidelity that we owe to her, that we cannot but
earnestly entreat your Lordship to represent to her Majesty
that the ministers and elders of the Synod of Lothian and
Tweeddall doe unanimouslie oun and adhere to the address of
the late General Assembly in all the particulars thereof, and
that they will endeavour in their stations to manifest by their
conduct that the words of that address are the true expressions
of the real sentiments of their mind. This Synod had not been
wanting in witnessing their loyalty to her Majesty by a
particular address, had the tyme of their meetting been before
the meeting of the late Generall Assembly. These things are
signifyed to your Lordship in the name and by the appoint-
ment of this Synod, and signed in their presence by, my Lord,
your Lordships most faithfull and humble servant, Robert
SANDELANDS, Moderator.

Lorp HicH TREASURER to the Hart or Mar.

1708, May 7.—My Lord, I agree with your Lordship that
it is necessary you should bee gone, and have thought so for
many days together. I know of nothing depending on my part
to delay it; however, I shall bee ready to wait upon your
Lordship to-morrow at 11 at the Duke of Queensberry’s; it
can’t bee sooner, for I am summoned to the Cabinet Counsell
this evening. Your Lordship’s most obedient servant,

GODOLPHIN.
440

JoHN FARQUHARSON OF INVERCAULD to the Haru or Mar.

1708, May 12. Invercauld.—I most heartily joyn with your
Lordship in congratulateing the miscarriadg of the late desyned
disturbance, which, considering the present poverty and bad
condition of our northern counties, should be matter of thanks-
giveing to all good men. Abergeldie and all your Lordship’s
other friends and servants in thes nighbouring countreys joyn
also in this.

Tur DuKEe oF ATHOLE to the Earn or Mar.

1708, May 14. Blair Athole-—My Lord: I have the honour
of your Lordship’s of the 6th instant, in which your Lordship
writs that the soldiers are a guard upon me being prisoner and
not now as a garrison in the house ; but I beg leave to represent
to her Majesty that the soldiers entered as a garrison on the
19th of the last month, as the words of the Earl of Leven’s
orders expressly bears, and they continue still lodging in my
house in the same manner. And it would seem that either your
Lordship has not known of the Earl of Leven’s second orders,
or at least the strictness of them, for on the 2d instant the
captain here received his Lordship’s orders not only to detain
me close prisoner, and allow nobody whatsoever to converse
with me except in the presence and hearing of the said captain
or the next commanding officer, and this he is ordered to observe
in relation even to my physicians; and two servants only to
wait on me, and they to be as close prisoners as J am, and none
to converse with them, that neither I nor they are to receive
or write any letters but what they are to read and seal if writ
by us, and to open letters comes to us.

My Lord, the narrating of these orders do sufficiently shew
their strictness and the great hardship I lye under from them,
which, indeed, may be easily judged is yet more uneasie to a
sick person than the garrison’s being quartered in my house,
and by these orders J am not allowed the comfort of even my
younger children, who are lately come from the school at Perth
to stay with me in my sickness.

I never heard that the greatest of criminals judged and con-
demned were so strictly used that even physicians and ministers
are not to be spoke to but in the presence and hearing of an
officer. These orders continuing ‘still upon me obliges me to
send the bearer, one of my chamberlains, express with a
petition to the Queen. He is ordered to shew my Lord
Treasurer and your Lordship a copy of it before it be presented
to her Majesty in Council; and I perswade myself that by your
Lordships representing these hardships, her Majesty will be
soon convinced of the reasonableness of taking them immediatly
off, that I may be the sooner in a condition to travel to wait
on her Majesty, which, if please God, nothing can happen shall
delay but want of health, for I am most extremely desireous
to vindicate myself to her Majesty, who I found the best of
mistresses when I had the honour to serve her ; and I hope none
441

that are presently her servants will think it reasonable I should
be worse used than any of the prisoners have been taken up,
for none of them had such strict orders given about them, but
all freedom of access was allowed them. I likewise hope and
earnestly entreate that on the same consideration of my having
been employed in her service, that I may not be guarded with
soldiers as other prisoners are on my journey. If her Majesty
find me guilty after I wait on her, I neither deserve nor shall
trouble my friends to ask any favour for me.

I hear Duke of Hamilton has been allowed to give bail to
come to Scotland; I hope the same favour will be allowed me
to go out of it to wait on the Queen. And Iam told the Earl
of Strathmore is gone or to go without guards. Your Lordship’s
concerning yourself for me in this will be an obligation never
to be forgott by, my Lord, your Lordship’s most obedient and
faithful humble servant, ATHOLL.

I have not yet received nor had certain account of that letter
your Lordship first writt to me. It isa very great satisfaction
to me that these worthy persons I writt of are at liberty ; I hope
the same justice is or will be soon done to Mr. Scott and my
baillie, when it appears by their examination that they have
done nothing to detain them longer prisoners, to the great loss
of their affairs.

I beg pardon for not using my own hand, which my indis-
position hinders me to do at present. I am so fully assured
of my innocency, that I am satisfyed all the prisoners are gone
and going to London be interrogat concerning me in relation
to the Queen, the Pretender, the French descent, or my seeing
or corresponding with the Stirlingshire gentlemen who passd
thro’ part of my interest, but no nearer than ten miles of me.

Sir Davip Narene to the Hart or Mar.

1708, May 27. Whitehall.—I had noe letters yeasterday from
your Lordship. My last told your Lordship what papers I had
given Mr. Secretarie Boyle to be laid befor the Councell. I
waited on him this day with the Duke of Queensberry, and he
told us there was noe orders as to any of the persons concerning
there memoriall or representation given in for them. He only
said as to the garrison in the Duke of Atholl’s house, that it
was not as a garrison but a guard for the Duk’s person; how
to distinguish I could not tell, he wold have me writing soe to
the Earle of Leven, but I told him it was a matter of state
and that he ought to write, which I suppose he dos. Mr.
Walpoole came to toun last night and I was with him this
morning, but he allowed me noe more time then to tell me
that he could not allow me any time to speak on business for
two or three days; however, if I can catch any opportunity
sooner I will do it. I finde the Duke of Athole’s petition will
not be granted. The first set of prisoners are to be here on
Tewsday. They are to be in messengers hands. I caryd mye
Lady Nairne this afternoon to kiss the Queen’s hands. She
442

ean tell her oun story very well, The Lord Treasurer tells
me that the certificat of the Duke of Malborrow’s takeing the
oaths was delivered to the Earle of Seafield. Your Lordship
must be sure to send as soon as you can your last commission
under the seall there in all the forms it past, for it must ley at
the Exchequer befor any Privy Seall can pass for the sallary.
All the rest must doe so too, who have places or pensions now ;
but I hope your Lordship will not encurage there being sent
to me, but let evrie on send them to there friends. I think
myselfe only concerned in the Duke of Queensberry’s, your
Lordship’s, the Earle of Loudoun’s, and Earle of Seafield’s,
if they and you think fit to employ me. The Duke of Queens-
berry says he will goe the morrow, but I dare say he will not
if the Dutches is not better, for last night she had almost tipt
off.

THE Duke or MarbLBorouGcH to the Earn oF Mar.

1708, May 31. St. Renelde-—My Lord: I hope your Lord-
ship will excuse the trouble I give you of my proxy. I know
you will be able to make a better choice then I shou’d myself
if I were present. I shall only desire leave to recomend the
Earles of Orkney and Stairs, who I am persuad’d will be
agreable to you. I can send you no news from hence but what
you will have in the publick prints. The two armys have been
in the field these six days without undertaking as yett any
thing against each other. If I may beusefull to your Lordship
here, I pray you wou’d lett me have your commands, and believe
me always, my Lord, your most obedient humble servant,
AIARLBOROUGH.

Sir Davip NatRneE to the Earn or Mar.

1708, June 1. Whitehall—The Queen thinks what you
advise about the prisoners as to the methode of shewing her
favour is very just. I told the Queen last night that seeing
one other prisoner of the same kinde, tho’ of some higher title,
was allowed to come hither without guards, and only by a
messenger, it wold be very mortifying for them to be exposed
to the mob by bringing them throw the city with guards; and,
besids, after bringing them in such triumph the house were
not safe from the insults of the rable. Therefore, I humblie
begd her to consider if it wold not be as safe to send messengers
to Barnett to receive them and dismiss the guards, especially
the persons of quality. I thought this wold look like a par-
ticular act of her Majesty’s favour, and wold oblidge them
much. She declaired herselfe of that oppinion, and I met
with my Lord Treasurer, who declared himselfe soe too; and
there was a Councill calld, and there are orders gone to stop
them at Barnett till further orders.
443

ue Duke oF ATHOLE to the Fart of Mar.

1708, June 2. Blair Athole.—I assure your Lordship I am
extremely sensible of your kindness and friendship at this
time, and that tho’ you missed my servant you was pleased
to write in my favours. I long to have a good return, for it
is now a month past since I was close confined. I cannot
say I was much surprised with Duke Hamiltone’s joyning with
the Squadrone, since his politicks have been most unaccount-
able for some years, but especially at the last Scots Parliament ;
since which time I have had no manner of correspondence with
him. And for the Squadrone, I entirely agree with your
Lordship in my opinion of them. My assisting Mr. Dougal
Stewart to be commissioner for this shyre against Gleneagles,
is an undeniable proof of this. If I have my liberty soon, your
Lordship may depend on it the first will carry. The only
difficulty lyes that some of the gentlemen scruples to qualify.

Str Davip NarrneE to the Ear or Mar.

1708, June 5. Whitehall—The Marquis of Huntly, Lord
Drummond, Lord Nairne, and most of the prisoners were
examined last night, but I doe not finde any thing was dis-
covered. The morrow the Cabinett Councell is to sit, and I
suppose they will be allowed to give baile.

I hear a certain set of people have sent offers of service to
some of the prisoners, which I told the Queen of ; soe I believe
she will take some way to let them see they will owe favours
to herselfe. My Lord Nairne is firme, and will only owe them
to her Majesty. And realy my Lady has done good service.
I have some reason to think the Marquis of Huntly and Lord
Drummond are content to apply otherways. <A few days will
discover more. What shall be to me shall be communicat
to your Lordship.

Tue Baru oF Mar to Sir Davin NaIRne.

1708, June 8. Edinburgh.—I am very glade of the resolu-
tion the Queen has taken concerning the prisoners, and I wish
they may understand and be fully sensible that the favourable
treatment they meet with comes from the Queen herself and
her servants, and not by the influence of those who wou’d
have people to believe that nothing can be done without them,
which is the languadge of the D[uke] of H[{amilton] and that
sett here. If the prisoners be fully convinced and sensible of
this, I shall be very glade how soon they be sett att liberty.
But if they are not, and think they owe it elsewhere, and so
come down as another has done to joyn against those the Queen
imploys, then I must confess I think that tho’ the Queen delay
for some tim shoeing them her favour, noe body can blame
her. I’m shure that the D[uke] of M[arleborough] will be
farr from joyning with those who opposed the Queen’s measure,
444

and will influence all he can to follow his example. I hear
that Mr. Cockburne is gone post for London, which was keept a
mighty secret here. So great a man wou’d not shurely have gone
without some considerable designe. You will probably learn
what it is before we com to know it; but we fancie, beside his
being embassador in generall for the party, it’s to engadge the
prisoners to their side.

Sir Davin Narrene to the Haru oF Mar.

1708, June 10. Whitehall.—The Marquis of Huntly, the
Lords Kilsyth, Stormont, and Nairne, were beald this day.
I hear my Lord Kilsyth goes post either this night or early
in the morning.

Sir Davip Narrne to the Haru or Mar.

1708, June 12. Whitehall.—I herewith send to your Lord-
ship the coppy of a memoriall received from the said Earle
of Sunderland to be transmitted to my Lord Advocat, which
I have done by this pacquett. Itis expected that your Lordship
and the Queen’s other servants will be assisting in what is
needful to execut the memoriall. I understand the 16 referred
to are Stirling and Pearthshire gentlemen, against whom or
some of them there has been depositions of there being from
there houses. Carden, Keir, Touch, Capendavie, and Newton
Edmonston are in Newgate. My Lord Drummond, Sir George
Maxwell, and Captain Robert Murry are in the Towar. The
rest have libertie to give baile to appear at Edinburgh sometime
in November befor the Lords of Justiciary, and some have
given baile and are out already, and I beleive none of them will
complain of any dillitorys or other hardships put upon them
since there arivall here. I hear the Viscount of Kilsyth went
from hence to Scotland yesterday morning, and noe question
all of them will be goeing from this place as fast as they cau.

THe Duke or ATHOLE to the Hart or Mar.

1708, June 12. Blair Athole.—I receaved your Lordship’s
of June the 7th. The orders for some ease to my present
confinement came not here till the 10th at night. Iam very
sensible that the Duke of Queensberrie has been extream
instrumentall in procureing this favour for me, and I hope
his Grace and your Lordship will continow your endeavors
for my full liberation, which I hope now will be the easier
procured that I have qualified myself as sherrif principall of
this shire. And if your Lordship pleases to send a flyeing
packet with your letters that I may have my liberation soon
now after three months confinement, it will be a very great
and new obligation put upon me.
445°

Tan Kart oF Mar to the QUEEN.

1708, June 14. Edinburgh,—Madam, I thought it my duety
to lett your Majestie know the circumstances of things hee in
relation to the elections. Those of the Commons are near
over, and most of them are to the satisfaction of your Majesties
servants, so I hope your Majestie may look upon them as men
reddy and willing heartily to support your Majesties Govern-
ment. When I cam first here I thought that the elections of
the Peers wou’d have been pritty unanimus, and that we were
shure of caireing such as wou’d have been acceptable to your
Majestie and in friendship with your servants. The influence
from London has alter’d affairs so that it is now more doubtfull,
and it’s no wonder since some of your Majesties immediat
servants have used such interest against us. I’m very unwilling
to tell your Majestie any thing of any of your servants when
I think they act not with a due regaird to your service; but in
opposition to us my ord Sunderland is so litle secret that I
believe your Majestie is the only person almost that has occasion
to see that he does not tell it to. It is talked publickly here,
and I’m crediblie informed of the certainty of it that he wrote
to my Lord Dalhousie to join with those against us, which
wou’d be a thing acceptable to your Majestie. But whither or
not he made use of your Majesties name, people wou’d certainly
conclud that a Secretary of State wou’d not presum to desire
such a thing if he had not your allowance for it, or at least
thought it agreeable to you. And the effects has answered the
designe, for my Lord Dalhousie, who was always in friendship
and conjunction with us, is now in violent opposition. And
my Lord Ballenden is in the same road, occasioned the same
way. Andas I hear by his mother’s writeing to him that by
my Lord Sunderland’s means, your Majestie has granted him
a new gift of pension as usher to the Exchequer. Now your
Majestie may remember that it was we who spoke in my Lord
Ballanden’s favours, and we now see the use that’s made of it
against us. Since this letter of my Lord Sunderland’s, he has
since, and at several times and particularly last week, by an
express wrote to severall people most violently against us, which
letters are farr from being made secret here. A gentleman
told me that he saw one of them, and he gaye me note of it
which he took immediately after he heard it read, which I have
sent to Sir David Nairne that if your Majestie please you may
see; and I’m told of others yett more violent than this.

The Duke of Hamilton tells openly that he obtained his
liberty by the influence of those call’d the Juncto Lords, when
it was not in the power of your Majesteis servants to obtaine
it for him, tho’ they had had the inclinations to do it; and that
it was only that way favours to this part of the nation or the
prisoners were to be procured, and that those lords had taken
him engadged to join against us in the elections. He has
wrote this to severalls, and that their doeing so too wou’d be
acceptable to your Majestie, for you wanted but an opportunity
to gett quitt of us. And he went off the road as he cam doun

«
446

to meet the prisoners, and to indoctern them this way. My
Lord Orkney too has wrote to almost all the peers, telling
them that your Majestie allowed him to come doun to be
chosen; which make them the more perswaded that your
Majestie not only inclines to have him returned to the Parlia-
ment, but also those he is in concert with. The pains the
Duke of Hamilton and the Juncto have taken with the
prisoners is like to have effect against us, for some of them
have wrote doun that it is only by their means and influence
they can have any favour, and that those people have told
them that your Majesteis servants of Scotland were only to
blaim for their being brought to London. Now your Majestie
knows how farr we were from haveing any hand in this, and
how much it was against our oppinion. But our not being at
freedom to tell the true storie, it’s no wonder this be beleived
against us, untill time clear us. They say also that these
people have promist to inquyre into this matter in Parliament,
and who were the advisers of it. If your Majestie be not
against it, I shall be very glad they or any body else doe so,
and if I’m allowed I shall keep them from forgetting their
promise. But I know they have more regaird to themselves
and more concious of their own actings than to say anything
of this after the elections are over. The prisoners wrote also
that severalls of them are to be admited to baill by those peoples
interest, and to com down immediatly to vote against us,
notwithstanding of some of them haveing formerly given their
proxies to our friends. I hope they are innocent, so shall be
glade of any favour your Majestie shows them; but I shall be
sorie if this be the use they make of it. Upon all this I beleive
your Majestie will not think it odd that people are mightily
jumbled, and think really that you are wearie of us who have
the honour to serve you. For tho’ we know and are fully
convinced of your Majesties goodness and favour to us, yett
other people seing us counteracted by one of your immediat
servants who is in so eminent a station, and the other instances,
think they are much better authoritys than any thing we can
say in favour of ourselves, and your Majesties inclinations to
us. Soit will be no wonder that we miscarie in a great measure
in our elections ; and yett I hope we will have the plurality in
the election. But some of our friends will too probably miscarie
and others come in, tho’ I beleive few of those who were in
opposition to us Jast Parliament.

The Duke of Hamilton has said (and we are told they are
advised so from their friends att London) that if they see they
are not shure of careing the election, it shall not be a work of
one day, and that they will make all the confusion and dis-
turbance they can, and have a protest reddy against the election
it self. I thing I am pritty shure of being chosen, but if I
miscarie it is oweing to nothing but those people’s mallice to
me for standing by your Majestie; and my only concerne for
it shall be that I am in the less capacity that way to serve your
Majestie, and to support your interest against those people
447

who endeavours to lessen your authority, and to make the
nations slaves tothem. But happen what will, my inclinations
and endeavours to serve your Majestie shall as long as I breath
be the same, and nothing they are capable to doe shall alter
me from your interest, and I hope your Majestie shall not want
friends to support you against them.

I think myself obleidged in duety to lett your Majestie know
that so farr as I understand the inclinations and temper of the
generallity of this country is still as dissatisfied with the Union
as ever, and seem mightily sowr’d, tho’ I know people, and of
this country too, give it out otherways att London. I am as
sorie to have this account to give your Majestie as you will to
receive it; but if I shou’d conceall it from you, your Majestie
wou’d have no reason to think me a faithfull servant. I hope
your Majestie by your wise manadgment shall alter this their
disposition, and show them the advantages of the Union, which
they think themselves disappointed of. I must say that the
endeavours used by some people to discourage and bear down
those who made the Union here, and joining with the opposers
against them, give people here strange notions of it. I wish
heartily the enemie make not an other attempt upon this
country. There are accounts sent of the condition of the forts
here to the Board of Ordinance, and I hope your Majestie will
give directions for putting them immediatly in repair, there
being great need of it, and it is of great consequence to your
Majestie and your kingdom. JI wou’d not write so to any but
your self, and I hope your Majestie will impute it to nothing
but my sincear inclinations for your service.

As soon’s the election is over, your Majestie shall know the
success of it by an express. I designe to goe home immediatly
thereafter to look after some of my privatt affairs, in which I
shall take as litle time as possible. But if your Majestie be
pleased to lett me know that my comeing immediatly up will
be of the least service to your affairs, I shall loose no time in
waitting of your Majestie. J beleive a good number of people
here will goe up immediatly after the election, which perhaps
may make it the more necessary for some of your Majesties
servants to be attending your person. I wish to God I were
as capable as I am willing to serve your Majesties interest.
I beg your Majestie may pardon this long letter. Nothing
but zeall for your service wou’d have made me give you so
much trouble. I am in all duety, Madam, your Majesties
most obedient and most faithfull subject and servant.

Tue Eary oF Mar to Sir DAvip NAIRNE.

1708, June 14. Edinburgh.—Much in the same terms as
the letter to the Queen ; adding that ‘‘ I know some people att
London will not lett it be said that the bad humours and dis-
affection continue here. I’m sorie from my heart that I cannot
say it is so. What makes me mention this now is that tother
night I was invited to sup att Generall Maitlands, where
448

Seafeild and Loudoun were. It chanced to be the 10th of
June, which we did not mind till we were told about ten o'clock
that there was a mobe on the streets and drinking the
Pretender’s hailth. Its true the Toun Guard endeavoured to
disperse and catch them, but we were forced to sitt till one
a’clock before we cou’d go home. It is fitt you shou'd lett
this be knowen, tho’ you wonu’d not make a great bussle about
it, the thing not having come to a very great hight, But I
assure you a certaine man of our company was not a litle
affraid.’’ Copy.

Notes oF THE EARL OF SUNDERLAND’S LETTER to the DvEH
oF Rox[BuRG]a.

1708, June.—The letter sayes to this purpos:—I hope yow
have found things in a good dispositione for the election of
the 17, notwithstanding of the great indeavors of your new
Lord Cheif Barron of Exchequer and of the great bragg people
make of their great power and intrest there. But their intrest
and any schems they can make will last no longer then to the
meeting of the next Parliament, which will be the most Whigg
Parliament by ane extraordinary majority, and consequently
the best Parliament that ever we saw. And the Court will
be forced to give in to it.

We hear of great threatnings and other violent means used
to procure electiones by E[arle] L[oudou]n and Lord Register ;
but these will be sowndly inquyred into by next Parliament,
and they will feind that they will not now come so weell off
here as they use to doe in a Scots Parliament managed by a
Scots Ministrie. 7 :

Speaking of the new Cheif Barron of Exchequer, it says that
the Parliament will not bear such things, that a Peer shou’d
be a judge for the judges; and _barrones of exchequer ar
assistants and not members of the House of Peers.

It contains severall great expressiones of kyndness to ———
with very firm assurance of support and assistance.

_ It redicoulls what it seems they have been told that E[arle]
S[eafie]ld had sayd that proxies could not be recalld, and adds
to that thus—I could almost wish that I wer a peer of North
Brittain that T might send my proxie to yow, as I fear a great
man here hag sent his to some others, I would let them see
that there wer one in North Brittain who durst dissagree with
these in power ther.

Str Davip Narrne to the Hart or Mar.

1708, June 15. Whitehall.—Yesterday I had your Lordship’s
of the 8th, after your returne from the countrie. I finde the
Queen is concerned now when too late that she did not write
to your Lordship such a letter of encouragement as was
necessary, and once spoak of her not doeing it was not for want
of being minded. But its too late now to talke of these things,
449

for the candidats will know there fate long ere this come.
Nor can I add anything to what I have said of the prisoners.
The last set came in last night, and I finde they are mightyly
inclined to beleive they owe their comeing up to the Duke of
Queensberry, yourselfe, the Earles of Loudoun and Seafield,
and I beleive they have been told soe with this circumstance
that noe Englishman could know the names of many that are
come. Ihave spoak severall times to my Lord Treasurer about
the paying of some pensions, but I can hardly say I got my
answer. . . . Mr. Secretarie Boyle tells me that he has
orders to write to Scotland that all the prisoners there against
whom there is not evidence shou’d be let out on baile, soe the
late Bishop of Edinburgh will be included. . . . I hear
my Lord Griffeth is to dey the morrow. You are most blamed
for the prisoners being brought up. I finde this comes from
the Stirlingshire men.

THE Eart or Mar to the QuEEN.

1708, June 18. Edinburgh, Friday morning.—Madam: I
thought it my duety to loose no time in giveing your Majestie
ane account of the election here to-day, or as I shou’d rather
say yesterday. Your Majestie has inclosed a list of the sixtein
that have caried and the numbers they caried by, and also a
list of those we voted for, and another of the adverse partie.
I send your Majestie likeways a scrole of the whole peers as
they voted, as clear as I can make it in such heast. By all
which it appears that had it not been that some were frighted
from us by the influence of people att London, and of some
of your oun servants and others makeing court to them as
comeing into power, and some of the prisoners being sent
doun a purpose to be against us by the same influence, we had
certainly caried our whole list. Those circumstances I mention
made a great number of people who are in your Majesteis
service here leave us and goe over to our adversaries, and had
any tuo of them done otherways, all those who were in
opposition last Parliament to us had been excluded, as your
Majestie will see by the numbers they carried by. But as
things were its a wonder we have caried so maney. We always
designed to make the Earle of Crafurd in our list, but he left
us the day before the election; tho’ I’m perswaded he will
always continue firm to support and mentean your Majesties
interest. We have done our outmost to serve your Majestie
in this affair, and tho’ by the great endeavours and influence
against us and the litle assistance we gott we have not been
able to carie all our list, yett I hope the farr greatest number
of those chosen will be zealous in supporting what your Majestie
thinks for your intrest and the intrest of the Crown and
monarchie. -Your Majestie will now see how litle intrest
those peers who differ’d from us last Parliament wou’d have
had at this electione, had it not been for the extraordinary
and odd methods that has been taken to make a conjunction
against us. But if your Majestie think this good service done

le
450

to you, I have nothing to say. I hope this will be the first
account of this affair from hence, notwithstanding of a
messenger of the Earle of Sunderland’s being sent doune
here a purpoas to bring it soon, who arrived yesterday morning
and brought a pacquet to the Duke of Montrose and letters
to severall of those in opposition to us, as I’m informed, for
I've had no more time since the election was over than to eat
a bitt, haveing fasted since Wedinsday night, and now its
four a’clock. I shall write the particulars of the election to
Sir David Nairne in the afternoon or Saturday morning, with
which he’ll acquant your Majestie; therefore I will not give
you any further trouble now but to ask pardon for this and
leave to subscrive myself, Madam, your Majesties most
obedient, most devoted, most humble and faithful! subject and
servant. Copy.

THe Ear oF Mar to the Earn or Stair.

1708, June 20. Edinburgh.—I like not to be the teller of
disagreeable news, so I hope you have heard of our elections
before this. But IT know even when a batle is lost an account
of the particulars is expected, therefore I send you them. By
the accounts we had from Scotland before we cam from
Tbondon, we had reason to think ourselves shure of carying
the elections here as we pleased, both of peers and commoners.
When the Duke of Hamilton was brought to London, he shew’d
a great inclination to joine with us, and we were content to
admitt him and give him our interest for choising him one of
the 16; but then the Squadronie and the Juncto fell a tampering
with him, which we-soon discovered, and found he had alter’d
his inclinations to us. But the way he took to gett off was
by desiring us to gett him sett att liberty, which we had
formerly told him was not in our power to gett done for some
time, and that he might beleive us, for since it was probable
that he and we wou'd be in the same intrest, it was as much
for our intrest as his to have him sett att liberty. But at that
time the Juncto made such a noise against it, that the Queen
and her ministers cou’d not so soon doe it upon our desire,
tho’ we hop’t his confinement wou’d not be long; and in the
mean time it was very easie, being only by a messenger sitting
in his outward room. This serv’d him for a pretext, so he applyd
himself to the Juncto and sold himself to them from the top
of the head to the sole of the foot. Then by their influence
without as much as askeing our advice (tho’ we were called
afterwards to the Cabinet that same night) he was admitted
to baill. And no doubt you have heard that four of them, or
very near allyed to them, were baill for him. By this time
the first sett of the prisoners were sent from Edinburgh ; but
upon application we gott all the rest of the prisoners being
respited, save a few of the Stirlingshyre gentlemen and the
Highland chiftians. Which orders I sent for my Lord Leven
the day before I left London. But his Lordship and the
Justice Clark misunderstanding or following the first orders
451

too rigidly, sent off the other two setts of prisoners before the
last orders by me cam to their hands. When I heard of this
by the road I wrote back to Court beging that since those
prisoners were sent off before the last orders arrived, those
who were order’d to be respited might be ordered back with
the guard, they being come but a litle way. But nothing
was done upon this. The Duke of H[/amilton] came doun
post by Notingham, and went off the road to Leids to meet
the first sett of prisoners, and mett the other two setts after-
wards before us. He gave them impressions as we understood
from themselves of our being the occassion of their being
brought up, and that they had no favour to expect but from
the Juncto, who were the means of his liberation and had
promist him to doe for them. After he cam to Edinburgh he
and his emisaries gave the same stories about, which did us a
great deal of hurt, tho’ there were nothing farther from being
true. But after the arrivall of the prisoners at London, they
were sett out upon baill, and the Juncto made court to them
and took the praise of their liberation; and som of them who
had formerly given their proxies to our friends were sent doun
to vote against us, and others of them recaled theirs and gave
them to our adversaries, and wrote down expresly that they
had been told by some of these lords att London that we were
only to blaim for their being sent up, and that as soon as the
Parliament mett they wou’d be shure to inquire into that
matter. All we cou’d tell of the storie of their being sent up
did not satisfie people here of our haveing no hand in this
matter, and we cou’d not tell what past in the Cabinet Councill,
which was unluckie for us. But nothing but time will now
clear us of this, since the storie seems to come from so good
hands against us. I wish heartily that when the Parliament
meets these gentlemen may remember their promise of inquire-
ing into it; but I’m affraid now since they have served their
turne they will have bad memories as to that, tho’ if I be
allowed I'll take cair to keep them in mind. . . . . That
morning of the election we had a spair place in our list in room
of Crafoord, which we were forced to give to Morton or other-
ways break with him for ever. This added nothing to our
strength, which we found afterwards to our coast, for one
vote from them to us wou’d have throwen out Mont[rose] and
Rox[burgh]. : Roseberry was in most of the
English proxies, and this made him carie it by so maney.
The Duke of H[amilton] by this tim repents him of his doeings,
but I’m mistaken if he will not have more reason to doe so
ere long. The Squadronie are very upish upon carying their
heads, and I have no skill if some folks will not ere long have
reason to repent their giveing us so litle assistance to gett us
all chosen of a piece; and it’s an unluckie thing for this
countrie that we are not so, and I’m affraid to the publick
service too, and also to Parliamentt persons, who both you
and I wish well. Lord send you a good campaigne, that angrie
people may have no handle to make disturbance. Copy.
452

Tue Earn oF Mar to the QUEEN.

1708, June 21. Edinburgh.—Madam: I presumed to write
to your Majestie that night of the election. I thought to have
sent an account of the particulars of it to Sir David Nairne
before this, but I cou’d not gett the necessary papers sooner
from the clarks of the meeting, so many were asking for them.
I will not give your Majestie much trouble now, haveing wrote
fully to Sir David Nairne, who will lay it before you. But
I hope your Majestie will be pleased to receive the inclosed
memoriall in relation to the protestations that were enter’d
at the meeting, which I thought my duety to send, that your
Majestie may know the matter fully and how litle reason those
people who are in opposition to us have to think they can
throw out any of our friends who are chosen, and to bring in
theirs in their place ; and that the objections made by us against
some of their votes are fully as strong. But those lords are
promist such support from their patrons at London, that they
think they will be able to turn the election which way they
please when it comes before the House of Peers; tho’ I hope
they will be mistaken. I presume also to send your Majestie
copies of all the lists that were given in by the peers that
you may know the part each man acted. Those lists are
certaine, for I had them from the clark’s book. I hear severalls
of those lords who were in opposition to us are goeing quickly
to London. I designe to wait of your Majestie so soon as
possible I can, but I have some bussiness att home which will
detain me some time, unless your Majestie command me other-
ways, which as in duety so shall be always most chearfully
obey’d by, Madam, your Majesties most faithfull, most dutyfull,
and most obedient subject and servant. Copy.

THE Hart oF Mar to Sir Davip NarIRne.

1708, June 21. Edinburgh.—We were so fatigued with the
elections, and the copies of papers so hard to be gott from the
clarks, every peer almost indeavouring to have them, that I
cou’d not dispatch the pacquet which I promist to send on
Saturday last till now. By my letter of the 14th, you knew
the circumstances of things here before the election. By the
influence I told you was used against us from London, severall
lords left us and went over to the other side, thinking (I
beleive) thereby to make their court. The Earle of Eglington
was one of this number, which made four of difference to us,
for he had the Earle of Galloway’s proxie. He was to have
been one of our list, and used to heat the Squadronie, so we
had reason to reckon ourselves sure of him; but we were dis-
appointed. The very night before the elections the Earle of
Crafoord, who was to be an other of our list, went over to them
also, and reallie he has jockied himself in, for he knew if he
were in their list (as both he and Eglington were), he wou’d
have more scater’d votes from our people than he wou’d have
4538

from theirs if he had been of our number; and we see now
(tho* we were very angrie with him for leaving us) that had
he not done so he had hardly caried it. But this was not my
Lord Eglington’s case, for he was more likely to carie it with
us than with them. Tho’ Crafoord cam in by them yett I’m
sure he’ll still be with us in bussiness as formerly, for as he says
himself their principals and measures does not agree with him.
Then Glencairne, Buchan, and Forfar took it in their heads
to stand. We cou’d make no room for them, and the other
side dropt three of their number to gett them; and tho’ it was
plain that those three cou’d not carie it this way, yett we cou’d
not gett them to have eys. The Earle of Dalhousie by the
letter he had from the Earle of Sunderland] was violent against
us, and the other side made him of their list, which confirmed
him to them tho’ they were very indifferent of his carying it.
The Lord Forbess was mad to be chosen. We did not think
it very fitt, nor cou’d we make room for him; so tho’ the other
side did not make him of their list, and notwithstanding of
all the pains we cou’d take with him, he voted them all save
one or tuo of us who were sure of it without him. The Earle
of Cromertie wou'd gladly been chosen, but we cou’d not make
room for him either, we had so very maney to please. Att
this he was very angry, but he was so generous as to doe us
no hurt. He only nam’d four who he called his children, viz.,
Mar, Weems, Leven, and Northesk; and because he named
not 16 he was protested against, but it signifies nothing. That
morning of the elections we had a spair place in our list in room
of Crafoord, which we were forced to give to Morton or break
with him for ever. This added nothing to our strength, which
we found afterwards to our cost, for one vote from them to us
wou’d have throwen out tuo of their principall people. Both
they and we had severall proxies limited. The way we took
which of our friends to leave out for those limitations was by
throwing the dyce, which tho’ equall yett not very polliticall.
But our folks had no complyance for one another, and preferr’d
their oun chance of being chosen to the generall cause, and
so cam of it. Loudoun and Stair were very unluckie att this
throwing, for each of them lost tuo. Thus we stood when
we begun to the election, and by the inclosed papers you’l
know the rest of the storie and how all went.

QurEN ANNE to the Hart or Mar.

1708, June 24. Kensington.—I return you many thanks for
your two letters and the very particular account you give me
of what has past concerning the elections. I am as sensible
as it is possible of the great pains you have taken in this
matter and everything that concerns my service, and of the
ill treatment I have had from people heare, which I do ressent
exstreamly, and-will shew it openly as soon as the uneasynes
of my affairs hear will give me leave, for you may easily
emagin I can never have a tolerable oppinion of those that
454

have behaved themselves in such an exstraordinary manner to
me. Iam very glad you have got soe good a majority after
soe great a strugle, and I hope in God for all the mighty
threatenings there are both against you and me we shall get
the better of our enemies in the Parliament, and you may
depend upon it I will allways support you and all my servants,
and shew the world upon all occasions how sensible I am of
your faithfull services. It is now too late to justefye your
selfs as to the aspersion that has bin thrown upon you of
haveing bin the cause of sending up the Scots prisoners, but
I confess to you I can not emagin why you did not do it when
it might have bin of service. I hope as soon as you have
dispatched your own privat busines you will loos no time in
coming wp, and I should be glad that all my other servants
that can be spared from the publick buisnes would com as soon
too as they can conveniently, which I desire you would lett
them all know. You need not mention this to the Duke of
Queensberry, becaus he writt me word he would com away as
soon as the elections where over, and I intend to writt to him
by this opportunity. I am, with all sincerity, your very affec-
tionatt friend, ANNE R.

Lorp TREASURER, THE EARL OF GODOLPHIN, to the EARL oF
Mar.

1708, June 26.—My Lord, I give your Lordship many
thanks for the favour of your letter with the account of your
proceedings before the election. I can’t but bee very much
concerned that you have mett with so much obstruction of all
kinds in that matter, but this is considerably abated by the
choyce, which I think is a very good one. I hope I shall not
bee long without an opportunity of seeing you here, and of
assuring your Lordship I am very sincerly, my Lord, your
Lordship’s most obedient humble servant, GoDOLPHIN.

THE EARL OF GLASGOW to the EArt or Mar.

1708, June 26. Edinburgh.—The Duke of Queensberry
commands me to acquaint your Lordship that your presence
at London is absolutly necessary. All friends at London press
it earnestly, and his Grace with all the earnestness imaginable
desyres your Lordship may be here as soon nixt week as
possible in order to take jorney for London; for now there is
no tyme to be lost. His Grace is much as yow left him. I
cannot say he is better, and I think he is no worse; bot
extreamly anxious for your speedy return to this place. He
will take jorney so soon as he can venture upon it; and I am
sure your hastening here will be a great motive and encouradg-
ment to prompt his Grace to take jorney. His Grace gives
yow his most humble service, and desyres to know when your
Lordship can return. My Lord Belhaven is dead. I am with
the greatest respect, my Lord, your Lordship’s most humble
and obedient servant, GLaAscow.
455

THe Eart of Mar to the DuKE oF QUEENSBERY.

1708, June 29. Alloa.—I had a very kind letter yesterday
from the Queen, wherin she tells me she was to write to your
Grace. She desires me to come up as soon as my privat affairs
will allow, and they shall not now stope me long. She seems
to have good hops of the Parliament, and expreses great sense
of her servants faithfull service here at this time, and her
displeasure att those who run counter to them. If it were
not the Queen and your Grace’s commands I am very unwilling
just now to leave my gardens, and I have really a great deall
of bussiness here ; but nothing shall now keep me from makeing
all heast for London. Copy.

THe Earu oF Mar to the DUKE oF ATHOLE.

1708, June 29. Alloa, Nyne at night.—I was honour’d with
yours of the 26th just now. All I can tell your Grace of the
difference betuixt the warrant for your commitment and the
warrants for the other lords was upon your refusing access to
the officer who was first sent and the jealousies your intercepted
letters gave, and I believe there was no other reason for it.
For when the warrant was brought us to signe, we were told
upon these reasons it was thought fitt to make it different from
the others. My Lord Leven will not I’m sure refuse to show
it to any body your Grace pleases to desire it of him, but to
the best of my memorie the words are for treason or treasonable
practises, and the others were for suspition of treason, etc.
Notwithstanding of this I hope upon your applying again to
the Queen in Councill your liberation will be ordered as the
others were ; for I’m perswaded your Grace was no more guilty.
I’m sure I and all the Queen’s servants I’m in a pack with
will doe our outmost to serve your Grace in this and every
thing else so far as we have power, but if you think that you
can more easily obtain your liberation by applying to others
than the Court, I shall be farr from being against your doeing
so; but as a friend I think myself obleidged to tell your Grace
that I beleive you wou’d find yourself mistaken. I think our
letters to Court in your Grace’s favours cannot have so good
effect unless att the same time you applly anew by petition
to the Queen. But I have writen of this to the Duke of
Queensberry, who is still att Edinburgh. Copy.

Tue Earu oF Loupowun to the Earut or Mar.

1708, June 29. Five at night.—I arriv’d here last night at ten
a cloak ; I found the D[uke] of Q[ueensberry] a bed this day
at tuelf. He says he’s verrie litle better, but if he’s able he’ll
goe upon Thursday. He shou’d me a leter from the Q[ueen]
full of expressions of goodness, in which her Majestie takes
notice of a leter to you desireing that her servants may cume
up as soon as they can convenientlie. I recon you'd receave
456

that leter after I left you yesterday. I don’t doubt but this
and the other circumstances of our affairs will determine you
to make all the haste you can. The D[uke] of Q[ueensberry ]
is verrie desirous to have you goe soon, and tho’ he talks of
goeing upon Thursday, yet he does it in so doubtfull a way
that I beleive he'll not stir till you cume. He said to me
that in case he were not able to goe upon Thursday, at least
he hop’t to be able to begin his journy upon Munday, and
that in that case he thought you and he ought to goe together.
I did what I cou’d to perswad him to be joging as soon as
possible, and that you by posting a day or tuo might contrive
to be at London as soon as he. He shou’d me a leter from
my Lord Tre[asurer], in which he says its impossible to think
of the proceedings of sume folks mention’d in the D[uke]
of Q[ueensberry’s] leter to him without resentment, which
he says is the more grievous because the circumstances of the
Q[ueen’s] affairs dos not allow her at present to take such
notice of it as she wou’d.

THE Eart oF Mar to the QUEEN.

1708, July 3. Edinburgh.—Madam: Some dayes ago when
I was at home I had the happiness to receave your Majesties
letter of the 24th of June, which you was pleased to honour
me with. The goodness you are pleased to shew in takeing
notice of any small thing I was able to contribut to your
Majesties service is more than a sufficient reward to me, but
it shall stile make me the more zealous in supporting your
Majesties intrest.

Since your Majestie was pleased to think my attending you
soon cou’d be of any use, I left my own affairs at home and
came here yesterday, so farr in my road for London. The
Duke of Queensberry’s indisposition has detean’d him here all
this time; he is now some better and hopes to begin his jurnie
the begining of nixt week, so I belive we'll come togither,
and shall lose no time in obeying your Majesties comands.
I have told what your Majestie comanded me to all your servants
who are here in toun, and I doubt not but they’ll haste up as
soon as their business will allow them.

Our respect to your Majestie made it impossible for us to
vindicat ourselves of the aspersion throwen upon us of being
the occation of bringing the Scots prissoners to London, other-
wayes than we did which was only to denay it, and there was
no other way of doing it than by teling and publishing what
past in the Cabinet Councill ; and we not haveing your Majesties
alowance for doing that durst not adventure on it, nor in
dutie cou’d we, for that wou’d have been interpred revealing
your Majesties secrets ; and I wish every body may have keept
them as sacredly and faithfully as we have done, tho’ it has
been to our own hurt. Beside your Majestie may remember
that we were once in a maner accused before you (tho’ unjustly)
of wryting to Scotland some account of things which past in
457

the Cabinet. But I’ll trouble your Majestie with no more of
this til I have the honour of waiting of you, for which I long
to have the happiness.

T hope God will grant your Majestie success abroad, a good
Parliament at home, and deliver you from all your difficulties.
This flying pacquet is occationed by some returns of members
of Parliament who were late a comeing up, and that they
might be in time a flying pacquet was thought worth the
while to be sent. I beg leave to subscrive myself with all duetie
and submission, Madam, your Majesties most duetifull, most
faithfull and most obedient subject and servant. Copy.

THE Eart oF Mar to the QUEEN.

1708, July 5.‘ Madam, I did not think to give your Majestie
any more trouble from this place now, but the poor Regester’s
condition, who I’m afraid is before this dead, forces me to do
it once more. The Duke of Queensberry is not yet in a condition
to wryt himself, for which he asks pardon, but has desired me
to wryt to your Majestie and my Lord Treasurer upon this
occation, which I most willingly did, being in favours of the
Earle of Glasgow, who we wish and beg may succeed the
Regester in that post. I have wrote fully to my Lord Treasurer,
who I doubt not will show it to your Majestie, so I need give
you the less trouble. I must only beg leave to informe your
Majestie that since the circumstances of your affairs may at
this time keep you from showing favour for your servants by
turning those in opposition to them out of imploiments, yet
when posts fall nobody can justly complean of your Majesties
bestowing them on those you think have served you faithfully,
since it hurts nobody. ‘Those in opposition to us have given
so out that your Majestie is indifferent of your servants here
and that they will have the only power of bestowing of favours,
that people are very apt to belive them, which does very much
weaken our handes in your Majesties service. They talk so
confidently now that they offer wadgers that non of your
servants shall have the intrest or favour to get this post to any
of themselves or friends ; so that if the giveing of it be but only
delayed now, every body will be confirmd in the belife of the
stories that have been put about. But on the contrair, if your
Majestie please to bestow it immediately on the Earle of
Glasgow, it will show the world that you favour your servants,
and will support those who serve you faithfully. Nobody can
deserve it better than my Lord Glasgow, for he has all along
been firme to your Majesties interest, and thow no default of
his, if it was not adhearing to your measurs, he lost a good
post since the Union, and is now chosen again to serve in this
Parliament. The Duke of Queensberry told him of the
assurances your Majestie was pleased to give of his having the
first fit post for him that fell, which would make a delay in
this affair the more mortifying to him now. ‘The sooner your
Majestie bestows this post the more it will be for your ease
458

and service, for there will be many pretenders to it, and some
perhaps of our own friends, which may prove troublesome to
your Majestie and be a means to make your servants uneasie
amongst themselves. But if your Majestie dispose of it
immediatly and tel any who applys for it that you are ingadgd,
it will prevent all those inconveniencies and keep us who have
the honour to serve you unitt together, and the pretenders
from being disoblidgd. There will bea vacancie in the Session
too by the Regester’s death, for which there will be also many
competitors.” He desires that her Majesty may not dispose
of this post until her servants meet and agree upon some one
whom they may recommend. Her Majesty has lost a faithful
servant in the Register, as he always showed himself firm for
her interest and the present establishment.

THe Earu or Mar to the QUEEN.

1708, July 5. Edinburgh.—Since writeing of what’s above
IT had a letter from the Duke of Atholl, wherein he tells me
that he is again to apply to your Majestie in Councill beging to
be discharged from his confinement upon baill as the other
prisoners have been. He wou’d apply no way but by your
Majesties servants, tho’ he has been prest to it and told that
was not the way to succeed. But if his discharge be not now
ordered he will certainly make his application to others, and
they will by that gett him over to them intirely as they have
gott others; which I humbly conceave will not be for your
Majesties intrest, for it will confirme people yett more in the
beleiff that obtaining favours must be by applying to others
than your Majesties servants. He is grown worse again, which
I believe is with fretting at his being “confined when others are
sett at liberty ; and as long as he is confined I doe not beleive
he can recover. I’m perswaded that he is no more guilty than
others; upon all which I presume to beg that your Majestie
may now be pleased to grant him the same favour that they
have gott. He waits an answer most impatiently.

The Duke of Queensberry keeps me yett another day to see
if he will be able to goe at the same time with me, but if he
be not by Thursday I will goe without him, tho’ I confess I
wou'd gladely have him along.

I have given your Majestic. much more trouble at this time
than I intended when I begun this letter, but since it is my
zeal for your Majesties service that occations it, I hope you’ll
be pleased to pardon, Madam, your Majesties most faithfull,
most obedient, most devoted and dutifull subject and servant.
Copy.

Tuer Earn oF Srarr to the EArt oF Mar.

1708, July 5. Windsor.—I’m just arriv’d here with the
agreable news of the Duke of Marlborough’s beating the French
near Hudenaerde on Wedusday last. Wee marcht five leagues
459

past the Schelde and beat them all in one day. The action
began to be warm about six ahd lasted till night. “T'was cheefly
an affair of foot. The French infantery one may reckon is
intirely ruin’d. Wee had the day after the batle about 7,000
prisoners, 13 or 14 generall officers, about 40 collours and
standards. The remains of their army are retir’d under Ghent.
"Tis probable they may have a good deall of difficulty to get
home from thence. The loss on our side is very inconsiderable.
You may expect by the post a more circumstanciat account.

Sir Davip NaIRNE to the Earu or Mar.

1708, July 5. Windsor.—I am commanded by the Queen to
send this flying pacquett with the good news of ane entire
victory obtained by the Duke of Malborrow over the French
near Oudenard on the 30th past. It seems the Duke of
Malborrow was informed that the French did intend to besige
Oudenard and to take possession of a camp, which had they
done wold have prevented the Duke of relieveing the toune;
but his Grace soe disposed the armie that he was in possession
of the campe which the French did think to have got. This
made the French take ane other root, but the Duke marched
soe early on Wednesday in the morning as to secure a pass
over a river and bring them to a batle, which begun after a
march of 15 or 16 miles at six at night, and continowed as long
as they could see, in which the French were quite defeat, all.
or the greatest part of their foot being either killed or taken.
What remained fled under covert of the night to Ghent. Wee
have of prisoners two livtenants generall, five or six briggadeers,
and 30 collonells, and upwards of 7,000 souldiers. The numbers
of the slain is not yet knowen, but its judged to be as many
as the prisoners, and its looked upon as such ane entire victory
as will end all fighting on that side this year if not for twenty
more.

It is her Majesty’s pleasure that all demonstrations of joy
shou’d be used on this occasion. The Queen went up to the
Castle at twelve and has ordered publick prayer at five a clock.
I shall write the morrow by the post, but can add noe more
now. . . . . The Earle of Stairs brings the good news,
and tho’ he is very tyrd and wants both meat and sleep, yet
have got him to write the inclosed.

Sir Davip NarIrRNE to the EARL oF Mar.

1708, July 6. Whitehall.—There was ane order on Sunday
night for the Duke of Atholl’s being admitted to baile, and
Mr. Secretarie Boyle sends the orders this night to the Earle
of Leven. The five gentlemen who are in Newgate are to be
sent prisoners to Scotland, but only with the forme of a
messenger, because it is not usuall to take baile in caces of
treason where any effidavits are made. The three that are in
460

the Tower are to containow there till winter. The Earl of
Sunderland writs to the Advocat next post about proceeding
avainst the prisoners who have been guilty of contumacy or
have not come in on the severall citations ; and Mr. Secretarie
Boye writs to him to make examination of these guilty in
the tumult at Elgin, and to the Earle of Leven to remove
the guards from the city of Edinburgh if it be desired.

Tue Eart or Mar to Sin Davip NAIRNE.

1708, July 8. Edinburgh.—To-night about seven a clock your
pacquet arrived with the agreeable and glorious news which
gave us a great deale of pleasure. I sent immediatly for the
provost and communicated yours to him, and he ordered the
bells to be rung, and my Lord Leven three rounds of the guns
from the Castle: so that was the first way that the toun knew
the news, which was a very agreeable surprise to all honest
men. We will long for the particulars, and I hope every post
will bring us now some further good news. Copy.

THe Earn or Mar to the Haru or LEVEN.

1708, July 15. Darlington.—I was very sorrie I did not see
Auchterhouse when at Edinburgh, for I hear that he sayes the
Earl of Sun— d told him that it was your Lordship who
informed of the prisoners from Scotland, and that I gave in the
list of them to be brought up. If this be true his Lordship

“has sail’d pritty near the wind, and had he gone on step further
it had been a downright falshood. J shou’d be mighty glad to
know certainly how Auchterhouse tels this storie, for it wou’d
be of great use both to your Lordship and me; so I beg you
may on way or other find it out, which I believe will be no
hard matter, for I’m told he makes no secret of it. I’m apt
to believe the story because the substance of it is something
like the truth, tho’ told with a malicious false turn. Your
Lordship kKnowes you was ordered with some others to give
account of the circumstances of the prisoners. In that account
your Lordship referred to us at London to give ane account
of those who had applyed to us, so I being in waiting was
ordered to draw out ane account of the circumstances and
conditions of them all in order to respitt their comming up.
This I did as favourably as I cou’d, and upon it, as your Lordship
knowes, I was ordered by the Queen to write to your Lordship
to respitt the sending of them all except a few of Highland
chieftans. The first sett being sent off long before this it was
thought by the Councill that they cou’d not be stopt, else I
believe most of them had been respitted too. As ill lucke
would have it ‘twas long befor a Councill cou’d be gott to lay
this matter before them, tho’ I and the Queen’s other Scots
servants endeavoured it all we cou’d; and after the respitting
orders were given I sent them immediatly by a flying packet,

 
461

but notwithstanding they came too late, for which I was very
sorrie. But as soon as I knew that the prisoners were sent
off before these orders arrived at Edinburgh I wrote back to
London (being then on the road) begging that they might yet
be stopt; and when I found that was not like to be done, I
and severall others of the Queen’s Scots servants wrote earnestly
that they might not be brought into London with guards nor
putt up in prisons, and that the Queen wou’d be pleased to
admitt them to baile. All which they know was very soon
comply’d with. This being the true and literal matter of fact,
let any body consider whither or not that aspersion so
maliciously throwen upon us of our being the cause of bringing
up the prisoners be true. It is hard that when we were doing
all we cou’d to gett them respited that they shou’d believe
us the authors of their comming up, on storries told by halves
by people to excuse themselves. Copy.

Sir Davip Narrne to the EArt oF Mar.

1708, July 17. Windsor.—Yeasterday the Queen signed the
Earle of Glasgow’s commission for the Register’s Office, but
with the old sallary of £444 16s. 8d. I told her Majesty that
considering the want of Parliaments the place was of much less
value than formerly, and besides they who lad were often
judges or had other imployments, soe that I hopt her Majesty
would consider it. My Lord Treasurer sayes the augmentation
of sallarys will certainly make a greater noise than any thing
else, so he was against any augmentation in that cace. Mr.
Carstairs, Mr. Stirling, and Mr. Bailie were to congratulat
the Queen this day on the late victory and to desire a day of
publick thanksgiving may be appointed. The Queen agrees
to it, and the morrow it is to be adjusted in Councill. I had
your Lordship’s of the 11th from Dunbarr.

Lorp GRANGE to his brother, the KARL or Mar.

1708, August 3. Edinburgh.—A very undecent thing then
happened amongst us which makes a great outcry here and
probably will do at London, and therefor I shall give you a
faithfull account of it. Several points of Sir Patrick’s cause
were to be advised, and particularly a bill of Sir Patrick’s re-
claiming against a former interloquitor and Sir Robert’s answers
to that bill. In these answers there were some harsh
expressions of which some of the lords took notice and desired
that the answers might be reformed before we proceeded to
advise, and the Advocat (it was Sir David Dallrymple) who
drew them censured. This last was not so much insisted on;
but the first was contended for with great heat, and instances
of the practice of the Bench in like cases urged on both sides.
I have seen the Bench superceed advising the cause till such
expressions were rectifyed, when the cause might admit of a
462

delay without hurt to the partys or the publick ; but if the cause
seemed to call for a speedy decision, especially about the end
of a session, I have seen the Bench proceed to the cause
immediately, notwithstanding of undecent expressions in any
paper, which they might afterwards censure as they thought
fit. When those who were for rectyfying Sir Robert's answers,
before advising the cause, saw that the plurality of the lords
seemed to differ from them, and therefor that they would be
overruled, severals of them got up from the Bench in passion ;
and when the President and others begged them to considder
the gravity and decency required of judges in such a court,
all the answer they made was that they knew no law oblidging
them to meet in the afternon at all, nor to sit any longer than
they pleased when they did meet at such a time; and so away
they went. I need not trouble you with saying anything as
to this answer, which was as weak as their carlage was
unseemly. There remained a quorum still, and they en-
deavoured to take as litle notice as possible of their brethren’s
withdrawing and so would have gently passt it over, and were
going to proceed to business; but then Forglan thought fit to
rise, and tho’ the President and others begged him not to
break the quorum, and urged that so strange a thing had never
been done in this court, which hitherto had been allways in
reputation, yet away he flung allso. The cariage of those who
went off first was certainly very bad, but to break the quorum
was indeed a note above Ela. Next forenoon the same debate
was resumed, and tho’ my Lord Fountainhall and I were
appointed to revise the papers complained of and to score out
the harsh expressions, and tho’ the Dean of Faculty and
Advocats were solemnly called in to the Inner House and
certifyed how much the Bench was offended at such expressions
and warned to be more cautious for the future under all highest
pain, yet it was still urged that the advising of the cause might
be delayed ; but a vote at length ended this debate, which had
been manadged so litle for the honor of the Bench. It is
certain that some of the lords who rose are far supperior to
me and to others who sat still likewise, but in this particular
they failed grossly. JI am extreamly aflicted that so unbe-
comeing a thing happened for the sake of the Bench and
likewise for my own sake, for common fame is not so just as
to blame only those who occasioned it; ’tis probable the cry
will be against us all as a parcell of hot factious fellows who
determine causes more by humor and picque than by law and
equity, which is very hard upon them who were not guilty.

THE Eart oF Mar to the Lorp PRESIDENT OF THE COURT
OF SESSION.

1708, August 25. Whitehall.—He has presented the letters
from the Lords of Sessions to the Queen and Lord Treasurer.
She will certainly make good to them what she has promised.
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The Lord Treasurer says it is controverted whether or not the
appropriation of the revenue by the Union altered the right
of the Lords of Session, so that until they sued for what was
due to them and obtained a sentence in their favour, he did
not see how he could give order for paying it. They will thus
know what to do in respect of this and also of arrears.

THE Earu of Mar to the DUKE OF ARGYLE.

1708, September 13. Tittenhanger. My Lord: I hope this
will find your Grace well after your glorious seige, the success
of which we long to hear of. J would have given you an account
of our campaigne in Scotland had I not knowen that my Lord
Islay wou'd doe it and much better than I cou’d. It appears
not to be yett quyt over, for some lords are to apply to the
House to have the election examined, so we are like to have
a committy of contraverted elections, a very new thing in the
House of Lords.

I wish this contraversie were less incouradged, for the
consequences of such things may one time or other prove very
bad. TI shall always beleive untill I see the contrairie that
the House of Lords will judge impartiallie, and then reallie
T think our election will stand good notwithstanding of all the
noice thats made about it. It were to be wisht if possible
that all this cou’d be prevented in time comeing ; it is indeed
the greatest fla in the Union, tho’ it cou’d not be done other-
ways at that time, and I'm affraid there will be more deficultys
in rectifying it than some people are aware of, considering the
disposition some people are now in. I can give your Grace
very litle news from this side, for things seem to stand much
as you left them, tho’ before the Parliament perhaps they may
take another shape. But goe as they will I hope your Grace
and those you formerly allowed your friendship (of whom
I’m proud to reckon myself one) will always be of a peice
together.

Since I cam to England I was desired by some of your uncle
James’s friends to speak in his favours to the Queen and
Treasurer of that affair your Grace spoke of to me Jast winter.
The Duke of Queensberry and I did it with all the earnestness
we cou’d, but the Queen wou’d not promise a remmission
to him, but said she thought he shou’d be advertised that
depending on it he might not come into England where he
wou’d not be safe; and this I told his friend who spoke to
me. When I spoke to the Treasurer he said the Queen wou’'d
not he knew promise to pardon him, but when the Parliament
mett they wou'd see he was one of their members, and upon
that wou’d doe what they judged fitt in that affair; and he
thought your Grace ought to be advertised of this in time
that you might know how to apply and actin it. So I thought
it my duety to lett your Grace know what had past in that
affair. I shall be very glade if ever it be in my power to be
464

of any use or service to your Grace or any of your friends,
and I hope when anything of that kind offers you will lay
your commands upon me.

LIEUTENANT Witi1aM Noppine to the EARL oF Mar.

1708, September 20. From the camp before Lille—My
Lord: Though I know your Lordship hath better information
of the seige of Lille than I can give, yet know it my duty to
give your Lordship the best account I can, especially when I
have the honour of your Lordship’s commands so to dow. I
shall not pretend to give yow pertickler detaile of the dis-
positions in order to beseige this plaice or the difficulty we have
had to get upon our amonishons, or what different attacts on
chapels, windmilns, counterscarp and other outworks being
thear, are not unknown to your Lordship; with the enimyes
windings and turnings, marches and countermarches if posable
to raise the seige, shall only acquant your Lordship how
matters now stand. Hitherto it hath been a very bloody seige.
The loss hath been very heavy on our regiment, haveing
allready kild Lieut. Collonell Sharp, Lieutenant Stueard,
Lieutenant Cambell; wounded Captains Montersoer, Fairely,
and Monroe, as is two lieutenants; kild and wounded one
hundred and thirty, besides our company of granadeers intierly
shattered, haveing seaventeen kild and twenty-two wounded
of them allrady. I had forgot Collonell Lalo wounded in the
hand, and Lieutenant Weames dangerusly in the head. We
are now in posestion of all the counterscarp tho’ with the loss
of much blood, it haveing stud three several attactes ; likewise
of a double tenail which covered the flank of the bastion, which
was on the left or de Mayes attacque. Thear are two good
breaches maid on the Corp de la place. Our ingeneers are
busied in blowing up some part of the covered way and breaking
down an entry to the fussie to facilitat matters for making
bridges towards the breaches, which the enimy as tis said
have dexterusly underminded and fortified not only behind but
likewise have laid a vast pille of dry wood and other com-
bustibles behind the breach to set fier to when they can defend
it no longer. Its said they will stand a grand attacqe upon the
breach, which we cannot undertake til wee be masters of
Aravlen and Hornwork, which is stil in there possession and in
our way to the breach. Thear outeworks are so large and
numerus that whatever way we make our aproches, notwith-
standing of all our boyous blinds and angles, we are alwayes
flanked and our men very often kild both with small and cannon
shot in the very bottom of the trench. The enimy haveing
a very strong garrisson and defends vigerously hitherto have
disputed inch be inch. Stil thear is a great dale to doe;
however our generals if posable are designed to have it, cost
what it will. Its generally beleved our ingeneers have been
very much mistaken. We have just now got up six hundred
waggons with ammanition from Ostend escorted by 12
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battalions and 8 squadrons under the command of G[eneral]
Weeb and Cadogan. The Duke of Berwick with 22 battalions
and 20 squadrons, some say 80, tooke a pass wheare they was
to goe and lined the hedges on both sides; being alaine three
regiments beet them from the hedges into a plaine whear the
Duke had drawed up, and thear attaqued them near Tuafin.
After two rounds of 9-peec of cannon he marched up to Weeb
who had maid front towards him, haveing closs ground on
right and left, he received the enimyes first fire at a con-
siderable distance, and after both parties withoute mixing
keept a regular fire for an hour the enimye was beat back.
As our men advanced the enimyes horss charged them, but was
beat back allso, most of them kild or taken prisoners ; amongst
the last was three colnels. Wee tooke 6-pice of cannon. All
our waggons js come safe up; and wee stil keep possession of
the pass of Tan. which secures our communication with
Ostend. On the 17th in the morning at one a clock the same
day they attempted breaking through the German camp into
the town with 10 sauadrons and one thousand foot upon boors
horsies, with sack of pouder onder each of them. The advanced
squadrons being two or three forced thear way through. As the
rest came up with the pouder, some horssies garding them,
by this thear was an alarm; some regiments nearist gott to
armes and came so closs up on them that with fireing so nigh
the pouder blew up and maid the most miserable masacre
amongst them that ever was seen. the most of them being
blown up, hors and man kild or taken: the horss in the reer
maid thear escape, so that only two or thre squadrons that
came up first got into the town, but no amunition, which is
hardly sufficient to balance the discovery maid by this attemnt.
Some are of oninion that if wee were masters of the Raveline
and Hornwork. and advanced our batteres to bear on the
plasse, they will capitalat: what the event may be I cannot
determin, only this T am ashuered of. it will cost us dear if
we gett the town. Its generally beleived we have lost more
-men then hath ben lost in the whole army since Hogsted. If
we can give any credit to deserters, they have likewise a con-
siderable loss.

Tre Earu or Starr to the EARL oF Mar.

1708. October 15 (N.S.). Camp at Rousselaer.—My dear
Lord: Our affairs have been in so incertain or in so melancholy
a way of late that I han’t had spirit enough to write to you.
T profit of a litle good humour wee have from the hopes of
at last making a good end of the campagne to entertain your
Lordship on a Sunday morning. JI shan’t trouble you with
the begining of our siege of Lille and how wee came to be so
much disapointed in our calculation of the time and necessarys
for taking it, nor of the great difficultys wee have had in
bringing so many and so great convoys of amunition, and of
furnishing bread to so great an army in an enemy’s country
cut off from our own, difficultys great enough to make some

lp
466

people more than once think of quitting the enterprise. If
you will joyn to these circumstances the great numbers of
men wee lost and the litle progress wee made at the siege,
you will be pretty near able to imagine the uneasinesse of
our situation here being laid out from our own country. Our
generalls especially could not be very quiett who knew all
these things better than wee. If they find remedys for every-
thing and bring us happily out of so ticklish an affair, wee
are obliged to praise their firmnesse that supported them in
so very great difficultys and their adresse that brought us out
of them. The circumstances of our affairs seem to give us a
pretty good prospect of success, but shews us the end of the
campagne at such a distance that I cannot very well tell
whether I see it or no. I'll tell you how wee stand.

Before Lille wee have batterys upon the counterscarpe that
beat a new breach, behind which the French wont have time
to play all the tricks they had played behind«which wee wisely
made seven or eight weeks agoe. Our ingeniers tell us again the
19th wee shall have the town. If they don’t keep their words I
am for sending them to our friend the Emperor of Maricco
for carrying on his siege of Ceuta. As to ammunition wee
have enough for the town. You know how the last convoy
arrived with the circumstance of the battle of Wynendale.
Wee want another for the cittadelle and for furnishing our
places on this side. Monsieur de Vendosme declared wee
should have no more, and because Monsieur de la Mosshe had
not managed matters to his mind, he came to Bruges to take
care of them himself. He cutt all the dyks and putt the whole
country under water, and to be more sure he campt his army
on this side the canal of Bruges before Audenburg and began
to intrench. But my Lord Marlborough, who knew the con-
sequence of having another convoy arriving in his neighbour-
hood sooner than he expected, he repassed the canal with
great precipitation. Wee marched this day seven night from our
camp by Menin. Upon Monsieur Vendosmes retiring my
Lord Marlborough returned to this camp of Rousselaer, which
is within distance of supporting Prince Eugene if any attempt
should be made against him. In the meantime our detach-
ments stretch so as to cover the way from Ostende, whence wee
are now receiving what we want by waggons and boats,
waggons being the convoy on this side Leffingen, a post wee
have fortified upon the canal; there the innundation forces
us to put it into boats, which carry it where the waggons from
our army take it up. This is troublesome, but it will doe.
Wee are in a country abundant in forrage, where wee can with
great ease subsist all this month and cover our waggons, which
may be bringing ammunition every day. When wee have once
made a sufficient stock of ammunition the cittadelle cannot
give us great trouble. The garrison cannot be considerable,
the ammunition of its magazin is now wasting in defence of
the town, and their arms are extremely much spoiled; beside
the circumvallation comes to be very short between the high
167

deuille and the low deuille, and the French must needs come
back into their own country before they can pretend to disturb
the siege. For the matter of forrage the French have subsisted
since the battle of Hudenaerde behind the canal and upon
the Scheldt. Forrage of necessity must be very scarce in their
camp alreadie. Their cavallerie is now in very ill condition.
Wee have now forrage in this camp for a month if wee have
a mind to stay so long; after that wee have convenient
subsistance for two months at Armentien along the Lys, where
there has not been one trust made this war; a most excellent
country and all the ennemy’s. The town of Lille will furnish
us a thousand things wee want now, such [as] wine, brandy,
salt, ete., so your Lordship may imagine which army is like
to suffer most before Christmass, we or the French without
cloaths, money, or forrage. I desire you may not be scandalized
at the word Christmass you may meet with somewhere above ;
I doe by no means expect the honour of seeing your Lordship
before that time. Is not the war a good trade? Now there
remains I think to say a word of Bruges and Ghent. In
my humble opinion the French may keep ’em this winter,
considering when wee are like to have done with Lille, but
they will find it a very hard matter to make two such great
towns subsist without any assistance of any maner of thing
from without, in a country has been entirely eaten up.

Upon the whole matter I think wee shall be in condition
to take Lille and the cittadelle if the water dos not hinder
che rest of our ammunition to arrive, which I hope and believe
it wont. In that case, and indeed in case wee have the town
cnly, wee can subsist here, cavalry and infantery, till Christ-
mass ; long before that time the French will have found their
project of shutting us up behind the Scheldt and the canall
chimericall. How longer they persist in it, how much better
it will be for us.

So much for our situation. If it should happen to be worse
than I think it, I fancy affairs with you would have a very
muddy look. I supose the Queen delays the meeting of the
Parliament in hopes of having some good news to tell them
at their coming together. I believe there are great men that
equally dread having them too good or too bad; they’de have
"em so good as to bee free from the aprehension of ruine,
so bad as my Lord Marlborough may need their protection
and the Queen mayn’t be able to think of standing on her
own legs. How far they have prevailled of the ill way wee
have been in you will know better than I. I should be very
glad to hear. Their known industry dos not give one leave
to doubt of their making the most of such an oportunity. If
a treaty’s concluded with them, our friends have no favour
to expect in either of the Houses. a a

Teusday 17.—Wee have done nothing at the siege since
Saterday, so our batterys will not yet play for the new breach
in a day or two. This retardment comes ill at this time of
the year. Wee shall keep our communication with Ostende.
468

Lieutenant WitttamM Noppinc to the Earn oF Mar.

1708, October 14 (O.8,). Before Lille.—After our new
batteries was finished they began to play on the tenth in order
to make a new breach. They played with good success untill
three in the afternoon, the Gress being part of them laid
the night before, the galleries maid, and the fussie flooded.
At half an hour after three the same day, they beat a shamad
and planted a stand of collurs on the top of the breach profering
to surrender on tearms. Accordingly hostages were delivered
on both sides. There was a cessation of armes agreed on for
therty hours before the terms could be agreed on, during which
time the enemy and we were good friends. They brought
oute good burgundie, and we drunk, carrest, and gassconadid
each other by turns. Next night we got possition of one of
the ports of city, and the capittelation signed by Prince Eugine
and Marishall Boufflers. Our regiment was in the trenches
at that time, and our Collonell was one of the hostages. I
have not seen the articles of the capitellation, but are in
substance that the horss which gott in since the town was
invested, are to march out this day aleven aclock with all
the marks of honour; all that was in the town before are to
coe in to the Sittedell as is Marishall Boufflers. As soon as
time will permit, I shall dow myselfe the honour to give your
Lordship a more perfect account.

Tur Hart or Starr to the Hart oF Mar.

1708, October 24 (N.8.). Camp at Rousselaer. My dear
Lord : At last wee are masters of this troublesome town of Lille.
I shan’t trouble you with the terms of the capitulation. As
soon as ever the siege ended it begun to rain; I hope it will
erow fair again by the time wee begin to the cittadelle, which
can not make a vigorous resistance considering how much the
troops have been fatigued and how many things they want.
The danger of leaving the French in possession of Ghent and
Bruges, with Oudenaerde between those places and Tournay.
is so very great that I believe wee shall hardly think of
seperating our army, but indeavour to make ’em all subsist
cantonn’d in this country, at least so very long till it be
impossible for the French to undertake anything. This is by
much the oddest situation ever was in war ; but I hope wee shall
get out of it at the rate of a good peace. There is no manner
of doubt the French will bring all the troops they have in
the world hither this winter or in the spring very early, in
hopes to be able to take Hudenaerde before wee can gett into
the field. There is one thing to be done which I dare swear
would procure us carte blanche immediatly, and that is if the
States would propose to the Queen to make an augmentation
in this country next year of twenty thousand men; the very
proposall would break the heart of the French. They know
the troops are readie, and they are persuaded wee can find
469

the money when wee have a mind to’t. I have reason to
believe my Lord Marlborough will propose the thing to the
States. I wish they may give in to it.

eee OE
,

Tue Earu or Mar to his brother, orp GRANGE.

1708, October 28. Whitehall.—I’m sorie to have to tel you
that this day betwixt one and two the good Prince died after
some dayes illness. He had his astma, a spitting of blood,
a lethragie, an hidropsie, and something of a palsie. He was
a very good man, and dies at an unluckie juncture; but God’s
will must be done. The Queen, who was the most loveing
wife in the world, is, blist be God, in as good health as can be
expected of one in her condition. She came from Kensingtone
to St. James about two hours after he died. This is so latly
happened that I can tel you little of what will happen upon
it, but you shall hear from me e’er long.

THe Earu oF BInpon to the KARL or Mar.

1708, November 10.—The solemnity of the interrment of
his royall highness, Prince George of Denmark, being to be
performed (pursuant to the resolution of the Lords of her
Majesty’s Privy Council) with great respect and decency, your
Lordship is desired to be one of the supporters of the pall on
this occation, and to meet at the House of Peers at Westminster
on Saturday, the thirteenth instant, at the hour of six in the
evening, and your Lordship is desired to send notice whether
you can be there or no.

Lorp GRANGE to the Karu or Mar.

1708, November 18. Edinburgh.—I have often endeavoured
to meet with Cromertie to get his polliticks from him, but have
allways misst him. The President told me yesterday that he
heard (and Cromertie was his author) the Treasurer had made
up a friendship with the Whig lords and the Squadrone, but
had left the Duke of Queensberry and his old friends out of
the capitulation; and this storry he says is founded on a letter
of the Duke of Hamilton’s to some of his correspondents here.
People here begin to believe something of this sort, and the
story of Pencaitland being named to the bench confirms them
in their oppinion.

Lorp Grance to his brother, the EARL oF Mar.

1708, November 20. Edinburgh.—TI have not yet seen the
journals of the Northern and Southern Circuits, but as to the
Western I shall trouble you with the following account of it
and our way of manadging it. Since we wanted a purser
appointed by the Government, who ought to have manadged
our lodgings, table, etc., and these requiring a person who
470

has skill of such matters which we ourselves have not, we
took with us Robert Innes (who was once Earl Panmure’s
master hushold) to order all these matters; and we had allso
a coock from this town, that our table might be in tollerable
order, since persons of the best quality were sometimes to be
at it. I believe the judges of the other districts did not do
this, but it seems they understood these sort of affairs better
than we do; and beside we thought that to order all these
matters ourselves would be a horrid trouble, and too great a
diversion from our business. At our table we had generally
18 or 20 persons, and endeavoured to have all the people of
note attending the circuit to dine with us by turns. We had
but one set meal in the day, and never gave a botle of wine
nor no entertainment to anybody but at that meal, and en-
deavoured to have things in that order and to manadge so
as that the solemnity of these courts according to the ancient
custom of Scotland might be keept up, and that nothing
might be done unbecoming the sobriety and moderation of
judges going on such ane errand. Tho’ we were laying out
our own mony, yet we resolved to do evry thing as hand-
somly as we could have desired the Queen’s purser to do had
he been along with us. When at Glasgow we dined one day
with the Duke of* Montrose and aneother with Lord Pollock,
and when at Stirline we dined once with your mother in the
Castle, and all the rest of the days had our own table.

My Lord Minto desired to carry with him his son and two
or three friends more, and so I likewise took with me Sir
James Dumbar and Mr. Ch. Erskine, Earl Buchan’s brother ;
and since there was a table to be keept, these gentlemen could
not burthen us much. Our expence is indeed greater than any
of the rest, but we were both longer out than any of them,
and by what I can learn we lived more constantly at the rate
I have told you than they did. We have not charged a
sixpence to the Government but what we have in write and
instructions for evry article that requires instruction ; all which
we showed to the Advocat before we were reimbursed by him
of the mony we layd out. As to the pomp and fanfaro (which
I confess I thought a farce), when we went to the court and
returned from it, we went in our gowns, the macer and
trumpetters bareheaded before us, and before them the Sherief
Deputes of the several shires answering to that district, but
these gentlemen were covered, and before them went the
magistrats of the town attended by their own town officers
in ther usual fashion. And in the same manner we went to
the church, which offended some of the Cameronians of Glasgow
a litle, but the ministers and good honest Presbyterians were
not offended at it. This they say was the former custom and
method at circuits, which we thought was to be our rule. It
was allso the custom to open the circuit by hearing a sermon,
which we observed at Stirline; but at Glasgow the court
happening to begin on Munday, and we having been at church
on the Sunday before, thought it needless to have aneother
471

preaching on Munday morning. As to the attendance of the
heritors and freeholders we observed the law and the Queen’s
proclamation exactly, and I think they attended pretty
punctually, and yet we have fined (to the best of my informa-
tion) as few if not fewer than any of the other two circuits,
tho’ we appeared far more strict and severe than they; but
that occasion’d the less need of fyning. After our last sederunt
at Stirlline, I went that same day to Alloa with Lord Minto
‘who was desireous to see it) and three or four more gentlemen,
where G. Erskine provided such a dinner as was proper in
absence of the master of the house. We returned that same
day, and next morning Minto, accompany’d as the proclama-
tion requires, went for Edinburgh; I having some business
at Stirline which detained me there two days longer. This
attendance and convoy, as the heritors call it a burthen on them,
so I’m sure it is a horrid burthen on the judges; but since the
standing law requires it we must submit to it, for as the law
ought to be evry man’s rule so certainly it must be the rule
to Judges, whether pleasant to them or unpleasant. It seems
that some foolish person had made Earl Dallhousie believe that
the Sherief and freeholders of Midlothian were not obliged to
receive the justices at their entrance into that shire, nor to
convoy them through it to Edinburgh, because the proclama-
tion, say they, only requires that they be convoyed into the
shire of Edinburgh. But this is a manifest mistake, as you
may see by reading the proclamation, which requires them to
be so conducted to the citty of Edinburgh. When Dalhousie
and these freeholders met Minto, he told Minto in a kind of
speech that these gentlemen came not to wait on him but
upon his Lordship of Dallhousie as the Queen’s hevtenant
(why he calls himself so I don’t comprehend) in that shire,
and that he himself came to meet Minto out of pure civility
and not out of duty. Minto answered that he was very
indifferent of their attendance, but they behooved to understand
that what they did on this occasion was not done to him
personally, but to one of the Queen’s justices; that he knew
the law and that proclamation as well as any of them did,
and as evry subject must answer conform to the law for what
he does, so Earl Dallhousie and any who would join him
might do as they would be answerable. When they came
to Edinburgh, Dallhouse askt him where he would alight from
his horse. At the stabler’s, answered Minto, where I use.
No, says Dallhousie, it was the custom for the gentlemen of
this shire to conduct the justices either to their own lodgings
or to the criminal court house. But, said Minto, I don’t
desire to make such a bustle and raree show on the street,
and how come you to desire it since you said that these gentle-
men are not obliged to attend me at all? Why then, answered
Dallhousie, if you will not go with us we will go without you,
and take instruments that we were there and that you refused
to go along. Nay, said Munto, I'll never break your heart
for that since you are so positive; Ill go to my own lodgings.
472

And so they rode all together up the Westbow and down the
High Street to Mill’s Square, where Minto’s house is, where
he alighted and at his own stairfoot made them a bow and
left them. Some people cry out against Minto for making
such a parade through the street, and for leaving the gentlemen
so abruptly at his stairfoot. But the riding through the street
was evidently against his inclination, and since these gentlemen
had carry’d so strangely to him, I think they deserved no greater
civility from him at parting. The other justices were not
convoyed into Edinburgh, for the Justice Clerck and (I believe)
Tilliecultry landed at Ormeston, Enstruther went home, and
Cromerty when he came over the water was within a. mile of
Edinburgh, and I behooved to remain two days at Stirline.
As to what our manner differed from the other justices I shall
only say that I don’t question but they had reason for what
they did, and for our parts we made the law and the custom
of former circuits our rule, which I hope we have observed.
Our expence is indeed the greatest, for which I could give
you particular reasons, and I beleive the bare comparing our
particular accompts would give sufficient reasons for it. And
in the general I think no man will believe Lord Minto and
I so fond of spending our money that we would have done
anything we thought extravagant, since these extravagancys
were payed for out of our own pockets; and tho’ we doubted
not but we would be reimbursed at length, yet we had not
much reason to expect that we would be reimbursed very soon,
and therefor none can suppose but we would have spared
our mony as much as we thought could be handsomely done,
since we thought it probable that we would ly out of it a good
time. Our circuit at Glasgow was allmost over before we
heard that any mony was comd down for us, and it can not
be said that we altered our way of living on this news. As
to the peers sitting on the bench with us covered, you know
that I never had any scruple as to that and other priviledges
of the peers, which yet some of the lords of Session demur’d
about, as you allso know very well. Lord Minto and I thought
that it would be best for us (if we could get it brought about
handsomly) not to begin the practice of a thing which was
scrupled by the Society we belong to; and this very reason
we gave to the Duke of Montrose and all the other peers
whom we saw at Glasgow or Stirline, who were all well
satisfy’d with it. And therefor in place of coming to the
court they sent their excuses, which we admitted of; so that
none of them came to demand their priviledge, being satisfyed
of our respect for them. And in this I hope we shall not be
found blameworthy. I wish the peers would now make a
declaration of the nature and extent of these priviledges which
have been so often debated among us, and which I’m perswaded
any of the Session who scruple about them do it not out of
the least want of respect or honour for the peers, but purely
because they want to be better informed; tho’ perhaps some
people may make a handle of this to complain upon these lords.
473

As to that article of the accompt sent up by Lord Advocat
concerning our equipages, we did indeed mention it in our
memorials, and it seems to be the custom to give allowances
on that account to those who must provide themselves for the
Queen’s service. And tho’ it is most certain that I would have
no use for so many horses and servants, etc., were it not for
the circuit, and that the maintenance of them is a constant
burthen upon me, yet I confess I never had great hopes of
geting anything on that account, tho’ I think it reasonable
enough that I should. And if I do not, yet the things still
remain, tho’ useless enough to me were it not for the circuit.
I know that the most part of the other lords accompts are less
than mine too, and no wonder, for they have been better
provided formerly than I was, and we resolved to set down
nothing but what we had got for these occasions expressly.
I had seven horses, and I don’t see how I can ever have fewer,
yet I only set down five of them. I was very ill provided in
horse furniture, and furniture for baggage horses, etc.; I had
likewise new liverys to make for footman and grooms, and
I behooved to have them now; nor have I endeavoured after
finerys (which I believe you know was never my inclination),
but just to have my things in good plain order. And after all
I have layed out more mony than I have stated in that accompt.
If the Government think fit to give us any thing on this score,
good and well it is; but if not there’s no help, and the want
of it will not much vex me.

As to our proceedings in judgement I shall say litle or
nothing. We must answer to God Allmighty for all we do
of that kind. And if any body desires to be satisfyed about
them he needs but peruse our journal books, where all the
tryalls and cases that were before us were set down and signed
with as much exactness as is observed in the justice court at
Edinburgh, which was never done so exactly at any former
circuit of which I have seen the journals or have heard of.
I believe the countrys in which we were are pretty much
perswaded that if the circuits be continued among them in
such manner as we began them, there is litle fear but peace
and good order will be maintained among them and a
due observance of the law, in spite of the most obstinat and
presumptuous offender. The Duke of Montrose I hear was
very well satisfy’d with our procedure, and I hope he will still
do us justice.

I am sensible that our circuit may be made still more
advantageous to the lieges, and we are resolved to send up
the heads of such an Act as we wish may be made concerning
them this Parliament, and this will be concerted by the justices
and Lord Advocat, particularly as to the manner of taking
up dittay and bringing deliquents to tryall, and as to the
attendance of the freeholders. My letter is very long, but I
had many things to write of, and therefore I hope you will

pardon it.
d74

James Ersxing (Lorp Grance) to his brother, the Earn
or Mar.

1708, November 23. Edinburgh.—Explaining at length the
reasons why the judges dismissed the case against the Stirling-
shire gentlemen who were being tried for treason. He shows
the mismanagement of the prosecution by the Lord Advocat,
‘‘ who flew out in a most violent passion ’’ upon hearing their
interloquitor, and threatened the judges with her Majesty’s
displeasure. He hopes her Majesty will punish the Advocat
for his insolence.

JoHN Lauper (Lorp FoUuNTAINHALL) to the EARL or Mar.

1708, November. Edinburgh.—I’m heartily sorry to be put
on the necessity of renewing my former suit and giving your
Lordship this farther trouble of procuring my dismission to
be accepted. I know her gracious Majesties demurring arose
from what your Lordship was pleased to say far beyond my
deservings, which I oune hes laid new obligations on me; and
what ever I be I hope never to sink so low as to fall into that
base mean vice of ingratitude. I remember good Queen
Elisabeth in a letter to the French King makes it on of the
steps to the sin against the Holy Ghost; and morall philosophy
calls it the seed plot of all villany, sit ingratum, tunc omnia.
Your Lordship may easily beleeve nothing could make me
quite a post with so much honor, significancy and influence,
but ane utter impossibility of discharging that part of it relating
to the circuit courts. J make no doubt but your Lordship and
others at the helme will sie it filled with a sufficient person,
to the contentment of your native country.

THE Eart or Mar to his brother, the JUSTICE CLERK.

1708, November 30. Whitehall.—I had yours last post of
the 23rd, giveing an account of the tryall of the five prissoners.
I’m very glade you wrote me a full account of that affair, for
tho’ the Advocat did not directly accuse the judges for what
they did, yet he sent a memoriall here to my Lord Sunderland
and a copie to me, wherein he endeavours to lay the blaim of
the tryall’s miscarying upon the judges. Upon this I found
it necessary to show your letter; and had 1 not done it, ’tis
pritty probable that the Advocat had been put in the right and
the judges in the wrong. But when I showed your letter I
told it was only wrote for my own information and not with
a designe to be showen (so it is not to be taken notice of), but
that had the judges knowen of the Advocat’s information or
thought that it wou'd had weight here, they had certainly
sent a joint information of the affair for their own vindication.
My Lord Treasurer told me to-night that the whole process
was ordred to be printed. I fancied by this that it was to
be printed with you; but I have since a letter from my Lord
475

Sunderland teling me that all he’s to wryt to the Advocat
to-night is to send up the whole tryall here with every
particulare that past at it, that the Queen may the better judge
when she has the whole before her; so by this I fancie it is
to be printed here, but you’ll know the certainly of this with
you. The whole designe of this process was for exhoneration,
for the Advocat gave an account here before the process was
raised that he cou’d not prove it, so that it was better not to
comence it ; but people here of the Cabinet thought otherwayes,
and that the Government was obliged to insist in it whatever
the event shou’d be, so that now people here are more surprized
that it should have been thought possible to make anything
of it than that it has failed. But the designe with you has
been certainly to lay the blaim upon the judges, and for
others to ingraciat themselves by being thought zelous. Ther’s
scill in groule makeing is an old saying, but I fancie the judges
will not suffer themselves to be made the dups; and since they
did nothing but what they ought in law, they will show the
Queen and publicke that the failor lay not at their door. I
belive everybody is glade that nothing treasonable is made
appear against those gentelmen; yet tis hard that the judges
shou’d be made the cause of it when at the same time it is
endeavoured to be showen as that the gentelmen were guilty.
I’m affraid that by only printing the process, the judges reasons
for susteaning the pannels objections to those two wittnesses
will not be sufficiently seen; therfore I fancie they will think
it fitt to send up here a joint memoriall of the whole affair
that the saidle may be laid on the right horse, fall where it
will, or otherwayes that their reasons may be insert fully in
the process. If there be a memoriall sent it ought to be to
my Lord Sunderland or Mr. Boyll, but rather to the first
because the Advocat sent his memoriall to him, and he wrote
the orders for the tryall. I shall be glade of a copie of it too.
When I spoke to the Queen of this affair to-night, she said
that she wou’d been glade to have knowen Cromerties oppinion
in it, so you had best endeavour to make him join with you
in your memoriall if you make any.

We were told here that the Advocat acted all along in this
affair in conjunction with a certain person of your bench, and
that persons friends here are not at all surprized with the
failor of the tryall, but seem to winder at the judges. I need
say no more of all this for ’tis easie to be understood, but will
end with the saying they tel us of the gost to Midleton—
Gramashes above and galashes below, its a winder to see how
this world does goe.

Lorp GRANGE to the Karu or Mar.

1708, December 4. Edinburgh.—I received your letter of
the 27th of the last month. I’m very glad to hear that the
peers are not like to drive so furiously as was given out here
they would, and that you are like to keep your feet still in
spite of Squadronte. Sir W. Bruce (who is still runing about
476

to propogat your interrest) told me that a friend of his, who
is intimat with Dr. Dundass, told him he had seen a letter to
the Doctor from London, written by Mr. Cockburn as he
judged, but certainly by a Squadrone Parliament man, who
writes that he is now quite weary of the polliticks, and that
he resolves to leave them seeing there is no faith in mankind,
for their party has forsaken him and his friends and left them
to stand by themselves. Sir William told me likewise that
the D[uke] of H[amilton] has lately written to his friends
(I might justly call them his slaves) desiring Killsyth to be
ready to come up on a call, but absolutely discharging him to
come till he acquaint them that it is a proper season. Upon
this they are all disconcerted, for they thought to have found
that proper season long before now. I wrote to you formerly
that they were to have a meeting on Munday last, but the
Duke of Atholle pretended he was sick, Strathmore and Salton
refused to join with them, and so did the Stirlineshire Jairds,
so there was no meeting ; and now they speak very doubtfully
of their projects. The Duke of Atholle refuses to join with
them (tho’ Kelly said to me he had promised to do it), but
is resolved to send up one of his own choosing to represent
his grievances, and I hear that the Stirlineshire lairds and
some others intend to join with him, for both he and they
disprove the Duke of Hamilton’s measures and will have
nothing to do with them. Strathmore will join neither of
them as I hear.

I din’d this day with the Duke of Atholle, where none
else was except the Earl of Bute. His Grace is full of his
own story, and complains horridly of his house being made a
garrison and he himself keept closs prissoner in it when he
was so sick. He layed much blame on Earl of Leven, whom
both Bute and I endeavoured to vindicat. He certainly hates
the Duke of Hamilton at present, and can not hide it. He
told us all the story how Orkney and Sellkirk endeavoured
to bring him over to that party and how he resisted them,
tho’ he was at that time perswaded that none but they could
procure his liberty ; but he owns now that he owes his liberty
to the Queen’s servants and particularly to you and the Earl
of Glasgow. He told us of his design of sending up one
with his complaint, and seems earnest to know who they were
who caused his trouble. Sir William Bruce tells me he had
a long conversation with Stormont, and that he made him
blush at the measures he had taken. He tells me that this
Vicecount is now resolved to go very quickly to the country,
and to stay there closs till Aprile next. In short those we
call cavaliers here seem to be a set of disconcerted weak people,
and I believe they have not resolution enough to carry on their
designs except they meet with encouragement from above.
All the Stirlineshire lairds have been to seeme. They pretend
respect for you, and will not directly let it ight that they
ever expresst themselves otherways, especially Carden. But
it is hard to know what to think of them. We hear that the
477

Duke of Buckingham spoke in the House of Peers about the
carrying up the Scots prisoners, and Sir P. King in the House
of Commons. Sir William Bruce show’d me a long letter he
got from his nephew Tom about the polliticks, which I need
not trouble you with ane account of. He says he is much
obliged to you and the Earl of Leven, and allso to the Duke
of Queensberry.

Mr. Carstairs thinks that it will not be improper to appoint
a visitation for St. Andrew’s Colledge, providing the visitors
be men who are friendly to the present settlement of our
church, for that University has these several years been full
of factions and divisions. Sim is a poor silly body, tho’ I
do think that Haddo has been much in the wrong to him.
I was surprized to hear he was at London, which I never
knew till you wrote it to me. I believe John Watson must
have been sleeping these two weeks that Mr. D. Erskine and
I have not heard from him, which is still the reason that the
scheme is not sent up.

I long much to know what is said above of the tryall of
the Stirlineshire lairds, and what the Advocat wrote up about
it. I hope Mr. William Dallrymple is in no great danger,
since the determination of his case is put off till so long a
day. They talk here that Sir David Dallrymple is not well
satisfy’d. As to the Lord of Session, some folks with us now
say that neither that vaccancy nor any other that happens is
to be filled up till the Session be reduced to the number of
five or seven. Get it who will, I wish he may be a sufficient
man; and I assure you this nation has great reason to wish
that the vacancy in the Exchequer may be supply’d with a
man of resolution, and one who is well acquainted with the
Scots law and practice. . . . . My Lord Duppline came
here on Thursday or Wednesday last.

THE Kart or Mar to his brother, Lorp GRANGE.

1708, December 7. Whitehall.—The storie was that here
they think the Advocat was hudgly in the wrong and to blaim
for the process miscairying, and they are so taken up with
this that they do not mind his cariadge to the judges. They
think too that the judges are blamable also. That person
who came to speak to me of it said if the Queen did not take
notice of it and do all that was in her power to set that court
on another foot, in time comeing there wou’d be a great
flaime in the Parliament about it and that her Scots servants
and her English too who were their friends wou’d be impacht.
I told him for my shair I was not affraid of those threats,
whatever he was. But says he, you’ll find it so, and what is
proposed to prevent it is to turn out the Advocat immediatly
and to fill up his place; but if that be done to the Advocat
there must be something done as to the judges, which was
to perswad them to demitt upon the Queen’s signifying to
them that it was for her service to have the Court of Justiciary
and Session of different persons, that she wou’d continow the
478

100 lib. those of the Justiciary had more than the other Lordes
of Session, and give £500 to each of the new Lordes of
Justiciary. I did not at that time remember that by an Act
of Parliament the Lordes of Justiciary were to be five Lordes of
Session, so I only argued the improbability of the Lordes of
Justiciary’s demitting at this junctur and that they cou’d not
be forced to do it, and the bad consequences such doings wou’d
have in that parte of the nation at this time. ’Tis too long
to tel you all I argued in this and what I said for vindicating
the judges in what they had done, but he acknowledged what
I said to be true and of weight, but that the consequences of
the Queen’s not doing it was of more difficulties and greater
weight here. In this we differed, so we parted to think better
of it. After this when I came to talk of it with our friends
to whom he had desired me to speak, we remembered the
Act of Farliament, and told him nixt time we saw him, which
was yesterday, by which he saw there was no way of doing
it but by a bill in Parliament, and was sensible of the danger
of doing it so upon more reasons than one. He’s affraid that
it will be brought into Parliament by somebody or other,
but I belive he will not desire it, tho’ ’tis ten to one but it
will arise on the Bill of Treasons which will certainly be
brought in. Upon this stope in the affair, and nothing being
practicable as to the judges by the Queen, he did not think
it fitt to do anything at this time as to the Advocat, so the
whole is over so farr for once. It was the Juncto that frightned
him to all this, and I belive they had a further designe in it
which was to make the Justice Clark president of that new
court and to get five of their own creeturs join’d with him,
and so these they do not like wou’d had some reason to pray
for themselves. This was a fine project for the Queen, for
now when the only Government of Scotland will be in the
Justice Court, this was giveing them the government intearly
in their handes and for life too. There was perhaps another
reason in it also, which was to send Sir David Dalrimple
from the Parliament by makeing him Advocat; but he wou’d
not have accepted of it upon such an occation. The Advocat
is saved for once (tho’ you see what he ows to those new friends
of his), but I believe about the end of the session here he may
yet be changed.

1708, Edinburgh.—Memorial by the Judges of the Criminal
Court appointed to try the five gentlemen sent prisoners from
London, addressed to her Majesty for their exoneration from the
accusation of her Majesty’s Advocate against them of failure
to do justice therein. Copy.

THE Lorp HichH TREASURER to the Karu oF Mar.

1708-9, January 5. Treasury Chambers.—I was desired by
the Lords of the Counsell who mett yesterday at the Cockpitt
to desire your Lordship, my Jiord Lowdon, and my Lord
479

Seafield would bee pleased to meet them to-morrow at 12 at
the Cockpitt to consider of such papers as might bee proper
to bee given in to both Houses of Parliament pursuant to their
address before the recess; and that your lordships of that
part of the kingdome would come prepared with such papers
as are in your hands which you may think proper upon that
occasion. GODOLPHIN.

THE Eart or Mar to his brother, Lorp GRranaE.

1708-9, January 8. Whitehall—Ever since my last I’ve
delayed writing expecting every nixt post to be able to tel you
of our affairs here and the changes I toucht to you being
declaired, but from time to time they have been put off so
that I can say no more now certainly than before. When
we see what becomes of it at length I shall wryt you the whole
storie, which indeed is a pritty odd one, so will say nothing
of it now, only that the Q[ueen] stile sticks to her resolution
and sayes positively that she’ll do it; but it has been put off
so often that I can never belive it will be done til I see it
actually declaired . . . I’ve been bussie this week copying
my papers and letters concerning the invasion to be laid before
the House of Comons, which I will not at all be ashamed of,
and for my shair I would be glade they were printed. Those
very people here who some of the prissoners said had told them
that I and some others advised bringing them up, now begin
to say that bringing them up was a right measure, and that
all well affected people, at least in England, must think so,
and that we were against it because we favoured the prissoners
and their way.

Tue Earyu or Mar to his brother, Lorp GRANGE.

1708-9, January 13. Whitehall.—I can give you little news
from this at this time. I have been bussie these eight dayes
in preparing my papers concerning the invasion to be laid
before the Parliament. In a little time it will now appear
that no Scots man was the occation of bringing the prissoners
up here, notwithstanding all that was said of it in Scotland ;
and tho’ my Lord Piterborough yesterday in the House of
Lords threw up the ball and in a manner called up those
concern’d who had suffered hardships in being brought up,
yet they did not open their mouth. I realie begin very much
to doubt of my Lord Sunderland’s haveing said to the prissoners
when here, as they afterwards gave out, that their own country-
men were the advisers of their being brought up, for now
he makes no bounds of owning the advice and that it was a
fitt measure; so you see how unjustly some of us have been
accused. Our being in the Queen’s service made it impossible
for us to show our haveing no hand in this before now, but
only saying as we did that it was not as it was given out; but
now I hope all our countrymen will be convinced of it.
480

Lorp GRANGE to the Fart or Mar.

1708-9, January 18.—Prestonhall by all appearance can not
live long, for he is mightily failed both in his health and
judgement. Beside his gravel he has so terrible deal of
defluxion that it is a wonder he is not choaked with it, and
he sleeps allmost continually. I’m sure he does so on the
bench ; but that I would not write except to yourself, tho’ it
is too visible evry day to all the people. This method of our
judges resigning their gowns in favours of their friends I
confess I do not like, nor anything that has the appearance
either of continuing clans and partys in a judicature or
mercenarly bargaining about a judge’s office. Daily experience
puts it beyond contraversy with me that it is of the highest
importance immaginable to fill our benches with men of
knowledge and understanding, and who are firtn and stedfastly
honest and of a good and peacable disposition and not at all
factious or given to follow partys. If those who are in power
do not make it so. God forgive them, and God help this poor
country. JI would turn tedious if I wrote all that I think on
this matter, and perhaps I should write too earnestly likewise.
for I can not think on this subject without a great deal of
concern. I long extreamly much to hear how the justice
courts is to be modeled.

THE Earu oF Mar to his brother, Lorp GRANGE.

1708-9, February 3. Whitehall.—I'm a little while ago come
from the Councill, where the Queen declaird the Duke of
Queensberry one of the Secretarys of Great Brittain, but that
forragin affairs were to remain as they were; so the affairs of
the Queen’s dominions come to the three secretarys equally,
and the affairs with foragin courts remain as they were, with
the two former ones, which it was thought cou’d not be well
altred during the warr. The Queen told me yesterday and
to-day that she was to give the Privie Seal of Scotland to the
Duke of Montrose, which she was told wou’d make her affairs
easie, and she wisht it might have that effect: but since she
had designed that place for me she would not dispoase of it
until I was fullv satisfied. She said also that she was advised
to make the Duke of Roxbrugh of the Councill, and since they
advised that she thought it reasonable to make the Duke of
Argyll of it too, and sent me to tel him so yesterday. To-night
at Councill after the Duke of Queensberry was declaird, the
Duke of Argyll was called in to be swore, but the Duke of
Roxbrugh was not there, nor was the Duke of Montrose at
Councill. What's the reason of this they know best. but it
looks pritty odd. Some pretend they were not in the way
when their summons was sent, but thats a iest. You see I
am now out of imploiment, which I know will be no surprize
to you after what I wrote formerly of it, but I am very well
eontent as to my own particulare, for the Queen has been
pleased to give me three thousand pounds dureing het life,
which she told me ig as long as she cah give it,
481

Lorp GRANGE to the Earn or Mar.

1708-9, February 5.—I may say freely to you what is not
so proper for me to say to others, that the Bench proceeded
in a very wrong and extreamly odd manner. I must say that
the President acted handsomly enough, but God forgive some
others. If that bench proceeded in all or in many causes as
it has done in this and in Sir Robert Home’s against Sir Patrick
and Innermay’s against the Marquis of Annandale, it would
be a plague to the nation. Sir Alexander, they tell me, is now
gone post to London, fully resolved to complain and raise a
clamour against the Session’s manner of procedure in this
cause, and I confess he has got sufficient provocation, tho’ I
hope Sir D. Dallrymple will put him off that design. If violent
complaints be made I’m affraid that the innocent as well as
the guilty shall undergo all the same fate, which were very
hard. We had never more reason to reduce our courts to exact
good order and to proceed decently and justly, and if more
such instances as these I have mentioned occur, 1’m persuaded
it will be made a handle of to introduce some great alteration
in the Session, which I fancy the English and some of our
own country would be fond of. This I confess is what chiefly
makes me uneasy at the thoughts of leaving the criminal court
and being only of the Session, for tho’ I very much prefer civil
to criminal affairs, yet there is certainly some signal alteration
approaching the Session, and it is hard to know what my fate
might be in that case. If the criminal court be altered and set
up among us after the model of the Queen’s Bench with a
jurisdiction in civil as well as criminal business, I had rather
a thousand times be of it than in the Session, and to set it on
such a foot is in my humble oppinion the readyest and easyest
way the English can take to introduce their law among us,
and therefore I fancy it is probable that it will really be done.

Lorp GRANGE to the Eart or Mar.

1708-9, March 11. Edinburgh.—I forgot to mention in my
last two whom the Council have immediately ordered to attend,
and these are Lord Nairn and Lord James Murray.

Tue Hart oF Mar to his brother, Lorp GRANGE.

1709, March 12. Whitehall.—Deprecating the prosecution
of the Episcopal clergy (which makes much noise here) unless
it be absolutely necessary. The growth of popery in the
Highlands is intolerable, and he is glad the circuit courts
will do something to curb it. As the Towie affair is now to
come before the Justice Court, he hopes the parties will be
chastised so that they may do better in future. ‘‘ Brux is
the author of all, and if it be possible to come at him, I hope
his quakarisme will not save him.”’

1k
482

Tue EARL oF GopoLPHtIn, Treasurer, to the EARL OF
Cromartie, Lord Justice General, and the rest of the Lords of
Justiciary in Scotland.

1709, March 22. Treasury Chambers, Whitehall.—As they
have represented that the £1,500 he has sent will not suffice
for the expenses of the circuit courts, he has given order for
the payment of other £500, but thinks the expenses of these
courts might be greatly reduced, and invites their suggestions
upon this.

In the reply, which is dated 9th June, and signed by the
whole of the Lords of Justiciary, they state that their experience
of the work proves that no less than £1,200 is sufficient to
defray the expenses of the judges for the six weeks they must
be absent on this statutory duty, and that for each of the two
circuits at the eight places appointed. The other £800 has to
be divided among twenty-seven clerks for taking up the
porteous rolls, three clerks and their deputes for serving at
the circuit courts, three depute advocates from her Majesty’s
Advocate, six trumpeters, and three macers of court. There
are also incidental expenses, and the maintenance and renewing
of their equippage will be an additional source of expense.
But their lordships promise to take the whole matter to con-
sideration before the British Parliament meets in winter. Copy.

1709.—A bundle of rolls of the freeholders in several of the
shires and districts of Scotland.

Papers relating to the prosecution of forty of the Episcopal
clergy before the Judges of the Northern Circuit in May, 1709,
giving a list of their names and the proceedings against them,
with a memorial thereon by Lord Grange.

Bundle of papers relating to the holding of circuit courts in
Scotland, against the doing of which the judges remonstrated
owing to the heavy expenses incurred, and for payment of
which a special grant was accordingly made at the time by the
Lords of the Treasury, 1709-1711.

Papers connected with the institution in 1709, by the General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland, of the Society for the
Propagation of Christian Knowledge,primarilyin the Highlands
and Islands of Scotland, but ultimately for missionary enter-
prise in Popish infidel parts of the world; with reports on
the sad condition of the inhabitants of some parts of the High-
lands of Aberdeenshire, 1709-1768.

Tue Eart oF Mar to his brother, Lorp GRANGE.

1710, February 18. Tuondon.—You’ll be desirous of knowing
what was done t’other day in our house with relation to Green-
shields. The consequences we saw it would have which ever
way it went, made some of us desirous to shift it at this time
without either receaveing or refuseing the appeal. Had we
receaved it, probablie it would have been reversed, and that
would have given an absolut toleration in Scotland without any
483

restriction, which is more than what is here; and had we
rejected it, it had set our Kirk higher than is good for them-
selves or anybody else.’’ After sketching the nature of the
debate, he says—‘‘ The minuts are ordred to be sent for; and
when they come we’ll be as wise as we were before, as the
D. of Bucks said. But the short and truth of the matter, ’tis
a delay of the affair probablie for this Session, which is all the
one side intended. . . . . . If our Kirk were so wise
as not to oppose a legall limited toleration, it wou'd be the
greatest security ever they had, and in twentie years there
wou'd scarce be anybody in Scotland who wou’d think of
seperating from them. But on the other hand, if they still
persist in their bigoted, narow, tiranicall, unchristian, high
way, and do not upon ths show more moderation, they must
not expect that we'll continow to treat them so again, and a
toleration as is here must cure it.’’ Lord Grange may show
this letter to Mr. Carstairs.

Mr. Harte Mavis, W. S., to the Earn or Mar.

1710, May 30. Edinburgh.—Yesternight late we were
alarmed with a story of an invasion in Galloway. The Towne
Council, the Earl of Leven, Major Colt, and some other
grandees held council upon it all night. Ihave kept the bearer
to get some right account till now that it is after eleven aclock,
and the storie is:—The Magistrats of Kirkcudbright writ a
letter to the Magistrats of Dumfreis telling that they have
advice from Whithorn that six French ships are landed at
Baldone, and it’s computed that every ship has 1,500 men on
board (these are the words of the letter as they were told to
me), and that they were landing. This letter is transmitted
by the Magistrats of Dumfreis here with this addition, that
the Earl of Galloway was raising the countrey to oppose these
invaders, and that there was a man taken going from them
with letters to the north. This is the account that the Magis-
trats give of it. After the Council parted this morning, the
Earl of Leven caused put six centries at his door till he gott
a litle sleep, not knowing what toil he might have to undergo
this day. There’s no other express yet arrived ; yet this morn-
ing the Earl of Leven dispatcht an express to London, which
will be ready to break the bank and sink all the publick funds ;
tho’ the matter as is generally thought here be no more than
some privateers landing to take some catle for provisions. For
sure had there been any such thing as ane invasion, we had
not been 14 hours without an express from the parts where
it was, for it is now near to 12 aclock. If there come any
further accounts, I shall send them to your Lordship.

Ture Eart oF Mar to his brother, Lorp GRANGE.

1710, July 8. Whitehall.—Your conversation with S[under-
land ?] is very comicall, and so like a picture of him that anybody
would know the man. Pray take cair to viset him imedeatly
484

after he hears of Lord Coningsbies being putt out, which will
be by this post, for it was done last night, and I fancy it will
stile make him in a greater quandarie. Perhaps you have
heard of his charactur, which was non of the best with all sides,
every body knowing him to be a k[na]ve. He was vice or
under Treasurer of Ireland, which is worth six or some say
seven thousand pounds, and is one of Lord T—————’s first
favourits. He had, as was firmly belived, severall sparks
quartred on him, so he goes not out alone. I belive Lord
T—————._ will resent this as much as most things, which
cou’d have been done of that kind. In a word, S[underland]
was our Coningsby, and so pray let me know your conversation
with him onit. His successor is not yet declaird, but I belive
will be to-night, so say nothing of it til you hear it otherwayes.
It is Lord Anglesie, to make amends for his being baukt of
being Secretary, and a good equivalent it is. Things will, I
belive, go a little faster now, and you may perhaps hear of
more changes e’er long. This may convince people how things
will go, and who are like to be at the helme. You wou’d
perhaps hear of a memoriall from the Dutch, which is true,
and a pritty odd one it was, but it is like to have a good effect,
and I belive they’ll give no thanks to those who advised them
to it. Itis write here from Scotland that the brethren there
resents Sun[derland] being put out, and seem alarmed at the
measurs the Q[ueen] is like to go into. I doubt not but pains
is taken that way, but I hope they will not be such fools to be
catcht and made tuels to serve a sett of peoples byendes. The
[Queen] has done too much for them if they are not sencible
and convinced of her kindness and protection, which they ow
more to herself than any minister ever she had, and it will be
in nobody’s power but their own to hurt them with her. Lord
Hay wrote last post to Messrs. Carstairs and Stirling, and I
thought to have done it this post, but I’m affraid I cannot now
til the nixt; however, I wou’d have you to meet with Mr.
Carstairs and give him my service, and talk to him of this
affair at my desire. He has knowen Mr. Harley long, and
where he is concerned in the Councills, I suppose he will not
apprehend danger to our Kirk if they be not the occation of
it themselves, which I hope Mr. Carstairs will take cair to
prevent.

Tur Kart or Mar to his brother, Lord GRANGE.
1710, July 22. Whitehall.—I long to know if you have had
a conversation with Mr. Carstairs, and how it past. We are
told here from the highest to the lowest that the turning out
of this man will make all the brethren run mad. But I hope
it will not be so, and that they'll be wiser.

CoLONEL ERSKINE to the Hart or Mar.

1710, July 28. Stirling Castle.—I can tell you bot litle of
the humers of people here at this time, bot that ther are a great
deale of foolish talking. The Presbiterians here, and particular-
485

lie our two ministers, are very sober in publik, bot the Jacobites
do all they can to inflame them with ther impertinent and
. foolish talking, for they talk of no less then a totall revolution
for ther King ; bot the people o* this toun generalie laugh at
them for it. I wish ther could be som mesours taken to rebuke
those foolish Jacobits, and to undeceive other well-meaning
people, who are alarmed with fears of the Church and jealousie
other ways for want of trew information, and that som of the
clergie at Edinburgh, and som in high stations and have
influence, would wryt to ther frinds in the countrie ther
thoughts of the measours at present, and what is most con-
dusable for the peace and saftie of both Church and State at
this present junctour.

Mr. Joun Montcomery, in the Duke of Queensberry’s office,
to the HaRL OF Mar.

1710, August 8. Whitehall—My Lord: In caice your
brother should not have written to your Lordship this night,
I thought it my duty to make known to your Lordship that
this day the Queen hes declaired that the Thesaurarie is to be
put in commission, and hes laid my Lord Thesauray asyde.
The number of the commissioners are said to be fyve, but their
names are not yet known. It is talked that Lord Pawlett, Mr.
Marley, and Mr. Padzett are to be three of them, but this is
not certaine.

It is now thought that the Parliament will be dissolved in a
few dayes.

His Grace the Duke of Q[ueensberry] gives his service to
your Lordship, and hopes you will excuse him not wryting.
He hes bein troubled with sore eyes, but 1s now much better,
and resolves to goe abroad in a day or two.

CERTIFICATE BY SiR Rospert MyYLNe oF BARNTON.

1710, November 2. Holyrood.—That ther is in the Castle
of Blacknes six gunes, foure of irone and two of brase, belonging
to David Bruce of Clackmannan, and wich gunes he broght
from Holand for his owne use, and wer seased and taken from
him the tyme of the trobles in the West, in the reing of King
Charles the Second of blissed memorie, althoe he was ane officer
in the Earle of Mare’s regiment at the tyme, and for wich gunes
he never had satisfaction. Signed, Ro. Myung.

Sir JAMES Dunzar, younger, of Hemprigs, to LorD GRANGE.

1710, December 12. London.—It was thought that the
proceedings of the Commons this day would have distinguished
loyall good patriots from self-designeing people, upon the
place bill, When Mr. Wortly brought in the bill, he and his
party pressed much to have had Saturday last appointed for
its second reading, but it was carried against them that it
should not be till this day; and when the House mett, he
rose and told that the place bill might have a second reading
486

according to the order of the House; he was answered by
severalls that this day was likeways appointed for considering
of the supply to be granted her Majestie, and that the present
state of affaires did urge the speedy dispatch of them. To
which he said that this day was first appointed for a second
reading of his bill, and unless the House would go over all
form and order it behooved to be read a second time befor
any thing else came in, and perceiving a very thin House he
would have a vote whether the bill should be read a second
time before the House would consider of the supply; and the
House divided, those for the bill were fifty, and those against
it nynty-four. Delpholly and Doctor Hutton were the only
two of our Scots members that were for preferring the place
bill to the supply. The most of the Scots had not come in
the time of the vote, but yesterday when the most of us mett
together Gorthy declared himself against the place bill on any
terms. After this was over, Sir William Withers (as he was
named to me) made an other proposall for secureing the freedom
of Parliament by declareing the qualifications of those that
should be members of the House of Commons, and desired leave
that a bill might be brought in to that purpose. He was
seconded by Mr. Freeman and Sir John Stonehouse, who in
their speeches mentioned that one necessary qualification was
that none under five hundred pound sterling per annum should
be capable to sitt in the House of Commons ; which was pleasing
to Mr. Harly but as disagreable to Mr. Wortly, who believed
it was brought in on purpose to putt off his beloved bill. How-
ever, leave was given to bring in a bill in the terms proposed,
and when it comes you shall be acquainted of the contents
thereof. I believe whatever is done it will not reach our part
of the island unless desired by ourselves and I believe our
members will be very cautious of doing anything that may
open the least door or give any opportunity for unhingeing
our constitution, but will contribute as much as possible to
strengthen it. I hope your Lordship will pardon this confused
account of matters, and I hope the more easily that I am really
att this time hurried. ‘Tis said that the Queen has caused
acquaint Meredith, M’Kertny and Honywood that she has no
more service for them upon account of their drinking damnation
to the present ministry, and other very unbecomeing expressions.

Sir JAMES Denpar, younger of Hemprigs, to Lorp GRANGE.

1710, December 14. London.—-There was nothing of moment
pass’d in the House of Commons since my last. Yesterday
the qualification bill, as it is term’d here, was brought in by
Mr. Freeman and read a first time, and it was proposd that it
might be read-a second time befor the place bill because in it
they would secure against all inconveniencies, so that there
would be no occasion for the place bill. This was opposed,
and it is to have a second reading on Wednesday next. . . .
I hear this day that Duke Hamilton was yesterday made one
of her Majesties Privy Councell.
487

Sir JAMEs DunBak, younger of Hemprigs, to Lorp GRANcH.

1710, December 21. London.—To-morrow the Duke of
Hannover, Duke of Devonshire, and Duke of Argyle are to be
installd knights of the Garter att Windsor, and many of our
Scots members go there (hearing it is to be the finest show
that can be seen in Europe).

1710.—Copy of the proclamation by Queen Anne anent the
Court of Justiciary.

Information about Papists in the parish of Braemar, Aber-
deenshire.

Commission to Mr. James Erskine of Grange, as Lord
Justice Clerk, dated 22nd July.

Considerations as to the continuance of a Privy Council in
Scotland.

Petition by the skippers of Alloa for the erection of a Custom
House there.

Mr. THomAs Bruce to the Justice CLERK.

1711, January 23. London.—Within these two dayes our
affairs here seem to have taken an unexpected turn. It is now
beleevd (and I think not without good ground) that the warm
enquiry is dropt, and matters are compounded. The first
symptom was that the committie of the whole House was
tourned into a select committie, which was plainly to lessen
the authority of the matter. Hitherto it has been incertain
whither Duke of Marlburrow was to go over or not, and
when people observed the indignities putt upon him by
taking away his dutchess key and places, it was reasonable
to think he was not to go. But this day it is als good as
certain that he commands for the ensuing year. And with
the same breath Duke of Argyle goes away ambassador and
generall for Spain. This, to be sure, gives ground of specula-
tion. Some are enclyned to beleeve that this compounding
upon the old friendship betwixt Duke Shrewsbury, Duke
Mar[leburrow], and Earl Godolphin, joyned with the present
straits in point of publick credit, and Duke Marlborrow’s
interest in the foreign alliances, (especially considering the
chief obstacle which lay in the way of uniting the Tories is
now removed, viz., the Treasaurer’s unwillingness to joyn with
the Tories least Earl Rochester should have overtoppt him),
but now, I say, Godolphin having allready last the whyt staff,
he is willing with Duke Malborow to joyn with the Tories.
This indeed seemes to be the most lykely conjecture for the
thing. But it is not easy to judge what consequences it may
have either as to men or things; as to men, some are of opinion
(but it is only a mere conjecture in the dark) that this new
conjunction will wrong Mr. Harley, but others think that the
old friendship goes no further than to make Duke Marl[ borrow ]
and Earl Godolphin easy, and to take their assistance in domes-
488
tick credit and forrain affairs, both military and those of the
allyances abroad.

What I say of the Scots I think you may depend on, but as
to the consequences you are left to your freedom. So scon as
the scene opens, you shall know further.

I doe not hear that Duke Argyle seemes any way dissatisfyed
with his command, but I find our other countrymen are some-
what uneasy.

Sir JAMES DunBar, younger of Hemprigs, to LorD GRANGE.

1711, March 8. London.—This day Count Guiscard was
apprehended upon suspicion of corresponding with France, and
at two acloak was calld befor a comittee of the Councell att the
Cockpitt. He was disarmed befor he was brought in, and Mr.
Harly was closs upon him in his interrogatories, upon which
he took up a penknife that was on the table befor him and
stabd Mr. Harly in the breast over the Duke of Ormond’s
shoulder. By providence the knife hitt upon a bone and
broke, so that its hopd his wound is not deadly. All at Councell
drew their swords, but Secretary St. John’s being nearest,
run Guiscard through the body. The rogue’s wound was dressd,
and he carried in a chaire to Newgate; and I hope he may
recover of the wound, for it were pity he dyd so good a death.

Its the news of the town too that Argyle fought yesterday
one Colonel Cuts. The Duke behavd very bravely, first wound-
ing him and then disarmd him. Its said that the ground of
quarrell was that Cuts in a company said that Argyle had
forsaken his old friends, and that he woud forsake his God too
for his interest (the contrary of which is known to all that have
a just information of the excellent qualities of that noble Duke),
which Argyle being informed of he mett Cutts in a coffee house
and askd if he said any such thing, which he endeavourd to
excuse by saying he was drunk. Upon that the Duke very
justly calld him rogue and rascall, upon which he sent a
chalenge to Areyle, which ended as above. That is what I can
learn, which I think my duety to acquainte your Lordship of,
for your diversion now in your vaccance.

ALEXANDER Raitt to LorD GRANGE.

1711, March 8.—I have only to add to that paragraff of Mr.
Dyer’s letter inclosed concerning Mr. Harlay, that the wound
Mr. Harlay received struck upon the bon, and that its the
oppinion of his surgion and Doctor Ratclife that he’s in no
maner of hazard; which account I had from the Earle of
Kinnoule, who was present at pancing his wound.

Tse Eart or Mar to his brother, the JusTicz CLERK.

1711, March 15.—I long to hear from you how the affair of
Greenshield’s is taken by the brethren and others, and what
effect it is like to have in next Assemblie and over the country
489

amongst both sides. We are told here of some pritty extra-
ordinary speeches which 16 and 13 made in publick conversa-
tion on that affair, which they might have spaird had they
been as wise as their stations require. A great many of our
comoners here, with some of our lords, have had meetings
where it was proposed to restore the patronage in Scotland.
I must acknowledge that I think it is very reasonable that they
were restored but I cannot think this a seasonable time for
doing it, therefore I have done all I cou’d to divert it at this
time, tho’ in a private way, and I’m not sure if I will succeed,
but I hope I will.

THE DUKE oF QUEENSBERRY to the Lorp Justice CLERK.

1711, March 20. Whitehall—The Queen has granted a
reprieve to Robert Flyming, who is now under sentence of
death for forging bank notes, providing such measures be taken
so that he will be incapacitated for repeating a crime of that
nature ; and desiring his opinion. A copy of the Lord Justice
Clerk’s reply is put up with the letter. He points out that
the Privy Council of Scotland, before its abolition, intended
that capital punishment should not be exacted of such
criminals, but the commuting of the sentence was sometimes
entrusted by the sovereign to a servant of the Crown by a
formal warrant. As to the lesser punishment to be inflicted,
mutilation by cutting off the hands or other member seems
cruel and ineffectual, as so long as he possessed a head, he
could direct others in the performance of what he could not
do himself. Perpetual imprisonment might make him more
comfortable than he has been for years (at least before he took
to forging bank notes), but his maintenance would be an
intolerable burden upon the country. He suggests banishment
from the country, not to return under pain of death. The
gentlemen of the bank have dealt earnestly with him that
no reprieve may be granted, but he is not to interfere. Edin-
burgh, 31st March, 1711.

Tur Earu oF Mar to his brother, the JustTich CLERK.

1711, April 21. Twitinhame.—You wou’d hear that by a
blunder of Mr. owns, and Harley’s being out of the House
by the nonsence and foolie of others, all the pensions on the
Post Office are cutt off, except those confirmed or mentioned by
former Parliaments ; but I think myself pritty sure of haveing
mine again, and perhaps in a better way. I make no doubt
too but the two coledges will have their gift again ; and, to say
the truth, it were not very just if the Queen does not give all
back that was on it, considering how they lost them.

Tye Kart or Mar to the Earn or Oxrorp, Lord Treasurer.

1711, June 10. Whitehall.—My Lord, Judging it not im-
possible but at this time you may be about a new commission
of trade, I beg your Lordship may pardon me for representing
490

to you, with all submission, that if there be not one at least of
our countrymen in the new commission that whole country
will not feal of being angrie and very much disobleidg’d at it,
especially at this time when the only tuo bills concerning the
trade of that part of the kingdom have had so hard fate, and
also when (to my extream concerne) there seems such an
inclination both amongst Whigs and Tories to be hard upon
us. Andin my humble opinion nothing but your Lordship’s
prudent, wise and dilligent manadgment can prevent our find-
ing the wofull effects of it nixt session of Parliament. If that
affair of the peerage then go against us, I dread the con-
sequence it will infallably have. The Union depends on it,
and on the Union, with submission, depends the peace of the
Queen’s reigne, and that reallie gives me more concerne in it
than any privat hardship it woul’d be to me, tho’ I vallue that
a great dale; and one of our country who had a hand in the
Union and did all in his power to contrebute to it as I did
cannot but lay it much to heart to see us in great danger of
receiveing hardships by it. I am not yett wearie of the Union,
but still think it, if rightly used, for the good of the whole
island, and also that it is the only thing which can preserve
Scotland, and England too, from blood and confusion ; so I do
not at all repent any hand I had in it, tho’ I’m affraid I have
fue of either side of my opinion. But shou’d that hardship
of the peerage be putt upon us,so contrair to all sense, reason
and fair dealing, and if our trade be no more encuradg’d than
yett it has been, or indeed is like to be, how is it possible that
flesh and blood can bear it? and what Scotsman will not be
wearie of the Union, and do all he can to gett quit of it? I
beg your Lordship may pardon me for th's warmth, but it’s
my zeal for my Queen and country that occassions it. I know
to your Lordship those considerations will be of weight, but
I’m affraid it wou’d be a wrong way of arguing with maney
people here. I'm not surprized to see some of the Whigs act
the part they do in it, for being disapointed of their designe
in makeing of the Union, and so being wearie of it they want
to make us as wearie that so they may gett free of it. But for
these Tories who joine with them in this, all I can say of them
is, O when will they be wise! My only comfort is that it is
still in your Lordship’s power to prevent and disapoint all
these my fears, so my mind is at ease, for I doubt nothing but
your Lordship by your manadgment will effectually do it, and
so confirme a happy Union to both parts of the Isle, and this will
be a work worthie of yourself, who is the only man capable to do it.

As to Mr. Beallie, I'll say nothing of him, your Lordship
being the best judge; but if he be to be altered, I hope your
Lordship will be pleased to remember what I have so often
laid before you concerning the Earle of Northesk, who is reallie
a deserving man. I ask your Lordship’s pardon for takeing
up so much of your time, and I am and ever will be by gratitud
as well as duety, with all submission and respect, my Lord, your
Lordship’s most obedient and most humble and faithful servant.
491

ALEXANDER Rarrt to Lorp GRANGE.

1711, July 7. Whitehall.—I shall not doubt of your Lord-
ship’s hearing of the Duke of Queensberry’s being ill, go shall
only tell you that he died yesterday morning at five aclock.
Duke of H: ton is exceeding bussie to succeed him, and it’s
not at all feared but his Grace will meet with a disapointment.

 

THe Ear or Mar to his brother, the JusTicz CLERK.

1711, July 10. Whitehall.—I am so concerned and toucht
with the loss of my friend, the Duke of Queensberry, that it
gives me pain now to write upon that subject; but he died so
han’somly, both like a gentelman and a Christian, that ’twere
pitty you did not know it. When he found that the medicans
they had given him had performd what was expected of them,
and he yet not the better, he concluded himself near his death,
and desired a person to be sent for, and when one was found,
after hearing him say prayers, he desired the sacrament might
be prepaird for him, and in the time they were adoing that,
he took leave of all his friends present, and desired they might
remember him kindly to those who were absent. He desired
them to give his love and blissing to Mar and Loudoun, and
to assure them he died with all the grateful acknowledgment
one cou’d have of their faithfull friendshipe to him. He
recommended his friends in generall, and some in particulare
to me, and said he knew I wou’d do all in my power in showing
kindness to his children and familie. He desired to tel all
his friends that he hopt they wou’d join with me and serve
me as faithfully as they had done him. He call’d up all his
servants and took leave of them, and has left each of them
a year’s wages. He desired Mr. Boyll to let the Queen know
he died a faithfull subject to her, and recomended his children
to her protection. After this he receaved the sacrament, heard
prayers and pray’d himself severall times, and never spoke
after receaveing of any wordly affairs, tho’ he lived above two
hours after it perfectly sensible, and then died without any
pain or concern, but like one going a jurnie.

Tue Kart or Mar to his brother, the JusTicE CLERK.

1711, December 27. Whitehall.—We are just now here in
a very malancholie way in relation to this misfortoun which
has happned to us, and with you I apprehend people will be
more angrie than sorie for what has been done. Liven those
who were against us are sensible that it cannot stand as it now
does, but whatever expedient they may think of offering, I
judge will not please those of our country who are here, or at
home either. The English, as most of the Scots are, seem to
be wearie of the Union, but when they first come to think of
it seriously, I doubt of their quitting with it. What seems to
be the oppinion or resolution of our countrymen here for relive-
492

ing us of this hardshipe is one of two, either to dissolve the
Union or else an Act of Parliament reversing what is done by
the House of Lordes, and putting us in the same place and
condition we were before, and as we understood it. As to
dissolveing the Union in a Parliamentary way, I despair of it,
or if it were possible in doing of it, they wou’d fix the succession,
and in that case Scotland wou’d loose any aw it could have
over England. As to the other, of putting us in the same
condition we were by Act of Parliament, I can scarce think
it practicable, let the Court be ever so sincear for it, for what
made most of the Lordes against D[uke] H[amilton] was
(as they own themselves) their being wearie of our elections,
or any way except the sitting peerage being fixt in families;
and they do not yet seem to repent of this, and it will not be
an easie matter to make those people turn about and alter their
oppinions so soon. By what I can learn the expedient they
think of is to offer us a considerable number of our families
to be chose and made by the Queen peers, with all the privil-
edges of sitting, etc., as they are here to the number of perhaps
thertie or some more; that the incapacity should be taken off
all the rest of us; that our titles and precedencies should con-
tinue, and that we should be capable of being elected in the
House of Comons. Whatever one may think of this, being in
itself perhaps as good for the intrest of the peers of Scotland
in generall as the foot we are put on by the Union, even as we
understood it, I shall not determine; but whatever be in that,
or if there be anything in it all, I apprehend no proposall of
that kind will relish with our countrymen in generall, and no
Scotsman will at this time venture differing from the rest of
them. There is one thing certain that if any expedient can
be found this is the time, when the injury or hardshipe is
fresh, but I doubt much if any expedient they will offer us
will be acceptable to our countrymen, and if we be all against
it here it will never cairie amongst the peers in Scotland (where
it must go), tho’ the Parliament shou’d pass it against the
Scots members of both Houses, as they did the Treason Bill.
Thus are we situat, and I belive never were people in harder
circumstances. Pray let me know what are people’s thoughts
with you on this affair, and what is said of us all here. I write
this only to yourself, and ’tis not fitt this should come from
me, and perhaps not from you either. The Scots peers here
meet to-morow, and then it is probable we will come to some
resolution. I apprehend the first stape we will make will be
a representation to the Queen, but before she can do anything
effectually for us, she must put herself and her servants in a
capacity of acting, for as things stand now they are not. This
week and the begining of the nixt will show what is done in
this, and you will hear of it, so I’ll say no more of it now.
1 suppose the reasons of our dissent were sent you; pray let
me know how they are likt. We could not adventure makeing
them stronger, and as they are I belive they are strong enough
for the other partie to score them out.
498

: 1711.—Papers in a process regarding King’s College, Aber-
een.

Several letters relating to the prevalence and increase of
Fobety in the Highlands and some of the parishes of Aberdeen-
shire.

Several letters about a dispute among the heritors and the
allocation of seats in the Kirk of Towie.

Account of an assault on Castle Grant and Lady Grant there
by the young Taird of Grant, who is at variance with his
father, 1st July, 1711.

THE Harv or Mar to his brother, the Jusricz CLERK.

1711-12, January 1. London.—This morning we presented
our representation to the Queen. The Duke of Hamilton has
sent a copie of it to John Hamilton, with the Queen’s answer
to it, so you will get it from him, and certainly it will be no
secret. This is all [ can now say, and I need not tel you of our
changes here for you’ll hear of them otherwayes.

THE Hart oF Mar to his brother, the Justicm CLERK.

1711-2, January 17.—You may be sure it is a great pleasure
to any here who has any concern in publick bussines to find
that what they do is agreeable to their country at home. Since
my last we have been as bussie as was possible for us, trying
how to get relife in this matter. Some of our countrymen
here, particularly 25, thought fitt to say to every body that it
was in our power who are of the House to get ourselves sett
right, but they were not pleased to mention the way that this
was to be done, which indeed was cruell to us; but that they
have little reguard to and likes it the better for it. We have
mett every day, I mean all of the sixteen who were here, and
we were so luckie to be alwayes unanimous in our oppinions
til now that 28 is come, who differs (by himself) from all the
rest, and I’m apt to belive will continue to do so. Yesterday
at our meeting 33 said whatever was his own oppinion in any
parts of this affair he wou’d think himself oblidgd to lay it
before them, and if they did not agree with him he would
submitt himself to the majority of them, and act as they agreed
as cordially as if he was of that oppinion himself, for he thought
our unanimity was our only strenth in this affair, and he hopt
we wou’d all be of this oppinion. We have been alwayes of
oppinion that the Court was the most likely to give us relife in
this matter, but we toke cair to let them know that if they
wou’d not, we would all join with the other partie. We were
likewise of oppinion that whatever partie we joined with for
relife, we must necessarly support them in other bussiness
which should chance to come on in the time our business was
adoing, unless we saw that the party we was with should
postpone or give unnecessare delayes in our bussines.. 28 I
thought agreed to this on Munday last as we were agoing to
494

the House, but before he got there altred his oppinion. How-
ever, that day the adjurment prevented any occation of our
differing. This day he declaird plainly that he wou’d submitt
his oppinion to no man, and wou’d not say he wou’d act in
anything until he saw distinctly what was proposed for our
relife. Some of us were desired on Sunday last to meett
with some Lordes of the Councill at the Cockpitt, where we
were told of that parte of the Q[ueen]’s spetch concerning
our affair. I now send it to you inclosed. It was agreed there
that the Queen shou’d be addrest to lay proposalls on this affair
before the House, and that in other things we shou’d support
the ministry, as I said before. This seemd to please our meet-
ing on Munday last, and this was our oppinion to-day also,
only 28 differd from us all. To-morrow is appointed for takeing
the Q[ueen]s message under consideration, and then that
address to her Majesty for lay proposalls, etc., is to be pusht,
which I hope will cairie, and if it does, the ministry is to
concert these proposalls with us. All this time we have not
had the least offer from the other partie, and if they should
give us fair promises, as they did at the Treatie, and even,
contrair to their custom, mean them sincearlie, it is not in
their power to give us relife, for that must be by Act of Parlia-
ment; and tho’ they and we joind could cairie it in the House
of Lordes, they could not in the House of Comons. The Court
professes to be sincear to us, and ‘tis so much their intrest to
be so, that it can scarce be doubted; but they will have no
small difficultie to bring up their people to what will please
us, if it be in their power to do it at all. So you see what a
wreched way we are in; but so it is, and we must do our best.
And when we have done so, it is very probable that we will
be blaimd at home, but that cannot be helpt, and we must
have a good conscience to justify us.

We are ina harder state than you imagin. Tho’ both parties
be wearie of the Union, they will upon no tearmes that I can
yet see quitt with the Union in a legall way. They are so
wearie and abominate the elections of our peers so much that
they (I apprehend) will never restore the Q[ueen] to her
hability and us to our capacity without we quitt with them.
If we shou’d agree to this, I'm affraid they wou’d not come
near that number of our peers to be made heritablie (which is
the only way they will hear of) as wou’d satisfie us, so what
we can do God knows, and I wish He may direct us. To go
peacablie home and rebell, as the Irishman said, is but a bad.
remidie, and yet it is impossible for us to lay under this hard-
shipe. If we saw a possibility of getting free of the Union
without a civill warr we wou’d have some comfort, but that
I’m affraid is impossible. They all (I mean the English) agree
that the elections cannot be altred without the consent of the
Scots peers (I do not mean of the sixteen only), and how that
can ever be gott is more than I can tel. Here you have the
desease, and I wish you could find the remidie, but that is not
so easilie found as the desease is. However, ’tis impossible
495

to give anybody a true and just vew of this affair, and to make
them comprehend the difficulties in it at a distance. As to
this affair of ours, there is nothing so like a Whige as a Torie
and nothing so like a Torie as a Whige—a cat out of a hole
and a cate in a hole.

Notwithstanding many dissapointments I have mett with in
the Union, I have yet some hopes that if this of our elections
were altred to both our contents, they wou’d come to treat us
more like one people; but as long as they last they have such
an apprehension of the aquisition of strenth the Crown gets
by us, and as it were in opposition to both their parties, that
they will ever treat us as enimies, Whige and Torie being
alike affraid of the power of the Crown.

I must own to you that I think its possible to find out an
expedient in the matter of our elections more for the intrest
of our nobility and Scotland in generall, and what wou'd be
thought so there if they judged impartially; but I know the
bent of that country is so much for the dissolution of the
Union, that they will not harken to any expedient of this kind
with patience, thinking it iz to confirme that which they hate ;
so one must be very cautious how they go into anything of
this kind. . . . . . With you I have no doubt but the
dissolveing of the Union is thought to be possible and pritty
easie in a Parliamentary way; but that I cannot conceave,
and I fear it will be found so, and I wish our countrymen
could be made understand this.

We here have proposed no expedient, and when any were
proposed to us, endeavoured to show the impractibility of any
succeeding. We askt one of two things—either to be put in
our own place as we were before the Union by dissolveing it,
or as we were before this vote in the House of Lordes; but
as yet have got little satisfaction in either of them from any-
body or partie. Those who seem’d to wish us well, told us
they wou’d come into any reasonable expedient to set us right
provided we would agree to parte wth our elections, and this
ha been told us by both sides; but they sung dumb as to any
of the other two. Severall of them have talkt of expedients
to us, but there has been no formall offer of any, so I send
you non of them, being only talk and only seemeing to forme
what will bear.

Tue Earu oF Mar to his brother, the JusTicE CLERK.

1711-2, February 14.—I find that in Scotland it is thought
that the expedient which was talkt of here in the affair of the
peerage was a proposal] of the Scots lords who are in the House,
which is a very great mistake, for they never proposed any-
thing but to be restored to the condition they thought them-
selves in before the judgment, and this not one almost of any
partie here wou’d hear of, which was the reason we did not
propose it in the House. It was the English who talkt of
the expedient to us, and those of them who had been most
496

friendly in the Duke of Hamilton’s affair, I mean the Court,
but they could not bring the House up to what they intended,
as you would hear by the word request being put into the
resolution in place of consent. The nixt offer was made us
upon this was that the Queen should be enabled by an Act of
Parliament to call the peers of Scotland togither to lay this
matter before them, in order to their laying before her Majestie
what they wou’d propose in this affair, and then betwixt and
that meeting the Queen’s servants wou’d concert with the
Scots here a reasonable scheme to be laid before them, and
measurs would be taken to bring all the peers of Scotland into
it, seeing it for their own intrest, and so that they would lay
it before the Queen as their request, that she might lay it
before the Parliament nixt sessions. This they said was all
that was in their power to bring people up to just now, and that
by the former proceedings it appeard that if they should come
to any particulare of the project, it would be made harder for
us, but that against nixt sessions the Court would have more
power and have their partie more of a pice. We thought it
reasonable to hear what expedient would be proposed to us
after the D[uke] of H[amilton]’s defeat, and so went on as
we did, thinking we were in no danger since the peers of
Scotland wou’d have it in their option at last to accept of or
no as they pleased; but after that resolution was cairied in
the House, with the word request in place of consent, and
the only expedient to be further proposed that act empower-
ing the Queen, etc., as above, we all thought this could be
of no use in furthering our relife, and that the peers of
Scotland when mett would never request the altring our
elections, espetially when there was no certainty proposed
to them of what they could expect in place of them, and that
this would only be a delay. Therefore by the advice of all the
Scots here we resolved to refuse this that was proposed by the
Court, and if it was insisted on to oppose it. We acquented
the Court of this, and when they found this to be our resolution
they did not propose it, so there was nothing at all proposed
in the comittie, which dropt at that time. We resolved at the
same time not to attend the House until we saw some appear-
ance of relife proposed to us, and this we let the Court in privat
know. This was thought by a great many of our countrymen
here so necessare for us to do, and that the Court and Tories
seeing us absent would agree to do something reasonable for
our relife rather than be without our assistance in the House
in their other bussiness, that had any of us been of an oppinion
against this measure it had not been saif to have own’d it, for
they would been very near thought traiters at home, and so
have lost all intrest. We did not resolve to abandon the
House entirely, but to neglect attending it, or when any of
us should be there on a summons or by accident, we should not
act til it was by the consent of the major parte of the sixteen
present here. Thus we all stayd out of the House two dayes,
at which the Tories were excessively angrie with us, and I
497

am indeed affraid it has done us no good. The Dfuke] of
H[amilton] was unluckie in it, for by our absence he lost a
point betwixt him and Lord Mohoun, tho’ indeed it could
scarce be foreseen that it would happen so. The Tories were
so angrie at our absenting that severalls of them resolved not
to support the Toleration Bill if we did not attend, and some
of them were resolved to join with the Whigs against it upon
the account of its being unseasonablie brought in. This made
severall of us think again, and tho’ some of us would not have
been for bringing the bill in at this time had they been con-
sulted, yet since it was past one House we thought its being
lost in the House of Lordes would be of worse effects; and
therefore ther was a meeting of the sixteen peers desired at
the D[uke] of Hamiltons. It was argued there whither we
should attend or not; some were much against our attending,
as 17 (who declaird positively against the bill itself, which
there was no occation of doing); 56, 99, 84, and 130 were also
of this oppinion. 383, 38, 45, 71, 92, 108, and 129 were of the
other oppinion, and thought since the bill was like to miscairie
if we did not attend, and that since it only or principally con-
cernd Scotland and not a bussiness of the parties here, it was
not breaking our resolution to go to the House on this occation,
espetially since our resolution was not to abandon the House
but only to neglect attending it, and when we hapned to be
there that we only should not act without it was agreed by the
major parte of us, that if the bill should chance to miscairie by
our not attending we wou’d get little thanks from our con-
stituents at home; upon all which they thought we should go to
the House and every man act as he thought right in it. This
being the oppinion of the major parte. it was resolved to go
to the House, at which 17 was exceeding angrie, and at non
so much at at 108, but he could not help it, tho’ he endeavourd
it again at a new meeting the nixt day. 28 nor 55 was at non
of those meetings. So much for the historicall parte; I belive
T must delay the rest I had to say til nixt post.

Tue Ear oF Mar to his brother, the Justice CLERK.

1711-2, March 13.—What humour will this Assemblie prob-
ablie be in? The Toleration is past, and the Act for restoring
the patronages and another. the Christmass vacance, are ordred
to be brought in, and in all probability will pass, and perhaps
an act for inquiering into the bishops’ rents in order to resum
them will be also brought in. Did the Presbiterians see their
cwn intrest they wou’d be quiet and easie, for when those
things are once done ther’s an end of all can be done against
them, and their establishment wou’d then be secure, and those
things they could not but expect wou’d happen on time or
other; but this I’m affraid is too wise a parte to expect they
will act. Tho’ if they should be angrie what can they do?
These things will be past, so they cannot remonstrate against
them. 388 is very well with 157, and 160 will certainly do all

if
498

he can to keep the Presbiterians right. 388 speaks of this place
for himself in jest, tho’ indeed he is in earnest, and I do not
hnow but he might succeed in getting it if some people con-
currd, which 111 could probablie perswade so to do. I have
reason to belive that 33 wou’d be more acceptable than he to
the Assemblie. But all this is only a rud thought, and I belive
it had scarce ever come in 33’s head if it had not one day a
late been spoke of to him by a certain person by way of jest,
tho’ he apprehends it was not altogither meant so; and in case
anything more that way should be thought of, he is very
anxious to have your oppinion of it soon, but he injoins me to
tel you that you must speak of it to non liveing. Were you of
oppinion for his accepting of it, and it came to be proposed
seriously to him, I realie belive he wou’d repent this thought
of his and refuse it; but pray write freely upon this point,
and who else you wou’d think proper for that post. Annan-
[dale] is gone for Aix[ J], and perhaps will go farther,
so thers no thinking of him, and even tho’ he were here, for
he’s angrie

Toe Earu oF Mar to his brother, the JusTIcE CLERK.

1712, April 10.—The Act for the Christmass vacance past our
House to-day, but there is nothing in it of observing the 25th
of December or 30th of January. The Patronage Bill is to be
before us on Saturday, and by all appearance will pass too.
Tt is not certain yet who is to be commissioner to the Assemblie,
but I think 23 is most likely.

Sir Hua Parerson to the JustTicE CLERK.

1712, April 15. Whitehall—We have gote our two bills
that were depending, which concerned our country, now passed
both Houses, the one for a recess to the Courts of Judicature
and the other for restoring the patronages, so that they want
nothing now but the royal assent, which I hope they will have
before the recess, they being both to be carried bake to the
Lords this day. That of the patronages meett with some
oposition, and counsel were heared against the passing of it
att the barr of the House of Lords in behalf of the Commission
of the Asembly, who had sent up here a petition against the
passing of it; but their petition being adressed to the peers
of Great Brittain, which was not in the due forme, Mr. Car-
stairs was oblidged to withdraw it, and present ane other to
the Lords, spiritual and temporal. However, that had also
little effect, the bill being carried by near two to one, tho’
they had gott the whole W. s convined to opose it. The
Bishop of Salsbury was one of the greatest sticklers against
it, which I belive made it not goe the worse. The time allowed
for the Christmas recess is the same as it was formerly, from
the twentieth of December to the tenth of January.

 
499

THE Hart oF Mar to his brother, the JusticE CLERK.

1712, April 16.—The Comissioner to the Assemblie was not

determind til yesterday, that the D[uke] ot Athole kist the
Queen’s hand on it. He was no wayes desireous of the em-
ploiment, and was backward enough in accepting it. He goes
off this week, and will have but scrimp time to cairie him to
Edinburgh by the day of their meeting, which I’m told is
the first of May. Mr. Carstairs goes to-morrow. .
If the Assemblie be wise they will be calme and easie, if they
be not they will bring an old house down about their ears.
I hope the D[uke] of Athole will be acceptable to them, and
I wish things may go right in his handes.

Str HucH Paterson to the JusTIcE CLERK.

1712, May 24. Whitehall.—My Lord Strafford is expected
to goe bake fore Holland in a few days; his comming over here
seems still a secret, tho’ people make various conjectures
about it. The Qween came to the House of Lords on Thurs-
day, and gave the assent to several acts, among which were
that of the Patronage and the Christmas vacation.

THE Eart or Mar to his brother, the JusTicE CLERK.

1712, July 22.—The Duke of Argyll goes one of these dayes
for his government of Minorca; he goes throw France, and
I belive is to take our troops in Catalonia along with him.
And the Duke of Hamilton goes very soon into France, of
which he makes no secret, else I should be chy of teling it.
They seem both to be mightily pleased with their expeditions.

. . By the two papers you sent me last post I
think the brethren are going mad, and it is not like to be their
fault if they go not fast to perdition ; but in my opinion the
best way with them at this time is to dispise their doings so
much as to neglect it, and take no notice at all of it. I hope
it will not be in their power to stirr up the people to the follie
of laying their foolish whimsies to heart, and so make their
quarle theirs, and the longer they strugle in the net they will
but intangle themselves the more, and in time be glade of a
gentle hand to relive them. 100, with whom I spoke of this
to-day, seems to be of this oppinion, and I’m sure it will be
their own fault if they be made uneasie in their time; when
they come to get the apparent darling of whom they seem to
be so fond, perhaps they will be made to understand them-
selves, and ‘to eat their meat in order, or else walk off in a pair
of new shoes with a fine stick.

1712.—Copy of the Establishment for Civil Affairs in Scot-
jand as at 25th December, 1712, with the salaries paid to each
ner on in sterling money.
500

17138, October 31.—Note of Treasury compt books and papers
put up in a box at Alloa in order to be carried to London.

Imprimis.—Thirteen Treasury compt books of John, Earle
of Mar, Lord High Treasnrer of Scotland, from the year 1616
to the year 1630.

Item.—Thirteen Comptrollary compt books during the said
space.

Item.—A compt book of the ordinary taxation granted to the
King in the year 1621.

Item.—A compt book of the ordinary taxation in the year
1629.

Item.—A Cunzie-house accompt from March, 1620, to March,
1622,

Item.—Eleven copys of Sir Henry Wardlaw's accompts as
generall receiver in the years 1627, 1628 and 1629.

Item.—A bundle of papers in relation to the keeping of the
Prince and his family.

All the above papers are returned

1713, December 9.—Account of a violent assault and attempt
upon the life of Mr. William Mclie, minister of the gospel at
Balmaghie, by James McMillan, brother, and James Mc-
Cartnay, brother-in-law of John McMillan, lately deposed
minister of Balmaghie.

1714, June.—Some papers relating to private arming in
Edinburgh at the end of Queen Anne’s reign.

(1) Sergeant Scott’s affair in Edinburgh Castle.

Upon the day of May last, about ten acloak att night,
quhich is the time of shutting up the Castle gates, Sergeant
Scott, one of the sergeants of the Castle (then a prisoner in the
Castle), haveing a considerable number of arms in his house
within the Castle, ordered his wife to carry out these arms,
When she came to the Castle gate, together with some soldiers
who were carrieing the arms, she told the corporal who was
upon guard att the gate that these were arms quhich her
husband had purchased, and that her husband being now in
prison and in danger of being broke, he was affraid these arms
might be taken from him, and therefor had ordered her to
carry them out and to dispose of them. The corporall told her
for answer that these arms lookt to be some of the Queen’s
arms, and that haveing no orders to let arms pass, he could not

 
501

allow her to carry them out. She made answer that they
were only arms her husband had bought, and pretended that
Lieut.-Col. Stwart had given her allowance to carry them out,
and told him that ther was now standing by Cambell of Burn-
bank, the storekeeper, who might survey them, and would
therby know that they were none of the Queen’s arms. The
storekeeper was accordingly desired by the sergeant’s wife to
look to the arms, and after pretending to survey them he told
the corporall that they were none of the Queen’s arms and
did not belong to the magazine, and that the corporall might
allow them to pass; and they were accordingly carried out.
In a few minuts therafter Lieut.-Col. Stwart was acquainted
with this, and immediately sent out a party after them and
seised and brought back the arms into the Castle, where they
now are; and by inspecting of the arms it appears they have
the Queen’s mark upon them, and are the same with the other
arms now in the magazine.

(2) List of Sergeant Scott’s men.

Tho. Arskin, E. Bu. Bro.
Cha. Sinclair, Do. 8. son.

Wm. Davidson, Bar.
Ja. Steuart, Do. S. son.
Ja. Blaikie, mer.

Geo. Bredie, st. of law.
Rot. Grierson, m.

Wm. Hutton, m.

Jo. Arskin, Col. A. son.
Geo. Hill, E. Du. sert.
Wm. Keir.

Jo. Ferguison, lainer.
Hew Hawthorn, m.
Rot. Wilson, m.
Ad. Ionston, m.
Ja. Burns, m.

Jo. Bryson, m.

Ja. Garner, m.

—. Spence, lainer.
Jo. Blair, m.

Rot. Blaikwood, m.
And. Allan, m.

(8) Paper endorsed ‘‘ Private Musterings.’’

Thomsone of Queenshaugh, his barns up the close nixt to
John Yorstoune, baxter, in the Grassmercat, are rendezvous,
which were openly seen and are attested by William Allan,
William Seller, John Ross, Will. Horsburgh, Thomas Crigh-
toun, Robert Duffus, James Wallace, James Blackwood, Capt.
Ross, William Nicholson, with many more; and that the same
exercise is keept in Davies Darn, at the Pleasance, and other
places, as is informed; and for the better belief of this matter,
Mr. James Waterston, tobacconist, John Hunter, baxter,
Thomas Mair, sone to the minister of Culross, and—Hepburn,
a hill minister’s son, were souldiers in the said exercise, and
Doctor Sinclair’s sone gave the word of command; and that a
gerjand in the Castle of Edinburgh is dreelmaster, and a
soldier keeps the door, to witt, one Scott; and all of them are
viewed once a fortnight by Major Aikman and Capt. Blaccakter.
[On the back] Wm. Allan, a procurator before the inferior
courts; Wm. Allan, servant to William Robertson, one of the
under clerks of Sessions; John Ross, I suppose, is servant to
George Leviston, also under clerk of Session; Wm. Nicolson.
502

David Thomson, pir. mak. Ja. McLellan, m.

Geo. Cowpland, st. di. Pet. Lafreis, m.
Jo. Heyburn, st. di. Ja. Donaldson.
—. McCoul, st. di. Pet. Murray, m.
Tho. Old, m. Wm. Inglis, m.
Jo. Hunter, bax. Arch. Geddes.
Alex’. Hume, lainer. Wm. Moffat, m.
Pat. Hutton, m. Hew Craig, st.
Ja. Waterston, m. Arch. Edgar, st.
Tho. Finlason, st. di. Wn. Gifford.
Francis Gordon, sur. —. Vert, E.H. ser.
Will. Dickson, wri. —. Clark, st.
Geo. Pettrie, lainer. Geo. Millar, st.
And. Lawson, bar. Wm. Carlyll, st.
Rot. Lawder, bar. Tho. Mair, st.
Jo. Baxter, bax. Law. Selkirk, st.
—. Verner, st. at law. Wm. Craig, st.
Will Walker, thesar’. Wm. Richie, st.
Geo. Nichol, m. Geo. Reid, st.
Tho. Gray, lainer. Jo. Penman, .st.
Ja. Bennet. Geo. Balfour.
Jo. McArthur, m. Geo. Andrew, st.
Will. Mure, m. Alex". Brycen, st.
Hew Campbell, m. And. Reid, st.

(4) List of some of those that randezvouse in a malt barn
in the Grassmercat, belonging to Thomsone of Queenshaugh.

Young Bruce of Kennet; Sinclair, sone to Dr. Sinclair;
Young Laird of Brodie; Brodie, his brother; Thomson of
Queenshaugh; Thomas Renton, merchant in Edinburgh;
James Bennet, stabler there; Robert Blackwood, merchant
there; Mr. James Watterston, tobacconist; John Hunter,
baxter; Mr. Thomas Erskine, Earl Buchan’s sone or brother ;
Tuedie, a brandie merchant; Thomas Mair, sone of the
minister of Culross; Hepburn, son to a hill minister; William
Walker, servant to ane advocat, Mr. Charles Binnie; Robert
Blackwood’s servant Scott, a serjand in the Castle, gave the
command ; with a great many more whose names I know not.

Nota.—A Castle soldier always stands centry.

vy

(5) Paper endorsed ‘‘ Private Arming.

Deacon Murdo Grant, in Murdoch’s Closs, at the first door
of the turnpick, at the foot of the closs ; Thomas Heriot, wright,
above the door of the turnpick. His shop is five or six shops
above the said close; his work-house is in the north side of the
street.

Arms in his custodie—English, Dutch, and Scots.

Sold English at £9 the gun.

Dutch, being Coll. Poccoak’s regiments arms, at £12 per
gun.
503

Scots gun and beyinots at £10 10s., or guns £9.
Thirty stand English to Belhaven.
Twenty Scots making carried away by his own servants.

Sixty stand to the Earles of Haddington and Hopton, of Coll.
Poccoak’s, and sixty stand Scots making by Mr. Forrest,
overseer of Hopton’s head work at Leith, his order, and my
Lord Haddington’s gentlemen, and taken away by them.

Forty-two stand to the paroch of Liberton.

Forty stand for the Greytreyer’s paroch, besides quhat the
magistrats of Edinburgh has gott.

Poccoak’s arms came from Dunkirk to Prestonpans by
Haddington and Dirleton’s order; receaved by Deacon Grant ;
payed by him by their order.

Ten stand to Baldone (?) of the English arms, to be
delyvered to his order, the 2nd or 4th of March

Nota :—That the nobility mentioned gott each six stone of
bulletts from the said Deacon Grant.

The said Deacon was to gett two carts laiding of arms from
Leith the 28rd Februarie.

He has in his house thirty-two guns dressing, quhich belong
to Deacon Monro, mounted with ash sticks and white iron
keepers, being old arms. .

The Englis arms are mounted with brass, and most of them
have square locks and snecks; the Dutch with brass, and plain
round locks, and Coll. Pollock on the barrells; the Scots are
mounted plain, with white iron stocked in plain tree colared ;
the bayonets are narrow, and tuo edged within six inches of
the point. Most of the English arms are mounted with hesps
for dragoons.

THe Eart oF Mar to his brother, the Lorp JUSTICE CLERK,
at Edinburgh.

1714, July 26. Whitehall.—Since I wrote to you last of
publick affairs things here have taken a new shape. The Treas-
urer is to be out either to-night or to-morrow, and the Treasury
to be in comission. I have not time now to give you a full
account of what the Queen said to me upon this occation, only
she desired I might continue in her service, and that I should
let our friends in Scotland know that notwithstanding of this
change she was still on the same foot and measurs she was
before. I am accordingly to write to severall of them in a
post or two, particularly to Duke of Athole and Earl of Bred-
albain.

JT cannot but regrait my friend Lord Treasurer’s going out of
the Queen’s service, and I wish it may not suffer by it; but
it will be hard to tell for some time what mav be the con-
sequence of it. I hope tho’ the Queen shall never want a
number sufficient to cary on her adminstration to her own
504

likeing. . . . The toun talks of a great remove amongst
the Queen’s servants, but I belive at this time there will not
above one more than Lord Treasurer go out. A little time
may produce more alterations, but I can say no more of that
now.

Tue Eart or Mar to his brother, the JusTICcE CLERK.

1714, July 29. Whitehall._—Lord T[reasurer] is now out,
but I cannot yet tell you who is in, which is odd enough.
The Q[ueen] has desired me to continue in her service, as
she has done most of my fellow servants, but e’er long there
will very probablie be more changes.—There was a storie that
D. A. was comeing into conserts with Lord B[olingbro]ke ;
true or false I know not, but if it was I am sure the Q[ueen]
knew nothing of it, and as soon as she heard there was such
a story, she ordred this affair of Glencairns.

The Q[ueen] has been a little indisposed all this day, and
was cupt, but I hope it will be nothing, which God grant.
Her being ill is not yet much talkt of here.

Tse Earu or Mar to his brother, the Justice CLERK.

1714, July 30. Whitehall.—6 o’clock at night—My Lord:
T am very sorry for the reason of my writing to your Lordship
at this time. Our good Queen was taken very ill this morning,
upon which the Lords of the Privy Council met, and their
lordships have given me directions to acquaint the Queen’s
servants in Scotland, as also the Provost of Edinburgh, of
her Majesty’s present indisposition, that they may give all
necessary orders for taking care of the public peace. The
physitians do not think her Majesty past hopes of recovery,
but the event being uncertain, the Lords of Privy Council
have judged it proper to issue out such orders as may prevent
any disturbance in the kingdom, in case her Majesty should be
carried off by this fit of sickness; and for that end the Duke of
Ormond has sent down his commands to the troops in Scot-
land. J am with very great respect, my Lord, your Lordship’s
most obedient humble servant, Mar.

THe Eart or Mar to his brother, the Justice CLERK.

1714, July 31. Kensington.—Saturday, 8 p.m.—This
pacquet carys the Councill’s orders for disarmeing the non-
jurors and Papists conforme to the address of the House of
Lords, which was to have been done had the Queen continued
well. There is an order to the Advocat and Solicitor for
causeing them to be printed and disperst.

I can say little more than I did this morning as to the Queen’s
condition, there being no great alteration, only she grows
weaker and weaker, and ’tis much if she put off this night, at
least as we think.
505

The Councill has done everything towards securing the
succession as by law esteablisht. There is a letter wrote and
signed by all present of the Councill to the Elector, acquaint-
ing him of the Queen’s condition and desireing him
to make haste over. The Esteats of Holland are also
to be acquented with it by my Lord Strafford. Thers a
squadron ordred out, and yachts to attend him, and the troops
from Flanders are sent for. In a word every thing that way
goes smooth here. God direct the people of our country to
behave themselves right, and to prevent makeing it a field of
blood and confusion.

I have writen another note by this pacquet to Duke of Athole,
which you wou’d take care to forward saif.

THE Eart oF Mar to his brother, the Justice CLERK.

1714, August 7. Whitehall.—I hope you will get out of him
(Lord Haddo) who those Tories are he said were to leave me.
*Tis ten to one but he was to lead them himself; but that game
is past now, and if they know their intrest, which I confess
they seldome do, they will at this time stick together, and
that may save them, which nothing’else can do. Tho’ I say
it who should not, I can make as good terms with the other
side for myself as any of them, and I will not be made the fool
of the play; tho’ they shall not have me to complean of first.
That of Jacobitisme, which they used to brand the Tories with,
is now I presum out of doors, and the King has better under-
standing than to make himself but King of one partie, and tho’
the Whigs may get the better with him at first, other folks
will be in saifty, and may have their turn with him too. I
know very well people have been at pains to represent me very
unfavourablie to the King for some years past, but as that was
all calumnie and out of partie designs, he will find in time that
there was nothing in it; and one prince seldome likes a man
the worse for serveing his predesessor faithfully and with zeal.
For severall reasons I do not expect to continue in the post I
now hold, but if I be payed of my ariers, which I have reason
to hope I will, I shall not much regrait that loss. And then
I must do the best I can for myself. Lord Oxford had done
more like a friend by me had he left me less in arier, but I
do not take it that his doing so proceeded from unkindness to
me particular, and he did no otherwise by me than he did
by severall others of his friends. You'll be surprized when I
tel you ther’s upwards of seven thousand pounds owing me.
There is considerable owing to most of the late Queen’s
servants, but there is more owing to her out of the fonds they
should have been payed with than are owing to them, so we
have reason to expect the King will pay us. It was not so
when King William died, he being owing more by much than
was owing him, which was the reason the Queen did not pay
his debts. . . . . . It is impossible to tel how things
will shape til the King come, but I belive it is pritty certain
506

that the two parties will be contending who shall be most in
his favour, and it must be time only that can show who will
be togither. It is thought here that there will be a new
Parliament called as soon as this has settled the King’s revenue,
and done some other necessare things. The Whigs here are
said not to be very well just now amongst themselves, but they
will cover anything of that as much as they can. I wish the
Tories were as unite as they are.

THe Kart or Mar to his brother, the JusTicE CLERK.

1714, August 10. Whitehall.—This letter to Duke of Argyll
tels also of Glendaruels comeing at night to Edinburgh, and
going away to the Highlands nixt morning without seeing
anybody. I was askt if I had heard anything of this. I told
Ihad had just the same account, and that my corespondant said
that if it was so he thought him a fool; and so I was dismist.

I can tel you little news from this just now. There is no
word yet come from the King, but expected to-night or to-
morrow.

The Duke of Montrose,came last night, and was swore, and
toke his place amongst the Lords Justices this morning.

THe Earu oF Mar to his brother, the JusTIcE CLERK.

1714, August 16. Whitehall.—I had yours of the 10th by

the flying pacquet last night at T'wittinhame, where the Lords
Justices had alowed me to be for some dayes. It conteand so
many things only design’d for myself, that I could not send it
to be laid before the Lord Justices; so I sent a letter I had
from Mr. Carnagie to be laid before them, giveing an account
of the letter you write of from severall nobelmen and gentelmen
to the Lords Justices desireing more troops in Scotland, and
likewise teling of a proclamation for proclaming the King, which
came down there under the great seal. I came to toun this
morning, and have wrote to the Solicitor, by the Lords Justices
direction, an answer to both these points.
I have wrote too by their lordships orders a letter to you of
the Justiciary concerning the disorder at Glasgow in rifling
the meeting-house, which was a very foolish thing , and in my
oppinion it were good for the Presbiterians that that meeting
there were again set up ina peacable way. Jam very glade
you are so well with those who have of late given themselves
the air of being zelots for the Protestant succession, and I
wish they may be sincear to you. You did very right about
directing the flying pacquet as you did, since those wise men
were of that oppinion, and thought it of consequence.

As for that you write of my not waiting on any of the Han-
over ministers here since I was last in office: it is very true,
but the fault was on their side, for all forigne ministers here
first viset the Queen or King’s immediat servants, and I was
the only one of the Queen’s servants who they did not viset.
507

This lookt so particular that I acquented the Queen with it,
who absolatly discharged me to go near any of them til they
inquir’d for me; which I obeyed, as was my duty. And when
Mr. Harley and Lord Clarendon went to that court J informed
them of the thing, and Lord Clarendon was to mention it to
the Elector by the by, tho’ not to make any formall complaint
of it. But I suppose by the Queen’s dieing so soon after he
came there, he did little of what he went about or had in
charge. As I wrote to you formerly, I doubt not but I have
been as ill represented to the King as could be; but as I do
not deserve his displeasur I am the less concerned about it,
and he shall find me a faithful subject to him. I knew very
well that upon partie account I shall have enemies, enew
espetially amongst those of our own country who pretended to
be zelots for the succession, and others thinking I had long
stood in their way; but I must do the best I can for myself,
and I am not quitt without friends here more than in my
own country. My greatest loss is my want of the language
the King understands, and I am very glade you are to be here
to speak forme. As for peoples pushing at me I am not much
afraid, and tho’ people may be out of favour, I hope we are
under a constitution where people are saif if they do nothing
that the law makes criminal! ; and I am not contious to myself
ot haveing done anything to make me have a less tittle to the
King’s favour than others. I do not apprehend any comotions
in the Hilands, and I have done all in my power to make
them quiet there.

As to your continueing I take it to be pritty uncertain, but
it is absolutly fitt you should be here, and I wish you may
come soon (tho’ not post). . . The King is to be at the
Hague Saturday nixt, where we suppose he will not stay long.
The Prince comes with him. : 7

ALEXANDER Ross, clerk substitute of the Court of Justiciary.
to the JusTIcE CLERK, at London.

1714, August 24. Edinburgh.—On Fryday last a letter came
from the Earl of Mar on the 16th instant, addressed to the
whole Lords, acquainting them that the Lords Justices, haveing
receaved information of some late dissorders committed at
Glasgow in pulling down the Episcopall meeting-house there,
rifleing Mr. Cokburn, the Episcopall minister, his house, and
abuseing his wife and children, his Lordship was directed to
signifie the pleasure of the Lords Justices that the Lords of
Justiciary would examine the fact, and as they found cause
show all disscountenance to such dissorderly and riotous
practises. My Lords Roystoun and Polton being occasionally
in town, broke open the letter, and in pursuance thereof signed
and transmitted a warrant to my Lord Pollock, Sir James
Hamilton, Raploch and Blythswood, or any two of them, as
justices of peace in that shire, to meet at Glasgow with the
first conveniency, and call befor them such persons as were
508

best known to the above facts, of which they are thereby
directed to make a full and impartiall enquiry, and report the
same to their lordships to be transmitted to the Earl of Mar,
in order to be laid befor the Lords Justices; and ordered
Lainshaw to attend them, of which they acquainted my Lord
Mar by that post, as my Lord Ilay was by my Lord Roystoun.

Tomas Erskine, younger of Pittodrie, to the Lorp Jusric
CLERK.

1714, August 25. Pittodrie——Since my last of the 21st
instant, ther has nothing happned in the North worthie your
Lordship’s notise; a few thifts, but no appearance of other
disturbance. The Shirreff-deput told me he aquainted your
Lordship he had proclamed the new King with all the form
and sermonie necessarie. The Magestrats of Inverourie, Kin-
tore, and Aberdeen asisted in ther respective brughs, and at
Aberdeen Sir Peter Fraser and the Lairds of Eight made a
parte of the cavelcade.

Sir WILLIAM Gorpon to the JUSTICE CLERK.

1714, August 29. Fort William.—As soon as J arrived here
I gave your Lordship both ane account of my dilligence and
what I could learn of the state and inclinations of our neigh-
bours. The lieutenant-generall haveing ever since in concert
with me continued it to my Lord Marr, I had nothing new
to add, so thought it needless to give your Lordship any trouble.
The distance the several cheifs of clans have hitherto kept
from us, tho’ several times desyred by the lieutenant-generall
to come in, in order to a better concerting of measures, as well
as for more clearly evidencing the sincerity of their intentions
to keep the peace, together with some information we had
from severall discreet men, inferior heads of families, that if
the Pretender should com in person amongst them, they were
certainly resolved to join him and run his fortune, made us
truly jealous of them, notwithstanding of the assurances they
were giveing in general terms by their letters of their resolu-
tions to keep the peace. However, the country is certainly
as quiet as ever I knew it; and for my own pairt I begin truly
now to hope that some of them are beginning to have right
and just sentiments of things, as particularly Locheal, who at
my desyre was pleased to meet me within two myles of this
place. I found in company with him, unexpectedly, Glender-
ouell, from whom I had the enclosed, which he at first designed
to have sent. under Lieutenant-Generall Maitland’s cover, bot
not haveing waited on him as he passed, he choosed to charge
me with it.

Addressed :—To the Right Honourable my Lord Justice
Clerk, to be left att the Right Honourable the Earle of Marr’s
house in the Privy Garden, London.
509

Cotin CampBeLL or GuENperuEL to the Justicn CuEnr.

1714, September 2. Lochiel.—I mett with Glengarie and
Lochieall the 1st of September. Both of them hes signed a
lettir to the Earl of Mar. Sir Johne M’Lean hes also signed
it. It’s from the cheifs of the clans to his Lordship; all of
them are to signe it as I can gett thorow them. The tutor
of M’Leod is readie to signe it; he is fourscoir meils from his
place, and a verry ill road, so that it will take near eight days,
or I can have his subscription and return this lenth. Then
there is the rest of the leading men that is to signe it, lives
at such a distans that it will take me six or sevin days more.
Then I go straight to Edinbruch and takes post for London,
for those gentilmen proposis I should goe with their lettir to
London to the Earl of Mar to lay there concerns before him.
The contents of their lettir is praying his Lordship may assure
the Government of there dutifull and hearty resolutions to
serve his Majesty King George, and in all things to concur
with his Lordship, and to follow his directions in all things
wherein they can be usfull to his sacred Majesty’s service.
i have sent this by ane express to Edinbruch to Mr Harry
Mall, writter there, with a lettir to the Earle of Mar, in which
T have inclosed ane doubill of the lettir the chiefs of the clans
is to send by me to his Lordship, that by it his Lordship may
prevent any ill impressions that may be given of them, They
have alowed me to send it, yett they disayr it should be at
present known only to such as his Lordship thinks necisarie.
Sir James Campbell and Sir Duncan Campbell each of them
writts his Lordship a lettir in there oun name, and in the
name of others of Argyllshyre, in the same tearms that the
lettir from the clans is, and it is in concert with the clans.
There lettirs I also carie with me to his Lordship, butt its fitt
nothing be said of there lettirs butt to such as my Lord Mar
thinks it absolutly necisarie to impart it to.

Tue Eart or Mar to his brother, Lorp Granae.

1714, November 20. ondon.—The accounts we have had
latly from Scotland make people here belive that there is a
designe in Scotland of addressing against the Union, and I
am told the Court begin to apprehend it a good dale, and perhaps
they have some reason for so doing ; for if such addresses were
universall, heartie, and soon from Scotland, I am apt to belive
that the Parliament might go into it. I have reason to belive
most of the Tories wou’d, most of the Whigs too who are out
of humour, and several others of them who were formerly
against it upon account of the Protestant succession not have-
ing then taken place. And by the situation of affairs ’tis pro-
bable there wil! never be a time so likly to bring about a dissolu-
tion as now, if our country push it heartily. All sides of our peers
own that if the matter of our peerage be not sett right they
wou’d wish a dissolution, and I am perfectly of that oppinion,
tho’ I thought the Union as good a thing as ever I did. Now,
as to that of our Peerage being sett right, I see now little
510

probability of it, and I confess I almost despair of it by what
I pick up in my conversation with the English. Any of us
who hope to be set back in the same place or condition we
were in before the determination of Duke Hamilton’s affair,
are deceived. I know some who were very much for us in
that matter, who now that its done, own they will not be for
altering it, and there are none I believe who were against us in
that who are converted, and wou’d be for us now or afterwards.
I belive they wou’d give some expedient to get free of our
election (which they heat, and will never let us alone so long
as we have it), but that expedient will never in probability be
what the peers of Scotland will like, and it were a cruel unjust
thing to do it without their consent, which I am sure no honest
Scotsman could go into. I shall be glade to know what stirring
their is in Scotland about this, and pray write by the very
first post after you get this.

Give my service to my Lord Balmerino. I thought to have
wrote to him to-night; I have not now time, but show you
him this.

I am very glade of the account you gave me in your last of
some peers; pray go on in that way with others of them, all
you can.

1714.—Representation by the General Assembly of the
Church of Scotland, and speech by their commissioners to the
King ; also address by the Presbytery of Hamilton, 1714.

Papers connected with the proclamation of King George the
First at Edinburgh and London in September, 1714.

Petition by John, Earl of Mar, to the Lords of the Treasury
for payment of the rent of the office used by him and now
by the Duke of Montrose as Secretary for Scotland.

THe Earn oF MarR TO THE DUKE OF MONTROSE.

1715. January 17. Whitehall.—To fortify his memory in
representing on the morrow to the King the hardship imposed
upon the Earl in the turning out of Col. Erskine as deputy
governor of Stirling Castle under himself. For some hundreds
of years his family have had the keeping of the Castle, at
first by their own servants, and afterwards when during the
troubles King Charles the ‘First judged it advisable to keep
soldiers there, the Earl of Mar’s governor always received a
commission as captain of the garrison, with one exception,
during the reign of King James the Seventh. but that was
rectified at the Revolution. Col. Erskine has been in com-
mission since King Charles the Second’s time, and was
appointed governor of the Castle in the reign of King Wilham
the Third. He trusts the King will recal the order for turning
him out. If not, ‘it is his duty and mine to submit to the
King’s plasure.’’ The Ear! asks that his letter may be booked
in the books of the Duke’s office.
511

THE CHEVALIER to [the Hart or Mar] Commission.

1715, September 7. Barle Duc.—James R.—James the
Highth by the grace of God, King of Scotland, England,
France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc., To . . .
: (left, blank). Wee, reposing especiall trust and con-
fidence in your loyalty, courage, experience, capacity and good
conduct, do by these presents constitut and appoint you to be
our General and Commander-in-Chief of all our forces both by
sea and land in our antient kingdom of Scotland. Whereupon
you are to take upon you the said command of General and
Commander-in-Chief. And the better to support you in the
said authority, our will and pleasure is that you act in concert
with and by the advice of our right trusty and wellbeloved
cosens and councellors the Earl Marshall, Earl of Marr.

(3 25 ts, seenl, best bed ESE Ye (left blank). Wee likewise
do empower you to grant commissions in our name to all officers
both by sea and land, to place and displace the same as you
shall think fit and necessary for our service; to assemble our
said forces, raise the militia, issue out orders for securing of
all suspected persons, and seizing of all forts and castles, and
putting garisons into them; and to take up in any part of our
dominions what mony, horses, arms, ammunition and pro-
visions you shall think necessary for arming, mounting and
subsisting the said forces under your command, and to give
receipts for the same, which wee here promise to repay. By
this our Commission wee likewise empower you to make warr
upon our enemys, and upon all such as shall adhere to the
present Government and usurper of our dominions; leaving
entirely to your prudence and conduct to begin the necessary
acts of hostility when and where you think it most advantageous
and conducing to our restoration. And wee do hereby com-
mand and require all officers and soldiers, both by sea and land,
and all our subjects, to acknowledge and obey you as our
General and Commander-in-Chief of our army ; and you to obey
such further orders and directions as you shall from time to
time receive from us in pursuance of the great power and trust
wee have reposed in you. Given at our Court at Barle Duc the
7th day of September, 1715, and in the 14th year of our reign.
By his Majesties command,

(Signed) THomas H1acons.

1715, October 13.—List of the army at the camp of Perth—

HORSE.
Marquis of Huntly... aes oe on 400
Earl Marischal ... ey 253 ai a 180
Perthshire sa eee ba is Hk 70
Sterlingshire... was ay we eh 77
Angusshire sibs eee 13 we vl 100
Fifeshire wie a ae oa 26 90

917
512

FOOT.
Marquis of Huntly... wi ets .. 1200
Lord George Murray ... wes ete tee 230
Earl Pammure ... ses wea ieee ea A415
Lord Ogilvie... ey gas ee i 351
Strouan Ma ae ee Bes ae 2038
Innernytie sey we8 a was 267

—_—_--

2666

1715, October 24.—Instructions given by the Earl of Mar to
a certain person to be communicated to the King’s friends be-
south Forth.

The Earl has received H. S——’s* letter of the 19th
to-day, and is sorry H got not his Lordships, but he hopes
e're now H. has received it. His Lordship has got the lead
box.

His Lordship has sent letters twice to Mr, Forster from Fife
to Newcastle, and has write once that way to Borlum and to
Kenmuir, or whoever commands besouth Forth two dayes ago,
and also to Borlum in a merchant stile, by one who had serv’d
Earl Murray two dayes ago.

In all these letters his Lordship, being so ignorant of the
situation of their affairs, it was impossible to give any positive
commands, but left it to themselves to do what was thonght
most expedient for the servce by the advice of friends, of which
#H 5 to be the principal, either in keeping in a body for
the south of Scotland, or about Edinburgh, going into England
to join friends there, or to come towards Sterling to be assistant
to the passage of the army on this side over Forth; that the
last would be the most usefull to the King’s affairs in Scotland,
but the view in generall of his affairs was most to be considered,
and therefore left to them to correspond and consult with their
friends in the North of England, and that the Earl of Mar
would be very glad soon to know what resolution they came to,
to accomplish which H—— 8 is to try all means imaginable.

The Earl of Mar has endeavoured to settle a correspondence
betwixt Fife and Newcastle, but has yet no letters that way.

It is impossible to move from Perth until Seafort and
General Gordon join the army. They are expected in two or
three dayes. Marq[uis] Seafort as he writes to the General
having disperst Sutherlands people, and others disaffected in
that country having submitted and given up their houses,
arms, and ammunition, Seafort was to begin his march
Tewsday last, and to march towards the army the nearest way
through the hills.

Every day the Earl of Mar expects to hear of General
Gordon’s having finished the affair of Inverary and returning
with the forces under him towards Perth, which was his orders
to march to since the army return’d to Perth.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

* The remainder obliterated, but seems like Henry Swinton.
518

In case Argile upon the reinforcement he gets from Ireland
should think fitt to move towards Perth before Seafort and
Generall Gordon come up, those at Perth have nothing to do
but defend the town, the best way they can, and retire to the
north side of Tay, when they can defend it no longer, in
which case, the enemy being in possession of Perth, it would be
almost impossible for the King’s army to repass Tay again this
season without the assistance of the forces in the south ; so that
the King’s friends there upon this supposed motion of Argile’s
should certainly march after him by the heads of Forth to
harass him, prevent all they can his returning to Stirling, and
to follow such other directions as shall be sent them when they
come betwixt Stirling and Perth.

The Karl of Mar in reading over the copies of his last letter
to Kenmuir, has found that by mistake it was said in it that
Kenmuir was a brigadier of horse, whereas it should have been
Major-General.

The Earl of Mar is to send one to France to-morrow, with
accounts of the King’s affairs here since the last accounts were
sent, and to press the King’s comeing immediately if he be
not come off already.

October 24.—Earl of Mar had a letter to-day from Broadal-
bane, telling of one he had from Generall Gordon of the 21st.,
giving an account of his having finish’d the affair at Inverary
peaceably, and that he was about beginning his march as
ordered to join the army. (Copy.)

THE CHEVALIER TO THE DUKE oF Mar.

1715, November 15.—If the winds had not been contrary Mr.
Hayes had not found me on this side the sea, for he arrived here
but last night, and I have been waiting here these eight dayes.
The accounts he gave have increased the desire you know I have
long had of going to you, which nothing but cross winds do
now hinder, but I hope they will soon turn and that I may still
soon join you. I shall go straight to the place you appointed,
and from thence join your army with all possible speed. You
will maybe be surprised at this resolution after the message I
lately sent you that I was resolved to go to England, but affairs
have not gone so well there as we hoped, as Lord John Drum-
mond will tell you. However the D[uke] Ormond parts to-
morrow to try again what he can do and with some arms wee
have gott here and some few Irish troopers, I do not doubt but
that he will be able to make a head and make a considerable
diversion. Ihave not words to express to you the satisfaction
I have of your sagacious and prudent conduct which God has
hitherto blest with so much success, and of which I hope I shall
be soon eye wittness. What you have done in relation to the
Kirk ministers is most proper, and your joint resolution of never
giveing over the cause cannot but have a very good effect in
both kingdomes: You are best judge whether it will be proper

loa
514

to call a Parliament or not before my arrival, and I leave that
entirely to you; and, as I have here nobody that can draw a
commission to that effect, I have signed a blank for Lord
Bollingbrock to fill constituting you thereby my Commissioner
in Scotland. As for the Order of the Thistle, if you think that
requires any hast to determin that matter before my arrival you
may do it as you find proper, but my first thought is that con-
tinueing that Order on the footing my sister put it may be the
most popular. I believe my giveing you in this private letter
a power of makeing knights is sufficient warrant for so doing ;
and in general I shall never think I can putt too much power
into the hands of one who makes so good use of it. Lord Boll-
ingbrock will lett you know the hopes we are in as to the French
Court, and will negociate with them on the letter you have
sent and I hope with success. You must let him know out of
hand whither he may send arms to you. This is all I have
time to say at present, and all that is I think necessary. I
am, as you may believe, most impatient to be with you, that I
may at last give my Scotch subjects essential proofs of my par-
ticular favour and protection, and you all the further marks
cf my most particular kindness and friendship that the best of
subjects can receive or desire. JAMES R.

Your brother-in-law has acquitted himself perfectly well of
your commissions. I wish he could have staid at Paris to act
there, but he is too usefull for me to part with him — (Holo-
graph),

THE Earu oF Mar to the CHEVALIER.

1715, November 24. From the Camp of Perth.—Sir, it was
but yesterday I had accounts of your being at sea ; and I thought
myself oblidged to do all in my power to let you know the state
of affairs in this island before you land in it, so that you may
not be disappointed upon your comeing.

I had the certain accounts vesterday of those who had ap-
peared in arms besouth Forth and in the North of England, all
being made prisoners at Preston in Lancashire, which I’m
afraid will putt a stop to any more risings in that countrey at
this time. Your Majesteis army, which I have the honour to
command, fought the enemie in the Shirreff-Muir, near Dum-
blain, the 13th of this moneth. Our left behaved scandalously
and run away, but our right routed the enemies left and most of
their body. Their right follow’d and pursued our left, which
made me not adventure to prosecute and push our advantage on
our right so far as otherwayes wee might have done. However
wee keept the field of battle, and the enemies retired to Dum-
blain.

The armie had lyen without cover the night before, and wee
had no provisions there, which oblidged me to march the armie
back two milles that night, which was the nearest place where
T could get any quarters. Next day T found the armie reduced
toa small number, more by the Highlanders going home than
515

by any loss wee sustained, which was but very small; so that
and want.of provisions oblidged me yet to retire, first to Auch-
terarder and then here to Perth. I have been doing all I can
ever since to get the armie together again, and I hope consider-
able numbers may come ina little time ; but now that our friends
in England are defeated there will be the troops sent down
from thence to reinforce the Duke of Argyle, which will make
him so strong that we shall not be afraid to face him, and I am
afraid wee shall have much difficultie in makeing a stand any-
where, save in the Highlands, where wee will not be able to
subsist. This, Sir, is a melancholy account, but what in duty
I was obliged to let you know if possibly I can before you land ;
and for that end I have endeavour’d to send boats out about
those places where I judged it most probable you would come.
Ther’s another copie of this upon the west coast, and I wish to
God one or other of them may find you if your Majesty be upon
the coast. By the strength you have with you your Majesty
will be best able to judge if you will be in a condition when
join’d with us to make a stand against the enemie. I cannot
say what our numbers will be against that time, or where wee
shall be, for that will in a great measure depend on the enemie,
and the motions they make; but unless your Majestie have
troops with you, which I’m afraid you have not, I see not how
wee can oppose them even for this winter when they have got
the Dutch troops to England, and will power in more troops
from thence upon us every way.

Your Majestie’s presence would certainly give new life to
your friends, and make them do all in their power for your
service, but how farr they would be able to resist such a form’d
body of regular troops as will be against them I must leave
your Majestie to judge.

T have sent accounts from time to time to Lord Bolingbroke,
but I have not heard once from any of your Majesties servants
since Mr Ogilvie of Boin came to Scotland, nor none of the five
messengers I sent to France are returned, which has been an
infinite loss to us. I sent another, which is the sixth to
France, some dayes ago, with the account of our victory, who,
I suppose is sail’d e’er now.

May all happiness attend your Majestie, and grant you may
be safe whatever become of us. If it do not please God to bless
your kingdoms at this time with your being settled on your
throne, I make no doubt of its doing at another time, and I
hope there shall never be wanting of your own subjects to assert
your cause, and may they have better fortune than wee are like
tohave. Task but of heaven that I may have the happiness to
see your Majestie before I die, provided your person be safe,
and I shall not repine at all that fortune has or can do to me.
Your Majestie may find many more capable but never a more
faithful servant than him who is, with all duty and esteem, sir,
your Majesties most dutiful, most faithful, and most[. . . ]
subject and servant, Mar. (Copy.)
516

THe DUKE oF Mar to the CHEVALIER ST. GEORGE.

1715, December 9, Perth.—Sir, I was honour’d with a letter
from your Majestie of the 15th of November, some dayes ago,
which Lord Bolingbroke sent me by a gentleman (Mr Forbes)
I had sent with despatches to him. Generall Ecclin and Mr
Fleeming, came with him to Montrose, and will be here to-day
or to-morrow, and bring the money along with them which
Generall Ecclin had the charge of. ord Edward Drummond
and Doctor Abercrombie arriv’d here since Forbes and brought
with them some more money and duplicates of the letters which
came by the other, and a packet to your Majesty from the
()ueen.

IT am overjoyed at the accounts Lord Bolingbroke gives me
of the happie turn thats like to be in affairs abroad in your
Majesties favours, and it gives me a very different view of
things from what J had when I wrote to your Majestie the 24th
of last month, and I believe will be delivered you with this.
Wee are all here in the utmost anxiety and pain till we know
of your Majesties safe arrival. I have done what was in my
power in the situation wee are in to make it safe, and I wish it
nad been in my power todo more. I hope in God Providence
will protect vou, and bring you safe to your longing people.

T have heard nothing yet of the Duke of Ormond’s being in
England, and I wish it may be well with him. The Dutch
troops are on their march for Scotland, and some few of them:
are already come by sea; those by land cannot be at Stirling
these three weeks. Generall Cadogan is come down, which I
hear Duke Argyll.does not take well. As soon as your Majesty
arrives IT make no doubt of your haveing very soon an army
together of 10.000 men. The season of the year is bad: but
that’s bad for the enemy too. Bv the accounts my Lord Boling-
aives me I hone there will quickly be troops sent here to your
Majesty, and I have wrote to him the safest places for sending
thern to both upon the east and west coast. If the Duke of
Ormond be not in England to make a diversion the enimie will
send most of their troops here; but that will give them a fine
opportunity there to appear for your Majesty if they have any
spirit left. Should your Majesties armie in Scotland not be
able to fight the enemie it will be in your power to keep them
fromm fighting you, and were your Majestie once arrived T have
very good hopes of a good part of their army coming over to you.

Perhaps vour Majesty will hear on your arrival that wee had
made an offer to capitulate: it is too long to tell you the storv
here, but I beg your Majestie may not be alarmed at it, for T
hope the danger of that is over, and that you shall not want
people to stand by you to the last drop of their blood.

Your Majesty has done me more honour than I deserve. The
new dignity you have been pleased to confer on me is what I was
not looking for; and comeing from your Majesties hands is
what gives it the value. The patent is not yet come, but tho
it had T think T ought not to make tse of it till your Majesties
arvival, alnor T hapa tf 44 se net,
517 Fe

All prosperity attend your Majesty, and may I have the
happiness soon to throw myself at your fect, which is the thing
in the world I have long’d most for.

Allow me to say that I am with all veneration, sir, your
Majesties most obedient, most faithfull, most humble, and
most dutiful subject and servant, Mar. (Copy.)

1716, February 14th, Edinburgh.—Lord Grange, to Mr
Chalmers, minister at Kilwinning, deploring the rebellion and
the woeful effects it is likely to bring upon his family and the
country. He affirms that King George only has a good title
to be King of these realms. In a postscript, he adds: We have
heard of the Pretender’s returning to France, some of his ad-
herents with him, and almost all the rest dispersed.

1717.—A volume of the MS. Diary of Lord Grange, from
13th October 1717, to 5th November, 1718. relating chiefly
his religious experiences. It is marked as ‘‘Memmoirs VII.’’

1718.—Some accounts of dues in Chancery, 1718-1725.

1719, June 2.—Curious computation of damages for the
spoliation of a cow, given in by Mr William Abercromby,
who was Episcopal minister of the parish of . . before the
Revolution, against John Kennedy of Kilhenzie, whose father,
it was alleged, took away the said minister’s cow in the spring
of 1689. In his action before the Court of Scssion he claims
not only the original cow, but the value of four calves which she
would have borne, and the four calves of each of these four
calves, which by 1705 it was computed would amount to 80,
and in the thirteen years since then to a vast number. Besides
this, he claims the value of their milk, butter and cheese.

Tur CHEVALIER to the DucHESS of Mar.

1719, September 9, Montefiascony.—The Duke of Mar’s
late misfortunes and my own uncertain situation for some
months past has occasioned my being much in the dark as to
his present circumstances, which touch me too nearly not to
desit'e you will inform me particularly of them. ‘The last letter
T had from him was in the beginning of May from Genua, in
which he mentioned to me his ill state’of health, and something
of your comeing to meet him at the Bourbon waters; but the
season for them now advanceing, or rather passeing, I reckon
that whether he hath gone thither or not he will soon be here
on the receipt of the note I sent t’other day for him; and by
consequence that what measures he may have taken with you
about your meeting him will be altered on sight of that, I
thought it necessary to inform you of these purticulars to
prevent any thoughts you might have of a journey so expen-
sive and now useless. For as to his liberty | make no doubt
but that it will immediately follow the certainty of ny return
518

to this country. I should think it not prudent to write any
politicks to him now, not knowing what fate my letters might
meet with ; but their is no secret in your sayeing all thats kind
from me to ‘him, and you cannot exaggerate as to my impatience
to see him, after all our mutual misfortunes and adventures,
and I am sure he will be glad to know and see me more happy
in a wife than I can be otherwayes in most other respects.

I hope soon to have the satisfaction of seeing you at Rome,
when I believe I shall soon convince you that if you and your
lord have in the world many false friends, I am and shall ever
be a true one to you both. James R. (Holograph).

Tut CHEVALIER to the DucHESS oF Mar.

1719, ie es 26, Montefiascony.—I received two dayes
ago yours of the 22, with one from the Duke of Mar, to which
LE “here send you my answer. I have not received any letter
from him later than the month of May, as I inform him; for
that of the third of July, it must be gone to Spain, and could
not but miss me, and so will, I suppose, be returned to me.
The Queen makes you her kind compliments. Wee are, thank
God, both well, and very impatient to be at Rome. I desire
not less to have your lord with me again, and in the meantime
shall be ever most desirous to do what depends on me for your
comfort and satisfaction. James R. Holograph).

THE CHEVALIER to the DucHESs or Mar.

1719, October 5, Moutefiascone.—I had not time by last post
to auswer the packet you sent me from the D[ uke] of Mar with
Brigadeer: Campbell’s paper inclos’d in yours of the 80th. You
have here inclos’d mv packet, which is very bulky, but it will
not I hope go less safe for that. My impatience to see your
lord again makes me very uneasy at all the delays that he meets
with in relation to his liberty, and should be sorry he sent for
you in this season, for that cannot be but on a certainty of his
not obtaining it so soon; but if that should happen before I
return to Rome I hope you will take this place in your road,
and not grudge a few nights ill lodging to give us the satis-
faction of your company for a few days, and in that case I shall
speak to you here of those papers of mine you have in your
hands. The Queen makes you her kind compliments, and
desires you’l send her a copy of the note she writt to you soon
alter she came to Rome. There has been pains enough taken
from Rome within those few days to do you ill offices with me,
but I can assure you with truth they have made no impression
upon me, nor will they produce any other effect than to make
me, if possible, kinder to you. But when I see you I shall say
more on this head, for ’tis fit you should know your false from
your true friends, Tand there is added in the Chevalier’s own
hand] and among the last you shall ever find me. James R.
519

1719, October 9, Montifiaseony.—The Chevalier, without
address .—JAMES R.—’Tis my intention that such boxes of iny
papers as are now in the Duchesse of Mars custody should
be first sealed by her and then deliver’d with their keyes to Sir
William Ellis. J.R.

Mr. GaBriEL WILSON, minister at Maxton, to Lonp GnanGe.

1720, February 1, Maxton.—My Lord, I blush extremely
that I’m so late in returning you my hearty thanks for the great
favour you did me in sending me your own copy of Mr Hali-
burton’s paper; but 1, not having the convenience of writing
immediately after the receipt of your Lordship’s letter, and
thinking to have got a copy taken soon after, delayed till L
should have returned the paper with the acknowledgment of
it; which yet by reason of several providential diversions, I got
not done till very lately, and therefore I beg your Lordship
may pardon this new incivility.

There are indeed many good things in it that may be of use
in treating of that question, but there’s work enough left for
your Lordship notwithstanding. To handle that matter as it
deserves and so as to make it useful will no doubt require both
time and pains; and your Lordships tho’t unent the subjects
one must be seen in in order to a solid and judicious discussing
of it is most just. And particularly “tis evident that unless
one be skilled in law as well as in divinity he’s not qualified for
that undertaking. And, my Lord, tho’ the weight of publick
bussiness will not allow you much time ut once for such an
affair, yet I hope you may find time for it. I need not tell you
that bitts of time, if catcht and improven, will do much good.
1 perfectly agree with your Lordship anent the right hand rocks
one is in danger of in espousing the cause of neglected and out
of fashion truths or dutys, and certainly the danger is very great,
even greatest by far on that side; for the old man is expert
in hellish chemistry, extracting food and refreshment often
even out of these very things that are most deadly unto him,
and much more easily may he serve himself of such cases as
these. And therefore one has great need to be aware of enter-
taining himself with his being singular in a good thing, and of
valuing himself on that account, as well as of neglecting it
lest he lie or be construed one who affects to be so.

I have not nor have I ever read Crofton, tho’ I know he’s
much conmended: but I don’t mind to have heard that he
touches the question anent posterity. If your Lordship does
not fall upon his easily in town I shall see to find him in this
country. I have sent you Hngland and Scotland's Corenaut
with their God as a curiosity or rarity only, for I never
met with nor heard of another copy of it; from which, by the
bye, one may learn that England’s going into the Solemn
League was no such sudden political expedient as is commonly
believed. You have, I doubt not, Historia Motuuwm in Scotia,
being the history of the renewing of the National Covenant,
and of the Assembly at Glasgow, and what followed thereon,
520

in the years ’88 and ’39. ‘There’s in that history a passage of
the then heir of the family of Mar, which, if it does not endear
that interest to all of that family, ought at least to make them
consider well how they decline from it. The passage was
most remarkable both in it’s circumstances and the influence
it had ; tho King Charles’s large Declaration (which the foresaid
book was written for an antidote unto) passes an invidious
reflection on it. My Lord, when one considers what an honour-
able part the nobility and gentry of Scotland have often acted
with reference to these Covenants he cannot without regret
think how they, as if they thought it not enough to have de-
serted that interest themselves, have been of a long time either
cawing or driving men off that bottom; but if they find their
real interest and honour in so doing, that word, Them that
honour me, I will honour, but they who despise me, etc., must
fail. Whatever others must think I have no doubt of it all that’s
Luilt on the ruines of these covenants shall prove a Babel
building.

If I can fall wpou anything of the lives of Christians which
your Lordship has not seen I shall be sure to procure it for you.
The Private Christian’s Witness, etc., with the Testimony of
the Spirit, by the saine author, J] doubt not you have. I have
sent the account of the Lady Elcho’s death, which is but lame
and incorrect, and perhaps your Juordship will know the story
better than ’tis told there. I’m glad of the prospect you have
of coming at some of Mr Hogs diarys and sermons; for if they
were once in your Lordship’s hands, I’l expect to get some time
a sight of them. What you suggest anent the Confessions
if transcribed their falling into wrong hands is indeed weighty
with me; and therefore I leave that matter entirely to your
Lhordship’s prudence. I came to have waited on your Lordship
that one day I was in town on occasion of the Lady Doun’s
burial, but I missed you. This, with my humble duty and best
wishes, from, my Lord, your most humble servant in the
Lord, GAB. WILSON.

Oxtp Mr VerrcH, at Dumfries, to Lorp Grane.

1720, May.—All thats done about Mr Patoun and Lin is bot
cheat and trick, as my son Somervel will shew you. Help him
t> the measures I have directed.

Farewell all honest Church judicatories until a winter form
which is comeing awaken and purge us. Its like to be the
worst that ever our Church had. O that her following day may
be prosperous, clear, and long.

 

CLeMENTINA, Wife of the Chevalier St. George, to [the
Ducusss cr Mar. |

[1720] September 23, Montefiasconi.—Je vien de recevoire
votre chere letre par Monsieur Clepen, et vous suis bien oblige
de l’attention que votis avé eu. de menvoyer du tée lequele ne
sauroit quetre bon venant de vous. Vous me marquez avoire
521

de la perne # ecrire le fransoi, mai vote esprit vous laprenderad
bientot. Le Roy ma charge de vous faire se compliment, et
soyez alissy persuadez de lestime que jauray toujour pour votre
merite. CrEementine R.

Jambrase de tous mon cceure la charmant petite. Jespere
dan peu de le pouvoire faire personnelement, et a vous de meme
nous nous porton tré bien laire dicy et fore bonne.

1720.—Bundle of letters from Mr Duncan Forbes to Lord
Grange, during this year, chiefly on judicial business and the
affairs of the Scottish judges. Letters from the Marl of
Kinnoull and Major Clelland anent South Sea speculation.

CLEMENTINA, Wife of the Chevalier St. George, to [the
Ducuess or Mar. ]

1721, March 9, Rome.—Cest avec un sensible plaisir
que jay appris par votre chere letre du 3 de Fevrié votre
retoure d’Angletere. Je vous suis bien obligé pour la part que
vous avé prise a mon heureux accouchement. Je vous prie de
remersier de ma part le Duc de Mar de celle quile y a prise et
soyez persuadé lun et lautre que je tacheray de vous prouver
dans toutes les occassions qui se presenteront ma parfaite estime
et mon amitié sincere laquelle vous et acquise comme vous les
merité si justernent de moy, CLEMENTINE R.

P.S.—Jembrase de tout mon coeure laimable Lady Fanie.
Mon fils se porte, grasea Dieus for bien moy et de meme.

Mr JoHN WYLIE, minister of Clackmannan, to
Lorp GRANGE.

1721, May 8, Clackmannan.—I have been often refreshed
by the accounts I have had from time to time of your Lordship’s
zealous and solid reasonings in our Assemblies and Commis-
sions for the doctrine and discipline of our Church. Your as-
serting that no heritor had any right to vote in calling a minister
as an heritor, but only as a member of the congregation, ac-
cording to the Lord’s Word, was solid and joyfull to me ; for the
Apostles themselves, tho extraordinary, even officers, would not
take upon them the chuseing of two men out of which one was
immediatly by God to be constitute in Judas place, nor would
they chuse so much as a deacon (the lowest officer), but referred
both to the people, Act: 1,15, etc., Act 6. 2, 3, which two texts,
to me, give to the people a divine right of chuseing their own
officers in the House of God. I beseech your Lordship to go
on as ye have don in strengthening the hands of the zealous
orthodox ministers in opposing noveltie in doctrine and dis-
cipline, which has been endeavouring very much to set up its
head by some new schemers for errours in both. Jt seems to
me disgraceful to this Church that there has been overtures
published in her name that would give a negative vote to a
minister in a session, and would set up a collegiat session with
522

power to impose laws and censures on the particular sessions,
which is a new kind of judicature never heard of in the Church
betwixt particular sessions and the presbytrie their immediat
superiour judicatorie. That particular sessions, both in burgh
and landward may meet for counsell and advice, why not? But
where is there any necessity of their meeting for jurisdiction so
long as presbytries, etc., stand? Collegiat sessions should
not be so much as named in our discipline, and therefore
wherever mention is made of them in the overtures it should
be serapt out for knocking down the pride of factious men.
As for deacons, our 2d. Book of Discipline, chapter 8, sets down
their office and duties which they are to do at the appointment
of the presbytries or elderships, of which it does not allow them
to be members. Where then is the power to vote anent the
money matters for the poor more than for ministers stipends,
both which they were then to collect and distribute? See
Catherwood’s History on anno 1581, page (mihz) 109. Where
is that Scripture that gives the least semblance for their vote?
J hate all novelties without Scripture, reason and necessity. If
we give way to one of that sort it may draw moe after ijt. As
for us here away our elders gather the collections to the
treasurer, who is an elder, and he, at the direction of the session
or minister, with approbation of the session, destributes it.
The Lord bless your lordship, your lady, and children, with
all blessings, spiritual and temporal, and spare you to be a
blessing and comfort to your familie (and as ye have been to the
Church).

DUKE oF ARGYLL AND GREENWICH to LorD GRANGE.

1721, May 25th.—Mr dear Lord, I could not have imagined
that the proceedings on the Peerage Bill would have been so
much as attempted to have been made use of, much less that
they should have been so with any degree of success in favour
of the Squadrone interest by those who professed a dislike to
that bill; but since miracles are not ceased, pardon my troubling
you with a few words on that subject.

I cannot but be a little surprized that anybody should on that
pretence take part with the Squadron against me, especially in
a matter where I cannot be so nuch as suspected to act out of
any view to private interest. The part that they and I had in
that affair is so well known here that I aim astonished how it
should be misunderstood in Scotland, except by such persons
who have other reasons for what they doe than those they
think fit to express. There is not a mortall about Court so
ignorant as not to know that a project was formed for that bill,
and determined to be put in execution long before I returned to
his Majesties service, and consequently could be acquainted
with it. If after I was consulted my prevailling to augment
the number greatly and to change several persons, who I took
to be disagreeable to their country for such as have the generall
esteem of it, be faulty, they may be indeed justly imputed to me.
Jf my not only proposing but begging with the greatest
528

earnestness that the peers might be assembled and consulted
im so great a question before it was brought into Parliament
was wrong, I confess I did it. If the endeavouring to obtain
considerable equivalents for the peers who should chance to be
excluded by the bill was a crime, I plead guilty. If my being
concluded to be for the bill from a conviction that the Court
would allways be able to chuse whome they pleased, which I
think cannot be denyed but to have been hitherto the case,
was a bad reason, I very freely own myself to have been in the
wrong, and I heartily wish that this present election and the
concert for the general one may prove me to have been so.
Thus much for my part. Now, pray, my Lord, is there any-
thing in the Squadron acted in this matter, supposing the beeing
for the Peerage Bill to be a fault, to recommend them to the
opposers of it? If beeing the first movers and afterwards the
drivers of it. was well, the merit is undoubtedly theirs. If the
beeing satisfied with a much smaller number than the Court
afterwards consented to was praiseworthy, they deserve ap-
plause. If the making up that small number with their own
creatures in exclusion to all the best familys of the kingdom
was just, they acted honestly. If representing the peers of
Scotland as the last of men both in publick and private, such
as were unworthy to be consulted or car’d for, deserves the
favour of those very peers, the Squadron may justly claim ‘it.
If the turning out my Lord Dundonald only for signing the
petition against the bill demands the assistance of his friends,
they ought to have it. If the opposing me in the scheme I
projected for satisfying the peers to be left out be a call on those
lords to support them, in God’s name let them have their aid.
Give me leave to end what I have said on this subject with one
question—What. party have I to take in relation to the Peerage
Bill or other matters, if notwithstanding the usage the peers of
Scotland have met with from the Squadron, they are still
determined to elect humbly by their direction? J am, my dear
Lord, your most faithfull humble servant, ARGYLL and

GREENWICH.

MEMORANDUM CONCERNING THE PUBLIC RECORDS.

1723, December 27.—They are at present lodged in a very in-
convenient place, both for the records themselves, and for them
that have occasion to consult them. The place is low, without
air or proper lights, adjacent to a burial place on the north and
heap of rubbish on the south, being two stories below the Par-
liament yard, which of old was the only burial place within
the burgh, from which very noisome steams are most percep-
tible in the Record Office, and has had such effect that several
papers and books, both in parchment and paper, are mouldered
and decaying. Nor is there sufficient room. The two rooms
are so crowded and so high, being at least 20 feet, that there
is no access to them, but by a long, dangerous ladder.
Besides, many of the old and valuable records are in barrels
524

which cannot be put in order for want of convenience. The
place is also yo damp and smothering that tobody can casily
inspect the records.

The town of Edinburgh, being ordered by a recent Act of
Parliament to build a suitable repositot'y for these records, the
suggestion is made that Heriots’ Hospital might be utilised for
the purpose, as only half of the building is at present used for
the purposes of its endowment.

1723.—Letters from Mr. Duncan Forbes as to the refusal
of the Lords of Session to admit Mr. Patrick Haldane as one
of their number, though he has been named by the King, with
representation by the Judges to the King, and letter from Lord
Grange to Mr. Forbes.

Mr. Andrew DARLING, minister at Kinnoul, to
Lokp GRANGE.

1724, February 8. Kinnoul.—My Lord, I had yours of the
date January 7. All the return I make about private concerns
shall be in a postscript.

As to the weary Oath of Abjuration, of which your Lordship
is pleased to acquaint me quhat is doing in obedience to the late
Act of Parliament, it is not possible for me to pass that matter
without in the first place thankfullness in my being kept from
it hitherto. Still somequhat in it casts up to me that makes
me bogle at it. Quhen | apprehend it taken, my mind recoils,
and it will not digest. The Lord’s care of me in the midst of
difficulties, and some of these none of the least, yea, even
bettering my outward circumstances, have been confirming to
me. I ventured my litle all and my all has been restored, with
the heap on the head, and why should I not trust him at all
times and learn to live by faith. I am more comforted in my
refusal than I can promise to be in a compliance, tho yet I
know much can be said on the opposite side, and because I
see so much may be said, I purpose to behave myself quietlie
towards such as differ from me. But further, I cannot pass
this great affair without wondering a litle quhat may be in the
womb of this strange providence. These generally I conceave
who are pointed at to be exposed by their refusal, on quhom
the Government has the worst eye, these I suspect are to take
it. I will not expose my familie to ruin. That is their cant.
Yet that will not alter their way of speaking of nor behaviour
towards K[ing] G[eorge]. These men could sing Te Deum,
etc., for his ruine and his family. Oaths bind not them. Our
multiplying oaths, our needless repeating them, is like to worm
out the sense of God from among us. Quhat a just outcry was
in K{ing] Ch[arles] and Kfing] J[ames] I. reigns against publick
oaths, and we are like to follow their footsteps in that quherin
we condemned them. Whom did these late oaths bind? The
nation shooke them off as a burden they could not bear. I am
525

jealous as opportunity offers so shall the people of our day doe,
and sing a requiem to themselves that the Government forc’t
them. How many are cursing their God and their K[ing],
yet looking upwards. Our cup will be full it seems ere long.
If once the Lord’s wrath begin to burn, blest shall they be who
are stayed on him. I wish the Kfing] had better advisers
about him. . . . It verie much refreshes me to find any,
especially of your high station, that often live at the greatest
distance from God, fill’d with just and clear apprehensions of
true religion, and tthe decayed and languishing state thereof
in this dead and withered time. And thoe I dare not say the
Tord has given me quit so distinct, so clear and full a view of
the state of our affairs as your letter shews you to have got, yet
I think discoveries of these matters have not been withheld
from me altogether; and yet how little of God and Christ do I
know. The paths of the Lord have been made plain to me
in some measure before almost from my youth up, yet I need
to be lead in a plain path. The further I travel in the wayes of
heavenly wisdom I think I am still less acquainted with these.
There is something in vour excellent animadversions anent the
government and discipline of the Church that pleases me well,
that one cannot have just notions thereof except where the life
and power of godliness is practically understood. I take it to
be in this as in the other principles and concerns of religion,
that if a man does the will of the Heavenly Father, he shall
know the gospel doctrine; and thus a man may understand
religion in its several branches from his own heart, more than
from the volumes of the writings of others. And if he be a
practical Christian, he shall learn Christ and the power of his
resurrection to better purpose from Christ revealed in him than
revealed before him in the Word, quhen that revelation stands
alone, without the other. But who knows quhat that is—It
pleased God to reveal His Son in me.

As I can remember the times of refreshing that fell out about
our happy Revolution, I did then with joy behold the
messengers of the Gospel] who had been so long in the hot firie
furnace of persecution—the witnesses standing again on our
Mount Sion, with the Lamb, and come out of great tribulation—
I beheld them with pleasure and wonder. At first I could not
understand why, quhat was the matter, that these men came
to be more valued than others that had served themselves of
the pulpits before; but in a short time something Christlike
among these appeared, the power of God was in their sermons,
and the power of His grace was in their lives, that added a
lustre to them and made them indeed men of God. They
shewed in the whole of their way that the principles they had
espoused were the truths of God they loved and believed. Tet
me not be mistaken if I say quhat a vain thing is government
and discipline, quhen a man has not learned to govern himself
and to discipline himself. He affects to rule others, yet
cannot rule his own spirit. He is for parity, but playes the
prelat. He must sitt at the helm, els if he be not ever there he
reckons the ship is lost, Government nnd diseipline are a
526

matter of practice, and not mere motion and principle. But
then again, How shall a man live and practice if he have not life
and spirit within his heart? He is dead himself, and the
spirit of life is in the hand of another. I cannot away with
many that tell me it is his principle that all ministers have
equal power, yet lets as few as be can share of it. And how is
it to be accounted for that so much real prelacy is to be found
among us, and methods brought in practise of the Church that
turns all the great concerns of religion among us to the hands
of a few ; nor will I term them the best either. If they were so
they would account others equally the ministers of Christ with
themselves, and wod not shuffle them thence where their Lord
had plac’d them. It is for want of the Spirit of the Lord and
the gracious influences of the Spirit that men in their Church
managements follow the conduct of their own spirits that still
dictate the advancing self. Nothing but Christ in us can
advance Christ without us in the world. Where He is not in
men, men will seek themselves and not Him, and take false
measures and the most corrupted means to serve Him. And why
so? Because self-ease, glory, vanity and ambition are reacht
by these. Hence religion lies neglected wholly or is at best but
taken up in masquerad, and changes colours as the times doe
or as the humors of princes or great men dictate to them. My
Lord, an observe just now turns up to me, that since our Re-
formation, Presbyterians in their publick conduct never were
so much nor so long in the interest or rather inclination of the
Court of Brittain as they have been since the late happy Re-
volution. They have studied to please and jump in with the
inclinations of great men, yet at this day I know not if ever
they had fewer of quality real friends in their heart. to the
interest of real religion, and men, truely Whigs, and had it at
heart to serve and advance the concerns of religion that is a-
dying among us this day, and if it were not of a. Divine original
wod infallibly expire. But the Lord has founded Sion.
Christ is the chief corner stone, and the blessed building shall
stand.

Your Lordship has well noticed that our dangers and partial
deliverances has rather contributed to deaden us than reform
us, and I cannot but call to mind the text I was led to to preach
upon after the Lord by Argile had scattered our enemies, viz.,
Lev. 26: If ye will not be reform’d by these things, I will
punish you yet seven times more for your iniquities. When
one reflects on the great terror took hold on His people in this
Church when the enemie rose up against us to slay us, who
then could have thought but if he were to live and see the
goodness of the Lord in the land of the living, our Israel was
then to be holiness to the Lord. Instead of that enemies have
not taken with their rebukes. The Lord’s hand has been lifted
up, and they wod not see it. These are gnawing their tongues
with pain, and repent not of the evil they have done, and such
as are friends, the best of them are fallen asleep, and truely
slumbering ; and most of them are falling off in their practise
from all religion and become haters of strictness and_ strict
527

ministers and professors. The unhappy and fatal issues of
our dangers and deliverances cannot. soon be told, and are as
weather-gall, the presages of a sore and sudden storm. I am
sorry that you can so justly reflect on the faintings and per-
plexities in the minds of many. I do not wonder that it is so
quhen I see the darkness of our steps we are to walk in, the
thick clouds that are a pavillion to the Lord God in our day. His
way is hid from us. It is night with us, and then is it that men
fear and cannot find their faith. If that great king could say
with amazement, Yea also and God is departed from me, and
if that brought him to his witts end, how much more may it
bring the daughter of Sion to mourn and sit in darkness with
her hands on her loins. If men lose their guide, if he goe
out of sight, if the paths be unbeaten that men goe in, as they
are very much since our renting Union that pleas’d few but
such as made it, and scarce themselves by this time aday, it is
no wonder nor strange thing to see the traveller distressed, and
not knowing what hand to turn to. I acknowledge it to be
good divinitie that men are not to wait on the Lord without
working. They that wait on the Lord run and do not wearie,
and walk and do not faint, if they wait aright. If they commit
their cause to the Lord, they must do it in well doing.
Yet still how hard is it to wait and work when
we walk in darkness and can see no light, when those who
should work with us work against us, and will not. work as all
they that waited for the Lord, the blessed company have done
before us, who through faith and patience have inherited the
promises. I am still perswaded that notwithstanding of all
our failings and folhes we have a goodly number of honest
ministers in Scotland, and others of a more private station
that wod fain appear for the cause of God, but that they are
at a stand when they look over the Tweed, when they look to
the Court of England and the Church of England and their
influence on us, when they behold our once noble nobilitie, not
off from us generally, but from the Lord; and when they see
the animosities of late risen among us and the universal de-
pravation that is to be seen in the land, and the glory of the
Lord at the threshold of the temple; is it any wonder that even
good men sit still and are at rest? Yet shall I not excuse our
inactivity. But I am perswaded when that rubbish is to be roll’d
ous of our way, and the Lord’s house restored to its ancient
glory, all that shall be done. By my spirit, said the Lord; as in
Zecharia’s time is to be his method now.

My Lord, I shall not say but the common controversies that
have troubled this Church have been studied among us. Our
ministers do not want a good measure of learning, as much, if
not more, than generally in former times. But I observe save
that of the government of the Church a great many wrestlings
of this Church with her enemies since the Reformation have
been litle enquired after. Hence it is that others whose time
and thoughts have been more spent this way and that desire
to carry on the testimony for God from time to time become
men wondred at. As for my pairt, to conclude now, lest I be
528

by this time tedious, I despair of ever seeing matters mend, till
the Lord suddenly come into his temple, till He sit there as a
refiner, and purifie the sons of Levi. Lord, come quickly.

1724.—Copy in MS. of Memoirs of Mr. Ker of Kersland,
Letters from Mr. Isaac Watts, minister of the Gospel
at London, to Lord Grange, dated 23rd September, 1724,
and 14th January, 1725, with copy reply by Lord Grange, dated
17th February, 1725.

Letters and papers by Lord Grange to Viscount Townshend,
Secretary of State, regarding the condition of the Highlands
and their inhabitants, describing their condition socially and
politically, and suggesting remedies for the same, 1724-1725 :
with further disquisitions upon the same subject and also re-
lative to the Borders, 1746-1751.

CLEMENTINA, Wife of the Chevalier St. George, to the
DucHess oF Mar.

1725, January 16. Rome.—Ma cousine, je vous rends mes
plus sinceres remerciemens pour les souhaits et les complimens
que vous me faites dans votre lettre du 25 December. Je puis
vous assurer que j’y responds comme je dois et comme vous
meritez de moy, alant pour vous et votre fille, Lady Fanny, toute
la consideration possible, et vous souhaitant & lune et a autre
toute sorte de bonheur. Sur ce je prie Dieu qu’il vous ait, ma
cousine, en sa sainte et digne garde. A Rome le 16e Janvier,
1725. Votre affectionée cousine, CLEMENTINE R.

Mr Epenezer ERSKINE, Minister at Portmoak, to
Lorp GRANGE.

1725, February 3—My Lord, I send you here inclosed a
piece of very great antiquity which my brother and I discovered
within the fourthnight at the Chapel of Scotland Well, in my
parish, where we interr’d my mother. As we take it, it is
725 years old. The characters are as exactly copied from the
monument as I could. Through great difficultie we read the
ereatest part, and leave it to your Lordship and other anti-
quaries to try your skill upon the rest. The words we have
read are :—HIC: JACET: HONORABILIS: VIR: FRIAR! MICHABL:
ARNOT : MINISTER... OL: QUI: OBIIT: XVI. : DIB! MENSIS : MAT:
M:ANO DomII. ‘Tradition informs us that the second brother
of the family of Arnot was allways minister of the place, having
the rents of the lands of Scotland Well for his stipend. (A
sketch of the stone accompanied the letter).

1730, March 2, Edinburgh.—Affidavit by Simon, Tord
Fraser of Lovat, Captain of a Highland Independent Com-
pany, and one of the Justices of Peace for the Northern
Counties, cte., affirming before Patrick Tandsny, Esquire,
529

Lord Provost of Edinburgh, ‘‘upon honour, that he knew some
of the people called Deans that lived under one of his vassals,
called Mr. Fraser, of Daltulich, and had often got from the best
in that country the character of these people called Deans to be
the most wicked, mad, drunkensome and quarrellsome persons
in that country, for which some of them were punished, and
others forced to flie their country to evit the punishment which
their crimes deserved according to law. The wicked, unhappy
fellow that died at Leeds of the wounds he received from Mr.
Eirskine was one of those Deans, born within four miles of
Inverness, and son to the wicked fellow, Dean, the fidler and
ale house keeper, who lived under the said Mr, Fraser of
Daltulich. (Signed) Lovar; Affirmavit ut supra coram P,
Thindsay, Provost, J.P.”

Wiuuiam Punteney, afterwards Ear. or Batu, to Lonp GRrance.

1733, December 17, London.—It is certainly of the greatest
importance to have a safe and free communication between
London and Edinburgh, and I fancy, very easyly fixed. I
have thought of two methods, either of which will do. The
one is to make a common purse among a few of us, and place
the money ina proper hand to defray the charge of expresses,
and any other expences that may be necessary for the purpose,
The other method is to see what houses there are belonging to
our friends on or near the northern road, and so convey any
pacquets from one to tother till they arrive at Newcastle, from
whence our friends in Scotland must contrive to get them.
But this will be time enough to scttle when your Lordships are
all in town, and you may take the one or the other of these
methods as you like best. . . This nation never was in a
more extraordinary situation. The ministers themselves are,
T believe, even at this time as undetermined what part to take
as they are fearful of taking any. They have not cred# or
interest enough in their own country to venture engaging it in
a war, and they have not reputation enough abroad to
pretend to act the part of mediators. They want mightily to
know what are the sentiments of their opposers, and for this
reason, as well as from the difficulty of saying what is mght to
be done everybody is mute and cbserves strict silence. The
general opinion is that no demand on Parliament will at first be
made for any augmentation of our land forces, nor for taking
any foreign troops into our serviec, but only an encrease of
seamen will be asked to enable his Majesty to fit out a consider-
able squadron of men of warr, and then a vote of credit will
be desired to enable his Majesty to make good any engagements
he may lye under, and to act in all things as conjunctures may
make it necessary. As for the fitting out a fleet we are in ex-
cellent circumstances for the doing of it. with two millions of
debt on the head of the navy, every farthiny of it contracted by
the present minister; so that we inust go for everything to
market at twenty per cent. discount. As for the vote of credit,
T imagine if it be opposed as it ought to be it will be carryed

lit
530

Gi it is carryed) with great difficulty, especially at this time,
when we are so near a new Parliament ; for it is no ill-grounded
suspicion to imagine that they will want a spill out of it to
corrupt the people to obtain a Parliament to their liking.
Besides, it would have a strange appearance to give money
blindfold for the support of measures which have already
brought us into such unhappy circumstances, and trust the ap-
plication of it to the same dirty hands and blundering heads
that have brought all our misfortunes upon us. The Prince of
Orange mends, but so slowly that many are apprehensive of a
consumption, and should he have any relapse he is so very
weak that he could not possibly get over it. I am afraid he
has not met with the honours he expected, or the usage he was
entitled to; all that was reserved till the marriage ceremony
was over, which now is to be performed privately whenever it
is performed ; and which no one can guess when it will be.

Mr. EBENEZER ERSKINE to LORD GRANGE.

1733-4, February 19th, Stirling.—With respect to the affairs
of our young Presbyterie, we had a great many people from
severall corners of the land attending us whom we conversed
with extrajudicially. They made their moan to us, and com-
plained of their hardships they were laid under through violent
intrusions carried on by the judicatories of the Established
Church, craveing help and supply and advice. We set them
all off well satisfied by telling them in general that we were but
yet in embrio, the grounds we resolved to stand upon were not
yet come abroad to the world, and untill they had access to
read and consider these they could not apply to us with faith
and in judgement, neither did we judge it proper to fall
abuilding till the foundation was laid, by emitting the grounds
of our after procedure. Our grand debate was with the Mc-
Millanites, anent their dissowning the civil magistrat because
the present mould of Government comes not up to our covenan-
ted constitution. We argued against them from the practise of
the godly in the kingdom of Judah who owned the civil author-
ity even when their kings were acting cross to the instituted
laws of God, both civil and ecclesiastick, and their covenant
ingagements, and Elijah and the 7,000 in Israel who subjected
to Ahab’s government as a civil magistrat; as also from the
practise of our reforming assemblies when King Charles Ist.
was destroying Presbytrie and introducing the service book.
We found that they had not fully considered these things.
However, the conversation was managed with so much calm-
ness that by letters I have had from some of them since, I find
they were well pleased, and they say that if that difficultie of
theirs which they term the Gordian knott can be cutt by the
sword of the word of God they and we will readily meet in other
things. The day after the conversation they came and heard
Mr. Wilson in the Kirk of Dumfermline.

We have two papers to come abroad shortly ; the first will be
ane answer to the Commissions narrative, which I suppose
581

may be readie and printed against the dounsitting of the Com-
mission in March; the other will be a testimonie against the
Established Church, containing the grounds of our secession
and constitution, which I reckon will be published sometime
before the next Assembly. The three brethren that live con-
taguous have them both among their hands. If your Lordship
could allow yourselfe so much time I incline much they should
undergo your review before their publication, which should be
among the other deep secrets which I hope none shall be privie
to but ourselves. But till I have your allowance I shall not so
much as to move it to Mr. Wilson, who shall be the onely other
person let in to it, because it can not be done without him.
Ile be glad to see these prints you speak of when you get a safe
hand to transmitt them ; none shall know of any concern you
have from me. I was very sorrie to hear of the premunire poor
John Murray is fallen into by attacking a vile strumpet;
perhaps he has been precipitant, but I know him to be a worthie
Christian, and one to whom I ly under singular obligations. I
do not solicite on his behalfe, for I daresay if he have justice
on his side, he shall have it from your Lordship. I’m glad you
are recovered of your late illness; I pray the Lord spare your
life and health to do much service to God both in Church and
State. You well observe that the way we four are in is new
and singular, and we desire your continuance in prayer for the
Divine conduct that according to His promise, He may lead the
blinde in a way we know not, and that tho we be fools and
wayfareing men he may cause us to walk without erring in His
way. What tryals and sufferings may be before us we know
not, but blessed be the God of our salvation, we are not att all
disscouraged with any thing that has happened as yet; yea, we
rejoice in it as a happie deliverance that we were shut out
before we made a secession from the Established Church.

WiiiaM Putreney, afterwards Earl of Bath, to Lorp GRANGE.

1733-4, February 24, Arlington Street, London.— I doubt
not but you are apprised of the clause intended to be added to
the Bill for regulating the elections in North Brittain, to render
the Lords of Sessions incapable of being elected members of
Parliament. The bill is under Mr. Dundas’s care, who moved
for it, but whither it will pass or not is very uncertain tho’
this favourite clause be added to it by Jhord Isla in honour of
you. I suppose you will have a copy of the bill sent you by
the messenger that brings this. I take it for granted that you
despise the maliciousness of this intention, and will render it
of no effect. by quitting the employment if it shall be necessary.
I hope you will not; I flatter myself you cannot fail in your
election, but since no means will be left unattempted by some
folks to keep you out of Parliament, I am clearly of opinion no
means should be left unattempted by others to bring you into
it; and if it should be in my power to give you any assistance,
supposing you failed at home, I promise you that IT will do my
utmost to serve you somewhere in England. We have at last
532

made a subscription for the support of the expenses of ex-
presses, and the money is placed in a gentleman’s hands who
will remain in town and always take care to provide proper
messengers, and do everything that shall be necessary for the
furnishing you with intelligence whenever he is desired; so
that for the future it will be needless to send you any pamph-
letts by sea, tho’ I am glad to hear you received at last those
safely which I sent. by that conveyance. . . . . Wehave
not acted with any great vigour in either House of Parliament,
and I own there is very little encouragement to undertake any-
thing there as yet, but if the great man should begin by any
accident to stagger at Court (as it is not Impossible but he soon
may), I fancy he will find few friends in either House to support
him. There was a debate the other day in both Houses at the
same time on a proposition to make regimental commissions
forfeitable only by judgement of a court-martial; and it con-
cluded with a motion for an address to the King to know who
advised the turning out Lord Cobham and the Duke of Bolton,
and what crimes were laid to their charge. Both questions in
both Houses were carried in the negative. In the House of
Lords the Duke of Argyle fell foul of the Duke of Bolton, and
treated him with great acrimony, for which he is generally
blamed. I am sorry for it because IT love the man, and I
think he does wrong to declare himself so furious a champion
for a falling minister: he used formerly to my knowledge to
judge better and act more wisely. Yesterday Lord Scar-
borough quitted his employment of Master of the Horse to the
King. The ministers give out and would have it believed that
it is not through any dislike of their measures that he has taken
this step, but that he has done it purely with a view to serve
them more effectually when he cannot be suspected should he
continue to vote with them to do it from the influence of his
employment. For my part, I cannot help thinking it a very
odd way of expressing one’s approbation of a company by
quitting it, and Iam sure it will not add to the reputation of
the administration to hear that almost the only man of sense
and credit amongst them has thought proper to retire from
their councills. You may see by this step how true John
Drummond’s news was in relation to Lord Carteret, Tord
Chesterfield and others. I dare venture to assure you that
there is but one thing will ever engage either of those to enter
into the King’s service, and that is his resolution to give up the
man who has done so much mischief to his country.

THE Ear oF Starr to LORD GRANGER.

1733-4, March 20. Iondon.—My dear Lord, I suppose you
have seen the letters I wrote to Drumore from time to time
concerning what was passing here. I believe I have not
thanked you for the honour of your letter of the 22nd. and for
the memoriall that came along with it. It was very plain for
what reason the clause concerning the judges was brought into
538

the bill, and for that very reason your friends wete attentive to
defeat it, which our friend in the House of Commons thought
not difficult to doe by bringing in the Welsh judges, etc. ; but
by what I can see, the whole Bill will drop. The Court liked
it for no other reason but the clause against you, and for the
rest they are unwilling to have the hands of the sherifs tyd up
or indeed to have any certain rules. I’m of opinion that some
such bill is absolutely necessary ; ’tis a better security of liberty
to have any certain rule for elections than to have none. The
Court are of another opinion, for they are for leaving everything
open to influence and dependence, which appeared very bare-
facedly in the debates relating to the peerage of Scotland. You
have seen in what manner they refused the proposall of voting
by ballot, and they refused to lay down any rules for deter-
mining the claims of such persons as might pretend to be peers
of Scotland. In effect admitting or not admitting of pretenders
to vote at clections is left to the Lord Register. I’m afraid
they will not have occasion for so great precaution ; but in the
meantime the hardnesse of the proceeding dos them no honour
here. I doe not know what it dos with you.

On Monday wee had a very strong debate upon a resolution
proposed by the Duke of Bedford, against a minister’s
naming 16 peers or pretending to influence their elections. I
seconded the Duke of Bedford, and showed the many incon-
veniences that might happen to the constitution in all its
branches, how dangerous it might be to the property, and to
the liberty of every subject of this kingdome if 16 peers from
Scotland should coine to sitt in the Parliament of Great Britain
named by a minister or chosen by undue influence, and painted
in strong colours all the things that we had seen done in Scot-
land last year, as though that might happen, which required
the passing of the resolution proposed that practises so very
dangerous might be discouraged. ord Ilay hardly ever looked
up all the while of the debate. The people that spoke on the
other side said it was irregular to bring in such a resolution
without grounding it upon some fact which had been proved ;
that without such proof they could not believe that any such
thing had been done or would be done, and therefor 1t was
needless to put the question upon the resolution, but proposed
the previous question. On that side spoke Lord Hervey, Earl
Cholmondeley, Duke of Newcastle, Lord Chancelour, Ear!
Pawlet, and, last of all, the Duke of Argyle, complaining of the
indignity done to the peers of Scotland by suposing they could
be corrupted. On the other side spoke Harl Chesterfield, Lord
Carteret, prodigious well, taking opportunity from an
enconium the Duke of Newcastle had made upon the adminis-
tration to show the great obligations the nation had to them for
the happy situation of our affairs both at home and abroad.
Then spoke Earl Winchelsea and J.ord Bathurst, and then the
previous question was put, 60 to 99. Inclosed I send you the
question and the protest. The protest was intended to have
been a strong one, but accidents happened to disappoint the
drawing of it in time.
584

There was another incident happened on Monday which has
not been agreable at St. Jameses. Addresses of congratula-
tion were proposed in both Houses on the marriages, which
were agreed to by everybody, and in both Houses the Op-
position proposed a bill to naturalize the Prince of Orange.
Duke of Marlborough proposed it in the House of Lords and
Mr. Pulteney in the House of Commons. The fondnesse that
the people express everywhere for the Prince of Orange is by no
means agreable. He is to leave London on Tuesday next, and
it is said the province of Holland has expressed great uneasi-
nesse to let him pass thro’ Holland upon this occasion.

I fancy wee shall have no more debates of any consequence
in the House of Lords this Parliament, which Sir Robert pro-
poses should end on the 20th of April and the writs for the new
Parliament to bear date the 20th. The Court begins to dis-
cover great uneasinesse upon the chapter of the new elections.
Sir Robert finds himself disapointed in the hopes he had of
dividing the Opposition ; they seem now convinced of the folly
of their mutuall jealousies and are taking measures to act every
where in concert against Sir Robert. There have been calcu-
lations made by the people best acquainted with all the different
corners of the kingdome, and they run from 250 odd certain
to 280. If that is the case, as the people that should know
best assure me it is, Sir Robert will have a bad time on’t. Wee
shall bring alongst with us schemes of all the different elections
in England by which wee shall be able judges from day to day
how matters goe. "Tis certain our friends are now in great
spirits and the other folks are down. They desire no more
of us than to put Scotland out of the question. Dont you think
wee shall be able to doe that?

‘Wee propose all to come down very earlie and to take up our
headquarters at Edinburgh. If in our different countrys wee
are able to make a good figure in the elections of the commons,
it may encourage our friends the peers that wish us well.

I beg you’ll make my compliments to their Graces of Hamil-
ton and Queensberry. I shall trouble neither of them with a
letter, since I have said everything to you that occurs to mee at
present. Iam, my dear Lord, ever most faithfully and affec-
tionately, your servant, STAIR.

March 21.—Wee sent the messenger this day to see what
became of our Election Bill which stood committed for this day,
but the committee is put off till Tuesday next.

WILLIAM PUuLTENEY to LorD GRANGH.

1733-4,March 22. London.—l presume you are informed
by the Lords who now write to you what has been done in their
House in relation to the election of the 16 peers. The last
debate upon the question (which I need not repeat) was an
extream good one. Jord Stair, who seconded the motion made
by the Duke of Bedford, spoke with great warmth and uttered
many bold and sharp truths. Lord Isla made no reply, and the
535

Duke of Argyle one that he had better not have made, for he
never spoke so ill in his life. The bill for regulating the
clections in Scotland was appointed for yesterday, when we
were to have gone into the committee upon it; but as nobody
how seems to mind that bill 1 am inclined to believe it will drop.
1 could not stay yesterday until the rising of the House, and
so am unable to tell you what was done with it; but | fancy it
will never pass into a law, in which case it will be well that a
clause was inserted in it relating to the Lords of Sessions,
because that is a demonstration that they might sitt in Parlia-
ment unless a particular law for the purpose had interposed.
J hope your election remains secure and that all attacks made
against you will be to no purpose. What I mentioned in my
last in relation to a borough in KMngland was misunderstood by
you. I told you that in case you failed in Scotland through
the corruption, artifice or malice of your ennemys I thought it
behoved your friends to endeavour to assist you some other way,
and I promised to do all in my power to find you some English
borough without one farthing of expeuce to you. It often
happens that persons cf considerable estates of their own or
who are recommended by men of quality who have vreat interest
are chosen in two places, and within fourteen days after the
Parliament meets they must make their option which place
they will serve for. This often affords an opportunity of
serving a friend who may have been disappointed in some other
place, and those who can be of most use in the House are
generally preferred to others. 1 could not pretend to give you
any assurances of my succeeding in this way, but [ would have
done my utmost to serve you if it had been pecessary, which
I hope it will not.

Tam surprised at the senseless rumour you have in Scotland
of our friends being turned Jacobites, founded on their endea-
vours to restrain the prerogative with regard to officers commis-
sions. I thought curbing the prerogative wherever it might be
noxious was always a Whig principle, but yet in this particular
nothing of the kind was meant. Nobody imagined the vote
would be carry’d, and all that was intended was a censure upon
the minister for so monstrous a piece cf resentment as the
turning two officers of high rank and great distinction out of the
army for the opposition they gave to his Excise scheme in Par-
liament. And this attempt of ours followed immediately after
the administration had caused a bill to be rejected for limiting
the number of officers to sitt in the House of Commons, upon
which we thought it right if they would not suffer us to lessen
their numbers at least we should try to lessen the influence that
was over them. But those people who will not allow that we
proceed on Whig principles have forgot what Whig principles
are. It happen’d that I the other day in the House took upon
me to justifye the doctrine of resistance, and the Whigs
clamoured against me, forgetting that the Revolution to which
we owe the present establishment was founded upon it. This
happen’d upon a debate on the Triennial Bill. T urged that
the people had but two ways of helping themselves if they found
536

the Government attacking them or their representatives be-
traying them, and these two ways were reelection and resis-
tance. God forbid, I said, the last should ever be made use of,
and therefore they ought to have more frequent opportunitys
of exerting the first. I wished therefore Parliaments might be
annual. I tell you the affair as short as I am able, because I
have not leisure to explain it farther, but what I said gave great
offence at Court, who do not love to hear of a possibility of
resistance ; and the Torys did not much approve of it, being so
contrary to their notions of passive obedience and seeming to
justifye the Revolution. You see therefore how hard it is in
this critical situation to conduct oneself to the satisfaction of
both sides. It is this jealousy that makes the well-meaning
dissenters fearful that what we are doing may establish their
ennemys the Torys in power, and they are told by some of
their corrupted leaders and some of their clergy that the dis-
contented Whigs are little better than Jacobites. However
it is certain that the dissenters are far from being unanimous,
for I am assured jn several countrys we shall have their assis-
tance. There will be no vote of credit this year. Probably the
Parliament will be up by Easter, in which case the new writs
will be out early in May.

WILitAM PULTENEY to LoRD GRANGE.

1734, August 25. Petersham in Surrey.—I have now three
letters from you lying by me which I am to answer; the first is
dated the 27th of July and was delivered to me by the Duke of
Montrose when he came to town; the other two are dated the
17th instant, and came by the messenger.

Iam afraid the letter [ am going to write you will be ex-
treamly long, but you must forgive me since I have many things
to say to you in particular, and some may be necessary in ex-
planation of our joynt dispatch which the Duke of Montrose
addresses to Lord Marchmont, and which his Grace, Lord
Chesterfield, Lord Carteret and I agreed upon. Lord Car-
teret, who was under a necessity of going out of town the next
morning after the messenger arrived, perused the several papers
brought by him the same night before Lord Chesterfield or I
came to town. He gave the Duke of Montrose his opinion
what he thought proper to be done upon them. The next
morning we two mett (the rest of our friends being all absent)
and happened to concur exactly in all Lord Carteret’s senti-
ments without having been previously advertised of them by
the Duke, which was a manifest proof to us all that our notions
must be right.

When we had read Lord Tweedales, Lord Marchmonts, Mr.
Dundas’s and your letters, and the other papers contained in
the packett, and found a difference of opinion among you with
regard to the farther prosecution of the affair of the election of
the Scotch peers, we thought it necessary to apply ourselves in
a particular manner to consider the nature of the evidence you
537

could produce and sce how farr it would support any or what
sort of petition in the House of Lords; for we all agreed with
you that it would be entirely wrong as well as scandalous to
drop this business in the present conjuncture, or indeed not to
pursue it with the same spirit and vigour it was begun. The
ministry, | dare say, would rejoyce exceedingly were they well
assured they should hear no more of this affair, and I am con-
fident they would be glad to compound (as much enraged as
they were and still are against the protesting Lords) to attempt
ho censure upon them were they satisfied that nothing farther
was to be done by them in the prosecution of it but that it was
to remain as it now stood. But what would then become of
the honour of those lords who have so gloriously exerted them-
selves in the cause of their country? How infamous would
such a bargain be! And what hopes could we ever have of
putting a stop to such scandalous practises and such corruption
tor the future? The only questions therefore are, What may be
the most proper way of bringing this to a publick examination,
and introducing it into one or both Houses of Parliament at
the same time? How far is it right to push it? And what
consequences may be expected from it? And here, methinks,
the answer is very plain. Let us arraign the proceeding as
highly criminal and tending to subvert our parliamentary con-
stitution ; let the agent of this infamous corruption be censured
and punished as be ought to be; and let an act of Parliament
be obtained to prevent the like illegal practices for the time to
come. If we can put this affair into a method of obtaining
these ends, or, which is as honourable for us, of forcing the
ministry by acts of power and other scandalous means to
prevent them, we do all that we can and all that is incumbent
on us to attempt. To have the least notion of bringing the
minority list into the House by a petition is vain and imprac-
ticable; to attempt annulling or vacating the election I am
afraid is equally impossible, since really the evidence which you
liave obtained or seem likely to obtain is not sufficient for the
purpose, nor does it affect numbers enough to be produced for
that end. But surely the evidence is vastly strong as far as
we propose to carry it and will expose to the whole world crimes
of the most wicked tendency and make the agent appear as
odious as he deserves. The only way therefore of introducing
this rightly into the Uppcr House is by a petition, as generall
as it is possible to be drawn. The lords who sign it should not
complain of the particular injury done to themselves, but should
shew the dangerous consequences to the constitution if such
violent, corrupt and illegal proceedings are not prevented for
the future, and then pray their lordships to do, therein as to
their great wisdom shall seem most meet. The method hinted
at of bringing this business before the House by some lord
rising in his place and making the complaint will never do,
because no English lord can be supposed to be better informed
than all the Scotch lords concerned, and none of them will
appear to have made any complaint. You will find in our
joynt dispatch a draft of a petition of the kind IT have men-
588

tioned, which may be altered in any manner you think fit, pro-
vided it be kept in general terms and only setts forth the bad
practises made use of at the time of the election. At the same
time that this petition is presented to the House of Lords (that
is the very first day of the sessions) we propose likewise that
an impeachment should be attempted in the House of Com-
mons. This must be done by proper persons informing the
House of all the vile methods used in Scotland for procuring
members to be chosen into both Houses of Parliament, con-
cluding in naming the person who has been the conductor
of the whole and making a motion to impeach him. This
motion must be seconded and thirded by those who will under-
take to make the articles good. If we have success in carrying
this first vote, actum est, the business is done. If not, we
shall gain credit in the attempt and the ministry will have the
scandal of stiflimg clear and convincing evidence that they
night the better be enabled to screen and protect such manifest
corruption. The petition presented to the Lords may remain
on the table and wait the issue of this impeachment if we should
have succes? in lodging it, but if not, then the House of Lords
may appoint a day for taking the petition into consideration,
which cannot possibly be refused without bringing the utmost
reproach on all their proceedings by declaring to the world that
they stand in need of the 16 for carrying on the measures of the
administration, and that they are determined to keep them in
the House in all events tho’ with great disgrace to themselves.
This method of proceeding in both Houses at the same time is
in my opinion not only the most proper but the most spirited
way also. In this case we must take care to have the clearest,
the most undeniable and satisfactory evidence to affect the man
and to make out the crime that the nature of such secret iniquity
will admitt of. What you have already got I think is very
strong, but surely with proper management still farther evid-
ence may be obtained; and I should think those peers who
declared they voted unwillingly with the ministry night some
of them be prevailed on to own the truth; at least when they
have been charged with having once owned it and they are
upon their oaths at the bar they may be brought to acknow-
ledge the consideration that engaged them to vote in the manner
they did. But I will not enter any farther into the nature of
the evidence proper to try to get; the paper we have joyntly
wrote points 1t out sufficiently. It is impossible absolutely to
settle every thing necessary to be done on so important an affair
as this is by correspondence only, and at the distance we are
at; wherefore all the Lords, Mr. Dundas and you must resolve
to be here at least three weeks before the meeting of the Par-
liament that évery thing may be rightly concerted and every
body have his proper part assigned him before anything be
undertaken. ‘The attendance of our friends so early may be of
great use likewise in other matters in being always ready to
concert measure as events may arise. JI wish ord Aberdeen
would resolve to be here for whom (tho’ I have not the honour
to be known to him) T have the greatest respect and regard. I
539

remember him in the Union Parliament, when we were both
very young, and I thought I never heard a cause so well sup-
ported nor defended with more judgment, learning and ability
than he defended his own as a peers eldest son sitting in the
House of Commons against the united attacks of many very
able and great numbers who were at that time in Parliament.

1 prophecy’d too truly when I told you that my letter would
be very long. Iam but just now come to address myself par-
ticularly to you. First then to answer what you desire to know
about the meeting of the Parliament, I must tell you that it is
impossible to be absolutely certain as to the time, since it
depends on many events not to be foreseen. The ministry, I
am sure, hope it will not and design it should not meet till after
Christmas. The K[ing], I fancy, is made to believe it will meet
the latter end of October ; but this is not the only thing wherein
they deceive him, for I am pretty confident he thinks he shall
engage in the war and assist the Emperor at the same time.
Horace Wal{[ pole] has declared publickly at the Hague to the
Imperial Minister there that England shall on no account be
drawn into the expenses of a war, but that if the Emperor will
listen to peace they will endeavour to get the best terms they
can for him. Sir Robert knows his own circumstances, and
those to which he has reduced this nation too well to venture
on so hazardous a measure. He sees, ’tis true, the House of
Bourbon more united and more triumphant than ever, and
all this the wise work of his own or his brothers head and hands ;
but he had rather bear this reproach and ten times more than
risque a warr which must be his immediate ruin. This way of
reasoning convinces me that unless some very extraordinary
event happens the Parliament will not meet till after Christmas.
But whenever I have any certain information with regard to
this I will write to you again.

I cannot help laughing at the many ridiculous attempts
which have been lately tryed on you to force you into an altera-
tion of your conduct. However long they may pretend to have
been acquainted with you I am persuaded they know you but
little who could imagine to intimidate you by threats or
menaces ; and they know you still less who could hope to reduce
you by any shew of advantage or placing self-interest in your
view. These are vain attempts on a mun of steadyness and
honour, and discover nothing but the weakness as well as the
bad heart of those who use them. Lord Islay does me justice
in allowing me to have a true esteem and respect for you but L
dare say his view in doing it was to obtain the readyer your
belief in what he said of Lord Cartaret, which I assure you,
and you may take my word for it, is entirely false and malicious,
Lord Carteret has often told me that he had not the honour
to be personally known to you but that he hoped through my
means to be so next winter. He has often expressed the
gieatest opinion of your abilitys and rejoyced with me at the
good fortune we should have of your assistance in Parliament.
I need say no more to convince you that what you have heard
about Lord Carteret is groundless. 1 will say no more, because
540

if I was to tell you all that has passed between tis with regard
te you I should flatter you more than you care to hear or I to
do. I forgot some time ago to tell you what I heard about your
quitting your place. The ministers sent to the Lord Chan-
cellor and Lord Chief Justice to know if an employment held
tor life could be said to be relinquished till the Crown had
accepted of the resignation. They both agreed that in England
it could not, and that a man could no more turn himself out
without the King’s consent than the King could turn him out
without his own ; but how the custom or usage in Scotland was
they could not answer. As well as I remember you had the
King’s acceptance of your resignation before your election came
on, but if this be not so you should inform yourself as to the
usage in Scotland. Having mentioned Lord Chancellor and
Lord Hardwicke, lett me (to take away your fears about Lord
Islays governing absolutely in the House of Lords in all causes
upon Scotch appeals) say something to you in respect to their
general characters. I take them both to be men of very great
worth, honour and integrity. Their abilitys are beyond all
dispute and you may depend upon it that they have too great a
value for their own characters to be guided by any one or not to
act with the utmost justice and impartiality in all causes that
shall come before them. It is true in debates of a political
concern I believe they will always be ready to assist the Ministry
and make the wheels of government move easy, and this in their
stations it becomes them to do; but I am persuaded that they
have no particular attachment to the person of the great man,
nay, I dare say they think of him and most of his measures in
their hearts as we do.

WILLIAM PULTENEY to LoRD GRANGE.

1734, November 12. London.—I suppose you know the
Parliament is to meet on the 14th of January. I hope you will
all be here early in Deccimber to settle many necessary and im-
portant points before the sessions begins. Whether we shall
have war or peace is still extreamly uncertain, but Iam assured
large demands will be made, thirty thousand seamen at least.
The English forces, they say, are to be made up thirty thousand
men, and there are treatys already made with Sweden and
Denmark for twelve thousand men each, and six thousand of
each we are to take into immediate pay. These expences,
with what we run out last year on the vote of credit, will make
many heavy taxes necessary. One is talked of so much that I
dare say the ministry have it in their thoughts; it is a farther
duty on houses, but how it will be modelled I cannot say.
The common report is that every window in the kingdom is
to pay twelve pence. This would raise a prodigious summe
indeed, but I am apt to think it would raise a rebellion at the
same time. I think in Scotland you have never paid anything
as yet to this duty; but if any new scheme be offerd to Parlia-
ment on this head to be sure Scotland must pay its proportion,
for should the projectors of this tax pretend to excuse you they
541

would be tore to pieces in England, for it would revive the
memory of what was done in relation to the salt duty. Andon
the other hand if Scotland was to pay this duty with rigour it
could not possibly subsist under it. I think when the salt duty
was taken away, which was one of those that paid the interest
of your new bank, the proprietors petition’d to have the house
duty given to them in lieu of it, but upon consideration the
Treasury refused it. Mr, M—Il one of the English proprietors
of your bank wrote to you some time ago, and hopes you have
red his letter tho’ he has had no answer to it. He says it will
be time enough to concert measures with you what will be
proper to be done when you come to town.

A report runs about as if Lord Cha{ncello]r was extreamly dis-
gusted and determined to lay down his employment. I know
nothing of it myself, but I think the ministers have used him
very ill ; I know him to be a man of honour and spirit, and think
he cannot after the declarations I am told he made touching the
Bishop he recommended, brook the usage they have given him
in this and in another particular. Lady Suffolk has this day re-
signed her employment as mistress of the robes to the Qieen,
and is retired from Court. It makes a great noise; but this is
not a subject to write on in a letter by the post.

Once more I beg of you to insist that everybody that has
promised comes up in time, for a great deal will depend on a
right concert of measures.

1735. Copy, Indictment by the [probably the Presbytery
of Sterling] upon the Rev, Ebenezcr Erskine, minister of
Sterling.

1, Whereas by the Word of God, Acts and Standards of
this Church, all ministers are bound to maintain the unity of
the Spirit in the bond of peace, and to essue all practises con-
trary thereto and tending to cause divisions and offences con-
trary to the same, and to maintain that love and peace with our
breathren by which their ministrie may be usefull in their
respective stations; and whereas all practises contrary to the
mutual love of ministers one to another are contraary to the
commandment of our Lord Jesus Christ of being subservient
to one another, John, chap. 13, verse 13th; 14th chap, and
34th verse, and are instances of biting and devouring one
another; and whereas it is the unquestionable duty of all
ministers to behave themselves with dutifull respect to the civil
powers and to the authority of the Church whereof they are
members and to abey them who have the rule over them, and
go to behave themselves as not to break in upon the comely
order of the Church or encourage persons in continuing under
a conversation unbecoming the Gospel by allowing them a
disorderly partaking of the ordnances thereof, and it is their
unquestionable duty to follow these things that make for peaco
and things whereby we may edify one another—Yet [it] is of
verity that you, Mr, Ebenezer Erskine, minister of the Gospel
at Stirling, have been guilty of contravinning the said dutioe of
542

your office and character in regaird you have upon one or other
of the days of the moneth of November j" vij® and thirtie
three seceeded from the judicatories of this Church by a paper
given in to the Commission of the General Assembly then mett
at Edinburgh containing the said secession, abstaining from
attendance upon and assisting in them for a long time past,
which is contrary to the scope and spirit of the Gospel and par-
ticularly Rom. chap. 14th and 19th, Ephes. 4th and 3rd., and
Confession of Faith chap. 20, sect. 4th, and to the very nature
of our subjection to the judicatories of this Church.

2d. and separatim—You have joyned with others in errecting
yourselves into a presbyterie independent upon and contra
dictorie unto the judicatories of this Church, and taking a juris-
diction to yourself opposite to your breathren in this Church,
which is contrary to the foresaid Scriptures, Articles of Con-
fession of Faith, and inconsistent with your duty to the judica-
torys of this Church, in as much as you did meet and act in a
presbeterial capacity with Mr. William Wilson, minister of
the Gospel at Perth, Mr. Alexander Moncrief, minister of the
Grospel at Abernethie and Mr. James Fisher, minister of the
Gospel at Kinclaven, at Perth on the third day of November or
December j" vij* and thirtie six or on or other of the days of
the said moneths, and with the same persons you did the same
at Orwell the eighteenth day of the months of January or
February j" vij* and thirtie seven or on or other of the
days of the said moneths.

3d. and separatim—You did upon the third day of November
or December j" vij* and thirtie six or one or other of the
days of the said month in conjunction with the foresaid persons
emit a paper called Act, Declaration and Testimony for the
doctrine, worship, discipline, and government of the Church of
Scotland agreeable to the Word of God, Confession of Faith,
the National Covenant of Scotland and the Solemn League
and Covenant of the three nations, and against several steps of
defection from the same both in former and present times, by
some ministers associate together for the exercise of Church
eovernment and discipline in a presbeterial capacity ; in which
there are several passages contrary to your duty to the Church
and breathren and injurious to the civil government, as primo.
In the introduction to the said Act, page 4th, paragraph 5th,
you assert that the judicatories of the Church are carrieing on
a course of backsliding, and charge the Church with not cen-
suring a man who was charg’d before them and maintain’d
and vented errors which have a manifest tendencie to subvert
all religion natural and revealed ; 2d., Introduction to the said
Act, page 4th, par. 4th, You assert that God’s heritage is
groaning under the weight of violence and oppression and
crying for help and relief from the judicatories of the Estab-
lished Church but finding none; and page 7th, par. 2d., page
65, par. lst, page 77th near the ‘foot, page 78th near the ‘head,
you charge the ministers and judicatories of this Church with
giving up the truths of Christ and adopting dangerous errors.
Item, you do, page 84 of the said Act, charge. the General
543

Assembly j” vij* and twentie with condemning a bundle of
propositions containing important matters of doctrine, and in
the same page you charge the Assembly j™ vij* and twentie
two with not repealing the said Act though themselves acknow-
ledged it condemned precious truth in express terms. Item,
You condemn the fabrick reared up at the Revolution and the
practise both of Church and State whereby it was done as con-
trary to the Scripture patern and example. Item, In the said
Act and Testimony, from the foot of page 82 to page 89 near
the foot, you charge the ministers and judicatories of this
Church with giving several dangerous thrusts and wounds to
our presbyteriau constitution from the year j™ vij* and
fifteen to j" vij* and thirtie six. Item, You charge our
Union constitution with being contrary to and condemned by
the Word of God, in the said Act, page 44 at the head. Item,
page 86 of the said Act, near the foot, you charge the Parlia-
ment with the making of ane Act contrary to the express letter
of the law of God. All which as they are highly injurious, so
they tend to alienate the affections of your Christian breathren
from their superiours and our constitution both in Church and
State, and are contrary to the formentioned and other Scrip-
tures, Rom. 18th, 7 verse; 2d. Peter, chap. 2d., and 10 verse;
Art. Confession and the 6th Act of Assembly j'" vij* and
fourteen and the 6th Act of Assembly j"" vij* and fifteen.

4th and speciatim—You have been guilty of emitting ex-
pressions tending to sedition in the civil constitution and schism
in this Church; particularly upon the first Sabbath of August
or one or other of the Sabbaths of the months of July, August
or September last, you said in the pulpit of Stirling that the
King, Parliament and Assemblies were staggering like
drunken men. Item, You said in the pulpit of Stirling upon
the first Sabbath of August or one or other of the Sabbaths of
the months of July, August or September last, when speaking
of the Act of Parliament anent Captain Porteous that if the
King did not resind that Act which he had touched with his
scepter it was easie for God to hiss in a Spanish or French
armie and overturn him and his kingdom both. Item, You
said in a sermon preached by you at Sterling on the first
Sabbath of October or one or other of the Sabbaths of the
months of October or November last that the Church of Scot-
land was like a house infested with leprosie, it was not enough
to rinze it with hot water but to raze it to the foundation ;
which are contrary to the forementioned Scriptures, Rom.
chap. 18th verse 7th; 2d Peter, chap. 2d., 10 verse; and Titus
3 chap., 2 verse; Jude, 8 verse; Confession of Faith, chap.
20, sect. 4th; chap. 28d. sect. 4th.

5th—You have been guilty of great irregularities, particularly
by baptising the child of John Ferguson, merchant in Down,
though the minister of Kilmadock declared he could not have
admitted him to be a sponsor without giving satisfaction for
scandals that lay against him, which you did at Sterling upon
the 6th day of July or one or other of the days of the months
of July, August or September j" vij" and thirtie five. Item,
544

You did upon the first day of August or on or other of the days
of the months of July, August or September last mary Thomas
Buchanan in the parish of Kippen to Florence Grahame
without proclamation of bands in that parish. Item, You
were guilty of being art and part in ane unwarrantable excluding
of five elders, members of the kirk session of Sterling, viz.,
Henry Christie, William Maiben, Andrew Miller, Hary Allan,
and Robert Banks upon their refusing to withdraw a regular
protest taken by them in the session and to profess their
sorrow for entering the same, while it was in dependence
before the Presbetry of Sterling, which you did at Sterling
upon the nineteen day of July last. All which practises in each
of the foregoing articles are highly agravated by your engage-
ing at your ordination to submit to the judicatories of this
Church and to follow no divisive courses from your breathren.
All or any of which articles being found proven, you ought to
be censured according to the demerit of the offences that shall
be proven for preventing the bad influence of the same upon
others and your just correction.

Tre Earn oF Starr to LoRD GRANGE.

1736, March 15. Newliston.—My dear Grange, I give you
a thousand thanks for your letter of the 22th of February. It
dos not at all surprise me to see that the country party dos not
act with that same spirit that moves you; they dont all from
the same principles, the love of liberty and the good of their
country, which makes their counsells disjointed and their
operations feeble. Many don’t understand, a great many dont
think, and the concern of a great many more is for their own
particular intrest more than for the good of the publick. The
views of the leaders are likeways, I’m affraid, very different,
nor is there that confidence in one another which is necessary
to give life to the generall movements of a party. ‘

All Sir Robert’s circumstances considered I think he should
not [be] very violent in opposing laws that may and- ought
to be proposed for securing our constitution; I mean the
freedom of elections and the freedom of Parliament. There is
another thing he should be very fond of, that is to find means
to sink a part of the national debt; and that in my opinion can
be done in no other shape but by the reduction of the intrest
the nation pays to the creditors of the publick Without
something of that kind is done speedily in case of a warr this
nation has no fund of credit to raise money to support itself if
attacked, or to hinder the balance of Europe to be entirely
broken.

This peace, which is much better than we had reason to
expect, I believe will last as long as the Cardinal lives, but if
an ambitious minister succeeds to him, will any man tell mee
that such a minister will not have much greater advantages
than any of his predecessors to extend the dominion of France
over the rest of Europe? If such a minister should not turn
545

his head to the affairs of the Continent but should content
himself to get the better of our trade in the West Indies, in
that case, which I’m affraid may not be farr of, wee shall want
money. After what has happened we have no reason to flatter
ourselves that the Emperor will take a great deall of pains to
spirit up other princes to make a generall warr in Kurope to
save our possessions in America. For these reasons I think
the people that mean well to their country such (sic, ? should)
print the steps that are necessary to the reduction of intrest
immediately. What Sir John Bernard I’m told said upon
that subject seems to mee to be very good sense. If such
things are attempted by the friends of their country and ex-
posed by the minister, it will make the load of his iniquitys
very heavy.

I’m very glad the Prince is to be marry’d. I wonder wee
hear nothing of an establishment for his familly. It will not
be very agreable to him to be depending upon Sir Robert. for
the bread his familly is to eat.

Lorp Lovat to Tiorp GRANGE.

1736, October 12. Beaufort.—My dearest cousin, Nothing
but a terrible sickness which I labour’d under for above three
months and which exhausted all my strength and almost all
my spirits could have hindered me from paying my most affec-
tionate humble duty to you, as not only my affectionate relation
but as a man of the most singular merite that Scotland has
produced in this age, and the man on earth to whom T am most
ty’d to in intimate friendship and comeradship.

I had the honour, the comfort and the satisfaction to receive
two letters from you the one dated the 18th of July which con-
tains more religion, more divinity, more just politicks, more
discoverys of the weakness, inconstancy and ingratitude of man
that a hundred volums that were printed and sold at a high
price on those subjects; for which reason I keep it up in my
strong box, and will Jeave it and recommend it to my children
as your testament religieux et politique, to instruct and direct
them how to behave as Christians, as men, as patriots, and as
sincere and stedfast friends.

If they do not follow those sentiments which are so clearly
set down in that excellent letter, I am very easy about what
may happen them; but if they do study and observe those
elorious principles and instructions, they will become an honour
to their country, a support to their friends, comfortable fathers
and protectors to their family and kindred, and a blessing to
the land that they live in. So, my dearest cousin, I give you
ten thousand sincere thanks for that incomparable epistle that
you have honour’d me with, which I will alwayes remember
as an inquestionable proof of that rare and singular affection
and friendship that has been for many years inviolable betwixt
us in spight of the malicious artifices of ill men; which friend-
ship, T hope, will continue betwixt us and our children for more
ages than one,

ist: Pog 8 1 1X
546

T am heartily sorry for the great misfortunes and hardships
that your family has suffered for a fault that no old family in
this island can free themselves from at some time or other, or
then they have been very obscure and did not deserve the name
of a family. The proceedings against my Lord Erskine are
singular, only that they proceeded from the hatred that was
against you, and it is not at all singular that one relation should
suffer for the pretended faults of another, tho’ it is against
common justice and equity as well as agamst Christianity and
religion.

As to the ingratitude and ill-usage of great men to those who
have served them faithfully is a thing too well known in the
world and has been the practice of wicked great men in all ages,
so that there is hardly any history but makes mention of it to
the great dishonour of those eminent men whose other good
qualifications are tarnished with that black villainous crime of
ingratitude. You and I have felt the effects of this base, un-
m “nly and ungenerous practice. For my own part, I
have found these four years past such monsterous
proofs of ingratitude from those that I have served with
the greatest ‘integrity, zeal and success immaginable that I
think shame to tell it, but when I do, it will be to their ever-
lasting shame and confusion, and here I will leave it.

By ‘all the accounts that I can have there is a vast noise and
bustle made for hanging the fellow Porteous, who in my
humble opinion deserved a thousand deaths for shedding so
much innocent blood. I am sorry that the Queen’s reprive
should be contemned, but when people were exasperate by the
barbarous murder of their relations and children, I think their
ill manners should be forgiven ; and if I was a minister of State
T should endeavour to. perswad the Queen to drop it. which I
humbly think is the best can be made of it now. That mot
was carried on with so much secrecy, dexterity and good con-
duct that some people in this country said that my Lord Grange
was at the bottom of it; but I told them that it was too mean
a game for that gentleman. Tf it was a plot to break the Union
with as much art and success as this had I would be truly of
their opinion, but that is the work of Providence and of time,
which certainly will happen some time or other, for the people
groan exceedingly and no pains taken to relieve them or satisfy
them. I wish God may preserve our poor unfortunate country
from utter ruine which threatens it very much.

After a long sickness of four months in which I despaired of
my life T bless God I am now pretty well recovered and grow
stronger every day by use of the cold bath, whiche I have
begune a fortnight ago at the time when Doctor Clerk least
expected that I would have the courage to doit, notwithstanding
of his many advices to me upon that subject. I bless God I
am strong enough to undertake the journey to Edinburgh, to
assist at the Assembly of the peers and to make court to my
patron. But Iam fully resolved to stay at home and look after
my ploughs and my improvements, for I remember the old
Scots proverb that she is a silly whore that is not. worth the
547

asking ; and as I am taken no notice of by the ministers and
great men I am resolved not to meddle in their politicks. 1
never got a single penny by their administration, so I think it
would be a great folly for me to waste my person or my estates
to support them. The following of their orders and instruc-
tions in the last election cost me above £4,000. and I never
got as much as their thanks for it; so that I have no reason to
throw out £100 to make my court at Edinburgh when I have
not the least call to it. As for my proxy I shall send it to the
Earl if it was for one of his coach horses, for as long as I have
the least benefite from the Government I will obey their posi-
tive commands; but if Fraserdale was once paid and that I
enjoy the estate of Lovat as fixed as the laws of Scotland can
make it (which I hope will be in less than four or five years),
he will sing sweet that will engage me to ride ten miles as an
adventurer for any administration. The estate of Tovat as it
now stands is richly worth £2500 a year, that is 2000 pounds
a year land rent, and 500 pound a year of the fishing and
woods. The fishing of itself this year makes about £600; but
this is an extraordinary year for the salmond fishing in Scot-
land. However if it is God’s will and pleasure that I should
live yet ten years, I will leave the estate of Lovat fifty thousand
marks a year free rent to my children, and that is as great an
estate as ever I would wish a Tord Lovat to have in this
country, for if he had a greater he would hardly stay in the
country or be a country man; and I resolve to give him such
Scots and French education that I hope he never will be an
Englishman. And I am perswaded before he is of age that
the cursed union betwixt England and Scotland will be broken,
and then Scots men must be Scots men whither they will or
not; whereas we are now but poor, mean, servile and mer-
cinary English slaves. We have brought ourselves to that base,
cursed, infamous and degenerate situation by our treachery
towards God and man and towards our country which should
be dearer to us than all mankind; so we deserve all we meet
with from our old enemies to whom we gave ourselves up like
traitors, like fools and like cowards, tho’ we well knew them to
be our natural and inveterate enemies for above seven hundred
years. There may be a particular Englishman that has a reall
friendship for a particular Scotsman, but the Iinglish nation in
generall always did and will hate ours. I remember that one day
that I was at Court in the late reign, upon the news of a riot in
Fife about the transportation of corn when the country was in
great want there was an insurrection to hinder the corn to be
shipt, there was a party of the forces to guard the ships from in-
sults, and during the riot there was some of the soldiers killed
and wounded, and this made the great. minister cry out that he
wish’d that all the men in Scotland were in the island of Fife
cutting one another’s throats as long as one of them remained.
The late Lord Belhaven, who stood by me answered, And you,
sir, in the midst of them. I own I never could forget that ex-
pression, it had such a deep impression on my soul ; for passion
made that great man express what all Enelish men think and
548

wish at the bottom of their hearts. Some of them may profess
otherwayes for the advantage of their party and the advance-
ment of their self-interest and designs; but the hatred of the
Scots nation is the reall principle of all English men, and I
from my heart disdain and despise those mean spirited and
degenerate renegads who creep in as mercinary slaves and
spaniels into the backsides of ane English administration and
serve them as silly fools and packhorses against the wellfare,
the interest and the honour of their native country. So that
it is plain that our age is more decenerate, more corrupt and
more cowardly than the worst time of King Balliols reign who
gave himself and his nation up as tributarys to the cruel and
barbarous Edward the First of England, who had such an in-
veterate malice and hatred to our nation that in his own time
he had almost extinguished the name of Scots, and to use his
own expression when he sent his last army against us he said
it was ad delendum nomen Scotorum. And if Providence had
not taken him at that very time out of the way and that he was
succeeded by a fool and a coward by all probability he would
have accomplished all his wicked designs against our nation:
and I admire how any true well-born Scotsman can forget those
days in which our country labour’d under such dismall oppres-
sion and slavery, and that we should be again infatuate to give
up our libertys and independency which we then recovered at
the expence of the blood of a great many brave and heroick
persons by the singular providence and protection of Heaven
against such a powerful and cruel nation. Tho’ we sce no
more now of the glorious spirit and resolution of our antcestors,
yet I hope Divine providence will be alwayes the same towards
us and that when God is satisfied of our just sufferings and
punishments for our manifold sins and offences He will in his
own good time take away His scourge from us and relieve us
from the iron yokes that our necks are too closslv bound to at
this time. And I likewise hope to see, at least IT am sure my
children will, your great family flourish more than it has done
for severall ages and that you will enjoy the greatest honours
and preferments of the kingdom, as you do already enjoy the
. greatest merite and birth that is in it. This is and shall he
my constant and earnest wish while there is breath in me, for
vou know that Iam more than any man alive with unalterable
love, zeal and respect, my dearest friend, vour most affec-
tionate cousin and most obedient humble servant. Lovat.

P.8.—The bearer who is to deliver this letter to vou out of
his own hand is a true Fraser and a faithful kinsman to his
chief. I therefore beg that you mav honour him with your
countenance and protection.

Lorp DromMore to LorD GRANGE

1736-7, March 22. Bainburgh. —My dear sir, I shall be
glad to hear that my former epistles have come safely to your
hands. What is new follows. I apprehend there ‘hath been a
549

muustake in that wrote to C Da where: it was said
that the Q[ueen] in a letter to the provost approved of the
conduct of the magistrates in Wilson’s execution. The letter
was from the D[uke] of N. bearing to be by her Majesty’s
order. That there was such a letter was the subject of talk
commonly here below. I have not seen anybody that hath had
occasion to see the letter, but it was thought very much of at
the time, and what in a manner intitled the poor creatures to
sing T'e Deum and consequently lay all the blame upon the
generall, which I have good reason to think was the plan con-
certed between them and the J [ustice] C[lerk].

I begin to think that it is impossible these poor creatures
could have acted so if some words had not been dropt by some-
body to them that to quiet people’s minds it were no matter
tho’ that fellow: Porteous were hanged. God forbid me if Iam
unjust, but I do believe if they are handled they’ll squeak and
tell all out.

Upon McClauchlan’s tryal, who is acquitted unanimously by
the Jury and most justly for the lack of proof, some things
happened that its worth your while to know. James Heriot
and George Campbel, wrights in Edinburgh, were brought as
witnesses chiefly, as the procurators hoped, to say something in
vindication of the magistrates’ conduct in trying to disperse
the mob, tho’ one would think that had too near a connection
with the criminal’s guilt. Soa great many pompous questions
were put to them to show with what bravery they had behaved.
But alas ! the answers did not answer expectation. ‘They swore
directly the reverse, that they and others had often beg’d of
them to go out of their drinking hole to try at least to quell the
mob, assuring them there was no sort of difficulty in it; that at
last they did prevail and out the magistrates went; that upon
their appearance the mob fled, but as they advanced they soon
perceived that their honours had retired and left them and one
or two more and nobody else, upon which the mobbers got
heart and advanced upon them, and they most reasonably
retired. The solicitor after these answers agreed they did not
seem to be quite necessary to be set down as what had no great
connection with the case in hand, and this was also the court’s
opinion. I forgot to tell you that they swore also that if they
had had a half score of neighbours to themselfs they were
positive they could have dispersed the mob.

Plenty of other evidence may be had as to the behaviour of
the magistrates, and particularly Kenneth Urquhart, wigmaker
in Edinburgh. Baillie Hugh Hathorn desired them to go out
to quell the mob and they refused, desiring him to sit down and
take a drink.

We had an express here on Sunday’s night, and nothing
being given out to favour the magistrates next day it was con-
cluded their affairs stood ill. I enquired as well as I could what
this express meant; I believe I have found it out. The magis-
trates, it seems, are apprehensive that the piece of news inserted
in the papers dated the 19 of Aprile last had given offence, as
what was calculated to impose upon the world in general and

 
550

the ministry in particular, and that its possible the authors
thereof might be enquired after. To prevent this a project wus
formed to get up from James Grant, the printer, the original
paper, which is signed by some of the magistrates and some
ministers. Yesterday Grant was sent for to the Council
chamber by B[ailie] Willfiam] Crockat, and severely threat-
ened, as [am pretty well informed, to give up that principall
paper and declaration by the late magistrate and some minis-
ters, and told that if he would the treasurer should give his
receit for it. But this he absolutely refused to comply with.
I imagine this hath been the intention, one of them, of the
express, but it hath misgiven, nor will Grant part with so much
as a double of it, altho’ I found very hidden ways of setting his
best acquaintances upon him to no sort of purpose. However
you have a copy of the newspaper sent you some time ago in
which it is verbatim engrost.

I am also well informed that Brigadier Moyle upon seeing
that magisterial declaration in the print of Aprile 19th had
drawn up a signed paper which he offered and gave to James
Grant to be put into the next or some other newspaper for his
own vindication; that James Grant undertook to do so; that
the J[ustice] C[lerk] having got notice of this, sent
for James Grant, and threatened to send him _ to
prison if he presumed to publish Moyle’s vindication, and
expresly discharged him so to do, assuring him that he, the
J{ustice] C[lerk], should stand between him and all hasards if
he did it not; and at the same time pressed Grant much to give
him Moyle’s declaration, which he absolutely refused to do, tho’
he complyd with the not printing it. I own it 1s pretty extra-
ordinary for the magistrates of Edinburgh or any single man
to controul the press, to have the liberty of putting accounts of
things upon the world as the only true ones and to pretend to
punish those who shall dare to contradict them in telling even
the honest truth. This perhaps may be found to be law here,
but pray, Is it law in England or anywhere out of Turkey or
some such enslaved place?. If these things are material, as
some of them are in my humble opinion, they are very easily
to be prov’d. I own that I pity the poor ignorant cowardly
bodies the magistrates. I saw always fourty ways of ruiming
them, and once they were called upon I thought their destruc-
tion inevitable ; but to touch other people who have doue and
do all they can to ruin the nation I thought indeed material,
and unless something of that sort is done I shall rather be sorry
for the other offensive beasts as they are. By the by there are
two of them not below notice so much neither, and yet [ scarce
think them worth all this racket. The Solicitor, and some say
the J[ustice] C[lerk], set out for London to-morrow.

Since writting, there is all the evidence necessary to prove
that there was such a letter as above from D[uke] N ,if
the provost’s saying so and owning himself highly honoured
by it to several creditable people is a proof that there was such
a letter, which was wrote to the provost after the J[ustice]
Chlerk] had given the account of the matter to the D[uke] of

 
551
%
N--——; and this seems strongly to tallie with the plan and
the J[ustice] C[lerk’s] undertaking to get their necks sliped
out of the collar.

IT had very near forgot to tell you a very material thing. It
was asked at all the witnesses if they saw the pannel, Mc-
Clauchlan, at the tolbooth door, and there were particularly two
or three that said no, but that they saw They were here
stopt by the Court and were told that they were not asking who
were there but if the pannel was there. Perhaps it might have
been allowed a witness to make a discovery when the affair is
of such importance as to be inquired into above. People’s
scheme to hush a very strange transaction for causes to them
known to be good may be collected from this and other cir-
cumstances. Jamie Graham Doug. certainly is a man that
should be called up; he knows what pains were taken with him
not to plead Captain Porteous’s orders, which I suppose ere
now appear well proved before the House; how tar it will be
their opinion that goes is another matter.

 

Mars#au Keira to (LORD GRANGE?)

17389, March 11. Paris.—He can scarcely write owing to his
weak condition of health, but having learned from Prince Can-
temur of the loss of certain letters written last year to him and
Lord Kintore, he must clear himself of the natural charge of
ingratitude which must thereupon arise. He cannot sufficiently
express his sense of obligation for *‘ the uncommon generosity
with which you acted in my affair before the Parliament
, And tho’ the peevishness of a minister has made the
attempt fruitless yet I have gained enough in having so many
proofs of the friendship of a person of so much merit and re-
putation.”’

Lorp Lovat to Lorp GRANGE.

1742, October 31. Beaufort.—My dearest cousin, I received
the honour of your long letter a good while ago, and I would
have made a short answer to it long ere now, but that I did not
care to trust the post; and now I have the honour to write you
this short letter by my relation and kinsman Mr. William
Fraser, writter to the signett, who has the honour to be known
to you.

I do assure you, my dearest cousine, that almost every line
of your long letter made me shead tears, and I truly coud not
forbear weeping in reading and reflecting on your horrid mis-
fortunes, which are beyond any that ever I knew or read of.
Great and reall merit, true honour and integrity, vast know-
ledge and universal learning, an uncommon penetration and
dexterity in all bussiness, and fidelity and affection to a friend
were never so much abused, calumniate, run down and op-
pressed in any man as they have been in your person, and I can
say without compliment that I never knew a man of any coun-
trey so much endowed with these good qualities as you are;
and your religion and good sense is the only thing that coud
552 i
make you bear as you do so many cruell misfortunes and disas-
ters. I pray God may continue to strengthen you and to
give you force to resist such a torrent of misfortunes, and may
He in His providence confound your wicked and most malicious
ehemies and support you against them and raise you to the
splendid good fortune that your merit deserves. I don’t at all
doubt of it, and to see it accomplished will be always my sincere
prayer and earnest wishes; and if the venturing of my old
person with my sword in my hand would contribute to it I
would do it with as much pleasure and willingness as any of
your sons coud do, for there is none of them that loves you more
sincerely or that has a more affectionate attachment for your
person and concerns than I have. I flatter myself that you
don’t doubt of this. There are so many damnd circumstances
in your letter and some of them so very dark and obscure that
I must reserve the answering of them to a conversation and
not commit it to a letter. However I beg for God’s sake that
you do me the honour to let me hear more frequently from you ;
for if there was but three lines in your letter it will give me great
pleasure to receive it. If you will do me the honour to write to
me I entreat that you may give your letter to William Fraser,
junior, my doer, with whom my daughter stays, and as he was
here lately I designed to have sent this letter by him, but forgot
it the day he was going away. Mr. Fraser will send me your
letter in his own packett which never goes into the bagg but is
earried by the runner whom I pay liberally for it.

My son and daughter join with me in assuring you and all
your concerns of our most affectionate respects and best wishes.
My daughter is as happy in a husband as I coud wish her, for
Cluny is as good humourd a gentleman as ever I saw in my
life, and of the most even temper; and as she is endowd with
as sweet and agrecable a temper as any woman that ever [knew
they cannot but be very happy.

T offer my most humble duty to all the relations of your person
and family that are with you. I again beg to hear from you,
and Tam while I live infinitely more than I can express with the
ereatest esteem and with an unalterable zeall and respect, my
deurest cousine, your most obedient, most obliged and most
alfectionate humble servant, Lovat.

Lorp Lovat to Lorp GRANGE.

17148, circa Heptember. My dearest cousin, I received the
honour of two letters from you since you came to Scotland, but
1 must freely tell you that your first letter so pierces my soul
with grief that I have not been able to answer it. You know
how much I always admir’d your merit. You know how much
I knew in a particular manner the very rare qualifications
of your soul, justice, friendship, gratitude, integrity and
honour, and all in a supreme degree; and I must add to this
our blood relation, and a very sincere attachment to one
another. How then coud you think, my dear cousin, that it
553

was in my power to answer a letter from you that brought me
such dismall accounts of your horrid misfortunes? And how
such a man who deserves more than most of the race of Adam
should be so barbarously oppressed by those that he had most
faithfully served. No, dear cousin, I cou’d not answer it but
by shedding of bitter tears in reading of it, which I did more
than once, and praying to God that in His goodness He might
relieve you from your cruel misfortunes, which I continue
always to do; and I hope my prayers will be as soon heard as Mr.
Whitfield’s, because I am sure they are fully as sincere, and
T believe, tho’ perhaps youll think it vain, fully as well-founded
upon good principles of true religion, which I am so selfish as
to think I understand as well as Mr Whitfield. And my faith
of reall religion makes me hope and believe that you will soon
be relieved from your troubles and malicious enemies. ‘This is
the earnest wish of my heart and soul.

I give you ten thousand thanks, my dear cousin, for being
so good as to do my son Sandie the honour to witness his
examination. I dare not flatter myself to believe that what
you are pleased to say of him is the product of his own nature
and genius, otherways it would make me too vain; but this I
think that if he turns out well he will make a very pretty fellow
that will do honour to his family and country.

As IT have a great project in my head for the good of my
family in which you can be very usefull to me, and since I
know that you will stand at no pains or trouble to do effectual
service to my person or family, I shall acquaint you fully of
my design by the next post. In the meantime I beg leave to
assure you of my affectionate humble duty, best respects, and
good wishes, in which my son joinsme. My daughter, Clunie’s
wife, is with her aunt, the Lady McKenzie of Scatwell, and
Clunie is at home preparing his house for the reception of his
wife.

I beg to hear more frequently from you. I have seen that
you have not been lazy to write to other people, and why will
you be so to the man in the world who loves your most? Adieu,
my dearest cousin, I am fully as much yours as I am my own,
Lovat.

s

An Epistouary CrpHer. (No date.)

Old Dutchess of Hamilton ............... The Sybil.

D[uke] Hamilton ........c cee eeee eee eee Dr. Bray.
Dfuke] Beccleugh  ..........ccceeeeeeeeees Lady Ballegarnie.
Dike] Gordon ..........cce cee eee eee eeeee Sir Solomon.
Dfuke] Queensberry  ssvseansnens ves severe The Antelope.
D[uke] Argyle ......ccccccesccseeeeeee scenes Mr. Piercy.
D[uke] Douglass ..........ccceeeeeee scenes The Child.
Dfuke} Athol ...sc003 csissewseascess senses The Alderman.
D[uke] Montrose ............seccseceeeeeeee Miss Santlar.
D[uke] Roxburgh  .......cceeccseeee eee eee Mr. Bateman.

Mi areuis) Tweedale picciss spemcasiacevonvar Monsieur le Begne.

Marquis] Lothiat® ssiscessisscencconeinsene Will Summers.
Marquis] Annandale .......cccccceeseeees Mr. Porter.
Efarl) Crawtord as. csccccsesvneccvivasees eee Dun Robin.
Bfarl| Hrrol. wish cices ness ccahsan dees tae ewes Mr. Lee.
Each} Maristall ayes ices nates Sir Andrew.
Sutherland vic sexe sescamatorvens oases Mr. Clinch.
Mat . csasazadsdetemteescesenan noamanad Mr. James.
Roth ess ia sesscasguacdaacen tacaees sy The Brick.
MORON, tc sencintersanaiiceen ackoosses The Biscayner.
Buch aie <5. hxreagheesStescties The Old Woman.
Glencaln, sosicnsneaocenavsammeves owe The Huggar.
Highinton........cccecsescseceeceeeenes Mr. Brittle.
CaSSTlS tisk cus ee ee Maes vate elas A.
Cath esses sacccacsesanae serene 068 oy a.
IMUrTais? <a cass sudesseueecaiw ese aise My Ladys Usher.
Nithsdale .........ccccecsecescceeees B.
Winton sacsccsava citesoseeneads vee sts Mr. Hepburn.
Linlithgow ....cceseceeseeeee eee C.
PANU TMIGL = scan tie baseman smouias VaakeGes eee Monsieur de Villier.
WIStOD. a ievaricia i otemvetiveand dosaes Mr. Box.
Strathmore ......cccceeeeeeeeeee eee Lord of the Mannor.
A DerCOrn-2dd.vaxecaaneaeccesmnn ans Sir Politick.
KL oats sa tn aciansay neva suaeaea chi ee The Sprig.
Haddington ......ccceceeeecseeee eee Mr. Tate.
Galloway. scnssseassnesvamneanawers The Highwayman.
Lauderdale ......ccceeceeceeee eee Old Judge.
Kanno toi eiasisaiy ees vor edeaticets Yeoman of Kent.
Loud OM: ie cea seaneaner tees 28 ease Mrs. Barbier.
SiPlING! c.cdises eve sde renege neeaeee C.
HG foo sais onan inau-oeadane hs weer est c.
SOUGHESIe kd sed nodrsissetcnseaues The Noble Gentleman
W COIS. scsaearsaosunieudtasmasvetes The Butler.
Dalhousie ccs scasivics avne ves cores vases D.
MPG) 25 se beauavade she saawtad neaeanaes The Old Trooper.
HAnlater acccec des ncelec ee seca ak d.
Carnwaith: salstconies seve neciewes vets E.
E@MeIt) sacpurdeciaceseseugssseatacwes Spizzo Ferro.
DY SERt \ uni Saosin adiniste afanualas Sir John.
PA NMUTEs <<yererixenas sereacaacescee Lord Timon.
DEMING Laci cectaiven taut verameaevae mas Mr. Falconer.
NOrthesk scnscccesseaneves saws conve Signor Nicola.
Kincardin .......ccceccecseeeeeeeeees Monsieur Tereen.
IBalCAPPaS: usin ndancka'iing vis teas Cesc Mr. Sutton.
Orhan’ — sev aensaei@er sana sor saeseeee The Poor Scholar.
Kilmarnock ..........ccccceseeeeeee Mr. Harrison.
Dundonald <csasesersiscensanverica Young Master.
Dumbarton .........ccccceeeeeeeeee The Parson.
KSTOPE. jst case be. ied easteees The Old Toast.
Bresdalbiti, osass seus vet sees eexncees The Sexton.
Aberdeen ...........cccccceceeeseeee Parish Clerk.
DUNMOLE 2..c.icseece ess cessvousenes Sir Peter Quince.
OTENeYy ves. casataaea cee ieneness The Husband.

RuUglen. ceesusevantowarseraeuieamneds’ Dr. Alexander.
March
Marchmont
Seafield
Hyndford
Cromarty
Stair
ROSODERTY. ac. ns seciineecvsenicede uedien’
Bute
Hopton
Glasgow
De Lorrain
Hay
V[iscount] Falkland
Dumbar
Stormont
Kenmure
Arbuthnot
Kingston
Oxenford
Irving
Kilsyth
Newhaven
Strathallen
Garvock
Lford] Forbess
DAltON. ww sevewsecicecaudececseeeeseates
Gray
Ochiltree
Ca thea rts tectecisbwncase suns cascenae
Sinclair
Mordington
Semple

Seema meee eee denseeesrseeeusens
eee eee eee eee ey
ere eer errr ree eee eee reer!
Beem eer m ne nme nese se sennce

ee eee ee eee ee
Demet cere ence cece nee aeersncee

eee eee ee
Reece meee e erences ees enesne
eee eee eee ry
Pee men ene nee a ene reneeeessee
wee eee eee ree cea ee sens senens
ee tee ere e ewe essen cnenecene

Peter cme e ccc ereeneeenenasee

emcee renee eseseorensescces

Ross
Torphichen
IsINCOLES 3 sean consdssneseMeaatedeees
Balmerinoch
BlSHt yO cas sai dasneds Seve ede
Cranston
Matherdie (Madertie)
Dinguall

on ete e terete ete t canes ess enenee

Rae
Forrester
Pitsligo
Frazer

Barganey

Seem emcee rete ceeeacveresesesoee

Cece error conver eeeneeneseee

e.
The Duellist.

The Parrot.

F.

Mr. Isac.

Jack Coesar.

The Dancing Master.
f.

Sir Christopher.

Sir William Read.
G.

Collonell Ratcliff.

Small Coal.
Mr. Acorn.
Mr. Maitland.

k,

Lady Plenderguest.
Fright Esqr.

L.

ly

Sly Boots.
M.
Bargeman.
Deserter.

m.
Mr. Douglas,

Sir Joslin.

The Barber.
The Sherif.

The Apprentice.
The Nurse.

Spanish Fryar.
n.
P.
The Fisherman.

Monsieur l’ Abbé.
The Camisar.
Bamit Si cteudiaadacsennedvesencasetes q.

Hlibank ..........ccc see Be eeeaendee Mr. Marshall.
Halkerton ............ccecceeeeseeees R.

Belhaven. sy iciwee decunvycauewantte The Country Gentleman
PTO). eates vise cnecieneoneenees ness Sir Francis.
WOU Oceescsstceevazeascartsateseucaeanes Q.

Colwill: csvoseigtves niieseensaanasaide Mr. Leveridge.
Ruthériord:  sasscccesssaceseteracse 8.

Bellanden. ............cccccecseeeeees Mr. Davis.

Ne Warle: saliacka woud neretacooameseees 8.

NIE «scat. dancin soaceee aascnesaseeee T.

GIASIORGS  sackiaticaeiien secuntcldteceie’s G.

POrtimore: aie dcceusicis seeectadiesss Sir James.

a

170.—A Satirical Poem—‘ Advise to a Painter.”

Limner would you expose Albania’s fate ?
Draw then a palace in a ruined state ;

Nettles and briers instead of flagrant flowers,
Sleet, hail and snow instead of gentle showers.
Instead of plenty all things meager look,

And into sword turn ploughirons, syth and hook.
Instead of guards you ravenous wolves must place,
And all the signs of government deface.

Instead of order, justice and good laws,

Let all appear confused like the first chaos.

Near to the palace one on every hand,

The ruins of two noble fabricks stand ;

A church where none but priest of Baal does stay ,
A court of justice filled with birds of prey.

With a bold pencil draw the great Argile,

In some respects the glory of this Isle.

Draw his intrepid heart and generous mind
Where nought that’s base did ever harbour find.
But near him place his brother and display

With what base arts he leads his friends astray.
(tive him an air that’s sullen and morose ;

Still looking downwards, his dark mind expose.
Let Roxburgh next upon the canvass stand,
Supported by the vilest sordid band,

That ever did infest the wrecked land.

In proper colours paint his vicious mind

Which rules of honour never yet could bind ;
Where truth and justice banished far away,
Revenge and falshood bear the sovereign sway.
Limner, proceed, conspicuously expose

The chickenhearted narrow soul Montrose.

Show how he doth debase his noble line,

Which heretofore illustriously did shine.

Show how he makes himself a fool of state,

A slave to avarice and to his friends ungrate; °
557

Tweddale demands a place upon the stage,
Compos’d and learned, tho’ scarce attained to age.
Time must determine how he will employ

The talents which he largely doth enjoy.

As from the morn the day is often guest,

He’l prove, I fear, a hawk like to the rest.
Queensberry next a station here doth claim.

Oh! how I tremble when I write that name.

Will he for what his father did atone,

Or will he in the selfsame course jog on ?

' To Stairs allow, as he deserves, much space
And round about him the Dalrymples place.
Describe how these their sovereign did betray,
And sell their nations’ liberties away.

Let Haddintoun appear as is his due,

Among a rakish, unbelieving crew.

Near to him place no man who doth desire

To scape the vengeance of eternal fire.

Place Sutherland, Orkney, Lauderdale and Morton,
Rothes, Ross, Buchan, Belhaven, Bute and Hopton,
All closs together as a pack of tools,

And near to them another class of fools ;

Where Douglass, Hyndford, Selkirk bear some sway,
And Lothian won’t to Forrester give way.

But now reserve some place for Athol’s Grace.

Tn any one of these two ranks him place.

Do not forget his visage to describe

And fill his breast with avarice and pride.

Near to him let his Grace of Gordon stand ;

For these two Dukes may well go hand in hand ;
And if you mount him on his Tuscan steed,

Pray leave him room to gallop off with speed.
Finlater surly will pretend some space,

For he ne’re wants pretensions to a place ;

For these a footman court his friends betray,
Engage at night and break his vows ’ere day ;
Profound respect to every party pay.

A place apart to him assign you must,

For who’d be near to him whom none will trust.

If these will but reflect on what hath past,

Give anyone a stone that first will cast.

With these you may a canvass large supply,

And then to match them all the world defie.”

Narrative apout St. Finan, (undated).

St. Fillan was one of the earliest missionaries who preached the
gospel in Scotland. He was stationed in a beautiful valley in the
Highlands of Perthshire near the source of the Tay called from his
name to this day, Strath-Fillan, in the Bishoprick of Dunkeld,
and now within the bounds of the Presbytery of that name.
558

This good man (for we shall allow him primitive sanctity) was
in use to bathe in a deep pool of the river, about 14 mile above his
church, where the beach is fine and the water pure and limpid.
At the middle of this pool, on the north side, there is a rock which
projects into the pool so as to conceal the view of the east and
west sides of the rock from each other and hide the people who
bathe on each side of the rock from one another, unless they were
to leave the shore and swim into the deep.

A veneration for St. Fillan, probably encouraged by his im-
mediate successors in office at Strathfillan and promoted by the
superstition of these rude ages, impressed the country people,
far and near, with a belief that the pool of St. Fillan was a sovereign
remedy for all diseases, even madness not excepted.

At present they repair to the pool of St. Fillan from the distance
of 50 miles and upwards, and as they must all dip the very first
day of a quarter, the cavalcade travelling to this place resembles
a pilgrimage, or travelling to a fair. Those who are able to ride
are mounted on horses, others are laid on carts; and those who
are able walk on foot. In all directions these crowds of people
increase as they advance and all the companies meet at the pool
by daylight the first of the quarter, old stile. The women repair
to one side of the rock, and the men to the other. Every one is
anxious to get first into the consecrated water. After they are
dipt over head and ears three times into the water, they dress and
repair to a little distance where they go three times round three
cairns or heaps of stones in the course of the apparent diurnal
motion of the sun which is called DersHeat or going the right or
lucky way. The superstition of so many ages has increaesd these
heaps of stones to a considerable size, because every invalid must
bring three small peebles from the beach of the holy pool and
throw one into each heap, with a small particle of their body
cloathes which they tear off for that purpose as an oblation to the
saint. These who are deranged in their reason, besides all this
operation of bathing, are tied hand and feet in the church the
succeeding night. The doors are carefully locked, the windows
are shut, the place is rendered as gloomy and horrible as possible.
If they are found loose next morning their recovery is pronounced
to be certain in a short time if not already compleated ; but if
they be found tied in the morning their cure is despaired of.

The pilgrims then return in companies to their own country
and to their several homes, and both in their journey thither and
homeward they are careful to drink of consecrated fountains
where St. Fillan was accustomed in his peregrinations thro’ the
country to rest and drink water to allay his thirst ; and frequently
at the consecrated springs they leave as an offering a rag of their
clothes, or if no better offer they deposit a twig of heath or the
branch of a tree or shrub. At some of these fountains there is a
cup of stone which has remained for ages, and no person covets
it for fear of the displeasure of the saint. The springs are indeed
the most select and the finest water, and generally face the north.
They generally abound in cresses which is a sure sign of good
water, So strongly is the superstitious veneration for this pool
599

rooted in the vulgar that notwithstanding every possible
discouragement given by the neighbouring clergy the practice
still continues.

There is no doubt but the change of air, the ride, cnd the force
of imagination may have sometimes a good effect upon credulous
invalids, and these recoveries, whether partial or total, are magni-
fied into miracles and ascribed to the sanctity of the pool, and the
virtues of the saint. This serves to keep the supersititon alive
and promises to make it lasting.

In many places they have particular stones—one of them is in
the possession of Mrs. Stewart of Advorlich—which they immerse
into a quantity of water taken from one of these tiberts or con-
secrated springs. This water, impregnated with the virtues of
the stone and the vessel containing it not being allowed to touch
the earth, is sprinkled on cattle for certain diseases, and is believed
to be a sovereign remedy.
. Obl

INDEX.

A

Abbacies:
Haddington, 161.
Inchaffray, 130, 131.
Abbé, Monsieur I’, 555.
Aberdeen:
Earl of, George, Chancellor of Scot-
land, 213, 214, 302, 805, 437, 438,
439, 538, 554.
bishop of, ‘Adam, 4 :
, Alexander, 2, 3, 4, 6.
, Andrew, 4.
—, aie Clerk of Register,
13, 1
—, Gilbert, Chancellor of Scot-
land, 7.

 

bishop elect, William, Lord High
Treasurer, 14.
bishop of, 219.
burgh of, 207, 255, 256, 262, 359,
419, 433, 508.
canon of, see Sir John of Mar.
church and canons of, 1.
commissaries of, 13.
dean of, Robert, 5;
see also Sir Walter de Coutre.
diocese of, 1.
friars minors, and captives of, 3.
King’s College, at, 493.
the professor of mathematics there,
261.
provost of, 219.
vicar of, see William Prate.
Aberdeenshire, vii, 1, 2, 3, 360, 420,
482, 487.
sheriff of, see William Meldrum.
Abercairny, Lady, 41.
Abercorn, Earl of, 191, 320, 554.
Abercrombie (Abircrummy) :
of Birkenbog, Alexander, elder, 10.
—. Alexander, younger,
and Urquhart, his
spouse, 10.
Alexander of, 4.
Doctor, 516.
J. signs, 224.
Robert, in Edinbur: gh, 31.
William, an Episcopal minister, 517.

 

Abergeldie, Laird of, 440.
lands of, 2
Abernethy
pene see Earls of Angus.
Alexander, 3.
Patrick, 2.
Patrick of, knight, 5.
William of, 2.
minister of, 542.
Abertart? (Obertarphe), 217.
Abroch of Glenco. John, 91.
Acheson :
Sir Archibald, bearer of letters to
the King, 157, 161, 162.
* John, master coiner, 28, 29;
general of the Mint, 97.
Achindore, lordship of, 7.
Achmorly, lands of, 4.
Acorn, Mr. (cipher name), 555.
Acts of Parliament.
see Parliament.
Act of Security, 229, 239, 339, 356, 365,
378. 424.
for a Solemn League and Covenant,
200.
of Supremacy, 144.
Acutrie, John, Frenchman, and his wife,
18, 20.
Adles, Robert of, 4.
Admestown, see Edmonstone.
Admiral, Lord High, 253, 404, 418.
Admiral Depute, 246.
Admiralty, the 113, 246, 424.
Courts of, their fines, 180.
of England, 262.
Advocate, Lord, 74, 152, 162, 191n, 195,
217, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 283,
284, 285, 289, 293, 294, 309, 313,
404, 408, 411, 415, 420, 423, 430,
444, 460, 461, 470, 473, 474, 475,
477, 478, 482, 504.
——., his offices, 144.
——, makes a marriage, 413.
—., see Mr. Robert Crichton of
Elliock ; Sir William Oliphant.
Queen’s, 246, 255, 262, 263, 272.
see Sir James Stewart.
Afferd, see Alford.
African Company, Indian and, xxvi,
259, 296, 337, 364, 365, 379, 380,
382, 383, 384, 385, 407.
Bene any of Morgund, Earl of Mar,

Aiteman, Major, 501.
Aird, John, provost of Glasgow, 269,

lJ
562

Airdess, Viscount, 365.
Airlie, Earl of, 554.
Airth, laird of, 44; slain, 246.
Aix Ja-Chapelle, xxvii, 498.
Alan, (Walter, son of), Justiciar of
Scotland, 5.
Albania, 556.
Albany :
Duke of, Alexander, iv.
—-—, Jobn, iv.
——, Robert, Earl of Fife and
Menteith, 7.
Alhemarle, Ear! of, 225.
Alcantara, 260.
Alderman, the, (cipher name), 553.
Ale, 19, 259, 332, 333, 337, 343, 378,
419.
Alexander the Second, King, iii, v.
Alexander :
Sir Willam, Secretary, 168, 173,
174, 185.
Doctor, (cipher name), 554.
Alford, (Afferd): parish of, 7.
vicar of. see Sir Thomas Cant.
Algiers, 27).
Allan, Andrew, 501.
Harry, in Stirling, 544. ;
William, procurator, 501.
Allen, Bailie, of Stirling, 347.
Alloa, 431, 433, 471, 500.
jetters, etc., dated there, 9, 109,
110, 159, 169, 219, 223, 274,
455.
skippers of, 487.
Alloa House. vi.
Almanie, see Germany.
Almanza, battle of, 388, 398, 417.
Almwick, 244.
Alost, 276.
Altrie, Lord, see William,
Marischal.
Alzira, 387.
Ambassadors, foreign, their doings in
London in 1626, 149, 150.
American Colonies, 545.
Ammunition, 209, 212, 216.
in Stirling Castle, 35.
Almond, (Amont), signs, 197.
Anisterdam, 213.
Andree, David de, 3.
Andrew :
George, 502.
Sir, (cipher name), 554.
Andro, John, Clerk of the Privy Coun-
ceil, 45. ;
Anglesea, Lord, 484.
Angus:
Earl of, Thomas Stewart, (12356),
1,2:
——., his son Malcolm, 4.
, Archibald, Lord Douglas,
4

Ear] of

——, Archibald, Lord Douglas
and Abernethy, viii, 30, 21, 33,
34; Mrs. Marie Erskin, his
future wife, 31.

——. William, 69, 88, 90, 116, 129.
147, 151.

—--, his regiment, 389. ‘

 

INDEX.

Angus—continued,
shire of, 194, 311, 432, 511.
sheriff of, 338 ; see Lord Northesk.
Anjou, (Anjew), Duke of, 277.
Annan, Viscount, 119, 122, 125.
Annandale :
Lord of, John, iv. i
—_—, (Robert Bruce), v.
Earl of, John, (1624), 126, 132, 133,
145, 147.
Lord, 202, 203.
Marquis of, Secretary of State, and
President of the Council, xxiii,
223, 235, 236, 237, 238, 244, 247,
249, 250, 251, 253, 268, 269, 271,
272, 277, 284, 285, 288, 290, 292,
293, 294, 296, 297, 300, 202, 304,
305, 308, 309, 311, 313, 314, 318,
321, 323, 324, 325, 327, 329, 330,
336, 338, 352, 353, 365, 421, 423,
481, 498, 554.
district of, 129, 337.
Anne, Queen, vi, vii, xxii, xxv, 230,
et passim to 505.
her illness and death, xxvi, 504,
505.
letters from the Earl of Mar to her,
287, 385, 445, 449, 452, 456, 457,
458; her letters to him, 382,
453.
her letters to Parliarnent and
encouragement of the Union,
284, 305, 313, 314, 315, 319, 320,
326, 329, 332, 341, 347, 351, 382,
383, 385, 389; other letters,
257, 429.
of Denmark, Queen of King
James the Sixth, ix, x, xii, 43,
47, 50, 51, 53, 59, 86, 118.
Anstruther, (Enster), Lord, 324, 436,
472.
Antelope, the, (cipher name), 553.
Antwerp, 225.
Apprentice, the, (cipher name), 555.
Aravlen, Raveline, 464, 465.
Arbitration, u dispute submitted to,
195.
Arbroath, (Arbrocht), abbacy of, 38.
abbot or lord of, Bernard, Chan-
cellor, 3, 4.
St. Thomas of, church and monks
of, 5, G.
Arbuthnot :
Viscount, 555.
Doctor John, 370.
a servant, 351.
Ardgowen, 216.
Ardowy, lands of, 5.
Ardowyne, lands and mill of, 4.
Ardvorlick, airds of, elder
younger, 220.
Areskine, see Erskine.
Argyll:
Ear! of, Colin, third, 13.
» Archibald, fourth, vi.
—-—, Archibald, fifth, 17.
—-—-, Colin, sixth, makes alliance
with John, second Earl of Mar,
31, 32, 36.

Anne

and

 
INDEX.

Argyll—continued.
Earl of, Archibald, seventh, xii, 76,
84, 85; his second wife 126.
—--, Archibald, eighth, 200.
——, Archibald, ninth, xxi, 216,
208, 217.
Duke of, John, second, xxiii, 223,
232, 233, 246, 254, 256, 263, 267,
279, 281, 282, 284, 286, 287, 288,
289, 291, 299, 303, 306, 308, 311,
314, 321, 326, 240, 341, 352, 360,
367, 368, 370, 371, 372, 374, 419,
420, 463, 480, 487, 488, 499, 506,
513, 515, 516, 522, 526, 532, 533,
535, 553, 556.
» his letters, ete., xxviii, 233,
263, 270, 463.
——., his uncle James, 463.
Argyleshire, 127. 509.
Argyle and Tarbet, sheriffidom of, 85.
Ariskin, see Erskine.
Armentien, 467.
Arminian tenets, 436.
Arms and weapons, stealing of, 500,
501.
Arms:
Dutch, 502, 503.
English, 502, 503.
Scots, 502, 503.
of Scotland, 24.
Armestrange, Master Gilbert, Canon
of Aberdeen and Moray, 1.
Army :
Court of General Officers, 416.
Commanders-in-Chief of the, 416.
Cess for the, 317.
see also Military.
Arnistoun, Laird of, see Dundas.
Arnot:
Friar Michael, 528.
family of, 528.
Arran :
Earl of, 36, 37.
island of, 7.
Arroll, Lady, 285.
Arrolle, see Errol.
Artelle, the camp at, 267.
Articles, Committee of the, 218.
Artillery :
49, 196, 220.
master of the, 15, 172, 220.
in Stirling Castle, 34, 35.
Artois, 213.
Arundell, Earl of, Thomas, Marshall of
England, 191n.
Assembly, General, see
Scotland.
Atchingort, lands of, 4.
Ath, siege of, 276.
Athlone, I.ord, 226.
Athole :
Earl of, John, 17, (1567).
—-—. John, (1578), Chancellor, 31.
Marquis of, John, 219, 221.
Duke of, John, 231, 234, 235, 247,
276, 278, 284, 290, 298, 299, 300,
304, 305, 309, 313, 317, 323, 227,
328, 335, 339, 351, 356, 365, 409,
415, 4381, 435, 437, 438, 441, 458,

 

Church of

 

563

Athole, Duke of, John—continued.
459, 476, 499, 5038, 505, 553, 557;
letters to and from him, 265,
431, 440, 448, 444, 455.
——, ——, his son William, 431.
Countess of, sends a jewel to Mary,
Queen of Scots, vii, 24.
Episcopal clergy in, 265.
Attorney General, 406, 407, 411.
Auchinbreck, laird of, see Campbell.
Auchinfluirs, lands of, 119.
Auchinleck of Balmanno, Sir George,
151.
George, a witness, 31.
Auchmuutie, Acmoutie, (Akmoutie):
John, master of the wardrohe,
102, 125, 146.
Sanders, 136.
Auchterarder, 515.
Auchterhouse, Laird of, 460.
Auchtifardoll, Laird of, elder, 256.
Auchtnegort, lands of, 3.
Audenburg, 466.
Augmentations, collecting of, 154.
Auleway, 7; see Alloa.
Austria, Over, 149.
Auverquerque, Monsieur d’,
Ayr, (Aire) :
Viscount, 111.
burgh of, 212, 216, 217.
presbytery of, 436.
shire of, 7, 211, 216.

263, 267.

B

Bagshot, 114.
Bailiaries :
water of Forth, 195.
lordship of Stirling, 195.
Bailiary, letters of, 14.
Bailie courts, holding of, 14.
Bailies :
of Dundee, 6.
of lands and lordship of Stirling,
14.
Baillie, (Beallie), of Lochend, Sir James,
94, 106, 122, 172, 174.
Lady Grisell, 391.
James, 79.
Mr., 461, 490.
Baking, 19.
Baleadlach, lands of, 2.
Baleairne, John, in France, 9.
Balcanquell, Mr. Walter, minister of
Edinburgh, 46.
Balearres, Earl of, 216, 238, 554.
Balcaskie, Lord, 219.
Baleomie, Margaret, 18.
Baldone, 488, 503.
Balfour, Colonel, 435.
George, 502.
Sir James, 17.
Sir William, 95, 106.
Balincreefe, lands of, 128.
Balindine, John, 17.
564

Ballig! :
King John, 548.
Thomas of, 2.
Ballegarnie, Lady, 553.
Balmaghie, ministers there, 500.
Balmerino, (Balmerinoch), Lord, xi,
160, 161, 200, 290, 300, 437, 438,
510, 555.
lands of, 6.
Balmossy, Alan de, burgess of Dundee,
and Alice Pot, his future spouse, 6.
Balnecrag, lands of, 6.
Balquhidder, 217.
Baltic, the, 262, 401.
Band, dissolving the Queen’s marriage
7 with Bothwell, ete., 17.
Banff, Lord, 556.
Banishment, 489.
Bank :
the, 541.
directors of the, 387.
Bank-notes, forging of, 489.
Banks, Robert, in Stirling, 544.
Bannerman of Elsick,“ Alexander, and
Margaret Forbes, his wife, 10.
Banqueting, superfluous, 104, 105.
Barbadoes, 221.
Barber, the, (cipher name), 555.
Barbier, Mrs., (cipher name). 554.
Barcelona, 239, 260. 263, 418
Barcheis, house of, 9.
Barclay :
Alexander, apothecary, 42.
Sir David, and Janet Keith, his
wife, v.
William, 114.
Bargany, Lord, 555.
Bargeman, (cipher name), 555.
Barkis, lands of, 2.
Barle Due, the Pretender’s court there,
511.
Barnbougle, 254, 394.
Barnes, East, 114.
Barnet, 442.
Barons, in Parliament, 371, 373.
Barony of Foverne, 6.
Bastardies, 180.
Bateman, Mr., (cipher name), 533.
Bath :
Earl of, (William Pulteney),
xxviii, 529, 531, 534, 536, 540.
town of, 268, 414.
Bathurst, Lord, 533.
Batons, in Parliament, 298, 301.
Bavaria, Duke of, 225, 226.
Baxter, John, baker, 502.
Bayonets, 503.
Bagonne, 398.
Bear, sign of the, 184.
Bearne, 92.
Beaufort, 545, 551.
Beaulieu, 90.
Beaumont, Sieur de, French Ambas-
sador, xi, 52.
Beaver Castle, 87.
Bedford, Duke of, 533, 534.
Bedia, 239.
oa Bedmon, Marquis de, 226,
26.

 

INDEX.

Beef, 19, 358, 359, 361.
Beer, small, excise on, 259, 338, 337,
343,

Begne, Monsieur le, 553.
Beith, 217.
Belerdie, lands of, 6.
Belford, Captain, 211.
Belhaven, Lord, 292, 298, 300, 304,
306, 309, 312, 314, 316, 318, 319,
320, 322, 323, 325, 329, 330, 331,
335, 336, 337, 341, 346, 350, 351,
365, 366, 375, 378, 435, 439, 454,
508, 547, 556, 557 ;
his death, 454, 547.
Belhemoars, Lord, 224.
Bellenden of Auchnoull, Sir Lewis,
Lord Justice Clerk, 41.
Bells :
one recast, in Holland, 207.
a peal of, to be supplied to Holy-
rood Church, 172.
Bellenden, Lord, 445, 556.
Belnabodach, 197.
Beltaw, the, 124.
Beltrees, Laird of, (Semple?) 56.
Benefices, collectors of the thirds of,
64, 66.
presentations to, 181.
Beneventie, Count, 149.
Bennet :
James, stabler, 502.
Mr., 429.
Bergeck, 225.
Berlins, ships called, 317.
Bernard, Sir John, 545.
Berolf, and Malcolm, his son, 4.
Berridale, Lord, son of the Earl of
Caithness, 117.
Berwick, (Barwik) :
Duke of, 260, 398, 399, 465.
Lord Home of, 66.
bridge of, 397.
governor of, see Lord Hunsdon.
tarshall of, see Sir William
Drury.
town of, 26, 27, 80, 185, 404.
shire of, vii.
Bestial, traffic in, 74.
Billingham, Charles, 391.
Billighin :
Robert of, 3.
Simon of, 3.
Bindon, Earl of, 469.
Bing, Admiral Sir George, R.N., 432,
433.
Binnie, Mr. Charles, advocate, 502.
Binning, (Bening), Lord of, Secretary
of Scotland, 75, 84.
Biscayner, the (cipher name), 554.
Bishops :
xi, 426.
privileges of, 76.
references to those appointed by
King James VI, 60.
holding civil office, 315.
see also Clergy.
Bishoprics, rents of, 237, 257, 258, 281,
282, 387, 497.
Bisset, Sir Robert, knight, 3.
INDEX.

Black, (Blak), Mr. David, minister at
Edinburgh, 46.
x., 366.
Blackadder, (Blaccakter), Captain, 501.
Blackfurd, Lady, see .... Keith.
Blackhall :
of that Dk, John, and Marjory
Strachan, his mother, 10.
William, burgess of Aberdeen, 10 ;
Robert, his son, 10.
Blackness Castle, 214, 485.
Blackwood :
James, 501.
Sir Robert, 259.
Robert, merchant in Edinburgh,
501, 502.
Blaikie, James, merchant, 501.
Blair :
Mr. John, agent for the Kirk, 413.
John, 501.
J., provost of Dundee, 264.
Blair Athole, 440, 443, 444.
Blantyre :
Lord, 42, 64, 67, 585.
prior of, Walter, 36.
Blasphemy, penalty for, 211.
Blenheim, 388.
Blyth, Helen, a servant, 18.
Blythswood, Jaird of, 507.
Bochwaglach, lands of, 2.

Bohemia :
94,
Queen of, Princess Elizabeth,
XVIil.
Bohemians, the, 149.
Boig :

George, brewer, 18.
John, brother of George. supra, 18.
Boisimon, Sieur de, French Ambags-
sador to Scotland, 200, 201.
Bolingbroke, Lord, 504, 514, 515, 516.
Bolton, Duke of, 532
Bommill,....,4.
Bonar, John, 5.
Bond :
of Alliance between Colin, Earl of
Argyll, and John, second Earl
of Mar, 31, 32.
of Assurance, 45.
Bo’ness. Borrowstownness, 395.
Bonnethiil, 214.
Bonyetoun, lands and living of, 66.
Book of Rates, 98, 297, 301, 304.
Books :
references to special, xxvi, 519,
420, 542.
of the Acts of Parliament, 14.
of Privy Council, 52.
on the Union, see Union.
Boombey, Mr., Speaker voted for by
the Tories, 237.
Borders :
The, xxiv, 48, 336, 345, 353, 528.
Commissioners on the, 138.
Borlum, laird of, 512.
Borselduce, 225.
Borthwick (Borthuik) :
Lord, 12, 119. ‘

 

565

Borthwick—continued.
.... , killed in the wars, 263.
Bosco, William de, 5.
Boswell, a person named, 205.
Botanic garden, a, 241.
Bothwell, Bothuile :
Earl of, his marriage with the
Queen, 17.
Mr. Francis, provost of Edinburgh,
13

Boufflers, Marshall, 468.
Bouillon, Duc du (Henry de la Tour),
letter from him to the French
King, xii, 91—93.
Bourbon :
House of, 639.
waters, the, 517.
Bouy, Sergeant, 146.
Bower :
Doctor, 307, 310.
Dr. Thomas, eligible for a pro-
fessorship, 261.
Box, Mr., (cipher name), 554.
Boy. Jerome, 18, 20.
Boyd, Ninie, 263.
Boyer, Sir William, 90.
Boyle, Secretary, 441, 449, 459, 460,
475, 491.
Brabant, 213.
Braemar :
206, 220.
Castle, burned, 222.
the garrison of, 221.
parish of, 487.
Braidkirke, Brydkirk, Laird of, 102,
126.
Brandy, 260, 395 ; smuggled, 399, 400.
Bray, Doctor, (cipher name), 553.
Breach of promise case, 413.
Bread for the King’s household, 19.
Breadalbane, Ear] of, (1688,) 220, 221,
415, 503, 513, 554.
Brechin :
bishop of, Patrick, 2.
Henry of, 3.
David, 175.
sev ae Ble
city of, 272.
lordship of, 59.
Breda, letters dated there, 224, 225,
226.
Bredie, George, student of law, 501.
Brewers, 213, 337 ;
their attitude towards the Union,
410, 411, 412, 414.
Brey, 225.
Bribery, case of, 300.
Brick, the, (cipher name), 554.
Bridges :
Sir Matthew, 224.
repair of, 208.
of Perth, 129.
Brisbane, Birsbane :
of Bishopton, Richard, 40.
William, in Barnhill, 38.
Brishen, Mr., 347.
Bristol, Castle of, iii.
Britain :
Council! of, 438,
566

Britain—continued.
North and South, 419, 422, 426.
Parliament of, its constituents,
etc., 315, 316, 321, 328, 329, 330,
342, 344, 349, 357, 358, 360, 361,
362, 365, 368, 370, 372, 373, 404,
408, 411, 412, 423, 426, 437, 448.
Brittle, Mr., (cipher name), 554.
Brodie, Brody :
laird of, younger, 502.
Captain, 244.
George, 244.
Brokkes, William,
Chamber, 18.
Broncard, Sir Henry, 47, 48.

in the King’s

Broomhall, Broomie, 283, 284, 285,
294, 309, 321; see Sir Alexander
Bruce.

Brown :

John, skipper of Burntisland, 128
129.

William, in Edinburgh, his report
on the coal trade, 212, 213.
Browning, Brounynge, Brwning, Adam,
and John, his son, 4.
John, knight, 5.
Bruce, Robert the, King, see Robert
the First, King.
Robert, Lord of Annandale, v.
of Airth, Sir Alexander, 45, 46.
of Auchinbowie, . . , 246.
of Broomhall, Sir Alexander;
claims the Earldom of Kin-
cardine, 283, 284, 289, 481,
on his son Tom, 283.
of Bynning, Robert, elder, and
James, his son, 36.
of Clackmannan, David, 8, 485.
, Robert, 41, 47.
of Kennet, . . .., younger, 502.
of Stenhouse, Sir William, 210.
Christian, sister of King Robert
the First, iii, v.
Christian de, lady of the regality
of Garioch, 2, 6.
George, 36.
Captain Henry, in service to the
German Emperor, 149.
Sir Henry, Master uf Artillery, 172.
James, brother of Robert B. of
Clackmannan, 47.
J., signs, 224,
Janet, 42.
Patrick, 46.
Mr. Robert, minister of Edinburgh,
46, 49.
Robert, his slaughter, 45.
Mr. Thomas, 487.
Thomas, in Larbertsheills,
Patrick, his son, 44.
Sir William, 219, 435, 475, 476,
477; his nephew, Tom, 477.
Bruges, (Bridges), in Flanders, 6, 213,
466, 467, 468.
Brunthillis, the, 79.
Bruntili, see Burntisland.
Brussels :
213, 221.
Court of,

 

 

and

213.

 

 

INDEX.

Brux:
207.
laird of, 481.
Brycen, Alexander, 502.
Bryson, John, 501.
Buccleugh :
Earl of, xviii, 142, 182, 183, 184,
190.
Duke of, 553.
Buchan :

6, 205.
» Harl of, (Alexander Comyn), iii
, Fergus, 5.
——, Robert, 32.
, James (Erskine), son of the
Earl of Mar, 86, 179. -
» David, 224, 256, 312, 318,
319, 320, 321, 336, 365, 366, 453,
470, 501, 502, 554, 557.
Lieut.-Colonel, 216.
Buchanan, (Buchquhanan) :
of that Ilk, George, knight, 40.
Mr. George, tutor to the young
King James, viii, 22, 30, 31.
Sir John, 109.
Thomas, 544.
Buck, the, 7.
Buckingham, (Bucks) :
Duke of, George, xiii, xvii, 103,
110, 123, 124, 138, 139, 143.
——, John, 477, 483.
Countess of, 150.
Bucklebury, 417.
Buequoy, Count, 149.
Building, 102.
Bullets, 503.
Bullion, see Coinage and Mint.
Buntine, Robert, 224.
Burgess ticket, a, 192,
Burghly, J., 197, 200.
Burghs :
the, 360.
in Parliament, 371, 373.

 

 

 

193.

royal, 246; commissioners for
the, 314, 406, 420.
Burgundy :
Duke of, 226.
wine, 351.

Burleigh (Burley), Lord, 64, 555.
Burleigh a the Hill, 103.
Burnett, Sir Thomas, 404.
Burns, ‘arnies, 501.
Burntisland, (Bruutill,
80, 129, 262.
thieves hole at, 221.
Bursaries for theology, 369.
Burty, lands of, 2.
Buss, the, 224, 226.
Bute :
Earl of, (Sir James Stewart), 304,
324, 436, 437, 476, 555, 557.
Island of, 7, 217.
shire of, 436, 438.
Butler, the (cipher name), 554.
Butter, English and Irish, 234.
Buttergask, (Bathergeak, Butirgaske) :

Bruntilland),

Andrew of, 2.
John, 4
Byris, . . » deceased, 5.
INDEX.

C

Cabinet Council, 424, 437, 439, 443,
450, 451. 456, 457, 475.
Cabrach, the, 7.
Cadogan, General, 465. 516.
Cesar, Jack, (cipher name), 555.
Carncrosse, Robert, 82.
Cairns, Captain, 211.
Caithness :
246, 249.
Earl of, 117, 206, 554.
Bishop of, Robert, brother of
oe Earl of Lennox, 27,
1.
Calder :
of Aslowne, Alexander, 10.
laird of, see Campbell.
Calderona, Cardinal de, 149.
Calderwood’s History, 522.
Calendar of Scottish State Papers,
reference to, 22.
Callander, 80.
Callander of Maner, Robert, 17.
Calware, Secretary, 123.
Cambridge, Earl of, the title of, 320.
Cambuskenneth :
abbey of, 13.
abbot of, Alexander, 13.
——, Henry, 8.
commendator of, Adam, 32, 35,
40, 69.
Lady, 41.
Camera, William de, 2.
Cambroun :

John, 2.
Camerone, hospital of, 7.
Cameronians, 470.
Camilla, 270.
Camisar, the, (cipher name), 555.
Campbell :
Lord Archibald, brother of the
Duke of Argyle, 284, 288, 289,
291, 295, 301, 303, 387; see
also Islay, Earl of.
of Ardkinglas, James, 17.
of Auchinbreck, Dougai, 32.
220

 

of Caddell, John, 32.

of Calder, .... , 85.

of Glendaruel, Colin, 509.

of Glenorchy, Sir Duncan, 89, 107,
118, 119, 130, 147, 148, 509.

of Lawers, Sir James, 84, 85, 87,
117, 118, 119, 120, 128, 148.

——, James, 76.

of Lochnell, Archibald, 32.

of Loudon, Sir George, and his
daughter Isabella, vi.

of Lundie, na wy Be

of Otter, Colin, 32.

 

567

Campbell—continued.
Archibald, brother of the laird of
Lawers, 87.
A., signs, 224,
Brigadier, 518.
Captain, 270.
Colin, signs, 224.
Colonel, 350.
David, 282.
George, forester of the King’s
Park of Stirling, 14.
George, wright in Edinburgh, 549.
Hew, 502.
Sir James, 424, 509.
James, eldest son of the second
marriage of the Earl of Argyle,
126.
J., signs, 224.
Licutenant, 464.
Lady Margaret, daughter of Archi-
bald, Earl of Argyle, vi.
Mary, widow of Lieut.-Colonel
Fullerton, 389.
Campvere (Camphere), 213, 256.
Candle-light discussions in Parliament,
298.
Candles, 19.
Cannon, two broken, in Edinburgh
Castle, 172.
Canongate, 181, 216, 259, 411.
bailies of the, 259.
Canons:
of the church of Aberdeen, 1.
of Monymusk. 1.
Cant:
Sir Adam, vicar of Mygvey, 1.
Sir Andrew, prior of Monymusk, 2.
Sir Thomas, vicar of Alford, 1.
Cantemir, Prince, 551.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, 370.
Capendavie, see Kippendavie.
Capital punishment, 489.
Capons, 19.
Caprintown,W.(Cunningham),signs,197
Captains, orders for, 210.
Captives of Aberdeen, 3.
Car, see Ker.
Carden, Laird of, 444, 476.
Cardinal :
Duca, 149.
the, (Prince Henry, Cardinal York)
544,
Cardnes, lands of, 119.
Cardross, Lord, David, xiii.
Carlisle, Carlile :
80, 249, 250.
Earl of, 139, 143, 187, 191n.
Carlyll, William, 502.
Carmichael :
of Medoflat, Sir John, 69, 95, 116.
Sir Hew, 89.
William, 272.
Carnegie :
Lord, 137.
Mr., 506.
Carnifex, Uridini, bailie of Dundee, 6.
Carnwath, Earl of, 271, 554.
Caron, Carron, Captain, 275, 276, 285,
286, 292,
568

Carrick :
Countess of, Marjory, v.
earldom of, 7.
Carridden, Provost Milne of, 219.
Carstares, Rev. William, 248, 297, 315,
437, 439, 461, 477, 483, 484, 498,
499; letters to and from him,
241, 250, 255, 261, 388, 435 ;
moderator of assembly, 438.
Carteret, Lord, 532, 533, 536, 539.
Carthage, 403.
Carthagena, 351.
Caskiben, lord of, see James of Garioch,
and John of Garioch.
Cassillis :
Earl of, Gilbert, 13.
-——, Gilbert, 17.
-——, John, 200.
Earl of, 554.
Casslachie, the, of Poland, 149.
Castiglione, Marquis de, 418.
Castles :
the King’s Scottish, their repara-
tion, 78, 82, 86.
and garrisons, 212.
of Dumbarton, 7.
Castle Grant, 493.
Casualties :
account of, 179—181.
of wards, nonentry and marriages
of heirs, 163, 168.
Catalonia, 419, 499.
Catanach, Donald, 197.
Catheart, Lord, 555.
Cattle, 359.
Cavalier party, the, 438.
Cavers, Lord of, see Thomas, Earl of
Mar.
Cavertoun, Lord, see Roxburgh, Earls

of.
Cawbraith, James, pantryman, 18, 20.
Cecil, Secretary, 22n, 27n, 30n.
Cess Acts, 229, 234, 235, 310, 314, 316,
317, 326.
Cessfurd, Lord, sce Roxburgh, Earls of.
Cesnock, Lord, a Lord of Session, 415.
Centa, siege of, 466.
Chaff, (cipher name), 555.
Chalmer, Mr. David, Chancellor of
Ross, 17.
Chalmers :
of Gadgirth, J., 197.
James, burgess of Aberdeen, 10.
Mr., minister of Kilwinning, 517.
Chamberlain :
Lord, of England, 191n.
of Scotland, see Thomas, Earl of
Angus.
of H.M. Honsehold, 389, 392.
Ayres, their fines. 180.
Chamberlainry of Fife, 394.
Chambers, see Camera.
Chancellors of Scotland :
see Bernard, lord of Arbroath ;
James, archbishop of St. Andrews ;
Gilbert, bishop of Aberdeen ;
John, archbishop of St. Andrews ;
John, Lord Thirlstane ;
Alexander, Earl of Dunfermline ;

 

INDEX.

Chancellors of Scotland—continued,.
Sir George Hay of Kinfauns ;
John, Earl of Loudoun ;

John, Duke of Rothes ;

George, Earl of Aberdeen ;

James, Earl of Perth ;

John, Earl of Athole ;

James, Earl of Seafield.

Chancellor :
of England, 53, 232, 396, 533, 540,

541.

of Great Britain, 392, 407.

Chancery :

Director of, the office of, xvii, 143,
175; see Sir John Scott of
Scotstarvet.

Dues in, 517.

Chapel Royal, 121.

Charles the First, King :
as Prince and Steward of Scotland,
ix, 7, 86, 109, 122, 123, 124, 128 ;
becomes Lord of Dunfermline, xii ;
his marriage, xi, xiii, 74, 75.
as King, vii, 378, 390, 426, 510,

520, 524, 630.

his Coronation day, 149.

his Coronation in Scotland, 174,176.

his act of Revocation, xvi, xviii,
135, 139, 140, 141, 146, 152.

his relations with his Privy
Council, 145, 146, 198n, 201.

his disposal of the Lords of Session,
see Session.

his conferences with the Earl of
Mar and other Privy Coun-
cillors, 133—146.

his holding of property in Scotland,
140.

his policy towards Scotland, xiv—
xviii, 199.
his Parliament in Scotland, 174,

176.
his English Parliament craves
redress of grievances, 201.
submissions made to him by
certain noblemen, 160—162.
references to his proposed visit to
Scotland in 1633, 168, 172, 176.
the education of his children, 201.
references to plots against his
person and family, 182, 183—
191.

his movements during the Civil
War, 204.

his imprisonment and execution,
Xx.

his character, 133, 145.

a prediction of the troubles fol-
lowing his reign, 198.

precepts and warrants by him, 131.

letters from him to John, Lord
Erskine, 175.

—-—-, to John, seventh Earl of
Mar, 130, 147, 157, 162, 172,
173.

——., to John, eighth Ear] of Mar,
196, 199.

,» to members of the Privy

Council, 169, 195.

 
INDEX.

Charles the First, King—continued
lettors to the Lords of Exchequer,
163, 176, 193.
, to the Lords of Session, 146,
147, 171.
——, to various persons,
170, 195.
letters to him from John, seventh
Earl of Mar, 133, 151, 153, 155,
156, 157, 163, 168, 169, 174.
——, from John, eighth Ear! of
Mar, 196.
» from others, 160—162.
Charles the Second, King :
during the Commonwealth period,
205, 206.
on the Continent, 221.
other references, xx, 198, 237, 390,
403, 485, 510.
letters from him, 207, 210, 211.
Charles III of Spain, King, 296.
Charters, Charles, shipmaster, 260.
Chaseworth, 24.
Cheese, 208.

 

147,

 

Chene, Sir Reginald, and his son, Sir‘

Reginald, 3, 4.
Chester. Bishop of, iii.
Chesterfield, Earl of, 532, 533, 536.
Chevalier, St. George, xxvii, 511—518,
521; see also King James the
Eighth.
his Queen, Clementina, xxvii, 516,
518, 520, 521, 528.
Chickens, 19.
Child, the, (cipher name), 552.
Cholmondeley, George, Earl of, 533.
Christie, Henry, in Stirling, 544.
Christmas vacations, 497, 498, 499
Christopher, Sir, (cipher name), 555.
Church of Scotland :
its attitude towards the Union of
1707, xxiv, 274, 278, 279, 281,
283, 290, 294, 298, 301, 302, 309.
310, 313, 315, 318, 320, 322, 325,
335, 340, 342, 344, 345, 351, 356,
370, 386, 387, 388, 389, 391, 397,
420, 421, 422, 426, 434, 435, 436,
437, 438, 439, 483, 484, 497, 498,
506, 507, 510, 543.
its affairs after the Union, 520,
521, 530, 531, 541, 542.
and the Jacobite insurrection of
1715, 513.
meetings of the General Assembly,
200, 201, 206, 241, 248, 257, 258,
381, 387, 388, 391, 435, 436, 437,
482, 497, 498, 510, 519, 531, 542.
the Queen’s letters and their
replies, 257, 381, 383, 386, 388,
437, 438, 439.
commissioners to the, 248, 249,
250, 256, 381, 383, 499, 510.
moderators of, 388, 391, 437, 438 ;
see Mr. John Stirling, and Rev.
William Carstares.
General Assembly commissions,
274, 281, 290, 293, 294, 296, 304,
309, 314, 315, 317, 320, 351, 356,
530, 531.

 

569

Church of Scotland—continued.
their agent, 413.
cases, 175.
government, 201, 261, 388, 426
grievances, 46.
ministers and bursaries for theo-
logy, 369.
nonconformity of Papists to the
professed religion, 62, 65, 123.
planting of churches in the High-
lands and Islands, 257.
procurator of the, pensioned, 89.
provincial synod of Fife, 438.
rolls of excommunicants, 180.
Toleration Bill, 483, 497.
Church :
Act, the, 314, 317, 318, 326, 356,
365, 366.
lands, 378; erections of, 160—162.
rolls, prove the number of bas-
tards born yearly, 180.
Chureb of England :
162, 627.
security of the, 370.
Cipher :
an amusing, xxviii.
key to a, 553—556.
letters in, 53.
Circuit Courts, 169, 423, 424, 469—
473, 474, 482.
Civil List, (1707), 425,
servants, their fees and salaries,
100, 101.
War. 197—206.
Clackmannan :
521.
minister there, xxviii, 521.
shire of, vii, 197, 206, 208.
Lady, 41.
Claim of Right, 238, 304, 305, 308.
Clan Gregor, fines for their reset, 75.
Clarendon, Lord, 507.
Clark, William, tenant in Stenhouse,
and his son Thomas, 210.
Claverhouse, Laird of, see Graham.
Clelland :
Captain, 216, 387.
Major, 52].
a person, 240.
Clementina, Queen, see Chevalier.
Clepen, Monsieur, 520.
Clephane, Captain, 252.
Clergy :
their grievances at the time of
the Union, 249, 257, 258, 260,
269, 387, 421, 506, 507.
Clerk :
of Penicuik, Sir John,
Clerk), 240, 398, 404.
Doctor, 546.
Mr., a Commissioner for the
Treaty of Union, 322.
of Advise, 33.
of Register, 33, 34, 74, 79, 102,
387 ; see also Sir John Hamilton.
——, his offices, 144.
his salary, 101.
Cleychok, lands of, 6.
Clinch, Mr., (cipher name), 554,

(Baron
570

Clokhok, lands of, 5.
Clontarf, battle of, iii.
Clothing :
supplied to Lord Erskine, 67.
and apparel, 104, 105.
Cloths, 72.
Cloudslie, Sir, 295.
Cluny, laird of, 552, 553.
Clyde, Firth of, v, xxi, 432.
Clydesdale :
216.
sheriff of, 363.
Coals :
19, 72.
export of, xxi, 213.
Nowcastle, 213.
Scotch, 213.
small, 555.
Coalworks, 208.
Coast defences, 410.
Cobham :
Lord, 55, 532.
Cochrane :
Lord, 216.
of Kilmaronock, Mr., 409, 411.
Lady Mary, her claims to the
earldom of Kincardine, 283,
284,
Cockburn :

of Clerkington, Sir Richard, Secre-
tary, 38, 44.

of Ormiston, Adam, Lord Justice
Clerk, 248, 251, 256, 270, 271,
273, 284, 290, 296, 297, 306, 308,
313, 315, 319, 340, 367, 372, 373,
379, 408, 417, 420, 450, 472, 478.

Dame Agnes, widow of William
Murray of Touchadam, and
wife of Sir James Forrester
of Garden, 8, 9.

J., signs, 43, 67.

8. R., signs, 67.

Mr., 429, 444, 476.

Mr., Episcopal minister, 507.
Cockpitt, the, 275, 478, 479, 488, 494.
Cockstoune, laird of, 219.

Cocoanut, 395.

Cod fisheries, 403.

Coinage, matters relating to, xii, xxvi,
97, 98, 364, 379, 380, 381, 385,
386, 387, 398, 401, 402, 404,
407, 408, 422.

Coins, foreign, called duckadowns and
dollars, 401.

half-merk pieces, and forty-penny

pieces, 28.

see also Mint.

Coiner, Master, see John Acheson.
Coldinghame, Lord of, deccased, and
Christian Stewart, his daughter,
18, 19.
Coldstream, erection of, 161.
Collector, office of, 154.
cee of the thirds of benefices, 64,
Od.
Colquhoun (Culquwne) :
of Camstrodane, Robert, and John
and Alexander, his sons, 38.
of Luss, Umphra, 38.

 

INDEX.

Colquhoun (Colquwne)-—continued.
Humphrey of 7.
James, a servant, 38.
John, brother of Umphra C. of
Luss, 38.
Peter Meloth, 38.
Colonels :
orders for, 210.
of horse, their orders, 206.
Colours, the, 210. ‘
Colt, Major, 483.
Colville (Colvin) :
Lord, 436, 556.
of East Wemyss, James, 40).
Michael, in Stenhouse, 210.
Mr. William, minister at Edin-
burgh, xx, 205.
Commander-in-Chief of the forces in
Scotland, 246, 247, 418; see
Linlithgow, Earl of.
Commerce, Scottish produce exported,
70—74.
Comniissariots, the, 64.
Commissary of Stirling, 194.
Commission, Courts of, their fines, 180.
Commissioner :
King’s, to Parliament, 514.
Lord High, during the Union, of
1707, 230, 233—237, et passim
to 257, 272, 277, 279, 280, 282,
283, 284. 285, 287, 288, 289, 291,
293, 294, 296, 298, 299, 300, 303,
306, 307, 308, 313, 319, 321, 322,
323, 326, 327, 328, 331, 333, 335,
338,, 339, 341, 342, 345, 346, 351,
355, 360, 361, 363, 364, 366, 368,
369, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376,
377, 378, 379, 381, 383, 384, 385;
his expenses at the Treaty negotia-
tions, 367; see Queensberry,
Duke of.
Commissioners for the Union, 235, 240.
248, 251, 254, 255, 322.
Commissions :
for the grievances, 139, 141.
of Exchequer or Treasury, 131,
132, 139, 141, 153—156.
Committee of Estates :
grant warrants, 197, 206.
their act for a Solemn League and
Covenant, 200.
letters to them, 202, 203.
orders by them, 206.
Committee :
of Glasgow, 202, 203.
of Processes and Money, 203.
Commons, House of, 201, 211.
Commonwealth period, xx, 221.
Communion, occasional, 227.
Company :
the Indian and African, 259.
Darien, 399.
Compiegne, in France, 23.
Compositions, in Exchequer, 181.
Comptroller, the, 11, 17, 31;
office of, 154.
Comyn :
Alexander, Earl of Buchan, and
Etizabeth, his daughter, iii.
INDEX.

daughter’s

Comyn, Elizabeth, iv.
Condie, Prince of, his

marriage, 148.
Conferences :

between Mar and others and King
James the Sixth, 101;

between them and King Charles
the First, 133—146.

at Whitehall, xi, xiv.

Confession of Faith, 218.

Coningsbie, Lord, 424, 484.
Connaught, the plantation of, 193, 194.
Conowey, Edward, Viscount, 123.
Conservator :

the Scottish, 180, 421; sce Sir
Andrew Kennedy.

at Campvere, 213.

Constable :
Lord Tigh, of England, see Robert,
Earl of Linsey.

High, of Scotland, 298, 301, 327,
see William, Earl of Errol;
Gilbert, Lord Hay.

of Dundee, see Serymgeour.
Consuls, English, in Flanders, 213.
Conventicles, field, 208, 210.
Convention of Estates, see Paraliment.
Cook, Colonel, 285; see Hook.
Coquets :

98, 396, 397, 400.

Corgarf, 197; Castle of, burned, 222.
Corn riots, 547.
Coronation :

of King Charles the First in Scot-

land, in 1633, 174, 176.
, in England, 149.

Oath, 294.

Corse, Mr., writer, 426.
Corstorphine, Laird of, 46.
Cotton :

Sir Robert, 170.

R., Postmaster General, 418.
Couborne, Lieut.-General, 225.
Coulter, Laird of, (? Menzies) 232.
Council :

Lords of, 13.

Privy, see Privy Council.

of War, 211.

Councils, general, their fines, 180.

Country Gentleman, the, (cipher name)
556.

Coupar :

H93.

abbot of, see Sir Andrew Ruthven.
Couper, Lord, made Chancellor of

Great Britain, 392.
Courant, the, 397, 428.
Courts:

circuit, see Circuit Courts.

criminal, 481.

of Commission, and other courts,
their fines, 180.

justice, 129.

steward, 130.

warden, 130.

of law, 201.

Coutre, SirWalter de, dean of Aberdeen,

» 10.

 

3.
Couttis of Auchtircoule,....

 

571

Coutts, (Cuts, Kuts), Colonel and Major,

>

Couts, Tom, 326.
Cowtis, William of, 1.

Covenanters :
XXi.
the persecution of, 208, 210, 212,
216, 220.
Covenants, National and Solemn

League, 273, 274, 315, 340, 520,
542.

Coventrye, T., signs depositions, 187,
191n.

Cow, damages claimed for theft of one,
517

Cowall, lands of, 7.
Cowpland, George, divinity student,
502.
Crabdele, Sir John of, Doctor of
Decreets, and Canon of Ross, 2.
Crabe, John, burgess of Aberdeen, and
John, his son, 2.
Cragbowy, lands of, in Garioch, 4.
Craig :
Hew, 502.
William, 502.
Craigie, John, professor in St. Andrews,
347

Craigingelt. of that Ilk, John, provost
of Stirling, 17.
parson of, see Doctor John
Douglas.
Cramond, Lord, 555.
Cranbourne, 121.
Cranston, Lord, 555.
Crawford, (Crafurd, Craufurde) :
Earl of, David (Lindsay), 7, 17, 31,
Ls.
Earl of, Colin, 318, 366, 375, 376,
449, 451, 452, 453, 554.

Captain of, 69.

Sir Gillfryd de, 6.

Matthew, 22n.

-..., a servant, 327.
Crawford Lindsay, teinds of, 69.
Crichton (Creichtoun) :

of Cranston Riddell, Patrick, 8.

of Eliok, Mr. Robert, King’s

Advocate, 36.
of Sanquhar, Sir Robert, and his
daughter Christian, vi.
Thomas, 501.
Crockat, Bailie William, 550.
Croft of Knocklachey, William, de-
ceased, 5; his son Reginald, 5.
Crofton, an author, 519.
Crofts, Mrs., 178.
Cromar, lands of, 191.
Cromarty :
Earl of, George, 231, 249, 273, 278,
279, 283, 285, 291, 205, 316, 319,
336, 357, 360, 363, 453, 469, 472,
475, 555.
——, letters by and to him, 238,
239, 242, 257, 258, 268, 392, 395,
402, 482.
Crombdale, (Crombdele) :
Sir John of, canon of Ross, 3
Sir John, rector of Turrich, 3,

Crail,
572

Cromwell, Oliver, xx, 198 ;

movements of his army, 204, 206.
Crossrig, Lord, 386.
Crown:

the, 300.

lands, the feuing of, 191, 378.

property in Scotland, 254.
Crowns, Union of the, in 1603, ix, x
Cruikshank, George, bailie of Aberdeen,

262.

Crummy, Elspeth, seamster, 42.
Jean, 18.
Crust, lord of, William, 4.
Culdees, 5.
Culquhannie, laird of, 197.
Culquharrie, laird of, 198.
Culquorks, lands of, 2.
Culquwne, see Colquhoun.
Culross :
minister of, 501, 502.
monastery of, the lands
churches thereof, 8.
Culsalmond, minister of, see Mr. George
Leith.
Cumbrays, islands of, 7.
Cumming, Sir Alexander, 421.
Cunningham, Cunnyngame :
of Drumquhassill, John (James),
appointed master of household
to the infant King, 18, 20, 22,
41.
of Polmais, Alexander, 8.
——-—-, James, 8.
, William, 40, 41.
Sir D., 309.
James, 24, 25.
Sir John, 214.
Margaret, 42.
Walter, forester of the King’s park
of Stirling, 14.
William, 224.
baronygof, 7.
Cunziehouse, see Coin and Mint.
Cupar, thieves’ hole at, 221.
Curgarffe, 197.
Customs :
the, 81, 82, 98, 99, 105, 132.
evasion of the, 395, 397, 399, 400,
-408, 412.
Acts, 297, 333, 343, 358, 379, 380,
389, 391, 392, 394, 395, 409, 412.
Board of, 405, 406, 407, 409, 412,
419,
houses,
398.
officers, 98, 99, 105, 180.
tacksmen of the, 260.

and

 

487; at Port Glasgow,

D

Dalhousie, Earl of, 445, 453, 471, 554.
Dalkeith :

38, 210.

Lord of, see Earls of Morton.

 

Innex.

Dalmahoy, son-in-law to John, Arch-
bishop of Glasgow, 387.
Dalnotters, Jands of, 32.
Dalrymple :
Viscount, John, second, xxii, 239,
260, 267, 276, 280.
Sir David, Lord Advocate, 240,
272, 346, 351, 361, 404, 408, 410,
429, 461, 477, 478, 481.
George, 308.
Sir James, 272.
Mr. William, 477.
family of, 267, 557.
Dalton, parish of, 249.
Dalziel, Dalzell, Dayell :
General Thomas, Lieutenant-
General of the forces, xxi, 211,
214, 216.
Sir Robert, 142.
Dancing Master, the, (cipher name),
555.
Danes, the, iii, 239.
Dantzic, 262.
Danyelstoun :
Patrick of, 7.
Mr. Walter of, 7.
Darien Company, 399.
Darling, Mr. Andrew, minister at
Kinnoul, xxviii, 524.
Darlington, 460.
Darn, Davies, 501.
Darnley, Lord, Henry,
Lennox, Earls of.
David the First, King, iii.
David the Second, King, iv.
Davidson :
of Ardmacron, Alexander, and his
son, 10.
James, soldier, 211.
William, 501.
Davis, Mr., (cipher name), 556.
Deans, family of, 529.
Decreets, Doctor of, see Sir John of
Crombdale.
Deer, (Deir), abbot of, Robert, 6.
Deer :
references to, 195; red deer, 119.
forests, 147, 148, see Glenalmond.
Defoe, Daniel, 292, 322.
Delblukboggis, (Delharboggis),
ot, 3s
De Lorrain, Earl, 277, 555.
Delpholly, Laird of, 486.
Denbigh (Denbey), Earl of, Thomas,
Lord Treasurer of England, 211.
Dendermonde, siege of, 276.
Denmark :
9, 187, 204, 540.
House, 195.
King of, 178.
Deserter, (cipher name), 555.
De-thicke, Mr., macebearer, 191n.
Devonshire, Duke of, 437.
Dick, William, 117.
Dickson, Diksone :
G., clerk, 193.
Sir Robert, 273.
William, writer, 502.
Didhop, (Diddup), see Dudhope.

16, 17, see

lands
INDEX.

Digby, (Dikby), Lord, 93.
Dilke, Sir Thomas, R.N., 418, 419.
Dingwall, Lord, 555.
Dirleton, laird of, 273, 503.
Dischingtoune, Sir Thomas, 84.
Dispensations for marriage, 8, 9.
samen | toleration for, in England,
69.
Dixmuyde, 213.
Dogs’:
terriers or earth dogs, 127.
for the King, 81.
Dollars :
circulation of, 97, 98,
foreign, 401.
Dona, Count, 388.
Donald, Earl of Mar, iti, v
Donaldson, James, 502.
Donyng of Wester Crieff, Alexander,
131.
Dorset, Earl of, Edward, custodian of
the Prince, son of King Charles
T, 186, 187, 191n.
Doug, Jamie Graham, 551.
Douglas :
Earl of, William, and his wife
Margaret, iv, 2.
Marquis of, James, second, 208,
219.
Duke of, Archibald, 553, 557.
Lord, see Angus, Earls of.
Lord Charles, 301.
of Kilspindie, Sir Archibald,
Treasurer, 11.
of Lochleven, Robert, 8.
, William, 32.
Captain, xviii, 185, 211.
Dame Elizabeth, Countess of Mar,
151.
Lady Elizabeth, daughter of
James, Earl of Morton, vi.
Sir George, 50.
Isabella, (Countess of Mar),
daughter of Countess Margaret,
iv, v.
Colonel James, 211.
James, a witness, 137.
Doctor John, parson of Crail, 175.
J., 132.
Lieut.-Colonel, 404.
L. G., 219.
Robert, servitor to the Earl of
Angus, 151.
Mr., (cipher name), 555.
place of, 350.
and Mar, Earl of, Jamea, iv.
—, , Wiliiam, 5.
-——, earldom of, iv.
Douglas, ship called the, 296.
Doune:
Lady, 520.
Castle of, in Menteith, 47.
Doves, 19.
Downs, the, 428.
Dragoons, 216, 346, 350, 404.
Drawbacks, the, 310, 313, 316, 332,
344, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361.
Dromyne, lands of, 4.
Drowning accidents, 397.

 

 

 

573

Drumceairne, Lord, 219.
Drumfries, see Dumfries.
Drumketht, Edward of, 5.
lands of, 5.
Dramlanrig :
Lord, 216.
laird of, 121, 125.
the King at, 80. 7
Drummalachie, Wester, lands of, 2.
Drumelzier, Laird of, 419.
Drummond :
Lord, Patrick, 40.
, James, 415, 434, 443, 444.
Lord Edward, 516.
Lord John, 513.
of Carrivahter, P.. 131.
of Galdwalmoir, Patrick, 131.
of Mylnab, J., fiar, 131.
A., 224,
David, deceased, servant to the
King, 128.
Mr. Edward, 47, 48.
Sir George, 219.
John, 532.
L. G., 219.
Sir Malcolm, Lord of Mar, iv.
Lieut.-General William, Master
of Ordnance, 212.
place of, 219.
Drummore, Lord, 532, 548.
Drumrossy, lands of, 4.
Drury, Sir William, Marshall of Ber-
wick, 24, 25, 27, 28.
Dryburgh :
abbacy of, 69.
Commendator of, David, 32, 35,
40, see David Erskine.
Dublin, 194.
Duckadowns (foreign coin), 401.
Ducke, Doctor, 191n.
Dudhope, (Diddup, Didhop) :
Lady, 41.
Laird of, see Scrimgeour.
house and park of, 214.
Duelling, cases of, 191n, 234.
Duellist, the, (cipher name), 555.
Duftus :
Lord, 311, 556.
Robert, 501.
Dumbarton :
Ear] of, 216, 217, 220, 554.
castle of, 7, 86, 114, 130, 182, 185,
214, 215, 238.
town of, 7, 288, 318.
provost of, 219.
shire of, 197, 206.
Dumbarton’s regiment, 359.
Dumbrek, Philip of, 6.
Dumbritayne, see Dumbarton.
Dumfries :
80, 216, 332, 337, 340, 520.
Ear! of, 212.
justice courts there, 127, 129.
magistrates of, 483.
presbytery and synod of, 436.
riots against the Union, xxv.
Dun of Ratie,...., 10.
Dunbar, Dounbar:
461; castle of, 14.

 
574

Dunbar, Dounbar—continued.
Earl of, George, Lord Home of
Berwick, Treasurer, xi, 60, 61,
63, 64, 65, 66.
Viscount, 555.
of Hemprigs, Sir James, younger,
470, 485, 486, 487, 488.
..., wife of George Leith
of Overhall, 10.
Dunblane :
212, 514.
bishop of, 90.
diocese of, 8.
Dunbretane. see Dumbarton.
Dundas :
of Arniston, ,...
Doctor, 476.
Mr., 531, 536, 538.
Dundee :
34, 80, 81, 214, 264, 247,
Earl of, 214.
, the title sought by Lord
Archibald Campbell, 303.
bailies of, see Uridini Carnifex,
William Keith, Robert Scot.
clerk of, 38.
lands in, 6.
meeting house there, 261.
ministers of, 260.
provost of, 219, 264.
Dundonald, Ear! of, 219, 523, 554.
Dunfermline, Dumfermiling :
80, 122.
Lord, 23.
Earl of, Alexander, Chancellor of
Scotland, 31, 32, 60, 67. 74, 75,
77, 85, 99, 99,
» Charles, 200.
abbacy of, 38.
kirk of. 530.
lordship of, xii, 86, 129.
provost of, 219.
Dunglas :
80.
eastle of, xviii.
Dunipace, laird of, 45, 102, 107.
Dunkeld :
265, 431.
bishop of, William, 4.
82

, 244.

 

 

, Alexander, 175.
bishopric of, 38, 83, 557.
presbytery of, 557.
subdean of, see Mr.

Erskine.

Dunkesoun, John, minister, 18, 20.

Dunkirk, 233, 267, 428, 503.

Dunkirk, the, H.M. ship, called 418.

Dunlop, Mrs., sister of Rev. William

Carstares, 241.

Dunmore, Earl of, 283, 554.

Dunnottar, 137.

Dunrobin, 554.

Dupplin :

Viscount of, George, 171, 181.
——, Thomas, 224, 232, 242, 319,
363, 371, 374, 376, 377, 477.

battle of, iv.
House, 232,

 

Alexander

 

InpDEx.

Durham, 237.
Durie, Laird of, 223.
Durnachehell Lethim, territory of, 3.
Durward, Alan, usher to the King, 5.
Dutch :
the, 224, 239, 354, 388, 403, 484.
arms, 502, 503.
garrisons, 267, 276.
ships, 246, 249, 419,
troops, 515, 516.
Dyer, Mr., 488.
Dysart :
256.
Hari of, 554.

E

Eaglesfield, Mr., in the Strand, 31].
Eastern trade, 252.
Eceelin, General, 516.
Echt, Laird of, (Forbes) 508.
Edgar :
Archibald, 502.
Edward, signs, 197.
Edzell (Edyell, Edgyell) :
laird of, 143, see Lindsay.
Edinburgh :
city of, xix, xxi, xxiii, xxiv, xxv,
36, 39, 43, 46, 49, 78, 85, 103,
105, 106, 137, 155, 160, 161, 171,
212, 216, 222, 224, 245, 246, 253,
277, 290, 301, 358, 386, 402, 407,
412, 417, 418, 420, 430, 432, 433,
444, 450, 451, 460, 461, 471, 472,
473, 485, 499, 500, 503, 509, 510,
512, 529, 534, 542, 546, 547.
attitude of the townspeople to-
wards the Union of 1707, xxv,
293, 296, 298, 299, 300, 305, 310,
313, 316, 328, 329, 350, 399, 447,
448.
bailies of, 125.
the churches visited, 250.
the King at, 80.
their tax upon ale and beer, 259.
letters, etc., dated there, 8, 11, 12,
13, 14, 15, 16, 22, 23, 24, 31, 36,
46, 60, 67, 104, 162, 172, 175,
194, 197. 200, 205, 207, 208, 210,
211, 216, 220, 222, 297, 233, 234,
235—238, 241, 242, 246, 249,
250, 255, 256, 257—262, 267,
269—271, 273, 278, 280—283,
287—289, 292, 293, 296, 297,
301, 303, 308, 312, 315, 317, 318,
321, 323, 326, 329, 331, 336, 338,
341, 345, 348, 351, 353—356,
358, 359, 361, 363, 364, 367, 369,
370, 372, 373, 378, 379, 382, 383,
384—389, 391—400, 404, 408,
410—412, 414, 419—423, 426,
427, 429, 432—139, 443, 445,
447, 449—452, 454, 456, 458,
460, 461, 469, 474, 475, 478, 481,
483, 507, 517, 528, 548,
INDEX.

Edinburgh—continued.
bishop of, Alexander, 260.

ie eer 217, 219, 258,

449, see also Doctor Young.

commissaries of, 413.

magistrates of, 3], 36, 299, 503,
549, 550.

ministers of, xx, 46, see also Mr.
William Colville.

presbytery of, 200, 304, 435.

provosts of, 246, 298, 430, 504,
529, see also Mr. Francis Both-
well and J. Smyth.

special buildings and _ streets,
Cowgate, 412.

Cross, the, 299, 399.

Grassmarket, 501, 502.

Greyfriars, 503.

Heriots Hospital, 524.

High Street, 472.

the Land Market, 298.

Merchant Maidens Hospital, 425.

Milnes Square, 226, 472.

Murdoch's Close, 502.

Nether Bow port, 299, 404, 407,
412.

Parliament Close, 298, 299.

Parliament House, xxiv, 304,
373.

Pleasance, 501.

Tolbooth, 210.

University of, 191n.

Weighouse, 299.

West Bow, 472.

West Kirk parish, 413.

Castle of, ix, 31, 38, 39, 47, 48, 49,
61, 77, 172, 182, 185, 196, 201,
215, 350, 372, 411, 434, 460, 500,
501.

» in keeping of John, Lord

Erskine, and John, Ear! of Mar,
17, 38.
shire of, 7, 208, 471.

Edindowy, lands of. 1. <

Edmiston, Laird of, 102.

Edmond, Sir Thomas, 74.

Edmonstone :

of Duntreth, Sir James, 46.

, William, 15.

Education of the gentry, 261.

Edward the First, King, iii, 548.

Edward the Third, King, iv.

Eglinton :

Earl of, 206, 283, 327, 366, 452,
453, 554.

Elcho, Lady, 520.

Elections, see Parliament and Peers.

Elector, the, 505, 507.

Elfeston, Nicolas, 29.

Elgin :

87, 460.
Earl of, 554.
meeting house there, 260.
shire of, 420.
Elibank, Lord, 556.
Elizabeth, Queen :
vii, ix, 47, 49, 59, 474.
, her signature, 25, 27, 28, 30.
— , her seal, 52.

 

 

 

 

 

575

Elizabeth—continued.
Queen, gets possession of a jewel
sent to Mary, Queen of Scots, 24.
» her letters to the Earl of
Mar, 21, 24, 27, 29.
» ——, to the Countess of
Mar, 28.
Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, holo-
graph letters from her to John,
Earl of Mar, ix, xviii, 176—179.
Elizabeth, the ship, of Prestonpans, 399.
Elliot, Sir Gilbert, 315, see also Earl of
Minto,
Ellis, Sir William, 519.
Elmar, Nicholas ,deceased, a keeper
of the wardrobe, 125.
Elphinstone :
Lord, Alexander, 45, 67, 112, 113,
146, 147.
——., John, 208, 221, 555.
Master of, 146.
Barbara, 84.
Sir George, Lord Justice Clerk,
124, 132.
Sir James, 415.
James, Secretary, 48, 51.
place of, 221.
Elyne or Helen de Mar, daughter of
Earl Gratney, v.
Emperor, the, 148, 149, 239, 419, 539,
545,

 

 

Engagement, the ‘ unlawful,’ xx.
England :

53, 59, 95, 109, 123, 131, 174, 176,
177, 179, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190,
200, 206, 222, 259, 282, 295, 301,
310, 313, 314, 318, 337, 340, 342,
343, 349, 350, 357, 358, 359, 365,
381, 392, 394, 395, 400, 404, 409,
410, 411, 412, 419, 426, 479, 512,
518, 515, 516, 519, 521.

the auld enemies of, 15, 24.

Scottish Ambassador there, 47, 48,
49.

news from, 23, 24, 53, 148, 149,
150.

feeling there towards the Union,
xxiii.

Jacobite invasion of, xxvii.

Church of, 102, 527.

the Constable, Marshall,
Chamberlain of, 191n.

North of, 335, 512, 514.

Privy Council of, 183.

Secretary of State for, see Sunder-
land, Earl of.

other State Officials of,
1616), 75.

Lord Treasurer of, 182, 185, 186,
187, 188, 189, 190, see Suffolk,
Earl of.

English :

Mr., 229.

arms, 502, 503.

butter, 234.

cloth, 73.

Consuls, in Flanders, 213.

Court, 47, 48, 49.

money, 387. fs

and

(about
576

English—continued.
officers, 49.
soldiers, 224.
Englishmen :
desirous of the Union of Parlia-
ments, 227, 316.
their feeling towards the measure,
285, 311, 334, 354, 491, 547, 548.
Ensigns, orders for, 210.
Enster, see Anstruther.
Episcopacy, xiii, 426.
Episcopal olerey 4 in Scotland, 264, 265,
267, 269, 281, 282, 387, 421, 481,
482, 517.

Episcopalians, and their meetin
houses, 260, 261, 264, 265, 413,
430, 506, 507.

Equivalent, the, xxvi, 296, 307, 310,
317, 322, 333, 337, 343. 349, 350,
362, 364, 365, 380, 382, 383, 387,
388, 392, 393, 394, 397, 398, 400,
401, 402, 404. 407, 408, 411, 414,
425, 429, 431, 432.

Erections, the, 160, 161, 162.

Ergile, see Argyll.

Erroll, Arrolle :

Earl of, Francis, xi, 37, 61, 79;
marriage of his daughter, 65.
William, ninth Lord Hay,
High Constable of Scotland, 79,
195.
——. John, 219.
——, Charles, Lord High Con-
stable, 247, 301, 304, 315, 417.
554.
Erskine (Areskine, Ereskine, Ereskyne,
Erskein, Ersken, Esken),
Lord, Robert, first, v. vi, 7.

» Thomas, second, and his
wife, v, vi, 7. 8.

——., Alexander, third, vi, viii, 8.

——,, Robert, fourth, and his wife,
vi.

. John, fifth, and his wife, vi,

viii, 14, 17; Catherine, Mar-

garet, and Janet, his daughters,

8, 9; Elizabeth, Lady Erskine,

his mother, 9.

——, appointed
guardian ¢ of King Jaines V, and
keeper of Stirling Castle, 11, 12
13; tutor to the son of King
James V, 15.

, John, sixth, created Earl of

Mar, vi, 16, see John, first Earl

of Mar.

,» John, son of John, second
Earl of Mar, 82, 93, 134, 146,
151, 158, 165,163, 169, 171, 175,
191;

——, ——, letters to him, 132,
133, 159, see also Mar, Earl of,
third.

» John, son of John, third
Earl of Mar, 194, 195, 201, 202,
203, 205, 206, see also Mar, Earl
of, fourth.

——, Thomas (1736), 546.

Lords, see also Mar, Earls of.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

InDEx.

Erskine (Areskine, Ereskine, Eres-
kyne, Erskein, Ersken, Esken)—
continued.

Lady, Elizabeth, 9

of Balgonie, John, 117.

of Brechin. Thomas, knight, Secre-
tary, 15.

of Cambo, Sir Charles, Lyon King
of Arms, 207.

of Dryburgh, John, 32.

of Gogar, Alexander, 30.

of Innerteill, Sir George, 84, 85.

of Little Sauchie, John, 32.

of Pittodrie, Thomas, younger,
508.

of Sheilfield, James, 208.

of Tillibody, Sir James, 121; his
son Henry, 121.

Mr. Alexander, subdean of Dun-
keld, 9.

Mr. Alexander, parson of Monya-
broch, 8, 9.

Mr. Alexander, third son of the
second marriage to John, Earl
of Mar, xviii, 122, 123, 124;
resides at the Hague. 176—178 ;
his courtship and marriage, 178.

Alexander, Lyon King of Arms,
262.

Catherine, daughter of John, Lord
Erskine, and intended wife of
John Murray of Touchadam, 8.

Sir Charles, Lord Lyon, 221.

Mr. Charles, brother of the Earl of
Buchan, 470.

Colonel, keeper of Stirling Castle,
347, 348, 355, 398, 436, 484, 510.

David, Commendator of Inchma-
home and Dryburgh, 9.

Mr. David, 386, 422, 426, 433, 434,
477.

Rev. Ebenezer, minister of Stir-
ling, formerly of Portmoak,

® xxvili, 528, 530, 541—544.
Lady Elizabeth, Mistress of Napier,
daughter of John, third Earl of
Mar, 201.
Sir George, 127.
Mr. George, 431, 432, 471.
Colonel Harry, dies abroad, 398.
Henry, father of David, Lord
Cardross, xiii.
Henry, son of John, second Earl
of Mar, 122—125, 156, 158,
160.
Henry, brother of John, sixth Earl
of Mar, xxii, 224, 225, 239, 295.
Sir James, 69, 70.
Mr. James, advocate, brother of
John, sixth Earl of Mar, and
afterwards Lord Grange, xxiii ;
made keeper of the Signet, 236 ;
, letters to and from him, 227,
238, 240, 241, 246, 247, 263, 268,
267, 269, 271, 272, 273. 893, 397,
418, 424; see also Lord Grange.

James, son of Lord Granze,
marries the Earl of Mar’s
daughter, xxviii.

 
INDEX.

Erskine (Areskine, Ereskine, Eres-
kyne, Erskein, Ersken, Esken )—-
continued.

Janet, daughter of John, Lord
Erskine, and wife of John
Murray of Touchadam, 9.

John, a witness, 181.

Jo., signs, 224.

John, son of Colonel Erskine, 501.

Margaret, daughter of John, Lord
Erskine, and wife of George
Home of Lowndies, 8.

Margaret, sister german of John,
Lord Erskine, and future spouse
of James Haldane of Glen-
eagles, 9.

Mrs. Marie, future wife of Archi-
bald, Earl of Angus, 31.

Robert, 32.

Sir Thomas, 46.

Mr. Thomas, brother of the Earl
of Buchan, 501, 502.

Thomas (Tomie), 432.

Mr. William, 208.

Mr., 529.

family of, v, 7.

name of, 53.

lands of, v.

Erskine-Murray of Aberdona, the Hon.
Mrs., report on the MSS. in her
possession, 178n.

Tescheats, 76, 180.

Esken, see Erskine.

Estates :

Committee of, see Committee.

meeting of the, 222.

Ethie :

247, 402, 403, 404.

Lord, David, son of the Earl of
Northesk, 338.

Engene, Prince, 226, 260, 277, 279, 466,
468.

Eumont Muir, 88.

Europe:

387, 403, 487.

peace of, 287, 288. 544, 545.

potentates of, 36.

wars in, XXii.

Everberg, camp at, 224.

Everham, Lord, 377.

Exchange, the, 307,

Exchequer :

the, 82, 252.

proposals for increasing the re-
venues, 163—168.

Lords Auditors of, 16, 66.

Chief Baron of, 448.

Chancellor of, his office in England,
116.

Commission of, and the Commis-
sioners, xiv, 104—106, 131, 132,
139, 1583—155, 156, 163, 170,
176, 19], 193.

Court of, 14, 91, 293. 394, 399, 409,
412, 423, 442, 445, 448, 477.

—-—, their fines, 180.

house, 132.

notes, 405, 408.

President of, 15.

 

 

577

Excise :
Acts, 297, 310, 313, 331, 333, 337,
342, 343, 379, 380, 391, 395, 396,
400, 410, 412. 414, 421, 535.
officers of, maltreated, 412.
Exercises for the musket, 209.
Exports and imports.
98, 99, 234, 322, 332, 333, 343, 344,
365, 391, 395, 396, 425.
lists of articles and quantities
exported from Scottish ports,
70—74.
of coal, 213.
Eyndhoven, 225.

F

Fagill, Lieut.-General, 224.
Failfoorde, benefice of, 88.
Fairbarne, William, furnisher of coals,
18, 20. ;
Fairely, Captain, 464.
Fairfax, Lord, 555.
Falconer :
of Balmakellie, Sir John, xxi.
Mr. Alexander, 214.
Archibald, bailie of Canongate,
259.
Sir John, 214.
Watty, 26.
Mr., (cipher name), 554.
Falcons, 26.
Falkland :
38, 46, 80, 81.
Viscount, 19In, 555.
Fanny, Lady, 521.
Farquhar of Tullois, Gilbert, 10.
Farquharson :
of Invercauld, John, 440.
, Robert, 201, 202, 205.
Donald, 197.
Fasts, appointment of, xxiv, 293, 294,
296, 297, 304, 426, 430, 434.
Fawsyde, George, a suicide, 121.
Fea, Barbara, alleges breach of pro-
mise, 413.
Fenton:
Viscount of, 52, 65, 69, 79, 142,
of that Ilk, William, 2.
James, depute-keeper of Holyrood
Palace, 128.
.... , in Sweden, 9.
Fergus I, King of Scots, 139.
Ferguson, Fargisoun :
Alexander, in the King’s chamber,

 

18.
John, lainer, 501.
John, liferenter, 197.
John, merchant in Doune, 543.
Ferne, Lord of, see William de Monte-

alto.
Festival of the Order of the Garter,
107, 108.
Fettercairn, parson of, see Mr. David
Seton.

1k
578

Feuduties, price of, 159, 160, 161.
Fife :
Earl of, Dunean, 5.
and Menteith, Earl of, see Robert,
Duke of Albany, 7.
Chamberlain of, 369.
Chamberlainry of, 394.
Provincial Synod of, 438.
Fifeshire, vii, 195, 197, 216, 511, 512,
547.
Findlater :
Earl of, 261, 554, 557.
laird of, 68.
Fines :
revenues replenished from the, 180,
for resetting the Clan Gregor, 118.
Finlay, a prisoner, 350, 356, 359, 363.
Finlaysone :
J., 348.
Thomas, divinity student, 502.
Fir trees, 103.
Fiscal problems, xxv.

Fish :
19, 344.
exports of, 73.
Fisher, Rev. James, minister at

Kinclaven, 542.
Fisherman, the, (cipher name), 555.
Fisherrow, 210.
Fishery Company, Royal, 358.
Fishings :
the, 547.
the assize herring, 113.
rights and liberties, 403.
salmon, 420.
Fiz, Old, 412.
Flanders, xxi, 6, 24, 36, 213, 221, 232,
264, 267, 286, 396, 505.
Dutch, 225.
Fleming, ane Flemyng, Flyming:
Lord, John,
.  , his ake 17.
of Biggar, David, knight, 7.
Robert, a forger, 489.
Mr., 516.
Fletcher :
of Salton, Andrew, xxii, 228, 234,
267, 272, 273, 290, 294, 304, 306,
309, 315, 319, 323, 325, 328, 330,
349, 350, 352, 373, 378, 379, 421,
435, 436. 437, 476, 555.
Mr., xxii, 294, 300, sec Lord
Salton.
Flodden, battle of, vi.
Flying Post, the author of the, 315, 517,
319.
Foot Guards, regiment of, 299, 300,
305.

Forbes :

Lord, 453, 555.

Master of, Alexander, 10.

of Auchinhove, Sir Robert, advo-
cate, 262.

of Barnes, William, 10.

of Brux, Arthur, 207, 208, 221.

——, John, and Isobel Gordon,
his spouse, 10.

of Byith, John, 10.

of Craigievar, Sir William, 10.

 

 

INDEX.

Forbes—continued
of that Ilk, Sir Alexander, knight,
Ts
——., Sir John, 3
——, John, 4.
, Sir William, 7.
of Innernochtie, Alexander, 1¢.
of Ladmacey, John, 197.
of Leslie, J., signs, 197.
of New,...., 198.
of Tollie, Alexander, 9, 10.
Alexander, in Buchan, 198.
Arthur, brother to Tollie, 10.
Mr. Duncan, 521, 524.
Sir James, 277.
James, in Buchan, 198.
Margaret, wife of Alexander Ban-
nerman of Elsick, 10.
Captain Patrick, 221.

Patrick (Peter), captain of the
ship William, 255, 256, 262.
Robert, brother of Craigievar, 10.

William, messenger, 198.
Mr., 516.

 

> 4.
, * 989,
family of, vii.
Foreign :
goods, imported and exported, 73.
Wars, xxii, 223—226, 232, 239,
260, 267, 269, 270, 276, 277, 279,
281, 287, 288, 289, 295, 296, 348,
349, 351, 359, 387, 396, 398, 418,
419, 442, 458, 459, 460, 464, 465
—468, 539, 544, 545.
Forester of Garioch, 6.
Forfar, Earl of, 246, 453, 554.
sheriff clerk of, 38.
Forfeited Estates Commissioners, xxvii.
Forfeitures, 180.
Forgery, cases of, 392, 489.
Forglain, Lord, 293, 462.
Forgland, 412.
Forman, Alexander, in Sweden, 9.
Forres, shire of, 420.
Forrest :
Mr. Patrick, procurator fiscal, 172.
Thomas, a forger, 392.
Mr., 503.
Forrester, Forestare :
Lord, 555, 557.
of Culmoir, Duncan, 46.
of Garden, Alexander, 45, 46.
, Sir James, husband of Dame
Agnes Cockburn, 9
, James, apparent, 40.
of Logie, David, 46.
of Torwood, Sir Walter, knight,
8, 9.
——. Sir James, knight, his son
and heir, 8, 9.
Alexander, son of Duncan F. in

 

 

Kipmad, 46.

David, brother of David F. of
Logie, 46.

David, bailie burgess of Stirling,
44, 45.

Duncan, i in Kipmad, 46.
Duncan, bailie of Stirling, 17.
INDEX.

Forrester, Forestare—continued.
James, brother of David F. of
Logie, 46.
Robert, bailie of Stirling, 17.
Robert, forester of the King’s park
of Stirling, 14.
Rev. Thomas, principal of New
College, St. Andrews, 347.
Thomas, professor in St. Andrews,
347.
Forrett, Lord, 219.
Forster, Mr., 512.
Fortescue, Sir John, 59.
Forth :
Firth of, 408, 432, 512, 513, 514.
river of, 99.
water of, the bailiary thereof, 195.
Fort William, 429, 508.
Foulis (Foullis) :
of Colinton, Mr James, clerk of
register, 15.
, James, 41.
Ja., signs, 208.
George, master of the Mint, 108,
Foullar, Walter, 8.
Fountainbleau, 52.
Fountainhall, Lord, (John Lauder),
300, 339, 462, 474.
Foverne, barony of, 6.
Fowlis, Easter and Wester, lands of, 1.
France :
xxvii, 9, 11, 15, 23, 24, 36, 49, 74,
75, 92, 127, 148, 182, 185, 194,
201, 239, 255, 275, 280, 417, 488,
499, 511, 513, 515, 517, 543, 544.
ambassadors of, 59, 150.
court of, 148, 514.
the old alliances with Scotland,
200.
and the Jacobites, 428, 431, 432,
434, 438, 441, 483.
King of, 474.
-~-—, (Charles 1X), 23, 29.
——, (Louis XIII), xii, xx, 56, 57,
59, 148.
—, , letter to him frorr.
Due de Bouillon, 91—93.
——, (Louis XIV), 200, 201, 224,
aol.
Prince Charles’s marriage, xiv, 74,
75.
Protestant religion there, 91—93.
troops of, etc., 224, 225, 232, 260,
263, 269, 279, 387, 388, 458, 459,
466, 467, 468.
wars with, 160.
French letters, 52, 91—93 ;
ships, 270, 419, 433 ;
and wine, 396.
Francis, Sir, (cipher name), 556.
Frankland, Thomas, Postmaster
General, 418.
Fraser :
of Lovat, Lord, Simon, 528, 555.
of Daltulich, Mr., 529.
Sir Alexander, 6.
Alexander (Sandie), son of Lord
Lovat, 553.
Sir James, knight, 6.

 

 

|
|
|
|
|
|
}
|
|

|

 

579

Fraser—continued.
Margaret, wife of Alexander Stra-
chan of Glenkindy, 10.
Sir Peter, 508.
Mr. William, W.S., 551.
William, junior, 552.
Fraserdale, 547.
Freeholders, 482.
Freeman, Mr., 486.
Free trade, 238.
Friars minors and captives of Aber-
deen, 3.
of the Holy Trinity, 3.
Friesland, 124.
Frigates, 317.
one called the Royal William, 246.
Fright, Esquire, (cipher name), 555.
Fullarton (Fowlarton) :
Mr. David, 168.
Lieut.-Colonel, his widow, 389.
Mr. Thomas, 311.
William, a servant, 18.
Mr., 292, 314.
Fyvie (Fiwy):
William de, 6.
his daughter Katherine, wife of
William de Makhaun, 6.
garrison of, 205.

G

Gabor, Prince Bethlehem, 149.
Gadgirth (Gaitgirth), see Chalmers.
Galbraith (Galbrathe) :
of Culcreuch, Robert, 40.
——, Thomas, 8.
Malcolm of, 7.
Galloway (Galluay) :
Earl of, 260, 283, 318, 321, 366,
452, 483, 554.
bishop of, David, 13.
5 >, 219.
Sir James, Master of Requests,
xix, 107, 169, 198.
Mr. Patrick, the King’s servant,
91, 119.
district. of, 119, 129, 216, 230, 430,
483.
Galway, Lord, 387, 417.
Game, preservation of, 88, 95, 96, 147,
148.
Gardiner, Gairdner, Gardner :
James, master ‘‘ garioner”
Stirling Castle, 75.
Michael, depute-keeper of Stirling
Castle, 33.
Gargunnock, parish of, 424.
Garioch, Garioche, Garviauche, Gar-
wiach, Garywyache :
Lords of, see Earls of Mar and
Garioch.
of Kinstair, James, deceased, 10.
Francis, his son, 10.
Andrew of, knight, 1, 3.
Helen of. 4.

 

of
580

INDEX.

Garioch, Garioche, Garviauche, Gar- ' Glasgow—continued.

wiach, Garywyache—continued.
Sir James of, 6.
James of, Lord of Caskiben, 5.
Sir John, knight, 4.
John of, brother of Andrew, 1, 3.
John of, Lord of Caskiben, 3, 4.
forester of, see William de Mak-
haun.

lands of, 4, 6, 194.
lordship of, iv, 16.
regality of, 2, 3, 4.
Mar and, earldom of, iv, 7.
>» ——, vassals of, 170.
Garner, James, 501.
Garnsy, see Guernsey.
Garrisons :

instructions to, 212.

placing of, 214.
Garter :

King of Arms, see Sir William

Segar.
Order of the, 107, 108, 215.

 

a chapter held in Westminster |

Palace, 150.
robes and insignia, 150.
Knights of the, 487.
Garthskaddane, lands of, 32.
Garvock, Viscount, 555.
Garwiach, see Garioch.
Garywyache, see Garioch.
Gassachie, of Poland, 149.
Gastonhall, 47.
Geddes. Archibald, 502.
Gedvart Forest, see Jedburgh.
Gelly, Mr. John, parson of Monymusk,
10.

General Assembly, see Church of Scot-
land.
General Bond, the, 180.
Genoa, Genua, 419, 517.
Gentry, education of the, 261.
George the First, King, xxvi, 516, 507,
508, 510, 517.
his queen, 541, 546, 549.
George the Fourth, King, xxviii.
George, Prince, of Denmark, 469.
Germans, the, 465.
Germany :
(Almanie), 36, 149, 221.
united Princes of, their embassy,
150.
Ghent, 213, 459, 467, 468.
Gib, Henry, servant to the King, 81.
Gibson of Durie, Alexander, 208,'211,
222,
Gifford, (Gvffart) :
Hugh, 3.
William, 502.
Geight, Laird of, 79, see Gordon.
Gilchrist, Earl of Mar, iii.
Gillibrande, Sir Laurence, knight, 1, 2.
Glammis, 261.
Lord, John, 30, 31.
Glasford, Lord, 556.
Glasgow :
80, 175, 208, 212, 216, 220, 347,
404, 407, 408, 412, 417, 419, 470,
472, 506, 507, 519.

feeling there towards the Union,
xxv, 269, 318, 322, 325, 335,
337, 339, 340, 345, 346, 350, 351,
352, 355, 357, 358, 363, 400, 405.

letters, etc., dated there, 253, 391,
398, 400, 405, 417, 434.

Earl of, David, 240, 241, 246, 249,
257, 258, 264, 270, 272, 274, 299,
336, 371, 386, 388, 389, 391, 392,
393, 394, 395, 404, 437, 438, 454,
555.

‘ ,» as Commissioner to
the Assemblies, 248, 249, 250,
256, 381, 383, 391, 400, 402, 408,
429, 434, 436, 457, 461, 476.

—, , as Clerk of Register,
461.

Archbishop of,
wood), 67, 155.

, James (Law), 90, 91.

——, Alexander, 219.

——, John, 220, 222, 237, 269,

387.

bishopric of, 27, 241, 387.

eathedral church of, 90.

committee of, 202, 203.

magistrates of, 398.

maltmen of, 90.

merchants, 270.

presbytery of, 434, 436.

provost of, 219, 269, 398.

university of, 240, 241.
Glass :

of Pittintian, Thomas, 131.

Jo., signs, 224.

 

 

 

John (Spottis-

 

. Glenalmond, Glerlamonth, forest ot,

102, 115, 117, 119, 120, 128, 130,
131, 147.
Glenbervie, Laird of, (Douglas) 137.

' Glenbuchet, Laird of, (Gordon) 198.

Glencairn :
Earl of, William, 221.
——, William, 238, 312, 313, 314,
318, 320, 321, 453, 504, 554.
Glendaruel, laird of, (Campbell) 506,508.
Gleneagles, Glenegies, laird of, 424,
438, 443, see Haldane.
Glengarry, laird of, 509.
Glenkaye, lands of, 2.
Glenkindie :
laird of, (Strachan) 204, 205.
lands of, 2, 198, 207.
Glenorchy, Glenurquhay :
127.
laird of, see Campbell.
Glenstra, lands of, 89.
Glenurquhay, see Campbell of Glen-
orchy.
Gloucester, Duke of, 221.
Godolphin :
Earl of, Sydney, Treasurer of
England, xxiii, 231, 247, 270,
275, 276, 277, 279, 281, 285, 287,
288, 289, 291, 293, 301, 305, 306,
307, 311, 314, 316, 320, 322, 325,
326, 329, 331, 335, 336, 342, 345,
346, 347, 353, 368, 369, 377, 379,
380, 386, 391, 394, 399, 405, 406,
INDEX.

Godolphin, Earl of, Sydney—continued.
407, 409, 416, 419, 440, 442, 449,
456, 457, 461, 462, 463, 469, 474,
478, 479, 487, 503, 504.
; , letters to and from
him, 236, 278, 280, 286. 295,
301, 341, 390, 391, 393, 395, 405,
429, 439, 454, 478, 479, 482.
Goodman, the, 158.
Goosehawk, 216.
Gordon :
Duke of, George, 221, 430, 434,
5538, 557.
Lord, 117.
of Abergeldie, Alexander, de-
ceased, 10 ; his widow, Elizabeth
Seton, 10.
, Alexander, and Christian
Nicolson, his wife, 10.
of Baleomie, Mr. William, 425.
of Balmorell, James, elder, 10.
, James, younger, 10.
of Clunie, Sir Alexander, 10.
of Corrochrie, John, 10.
of Dunkintie,.... , 10.
of Geight, Sir George, elder, 10.
of Lesmoir, Sir James, knight, 10.
of Tarpersie, William, 10.
of Tullochaudie, George, 10.
Captain, 262, 401.
Francis, 502.
General, 512, 513.
Isobel, wife of John Forbes of
Brux, 10.
John, bailie of Aberdeen, 256, 262.
Sir William, 508.
family of, vii.
name of, 79.
Gordon’s affair, and the Scots mer-
chants, 395.
Gorthy, Laird of. 486.
Gothenburg, 262.
Gourlay, Sir William of, 4.
Governors of castles and garrisons,
instructions to them, 212.
Gowrie :
Earl of, William, Lord Ruthven,
Treasurer, 32, 36, 83.
conspiracy, 212.
Grafton, 65.
Graham :
Lords, see Montrose,
Marquis of.
of Ballindorane, John, clerk of the
burgh courts of Stirling, 17.
of Claverhouse, John, 212, 214, 216.
of Fintry, David, deceased, 38.
of Inchbrakie, Patrick, 131.
Euphemia, her marriage
William Menteith, 8.
Florence, 544.
Grain, exports of, 71.
Granard, Lord, (Forbes), 221.
Grand Affair, the, see Union of Parlia-
ments.
Grange :
Lord, brother of John, sixth Earl
of Mar, xxiii, xxvii, xxviii, 388,
394, 397.

 

 

 

 

Earl and

with

Gray :

 

581

Grange—continued
Lord, letters to and from the Earl,
414, 419—437, 461, 469—484,
488—509.
——, other letters, 485, 486, 487,
488, 491, 517, 519—552.
——, as Justice Clerk, 487, 489,
498, 499, 507, 508, 509, 549, 550,
51, see also Erskine, Mr. James.
Grant, Graunt :
laird of, 244, 273, 363.
——, younger, 493.
Sir John of, knight, 4.
Lady, 493.
Colonel, commander of the In-
dependent company, 420.
James, printer in Edinburgh, 550.
James, remission to, 196.
Murdo, deacon, 502, 503.
Grant Castle, 493.
Gratney, Earl of Mar, iii, v.
Grave, the, 225.

Lord, 555.
master of, 54.
Abraham, soldier, 211.
Grissel, keeper of the infant MXing’s
clothes, 18, 19.
Nance, daughter of Helen Little,
18.
Thomas, lainer, 502.
Gray’s affair, and the Scots merchants,
395

Great Britain :
Chancellor of, 392.
Parliament of, sec Parliament.
Privy Council of, sce Privy Council.
Secretary of, 480.
Greenock, 398.
Green Ribbon,
Thistle.
Greenshields, the affair of, 482, 488.
Greenwich :
letters dated there, 27, 50, 51, 61,
63, 64, 84, 86, 87, 89, 94, 95, 112,
119, 125, 188.
Argyll and, Duke of, 522.
Gregory, Gregorie :
Mr. Charles, proposed Professor
of Mathematics for St. Andrews,
428.
Doctor, 261, 307, 310, 317, 422.
Greivenbrock, 225.
Grierson, Robert, 501.
Grievances, commission for the, 139,
141.
Griffeth, Lord, 449.
Griffon, Lord, 433.
Grissons, the, 149.
Grotius, 403.
Guard, the King’s, 11, 74, 101.
Guards : :
the, 269, 271, 305, 369.
Colonels of the, 254, 258.
Guernsey (Gairnsay, Garnsay) :
Lord, 377.
privateers, 386.
Guienne (Haute), 92.
Guiscard, Count, 488.

the, 272. See also
582

Guise:
Due de, 148; his son’s marriage,
148.
Gumdristoun, lands of, 4.
Guns and firearms, 372, 502, 503.
Gustavus Adolphus, xviii.
Guthre, A., clerk of Edinburgh, signs,
31.

H
Hab of Lasterrick’s Charter Chest, x
note.
Hackney, 26.
Haddington :

Earl of, Thomas, xviii, 169, 182,
183, 184, 190.
——, John, 206.
——, Thomas, xxii, 311, 336, 372,
378, 384, 439, 503, 554, 557.
Abbacy of, 161.
Haddo, Lord, 505.
Hadow, Rev. James, professor of
theology at St. Andrews, 347,
477.

Hegy, Andrew, the King’s
steward, 18, 20, 21, 22.
Hague, (Hagh):

the, xviii, 507, 539.
letters dated there, 176—179, 239,
260.
Hair, Patrick, 4.
Haitlie, James, 102.
Halcraig, Lord, his death, 255, 256.
Haldane :
of Ballewell, John, 36.
of Gleneagles, James, and Mar-
garet Erskine, his future spouse,

Hagie,

of Kippane, George, 9.

Mr. Patrick, 524.

Patrick, professor in St. Andrews,
347.

William, burgess of Perth, 9.

Haldawach, the, 7.

Haliburton, Mr., 519.

Halifax, Lord, 276, 277, 341, 345, 346,

348, 349, 353.
letters to and from him, 341—345,
404.

Halkerton, Lord, 556.

Hall, John, bailie of Preston, 193.

Haly, Lord, 332.

Hamilton :

Marquis of, John, first, 49, 50.

, James, second, xi, xiii, 84,
96, 108, 111, 114, 115, 129.

Duke of, James, first, xviii, xix,
147, 169, 182, 183, 184, 186, 187,
188, 189, 190.

——, William, 211, 219.

——, James, fourth, xxii, xxiv,
Xxvi, 227, 230, 231, 234, 235,
268, 278, 279, 284, 285, 290, 292,
296, 297, 298, 300, 304, 306, 308,

 

 

INDEX.

Hamilton, Marquis of, James, fourth—
continued.
309, 311, 312, 313, 323, 325, 329,
331, 339, 346, 348 (the great
man), 352, 365, 368, 374, 375,
376, 378, 423, 441, 443, 445, 446,
450, 451, 469, 476, 486, 491, 492,
493, 496, 497, 499, 510, 534, 553.
. , his claim to the
Scottish Crown after King
James VI heirs, 313, 320.
Duchess of, elder, 346. 357, 358,
553.
of Blaikburn, Sir George, 117.
of the Briggis, Robert, appointed
Master of the Queen’s Artillery,
15.
of Pardoven, Mungo, 36.
Colonel Alexander, xviii, 185, 190.
Brigadier, 224.
Captain, 262, 395, 401.
Claud, commendator of Paisley, 32
Sir James, xviii, 185, 507.
James, cousin of the Marquis, 50.
James, 428.
Sir John, clerk of register, 170.
John, 493.
Mr. Patrick, 79, 102, 117.
eis a is gr DOS
Hamilton :
town of, xxv, 80, 211, 212, 346,
350, 355.
opposition to the Union, 337, 355,
358

 

 

 

9

letters dated there, 49, 50.
presbytery of, 436, 510.
treasurer of, 358.
Hampton Court, letters, etc., dated
there, 68, 123, 175, 194, 404.
Hannay, Mr. James, minister at the
church of Holyrood, 172.
Hanover :
Court of, 276.
Duke of, 487.
House of, xxvi, xxvii, 325, 506.
Prince of, 320.
Hanoverian troops, 239, 260, 267.
Hardwicke, Lord, 540.
Harlaw, lands of, in Garioch, 5.
Harley :
Robert, Secretary, 276, 277, 285,
351, 417, 427, 428, 484, 486,
* 487, 488, 489, 507.
——, attempted assassination of,
488.
, letters to and from him, 240,
263, 280, 286, 390.
Harrison, Mr., (cipher name), 554.
Hastings, Henry de, son-in-law of
David, Earl of Huntingdon, 4.
Hatton :
the Chancellor, 53.
a letter dated at, 255.
Havre de Grace, 256.
Hawkertoun, 81.
Hawks, 88, 89, 216.
Hawthorn :
Hew, 501.
Hugh, bailie in Edinburgh, 549.

 
INDEX.

Hay:
Earl, 555.
Lord, 79, see William, ninth Earl
of Errol.
Lord, 484, see William, Earl of
Errol.
——, Gilbert, constable, 3.
Lord John, 263, 276, 355, 375.
of Fosterseat, Sir Alexander, 112.
of Kinfauns, Sir George, Chan-
cellor of Scotland, 102, 112, 114,
115, 117, 131, 132.
letters to him, 131, 132, 169,
170.
his conferences with King
Charles I, 134, 135, 137, 139,
140, 141‘ 142, 143, 144.
of Kingask, Sir James, 66.
of Kirkland, George, 181.
of Strowie, William, 117.
Alexander, Clerk of the Privy
Council of Scotland, vii, 15, 23,
24, 63.
Archibald, surgeon-in-ordinary to
the King, 117.
Francis, deceased, 79.
Thomas, signs, 207, 210.
-..., mother of Mr.
Keith, 10.
Hayducks, 149.
Hayes, Mr., 513.
Hedges, Sir Charles, 275, 280.
Helen de Mar, sister of Isobel, Queen
of Scotland, daughter to Grait-
nay, Earl of Mar, v, 215.
Henderson, Henryson :
A., clerk to the Lords of Council,
signs, 206.
Allan, bailie of Preston, 193.
John, in Preston, his burgess
ticket, 192, 193.
Walter, deceased, and his son, 81.
Henrietta Maria, daughter of the
French King, her marriage, 74,
75.
Henry, the Fourth, King of France, x,
52

Gilbert

Lord Darnley, husband of Queen
Mary, 16.
Prince, infant son of King James
VI, viii, ix, xii, 39—42, 43, 44,
47, 50, 51, 60, 215.
son of Earl David, see Hastings.
Hepburn :
Mr. Adam, a witness, 162.
Captain, 416.
John, divinity student, 502.
Mr., (cipher name), 554.
...., 90n Of a minister, 501,
502.
Heralds, at a trial, 191n.
Herald’s Office, the, 320.
Herchill, lands of, 3.
Hercules, 312.
Heriot :
James, wright in Edinburgh, 549.
Thomas, wright, 502.
Herries (Harrie), Lord, 17.

 

583

Herring :
fisheries, 403.
white, 344, 357, 358.
Hervey, Lord, 533.
Hessian troops, 260.
Higgans, Thomas, 511.
High Commission, Court of,:172,9175.
Highlands and Islos, state of, xxvi,
42, 220 222, 223, 409, 415, 429,

528.
Jacobite risings, 340, 434, 507,
508.
religion in, 257, 430, 481, 482,
487, 493.
Highland Chieftains, 429, 450, 460, 508,
509.

Independent Company, 528.
Highlanders, xxi, 220, 221, 300, 317.
Highwayman, the, (cipher name), 554.
Highways, repair of, 203.

Hill, George, a servant, 501.
Hinchingbrook, 82.
Hind, a white, 106, 107.
Hochstette, 232
Hodge, Mr., his books on the Union,
267, 292, 310.
Hog, Mr., 520.
Hogsted, 465.
Holbourne, J. A., signs, 224.
Holburn, Captain Williain, 347, 355.
Holderness, Ear! of, 113, 114, 162.
Holemby, 204.
Holland :
9, 182, 187, 190, 207, 354, 359, 401,
435, 485, 499, 534.

cloth, 234.

fleet of, 351.

States of, 505.

Holon (Holland) cloth, 67.
Holsteins, the, 239.
Holyroodhouse, Halirudhouse :
Lord, 69.
Abbacy of, 32, 38, 283, 288, 291,
297, 298, 299, 306, 326, 327, 329,
330° 361, 371, 375, 381.

Abbot of, George, 8.°

Church of, 172.

the minister there, 172.

letters, ete., dated there, 17, 30,

31, 32, 36, 37, 38, 43, 47, 48, 77,
78, 133, 151, 155, 156, 157, 168,
169, 181, 223, 233, 485.
Palace of, 39, 128, 411.
Holy Trinity, Friars Minors of the, 3.
Home (Houm, Hume) :
Earl of, 554.
of Berwick, Lord, 66, see George,
Ear] of Dunbar.
of Lowndies, George, and Mar-
garet Erskine, his wifo, 8.
of Polwarth, Sir Patrick, xx, 207,
211, 309, 461, 462, 481.

Alexander, signs, 43.

Sir Andrew, 429.

Sir John, 255.

John, signs, 246.

Sir Robert, 461, 462, 481.
Honywood, Mr., 486.

Hooke, Colonel, 275, 285and note. +
584

Hope:
of Rankeilor, Sir Archibald, 287.
Alexander, signs, 224.
Sir Thomas, King’s Advocate, 163,
164, 169, 185.
Hopetoun, Earl of, 307, 503, 555, 557.
Hornings :
abuse of, 74.
registers of, 180.
Hornwork, 464, 465.
Horsburgh, William, 501.
Horse :
Grenadiors, 395.
Guards, the, 321.
Hoscoes, 210.
Hospital, Merchant Maidens, in Edin-
burgh, 425.
Houghtontour, letters dated there, 80,
81

Houledone, see Huntingdon.
House of Commons, 201.
Household of the young King James
V;. 12; 13%
Houston, Archibald, W.S., 256.
Howard, Lord Thomas, 55.
Howarte, Mr. Peter, 81.
Howie, Dr. Robert, principal of the
New College of St. Andrews,
175.
Hudson :
James, violer, 18.
Mekill Thomas, violer, 18.
Robert, violer, 18
William, violer, 18.
Huggar, the, (cipher name), 554.
Huguenots, the, xii, 91—93.
Hull, town of, 201.
Huls, 225.
Humanity, professorship of, 240, 241.
Hume, Alexander, lainer, 502.
Hungary, 149.
Hunsden (Hunsdon), Lord, Governor
of Berwick, 25, 27, 28.
Hunter, John, baker, 501, 502.
Huntingdon :
Earl of, David, brother of King
William the Lion, 3, 4, 5, 6.
——., John, 8, 6.
fe ee wp BOE:
Huntings, references to, 48, 49, 81, 88,
126.

 

Huntingtower, Castle of, 120.
Huntly :
Earl of, Alexander, third, 13.
, George, fifth, 17.
Marquis of, George, first, xi, 60,
6], 67, 103, 129, 173.
——, George, second, vii, 9.
——, George, fourth, 443, 444,
511, 512.
Husband, the, (cipher name), 554.
Hutton :
Doctor,%.486.
Patrick, 502.
Hyden, Baron de, 225.
Hyndford, Earl of, 340, 555, 557.

 

 

Inpex.

Idolatry, 218.
Imports :
234,
taxation of, 98, 99.
Imposts, sce Customs, and specific
articles of commerce.
Inchaffrey, abbacy of, 130, 131.
Inchkeith, 432.
Inchmahome, Commendator of,
David Erskine.
Incorporations, the, 316.
Independence, Wars of, iii.
Independent Company, the, 420.
Independents, 204.
Indian and African Company, the, 259.
Indies, the, 403.
Inglis :
Captain, 216.
William, 502.
Innermay, Lord, 481.
Innernytie :
laird of, 512.
Lady, elder, 247.
Innerowry, see Inverury.
Innerwick, lands of, 7.
Innes :
Cornet, 217.
Elspet, wife of John Leslie of
Balquhane, 10.
Robert, 470.
Insanity, cures for, 558.
Inscription, an old, 528.
Insula Missarum, see Inchaffray.
Inveraray, 512, 513.
Inveray, 217. .
Invercauld, 440.
goodman of, see Farquharson.
Inverlochie, 360, 434.
Inverness :
217, 283, 434.
Castle of, 86, 117.
shire of, 420.
Inverury, 3, 508.
Ipre, 218.
Ireland :
iii, xix, 193, 194, 198, 205, 206,
295, 322, 335, 336, 511, 513.
Lord Lieutenancy of, 387.
Vice-Treasurer of, 484.
Irish :
the, and Jacobites, 438.
butter, 234.
ship (privateer), 270.
troopers, 513.
Irvine, Irving, Wrwing :
Viscount, 555.
of Westoun, Alexander, 10.
Captain, 123.
Mr. Robert, minister at Towy, 207.
burgh of, 211.
presbytery of, 436.
provost of, 219.

see
INDEX.

Isac, Mr., (cipher name), 5
Isham, Sir Justinian, 277,
Islay :
pronounced Yela, 304.
Earl of, the title taken by Lord
Archibald Campbell, 303, 311,
370, 372, 374, 413, 463, 508, 531,
533, 534, 539, 540.
Isles :
the, King James V.
thereto, 15.
planting of churches in the, 257.
Isobel, daughter of Gratney, Earl of
Mar, vn, 215
Italy, 149, 225, 226, 239, 279, 281, 289.

voyages

J

Jacksone, Patrick, treasurer of the
Canongate, 259.

Jacobites, the, xxii, xxiv, xxv, xxvii,
232, 274, 277, 298, 314, 315, 330,
340, 342, 345, 348, 360, 397, 408,
411, 505, 535, 536.

risings, ete., vi, xxii, xxvi, 409,

415, 428, 429, 430, 431, 432, 433,
434, 435, 437, 438. 440, 448, 483,
485, 508, 509, 511—520.

James the First, King of Scotland, 7,
181.

James the Second, King, iv, 240.

James the Third, King, iv, 143, 238.

James the Fourth, King, vi, viii, 8.

James tho Fifth, King, vi, vii, viii, 39,

143.
——, in boyhood, 11—1]4.
-——, his signature, 14, 15.
-_—., his sixth Parliament, 182.
, his testament, 15.
infant son of King James V,
Prince and Steward of Scotland,
15.
James the Sixth, King of Scotland,
vii, viii, ix, xv, xix, 146, 155,
172, 181, 198n, 313, 425, 524.

, in his infancy and boyhood,

vi, vii, 16, 17, 18 —22, 24, 25, 26,

30, 215.

, his cradle and chair pre-

served, vi.

his accession to the Crown

of ‘England, 151.

his kindness to the Mar
family, 151.

——, his revocation, 139.

-——, his visit to Svotland in 1617,
78, 79, 80, 88.

——, his intended visit to Scot-
land in 1622, 95, 96, 100, 102.

, instructs John, Earl] of Mar,
regarding the Treasurership, 98
—102.

——, special parliaments of his
reign, 181, 182.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

585

James the Sixth, King of Scotland—
continued.
—-—, and the Spanish match, 123,
124.

 

, arranges the marriage of
Prince Charles with Henrietta
Maria of France, 74, 75.

——, a letter to his Queen, ix, x

letters, ete., from him to
John, Earl of Mar, 32, 37, 38,
43, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 60, 61—70,
77, 78, 80, 82, 84, 85—91, 95, 96,
103, 107, 111, 115, 116, 117, 118,
120, 127, 130.

——, ——, to the Privy Council
of Scotland, and members there-
of, 108, 104, 112, 129.

46,

                  

69, 74, 129.
—, letters directed to him, 61,
104—106, 109.
——, his death, xiv.
James the Seventh, King, xxi, 219, 510.
James the Eighth, King, (the Pre
tender), xxv, 340, 348, 397, 399,
430, 437, 438, 511; see also
the Chevalier St. George.
James:
Sir, (cipher name), 556.
Mr., (cipher name), 554.
Jardane (Jerdane) :
of Apilgarth, Alexander, master
of H.M. Ordnance, 31.
Alexander, a witness, 31.
Jedburgh (Gedvart) Forest, lands ot,
151

Jenes fuschian (cloth), 67.
Jerusalem, St. John of, 7.
Jerviswood, Laird of, 234, 315, 398,
424,
Jesuits, 62, 149.
Jewel, description of one sent by Lady
Athole to Mary, Queen of Scots,
vii, viii, 24.
Jock, 369.
John:
Sir, (cipher name), 554.
son of Patrick, 6.
Johnstone :
laird of, 46, 49.
of that Ilk, James, 95.
of Lochhouse (and Thornick),
James, (called Captain John-
ston), 121, 122, 125, 126.
of Raecleuch, Robert, 95.
of Thornick, see of Lochhouse.
Adam, 501.
Mr. James, clerk of register, uncle
to the Earl of Mar, 227, 228.
231, 232, 233, 241. 290.
Sir Patrick, provost of Edinburgh,
in 1706, 298, 299, 301, 360, 366.
Mr. Robert, 139.
lands of, 3.
Jones,.... , 289.
Joslin, Sir, (cipher name), 555.
Juncto, the, 428, 445, 446, 450, 451,
478.
Jurisdictions, heritable, 423, 424, 427.
586

Justell, Sire, 92.
Justice :
General, the, 418.
Lord Chief, of England, 540.
Clerk, Lord, xxiii, xxviii, 144, 487,
see Sir Lewis Bellenden of Auch-
noule, Sir George Elphinstone,
Adam Cockburn of Ormiston,
Mr. James’ Erskine, Lord
Grange.
, his registers, 180.
Ayres, their fines, 180.
Courts, 127, 129, 328, 473, 481.
Justices of Peace, 212, 424, 436.
Justiciary :
of Scotland, see Walter, son of
Alan.

Lords of, xxi, 287, 291, 423, 444,
477, 478, 482, 487, 506.

——, letters to them, 210, 482,
507.

Commissioners of, for the Southern
District, 223 224.

office of, surrendered by Lord
Lorne, 169.

Jutland pirates, 242.

 

K
Kandicraige, Lairds of, elder and
younger, 197.

Kannan, Gilchrist de, 7.
Karse, the, 32.
Kaskybenne, see Caskiben.
Kayserswet, 225.
Keekeoyte, a fort, 226.
Keir :

laird of, 202, 203, 438, 444.

William, 501.

..-., 102,

Keirie, John, 207.

Keith, Lord, 222, see William, Earl of
Marischal.

Keith (Keth, Keyth) :

William of, Marischal of Scotland,
1, 2, 3, 4.

Marshall, xxviii, 551.

of Benholme, James, 126.

of Delneis, Sir William. 43.

Sir Edward, husband of Christian
Menteith, and their daughter
Janet, v.

Mr. Gilbert, minister of Skene, 10.
his widow, Marjory Knowis, 10.
his son, 10.

Hay, his mother, 10.

Sir William, knight, 44.

William, bailie of Dundee, 6

: . , Lady Blakfurd, wife of
‘Sir Archibald Wood, 10.

Keith, meeting house at, 260.
Kelham, a letter dated at, 202.
Kelhead, Laird of, (Douglas) 398.

 

INDEX.

Kellie :
Earl of, Thomas, 108, 169.
——, Alexander, third, 268, 271,
423, 476, 554.
, Walter, his claim to the
Earldom of Mar, vii.
Mr. William, 113.
the King at, 80.
Kemp, Mr. Hugh, Moderator of the
Provincial Synod of Fife, 438.
Kenmure, Viscount, 512, 513, 555.
Kennedy :
of Kilhenzie, John, 517.
Sir Andrew, Conservator, 256, 421.
Mr. James, Conservator of Scot-
tish privileges at Campvere, 213.
Kensington :
277, 429, 469.
letters dated there, 382, 453, 504.
Kent, Earl of, 53, 389.
Keppoch, Laird of, 220.
Ker (Car) :
Lord Charles, 234.
Lord Mark, 226, 252, 253.
of Ancrum, Sir Robert, gentleman
of the Prince’s bedchamber, 125.
of Kersland, Robert, xx, 207, 528.
of Litleden, Sir John, iii.
Mr. George, son of the deceased
abbot of Newbattle, 39.
Kikouts, 225.
Kildar, Lord, 54, 56.
Kildrummy :
Castle of, burned, 222.
house, of 201, 202, 205.
lands of, 191.
lordship of, 198.
Kilmadock, minister of, 543.
Kilmarnock, 211.
Earl of, William, 290, 300, 321,
374, 378, 436, 554.
Kilravock (Kilraick), Laird of, see
Rose.
Lady, and her son, 271.
Kilsyth :
xxv, 345, 346, 350.
battle of, xx, 203.
Viscount of, 112, 300, 435, 439,
444, 476, 555.
Kilwinning :
217, 436.
minister there, 517.
Kimbolton, Lord, 201.
Kinblew, Easter and Wester, lands of,
3

 

Kincardine (Kingcairne) :
Earl of, Alexander, second, 208.
, Alexander, third, 238.

——, Alexander, fourth, 294, 300,
309, 321, 554, see also Bruce of
Broomhall.

earldom of, claimants thereto, 283,
284.

Kincardine O’ Neill, (Kincairn of Neill),
217.

Kinclaven, minister of, 542,

Kinclevin, Lorn, 107, 113.

Kinduny, rector of, see Sir John of
Tassenie.

 
InpDEx.

King, Sir P., 477.
Kingesbrough, barony of, 113.

Kinghorn :
Earl of, son-in-law of the Earl of
Mar, 86.

 

, Signs as a witness, 195.
King’s birthday salutes, 212.
King’s College, Aberdeen, 493.
King’s guard, see Guard.
Kingston, Viscount, 555.
Kinloss, abbot of, ix, 47, 48.
Kinnaird, 80.
Kinnoull :

524.

Ear! of, 488, 521, 554.

minister there, xxviii, 524.
Kinross (Kynross) :

Margaret, 42.

Robert, chamberlain to the Coun-

tess of Mar, 36.

Kynstare, lands of, 1.
Kintore :

508.

Earl of, 208, 551, 554.

lordship of, 16.
Kintvre, lands of, 126.
Kipdarroch, Laird of, 220.
Kippen, parish of, 424, 544.
Kippendavie (Capendavie), Laird of,

444,

Kuppenross, Lady, 18.
Kirby, letter dated at, 126.
Kirkcaldy :
of Grange, James, Treasurer, 15.
town of, 389, 395.
Kirkeudbright, magistrates of, 483.
Kirkpatrick, parish of, 32.
Kitlenaket, 413.
Knapdale, lands of, 7.
Knevet, Lady, 150.
Knighthood, conferring of, 514.
Knokinbarde, lands of, 4.
Knoklauchly, lands of, 4, 5.
Knowis, Marjory, widow of Mr. Gilbert
Keith, 10.
Korwit, Robert of, 4.
Kow, abbot of, Henry, 5.
Kyle-Regis, lands of, 7.
Kylestewart, barony of, 7.
Kynalch, Jands of, 5.

L

Lafin, pass of, 465.

Lafreis, Peter, 502.

Laik, Sir Thomas, Secretary of England
75.

Laing Historical MSS., in the Univer-
sity of Edinburgh, 191n.

Lainshaw, Laird of, 508.

Laird, the, 158.

Lalo, Colonel, 464.

Lamb, Cristell, 18, 20.

La Moshe, 267.

 

587

Lamott, Monsieur, 226.
Lanark (Lendrick) :
xxv, 346, 350.
presbytery of, 436.
shire of, 195, 211, 212.
Lancashire, xxvii, 320, 514.
Lando, 225, 226.
Land Tax Bill, 241.
Languedoc (Haute), 92.
Larbert, parish of, 210.
Largs (Large), 217.
La Rochelle, 92.
Latin, teaching of, 11.
Lauder :
John, 474, see Lord Fountainhall.
Robert, knight, 6.
Robert, 502.
Lauderdale :
Earl of, John, 112, 131, 137, 160,
161, 200.
Duke of, John, xxi, 206, 207, 208,
211, 214.
Earl of, John, fifth, 312, 318, 321,
365, 414, 415, 422, 554, 557.
Laurence, friar, of the friars minors of
Aberdeen, 3.
Law, faculty of, 240.
Lawhorrows, 180.
Law Courts, 201.
Laws, penal statutes, 217—219.
Law suits, extraordinary, 517.
Lawers, Laird of, 115, 130, see Camp-
bell.
Lawson, Andrew, 502.
Leache. Martin, a keeper of the ward-
robe, 125.
Learmonth (Leirmonth, Lermonth):
of Balcomie, James, 425.
of Darsy, James, master of house-
hold, 15.
James, 8.
Leather, tanning of, 82, see also Skins
and Tanning.
Leckie (Lecky) of that Ilk, Walter, 35,
, 41.
Lee:
laird of, 171.
Mr., (cipher name), 554.
Leeds, 451, 529.
Leffingen, 466.
Leghorn, 271, 418, 419.
Legitimations, 181.
Leinster, King of, iii.
Leischeman, J' ohn, bailie of Stirling, 17.
Leith, Leyth, Leth:
William of, burgess of Aberdeen,

1, 3.

of Harthill, John, 10.

of Overhall, George, and... .
Dunbar, his wife, 10.

. Leith, his mother, 10.

Mr. George, minister at Culsal-

mond, 10.
Leith, town of, 182, 185, 221, 260, 391,

395, 412, 503.

letters dated there, 15, 28.

port of, 99.

roads, 15, 433.

sands, a duel there, 234.
588

Lench, Mr., English Consul at Bruges,
213

Lendrick, see Lanark.
Lennox :
Earl of, Matthew, Lord Darnley,
Regent of Scotiand, 15, 22, 23,
24, 25, 26, 27.
his widow, Lady Margaret, 25, 26.
Duke of, Esmé, first, 32.
» Ludovick, 49, 50, 51, 59, 75,
113, 121, 124.
Countess of, Lady Margaret, viii.
David, usher, 41.
earldom of, 27.
Lerick, Sir William, 59.
Lerida, surrender of, 419.
Lerma, Cardinal de, 149.
Leslie (Lesslie) :
Alexander of, 2.
Norman de, knight, 3, 4, 5.
his son William, 5.
of Balquhane, John, and Elspet
Innes, his spouse, 10.
of Kincraigie, George, elder, 10.
of New Lesly,...., 10.
A., signs, 197.
Alexander, in Tullois, 10.
Lieut.-General, David, xx, 202,
203, 205.
John, portioner of Buchanstoun,
10

 

Patrick, burgess of Aberdeen, 10.
lands of, 4.
place of, 255.
Lesselyne, lands of, 3.
Leven :
Earl of, David, commander-in-
chief of the forces, 246, 247, 249,
270, 272, 289, 306, 363, 371, 374,
381, 408, 415, 416, 428, 432, 433,
434, 435, 439, 440, 441, 450, 453,
455, 459, 460, 476, 477, 483, 554.
—, , letters to and from
him, 247, 249, 251, 404, 460.
Leveridge, Mr., (cipher name), 556.
Leviston, George, an under clerk of
Session, 501.
Lewis, Island of, 425.
Liberton :
minister of, 386.
parish of, 503.
Libraries, for the use of churches, 257.
Licenses, 181.
Liddel, ...., professor of mathe-
matics in Aberdeen, 261.
Lieutenant-Colonels, orders for, 210.
Lieutenant-General of H.M. Forces in
Scotland, see General Thomas
Dalziel.

 

Lille :

camp at, 464, 468.

siege of, 464, 465, 466, 467, 468.
Lin, Mr., 520.
Lincluden (Lynclouden) :

provost of, Robert (Douglas), 43.
, William (Stewart), Trea-

surer, 23.

Lindores, Lord, 555.

abbot of, John, 3, 6.

 

 

INDEX.

Lindores—continued.
abbot of, William, 3.
abbacy of, 38.
convent of, 6.

Lindsay (Lindesay, Linsey) :
see also Crawford, Earls of.

Earl of, Robert, Lord High Con-
stable, 191n.

Mr. David, minister at Dundee, 81.

Patrick, bishop of Ross, xv.

Patrick, provost of Edinburgh,
528, 529.

William of, 3.

Linen, 400.

Linlithgow (Lithgow), 44, 48, 49, 340.
Earl of, Alexander, second, 169.
——, George, third, commander-

in-chief, 210, 214.

, James, 417, 554.
palace of, 86, 95, 96.
shire of, 197.

Lion rampant, worrying a leopard,

depicted on a jewel, 24.

Liquors, imported and exported, 73.

Lisbon, 260, 295, 296.

Lithgow, see Linlithgow.

Litill, Helen, chief nurse to the infant

King, 18.
Livingstone (Levingston) :

Lord, Alexander, 45.

of Donypace, John, younger, 35,
41.

of Dunlappie, Alan, 97, 107.

of Greenyards, William, 210.

of Jerviswood,...., and
William, his son, 44.

Allan, 102.

Sir James, the King’s servant, 93,
95, 106, 108.

John, in Daldurs, and George, his
son, 44.

John, servant to the King, 97, 106,
107, 146.

Laird, in Galloway, 44.

Robert, brother of Laird L., in
Galloway, 44.

William, signs, 224.

Lix, Thomas, knight, 2.

Lochaber, 220.

Lochiel, laird of, 508, 509.

Lochmaben, Loughmaben :

127, 130.

castle of, 122.
church of, 130.
tolbooth of, 129.

Lockhart :
of Lee, Sir James, 70.

Mr., 285, 318, 364.

Logan, Rev. John, 274,

Lohyhet, church of, 5.

London :

ix, xiii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, 49,
59, 92, 131, 158, 187, 190, 235,
236, 237, 254, 256, 265, 281, 282,
285, 286, 287, 288, 290, 292, 305,
310, 314, 322, 326, 338, 342, 345,
350, 353, 358, 359, 361, 366, 367,
368, 372, 376, 383, 384, 400, 401,
418, 423, 439, 444, 445, 446, 447,

 
INDEX.

London—continued
449, 450, 451, 452, 454, 455, 456,
460, 461, 476, 477, 481, 483, 500,
507, 509, 510, 528, 529, 534.
letters, etc., dated there, 32, 93,
122, 124, 227, 231, 237, 238, 239,
240, 241, 246, 247, 271, 282, 370,
434, 482, 485, 486, 487, 488, 493,
509, 529, 531, 532, 534, 540.
Bishop of, 149.
Mayor and Aldermen of, 149.
special streets and buildings, etc.
Cecill Street, 311.
Newgate, 444, 459, 488.
port of, 391.
Privy garden, 508.
St. Paul’s Church, 149, 150.
the Strand, 311.
the Tower, xxv, 241, 398, 444,
460.
Westminster Palace, xxiii.
Lorane, Prince of, 74.
Lorne (Lorn) :
91

Marquis of, 224.
Lord of, (Robert Stewart), vi.
» surrenders the office of
Justiciary, 169.
Lothian :
Earl of, Robert, 67, 111, 116, 125.
Marquis of, William, 254, 256, 284,
293, 299, 300, 318, 374, 375, 416,
553, 557.
Lothian and Tweeddale, Synod of, 439.
Loudoun (Laudien) :
Earl of, John, 200.
Marquis of, Hugh, Secretary of
State, xxiii, 228, 233, 237, 241,
242, 244, 245, 247, 248, 256, 258,
259, 264, 267, 272, 274, 275, 277,
283, 289, 292, 299, 303, 307, 351,
356, 357, 364, 371, 383, 386, 389,
392, 393, 396, 401, 405, 406, 409,
411, 416, 417, 418, 433, 442, 448,
449, 453, 478, 491, 554.
Louis the Thirteenth, King of France,
XiL.
Louis of Baden, 396.
Lovat:
Lord, Simon, xxviii, 545, 551, 552,
555, see also Fraser of Lovat.
estate of, 547.
Low, John, procurator fiscal of the
High Commission, 175.
Low Countries, the, xviii, 44, 184, 213,
262.
Lowndes (Lowns), Mr., 399, 489.
Lowrie, Mr. Joseph, late minister at
Stirling, 172, 175.
Luinys, Monsieur de, 148.
his daughter’s marriage, 148.
Lundie, Laird of, see Campbell.
Lyle, Lord, Robert, vn.
Lynn, Mr., 419.
Lyon:
Viscount, Patrick, 195.
Lady, 111.
John, master cook, 18, 20.

 

 

589

Lyon King of Arms:
see Alexander Erskine and Sir
Charles Erskine of Cambo.
the office of, 262.

“Lyon, the, sall be Lord of all,”
written on a jewel sent to Mary
Queen of Scots, 24.

Lyons, gulf of, 419.

Lys, the, 467.

M

McAllane VcAllester Roy, of Lagnhaa,
Rannald, 91.

McArthur, John, 502.

McCartnay (McKertny, McKartnie) :

James, 500.

Mr., 486.

McCoul, . ... , divinity student,
502.
McCullo (Mackullo), John, M.D., 91.
McFarlane :
of Arrochar, Andrew, and John
and Umphra, his sons, 38
of Gartavertane, Andrew, and
Malcolm, Andrew, and John
Dow, his sons, 38.
McGregor, John Dow, and his son John
Murray, 89.
MacGregor, Clan, 76, 118.
McHenry, Hugh, 249.
McIntosh :
John, a corporal, 212.
Sir Lachlan, deceased, 113.
- +... , vagabond, 206.
McKay :
General, 264.
John, son of Donald, Lord Reay,
191.
McKartnie’s regiment, 252.
Mackenzie (McKenzie) :

of Scatwell, Lady, 553.

George, signs, 208.

George, 418.

John, his pension, 128.

Kenneth, 212, 217.

McKie, Mr. William, minister at Bal-
maghie, 500.
Mackinnon, Mr., author of History of
the Union of 1707, xxvi.
McLachlan (McClauchlan),.... ,
his trial, 549, 551.
McLean, Sir John, 314, 320, 509.
McLellan (McClellan) :
James, 502.
Sir Samuel, 420.
McLeod, the tutor of, 509.
MeMillan :

James, 500.

John, minister, of Balmaghie, 500.
MacMillanites, a church party, 530.
MecMorran, Ninian, 68.

Mace, presentation of one, 320.
Macher, lands of, 4.
590

Macolo, Doctor James (John), King’s
physician, and his widow, 119.

Madagascar, 258.

Maderty, Lord, 555.

Madrid, 260.

Maestricht, 224, 225.

Mahon (Mohoun), Lord, 497.

Maiben, William, in Stirling, 544.

Main, Duc de, 148.

Mair, Thomas, son of the minister of
Culross, 501, 502.

Mairepumunth, the, 102.

Maisondieu, preceptory of, 87.

Maitland :

Lord, 214.

Lady, 214.

Alexander, 214

Ch., signs, 206, 208.
Lieut.-General, 508.
Major-General, 429.
General, 447.

William, his signature, 17.
Mr. (cipher name), 555.

Makhaun, William de, and Katherine
Fyvie, his wife, 6.

Makledowir, Allan, 103.

Malautt, John de, knight, 3.

Malcolm the Fourth, King, iii.

Malcolm, son of Beroof, 4.

Malcom(son), Norman, 3.

Mallock of Cairdneis, J., 131.

Malt, tax on, 344, 348, 349, 358.

Maltmen, prosecution of, 90.

Mar and Annandale, Lord of, John, iv.

Maners, Lady Jean, daughter of the
Earl of Rutland, 150.

Manflet, Count of, 149.

Mannor, Lord of the,(cipher name), 554.

Mansfield, Count, 94.

Manufactures, 365, 400.

Mar:

Earl of, Donald, iii.
——, Rotheri. iii.
—--. Morgund, iii.
Duncan and David, his sons, iii.
——., Gilchrist, iii.
——, Duncan, iii.
——, William, iii.
—-—, Donald, Governor of Stoc-
land, iii, v,. 1, 4, 215.
Gartney and Duncan his sons, 1.
——, Gratney, iii, v, 215.
——, Donald, Regent of Scotland,
iii, iv.

,» Thomas, Lord of Cavers and
Garioch, and Chamberlain of
Scotland, iv, v, 1, 2, 3, 4, 6.

——, George, (sic), 5.
MalcoJm and John, his sons, 5.
——-, John, first, {sixth Lord
Erskine, q.v.), Regent of Scot-
land, and keeper of Stirling
Castle, vi, vii, vili, 16, 22, 24, 29,

i 32, 179, 214, 215; produces a
bond dissolving the Queen’s
marriage with Bothwell, 17:
appointed keeper of Edinburgh
Castle, 17; letters to and from
him, 21, 23, 24, 26, 26n, 27, 29.

 

 

INDEX.

Mar—continued

Earl of, John, second, Treasurer of
Scotland, vi, viii—xix, 31, 32,
33, et passim to 198, 500; as
Captain of Stirling Castle, 31,
32, 39, 40, 60, 61, 67; obtains
the keeping of Edinburgh Castle,
38, 43, 77; appointed keeper of
Prince Henry, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44;
this office discharged, 51; ap-
pointed Treasurer, xi, 215; gets
instructions from the King, 98—
102, 133—146; resigns, 173;
makes alliance with Colin, Earl
of Argyle, 31, 32; references to
his intercourse with the Earl of
Angus, 33, 34; receives license
to go abroad, 36; is Ambassador
at the English Court, 47, 48, 49,
59; appointed collector of the
taxation, 106; allowed to be
absent from Festivals of the
Order of the Garter, 107, 108;
litigations in which he is con-
cerned, 112, 113,:146, 147, 151,
169, 170; at London, 131, 158;
pleads for the interests of his
family, 151—158, 156, 160; his
claim to the lands of Jedburgh
Forest, 151; made «a Knight of
the Garter, 215; his second son’s
marriage, xi; his third son,
Alexander marries, xviii, 176—
178; his son James, 59, 158,
159; his daughters, Anna, Mar-
garet, and Annabell, 59; letters
to him from King James VI, 32,
37, 38, 43, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 60,
61—70, 77, 78, 80, 82, 84, 85—
91, 95. 96, 103. 107, 11], 115,
116, 117, 118, 120, 127, 130;
from King Charles the First,
1380, 147, 157, 162, 172, 173;
from Elizabeth, Queen of Bohe-
mia, 176—179; from various
persons, 31, 32, 37, 45, 46, 47,
49, 52, 583—59, 122—125, 130,
131, 150, 169,171,173; addressed
by the King as ‘“‘ John Slates,”
37; letters from him to King
James the Sixth, 77, 109, 114;
to Prince Charles in 1622, 109;
to King Charies the First, 133,
151—153, 155, 156, 157, 163,
168, 169, 174; to his son John,
159; his last will and testament,
59; his death and burial, xix,
1938, 194.

——., John, third, 9, 59, 68, 193—
206; his Tanning Reform
schemo, 195; resigns the sheriff-
ship of Stirling and bailiary of
the Forth, 195; in disfavour
with the King, 196; his apology,
196; his marriage. 65; his
daughter, Elizabeth, mistress of
Napier, 201; letters from the
King to him, 196, 199; other
letters to him, 193, 194, 197, 199,
INDEX.

Mar, Earl of, John, third—continued.
200, 201, 204, 205; his letter to
King Charles the First, 196.

——, John, fourth,, gets a com-
mission, 206.

——., Charles, fifth, v, xxi, 207,
217, 219, 220, 221, 222; orders
to him as Governor of Stirling
Castle, 207, 208, 212, 219, 220,
222; his claim to the office, 214,
215; orders for his regiment,
210, 211 214: letters addressed
to him, 207, 212, 216, 217, 220;
letters from him, 219.

. John, sixth, references to
him, vi, 222—521, 554; his Act
for the Treaty of Union, and
his interest in the proceedings,
xxii—xxvii, 235; appointed
keeper of the Signet, etc., 389,
392, 393, 396; appointed Secre-
tary of State (1705), xxii, xxiii,
xxvi, 235, 236; his house and
family at Alloa endangered, 431;
432 ; he obtains a pension, 480 ;
appointed Commander-in-Chief
of the Pretender’s army, 511;
his wife, and young son, 316;
her illness and death, xxv, 385,
390; his daughter, Lady Fanny
succeeds to the estates, xxviii,
528; his mother, 470; refer-
ences to his brother, Lord
Grange, 286, 287, 288, 290, 296,
305, 329, 346, 353; his cor-
respondence, largely about the
Union of 1707, 222—509.

Helen or Elyne de, Lady, v.

Countess of, Isabella (Douglas),
iv, v.

, cece Dame Elizabeth Douglas.

, (of first Earl), see Lady Anna-

bella Murray.

, (of second Earl), see Dame

Mary Stewart.

, Margaret, (of sixth Earl),

letters to and from her, 227,
234, 235, 236, 245.

Countess (Duchess) of, Frances,
letters to and from her, xxvii,
436, 517—528.

Master of, Alexander, 31, 33.

family, sketch of its early history,
iii—vii ; long and faithful ser-
vice, 214, 215; descent and pri-
vileges, 151, 153, 215; its vicis-
situdes, 390.

Peerage case, vii.

charters and papers, etc., at Alloa,
431, 432.

Mar (Mare) :

Sir John of, canon of Aberdeen,
1, 3.

John, Commissary of Aberdeen,
13.

Thomas of, 4.

earldom of, iii—vi, 1, 2, 16, 194.

estate of, 432.

Braes of, lands of the, 191.

 

 

 

 

 

 

591

Mar and Douglas, Earl of, William, 5.
Douglas and, earldom of, iv.
Mar and Garioch :
Earl of, John, iv.
earldom of, iv, 7.
, vassals of, 170.
Mar and Kellie, Earl of, Walter, xxviii.
March, Earl of, John, iv, 555.
Marchmont, Ear] of, 241, 273, 278, 291,
294, 305, 311, 340, 367, 370, 371,
372, 374, 536, 555.
Margaret, Queen of James the Fourth,
12, 13, 14.
Margaret, Lady, Countess of Lennox,
widow of the Earl of Lennox, 25,
26, 27.
Margaret, sister of Thomas, Ear] of
Mar, and wife of William, Earl
of Douglas, iv.
Marischal of Scotland, see also William
of Keth.
Marischal (Merschell) :
Earl of, William, Lord Keith and
Altyre, 195, 206, 208, 219, 221.
——, George, 290, 317, 325, 439,
511, 554.
in Parliament, 298, 301.
Marjory, Countess of Carrick, v.
Marlborough (Malborrow), Duke of,
226, 239, 246, 247, 252, 253, 263,
264, 267, 270, 276, 279, 289, 326,
329, 335, 353, 359, 416, 423, 429,
435, 442, 443. 458, 459, 466, 467,
469, 487, 534.
Marley, Mr., 485.
Marriage :
of Prince Charles with Henrietta
Maria. 74, 75.
case of breach of promise, 413.
Marshall :
Lord, 137.
James, keeper of the larder, 18, 20.
Mr., (cipher name), 556.
of England, 191n.
Martine (Mairteine, Marten):
Dr. George, rector of St. Andrew's
University, 175.
Doctor, 42.
Sir Henry, knight, 191n.

 

. Mary of Guise, the Queen Regent, 16.

 

Mary, Queen of Scots, v, vi, vii, viii, 15,
16, 17, 151; her marriage with
Bothwell, 17; a jewel sent to
her by Lady Athol falls into
Queen Elizabeth’s hands, 24;
reference hy Queen Elizabeth
to her sinistrous schemes and
designs, 25; her favours to
John, Earl of Mar, 214, 215.

Master, Young, (cipher name), 554.

Master of the Horse, 532.

Masters of Household, 41, see Cun-
ningham and Learmonth.
Mathematics, professors of, at Aber-

deen, 261.

Mathie, , . . owner of a Prestonpans
ship, 397.

Maule, Maulle:

of Panmure, Patrick, 127.
592

Maule, Maulle—continued,
Mr. Harry, W.S., 389, 202,
396, 297, 412 483, 509.
Mawe, lands of, 3.
Maxton :
519.
of Cultoquhy, William, 131.
minister at, xxviii, 519.
Maxwell :
of Cardiness, é , 360, 366.
of Carlaverock, Robert, 82.
of Monreith, Sir Wi!liam, 397.
Sir George, 444.
Harbert, squire of the King’s body,
95.

393,

John, 5.
Sir Robert, 109.
May, Isle of, 395.
Mayes, de, 464.
Maygne, see Menzies.
Meals for the King’s household daily,

19.
Mearns, the, 195, 420.
Meat:
exports of, 71.
fresh, 344.
Medicine, professorship of, 240.
Meditoun, Wulfred de, and his son
John, 8.
Meldrum :
Sir Philip of, 2, 5
Sir William of, 4.
ee of, sheriff of Aberdeen, 2,

Me ‘Robert, 182, 185, 187.
. » master of works, 360.
sam 9 221, 229:
Meldrum’s troop of hurse, 216.
Melerade, Commissary, 419.
Melgum, 173.
Mell, the, (Pall Mall), 238
Melrose :
Earl of, Thomas, President of
Council, and Secretary, xv, 99,
112, 117, 123, 131, 134, 135, 136,
139, 140, 143, 151, 160, 161, 162,
see also Haddington, Earl of.
erection of, 16], 162.
Melville, Melvin :
Earl of, 289.
Sir Andrew, knight, and his son
George, 128.

 

Memorials to the Queen from the |

Parliament of 1707, and others,
315, 316, 320, 321, 322, 325, 329,
330, 331, 334, 342, 380, 381, 444.
Menin, 466.
Menmore, Laird of, 143.
Menteith, Mentethe, Monteth :
Earl of, President of the Privy
Council, 81, 169, 185.
William de, his marriage with
Euphem Graham, 8.
of Kerse, William, 32, 41.
of West Kerse, William, 8.
of Wester Quarter, Robert, 32.
Sir John, and Lady Helen de Mar,
his wife, and Christian, their
daughter, v.

INDEX.

Menteith, Mentethe, Monteth—cont.
Doune Castle in, 47.
lands of, 16.
lordship of, 16, 215.

Fife and, Earl of, 7. sce Robert
Duke of Albany.

Menzies (Maygne, Meygne, Moygne) :
Sir Bartholomew, knight, 3.
Thomas de, 6.

Sir Walter, knight, 1, 2, 3.

Merchants :
protection of, 8.

Scottish, and the Union, 366, 395,
406, 407, 408, 409, 411, see also
Trade.

Merchant Maidens Hospital, in Edin-

burgh, 425.

Merchiston, 204.

Meredith, Mr., 486.

Merizeis, in France, 23.

Mersin, Count, 277.

Meygne, see Menzies.

Middlemest, William keeper of Dum-

barton Castle, 114, 130.

Middleton, Midleton :

Lord, 212, 214, 221.

Ear] of, 433, 475.

Midlothian, Sheriff and freeholders of,

471.

Migvie, lands of, 191.

Mygvecht, vicar of, see Sir Adam Cant.

Milan, 92, 418.

Military affairs :

xxi, 529.

levies of troops for service abroad,
122, 134, 145, 252, 253 404, 407,
411, 412, 415.

cases of discipline, 211.

evolutions, 209.

exerciso for the musket, 209.

orders, 209, 210, 216, 217.

preparations for the Civil War,
197—-206.

supplies, 249.

the Marquis of Hamilton’s levies,
184, 189.

calling out troops to protect the
Pariiament of 1707, 335, 336,
345, 346, 350, 351, 353.

raising regiments for King Charles
the Second, 206.

the English Establishment, 252.

Militia :
the, 201, 221, 421, ae 424,
commissioners of,
regiments, 208.

Miller :

Andrew, in Stirling, 544.

George, 502.

Milne, Gime): of Barnton, Sir Robert.

ov.

of Carriden, Provost, 219.

Ministers :

Acts concerning, 144.

aid of, 89.

ousting of, 260.

Minny, Lady, see Annabellu, Countess

of Mar,

Minorca, 499.

2
INDEX.

Mint:

the, xxi, 108, 180, 214, 500, see
Coinage.

General of the, 98, 422, see also
John Acheson and George
Foullis.

officers of the, 28.

repair of the Mint house, 102.

Minto, Earl of, (Sir Gilbert Elliot), 315,
336, 348, 415, 470, 471, 472.

Missionary societies, 482.

Mitchell :

Mr. James, proceedings against,
xxi, 211.

William, in Canongate, 259,

Moffat, William, 502.
Mohoun, Lord, see Mahon.
Moncrieff, Moncreefe :

Rev. Alexander, minister at Aber-
nethy, 542.

Mr. Gilbert, 42.

Nicol, 81.

Monk, General, 221.
Monpansie’s daughter, 148.
Monro, Monroe:

Mr. George, servant to Mr. George
Buchanan, 22.

Captain, 464.

Deacon, 503.

Montealto (Mowat) :

Bernard de, 1.

James, l.

William de, knight, Lord of Ferne,
1

Montefiascony, letters dated at, 517,
518, 519, 520.

Monteith, Robert, his widow, 109, 126.

Montersoer, Captain, 464.

Montgomery :

Earl of, 217, see Pembroke, Earl of.

John of, 7.

F., 246.

Hugh, 377.

Mr. John, 386, 485.

a prisoner, 350, 356, 359, 363.
Montmorency, Duke of, 29.
Montrose :

Ear! of, John, 31, 32.

. William, 9, 15.

, John, letter from him to the

Master of Mar, 30.

, John, 119, 132.

Marquis of, (James Graham), his
campaign during the Civil War,
xx, 197, 203, 204.

, James, 206.

Duke of, James, Secretary of
State, xxii, xxvii, 228, 251, 274,
283, 284, 286, 287, 288, 294, 295,
298, 300, 303, 305, 311, 312, 315,
334, 337, 940, 350, 371, 374, 375,
393, 400, 402, 404, 405, 408, 409,
412, 413, 417, 419, 420, 427, 439,
450, 451, 470, 472, 473, 480, 506,
510, 536, 553, 556.

President of Council. 253, 254.

letters to and from him, 253, 270,
271.

 

 

 

 

 

593

Montrose—continued.
town of, 397, 516.
ministers of, 260.
Monyabroch, parson of, see Mr. Alex-
ander Erskine.
Monymusk :
parson of, see Mr. John Gelly.
priory and canons of, iii, 1.
St. Mary of, and the canons there,
5.
Moore Eumont, 88.
Moravia, 149.
Moray (Murray): 87.
bishop of, 258.
Earl of, Thomas (Randolph), 3, 6.
, James, Regent of Scotland,

 

21.
——, James, 142, 148, 170, 195.
Alexander, Secretary for
Scotland, 206, 211, 212, 213. .
his brother, 212.
_ Charles, 434, 512, 554.
canon of, see Mr. Gilbert Arm-
strong.
church of, archdeacon thereof, see
Mr. Thomas Nudre.
Firth, 434.
squadron, the, 321.
Mordington, Lord, 555.
More, Sir George, writes to John, Earl
of Mar, 150.
Morgan :

 

 

eu» 9 BOR.
Bane, vagabond, 206.
Morocco (Maricco), Emperor of, 466.
Morpeth, jail of, 369.
Morton :
Earl of, James, vi.
, James, Lord of Dalkeith,
Regent of Scotland, ix, 30.
——, William, 40.
—,, William, 83, 123, 125, 131,
132, 134, 142, 160, 187, 191n;
appointed Treasurer, xviii. 173 ;
letters to and from him, 84, 85,
199.
——, James, 229, 240, 451, 453,
554, 557.
Lady, 41.
Moselle, the, 260.
Moshe, Monsieur de la, 466.
Moubray of Barnbougall, John, 17.
Mourton, Earl of, 191n.
Mowat:
Alexander, in Holland, 9.
see also Montealto.
Moygne, see Menzies.
Moyle, Brigadier, 550.
Muckwell, lands of, 7.
Mulgrave, Earl of, James, 191n.
Murder of a councillor, attempted, 488.
Mure, William, 502.
Murray :
Regent, see Moray, Earl of.
Lord Charles, his troop of horse,
216.
Lord George, 512.

 

1L
594

Murray—continued.

Lord James, 481.

of Abercairny, Robert, 41.

of Balvaird, Sir Andrew, 9.

of Cockpool, Mr. Richard, 127.

of Dowald, Anthony, 131.

of Elibank, Sir Gideon, Treasurer-
depute, xii, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76,
77, 79, 81, 88, et passim to 95;
deceased, 95, 96, 121.

of Ochtertyre, Sir William, 131.

of Pardewis, James, 32.

of Philiphangh, Sir James, Lord
Clerk Register, 291, 296. 299,
301, 304, 308, 317, 321, 325, 327,
330, 332, 335, 337, 346, 354, 356,
361, 364, 367, 369, 380, 383, 386,
402, 408, 415, 420, 423, 448, 457,
458.

of Polmaise, John, 35.

of Raith, Anthony, 131.

of Touchadam, John, and Cath-
arine Erskine, his intended wife,
8; he marries Janet Erskine, 9.

——, William, deceased, 89.
his widow, Agnes Cockburn, 8,

9

their son John, supra.

, John, 40.

of Tullibardine, Sir William, and
his daughter, Annabelle, vi, viii,
9.

 

——,, Sir William, 17, 31.

, Sir John, 40.

Lady Annabella, wife of John,
first Earl of Mar, 18, 30, 32, 33,
36, 37; governess to the young
King, 30, 35; to Prince Henry,
39, 40, 42; letters to and from
her, 28, 32, 36, 37.

Barbara, keeper of the Prince’s
clothes, 42.

Catharine, 18.

Colonel, of the Guards, 369.
his brother James, 369.

Sic David, 130.

 

David, Captain of the King’s
pinnace, 117.

Mr. G., 267.

Mr. Henry, minister at Perth, 264,
265.

James, foreman of the King’s
kitchen, 18, 20.

James, Clerk of Register, 238.

John, servant of the King, 108,
111.

John, son of John Dow McGregor,
89.

John, 101.

John, 531.

Sir Patrick, gentleman of the
King’s Privy Chamber, 113, 115,
117, 120, 130, 148.

Mr. Patrick, gets a gift of Inch-
affray Abbacy, 130, 131.

Peter, 502.

Captain Robert, 444.

Robert, 417, 419.

 

INDEX.

Murray—continued.

William, son of the deceased Sir
Gideon Murray, late Treasurer-
depute, 121.

William, in the King’s chamber,
18, 20.

Mr., Philip’s brother, 291.

Mushett, John, sheriff clerk, 36.

Music school, a, 87.

Musketeers, exercises for, 209.
Muslins, 234.

Musselburgh, 210.

Mutton, 19.

Myldmay, Sir Walter, 24.

Myrtoun, lands and barony of, 91, 119.

N

Nairne :
Lord, 443, 444, 481, 556.
Lady, 441, 443.
Sir David, xxiv, 246, 280, 301, 342,
343, 353, 354, 434, 445, 450, 452;
letters to and from him, 235, 273,
275, 276, 277, 279, 281—285,
288—294, 296—341, 345—387,
415, 441—444, 447, 448, 452,
459—461.
Napier :
of Merchiston, Sir Archibald,
afterwards Lord Napier, 131,
168, 171, 174, 197, 199; as
Deputy Treasurer, xii, 116, 117,
120; his letters, 128, 170.
» Lord Archibald, 204, 221.
Lord, 555.
Mistress of, see Lady Elizabeth
Erskine.
Francis, 224.
Mrs. Lilias,
Napier, 201.
Naples :
Governor of, sce Duc de Zouna.
rict in, 149.
Nassow, Prince of, 225.
National Covenant, 519.
Naval affairs, 529, 540.
Navy, the Kiny’s, 101.
Navigation, Act of, 238.
New, Laird of, 198, see Forbes.
Newark, Lord, 556.
Newbattle (Newbottill),
deceased, 39, 42.
Newbigging, 210.
Newcastle :
xx, 512, 529.
Duke of, 533.
coal, 213.
Newhaven, Viscount, 555.
Newlandis, lands of, 4.
Newliston, 544.
Newmarket, letters, etc., dated there,
76, 77, 82, 83, 84, 88, 91, 103,
104, 106, 107, 117, 118, 121, 122,
128, 129, 130, 195, 231, 289.

 

daughter of Lord

abbot of,
INDEX.

Newport, 213, 267.
Newspaper, the Flying Post, 315, 317,
319.

Newton Edmondston, Laird of, 444.
Nichol, George, 502.
Nicola, Signor, 554.
Nicollbrucht, in Over Austria, 149.
Nicolson :
of that Ilk, Sir John, knight
baronet, and a lieutenant-col-
onel, 207, 208.
Christian, wife of Alexander Gor-
don of Abergeldie, 10,
William, 501.
Nimwegen, 225.
Nisbet, Henry, in Edinburgh, 31.
Nith, water of, 397.
Nithsdale, Niddisdeall :
Earl of, Robert, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii,
96, 119, 125, 126, 132, 133, 134,
135, 138, 139, 148, 144, 145, 147,
171.
district of, 129, 216, 430.
Noble gentleman, the, (cipher name),
554.
Noblemen, not to be Lords of Session,
133, 144.
Nodding, Lieut. William, 464, 468.
Nonconformity of Papists to the pro-
fessed religion, 62, 65, 123.
Noreis, Sir Henry, 23.
Northfolk, 223.
Norie, . , in Poland, 9, 10.
Norman, son of Malcolm, 3.
North:
the, see Highlands.
teinds in the, 424.
North Britain, 419, 422.
Northampton :
Lord, writes to John, Earl of Mar,
xi, 53—59.
shire of, 277.
Northesk :
Earl of, sheriff of Angus, 247, 338,
347, 368, 374, 408, 453, 490, 554.
——-, his son David, Lord Ethie,
338.
Norway, 399.
Nottingham :
451.
Lord, a7,
Nudre, Mr. Thomas, archdeacon of the
church of Moray, 8.
Nurse, the, (cipher name), 555.

O

Oath :
of abjuration, 524.
of allegiance, 216.
of coronation, 294.
of the test, 218.
sworn by burgesses on their ad-
mission, 192.

 

595

Oats and oatmeal, 206, 310, 316, 322,
343, 352.

Obertarphe, see Abertarff.

Ocham, manor and hundred of, 59.

Ochiltree :

Lord, James, xiv, xv, xviii, xix,
134, 136, 139, 140, 142; his
indictment, 181—184; his trial,
184—191.

Lord, 555.

Octorlacellouss, lands of, 5.
Officers of State, 418.
Oxilvy (Ogilbe) :

Lord, 125, 136, 146.

Lord, 512.

of Boin, Mr., 515.

Sir Alexander, 286.

James, marshall, 41.

Okine, 125.
Old:

Thomas, 502.

Judge, (cipher name), 554.

woman, the, (cipher name), 554.

Oliphant :

Lord, 283, 555.

of Gask, William, 88.

of Newton, Sir William, Lord
Advocate, 83, 90, 102, 112, 113,
115, 120, 121, 128, 146.

Mr. James, son of the Lord
Advocate, 113, 146, 147.

Jean, 18.

Omay, Alexander, servitor to George
Hay of Kirkland, 181.
Oppitone, Count de, 418.
Orabile, wife of Gilchrist, Earl of Mar,
iii.
Orange :
Prince of, William, xxi, 122, 222,
——, 530, 534, 545.
Orchwell, lands of, 5.
Order :
of the Garter, 107, 108.
of the Thistle, xxiii, 514,
Ordnance :

H.M., 31, 447.

Master of, 249, sce Liout.-Gen.
William Drummond, also Earl
of Leven.

Orkney :

72, 75, 88, 107, 108, 109, 120, 123,
127.

Earl of, Henry (de St. Clair), 7.

7 ag 1G hil; 82s

——, ’ George, 442, 446, 476, 554,
557.

bishopric of, 237.

Orleans, Duke of, 148, 277.
Ormiston, 472.
Ormond :

194,

Duke of, 205, 226, 387, 488, 504,
513, 516.

Orwell, 542.

Ostend, 213, 255, 256, 262, 267, 270,
464, 465, 466, 467.

Ostenders, 246.

Oswal], Archibald, servant to Thomas,
Earl of Melrose, 162.

 
596

Otterburn of Auldhame, Mr. Adam, 13.
Oudenarde (Hudenaerde), 458, 459,
467, 468.
Ovan, Mr., 422.
Owin, lands of, in Garioch, 5, 6.
Oxenford, Viscount, 555.
Oxford :
xix, 199, 200.
Earl of, Robert (Harley), Trea-
surer of England, xxvi, 489, 505,
see also Harley.

P

Packet, the, 417, 418, 529.
Padzett, Mr., 485.
Painted chamber, the, a meeting there,
191n.
Paisley :
xxi, 216.
abbey of, 32.
commendator or abbot of, 32, see
Claud Hamilton.
presbytery of, 436.
Palaces, the King’s Scottish, their
reparation, 78, 82, 86, 95, 96,
168, 174, 176, 193.
Palmer, Mr., 436.
Palatinate, the, xiv, 93, 123, 124.
Panmure, Earl of, James, 219, 271, 470,
512, 554.
Panton, Laird of, 82.
Paper, 234.
Paper money, 402, 405.
Papists :
xxi, 430.
laws concerning, 217—219.
Paris :
14, 83, 148, 232, 514, 551.
Gazette, 225.
Parish Clerk, (cipher name), 554.
Park, John of, 7.
Parliament :
preceding 1489—90, 8.
Act for a triennial, 234.
held at Edinburgh on 2nd Sep-
tember, 1523, 13.
second of King James J, 181.
sixth of King James V, 182.
eleventh, fourteenth and fifteenth
of King James VI, 181, 182.
held at Edinburgh, in 1617, 78.
held by King Charles I, in Edin-
burgh, in 1633, 174, 176.
proposed as arbiter between the
King and the Lords of Session,
144.
the mode of presenting Bills in,
191, 192.
their petition to King Charles the
case for redress of grievances,
O01.
of 1706, 283.

 

INDEX.

Parliament—-continued.
Scottish, on the Union, xxiv, xxv.
endangered by riots, 298—300,
328, 329, 338.
English, on the Union, 227, 228,
237, 239, 247. 301, 302, 307, 341,
345, 351, 354, 370.
choosing of peers and commoners,
302.
Acts of, extracts from the books,
14; anent feuing of Crown lands,
191; the earldom of Ross, 238;
concerning protections, 134, 136;
against wrongful imprisonment,
265.
, special, 217—219, 387.
courts of, their fines, 180.
Parrot, the, (cipher name), 555.
Parry, Sir Thomas, French Ambassa-
dor, 59.
Parson, the. (cipher name), 554.
Partizans, 210.
Passports, granting of, 255.
Patents, 169.
Paterson :
of Bannockburn, Hugh, 208.
Sir Hugh, 498, 499.
John, in Denmark, 9.
William, clerk to the Privy Council,
221,
Mr., his remarks on the Union,
292, 307.
boda ce ge Oe
Patoun, Mr., 520.
Patrick(son), John, son of, 6.
Patronage, right of, 489, 497, 498, 499.
Pawlett, Earl, 485, 533.
Peace, between England and Scotland,

 

Peer, 224.

Peers, election of, after the Union, 371,
373, 437, 446, 448, 490, 492, 494,
495—504, 509, 522, 523, 531,
533—538, 546, 547.

Peerages, disputes about, 368, 370—
377

Pembroke :
Earl of, Lord Chamberlain of H.M.
household, 75.
, Philip, Lord Chamberlain
of England, 191n.
——, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
387.
Penal Statutes, 118, 181, 217-219.
Pencaitland, Laird of, 322, 335, 336,
469

 

Penman, John, 502.
Pensions :
xii, xiii, 181.
letters of, 313, 320.
payments of, 87--96, et passim to
130, 146, 387, 388, 389, 391, 449,
480.
Peramsol, Mr. Laurence of, 3.
Perth :
326, 440, 511, 512, 513, 512, 515.
letters, etc., dated there, 7, 30,
171, 206, 264, 514, 516.
Harl of, James, 67,
INDEX.

Perth—continued.
Earl of, John, 119, 148.
Duke of, James, Lord High Chan-
cellor, xxi, 219, 220, 221, 222.
bridge of, 129.
magistrates of, 264, 265.
ministers of, 260, 542.
presbytery of, 265.
the wise men of, 268.
the five Articles of, xiii.
shire of, xxviii, 197, 438, 443, 444,
511, 557.
Peterborough, Earl of, 227, 479.
Peterhead, xxvii.
Petersham, in Surrey, 536.
Petmalchy, lands of, 3.
Pettis, lands of, 2.
Pettrie, George, lainer, 502.
Phenick, Mr., 49.
Philiphaugh, battle of, 203.
Phillp, John, 412,
Philps, Mr., 396.
Picardy, 23.
Piercy, Mr., (cipher name), 553.
Pikes (pykes), exercises for, 209, 210.
Pilgrimages to wells, 558.
Piracy, 386.
Pitcairn (Petcarne) :
Henry of, 1.
Doctor, 261, 427.
Mr., 132.
Pitcurr, Laird of, 273.
Pitmedden, Laird of, younger, 404.
Pitsligo :
Lord, Alexander, 10.
Lord, 555.
Pittinen, teinds of, 69.
Pittodrie, 508.
Place Bill, the, 485, 486.
Placets, 59.
Plassendale, 267.
Plenderguest, Lady,
555.
Plot, the, 234, 235.
Poecoak, see Pollock.
Poem, a prophetic, 198.
Poland (Pole) :
10, 226.
King of, 149.
Politick, Sir, (cipher name), 554.
Pollock, Lord, 470, 507.
(Poecoak), Colonel, 502, 503.
Polton, Lord, 507.
Polwarth, Lord, 416.
Pomerland, 182, 187.
Pool, the, H.M. ship called, 418.
Pope:
Clement VIII, 47.
Julius II., 8.
Paulus IV, 9.
Sixtus IV, 8.
Urban VIII, 148.
Popery, the religion of, 192, see Roman
Catholics.
Porca, Donald de, 7.
Pork, 358, 359, 361.
Porteous, Captain, 543, 546, 549, 551.
Porteous riot, the, 543, 546, 549, 550,
551.

(cipher name),

 

597

Porter, Mr. (cipher name), 554.

Port Glasgow, 398.

Portmoak, minister there, 528.

Portmore, Lord, 556.

Portuguese, the, 387.

Postal arrangements for packets bet-
ween Scotland and England,
417, 418, 529.

Postmasters General, 418.

Post-Office, General, 418.

pensions, 489.

Pot, Alice de, future spouse to Alan de
Balmossy, 6.
Robert, burgess of Dundee, 6.
his son John, 6.
Pottages, 19.
Poultry, 19."
Poury Ogilvie, Laird of, 47, 48.
Powder :

manufacture of, 169.

and shot supplies, 209, 212.

see also Ammunition.

Prague (Pragg), 149.
Prate (Pratte) :

John, 1, 4.

William, vicar of Aberdeen, 5.
Prediction of troubles, xix, 198.
Premiums, 343.

Prendergast, William of, 6.

Presbyterian church government, xxiv,
XXV, XxXviii, 204, 207, 318, 340,
388, 426.

Presbyteries :

Edinburgh, 200.

Hamilton, 510.

addresses from, 434—436.
President :

of Privy Council, his office, 134,

135, 145, 169, 251, 374, 381, 418,
see also Melrose, Earl of.

of the Session, 241, 245, 346, 402,

408, 410, 415, 418, 423, 469.
Preston (Prestoun) :

of Penicuik, Mr. John, 66, 67.

Surgeon-Major, George, 388.

~... , wounded, 263.

town of, 192, 227.

hailies of, 193.

battle of, xxvii.

in Lancashire, 320, 514.
Prestonhall, Laird of, 369, 363, 480.
Prestonpans, 395, 397, 399, 503.
Pretender, the, xxv, xxvii, 437, 438,

441, 448, 508, 517, see King
James the Eighth.
Primrose (Prymrois, Prymrose) :

Archibald, collector of fines, 76,

109, 110, 115, 116, 118, 120, 121,
172, 181.

Mr. D., signs as a witness, 195.

Gilbert, surgeon, 42.

James, clerk of the Privy Council,

171, 181, 203.
Prince of Wales, 51.
Prince’s bill, 227.
Pringle :
Francis, professor in St. Andrews,
347.
598

Pringle—continued
George, servant to Thomas, Earl
of Melrose, 162.
Privy Council of Scotland :
133, 134, 206, 252, 253, 293.
its relation to the sovereign, 145,
146.
alterations by King Charles the
First, xiv, xvi, xvii.
conferences with that King, 133—
146.
appoints the signing of the Solemn
League and Covenant, 200.
the French King treats with it,
200, 201.
letters to and from it, 27, 94,
103, 104, 129, 169, 195, 200, 207,
208, 219, 220, 221.
after the Union, 393, 394, 395, 412,
413, 421, 423, 424, 426, 428, 429,
432, 435, 437, 438, 487, 489.
clerk of, see A. Henderson, John
Andro, James Primrose, Wil-
liam Paterson.
President of, see Menteith, Earl of.
books of, 52.
Privy Council of England, 183, 393,
486.
Privy Council of Great Britain, 392.
Privy Seal:
Lord, 219, 266, 431, see Duke of
Athole, and Earl of Rothes.
office of the, 258, 442, 480.
record of the, 426.
Proclamation against riots during the
sitting of Parliament (1707),
339, 340, 348, 363.
Produce exported annually from Scot-
land, 70—74.
Protections to debtors, 134, 136.
Protestant religion, 217, 218, 370.
in France, 91—-93.
endangered by the schemes of
Mary, Queen of Scots, 25.
Protestant States, to be united in
resisting Roman Catholicism,
201.
Protestant succession, the, 251, 256,
310, 323, 324, 505, 506, 509.
Prowand, Mr. John, a witness, 31.
Prussia, King of, 239.
Prussian troops, 225, 267.
Pudsey of Chapeltoun, Thomas, 114,
115

Pulteney, William, Esquire, afterwards
Earl of Bath, xxviii, 529, 531,
534, 536, 540.

Punte, Mr. Robert, 77, 84.

Purse, the, 396.

Purser, office of, 469, 470.

 

 

InpDEX.

Quakerism, 481.

Quarter sessions, their fines, 180.

Queen, the, (1715), 516, 518.

Queen’s Bench, 481.

Queensberry :

Duke of, James, Secretary of
State, xxii, xxiii, xxvi, 219, 220,
227, 231, 234, 236, 240, 243—
247, 258, 259, 261, 266, 270, 272
—276, 280, 371, 389, 392, 393,
401, 405, 406, 409, 411, 423, 427,
439, 441, 442, 444, 449, 454—
458, 463, 469, 477, 480, 485, 491,
534, 553, 557; his death, 491;
letters to and from him, 228, 229,
230, 232, 237, 455, 489; his
daughter Mary, 237, 238.
Duchess of, 234, 244, 442.

Quhithill, Gilbert, sheriff clerk of
Forfar, 38.

Quilts, lands of, 2.

Quince, Sir Peter, (cipher name), 554.

R

Rafford, 87.
Raitt :
Alexander, 488, 491.
Mr., 315, 351, 427.
Ramsay :
Colonel, his death, 398.
Sir David, 377.
David, 182, 185, 187, 191n.
Donald, 182.
Gilbert, servant, 18.
Sir James, xviii, 185, 186, 190.
Mr. John, in Wester Bynning, 36.
Patrick, the King’s servant, 90.
Robert, rector of New College,
St. Andrews, 347.
Lieut. General, 238.
Randolph :
see Moray, Earls of.
Thomas, Esquire, Master of the
Posts, 23, 27, 28.
Rankeillor, Lord, 291.
Rannald, Patrick, pastryman, 18.
Ransoms, payment of, 271.
Raploch :
laird of, 507.
lands of, 215.
Ratcliff, Colonel, (cipher name), 555.
Rates, book of, 98, 297, 301, 304.
Ratho, lands of, 7.
Ratlife, Doctor, 488.
Raveline (Aravlen), 464, 465.
INDEX.

Read, Sir William, (cipher name), 555.
Reay (Rae):

Lord, Donald, xviii, xix, 182, 183,
184, 184n, 185—191, 191n; his
son, John Mackay, as a witness,
191.

Lord, 433, 555.

Rebellions in the Highlands, 220, 222.

Recognitions, 179.

Records, public, xxviii, 426, 523.

Redbraes Castle, 241.

Ridpath, ... . , author of the Flying
Post, 319, 326, 356.

Reeves, Doctor, counsel at law, 191n.

Reformation, the, 240, 300, 526, 527.

Regents of Scotland, iv, vi, 13, see
Earls of Lennox, Mar, Moray,
and Morton.

Regiments :

raising of, 206.

the King’s, 210.

the Ear] of Mar’s, 210, 211, 214.

Register, Lord Clerk, 457, 461, see
Gavin, bishop of Aberdeen, Mr.
James Foulis of Colinton, James
Johnston, Sir James Murray of
Philiphaugh.

Register of Hornings, 180.

Reid :

Andrew, 502.

George, 502.

Religion, laws anent Papists, 217—

219.

Remissions, general, 23, 181.

Renfrew, barony of, 7.

Rental :

of Mar and Garioch, 1.

of the Crown property in Scotland,
254.

Renton :

James, 125.

Thomas, merchant in Edinburgh,
502.

Rents :

H.M. Commissioners for, 74, 77,
82, 87, 90, 91, 96, 107, 108, et
passim.

Receivers of, 287, 288, 291.

Requests :

Master of,
Galloway.

, office of, xix.

Ressuchet, lands of, 3.

Ressuneth, John of, deceased, 6.

his daughter Margaret, 6.

Restoration, the, xx.

Revenues :

of Scotland, their impoverish-
ment, xii, 78, 94, 109, 114, 168.

proposals for their increase, 163—
168, 179—181, 201, 412.

collecting of, 99, 104, 120, 132,
163.

Revocations :

of King James the Sixth, 139.

of King Charles the First, xvi,
xviii, 135, 139, 140, 141, 146,
152.

107, see Sir James

 

 

599

Revolution :
(of 1688), the, xix, xxi, xxiv, 265,
300, 369, 387, 438, 510, 617, 525,
526, 536, 543.
Revolutionists, 274.
Rhine, the, 232, 239, 396.
Richards, Colonel, 263.
Richardsoun, Mr, Robert, Commen-
dator of St. Mary’s Isle, 28.
Richie, William, 502.
Richmond, letters dated there, 24, 26.
Rideston, 187, 191n.
Rig, William, bailie of Edinburgh, 125.
Riots about the Union, 298, 299, 300,
310, 313, 318, 322, 325, 335, 338,
412, 448.
Rivers, Lord, 295.
Rob, William, coalgrieve, 208.
Robert the First, King of Scotland,
(Robert the Bruce) iii, v, vn, 2,
3, 4, 215.
Robert the Second, King, iv.
Robert the Third, King, iv, 7.
Robert, son of Stephen, 3.
Robertson, William, an under clerk of
Session, 501.
Rochelle, La, 92.
Rochester :
Earl of, Robert, 69, 70.
Earl of, Laurence, 487.
Rollo :
Lord, 556.
J., signs, 224,
Rollok, Mr. Robert, minister of Edin-
burgh, 46.
Roman Catholics :
Acts against them to be enforced,
xi, 123, 201, 386.
in Parliament, 217—219.
their policy in Britain before the
Revolution, 198.
priestly intrigues with the nobility,
xi, xii, 62, 151.
in the Highlands and Galloway,
430, 481, 487, 493.
Rome, 403, 518, 521, 528.
Rooremond, 226.
Rosdow, house of, 38.
Rose of Kilravock,.... . » 244,
Arthur, son of Lady Kilravock,
his ransoming, 271.
Rosebery, Earl of, Chamberlain of Fife,
254, 369, 371, 374, 375, 394, 451,
555.
Ross :
Earls of, an Act of Parliament of
James III, anent their creation,
238:
Earl of, John, 17.
Lord, his troop of horse, 216.
——, at the Union, 229, 238, 292,
351, 374, 375, 376, 377, 557.
——, 555.
Bishop of, (Patrick Lindsay), xiv,
xv, 132, 136, 139, 144.
Alexander, clerk to the Court uf
Justiciary, 507.
Captain, 276, 501.
John, a servant, 501.
600

Ross—continued.
Canon of, sce Sir John Cromdale.
Chamberlain of, 244.

Chancellor of, see Mr. David
Chalmer.
Sheriff of, 244.

Rothes :

Earl of. John, 17, 155, 197.
——, John, xxii, 234, 255, 266,
315, 370, 372, 375, 376, 439, 554,
557.
Duke of, John, Chancellor of Scot-
land, 208. :
Rotterdam, 213, 399.
Rousselaer :
466.
camp at, 465, 468.
Row:
Archibald, 226.
Colonel, 224.
Row’s regiment, 252.
Rowand, William, servant, 38.
Roxburgh :
Lord of, 49.
Earl of, Robert, Lord Cessford
and Cavertoun, xviii, 112, 127,
131, 132, 142, 160, 182, 183, 184,
186, 190, 191n, 195.
Duke of, John, xxii, 229, 231, 234,
294, 297, 309, 335, 336, 372, 375,
378, 382, 384, 419, 423, 427, 448,
451, 480, 553, 556.
Royal Mary, the, a ship called, 262.
Royal William, a frigate, 246, 262.
Royston :
101.
letters, etc., dated there, 65, 69,
81, 83, 85, 91, 102, 103, 115, 116,
118, 126, 127.
Lord, 507, 508
Ruglen, Earl of, 282, 554.
Ruthenache, lands of, 3.
Rutherford:
Lord, 556.
Alexander, burgess of Aberdeen,
10.
Ruthven:
Earl of, his letter to the Master of
Mar, 30, see Gowrie, Earl of.
Sir Andrew of, abbot of Coupar, 4.
Ruthwan, Easter, lands of, 2.
Rutland, Earl of, his daughter Lady
Jean Maners, 150.

8

Sacramental test, 318.
St. Andrew, the, a ship of Leith, 260.
St. Andrews :
Archbishop of, William, 2, 4.
——-, Henry, 7.
——, Patrick, 8.
——, James, Chancellor, 13.

 

INDEX.

St. Andrews—continued.
Archbishop of, John (Hamilton),
17, 32.
——, John, Chancellor, 93, 102,
132, 134, 144, 155, 169, 175, 194,
195.
——, James, 208.
. Arthur, 217, 219.
prior of, John, 13.
archbishopric or diocese of, 8, 9,

Cd

 

38, 77.

city of, 80, 175, 347.

minister of, see Mr. George Wishart.

priory of, 27.

University of, 175, 428.

New College of, 86, 87, 175, 347,
477.

St. Clair :

Lord, 435.

Henry de, see Orkney, Far! of.

John, 117.

St. Fillan and his well, xxviii, 557—
559.

St. George, days of, 108.

St. George’s Channel, 271.

St. Germains, 251, 275, 340, 348.

St. James’s Palace, 222, 240, 271, 469,

534.

St. John:

Secretary, 404, 417, 419, 488.
of Jerusalem, 7

St. Johnstoun, see Perth.

St. Luis le Tere, camp at, 270.

St. Malo, xx, 206.

St. Mary of Monymusk, 5.

St. Marie Tle, Commendator of, 28.

St. Ninians:
ministers of, 260.
parish of, 424,

St. Paull, 233.

St. Powall’s, in London, see London,

St. Pauls.

St. Renelde, 442.

St. Thomas of Arbroath, 5, 6.

Salamander, ship called the, 15.

Salaries, payments of and petitions for,

410, 414, 437, 442, 461, 462, 463.

Salisbury :

Bishop of, 378. 498.
letters dated at, 121, 131, 132.
Salnion fishing, 255, 420, 547.
Salt duties, 72 310, 313, 332, 333, 344,
349, 356, 357, 358, 369, 361, 362,
541.

Salters, 213.

Salton, Laird of, see Fletcher.

Salutes, firing of, 212.

Sandelands, Mr. Robert, moderator of
the synod of Lothian and Tweed-
dale, 439.

Sanquhair, 80.

Santlar, Miss, (cipher namc), 553.

Sappata, Cardinal of, 148, 149.

Sarum, Bishop of, 427.

Savoy, Duke of, 279, 324, 419.

Savoyan ambassadors, 150.

Sawmills, 222.

Seandover; John, 106.

Scarborough, Lord, 532.
INDEX.

Schelde, the river, 459, 467.
Schene, Reginald de, 5.
Scholar, the Poor, (cipher name), 554.
Schools, 87.
Scona, Patrick de, deceasod, burgess of
Aberdeen, 6; his daughter Marie,
wife of William de Tory, 6.
Scone:
Lord of, 89.
D., signs, 67.
abbacy of, 38.
Scott (Scot):
of Scotstarvet, Sir John, knight,
Director of Chancery, xiv, xvi,
a 137, 139, 141, 143, 144, 169,
Sir Alexander, deputy, 14.
Robert, grandfather of Sir John
Scott of Scotstarvet, 143.
Robert, bailie of Dundee, 6.
Sergeant, 500, 501, 502.
Mr., 276, 441.
Scots:
army in the Civil War, 204.
prisoners, the affair of the, 434—
474.
Scotland :
David, a criminal, 392.
Queen of, Isobel, 215.
stewartry of, 7.
Scotland Well. chapel of, 528.
Scottish Crown, claims by the Dukes of
Hamilton thereto, 313, 320.
Scrymgeour of Dudhope, Sir John,
knight, 10.

 

».... 85, his lands and
estate, 214.
Alexander, professor in St.
Andrews, 347.
Seafield, Earl of, James, Chancellor of
Scotland, 233, 236, 237, 259,
261, 264, 270, 271, 274, 279, 280,
284, 289, 299, 303, 304, 306, 309,
312, 323, 326, 328, 329, 338, 339,
341, 348, 351, 371, 374, 381, 392,
393, 395, 400, 404, 408, 414, 415,
417, 421, 423, 426, 442, 448, 449,
479, 555; letters to and from
him, 222—224, 233, 236, 273,
400, 401, 404, 405, 408, 411.
Seaforth :
xviii, 183, 18F, 186, 187, 189, 190.
Marquis of, 430, 434, 512, 513.
Seal :
great, 396.
, keepers of the, 392.
privy, keepers of the, 392.
quarter, 76.
of the Order of the Garter, 108.
renewal thereof, 76.
Secession Church, (1733), xxviii, 531,
541—544.
Secretaries of State, 24, 258, 374, 381,
392, 415, 416, 417, 418, see
Sir Thomas Erskine of Brechin ;
Sir William Alexander; Lord
Binning ; Sir Richard Cockburn
of Clerkington ; Earl of Melrose ;
Alexander, Earl of Moray;

 

 

601

Secretaries of State—continued.
William, Marquis of Annandale;
John, sixth Earl of Mar; Hugh,
Earl of Loudoun; James, Duke
of Queensberry; James, Duke
of Montrose.
English, 320, 353, 415, 416.
of Great Britain, 480, 528; sce
Townshend, Viscount.
Secretary Depute, 418.
Secretary-in-Waiting, 247.
Security, Act of, xxiv; see Church.
Sedan, 91, 93.
Segar, Sir William, knight, King at
Arms, 191n,.
Selkirk:
Earl of. 339, 476, 554, 557.
Laurence, 502
Seller, William, 501.
Semple (Sympill) :
Lord, 26, 53, 555.
John, 7.
Session, Lords of, 95, 387, 481; royal
letters to them, 112, 113, 129,
146, 147, 171; appointment of,
by King Charles I, xiv, xvii,
132, 133, 137, 139, 141, 142, 143;
other appointments, 286, 287,
288, 291, 294, 297, 386, 458, 477,
524, 531, 535; they seek increaso
of salaries, 410, 414, 462, 463,
478.
books of, 137, 152.
President of the, 462, 463, 481.
a quarrel in the, 461, 462.
a strange case before them, 517.
Seton, (Seaton, Seyton):
of Blair, Alexander, 10.
of Tullibody, J., 40.
, Walter, 17.
Mr. David, parson of Fettercairn,
9

 

Elizabeth, widow of Alexander
Gordon of Abergeldie, 10.
Mr. James, servant to the Duke of
Lennox, 121.
Mr. James, 76.
Roben, 358.
Mr., 322, 360.
family of, vii.
the King at, 80.
Sexton, the, (cipher name), 554.
Shank, 216.
Sharp :
Archbishop, xxi.
of Stonyhill, Sir William, 254.
Colonel, 417.
Lieut.-Colonel, 464.
Shaw :
of Greenock, Sir John, 398.
of Sauchie, Alexander, 119.
, James, 40.
——, family of, 119,
Andrew, vagabond, 206.
Shepherd, Mr., 358.
Sheriff, the, (cipher name), 555.
Sheriff courts, their books and fines, |
180.
Sherifimuir, battle of, xxvii, 514.

 
602

Shetland, 88, 108, 109.
Ship :
called the Salamander, 15.
King’s, in Scotland, 101, 117.
Scottish, at Dantzic, 262.
Ships:
special references to, 255, 256, 260,
262, 296, 317, 386, 391, 392, 418,
419.
captured, 238, 266, 270, 386, 395
397, 399, 433.
Shout (Shute), Mr., 292. 305, 311, 351.
Shrewsbury :
Duke of, 53, 56, 223, 487.
Lady, 53.
Shultz, Lieut.-General, 225.
Signatures, compositions for, 181.
Signet :
the, 397.
keeper of the, 389, 392, see Mr.
James Erskine and John, sixth
Earl of Mar.
Silesia, 94, 149.
Silver :
for coining, 28.
plate, 102.

Sim, .. , in St. Andrews, 477.
Sinclair (Sinklar) :
Lord, 200, 555.

of Ethav (Edy)
William, 69, 84.
Alison, keeper of the infant King’s
clothes, 18, 19.
Doctor, and his son Charles, 501,
502.
Skellater, Laird of, younger, 197.
Skene:
Laird of, 10.
Alexander, servitor to the Laird
of Skene, 10.
minister of, see Mr. Gilbert Keith.
Skins and hides, exports of, 71.
Slates, John, see John, seventh Earl of
Mar.
Sletzer, Mr., 220.
Slingsby, Mr., 403.
Slowan, Jok, porter, 18, 20.
Sly Boots, (cipher name), 555.
Small pox, 237.
Smetoune, Andrew,
Castle, 39.
Smith (Smyth) :
J., provost of Edinburgh, 197, 200.
Mr., Speaker voted for by the
Whigs, 237.
» a servant, 351.

in Orkney,

in Edinburgh

Smiths, 213.
Smollett :
J. A., signs, 224.
Tobias, signs, 224.
Smuggling, 99.
Soap boilers, 213.
Society for Propagation of Christian
Knowledge, institution of, 482.
Soissons, Count de, his marriage, 148.
Soldiers, see Military.
Solemn League and Covenant, xix, xx,
xxv, 200, 519.

 

INDEX.

Solicitor General, 272, 406, 411, 594,
506, 550.
Solomon, Sir, {cipher name), 553.
Somerset, Earl of, Robert, Treasurer,
xi; his signature, 76.
Somervell, .... , 520.
Sommers, Lord, 332.
Sound, the, 262, 266.
South Britain, 425.
Southesk, Earl of, 206, 219, 554.
South Sea Bubble, 521.
Spain :
94, 393, 396, 417, 423, 487, 518,
543

Court of, 148, 149.
King of, 47, 57, 58, 123; his third
son made a cardinal, 148.
Spaniards, 176, 267.
Spanish :
ambassadors, 123, 124, 150.
factions, 185.
marriage proposed for
Charles, xiii, 123, 124.
wars, 221, 224, 232, 260, 277, 295,
351.
Friar, the, (cipher name), 555.
Spence :
Thomas, 412.
William, Secretary to the Marquis
of Argyll, xxi, 216.
.... , lainer, 501.
Spinola, 93.
Spittell, Ja., signs, 224.
Spizzo Ferro, (cipher name), 554.

Spot, James of, 7.
Spottiswonde of Dairsie,
knight, 175.

Sprig, the, (cipher name), 554.

Squadron Volante, the, or Flying
Squadron, xxii, xxiv, 268, 367,
371, 372, 379, 382, 384, 414,
419, 420, 421, 422, 423, 425, 426,
428, 429, 439, 44,9 450, 451,
452, 469, 475, 476, 522, 523.

Stair, Earl of, 225, 227, 228, 230, 240,
241, 246, 258, 261, 279, 285, 304,
362, 371, 374, 442, 453, 459, 534,
555, 557; letters to and from
him, 243, 450, 458, 465, 468,
532, 544.

Master of, 225.

Stamford, 272.

State Papers, Calendar of, references
to, 26n, 27n, 30n, 45n.

States General, the, 44, 57, 58, 224, 225,
226, 239, 469.

Stears. See Stair.

Steinkirk, 389.

Stephen, sonof, . . . ,3.

Stephen (sons), Robert and William,
3

Prince

Sir John,

Stervilling, see Stirling.
Stevinson, Patrick, late Treasurer of
Stirling, 347, 355.
Steward :
courts, 130.
of Scotland, James, son of King
Robert III, see King James I. of
Scotland.
INDEX.

Stewart (Steward, Stuart), see also

Earls of Angus.

Alexander, Earl of Mar
Garioch, iv.

John, Earl of Mar and Garioch, iv.

Lady Mary, Countess of Mar, wife
of John, seventh Earl of Mar,
and sister of the Duke of Lennox,
59, 124, 178, 178n.

of Ardsell in Lorne, John, 91.

of Ardvorlich, Mrs., 559.

of Coldingham, John, 114.

of Down, James, knight, 17.

of Kilbrydo, James, 7.

ef Pardivan, . » 290.

of Shillinglaw, Sir Robert, 113.

of Traquair, Sir John, 160, 161.

Allan, captain of the King’s guard,

ii.

and

Captain Archibald, brother of
Alexander, Earl of Moray, and
Lieutenant- Governor of Stirling
Castle, 212.

Captain, 219.

Christian, daughter of the Lord of
Celdingham, 1819.

Dougall, brother of the Earl of
Bute, 324, 436, 438, 443.

Helen, 42.

James, son of Donald §., 501.

James, signs, 17.

Colonel John, 399, 412.

Mr. John, 32, 33.

John, the King’s natural brother,
7

Jo., ensign, 258.

Josias, 136.

Lieutenant, 4.

Lieut.-Colonel, 501.

Dame Mary, second wife of John,
second Earl of Mar, 41, 171.

Robert, Lord of Lorn, and his
daughter, vi.

Ro., signs, 224.

Walter, gentleman of the Privy
Chamber, 95, 106, 111.

William. 24.

Mr., deputy keeper of the Great
Seal, 396.

Mr., 292, 406.

House of, xxii, xxvii.

Stirling :

Farl of, 554.

of Keir, Sir Archibald, 40.

William, 8.

John, principal of Glasgow Uni-
versity, 240, 241; moderator of
assembly, 388, 391, 434, 461,
484.

town of, xxi, 8, 12, 31, 34, 47, 50,
80, 131, 194, 206, 220, 221, 223,
260, 316, 317, 326, 355, 432, 470,
471, 472, 512, 513, 516, 543, 544 ;
letters, etc., dated there, 7, 8, 9,
14, 15, 17, 20, 21, 31, 36, 43, 44,
59, 347, 348, 530; feeling there
against the Union, xxv, 347,
348, 353, 357.

 

603

Stirling—continued.
town of, special streets and build-
ings,
Friars Wynd, 355.
the Cross, 347, 353.
parish kirk, 175.
park of, 12, 13, 14, 131.
tolbooth, 14, 210.
bailies of, 17, 44.
clerk of the burgh courts, 17
commissary of, 194.
lordship of, 195, 207, 215, 227;
bailie thereof, sce John, Lord
Erskine.
magistrates of, 17, 23, 33, 348.
minister of, see Mr. Joseph Lowrie.
presbytery of, xxviii, 541--544.
provost of, sce John Craigingelt
of that Ik.
treasurer of, 347, 355.
Castle of, ix, xx, xxi, 11, 12, 13, 21,
22, 30-33, 39, 40, 60, 61, 67, 75,
182, 185, 195, 207, 208, 211, 214,
215, 219-222, 233, 305, 357, 470,
510; letters, etc., dated there,
17, 31, 32, 35, 45, 196, 436, 484.
——, Captains of, see Earls of
Mar.
, inventories of the Artillery
and defences thereof, 34, 35.
——, Lieutenant-Governor of,
see Captain Archibald Stewart.
Stirlingshire :
vii, xxviii, 15, 206, 215, 441, 444,
511.
gentlemen and lairds of, 449, 450,
474, 476, 477.
sheriff of, 8, 15, see John, Lord
Erskine.
sheriffship of, 195.
Stokrogis, hospital of, 7.
Stonehouse, Sir John, 486.
Stonyhill, 254.
Stormont :
Viscount of, 119, 147,
476, 555.
M., signs as a witness, 195.
Strabrok, William de, 6.
his grand-daughter,
Scona, 6.
Strachan (Strauchin, Strauquhen) :
of Glenkindie, Alexander, and his
wife, 10.
+ Alexander, younger, and
ere , Urquhart, his wife, 10.
——-, Alexander, elder, 207.
——-, Alexander, younger,
his son Andrew, 207.
of Thornton, Sir Alexander, xiv,
xv, xvi, 132, 179.
Adam, and Margaret, his wife, 2.
Captain, 216.
Sir John, knight, 1, 3.
Marjory, mother of John Black-
hall of that Tlk, 10.
Strafford, Earl of, 499, 505.
Straiton, Captain Charles, 220.
Strand, the, in London, 311.

 

264, 444,

Marie do

 

and
604

Strathallan, Viscount of, 219, 555.
Strathdee, 191, 206.
Strathdon :

xix, 2, 206, 222.

military conscription in, 197.
Strath Fillan, 557, 558.
Strathhenrie, Laird of, 46.
Strath Mallachan, lands of, 89.
Strathmore, Ear] of, 219, 261, 266, 363,

441, 476, 554.

Strathnaver, Lord, 252, 415.
Strevelyne :

Henry of, 3.

see also Stirling.
Strowan, Laird of, 512.
Submissions, 160—162, 195.
Succession, Act of, 229, 234, 320, 323.
Suffolk :

“ of, Lord Treasurer of England,

Lady, 541.
Suisses, the, 149.
Summers, Will, (cipher name), 553.
Sunderland, Karl of, Secretary of State
for England, 285, 308, 332, 353,
377, 444, 445, 448, 450, 453, 460,
474, 475, 479, 483.
Superiorities, 159.
Superstitions as to wells, xxviii, 558.
Supply, Act for the, 314.
Supplies, voting, 301, 302, 486.
Supremacy, Act of, 144.
Surgeons, 428.
Surrey, 536.
Sutherland :
Earl of, William, 2.
——-, John, 255, 374, 416, 427,
512, 554, 557.
John, 32.
Mr. William, 311.
Sutton, Mr., (cipher name), 554.
Sweden :
9, 187, 226, 232, 540.
King of, 179, 221.
Swinton (Swynton) :
Henry, 512.
Sir John, Lord of Mar, and his
wife, iv.
Swords, 206.
Sybil, the, (cipher name), 553.
Syme, a o., professor in St. Andrews,

aed, aca of, 436, 439.

T

Tagus, the river, 295.
Talbot, Richard, iv.
Taliduce, 223. «
Tannadyce, kirk of, 86.

 

InDEx.

Tanning Reform, 82, 195.
Tarbay, 295.
Tarbet :
Viscount, 219, 220.
sheriffdom of, 85.
Tassenie, Sir John of, rector of Kin-
duny, 1.
Tate, Mr., (cipher name), 554.
Taxation :
xvi, 145, 171, 298, 202, 342, 378,
541.

granted to the King in 1621, 181.
of Edinburgh and other burghs,
105, 106.
Taxations :
accounts of, 500.
clerks of the, 171, 172.
collector of, see John, seventh Earl
of Mar.
Tay, river of, 513, 557.
Taylor (Tailzior) ;
Mr. J., 399.
Thomas, professor in St. Andrews,
347.
Mr., 405.
Teinds:
68, 70, 156, 159, 160, 161, 162, 170,
171, 378, 424.
surrenders and, commissionors for
the, 162, 170.
Temple, Sir Richard, 224.
Tereen, Monsieur, (cipher name), 554.
Terrawlie, barony of, 194.
Terriers, or earthdogs, xiv.
Test, oath of the, 216, 218, 318, 365.
Testament of King James V, 15.
Testimony, Act, Declaration and, of
the Secession Church, 542.
Teviotdale, 216.
Theobalds, letters, etc., dated there,
83, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 96, 97, 103,
106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 114, 117,
118, 119, 120, 121, 125, 126, 129.
Theology, bursaries for, 369.
Thieves’ holes, 221.
Thirlstane, Lord, John Maitland, Chan-
cellor of Scotland, 37, 38, 42, 43.
Thistle, Order of the, xxiii, 272, 514.
Tholoon, 411.
Thomson :
of Queenshaugh, 501, 502.
David, piriwigmaker, 502.
James, in Mains of Tollie, 10.
Thon, Earl of, his son David, 5
Thornick, lands of, 122.
Thorntoun, Laird of, 137, 142, 143.
Tibbermure, church of, 83.
Tillicoultry, Lord, 272, 273,
472,
Tilting at King Charles the First’s
coronation, 149, 150.
Timon, Lord, (cipher name), 554.
Tithes, see Teinds.
Titles, the effect of the Act of Revo-
cation upon them, 152.
Tittenhanger, 463.
Toast, the Old, (cipher name), 554.
Tobacco, 395, 396.

291, 415,
INDEX.

Toldiwhill, 197.
Toldsheuch, 198.
Toledo, Cardinal of, 149.
Toleration for the Church, 483, 497.
Tollachsyd, lands of, 6.
Tollie, Over, lands of, 2.
Tongue :
lace of, 433.
ored with a hot iron, 211.
Tories, xxvi, 227, 237, 424, 426, 487,
ay 495, 496, 497, 505, 506, 509,
Torphichen, Lord, 278, 555.
Torthorwell, lordship of, 121.
Torwood, the, 50.
Tory, John de, brother of William,
infra, 6.

William de, younger, burgess of
Aberdeen, 6; his wife, Marie de
Scona, 6.

Tosheoch of Monivaird, David, 88.

Touch, Laird of, 444.

Touchadam, barony of, 8.

Toulon, 419, (Tholoon) 411:

Tour, Henry de la, (Duc de Bouillon),
93.

Tournay, 468.
Tower, Archibald, servitor to Airth, 44.
Tower of London, 241.
Towie:
Kirk of, its bell recast, 207.
, allocation of seats, 481, 493.
minister of, 207.
Townshend, Viscount,
State, 528.
Towrs, Andrew, lieutenant, 11.
Trade:
as affected by the Union of 1707,
313, 328, 330, 343, 344, 346, 359,
366, 396, 397, 399, 400, 408, 489,
490.
embassy in behalf of, and pro-
tection of merchants, 8.
coal exports, 213.
Eastern shipping, 262.
Trading companies, 259.
Trail of Elsnes :
John, 413.
Patrick, younger, 413.
David, 413.
Transires, 393.
Transylvania, 149.
Traquair :
Earl of, John, Treasurer, 195, 199.

 

Secretary of

 

Seen 3

Treasons, Bill of, 478, 492.

Treasurers of Scotland :

see Douglas of Kilspindie ;

William, bishop of Aberdeen ;
James, Kirkcaldy of Grange;
William, provost of Lincluden ;
William, Earl of Gowrie ;
George, Earl of Dunbar ;
John, second Earl of Mar ;
John, Earl of Traquair.

Treasurer-depute, 374, 381, see Sir
Gideon Murray of Elibank and
Sir Archibald Napier of Mer-
chiston.

 

605

Treasurer, Lord High, of England,
(1630), xix, 182, 185, 186, 187,
188, 189, 190, see also Thomas,
Earl of Denbigh; and Sydney,
Lord Godolphin.
Treasurership :
xiv, xvili, resigned by John, Earl
of Mar, and conferred on the
Earl of Morton, 173; appoint-
ment of Sir Archibald Napier
as deputy-treasurer, 116.
Treasury :
accounts and papers of, 82.
books of, 500.
Commission of tho, xiv, xvii, xviii,
131, 132, 207, 208.
Lords of the, 246, 249, 398, 418,
425, 482, 510.
office of, 138, 139, 141, 153—155.
officers appointed, 253, 255, 257,
258, 282,
payments to and from the, 214,
220, 239, 249, 326, 350, 395.
English, 485.
chamber, Whitehall, 399, 429, 478.
house, 132.
Treaties :
anent Mary, Queen of Scots, 25.
anent the restoration of the Pala-
tinate, 123, 124.
anent the Spanish match, 123.
Treaty of Union :
former, 304.
of 1707, xxii, xxili, xxiv, 234. 235,
237, 239, 284, 286, 288, 301.
presented to the Queen, 271.
Articles of the, discussed, 284—
385.
in English Parliament, 370—427,
etc.
the Articles burned at Dumfries,
xxv; also at Stirling, 347, 348.
Trials :
of James, Lord Ochiltree, 181—
191n.
of Donald, Lord Reay, 187—191.
Triennial Bill, 234, 535.
Trooper, the Old, (cipher name), 554.
Trumpeters, 16.
Tulialt, lands of, 5.
Tuliocre, lands of, 2.
Tuliquhbr, lands of, 2.
Tullibardine, Marquess of, John, 222,
240, 267, 276.
see also Murray.
Tully, Nether, lands of, 2.
Turin, 276, 277, 418, 419.
Turkey, 550.
Turner, Sir James, 216.
Turrech (Turriff), rector of, see Sir John
Crombdele.
Tuttle Fields Weston, a duel fought
there, 191n.
Tweed, the, 527.
Tweeddale :
Marquess of, John, first, 219.
——., John, second, xxii, 231, 253,
278, 284, 286, 294, 339, 372, 375,
419, 427, 536, 553, 557.
606

Tweeddale—continued.
Lothian and, Synod of, 439.
Tuedie, . . , brandy merchant,
502.
Twitinhame, 489, 506.
Tynemouth Castle, 392.

U

Uddart, Alexander, in Edinburgh, 31.
Ulster :
Earl of, Lord Privy Seal of
England, 75.
Annals of, iii.
Undersheriff, the, (cipher name), 555.
Union of the Crowns in 1603, 68, 151.
Union :
of Parliaments (1707), vi, xxii—
xxvii, 227, 385, 403, see also
Treaty of Union; books and
pamphlets relating to, xxvi,
267, 273, 292, 310, 314, 322, 330,
358, 366.
Commission for the, xxiii, 247, 248,
251.
public opposition to the Union,
xxiv, 293, 296, 298, 299, 300,
305, 309, 318, 322, 323, 325,
335, 337, 338, 339, 340, 344.
345, 346, 347, 350, 351, 352, 355,
357, 363, 399, 400, 447, 490—
492, 494, 509, 547, see also
Church and Treaty.
United Kingdom, the, 353, 357.
United Provinces, 201, 213.
Urquhart :
Captain James, 253, 398.
Kenneth, wigmaker in Edinburgh,
549.
. . « 5 Wife of Alexander
Abercromby, fiar of Birkenbog,

10.
8 » wife of Alexander
Strachan, younger, of Glen-
kindy, 10.

Usher :

the Kiny’s, see Alan Durward.
my Lady’s, (cipher name), 554.

Vv

Valantia, 296.

Valiodolie {Valadolid), in Spain, 149.
Vane, Sir Henry, 177.

Vassals, roll of, 9.

 

INDEX.

Vaus:
of Barnbarrow, Sir John, 91.
Captain, 258, 417.
Veal, 19.
Veitch, Mr., at Dumfries, 520.
Vendosme :
289, 396.
Due de, 148.
Monsieur de, 466.
Venetian ambassadors, 150.
Venice, State of, 159.
Venloe, siege of, 224, 225, 226.
Verner, , student of law, 502.
Vernon, Commissary Count de, 419.
Vert, . . , @ servant, 502.
Vevers, Due de, 148.
Veymer, Duke of, 221.
Victual, transportation of, 101, 102.
Vienna, 418.
Vignevanesis, the, 419.
Vilant, Col., dean of the faculty of Arts,
St. Andrews, 347.
Villars, Colonel, at Tynemouth Castle,
392

Villeroy, Monsieur de, 75.
Villier, Monsieur de, (cipher name),
554.

Violers, (musicians), provisions for
those attending the infant King,
19.

Voban, Monsieur, 226.

Votes, for and against the Union, 228,
et passim.

W

Wales, Prince of, 51.
——, pretended, 224.
Walker :
Robert, servant to the King, 81.
William, servant to an advocate,
502.
Mr., Episcopal minister, 430.
Wallace :
James, 501.

Thomas, 208.
Walowe, Sir Philip de, canon, 5.
Walpole :

Horace, 539.
Sir Robert, 441, 534, 539, 544, 545.
Walter, son of Alan, Justiciar of Scot-
land, 5.
Wanles, his daughter, 45.
Wansted, letters, etc., dated there, 84,
96, 113, 120, 121.
War:
expedition to the North, 42.
Council of, 211.
Wards, nonentries, and marriages of
heirs, 163—168.
Warden Courts, 130.
INDEX.

Wardlaw :
Henry of, 6; his son Henry, 6.
Sir Henry, his accounts, 79, 150.
Sir Henry, 500.
Wardres, lands of, 16.
Wardrobe, A.M., 125, master of, see
John Auchmoutie.
Waterston :
Mr. James, tobacconist, 501, 502.
James, 502.
Watson, John, 477.
Watts, Ee Isaac, minister at London,
528.
Wauchter, a
Weat, 225.
Weeb, General, 465.
Webs, Colonel, 224.
Webster, Mr., minister, 422.
Wedderburn, (Weddirburne) :
Mr. Alexander, Clerk of Dundee,
38; his signature, 197.
Weights and Measures, 386, 419.
Wells, pilgrimages to, 558.
Welsh Judges, the, 533.
Welsinghame, Francis, sent as ambas-
sador to France, 23.
Wemyss (Weames) :
Earl of, John, 200.
, David, 240, 253, 371, 374,
453, 554,
Lieutenant, 464.
Wentworth, Viscount, xix, 191n, 193,
194.
West Country, the, its attitude re-
garding the Union, xxv, 396,
397, 400.
West Indies, 227, 343, 545.
Westminster :
letters dated there, 27, 28, 29, 30,
150, 469.
Palace of, a chapter of the Order
of the Garter held there, 150.
Whale fin, 395.
Whales, a school of, 389.
Wharton, Earl of, 275, 289, 292, 377.
Whigs, 227, 232, 237, 270, 286, 424,
426, 427, 428, 448, 469, 490, 495,
497, 505, 506, 509, 526, 535, 536.
Whitfield, Mr., 553.
Whitefoorde, Mr. Walter, 88.
Whitehall :
149, 150, 418.
conferences at, xi, xiv, 133, 136,
142, 143, 144, 185, 186.
letters, etc., dated there, 60, 61, 64,
66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76, 77,
78, 79, 84, 88, 89, 91, 93, 94, 98,
99, 101, 108, 111, 117, 122, 128,
129, 131, 133, 146, 147, 157, 162,
163, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174,
191, 193, 196, 211, 212, 222, 224,
251, 255, 263, 266, 268, 271, 272,
273, 275, 277, 279, 281, 302, 306,
311, 315, 316, 320, 322, 326, 329,
332, 347, 353, 356, 359, 372, 377,
378, 382, 383, 386, 387, 390—
393, 397, 399, 405, 407, 413, 415,
417, 420, 426—428, 429, 431—
433, 435, 437, 441—444, 448,

(ship), 205, 206.

 

 

607

Whitehall—continued.
459, 462, 469, 474, 477, 478, 479,
480, 481, 482, 483, 484, 485, 489,
491, 498, 499, 503, 504, 505, 506,
510.
Whithorn, 483.
Wigton :
Ear! of, William, 208.
: , dll, 554,
Wilkie, Thomas, in Ganongate, 259.
William the Lion, King of Scotland, iii,
3, 5.
William the Third, King, xxii, 237, 265,
304, 320, 389, 505, 510.
William :
Sir, chaplain of the King, 3.
Lord of Crust, 4.
son of Stephen, 3.
reference to one called, 158.
William, the, a ship called, 262.
Wilson :
Mr. Gabriel, minister at Maxton,
xxviii, 519.
Robert, 501.
Rev. William, minister of Perth,
530, 542—544.
. , execution of, 549.
Winchelsea, Earl, 532.
Winchester, Dean of, 172.
Windsor :
272, 281, 405, 406, 414, 487.
Castle, letters, etc., dated there,
90, 95, 113, 119, 125, 126, 131,
210, 211, 213, 235, 405, 458, 459,
461.
Wines:
19, 73, 260.
imposts on, 68, 98, 421.
claret and red, 395.
smuggled, 396, 397.
Winingstoune, Sir Francis, 211.
Winsington, 275.
Winter provision for the King’s house-
hold, 19.
Winton :
Earl of, George, third, 132.
——. George, fifth, 417, 419, 554.
Winwod, Sir Ralph, English Secretar A
75.

Wishart (Wischart, Wiseheart) :

Mr. George, minister at St.
Andrews, 175.

Mr. William, minister at Leith,
Moderator of the General
Assembly, 257.

Withers, Sir William, 486.
Wood (Wod) :

of Bonyetoun, Patrick, deceased,
66; Sir David, and Harry, his
sons, 66.

Sir Archibald, husband of . . .
Keith, Lady Blakfurd. 10.

(Vood), Mr. James, servant to
Lord Marischal, 137, 138.
Mr., 233.

. . » » , owner of a Montrose
ship, 397.

Wood merchants, 213.

Woodstock, 247.
608

Wool, coarse, 365.
Works, Masters of, 122, 127, 130, 168,
360.
Wortly, Mr., 485, 486.
Wothingtoun, Harry, 49.
Writers to the Signet, 386, 397.
Wylie :
Mr. John, minister at Clack-
mannan, xxviii, 521.
Mr., minister at Hamilton, 337,
355; his book on the Union,
273.
Wynendale, battle of, 466.

Y

Yela, see Islay, 304.
Yeoman of Kent, (cipher name), 554.
Yetland, see Shetland.

 

INDEX...

Yorstoune, John, baker, in Edinburgh,
0

501.
York, Duke of, 221.
Young:
Doctor John, Dean of Winchester,
172.
Doctor, Pishop of Edinburgh, 258.
N., professor in St. Andrews, 347.
Mr. Peter, tutor to the young
King James VI, viii, 30.
William, professor in St. Andrews,
347.

Z

Zetland, 260. See also Shetland.
Zouna, Duc de, Governor of Naples,
149.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.

Pusuic Recorp OFFIcE,
Cuancery Lanz,
Lonpon, W.C.

His Masesty tHe Kina has been pleased to ratify and
confirm the terms of the Commission issued by Her late
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The Commissioners think it probable that you may feel an
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To avoid any possible apprehension that the examination of
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to every person who inspects MSS. on their behalf that nothing

relating to the titles of existing owners is to be divulged, and
1M
ii
that if in the course of his work any modern title-deeds or
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are to be instantly put aside, and are not to be examined or
calendared under any pretence whatever.

The object of the Commission is the discovery of unpublished
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In practice it has been found more satisfactory, when the
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the owner’s consent to remove the selected papers to the Public
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and where they are preserved with the same care as if they
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their examination. Among the numerous owners of MSS. who
have allowed their family papers of historical interest to be
temporarily removed from their muniment rooms and lent to the
Commissioners to facilitate the preparation of a report may be
named :—His Majesty the King, the Duke of Rutland, the Duke
of Portland, the Marquess of Salisbury, the Marquess Towns-
hend, the Marquess of Ailesbury, the Marquess of Bath, the
Earl of Dartmouth, the Earl of Carlisle, the Earl of Egmont,
the Earl of Lindsey, the Earl of Ancaster, the Earl of
Lonsdale, Lord Braye, Lord Hothfield, Lord Kenyon, Mr.
Stopford Sackville, the Right Hon. F. J. Savile Foijambe,
Sir George Wombwell, Mr. le Fleming, of Rydal, Mr. Leyborne
Popham, of Littlecote, and Mr. Fortescue, of Dropmore.

The costs of inspections, reports, and calendars, and the
conveyance of documents, will be defrayed at the public expense,
without any charge to the owners.

The Commissioners will also, if so requested, give their
advice as to the best means of repairing and preserving any
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The Commissioners will feel much obliged if you will
communicate to them the names of any gentlemen who may be
able and willing to assist in obtaining the objects for which this
Commission has been issued.

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HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.

lil.

REPORTS OF THE ROYAL COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED TO INQUIRE WHAT PAPERS

AND MANUSCRIPTS BELONGING TO PRIVATE FAMILIES AND INSTITUTIONS ARE

EXTANT WHICH WOULD BE OF UTILITY

CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, SCIENCE,

AND GENENAL LITERATURE.

IN THE ILLUSTRATION OF HISTORY,

 

Date.

1870
(Re-
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1874.)

1871

1872
(Re-
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1873

 

1873

Size.

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Price.

 

First Rerort, with APPENDIX
Contents :—

Eneuayp. House of Lords; Cambridge
Colleges; Abingdon, and other Cor-
porations, etc.

Scornanp. Advocates’ Library, Glas-
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Inzvanp. Dublin, Cork, and other
Corporations, etc.

Seconp Report, with APPENDIX, AND
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Contents :—

Eneranp. House of Lords; Cam-
bridge Colleges; Oxford Colleges;
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Woodchester, Duke of Bedford,
Earl Spencer, etc.

Scotnanp. Aberdeen and St. An-
drew’s Universities, etc.

IrEvanp. Marquis of Ormonde;
Dr. Lyons, etc.

Tuirp Report, wiTH APPENDIX AND
InpEx-
Contents :—

Eneuanp. House of Lords; Cam-
bridge Colleges; Stouyhurst Col-
lege; Bridgwater and other Cor-
porations ; Duke of Northumber-
land, Marquis of Lansdowne, Mar-
quis of Bath, etc.

Scornanp. University of Glasgow ;
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Inevanp. Marquis of Ormonde;
Black Book of Limerick, ete.

Four: Report, WITH APPENDIX.
Parr I. -
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Enexanp. House of Lords; West-
minster Abbey; Cambridge and
Oxford Colleges; Cinque Ports,
Hythe, and other Corporations,
Marquis of Bath, Earl of Denbigh,
etc.

Scornanp. Duke of Argyll, etc.

Irgxanp. ‘Trinity College, Dublin ;
Marquis of Ormonde,

Dirro. Parr II. Inpex - -

 

fcap.

(C. 55]

(C. 443]

(C. 673]

(C. 857]

 

 

(C.857i.]

He
Oe,

3 10
lv.

 

Date.

Size.

Sessional
Paper.

Price.

 

 

1876

1876

1877

(Re
printed
1895.)

1881

1881

 

Firta Rerorr, wirh Appenpix. Parr I.
Contents :—

Encranp. House of Lords; Oxford
and Cambridge Colleges; Dean and
Chapter of Canterbury ; Rye, Lydd,
and other Corporations, Duke of
Sutherland, Marquis of Lansdowne,
Reginald Cholmondeley, Esq., etc.

Scorzanp, Earl of Aberdeen, etc.

Dirro. Parr II, Inpex

Srxto Report, with APPENDIX. Part JI.
Contents :—

Enatayp. House of Lords; Oxford
and Cambridge Colleges; Lambeth
Palace; Black Book of the Arch-
deacon of Canterbury; Bridport,
Wallingford, and other Corporations ;
Lord Leconfield, Sir Reginald Graham,
Sir Henry Ingilby, etc.

Scortanp. Duke of Argyll, Earl of
Moray, etc.

Inzvanp. Marquis of Ormonde.

Dirro. Parr Il. Inpex. :

SEVENTH Report, WITH APPENDIX.
Parr I.
Contents :—
House of Lords ; County of Somerset ;
Earl of Egmont, Sir Frederick
Graham, Sir Harry Verney, etc.

Ditto. Parr II. Apprenpix anp InpEx
Contents :—
Duke of Atholl, Marquis of Ormonde,
Sir 8. F. Livingstone, Esq., etc.

Erouta Report, with APPENDIX AND
Inpex. Parr I
Contents :—
List of collections examined, 1869-1880,
Enevanp. House of Lords; Duke
of Marlborough: Magdalen Ool-
lege, Oxford ; Royal College of
Physicians ; Queen Anne’s Bounty
Office ; Corporations of Chester,
Leicester, etc.
Irevanp, Marquis of Ormonde, Lord
Emly, The O’Conor Don, Trinity
College, Dublin, ete.

Dirro, Part II, Apprnprx anp InpEx
Contents :—
The Duke of Manchester.

 

fcap.

”

[0.1439]

(C.1432
id
[0.1745]

[C2102]

[0.2340]

[C. 2340
i]

(C.3040]

[C. 3040
i]

 

sy
on

(Out of
print.|

(Out of
print.)

 
 

 

 

 

Date. —— Size. ae Price.
s. da.
1881 | Ercura Report. Parr III, APPENDIX AND
InpEx - | feap. |[C. 3040) (Oud of
Contents :— ii.] print. |
Earl of Ashburnham.
1883 | Ninra’ Report, with APPENDIX AND
(Re- Inpex. Parr I. - »  |0C.87731] 5 2
printed Contents :—
1895.) St. Paul’s and Canterbury Cathedrals ;
Eton College; Carlisle, Yarmouth,
Canterbury, and Barnstaple Corpora-
tions, etc.
1884 | Dirro. Parr II. AppENDIx AND INDEX » {(C. 3773) 6 38
(Re- Contents :— iJ
printed Enecianp. House of Lords, Earl of
1895.) Leicester; C. Pole Gell, Alfred Mor-
rison, Esqs., etc,
Scornanp. Lord Elphinstone, H. C.
Maxwell Stuart, Esq., etc.
Irtuanp. Duke of Leinster, Marquis of
Drogheda, etc.
1884 | Ditro. Parr III, Appenprx anp INDEX x  |(C.3773|[Oué of
Contents :— ii] | print }
Mrs. Stopford Sackville [re-issued,
revised and extended as [Cd. 1892].
1883 | CanENDAR OF THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE
(Re- Marquis or Saispury, K.G. (on Cxciu
printed) MSS.). Parr I. 1306-1571. 8vo. |(C.3777]| 3 6
1895.)
1888 Dirtro, Part Il. 1572-1582. » |(C.5463]} 3 5
1889 Dirro. Parr III, 1583-1589. - » {(C. 5889) 2 1
Vv.
1892 Drrro. Parr IV. 1590-1594. »  |(C.6823}) 2 11
1894 Dirro. Parr V. 1594-1596. » {(C.7574]| 2 6
1896 Drrro. Parr VI. 1596. 5, |(C.7884)] 2 8
1899 Ditto. Part VII. 1597. : 53 (C.9246]} 2 8
1899 Ditto. Part VIII. 1598. »  |{(C.9467]/ 2 8
1902 Dirro. Parr IX. 1599. »  {(C. 928]| 2 3
1904 Dirro. Parr X. 1600. ; (C.2052]} 2 3
1885 | TentH Report : # »  |(C.4548] | [Out of
This is introductory to the following :— print.)
1885 | (1.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - - é . |(C.4575)| 3 7
(Re- Earl of Eglinton, Sir J. S. Maxwell,
printed Bart., and C. 8. H. D. Moray. C. F.
1895.) Weston Underwood, G. W. Digby,
Esqs.
1885 | (2) AppENDix anp INDEX - i (C, 4576 1 4
The Family of Gawdy. iii.]
1885 | (3.) Appenprx anp INDEX - 1 |(C. 4576 |(Out of
Wells Cathedral. ii] | print.)

 

 
 

 

Sessional é
Date. —— Size. Paper. Price.
s. d.
1885 | (4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX 8vo. |[(C.4576)|[Out of
Earl of Westmorland ; Capt. Stewart: print.)
Lord Stafford ; Sir N. W. Throck-
morton; Sir P. T. Mainwaring,
Lord Muncaster, M.P., Capt. J.
F. Bagot, Earl of Kilmorey, Earl of
Powis, and others, the Corporations
of Kendal, Wenlock, Bridgnorth.
Eye, Plymouth, and the County of
Essex ; and Stonyhurst College
1885 | (5.) APPENDIX anp InpEx 3 {C. 4576} 2 10
(Re- The Marquis of Ormonde, ‘Earl él i.]
printed Fingall, Corporations of Galway,
1895.) Waterford, the Sees of Dublin and
Ossory, the Jesuits in Ireland.
1887 | (6.) APPENDIX anD InDEX » |{C.5242)} 1 7
Marquis of Abergavenny, Lard Braye,
G. F. Luttrell, P. P. Bouverie,
W. Bromley Davenport, R. T.
Balfour, Esqs.
1887 | Exuevenrs Report as [C. 5060} 0 3
This is introductory to the following : — vi.]
1887 | (1.) AppENDIx AND Inpex - » |(C.6060} 1 1
H. D. Skrine, Esq,, Galvetti_ Corres- ]
pondence.
1887 | (2.) Appenpix anp INDEX » |(C.5060} 2 0
House of Lords, 1678—1688. iJ
1887 | (3.) APPENDIX AND INDEX . a (Cc. 5060; 1 8
Corporations of Southampton and ii.)
Lynn.
1887 | (4.) AppEnpix anp InpEx 46 (C. 5060| 2 6
Marquess Townshend. iii.]
1887 | (5.) AppenDIx aND INDEX » {(C. 5060) 2 8
Earl of Dartmouth. iv.]
1887 | (6.) APPENDIX aND INDEX - es (C. 5060; 1 6
Duke of Hamilton. v.]
1888 | (7.) APPENDIX AND INDEX —- : »  |(0.5612]} 2 0
Duke of Leeds, Marchioness of
Waterford, Lord Hothfield, etc. ;
Bridgewater Trust Office, Reading
Corporation, Inner Temple Library.
1890 | Twenrrn Reporr ‘5 [C.5889) 0 8
This is introductory to the following : —
1888 | (1.) APPENDIX 2 é : »  |(0.5472}| 2 7
Earl Cowper, KG. (Coke MSS., at
Melbourne Hall, Derby). Vol. J.
1888 | (2.) APPENDIX - ” (C.6613)| 2 5

 

Ditto. Vol. IL.

 

 

 
Vii.

 

 

 

Date. aes Size. oe Price,
s. d.
1889 | (3.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - 8vo. |(C. 5889) 1 4
Earl Cowper, K.G. (Coke MSS., at i.]
Melbourne Hall, Derby.) Vol. III.
1888 | (4.) APPENDIX - » | (C.5614}| (Out of
The Duke of Rutland, G. C.B. Vol. L print.)
1891 | (5.) Appenpix anp InpEx- »  |[C. 5889} 2 0
Ditto. Vol. II. ii.)
1889 | (6) AppENDIx anp INDEX - », |(C. 5889} 2 1
House of Lords, 1689-1690. iii.)
1890 | (7.) APPENDIx AND INDEX >», |{C. 5889) 1 11
S. H. le Fleming, Esq., of Rydal. iv.]
1891 | (8.) AppENDIx anp INDEX 4 (C.6338]} 1 0
The Duke of Athole, K.T., and the
Earl of Home.
1891 | (9.) Appenpix aND INDEX - » |{(C.6338) 2 6
| The Duke of Beaufort, K.G., the Earl i]
of Donoughmore ; J. H. Gurney, Ww.
W. B. Hulton, R. W. Ketton, G. A.
; Aitken, P. V. Smith, Esqs.; Bishop
i of Ely; Cathedrals of Ely, Glouces-
ter, Lincoln, and Peterborough ;
Corporations of Gloucester, Higham
Ferrers, and Newark; Southwell
Minster; Lincoln District Registry.
1891 | (10.) APPENDIX » {(C.6338} 111
The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. I. ii.)
1892 | TurrtrentH Report (C.6827]| 0 3
This is introductory to the following :—
1891 | (1.) APPENDIX. » |(C 6474]] 3 0
The Duke of Portland. Vol. i,
1893 | (2.) APPENDIx AND InpEx 5, |[C. 6827) 2 0
Ditto. Vol II. ij
1892 § (3.) APPENDIX - » |[(C.6660}; 2 7
J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore.
: Vol. I.
1892 | (4.) Appenprx anp INDEX : »  |{C.6810}} 2 4
Corporations of Rye, Hastings, ante
Hereford ; ao F. C. Loder-
Symonds, E . R. Wodehouse, M.P.,
J. Dovaston, Esqs., Sir T. B.
Leonard, Bart., Rev. W. D. Macray,
and Earl of Dartmouth (Supple-
mentary Report).
1892 | (5.) AppENDIx AND INDEX - »  |(C.6822]} 2 4
House of Lords, 1690-1691.
1893 | (6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX » |(C.7166]| 1 4
Sir W. Fitzherbert, Bart. ; fie’ Delaval
Family, of Seaton Delaval ; the Earl
of Ancaster; and General Lyttelton-
Annesley.

 

 

 

 
viil

 

Date.

Size.

Sessional]
Paper.

Price.

 

1893

1893

1896

1894

1894

1894

1894

1896

1895

1895

1895

1895

1895

 

(7.) Appenpix anp InpEx
The Eas] of Lonsdale.

(8.) APPENDIx AND INDEX -
The First Earl of Charlemont. ‘Vol, I.

Fourtesanta Report
This is introductory to the following : —

(1.) AppENDIx AND INDEX — -
The Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. Iii.

(2.) APPENDIX -
The Duke of Poriland. Vol. III.

(3.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -

The Duke of Roxburghe; Sir H. H.
Campbell, Bart.; the Earl of
Strathmore ; and the Countess
Dowager of Seafield.

(4.) APPENDIZ AND INDEX
Lord Kenyon.

(5.) APPENDIX -
J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore.
Vol, II.

(6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -
House of Lords, 1692-93.

(Manuscripts of the House of Lords,
1693-1695, Vol. I. (New Series). Sce
AL, No. (5) of 1900. Price 2s. 9d.

Ditto. 1695-1697. Vol. II. Sce HL.
No.18. 1903. Price 2s 9d.)

(7.) APPENDIX -
The Marquis at Ormonde.

(8.) APPENDIX 4nD INDEX
Lincoln, Bury 8. Edmunds, Hertford.
and Great Grimsby Corporations ;
the Dean and Chapter of Wor-
cester, and of Lichfield; the
Bishop’s Registry of Worcester.

(9.) APPENDIX AND InpDEx - -
Earl of Buckinghamshire; Earl of
Lindsey; Earl of Onslow; Lord
Emly; T. J. Hare, Esq., and J.

Round, Esq., M.P.

(10.) APPENDIX AND INDEX
The Earl of Dartmouth. Vol. IL.
American Papers.

 

8vo.

 

[0.7241]

[C.7424]

[C.7983]

[0.7476]

[C.7569]

[C.7570]

(C.7571]

[C.7572]

(C.7573]

[C.7678]

[0.7881]

[C.7882]

[0.7883]

 

He
oS

111

111

1 10
 

Date

Size,

Sessional
Paper.

 

1899

1896

1897

1897

1897

1897

1897

1697

1897

1897

1899

1898

1899

1902

1903

1899

1903

 

Firreenta Report
This is introductory to the followings —

(1.) APPENDIX anD INDEX -
The Earl of Dartmouth, Vol. III.

(2.) APPENDIX -
J. Eliot Hodgkin, Esq.

(3) APPENDIX AND INDEX
Charles Haliday, Esq., of Datlin ‘
Acts of the Privy Council in Ireland,
1556-1571; Sir William Ussher’s
Table to the Council Book; Table
to the Red Council Book.

(4.) APPENDIX.-
The Duke of Portland. Vol. IV.

(5.) Appunpix AND INDEX -

The Right Hon. F. J. Savile Foljambe.

(6.) APPENDIX AND Inpex = -
The Earl of Carlisle, Castle Howard.

(7.) APPENDIX aND INDEX -
The Duke of Somerset; the Marquis
of Ailesbury; and Sir F. G.
Puleston, Bart.

(8.) Appenprx AnD INDEX
The Duke of Buecleuch and Queens.
berry, at Drumlanrig. Vol.

(9.) APPENDIX AND DEX -
J. J. Hope Johnstone, Esq., of Annan-
dale.

(10.) Shrewsbury and Coventry Corpora-
tions; Sir H. O, Corbet, Bart., Earl
of Radnor, P.T. Tillard; J. R. ’Garr-
Ellison ; Andrew Kingsmill, Eeqs.

Manuscripts IN THE WetsH LaNcuaceE :
Vol. I.—Lord Mostyn, at Mostyn Hall.

Vol. I. Part Il.—W. R. M. Wynne,
Esq., of Peniarth.

Vol. II. Part 1.—Jesus College, Ox-
ford ; Free Library, Cardiff ; Havod ;
Wrexham; Llanwrin; Merthyr ;
Aberdar.

Vol. Il. Part II.—Plas Llan Stephan;
Free Library, Cardiff.

Manuscripts of the Duke of Buccleuch and
Queensberry, K.G., K.T., at Montagu
House, Whitehall. Vol. I.

Ditto. Vol. II. (Part I.)

 

8vo.

 

[C.9295]

[0.8156]

[C.8327]

[C.8364]

[0.8497]

[0.8550]

[C.8551|

[0.8552]

(C.8553]

[0.8554]

[0.9472]

[C.8829]
[C.9468]

[C.1100]

[C.1692]

[0.9244]

[Ca.930]

 
 

Sessional

 

 

Wedderburn Castle, N.B.

 

 

 

Date. a Size, Paper, Price,
s d.

1903 | Manuscripts of the Duke of Buccleuch and | 8vo. |(C.930i]} 1 11

Queensberry, K.G., K.T., at Montagu

House, Whitehall Vol. II. (Part IT.)
1903 | Ditto at Drumlanrig Castle, Vol. II. » {({C.1827}]} 1 1
1899 | Ditto Marquess of Ormonde, K.P., at Kil- »  |(C.9245]} 2 0

kenny Castle. Vol. II.
1902 | Ditto. New Series. Vol. I. : », |(Cd.929]) 1 7
1903 | Ditto. Vol. II. »  |{C.1691]) 1 10
1904 | Ditto. Vol. IIL. »  |(C.1963]) 2 0
1904 | Ditto. Mrs. Stopford-Sackville. Vol. I. +»  |(C.1892]} 1 10
1899 | Ditto. Duke of Portland, K.G Vol. V. ” (C.9466]} 2 9
1901 | Ditto. Vol. VI, with Index to Vols. III.-VI. »  |(Cd.676)]} 1 9
1901 | Ditto. Vol. VIL. : » |[(Cd.783]} 2 3
1899 | Ditto. J. M. Heatbcote. Esq. os (C.9469]) 1 3
1899 | Ditto. J. B. Fortescue, Esq. Vol. III. ” (C.9470]} 3 1
1899 | Ditto. F. W. Leyborne-Popham, Esq. - 49 (C.9471]} 1 6
1900 | Ditto. Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley. »  |[Cd.282}} 2 0
1900 | Ditto. Lord Montagu of Beaulieu, 3 (Cd.283]} 1 1
1900 | Ditto. Beverley Corporation »  |{(Cd.284]} 1 0
1901 ; Ditto. Various Collections. Vol. I. - », |(Cd.784]} 2 0

Corporations of Berwick-on-Tweed, Burford

and Lostwithiel ; the Counties of Wilts and

Worcester ; the Bishop of Chichester ; and

the Dean and Chapters of Chichester,

Canterbury, and Salisbury.
1903 | Ditto. Vol. II. - - »  |[Cd.932}} 2 4

Sir Geo. Wombwell. the Duke of Norfolk,

Lord Edmund ‘Talbot (the Shrewsbury

Papers), Miss Buxton, Mrs. Harford and

Mrs. Wentworth of Woolley. i
1904 | Ditto. Vol. III. : »  |{(C.1964]| 1 6

T. B. Clarke-Thornhill, Esq.; Sir T.

Barrett-Lennard, Bart. ; Pelham R.

Papillon, Esq.; W. Cleverly Alexander,

Esq.

|

1902 | Calendar of the Stuart Manuscripts at » + (Cd.927)} 211

Windsor Castle, belonging to His Majesty !

the King. Vol. I.
-1904 | Ditto. Vol. II. »  {[C.2189}} 2 9
1902 | Manuscripts Colonel David Milne-Home, of 4% (0d.931}} 1 4
Xi.

 

 

Date. — Size. ei Price
sd.
1904 | Manuscripts Marquess of Bath, at Longleat, | 8vo. |[C.2048] 9
Wiltshire. Vol. I.
1904 | American Manuscripts in the Royal Institu- » |(C.2201}) 2 3
tion of Great Britain.
4904 | Stxreenra Report (containing a list of the (C.2209)| 0 9
owners of Manuscripts upon whose collec-
tions Reports have been made to July,
1904).
Manuscripts of the Earl of Mar and Kellie, » | [0.2190]
at Alloa House, N.B.
Ditto. Marquess of Lothian, at Blickling ‘4 [In the
Hall. Press.)
Ditto, Lady Du Cane. (In the
Press. |
Ditto. Dean and Chapter of Wells as (In the
Press.)
Ditto. J.B. Fortescue, Esq. Vol. IV. (Un the

 

 

 

 

 

Press.)

 
  

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HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.

REPORT

MANUSCRIPTS
EARL OF MAR AND KELLIE

PRESERVED AT. ve

ALLOA HOUSE, N.B.

 

Presented to Parliament by Command of His Majesty.

 

 

 

LONDON :.

PRINTED FOR HIS MAJESTY’S STATIONERY OFFICE
BY BEN JOHNSON & CO., YORK.

 

 

And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from

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OLIVER & BOYD, EpinaurGH; or -
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1904.
[Cd. 2190.] ‘Price 2s. 7d.
SER oye Re a
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SNE

Ae