eee cia ued SESE wlalsf Hiei 4 ae TA are i at es Aan, : Biante Ath ait it i 4 Bie as st iis ny sat alin sale ys Be iy oP er betas a OEE: ti sf fi > eee be By Bit soe a ie of a a3 Hrs 7 ee f) ee Pet Nhitsedg Bae Peta? as 4-3 Wg r, ees PUR td ear Ne em Cd hr at tay H RGA AT ee dal te OA I fiend 2 te ial 4 EIRENE, u 5 Sats. = ey 447 oe i iesyt 2) WTO As eA a iff ahha Pavidipiias wit ae 9th pacer ARIA iy RO en TRIM TRI AE SEMIS EA RI TN ats Ay Ad etihee hie ve iat Oa Se ws a cs i Athy Pity h ny i fy ea ey bie a Ne Ht vy eM Pht rN of CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY WILLARD FISKE ENDOWMENT Ill iil il | = + es Sa il o iN “il BAGHDAD DURING THE ABBASID CALIPHATE LE STRANGE HENRY FROWDE, M.A. PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK BAGHDAD DURING THE ABBASID CALIPHATE FROM CONTEMPORARY ARABIC AND PERSIAN SOURCES BY G. LE STRANGE AUTHOR OF ‘PALESTINE UNDER THE MOSLEMS,” * CORRESPONDENCE OF PRINCESS LIEVEN AND EARL GREY,’ ETC. WITH EIGHT PLANS Oxford AT THE CLARENDON PRESS mw M DCCCC Orferd }RINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS BY HORACE HART, M.A. PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY TO STANLEY LANE-POOLE IN REMEMBRANCE OF WORK DONE AND IN EXPECTATION OF WORK TO BE DONE THIS BOOK IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED PREFACE In the summer of the year 1883 it was my good fortune to make the acquaintance of the late Sir Henry Rawlinson, and the book which is now at length published is due to his suggestion. In the first place Sir Henry called my attention to the Ibn Serapion MS., of which the British Museum possesses an unique copy, and he urged on me the desirability, by its means, of working out the topography of mediaeval Baghdad; assuring me that, with the numerous articles on this subject contained in the great Geographical Dictionary of Yakft and other early authorities, a reconstruction of the old plan of the city was quite feasible. Ibn Serapion I published in the Yournal of the Royal Asiatic Soctety (January, April, and October, 1895). Other occupations hindered the conclusion of the present work; it took much longer than I had at first imagined to sift and set in order the mass of information scattered through the voluminous writings of the Arab geographers and historians ; viii Preface and even now a good deal might be added from incidental notices, other than those which I have found, in the later volumes of the Annals of Tabari, if the Index to that great chronicle had been available—but unfortunately this has not yet been published. There is indeed no lack of material, as will be seen by glancing over the names of contemporary Arab Geographers given in the accompanying Chronological Table (which the bibliographical List of Authorities completes); but the real basis of the present reconstruction of the mediaeval plan is the description of the Canals of Baghdad written by Ibn Serapion in about the year a.p. 900. By combining the network of the water system, as described by this writer, with the radiating high- roads, as described by his contemporary Ya‘kdbi, it has been possible to plot out the various quarters of older Baghdad, filling in details from the accounts of other authorities, which, taken alone, would have proved too fragmentary to serve for any systematic reconstruction of the plan. As far as I am aware, no one has yet attempted to write a complete history and draw the plan of the great metropolis of the Abbasid Caliphs. A beginning was indeed made by the late A. von Kremer in his Kulturgeschichte des Ovients unter den Chalifen (vol. ii. pp. 47-94); but unfortunately this went no further than a single chapter, giving an account (derived from Ya‘kdbi) of the original Preface ix burg, or Round City of Manstr, which was to later Baghdad much what the City of London has come to be in relation to greater London which now encompasses it for miles on every side. The bibliographical list of original Authorities and Editions, given at the head of this work, is as complete as I can make it, being more especially intended to serve for the references in the notes; further, in the last three chapters some account will be found of these various authors and the nature of the description which each has left us of Baghdad. The system of transliteration adopted is that now commonly used; but for the sake of brevity I have generally omitted the Arabic article, 4/, before the names of the Caliphs, as also in many common place-names : and for so doing the sufficient authority of Silvestre de Sacy may be cited, who has followed this system in his Region des Druzes (see vol. i. Introduction, p. v, note 2). It has the merit of brevity, and while rendering these names less uncouth to the English ear, makes them, I think, more easily distinguishable to the eye. In many plural names, such as Bazzazin, Tustariyin, and the like, I have kept to the termination in 7 of the objective case (instead of writing Bazz4zdin, Tustariyfin) to avoid a double transcription, since this @z-form properly occurs in the full name—e. g. Nahr-al-Bazz4zin, the Canal of the Cloth-merchants ; Rabad-at-Tustariyin, the suburb of the people of X Preface Tustar; further, this is the post-classical form and the one now in use. It has not been thought necessary to mark dotted letters and long vowels in the names of authors cited in the notes. In mentioning dates, the years of the Hijrah are given, with the year A.D. following in brackets, which last is reckoned to be the year with which the major part of the Moslem year corresponds: thus A.H. 200 beginning on August II, a. D. 815, is given as equivalent to a. p. 816. The Map and Plans will serve to show what I conclude to be the disposition of the various quarters of the city as described in our authorities. Nobody can be better aware of the shortcomings of these Plans than I myself am, and they court criticism from any who will take the trouble of going through the evidence. The course of the Tigris has considerably changed during the last thousand years, of that there is ample proof, but it is not so easy to say where exactly, at any specified epoch, the bed of the river lay. For modern Baghdad and its environs I have followed the great plan of the city published by Commander Felix Jones in his Memoirs, Bombay Government Records, No. XLIII, New Series, 1857; while the surrounding country and the course of the Tigris generally are given from the Map of Ancient Babylon, in six sheets, compiled by Mr. Trelawney Saunders from the surveys of Felix Jones, Bew- sher, Collingwood, and Beaumont Selby, which was Preface xi published by Stanford in 1885 on the scale of 4,000 yards to the inch. My plans of mediaeval Baghdad are, to a certain extent, tentative; in the main lines of roads, and the relative positions of the various quarters, how- ever, but little question is likely to arise, since the evidence is fairly complete. What is now more especially needed is excavation on the spot to show where, on the western side of the Tigris, the great Mosque of Manstir stood, and on the eastern bank what was the exact position of the Rusdfah Mosque. Both these buildings appear to have been standing in the middle of the fourteenth century of our era ; and, since tiles or kiln-burnt bricks were largely used in their construction, some considerable vestiges of their foundation-walls would certainly be found were the mounds of rubbish, on either bank of the Tigris above modern Baghdad, to be carefully examined. I have many to thank for aid in the carrying through of this work, and in the notes I have in all cases acknowledged more special obligations. For general bibliographical information, however, I may take this opportunity of expressing my thanks to both Professor Lane-Poole and to Mr. A. G. Ellis, Assistant-K eeper of Oriental Books and MSS. in the British Museum, and while recalling the names of Mr. A. A. Bevan and of Mr. E. G. Browne of Cambridge, who have always afforded me their friendly advice and assistance, I must not close my preface without recording how deeply I am xii Preface indebted to Professor De Goeje of Leyden for his constant courtesy in answering many questions, and in affording me every kind of information, unstintedly, from his unrivalled knowledge of mediaeval Arab geography and history. G. LE STRANGE. ATHENAEUM CLus, PALL MALL. August, 1900. CONTENTS BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST OF AUTHORITIES. i « Dp. xxv-xxvili CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE . . : 4 ‘ - pp. xxix—xxxi CHAPTER I THE FOUNDATION OF BAGHDAD Previous capitals of Islam. Medina and Kffah. Damascus. The fall of the Omayyads. Need of a new capital for the Abbasid dynasty. The two Hashimiyahs. The Rawandi insur- rection. Courses followed by the Euphrates and Tigris during the Middle Ages. Mansdr chooses the site of Baghdad. An Assyrian Baghdad; Etymology of the name. Az-Zawra and Ar-Rawha. The legend of the name Miklas; Sik Baghdad. The advantages of the situation of Baghdad . i . pp. I-14 CHAPTER II THE CITY OF MANSOR The foundation of the Round City. Shf‘ah insurrection: delays. No traces of the Round City now extant. Plan marked out in cinders; Abu Hanifah. The Four Gates. Measurements. The Central Area, and the Palace of the Golden Gate. The Con- centric Walls. Bricks used. The origin of the Gates. Descrip- tion of thoroughfare going from outer Gate to Central Area. The original Markets and Arcades. The Prison, and the Central Area. The Water-conduits : : f . : » pp. 15-29 XIV Contents CHAPTER III THE CITY OF MANSOUR (continued) The Palace of the Golden Gate, and the Diwans or Public Offices. The history of the Great Mosque of Mansar. Khalid the Barmecide and the Palace of the Chosroes. Sums spent. The Khuld Palace outside the Khurds4n Gate. The foundation of Rusdfah. Question how long the Round City remained standing: the siege in the reign of Amin. The Main Wall. Inundations destroy walls and houses’. 3 z . Dp. 30-46 CHAPTER IV THE CANALS OF WESTERN BAGHDAD Ya‘kfibi and Ibn Serapion. The older Dujayl Canal. The Nahr ‘fsa and the Sarat Canal. The Katrabbul and Badurdyé districts. The Trench of Tahir. The Karkhaya Canal and its branches. The Canal of the Syrian Gate. The Batatiy4 and the channels of the Harbiyah ai Comparative sizes of these various watercourses . : 7 . : ; a . pp. 47-56 CHAPTER V THE KOFAH HIGHROAD AND THE KARKH SUBURB Square at Kifah Gate and various Fiefs. The Old Bridge and bifurcation of Muhawwal and Kifah Roads. Market of Abu-l- Ward: the Ibn Raghban and Anbarite Mosques. Pool of Zalzal. The Old Hospital and buildings on the ‘Amid. The Karkh Suburb and Gate. The story of the Greek Envoy. The Fief of Rabi. Warthal and Baydwari. The Gate of the Coppersmiths ; the Square of Suwayd and the Tuesday Market . - pp. 57-68 CHAPTER VI THE CANALS OF KARKH The Karkhdya and the Rufayl Canal. The ‘fsA Canal and its Bridges. The Butchers’ and the Poulterers’ Markets. The Bazzazin and Dajaj Canals, with the Quarters of the Soap- boilers and others. The Fief and Canal of Dogs. The Shini- ziyah Cemetery and its shrines; the Tathah Suburb . - Dp. 69-80 Contents CHAPTER VII THE QUARTERS OF THE LOWER HARBOUR The Tabik and Kallayin Canals. Chickpea Broth. The Monas- tery of the Virgins. The Street of Kiln-burnt Bricks and the Cotton House. The Melon House, or Fruit Market, and the Myrtle Wharf. The Lower Harbour. The Palace of ‘fsa and the Kasr ‘Is4 Quarter. The later Bridge of Boats. The Kurayyah Quarter. The Highroad of the Basrah Gate. The Sharkiyah Quarter and the ‘Attkah. The Harrdni Archway. . The Palace and Fief of Wadd&h. The Booksellers’ Market and XV the New Bridge . ‘ . ‘ . , x F . Dp. 81-93 CHAPTER VIII THE QUARTER OF THE BASRAH GATE The Lower Bridge of Boats and the Barley Gate. The Palace of Humayd. The Kutufta Quarter and the Palace of ‘Adud-ad-Din. The Tustariyin: Later Basrah Gate Quarter. The Shrine of Ma‘riif Karkhi and the Old Monastery of the Sarat Point. The Convent of the Foxes. The Khuld Palace and the Karar. The Great ‘Adudi Hospital. The Review Ground and the Stables of the Caliph . 5 . » : . . - Dp. 94-106 CHAPTER IX THE SHARI' QUARTER AND THE TRENCH OF TAHIR The Shari‘ Quarter and Fiefs. The Baghiyin and Burjulaniyah Suburbs. The Harbiyah Quarter and the Trench of Tahir. The Anbar Gate and Highroad: the Garden of Tahir. The Iron Gate. The Harb Gate. The Katrabbul Gate. The Zubaydtyah Fief and its Mosque. The Straw Gate. The Zuhayriyah Suburb. The Bab-as-Saghir. The Hanifah Suburb and the Palace of ‘Umarah. The Durta Mnastery and the Dayr-al-Kibab. The Tahirid Palace and its history . 5 se . pp. 107- 121 Xvi Contents CHAPTER X THE HARBIYAH QUARTER Road to the Upper Bridge of Boats. The Canal of the Syrian Gate. The Slaves’ House. The Harb Gate Road and the Suburb of Abu ‘Awn. The later Harbiyah and its Mosque. The Quadrangles of Abu-I-‘Abbas and Shabib. The Dujayl Road. The Persian Quarters of the Harbiyah. The Abna and the Dihkans. The Abu-l-Jawn Bridge and the Market of the Syrian Gate. The three Arcades near the highroad to the Upper Bridge of Boats. The Syrian Gate, the Prison, and the Ceme- tery. The Garden of Kass and the Anbar Gate Road. The Quarter of the Lion and the Ram. The Shrine of Ibrahim-al- Harbi. The Bukhariot Mosque and the Ramaliyah . ff. 122-135 CHAPTER XI THE QUARTERS OF THE MUHAWWAL GATE The Four Markets. The Nasriyah Quarter. The ‘Attabiyah Quarter; its watered silks and papermakers. The Dar-al-Kazz or the Silk House. The Upper Barley Gate. The “Atikiyah Suburb: the Kahtabah Road and Suburb. The Palace of ‘Abd- al-Wahhab and his Suburb. The ‘Abbdstyah Island.. The Patri- cian’s Mill. The story of the Greek Patrician. The Muhawwal Road. The Fief of ‘fs4 and the Muhawwal Gate. The Suburb of Haylanah. The Suburb of Humayd, son of Kahtabah. Bridges of the Mills, of China, and of ‘Abbds, leading to the “‘Abbdsiyah Island. The Bridge of the Greeks and the Fief of the Farrdshes. The Old Tank. The Bridges on the Great Sarat and Karkhaya. The Kundsah and the Market for Beasts of Burden. The YAasiriyah Quarter . ‘ f " . : : - pp. 136-152 CHAPTER XII BARATHA, MUHAWWAL, AND THE KAZIMAYN Baratha and its Mosque: the Old Cemetery and the Gardens of Ka'yfbah. The Dyers’ Garden. The Muhawwal Township and the Palace of Mu'tasim. The Cemetery of the Martyrs and the Tomb of Ibn Hanbal. The Cemetery of the Kuraysh and of the Straw Gate. The Kazimayn Shrines and the Buyid Tombs, Tombs of Zubaydah and the Caliph Amin. Tomb of ‘Abd Allah Ibn Hanbal_ . . . : . » Dp. 153-167 Contents XVIi CHAPTER XIII EASTERN BAGHDAD IN GENERAL East and West Baghdad and S4marré. The three northern quarters of East Baghdad: Rusdfah, ShammAstyah, and Mu- kharrim. The Eastern Palaces and modern Baghdad. The second Siege: Musta‘in and the walls on the western and eastern sides. Ya‘kfibi and Ibn Serapion: the highroads of the three northern Quarters. The Canals of the eastern side: from the river Khalis and from the Nahr Bin. The three Bridges of Boats. The Main Bridge. The Upper Bridge and Lower Bridge. The Zandaward Bridge. Executions on the Bridges. Upper Bridge dismantled. Later Bridge of the Palaces. Numbers of skiffs. Bridge of Kasr Sabir. The modern Bridge. . S : . Dp. 168-186 CHAPTER XIV RUSAFAH The foundation of Rusdfah. The Mosque and Palace of Mahdi. ‘Askar-Mahdi and the Causeway. The Shrine of Abu Hanjfah. The Cemetery of Khayzuran, The Tombs of the Caliphs. Later history of the Mosque of Mahdi. The two highroads in Rusafah. The Straight Road and the Road of the Mayd4an. The Khuday- riyah Quarter and Market. The Upper Bridge of Boats. A. 187-198 CHAPTER XV THE SHAMMAS{YAH QUARTER The great Northern Road. The Road of the Bridge and Sik Yahya. The Road of the Mahdi Canal and Sik Ja‘far. Palaces of Ad-Diar. The Barmecide Fiefs. Sik Khalid and the Kasr- at-Tin. Dar Faraj. Dayr Darmalis and Dayr Samali. The Shammdsiyah Gate. Three Gates Quarter. Malikiyah Cemetery. The Shrine of Vows. The Palace of Mtinis. The Baradan Road and Bridge. Barmecide Houses and the Hutamiyah. Dar-ar- Ram: the Christian Quarter. The Dayr-ar-Rim or the Nestorian Monastery. The Jacobite Church. Other Christian Monasteries in West and East Baghdad. Christian Festivals in Baghdad. The Nestorian Missionary to China. The Market of Nasr and the Iron Gates. The Palace of Abu-n-Nasr near the Baradan Bridge. 1 s . ‘ . . . : « Dp. 199-216 BAGHDAD b XViii Contents CHAPTER XVI THE MUKHARRIM QUARTER The Khurdsin Road and its Markets. The Bab-at-Tak Gate. The Mis Canal and the Mukharrim. The Zahir Garden, the Great Road, and the Street of ‘Amr the Greek. The Palace of Mu'tasim. The Long Street, the Palace of Ibn-al-Furat, and the Street of the Vine. The Sfik-alAtsh or Thirst Market. The Market of Harashi and his Palace. The Ansar Bridge, the Palace of Ibn-al-Khasib, and the three Tanks. The Great Pitched Gate. The Mukharrim Gate and Road: the Canal to the Firdiis Palace. The Haymarket. Palace of Princess Bandjah. The Horse Market and its Gate. The Bab ‘Ammar and the Palace of ‘Umarah. The two lower Canals at the Triple Divide. The Mu‘all4 Canal. The Bab Abraz and the Gate of the Tuesday Market. The Canal of the Palaces. The Bab ‘Ammah. The Mushjir Fief . % ‘ é : . . : « pp. 217-230 CHAPTER XVII THE BUYID PALACES The Palace of Minis and the Buyid Palaces. The Dyke of Muiizz-ad-Dawlah and the Zahir Garden. The D4r-al-Mamlakat of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah. The great Dyke and the Kiirij Canal. The Palaces of ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah. His Garden and the New Canal. Elephants used in Baghdad. The Dar-as-Saltanah of the Saljiiks. Tughril Beg and his marriage ceremony. Demolition of this Palace by the Caliph Nasir. The Mosque of the Sultan 4. 231-241 CHAPTER XVIII THE PALACES OF THE CALIPHS The Palaces of Western and of Eastern Baghdad. The Palace of Jafar the Barmecide; extended by Mamfin. Hasan ibn Sahl and his daughter Baran. The Hasanf Palace restored to Mu‘tamid. The Taj Palace begun: the Firdfis Palace. The Palace of the Contents Pleiades. The Great Mosque of the Palace. The completion of the Taj. The Shatibtyah Palace. The Dome of the Ass. The Wild Beast Park and other Palaces. The reception of the Greek Envoys from Constantine Porphyrogenitus. The Palace of the Tree. The Garden of Kahir. The Peacock Palace. The Hall of the Wazirs. The burning of the Taj Palace. Building of the second Taj. The Gardens of the Rakkah . . pp. 242-262 CHAPTER XIX THE PALACE GATES AND ADJOINING QUARTERS The Precincts, called the Harim or Haramayn, and its Wall. The Quarters of the Mu‘alla Canal. The Town Wall. Gates of the Palace. The Bab Gharabah and the Bab Sik-at-Tamr. The Needlemakers’ Wharf: the Palace of the Cotton Market. The Palaces of the Princess, Dar Khatiin and Dar-as-Sayyidah. The Mustansiriyah College. The Palace Mosque. The Badr Gate and Palace. The Elephant House. Market of the Per- fumers. Other Markets round the Square of the Mosque. The Rayhaniyin Palace. The Dargah-i-Khattin and the Libraries. The Nubian Gate and the Great Cross of the Crusaders. The Public Gate. Gates of the Palace Suburbs and the Garden Gate. The Gate of Degrees. General arrangement in the later Palaces : CHAPTER XX THE QUARTERS NORTH OF THE PALACES The wall of East Baghdad and its four Gates. The Bab-as- Sultan and the Sultan’s Market. Streets of the Tuesday Market. Quarters built by Muktadi after the Inundation. The Road of the two Archways. The Street of the Canal.’ The Karah Ibn Razin and the Muktadiyah. Mukhtdérah Quarter and the Bab Abraz. College of the Tajtyah and the Wardiyah Cemetery. The Bab Zafar and the Zafartyah Quarter. The Quarter of the Judge’s ‘. . pp. 263-278 Garden and other quarters called Karah . - pp. 279-289 b 2 XX Contents CHAPTER XXI THE QUARTERS EAST AND SOUTH OF THE PALACES The Mamintyah Quarter. The Halbah Gate and its Inscription. The Persian Fief and the Burj-al-“Ajami. The Kati'ah Quarter and the Rayyan. The Bab Basaliyah or Gate of Kalwadha. The township of Kalwa4dha. Palace of the Kalwadha Rakkah. The Azaj Gate. Karah Juhayr, the Zandaward Monastery: the Maydan and Mas‘idah Quarters. The eastern Kurayyah and the Nizamiyah College. The Bahdiyah and the Tutushi Hospital. The later Tuesday Market 4 a . . ‘i . Dp. 290-300 CHAPTER XXII RECAPITULATION AND AUTHORITIES : EARLY PERIOD Five periods of Abbasid History. The First Period begins. Tabari and the first siege of Baghdad. Growth of Western and of Eastern Baghdad. Civil war between Amin and Maman. Baghdad besieged by Tahir and Harthamah. Death of Amin; Mamiin in Baghdad. Mu'tasim removes to SAdmarra. The Second Period begins. The second siege of Baghdad under Musta‘in. City walls built. Baghdad again the Capital. Ya‘kabi and Ibn Serapion. The first systematic description of the city. Mas‘fidf and the history called The Golden Meadows . pp. 301-316 CHAPTER XXIII RECAPITULATION AND AUTHORITIES: MIDDLE PERIOD The building of the Palaces in East Baghdad. The Third Period begins. The Buyid Supremacy: their Great Palace: the Dyke of Mu'izz-ad-Dawlah and the Hospital of ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah. Istakhri and Ibn Hawkal. Mukaddasi. Decline of the Buyids. The Fourth Period begins. The Saljiks. The History of Baghdad by Khatib. Area of East and West Baghdad. New Baghdad and the Wall of Mustazhir: the Saljik Mosque. The Sieges of Baghdad in the reigns of Manstir Rashid and of Muhammad Muktafi. Period of decay: the Persian poet KhakAni. Benjamin of Tudela. Ibn Jubayr. Yak(it. Many separate walled Quarters. The Mustansiriyah College and the Harba Bridge. Ibn Khallikan. PP. 317-339 Contents CHAPTER XXIV RECAPITULATION AND AUTHORITIES: FINAL PERIOD The Fall of Baghdad: the Mongol invasion. Persian Histories: the Tabakat-i-NAsiri, Rashid-ad-Din, and Wassaf. Details of the Mongol siege. Death of the last Caliph Musta'sim. The MarAsid-al-Ittila". Summary of history of Baghdad since the Mongol siege. Ibn Batétah, the Berber. Hamd-Allah, the Persian. The tomb of ‘Abd-al-Kadir of Gilan. Modern descriptions of Baghdad: Tavernier and Niebuhr. The so-called tomb of Zu- baydah. The Plan of mediaeval Baghdad and of the modern city. Excavations required to discover the sites of the three XX1 ancient mosques’. . ‘ : ‘ ‘ F . Dp. 340-356 INDEX . ‘ 5 ; ; 5 , ; : . pp. 357-381 No. No. LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS I. . Map of Lower Mesopotamia during the Abbasid Caliphate; with Comparative Plan of Mediaeval and of Modern Baghdad . ‘ : - Lo face p.1 . II . The Round City in the time of the Caliph Mansar ; with Enlarged Plan peo the Gates in the con- centric Walls. ° a ‘ . Lo face p. 15 - III . General Plan of Baghdad ee the Earlier Period, between the years A.H. 150 and 300 . To face p. 47 . IV. The Karkh Suburb, south of the Round City. Zo face p. 57 .V__. The Harbiyah Suburb, north of the Round City; with the three Northern Quarters of Eastern Baghdad, Rusdfah, Shamméasiyah, and Mukharrim To face p. 107 . VI. The Suburbs of the Muhawwal Road. . To face p. 136 No. VII . General Plan of Baghdad during the Later Period, between the years A.H. 400 and 700 . To face p. 231 VIII Later East Baghdad . ‘ < ‘ . To sface p. 263 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED IN THE NOTES ABU-L-FaRAJ, Gregorius Bar Hebreus: History. Beyrout. 1890. ABU-L-FIDA: Geography. Arabic text, edited by Reinaud and De Slane. Paris, 1840. — Chronicle, edited by Reiske. 5 vols., Copenhagen, 1786. ABU-L-MaHASIN: Annals, edited by Juynboll. 2 vols., Leyden, 1855. Asu SHAMAH: Kit&b-ar-Rawdatayn. Cairo edition, A. H. 1287 (1870). ‘ARiB: Tabari Continuatus: M. J. De Goeje. Leyden, 1897. BaLADHURI: Edited by M. J. De Goeje. Leyden, 1886. BENJAMIN OF TUDELA: Itinerary, in Hebrew and English, by A. Asher. London and Berlin, 1840. Dozy, R.: Supplément aux Dictionnaires Arabes. 2 vols., Leyden, 1881. FAKHRI: History. Arabic text, edited by Ahlwardt. Gotha, 1860. FRANKEL, S.: Die Aramaischen Fremdworter im Arabischen. Leyden, 1886. GOLDZIHER, I.: Muhammedanische Studien. 2 vols., Halle, 1889. GuziDAH : See next. Hamp-ALLAH: TArikh-i-Guzidah (History), in MS., quoted by sections and reigns of Caliphs. xxvi Bibliographical List of Authorities Hamp-ALLaH: Nuzhat-al-Kulfib (Geography). The section relating to Baghdad is printed by C. Schefer in his Supplément du Siusset Nameh. Paris, 1897. The text of the entire Nuzhat has been lithographed at Bombay in A.H. 1311 (1894). Excellent MSS. of both the Guzidah and the Nuzhat will be found in the British Museum Library and in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. HoFFMann, G.: Ausziige aus Syrischen Akten Persischer Martyrer. Leipzig, 1880. HowortH, Sir H.: History of the Mongols. 4 vols., London, 1888. IBN BaTOTAH: Travels, edited in Arabic with French translation by C. Defremery. 6 vols., Paris, 1877. IBN-AL-FURAT: MS. in the Vatican Library, No. 726 Avaéd., and cf. Cat. Cod. Or. Bibl. Vat. edente Angelo Maio, Rome, 1831, p. 607. IBN HAWKAL: Edited by M. J. De Goeje. Leyden, 1873. IBN JUBAYR: Travels, edited by W. Wright. Leyden, 1852. IBN KHALLIKAN: Biographical Dictionary, the Arabic text edited by F. Wiistenfeld. Géttingen, 1837. The biographies are given under consecutive numbers (the pagination not being continuous). A useful translation, in 4 vols., was made by De Slane for the Oriental Translation Fund and published in 1871. IBN KUTAYBAH : History, edited by F. Wiistenfeld. Géttingen, 1850. IBN MASKUWAYH: Edited by M. J. De Goeje in Fragmenta His- toricorum Arabicorum, Leyden, 1871. Ipn RusTAH: Edited by M. J. De Goeje. Leyden, 1892. IBN SERAPION: See Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1895, January, April, and October; ‘ Description of Mesopotamia and Baghdad,’ edited and translated by Guy le Strange. London, 1895. IpRIsI: Description d’Afrique et de l'Espagne, R. Dozy et M. J. De Jong. Leyden, 1866. ‘IMAD-AD-Din: Edited by M. T. Houtsma in Recueil des Textes relatifs al’ Histoire des Seljoucides, vol. ii. Leyden, 1889. IsfAKHRi: Edited by M. J. De Goeje. Leyden, 1870. Bibliographical List of Authorities xxvii JONES, Commander Felix: Report: Records of the Bombay Government, No. XLIII, New Series. Bombay, 1857. This Report includes a large plan of modern Baghdad and many maps of the surrounding country. Kazwini: Athar-al-Bilad, edited by F. Wiistenfeld (vol. ii of the Cosmography). Gdottingen, 1848. KER-PORTER : Travels, 2 vols., London, 1821. KHAKANt: Tuhfat-al-‘Irdkayn. Lucknow edition; lithographed in A.H. 1294 (1877). KHATIB: History of Baghdad. References are to the MS. in the British Museum, Or. 1507. Other MSS. of this important work —which has never been printed—will be found in both the British Museum and the French Bibliothéque Nationale. KITAB-AL-AGHAN?: In 20 vols. Cairo, A.H. 1285 (1868). KiTAB-AL-FIHRIST: Edited by G. Fliigel. Leipzig, 1871. KiTAB-AL-Uytn: In Fragmenta Historicorum Arabicorum: M. J. De Goeje. Leyden, 1871. KREMER, A. VON: Kulturgeschichte des Orients unter den Chalifen. 2 vols., Vienna, 1875. MAFATIH-AL- ULUM: Edited by Van Vloten. Leyden, 1895. MarRAsID: The Epitome of Yakit’s great Geographical Dictionary, called the Mar4sid-al-Ittila’, edited by T. G. Juynboll. 6 vols., Leyden, 1852. Marco PoLo: See Yule. Mas‘Opit: The Golden Meadows, edited by Barbier de Meynard, with French translation. 9 vols., Paris, 1877. —Tanbth. Edited by M. J. De Goeje. Leyden, 1894. MAwarpt: Edited by M. Enger. Bonn, 1853. MIRKHWAND : Rawdat-as-Saf4 ; lithographed in 2 vols., folio. Bom- bay, A.H. 1266 (1850). Muxappas!: Edited by M. J. De Goeje. Leyden, 1877. MusHTARIK: See Yakit. NIEBUHR, C.: Voyage en Arabie. Amsterdam, 1776 and 1786. NuzHatT: See Hamd-Allah. xxviii Bibliographical List of Authorities PARSONS, A.: Travels. London, 1808. RASHID-AD-DiN: History of the Mongols. The first volume of the Persian text, with French translation, was published by E. Quatre- mere in 1836; it has never been completed. RAWLINSON, Sir H. C.: The article on Baghdad in the ninth edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica. SHARAF-AD-DIN: Histoire de Timur. Traduite par Petis de la Croix. 4 vols., Paris, 1722. SHARisHt : Commentary on Hariri. Cairo edition, A.H. 1300 (1883). SuvTi: Lubb-al-Lubab, edited by P. J. Veth. Leyden, 1840. TapaKAt-1-NAsirt, by Minhaj-ad-Din. The Persian text was printed at Calcutta in 1864, and an English translation has been published by Major H. G. Raverty in the Bibliotheca Indica, 1881. Tapart: Chronicle: published in three parts and in thirteen volumes, under the editorship of M. J. De Goeje. Leyden, 1890. TaNnBiH: See Mas‘tdi. TAVERNIER, J. B.: Les six Voyages de. Utrecht, 1712. 12mo. THEOPHANES: Chronographia, edited by C. De Boor. 2 vols., Leipzig, 1883. VAN VLOTEN, G.: Recherches sur la Domination Arabe sous le Khalifat des Omayades. Amsterdam, 1894. WasSAF: Edited in Persian, with German translation by Hammer- Purgstall. Vienna, 1856, Ya‘x0si: Geography, edited by M. J. De Goeje. Leyden, 1892. — History, edited by M. T. Houtsma. 2 vols., Leyden, 1883. YAKUT: Geographical Dictionary, called the Mu'‘jam-al-Buldan, edited by F. Wiistenfeld. 5 vols., Leipzig, 1866. —— Mushtarik, edited by the same. Géttingen, 1846. YULE, Col. Henry: Cathay and the Way thither. Hakluyt Society Publications. 1866. —— The Travels of Marco Polo. 2nd edition. 2 vols., London, 1875. Z.D. M.G. : Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, vol. xxxix. Leipzig, 1885. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE Year. Abbasid Buildings and Events Contemporary A.H, (A.D.) Caliphs. tn Baghdad. Authorities. 132 (750) | SAFFAH. Builds Hashimtyah. 136 (754) | Mansotr. (The First Period.) Foundation of Bagh- dad; the Round City. 158(775) | MAnDi. Completion of Rusafah. 169 (785) | HAvf. 170 (786) | HARON-aR- | Ja‘fari Palace founded. RasHiD. 193 (809) | Amin. First Siege, 197 (813). 198 (813) | Mamon. Ja‘fari Palace com- pleted, and called the Hasani. 218 (833) | Mu‘TasIM. Palace on Nahr Misa. (The Second Period.) Caliphate removed to Samarra, 221 (836). 227 (842) | WATHIK. Samarra. 232 (847) | MUTAWAKKIL.| Samarra. 247 (861) | MUNTASIR. Samarra. 248 (862) | Musra‘in. Returns to Baghdad. Second Siege, 251 (865). 251 (866) | Mu‘Tazz. Samarra. 255 (869) | Munrapt. Samarra. 256 (870) | MU‘TAMID. Baran restores the | Ya'hddi. Hasant Palace. The Caliph returns to Baghdad, 279 (892). Chronological Table Year. A.H. (A.D.) Abbasid Caliphs, Buildings and Events in Baghdad. Contemporary Authorities. 279 (892) 289 (902) 295 (908) 320 (932) 322 (934) 329 (940) 333 (944) 334 (946) 363 (974) 381 (991) 422 (1031) 467 (1075) Mu‘TaDID. ‘AL? MUKTAFI. MUKTADIR. KAHIR. RApi. MutTraxi. MUSTAKF?. Mutt. TAr. KApIrR. KAIM. MugxTapi. The Caliph resides in East Baghdad. Pa- laces of the Thurayy4 and the Firdfs built. The Taj Palacebegun. The Hasani Palace enlarged. The Taj Palace finished. Mosque of the Caliph built. The Palace of the Tree and others. The Greek Embassy, 305 (917). The wall of the Round City falls to ruin. Palace of the Golden Gate ruined, 329 (941). The Round City inun- dated. (The Third Period.) Buyids: Palace of Mu‘izz - ad - Dawlah and his Dyke. The Peacock Palace, the Octagon and Square Palaces. The “Adudi Hospital. (The Fourth Period.) Saljiks. Tughril Beg and Malik Shah. The Nizdmiyah College. The inundation of 466 (1074). The Mosque of the Sultan. Suburbs of the Muktadtyah, &c. Lbn Rustah. Tabari, Ibn Serapion. Mas‘idi. Lstakhri. lin Hawkai, Mukaddasi. Khatib. Chronological Table XXxi Year. Abbasid Buildings and Events Contemporary A.H. (A. D.) Caliphs. in Baghdad. Authorities. 487 (1094) MusTazHIR. | Wall round lower East Baghdad, 488 (1095). The Rayh4ntyin Pa- lace. 512 (1118)} MuSTARSHID.| The Bab-al-Hujrah Palace. 529 (1135)| MANSOR Third Siege, 530(1136). RASHID. 530 (1136)]} MUHAMMAD | The T4j Palace burnt, | KAdkani. MukKTarFi.| 549 (1154), and in part rebuilt. Fourth Siege, 551 (1157). Inunda- tion of 554 (1159). 555 (1160)| MUSTANJID. | (The Fifth Period.) Benjamin of Tudela. 566 (1170)| Musrapi. City Wall restored, 568 (1173). Inunda- tion of 569 (1174). Older Taj Palace de- molished. The second Taj and Dyke built. 575 (1180)| NASIR. Inundation of 614 | lém Jubayr (1217). Talism Gate | Yaede. repaired, 618 (1221). 622 (1225)| ZAHIR. Restores the Bridge of Boats. 623 (1226)| MUSTANSIR. | Mustansiriyah College. Mosque restored. 640 (1242)| Musta‘sim. | Library of the Rayha- | lon Khallikdn. niyin. Last Siege: Hiilagd, 656 (1258). Map 1.'Toface pagel. F ns Qo 2 e Kadisi we Town BAGMDAD i and Modern. 1 oO 1 2 bea Scale of Engl, Miles ya, \ 'am-as-Silh Niffar LOWER MES OPOTAMIA. (Al-Eralx) Between 900 and 1400 10 0 5O ATS ps Scale of Engl. Miles RY copbismug 190° BAGHDAD DURING THE CALIPHATE CHAPTER I THE FOUNDATION OF BAGHDAD Previous capitals of Islam. Medina and Kfifah. Damascus. The fall of the Omayyads. Need of a new capital for the Abbasid dynasty. The two Hashimtyahs. The RAwandf insurrection. Courses followed by the Euphrates and Tigris during the Middle Ages. Mansfir chooses the site of Baghdad. An Assyrian Baghdad; Etymology of the name. Az-Zawra4 and Ar-Rawha. The legend of the name Miklas; Sak Baghdad. The advantages of the situation of Baghdad. Tue history of Baghdad, as a metropolis, coincides with the history of the rise and fall of the Abbasid Caliphs, for in the East it would appear to be almost a necessity of the case that every new dynasty should found a new capital. In the earlier annals of Islam the Era of the Flight (or Hijrah) com- memorates the date when the Prophet Muhammad, being forced to leave Mecca, went to take up his abode in the little hamlet of Yathrib. This change shifted the political centre of Arabia from the older commercial city to Yathrib, now to be named Medina, ‘the City of the Prophet,’ and which, from a small provincial town, suddenly rose to be the capital of Islam, becoming in a few years’ time the seat of the theocratic government that had BAGHDAD B 2 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. imposed new laws on the desert tribes and trans- formed all Arabia into one nation. The first three successors (the Khalifahs or Caliphs) of the Prophet, namely his companions Abu Bakr, ‘Omar, and ‘Oth- man, continued to govern Islam from Medina ; and among the secondary causes that brought about the fall of ‘Ali, the next Caliph, is certainly to be counted his ill-advised abandonment of Medina and the Hijaz. In going to reside at Kdfah in Mesopotamia, ‘Ali overset the balance of power among the Arab tribes, as established by his pre- decessors; also he was unable to found a strong administration in his new capital, discovering when too late that at Kiifah the majority of the popula- tion was unreliable, ever rebellious and inimical to his theocratic claims. Mu‘Awiyah, who now became the rival of ‘Ali in the Caliphate, had more than a score of years before this period been named governor of Syria by the Caliph ‘Omar; and, fore- seeing the struggle from the beginning, had made it his work to colonize Syria with relatives and dependants. The knife of a religious fanatic settled the question of who should be Caliph. ‘Ali perished at Kfifah, inaugurating by his death the long line of Shi'ah martyrs, and Mu‘4wiyah, first Caliph of the house of Omayyah, ruled Islam unquestioned, residing at Damascus, which thus from the capital of a province suddenly became the metropolis of the Commander of the Faithful. Damascus was well situated to be the seat of government of the purely Arab Caliphate of the Omayyads. It lay in a most fruitful land; well within striking distance of the Hijaz, where Medina and Mecca still remained the double centre of e. 1] -The Foundation of Baghdad 3 religious power in Islam; further it was backed by the Arabian Desert, from whence the Caliphs drew their soldiers, and where such of their kinsmen as still clung to the nomad life roamed at pleasure, but close at hand in case of need. Damascus was also conveniently near the Byzantine frontier, and during the ninety years of the Omayyad Caliphate the Arab armies ever and again poured from the north of Syria into Eastern Asia Minor, making almost continuous raids against the unfortunate Christian subjects of the Greek Emperor. Finally, that Damascus did not stand on a navigable river was of little disadvantage during the infancy of Moslem commerce, when all the carrying trade followed the old caravan-routes over the desert, and was of such small amount as could still be borne on the backs of camels. Of the many causes that led to the overthrow of the Omayyads, the two most potent factors would appear to have been the decay of the Arab tribal system on which the military power of the Damascus Caliphs depended, and the disaffection towards the government caused by the continued misrule of the New-Moslems, who were xof Arabs—being mainly the subjects of the old Persian kingdom of the Chosroes—and who, both in numbers and in intel- lectual gifts, far surpassed their Bedawin conquerors. The Persians had accepted Islam cordially, but dis- tinctly after a fashion of their own, which the Arab party regarded as heterodox; and the Abbasid claims to the Caliphate were made good, to no in- considerable extent, by trading on the inborn hatred which the Persians, already Shi‘ahs, nourished against the Sunni Caliphs at Damascus, who, though lax in B2 4 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. morals and given to wine-bibbing, were orthodox in faith, and, before all things, Arab in sympathy*. The last Omayyad Caliph, Marwan II, was routed and slain in the year 132 (A.D. 750), and the first Abbasid Caliph well merited his name of Saffah— the ‘Shedder of Blood ’—he having been constantly occupied, during the four years of his reign, in hunting down and putting to death every male descendant of the house of Omayyah, save one youth only who, escaping to Spain, ultimately obtained rule there, and founded the dynasty which afterwards came to be known as the Caliphate of Cordova. In 136 (a.p. 754) Mansir succeeded his brother Saffah on the throne, and during the twenty- two years of his reign built Baghdad, and there organized the government of the Abbasids, which first established in power, and then suffering a long decay, was destined to last for five centuries seated on the banks of the Tigris. A new capital for the new dynasty was indeed an imperative need. Damascus, peopled by the dependants of the Omayyads, was out of the ques- tion; on the one hand it was too far from Persia, whence the power of the Abbasids was chiefly derived; on the other hand it was dangerously near the Greek frontier, and from here, during the troublous reigns of the last Omayyads, hostile incursions on the part of the Christians had begun to avenge former defeats. It was also beginning to be evident that the conquests of Islam would, 1 The causes which led to the overthrow of the Omayyads, and the revolution of which the house of ‘Abbds skilfully profited to obtain the Caliphate, are discussed in a recent pamphlet (named in the List of Authorities) by the Dutch orientalist, G. Van Vloten. 1] The Foundation of Baghdad 5 in the future, lie to the eastward towards Central Asia, rather than to the westward at the further expense of the Byzantines. Damascus, on the high- land of Syria, lay, so to speak, dominating the Mediterranean and looking westward, but the new capital that was to supplant it must face east, be near Persia, and for the needs of commerce have water communication with the sea. Hence every- thing pointed to a site on either the Euphrates or the Tigris, and the Abbasids were not slow to make their choice. During the first Moslem conquest of Mesopotamia, two Arab cities had been founded there for the garrisoning of the troops—Basrah near the mouth of the twin rivers, and Kifah on the Euphrates, where the desert caravan-road, from the Hijaz to Persia, entered the cultivated plain of Mesopotamia. The Caliph Saffah, when not occupied in fighting and butchering, had lived at the Palace called HAshimiyah (after the ancestor of his race), which he had built beside the old Persian city of Anbar on the eastern side of the Euphrates, near to where the great canal, afterwards known as the Nahr ‘isd, branched off towards the Tigris. At this Hashimiyah (of Anbar) the first Abbasid Caliph died in 136 (a.D. 754); and his brother Mansiar, shortly after succeeding to the throne, began to build for him- self another residence called by the same name. This second Hashimiyah, according to one account, was a town standing between the Arab garrison-city of Kiafah and the old Persian town of Hirah; that is to say, on the Arabian side of the Euphrates, not far above the place where that river, in the tenth century A.D., spread out and became lost in the 6 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Great Swamp. Another account places the later Hashimtyah of Manstir near the town (Madinah) of Ibn Hubayrah, which last lay close by Kdfah, and therefore must not be confounded with the Castle (Kasr) of Ibn Hubayrah, a town of some importance lying higher up the Euphrates than Kfifah, and on its left or eastern bank’. The exact position, however, of this town of Hashimiyah is of little importance, since Mansdr very soon abandoned the site as most inconvenient for a capital. It was too near Kdfah, with its popu- lation of fanatical Shi‘ahs, and its garrison of Arab tribesmen, who constantly rioted and otherwise gave trouble. Lastly, MansGr took a permanent dislike to Hashimiyah after the insurrection of the Rawandis, when a multitude of these Persian fanatics surging round his palace had insisted on worshipping him as the Deity. The indignant Caliph had repudiated their idolatrous homage, whereupon they began a riot, attacking the guards, and Mansir at last found himself in some danger of losing his life at the hands of those who had pretended to revere him as their God. If the capital of Islam was to be shifted to * Ya‘kubi, 237; Tabari, iii. 271. This duplication of place-names, in the immediate neighbourhood one of the other, is one of the difficulties of mediaeval Arab geography. Dictionaries of homonyms exist—as, for instance, that of Yakut called 4/-Mushtarik—and they are useful, though seldom affording sufficient information about places of minor importance. That there was a Hashimiyah at Anbar, as well as at Kiifah, is evident by the comparison of two such good authorities as the A7¢db-al-‘Uyzin, pp. 211, 214, 236, with the passages in Tabari and Ya‘kubi cited above. It is also evident from the passage in Tabari that the Madinah, or ‘town,’ of Ibn Hubayrah close to KAfah, was not identical with his Kasr, or ‘Castle,’ a place which, however, afterwards rose to be a town of some importance standing on the high road from Baghdad to Kafah. 1] The Foundation of Baghdad 7 Mesopotamia, the advantages of a site on the Tigris, rather than on the Euphrates, were con- spicuous. The new capital would then stand in the centre of a fruitful country, and not on the desert border, as was the case with K(ffah and the neighbouring towns, for the barren sands of Arabia come right up to the western bank of the Euphrates. By a system of canals the waters of this latter river were used to thoroughly irrigate and fertilize all the country lying in between the two great streams, while the waters of the Tigris were kept in reserve for the lands on its left or Persian bank; and thus the whole breadth of the province, from the Arabian Desert on the one side to the mountains of Kurdistan on the other, was to be brought under cultivation, and converted into a veritable garden of plenty. Lastly, the Lower Tigris before its junction with the Euphrates was more practicable for navigation than this latter river, inasmuch as the great irrigation canals, by effecting the drainage of the surplus waters of the Euphrates into the Tigris, scoured the lower course of this river, and kept the water-way clear through the dangerous shallows of the Great Swamp imme- diately above the Basrah Estuary. To understand the problem as presented to Mansir in his search after a suitable place for the new capital, it must also be borne in mind that during the period of the Abbasids, neither the Euphrates nor the Tigris followed the course marked on our modern maps. From the account given by Ibn Serapion, it is evident that the main stream of the Euphrates, at a short distance above the ruins of Babylon, took the right or western 8 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. channel, and, very soon after passing Kifah, dis- charged its waters into the Great Swamp, which is so important a feature in the political and physical geography of that day. The Tigris, on the other hand, when it reached the latitude of the present Kit-al“Amérah (about a hundred miles as the crow flies below Baghdad) turned due south, and passing down to Wasit by the channel now known as the Shatt-al-Hayy, shortly below this city, also entered the Great Swamp where, however, unlike the Euphrates, its course continued to be marked by a series of navigable lagoons, called Hawr. Finally the whole body of water collected in the Swamp, from both the great rivers, drained into a channel leading out immediately to the head of the tidal estuary, which, after passing Basrah, flowed into the Persian Gulf at ‘Abbadan'. 1 At the present day the Tigris, below Kit-al-‘Améarah, instead of flowing down past WAsit, turns into the more easterly channel, and after making a great bend due east, takes its course south to Kurnah, where it joins the waters of the Euphrates to form the estuary of the Shatt-al-‘Arab. It is still a question when this change of bed took place, for no direct evidence of the date is to hand; but the change doubtless was effected gradually, and probably during the course of the sixteenth century A.D. The western bed, going through WaAsit, certainly continued to be full of water as late as the middle of the fifteenth century A.D. It is plainly thus described by all our Arabic and Persian authorities of the Middle Ages, to mention only the latest in date, by Hamd Allah Mastawff in a.D. 1330, by ‘Ali Yazdi, the historian of the campaigns of Timur, who took WAsit, ‘ on the Tigris,’ in A.D. 1393, and by Hafiz Abra, who wrote about the year A. D. 1420. After this must have come the change, and our next authority, more than two centuries, however, later, is the Frenchman Tavernier. After visiting Baghdad in February, 1652, he describes his journey down the Tigris, which (he says) some distance below the city, divided into zwo branches, so as to enclose a great island that was traversed by numerous small canals. The western channel (the older course by WaAsit) apparently was then already no longer navigable, and Tavernier did not travel by it, but describes the river here as running ‘vers la 1] | The Foundation of Baghdad 9 Mansfir made many journeys in search of a site for his new capital, travelling slowly up the banks of the Tigris from JarjarayA to Mosul. A site near Barimma below Mosul was at first proposed, where the hills called Jabal Hamrin are cut through by the Tigris, but the Caliph finally decided against this, it is said because of the dearness and the scarcity of provisions. The Persian hamlet of Baghdad, on the western bank of the Tigris, and just above where the Sarat canal flowed in, was ultimately fixed upon, and in the year 145 (A.D. 762) Mansiir began to lay the foundations of his new city. From the discovery made by Sir Henry Raw- linson in 1848, during the low water in an unusually dry season, of an extensive facing in Babylonian brickwork, which still lines the western bank of the Tigris at Baghdad, it would appear certain that this place had already been occupied by a far more ancient city. The bricks are each stamped with the name and titles of Nebuchadnezzar, and it has since been found that in the Assyrian geographical cata- logues of the reign of Sardanapalus a name very pointe de la Mésopotamie.’ The French traveller went by boat down the eastern (the present) channel, which took its course ‘le long de lancienne Chaldée.’ He was ten days going from Baghdad to Basrah, and after passing (Kit-al-) ‘Amérat, a clay-built fort, he mentions the villages of Satarat, Mansdri, Magar, and Gazar, when he reached Gorno (Kurnah) ‘where the Euphrates and Tigris come together.’ (Tavernier, i.240.) It is evident, therefore, that the Tigris has followed its present course from Kit-al-‘Amarah to Kurnah since the middle of the seventeenth century, some time before which, but after 1420, it began to change over from the WAsit channel that it had occupied during the Middle Ages. It is curious further to notice that this present eastern course, running from ‘Am4rah to Kurnah, is also the channel taken by the Tigris in pre-Islamic days, namely during the Sassanian period; as has been already pointed out in a note to my translation of Ibn Serapion (/. R.A.S., 1895, p. 301). 10 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cu. like Baghdad occurs, which probably refers to the town then standing on the site afterwards occupied by the capital of the Caliphs. Be this as it may, the name of Baghdad in its more modern form is presumably Persian, for which Yakft and other Arab authorities give various fanciful etymologies. Bégh in Persian means ‘ garden,’ and the city, they say, had the name of the garden of a certain Déd or Dédwayh ; or else Bagh was the name of an idol, and déd, meaning ‘given’ or ‘ gift,’the name of the town would thus have signified ‘the gift of the idol Bagh’—for the which reason, some pious Moslems add, its name was changed by the Caliph Mansar to Madinat-as-Salam, ‘the City of Peace.’ This last was more especially the official name for the capital of the Caliphate, and as such Madinat- as-Salam appears as a mint-city on the coins of the Abbasids. In common parlance, however, the older name, Baghdad, maintained its supremacy, and the geographical dictionaries mention several variations in the spelling, doubtless Persian or archaic forms, viz. Baghdadh and Baghdan, also Maghdad, Magh- dadh, and Maghdan. From an elegy quoted by Tabart on the ruin which Baghdad had suffered during the great siege in the reign of the Caliph Amin, it would seem that the pronunciation Bagh- dadh was then held to represent what had been the name of this town in the Persian or infidel days, as against Baghdad of the Moslems. The poem in question closes with these two lines :— “And, in this present state of affairs, it will be well indeed, If (Moslem) Baghdad do not shortly relapse and again become (Infidel) BaghdAdh !’ The true etymology, however, of the name would ra The Foundation of Baghdad II appear to be from the two ancient Persian words Bagh, ‘God, and Dédh, meaning ‘founded’ or ‘foundation’—whence Baghdad would have signified the city ‘ Founded by God.’ The western half of Baghdad in Moslem days was also known by the name of Az-ZawrA, meaning ‘the Bent’ or ‘the Crooked,’ in allusion, it is said, to the Kiblah-point (or direction towards Mecca) not precisely coinciding here with any one of the cardinal points of the compass. Another explanation given is that Baghdad took the name Az-Zawra from the river Tigris, which was ‘bent’ as it passed by the city: while Eastern Baghdad is said to have received the name of Ar-Rawha, ‘the Widespreading,’ or ‘the Shallow, from its position in a curve of the stream; and Mas‘ddi in mentioning these names adds that both Az-Zawrd and Ar-Rawha were in common use among the people in his day. It is to be remarked that the grammatical form of both these names is Arabic, but the explanation given for the use of the terms is in neither case very plausible; it is therefore noteworthy that Hamd- Allah the Persian geographer, writing in the eighth century (A.D. the fourteenth), states that while the Arabs always spoke of Baghdad as Madinat-as- Salam, ‘the City of Peace, it was in preference named Zawra by the Persians, which almost looks as though this Arabic word Zawrd, ‘ Crooked,’ may have stood for some more ancient Iranian name, now long forgotten’. 1 Tanbih, 360; Nuzhat, 146; Tabari, iii. 273; Yakut, i. 677, 678; Rawlinson, Encycl. Brit., s.v. Baghdad. The verse quoted will be found in Tabari, iii, 872; and this reference I owe to Professor A. A. Bevan. 12 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. During the last period of the Sassanian dynasty, Persian Baghdad, on the western side of the Tigris, had been a thriving place, and at the period of the Moslem Conquest a monthly market was held here. It became famous in the early annals of Islam for the very successful raid of which it was the scene. During the Caliphate of Abu Bakr, Khalid the general of the Arab army, after advancing some way into Mesopotamia, suddenly dispatched a body of troops against this Sik Baghdad, as the ‘ Market’ held at the Sarat Point was then called; the raiders surprised the town ‘and the Moslems filled their hands with gold and silver, obtaining also the where- withal to carry away their booty, for they promptly returned again to Anbar on the Euphrates, where Khalid lay encamped. After this incident of the year 13 (A.D. 634) Baghdad appears no more in history until Mansi, seeking out a site for the new capital, encamped here in the year 145 (a.D. 762). We are told that the spot was then occupied by several monasteries (Dayr), chiefly of Nestorian monks, and from them Mansir learned that among all the Tigris lands this district especially was celebrated for its freedom from the plague of mosquitoes, the nights here being cool and pleasant even in the height of summer. These lesser advantages, doubtless, had no incon- siderable influence with Mansiir in the final choice of this as the place for the new capital of the Abbasids in Mesopotamia; but the practical fore- sight shown by the Caliph has been amply confirmed by the subsequent history of Baghdad. This city, called into existence as by an enchanter’s wand, was second only to Constantinople in size during the 1] The Foundation of Baghdad 13 Middle Ages, and was unrivalled for splendour throughout Western Asia, becoming at once, and remaining for all subsequent centuries, the capital of Mesopotamia. Wars, sieges, the removal for a time by the Caliphs of the seat of government to Samarra? (higher up the Tigris), even the almost entire destruction of the city by the Mongols in A.D. 1258, none of these have permanently affected the supremacy of Baghdad as capital of the Tigris and Euphrates country, and now, after the lapse of over eleven centuries, the Turkish governor of Mesopotamia still resides in the city founded by the Caliph Mansar. It is related by the historian Tabari that a pro- phecy was found in the ancient books of the Christian monks, foretelling of a great city to be built in course of time between the Sardt Canal and the Tigris, by one bearing the name of Miklas. The Caliph Mansar hearing of this prophecy greatly encouraged his people by telling them that this very name had been given him as a boy by his nurse. The real Miklas had been a celebrated robber of that day, and the young prince had earned this nickname for himself by stealing on one 1 This city had already been a flourishing place under the Sassanian kings, and in Aramzean or Syriac the name was written Samarra. It became the capital of the Abbasids under Mu'tasim, and from the year 221 to 279 (A. D. 836 to 892) seven Caliphs resided here, the name of the place being then (officially) changed to Surra-man-rda, meaning ‘Who sees it, rejoices.’ Under this form the name appears as a mint- city on the coins of the Abbasids, beginning with the Caliph Mu'tasim. Six ways of pronouncing the name are cited by Ibn Khallikan, and Yaktit quotes a variety of fanciful etymologies, giving, however, the pronunciation Samarr4 at the head of the article in his Geographical Dictionary. In Tabari, and the earlier authorities, the name is always spelt Surra-man-rd4a, but this form appears only to have been used officially. Yakut, iii. 14; Hoffmann, 188; Ibn Khallikan, No. 8, p. 15. 14 Baghdad during the Caliphate occasion his nurse's distaff and selling the thread from it to provide a banquet, all his companions having been invited to do honour to the collation. The manifold advantages of the position of Baghdad are a theme on which Moslem geogra- phers and historians fondly expatiate. Mukaddasi, for instance, states that the Caliph took the advice of those who had had experience from living here both in summer and in winter, and all agreed in its praise, that geographer summing up in the following terms said to have been addressed to Manstr: ‘We are of opinion that thou shouldst found the city here between the four districts of Bak and Kalwddha, on the eastern bank, and of Katrabbul and Badurdyé, on the western bank: thereby shalt thou live among palms and near water, so that if one district fail thee in its crops or be late in its harvest in another will the remedy be found. Also thy city being on the Sarat Canal, provisions will be brought thither by the boats of the Euphrates, and by the caravans through the plains, even from Egypt and Syria. Hither, up from the sea, will come the wares of China, while down the Tigris from Mosul will be brought goods from the Byzantine lands. Thus shall thy city be safe standing between all these streams, and thine enemy shall not reach thee, except it be by a boat or by a bridge, and across the Tigris or the Euphrates!’ * Baladhuri, 246; Tabari, iii, 274, 276; Mukaddasi, 119. The Miklas story is also given, with amplifications, in Yakut, i. 68; and another summary of the advantages of the site will be found in Tabari, iii. 275, the speech in this account being put in the mouth of the Sahib, or Lord of the District, of Baghdad. ae cobs Sms ma RY, f a \ (uepd poxrenea) mets ne J, soyey oy} Usomjog aeungne HVAIBUAVHNZ axid NY) ay e NagMLAG NIIMLAT per ONIY NAdO DNTY NAdO “mMsuey JO oul], 2y} UT AWD punoy oy, og esied ov esos, 1 dew “qlqeUys Jo a]SuzIpund “SUBISIOg 94} JO o]Suvipendy *(sdoyg uvysieg 943) guqy-[e-umpiNg ‘Jooysg ueydig ayy pus qheyy-le-pzeg jo aoxeg - ‘ayex) uerss 94} Jo uostg “aes pue uguidelng ssourrg oy} jo sooveg “OHO JO FaIYD OM} JO TI@H pur syiom eSpug ey} Jo syyO “satqeig [eXoy ayy, “PIEVY oy) Jo sovyeg ayy, “yepkeqnz jo aovpeg agieyy oy, “yUIOg JIBS oy} Je.JUZAUOD PIO ML “TEM OT} ‘U-pe-pupy, Jo oovjeg “GReqS-Yse-qeg) e385 Aajreg ay} pue pywey-[e-pqy, uqi pkeumEy jo vovpeg - *(@snoy-3ONY 9y)) zMe[-[e-1eq, “qeyejury “Te-PBYYseW, partes “Yy, Jo suys “PPULY JOLEW JO quoL aT, ‘TL ‘ON dVW “1E "of 62 Sz be “Ez "ez Iz "oz ‘61 “gt “ht ‘91 ‘woyrend qekpyeys ayy yo aubsow ayy °S1 ‘Aemyory Juyeyzy ayy, “Fx “Ueppem jo anbsoyy puv oovreg “€1 ‘oSPUG MON 9YT, “ZI ‘aSprg PIO UL “ir ‘asnoyy Arepswosg pue sayquig PUL “(WYO XB, 100g) yeyepesg oy} jo ugmyq ‘siadasy-ayex) ay} Jo asnozy ‘o “qiéfesnyy jo aubsoyy *6 ~ “98D TEV UL “8 ‘ayy uersts ayy “2 - oye USEING OUT “9 - ‘ayery Yeseg ayy °S “eqieW-1V parreo uosug aq “+ ‘ydiep aq} Jo suos s9Sunof ay} JO saoereq pues ‘s0WjQ s,ureT -raquieyy ‘so1gO Avg ‘Araxeg oquq ‘soYJOQ XBL pur’y ‘Ars0uvyD ‘Anowsy ‘Ammsvary, ‘Z1A ‘saoygo orjqnd snowe, *€-€-¢ ‘ayex) ueLhg 04} Surovy sonaypexy OM} OY} YA 98x) UaP[OL ay} Jo aovjeg *z ‘rpSuvyl Jo anbsoyy ‘1 OL SHONAYTATA CHAPTER II THE CITY OF MANSOR The foundation of the Round City. Shi‘ah insurrection: delays. No traces of the Round City now extant. Plan marked out in cinders ; Abu Hanifah. The Four Gates. Measurements. The Central Area, and the Palace of the Golden Gate. The Concentric Walls. Bricks used. The origin of the Gates. Description of thoroughfare going from outer Gate to Central Area. The original Markets and Arcades. The Prison, and the Central Area. The Water-conduits. Tue Round City in Western Baghdad which, as already said, was founded by Mansir in the year 145 (A.D. 762), formed the nucleus of the great metropolis which afterwards, radiating from this centre, spread itself-over both banks of the Tigris. This burgh, generally referred to as Madinat-al- Mansir or the City of Mansfr, was built with a double wall and four gates, it was exactly circular in outline, and stood close to the right bank of the river, at the angle formed by the inflowing of the Sarat Canal. Hardly, however, had Mansdr begun to lay out the plan of his new city, when the work was stopped by reason of a Shi‘ah rebellion in the Hij4z. A certain Muhammad, grandson of the Caliph Hasan, son of ‘Ali, rose in arms, at Medina, asserting the rights of his house to the Caliphate. He was before long defeated and slain by Humayd 16 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. ibn Kahtabah and ‘fsA ibn Miasd, a nephew of Mansar, who had been sent against him with an army. Then his brother Ibrahim once more raised the standard of the Alids in Basrah, and imme- diately marched on Kafah, where ‘Isa, the nephew of the Caliph, opposing him with his victorious troops from the Hijaz, this Ibrahim, too, was ulti- mately slain. Manstr, who had himself meanwhile crossed Mesopotamia to Kafah, and superintended the dispatch of the troops, now returned to Baghdad, where his nephew ‘fsa and Humayd, the son of Kahtabah, now joining him, they were both re- warded by a grant of fiefs in the new city as will be more particularly described in a later chapter. It was, however, not until the year 146 (a.B. 763) that the buildings at Baghdad were sufficiently advanced to enable the Caliph to remove the Treasury and Public Offices (Diwdns) from Kffah, where they had been temporarily established, to his new capital. No further mishap occurring, the constructions were now rapidly pushed on, 100,000 craftsmen being constantly employed on the works, and by the year 149 (a.p. 766) the new burgh, the Round City of Mansir, was finished 2. Of this Round City, apparently, no traces now exist; but the reason is not far to seek when it is remembered that the country where Baghdad stands being entirely wanting in stone quarries, the walls and houses were for the most part constructed of 1 Ibn Kutaybah, 192. The following description of the Round City is derived mainly from Ya‘kubi, who wrote about 130 years after the date of its foundation and when most of it was still standing. The historian Tabari, who wrote some twenty years after Ya‘kubi, has given a detailed account in his Annals of the circumstances connected with the foundation of Baghdad. u1.] The City of Mansur 17 those sun-dried mud bricks, which, with the lapse of centuries, are inevitably converted back into the clay from which they were originally moulded. Kiln-burnt bricks and tiles were indeed used to some extent, especially for facing the buildings, and fragments of these might still be found, marking the sites of ancient mosques and palaces, if suitable excavations could be made. It is said that Mansfr caused workmen to be brought together from Syria and Mosul, from Persia and from Babylonia, as also architects and land- surveyors; and over the craftsmen he appointed four chief overseers, one of these being the Imam Abu Hanifah, well known as the founder of the Hanifites, the earliest of the four schools of orthodox Sunni theology. He is said to have been the first Moslem to discard the older method of counting the bricks prepared for building, and in its stead he measured the stacks with a graduated rod and then computed their number. The plan of the city was first traced out on the ground with lines of cinders, and, to mark it the better, all along the outline they set balls of cotton saturated with naphtha and then set these on fire. On the lines thus marked were dug the foundations of the double walls, with a deep ditch outside, filled with water, and a third innermost wall round the central area, the whole thus forming concentric circles, four equidistant gate- ways being left in each of the circuits of the walls. Of these gates two, the Kffah Gate (SW.) and the Basrah Gate (SE.), both opened on the Sarat Canal; the Khurdsén Gate (NE.) was on the Tigris, leading to the Main Bridge of Boats, while the Syrian Gate (NW.) led to the highroad of BAGHDAD Cc 18 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. Anbar, which came down along the northern or left bank of the upper Sarat Canal. As the Moslem writers remark, the main feature of the City of Manstir was that it was circular, with four equi- distant gates, and this was a novelty in Islam, probably derived from Persia. Externally from gate to gate measured 5,000 ells, or about 2,500 yards, and this gives us a diameter for the outer circle round the ditch of nearly 3,200 yards *. In the centre of the city was a great circular area, at first only partially occupied by palaces and the mosque, but which in time came to be built over like the rest of Baghdad, and this area, which measured about 2,000 yards (over a mile) across, was enclosed by the innermost circular wall with its four gateways*. In the centre of this area stood ? Baladhuri, 295; Tabari, iii. 276, 277; Ya‘kubi, 238. The ell used was the Hashimite or Black Ell, which may be roughly estimated at half a yard. The measurement given above is from Ya‘kubi, p. 238. Other and later authorities vary considerably. Thus Yakut, i. 683, says that from gate to gate measured an Arab mile, i.e. 4,000 ells or 2,000 yards, which agrees fairly well with Ya‘kubi. On the other hand, Khatib (folio 65 b) states that the Caliph Mu'tadid, who reigned from 279 to 289 (892 to 902 A.D.), used to point out the limits of the old city as covering an area two Arab miles across in every direction. Khatib also cites (folio 68b) another tradition, namely, that while from the Khurasan Gate to that of Kfifah measured 800 ells (400 yards), from the Syrian Gate to that of Basrah measured only 6co ells (300 yards). This tradition, however, appears to be untrustworthy, as it is supported by no other known authority, and would make the city oval, while all other accounts agree that it was circular in plan ; Khatib himself later on implying this, when (folio 69 b) he asserts that the diameter of the city only measured 2,200 ells, that is I,100 yards, though this last must certainly be an under estimate. ® There is an apparent confusion in the descriptions of the Round City, which speak of ¢wo walls and describe three. This is because the inner wall, round the central area, which was not a rampart, is not counted as a town wall. The double walls are the two outer ramparts, and these for clearness are in the following pages designated the outer 11.] The City of Mansir 19 the Palace of the Caliph (called the Golden Gate), and beside it the Great Mosque; while from the four gates of the inner wall round the central area the four highroads led out, radiating like the spokes of a wheel, each in turn passing through the gate- ways in the double walls, and finally crossing the ditch. Apparently the gateways in the two outer walls had each double gates, for it is stated that from the outermost city gateway to the gateway leading into the central area there were in all five gates to pass. This system of concentric circular walls with a central palace was, as already said, an innovation in the plan of a Moslem city, first introduced by Mansdr, who declared that the sovereign should thus live in the centre of all and equidistant from all. The walls of Baghdad were built with sun-dried bricks of extraordinary size. It is stated that some bricks were cubical, and measured an ell (18 inches) every way, and these weighed 200 ratls or pound weights. Others were half bricks, shaped square (somewhat like the Roman bricks), being 9 inches thick, with the surface measuring 18 inches by the like, and these were of the weight of 100 ratls. That these weights, as reported by tradition, are not fictitious, but substantially correct, is shown by the fact that when part of the wall built by Mansdr was afterwards demolished, an ancient brick was found on which was written in red paint, ‘weight 117 ratls, and the trial then made proved that this was exact. We are told further that the courses of bricks in the city walls were not bonded together and the main wall. The inner wall was merely a partition to enclose the area of the palace and mosque. C2 20 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. with wooden beams (as would seem to have been the common usage among the Arabs), but with bundles of reeds: and it is stated that 162,000 bricks were set in each course. Of the double walls the inner was the higher, and sufficiently broad to be of the nature of a rampart. According to one account this, the main wall, was 90 feet high, and at its foundations measured 105 feet across (another ac- count giving the lower width at go ells, or 135 feet, but this appears to be a clerical error), while at the summit it narrowed to 37} feet. The outer wall was, by all accounts, less massive in its construction, and apparently it is this wall whose dimensions are given by Tabari as 75 feet across at the foundations, narrowing to 30 feet at the summit, with a height that may be set down at about 60 feet?. The doors of the four gateways in the main wall were of iron, and some curious details as to their origin are given us by Tabari. It is said that King Solomon, the son of David, had founded a city in lower Mesopotamia called Zandaward; and near this ancient town, in the days of the Omayyad Caliphs, Hajjaj, their great viceroy in ‘Irak, had built the Moslem city of Wasit. Now by command of King Solomon the Shaytans of old had made five iron gates for Zandaward, and these, being such as no living man could have made, Hajjaj took from the old city, already then a ruin, and set them up ' Khatib (folio 69b) gives other dimensions for the main wall: namely, height 35 ells (or 52} feet), and width below 20 ells (or 30 feet). Ya‘kubi, however, is the better authority, and his figures are those given above. To avoid needless repetition in the following pages, measurements in the Arab ell (D/z7d‘) are given in feet or yards, at the rate of two ells to three feet, which is a sufficiently exact estimate for all practical purposes. uJ The City of Mansur 21 in the gateways of WAsit. This was about the year 84 (703 a.D.), and half a century later Mansfir ordered these famous gates to be carried away from WAsit, bringing them up the Tigris toadorn the rising walls of Baghdad. Tabart states that in his day (say 300 a.H.) the five gates of Solomon were still to be seen, but what their subsequent fate was is nowhere recorded. Four out of the five closed the four gateways of the main wall of Baghdad, and the fifth was the gate of the Palace of Manstir in the central area. In the outer wall the four gates were of diverse origin : the Khurdsan Gate which had been brought from Syria, was said to be of Pharaonic workmaiship ; the Kifah Gate had been made in that city by a certain Khalid, son of “Abd-Allah, a Moslem‘ crafts- man; the Syrian Gate, recognized as being the weakest of the four, was constructed in Baghdad by order of Mansir; lastly, where the Basrah Gate came from is not known}. — Any one entering the City of Mansdr would, after crossing the ditch which encircled the outer wall, pass in by one of these four gates, from each of which a thoroughfare led directly to the great central area. The ditch was kept filled with water brought by underground conduits from the Karkhayd Canal, which will be described later, and on the inner side of the ditch rose an embankment or dyke, leading in quarter-circles from gate to gate round the city, this dyke having its sides lined with kiln-burnt bricks, carefully cemented. 1 Khatib, folios 68b, 69b; Ibn Serapion, 50, note 4; Tabari, iii. 277, 278, 321, 322; Ya'kubi, 238, 239; idem, A7siory, ii. 449 ; Marasid, i. 454. Zandaward was also the name of a N estorian monastery in East Baghdad, as will be seen later. 22 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cu. Above the dyke and the ditch rose the outer wall, crowned with battlements described as ‘circular, and this wall was flanked by bastions. Between the Kdfah Gate and that of Basrah there were twenty-. nine bastions, while between each of the other gates there were only twenty-eight, which reckoned out would give a bastion for about every sixty yards of wall length. It is to be noted that the four thoroughfares leading respectively from each of the outer gates to the central area were all exactly alike, and hence the following description will apply indifferently to the Kfifah roadway, or that entering by the Basrah, the Khurdsan, or the Syrian Gate. Each of the four gateways of the outer wall was surmounted by a great gatehouse, the hall or passage-way of which was flanked by porticoes, both hall and porticoes being vaulted with burnt bricks set in mortar. The hall of the gatehouse measured 120 feet in length, and it therefore must have traversed not only the outer wall, which, as already said, was 75 feet in width at base, but also have extended over the dyke and part of the culvert crossing the ditch’. Passing in through this hall and thus traversing the outer defences, the thorough- fare from the gatehouse led to a small square, paved with flagstones, and enclosed by walls 30 yards long by 20 yards broad, occupying the space between the gatehouses respectively of the outer and the main wall. For purposes of defence, the ground, measuring 50 yards across, was left unoccupied * Khatib, folio 70a, gives the dimensions of the gate-hall as only 30 ells by 20 (45 feet by 30); possibly this was the size of an outer portico. 11] The City of Mansiir 23 between the two outer city walls, this forming a circular ring in four quadrants, and making a con- venient roadway from gate to gate immediately within the outer line of defence, each quadrant of the ring being reached at either end from the paved squares within the outer city gates. On the inner side of each paved square, afore- said, rose the gatehouse of the main wall, surmounted by a great dome or cupola, with a portico before the gateway. The iron doors closing these four gateways have already been described, and it is reported that each of these was so ponderous that it took a company of men to open or to shut it; while the gateway was so lofty that, as Yakdbi writes, ‘a horseman with his banner, or 4 spearman with his lance, could enter the same freely and without lowering the banner or couching the lance.’ The main wall, as already stated, was a great rampart of sun-burnt bricks, 90 feet high and 123 yards broad along the top, one account adding that it was surmounted by battlements and little turrets, these last being each 74 feet high. The upper level of the main wall could be reached from each of the four gatehouses by a gangway, probably rising in gradients, for it is said that a horseman could ride up, and this gangway was carried over the vaultings which formed the roof of the portico in front of the gatehouse. Within, the portico was occupied by the horse and foot-guards of the Caliph, and the vaulted roof is described as of unequal height, part being constructed of great unburnt bricks and part of burnt brick set in mortar, the gangway (already mentioned) rising over the various levels of the vaultings to the summit of the wall, from whence 24 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. the cupola crowning the gatehouse was reached. The various passages were all closed off by doors, and the top story of each gatehouse in the main wall was occupied by an upper chamber (AZaz/is) overlooking the city, that above the Khurdsan Gate, especially, having been a favourite resting-place of the Caliph Manstr. Mas‘ddi relates an anecdote of how an arrow, bearing a warning, was shot up and fell at the feet of the Caliph as he was once seated here, and the historian takes occasion to remark that this Gate of Khurdsén was in old days often called Bab-ad-Dawlah, the Gate of Good Fortune or the Gate of the Dynasty, because the Dynasty (Dawlah) or Good Fortune of the Abbasids had come to them out of Khurdsan. The cupola over the upper chamber of each gate- house was supported on columns of teak wood; it was green in colour outside, being probably covered with tiles, and within the ceiling was wrought in gold work, vaulted, the interior height being 75 feet above its flooring. Crowning the cupola was a figure which served as a wind-vane, ‘the equal of which was not elsewhere to be seen.’ Lastly, it is stated that the hall below the cupola of each gateway in the main wall was 18 feet broad and 30 feet long, and this hall apparently occupied part of the thick- ness of the wall. Between the main wall and the third or inner wall enclosing the central area was another broad circular ring of ground, which (like the outer ring already described) was of course divided into four quadrants by the thoroughfares from the gates. Summing up the measurements given by Khatib, it would appear that its width from the main wall to the inner wall 11.] The City of Manstr 25 must have been somewhat less than 150 yards across, while each of its four quadrants measured in length about a mile from gate to gate. Unlike the outer ring (which was vacant), these quadrants were occupied by houses forming streets and lanes, and though the space between the main and inner walls was somewhat narrow, the total area of the four quadrants was not inconsiderable, amounting to over a third of a square mile in the aggregate. The thoroughfare between the gates of the main and the inner wall began and ended respectively in an outer and inner square—a double line of arcades connecting the two—and from these squares and the arcades access was obtained, right and left, to the streets and houses. Returning, therefore, to the gate in the main wall, after passing in through this, the outer square would be’ reached, measuring 10 yards in length and breadth, from which to right and to left gateways opened to the road which ran on the inner side of the main wall separating it from the houses; while straight on from the outer square, and leading to the inner square in front of each gateway of the central area, was the roadway flanked on either side by the arcades. This road was 74 yards broad, being 100 yards in length from square to square; and the archways form- ing the arcades are stated to have numbered fifty-three, probably twenty-six on either hand, and one at the end, through which lay the entrance from the outer square. The archways were all alike, and at its entrance the road could be closed off by double doors of teak wood. The arcades were vaulted, being built of burnt brick set in mortar, and they had ‘Grecian windows’ 26 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. (Kiwé Rimiyah) opening on the roadway, these being probably of pierced tiles, which while letting in the sunlight kept out the rain; and rooms in the arcades were originally tenanted by the Ghulams, the pages of the Caliph’. The markets, within the City of Manstir, had originally occupied the four roadways from the gates flanked by these arcades, but before many years had passed the Caliph ordered all the shops to be removed from within the city, and he then built the suburb of Karkh, as will be described in a following chapter, for the accom- modation of the market people and the merchants, the arcades thus cleared of the shops being used as permanent barracks for the city police and the horse- guard. At the end of the arcades came the inner square, measuring 10 yards by the like, which fronted the gateway in the circular wall enclosing the central area, while close to the gateway stood a double row of small arcades, these probably being on either side of the portico before the gatehouse. Between the main and the inner wall, as already said, the area of the four quadrants divided off by the thoroughfares from the gates, was in the earlier times built over by the houses of the immediate followers of the Caliph Mansar, to whom had been granted here plots of land, and before long the whole space had come to be covered by a network of roads and lanes. But the Caliph did not allow his people to build their houses close up against either the main wall or the wall of the central area, for immediately within the main wall an open ring 12$ yards broad was kept clear as t Ya‘kubi, 239; idem, Azscory, ii. 449; Ibn Rustah, 108; Khatib, folios 68 a, 69 b, 70a, b,72a; Mas‘udi, vi. 17k. 1] The City of Mansur 27 a roadway, while outside the wall of the central area there was also a clear space forming a road. The houses in the streets and lanes of each quad- rant could also, at need, be closed off from these roads by strong gates. The streets here in most cases continued to be called after the names of those who had become the owners of the houses and gardens when Mansir had first built the Round City: the full list is given in Yakdbi, but this being merely a catalogue of proper names, it is needless here to transcribe. In the quadrant of houses on the south side, that between the thoroughfares leading respectively to the Basrah and Kifah Gates, the Caliph built his great prison called the Matbak, standing in the street of the same name, ‘constructing it with well- built walls and solid foundations;’ and until the reign of Mutawakkil, grandson of Hartin-ar-Rashid, this remained the chief prison of Western Baghdad. One of the roads near here was called after the Sunni Imam Abu Hanifah, who, as already mentioned, had aided the Caliph Mansfir when laying out the plan of the city. In some of the quadrants also the streets were named after the trades of their inhabitants, thus for instance between the Basrah and the Khurdsin Gates was the Street of the Water-carriers, and in another quadrant we find the Street of the Mu‘adhdhin (or Crier to prayer), and the Street of the Horse-guards. The great central area of the Round City, as already stated, was enclosed by the inner wall, pierced by the four gates leading to the main thoroughfares, and its circle must have had a diameter of nearly 2,000 yards, being in other 28 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. words over a mile across. The gatehouses, which thus opened into the central area from each of the four squares at the end of the arcades already described, were alike, and each gatehouse had a vaulted portico before it, built of burnt bricks set in mortar, leading into a great hall or passage- way closed by an iron door. It would appear that at first the wall of the central area had been pierced by many doorways leading directly to the houses and streets in the four quadrants immediately outside this wall; but these openings the Caliph Mansiir, at an early period, caused to be walled up, only the four gates to the thoroughfares being kept open. Manstir further commanded that no one but himself should enter the central area riding, and everybody else had to leave his horse or mule at one of the four gatehouses. It is related that ‘fsa ibn ‘Ali, uncle of the Caliph, complained that he suffered so much from weakness as to be unable to walk the distance of about half a mile from the gatehouse across to the palace, and he petitioned to be allowed to ride in on his horse or else to make use of a sumpter mule. Mansdr, however, bade him in that case betake himself to a woman’s litter, and when ‘[s4 replied that he was ashamed before the people to appear thus, the Caliph declined to allow any exception to be made in his favour. On the other hand it is reported that Datd ibn ‘Ali, another uncle of the Caliph, being very gouty, was for a time permitted to be carried to the palace in his litter, and the same privilege was also granted to the heir-apparent Mahdi. On another of the uncles of the Caliph, “Abd-as-Samad by name, ask- ing for a similar favour, the Caliph was induced to u1.] The City of Mansur 29 promise him the privilege of being carried by one of the pack-mules commonly employed for bringing in the filled water-skins for the use of the palace, so soon as he, ‘Abd-as-Samad, should succeed in laying a conduit to bring water direct from outside the Khurasan Gate into the palace tanks. This work ‘Abd-as-Samad_ successfully accomplished, making the conduits of teak-wood (S47), and the Caliph afterwards improved on the invention by digging permanent watercourses from both the Dujayl Canal and from the Karkhay4, thus bringing a plentiful supply of water into the palace and other parts of the Round City. The beds of these new water- courses he laid in cement, and they were arched over throughout their whole length with burnt bricks set in mortar, so that both summer and winter (as it was said) in after-times water never failed in any of the streets or quarters of the City of Mansitr?. 1 Tabari, iii. 322, 323, 324; Ya‘kubi, 240, 241; Khatib, folios 72a, b, 73a, b; also Yakut, i. 284, where (line 9) read Munakrisan (gouty) for Mutafarrisan, which, in this context, has no sense. Ibn Khallikan, No. 9, p. 16; No. 128, p. 30. CHAPTER III THE CITY OF MANSOR (continued) The Palace of the Golden Gate, and the Diwdns or Public Offices. The history of the Great Mosque of Mansfr. Khalid the Barmecide and the Palace of the Chosroes. Sums spent. The Khuld Palace outside the Khur4san Gate. The foundation of Rusdfah. Question how long the Round City remained standing: the siege in the reign of Amin. The Main Wall. Inundations destroy walls and houses. Tue middle of the central area was occupied by the palace of the Caliph and the Great Mosque, the two standing side by side with a space kept free of houses all round, except on the north-west side, in the direction facing the Syrian Gate, where two buildings had been erected close up against the palace wall. One of these was the barrack for the horse-guards of the Caliph, and the other is described as standing adjacent, and probably stretch- ing beyond the guardhouse ; it consisted of a broad gallery, divided into two parts, and was supported on columns of brickwork set in mortar. This double gallery had originally been intended to serve, on the one side, as the audience hall for the chief of the city police, on the other for the audience hall of the captain of the horse-guards ; but in later times, when Ya'ktbi wrote, they were, he says, for the most The City of Manstr 31 part used by the people as convenient places in which to say their prayers. Beyond the space which, as already stated, was kept clear all round the palace and mosque, and thence extending back to the limit of the encircling inner wall, were built the various palaces of the younger children of the Caliph Mansfr and the houses of his servants, also the public offices, such as the Treasury and the Armoury, with the various buildings of the Chancery (or Secretariat), of the Office for the Land Tax, of the Privy Seal, of War and the Department of Public Works, of the Household of the Caliph and the Public Bakery, and finally of the Pay Office. The great palace of Mansiir, in the centre of his Round City, was known as the Golden Gate (Bab- adh-Dhahab) or the Palace of the Green Dome (Al-Kubbat-al-Khadra) ; sometimes also it was named the Golden Palace. Its area covered a space originally measuring about 200 yards square, and its central building was crowned by a great dome, green in colour as already said, on the sum- mit of which, at a height of 120 feet above the ground, and visible from all quarters of Baghdad, was the figure of a horseman. In later times this figure was credited with having been endowed originally with the magical power of pointing its lance in the direction from which the enemies of the Caliph were about to appear’. 1 The account of the Magic Horseman is apparently first mentioned by Khatib, who wrote in 450 (1038 A.D.). It is copied by Yakut (i. 683), who is very angry at his predecessor for relating such fables, ‘only worthy of Balinds,’ i.e. Apollonius of Tyana, adding that ‘the religion of Islam is not glorified by such fables,’ and assuring his readers that all this ‘is but a cheat and a manifest lie.’ It is seldom that Yakut shows so much common sense. 32 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Under the dome, on the ground-floor of the palace, was an audience chamber measuring 30 feet square, with a vaulted ceiling that was 30 feet high at the summit; and above this was built a second chamber, of like dimensions to the first, and its ceiling was formed by the interior of the green dome. In front of the lower audience chamber was a great open alcove—after the Persian fashion and called the Aywan—surmounted by an arch, the key-stone of which was 45 feet above the pavement, and the width of this open Aywan was 30 feet. This was the first palace that Mansir built himself; then, a few years afterwards he began laying out the celebrated palace of the Khuld (to be described later), which stood outside the Khurdsan Gate of the Round City, on the Tigris bank. The Palace of the Golden Gate, however, appears to have been the official residence of Mansir and his immediate successors. HArtdn-ar-Rashid, it is true, preferred the Khuld and lived for the most part there when staying in Baghdad, but his son Amin again held his court in the Palace of the Golden Gate, where he is said further to have added a building of his own invention, probably some sort of pinnacle or belvedere’. During the great siege of Baghdad in the year 198 (a.p. 814), when Amin began to be hard pressed by the troops of his brother Maman, it was within the Golden Gate with the walls of the Round City for a bulwark that his partisans made their final stand. The great palace must 1 The word used by Tabari is Javéf, literally ‘a wing,’ but apparently here not a ‘wing’ of a building as we use the term: cf. Dozy, s.v. Janéh, i] The City of Manstr 33 then have suffered considerable damage, for during this siege the whole of the Round City was, for the space of several weeks, continuously bombarded by the catapults which Tahir, the commander of the troops sent against his brother by Mamiun, had erected in the suburbs; and though the Green Dome stood intact for more than a century after this time, the palace itself does not appear to have been used as a royal residence after the death of Amin. Three-quarters of a century later a con- siderable part of the Golden Palace was pulled down in order to enlarge the neighbouring mosque; the Green Dome, however, was left standing, and this only fell to ruin in the year 329 (a.D. 941). During the month of March of that year there were great storms in Baghdad with heavy rains, and finally, on the night preceding the eighth day of the month Jumadi II, the Green Dome suddenly collapsed, having been just before struck by a thunderbolt and probably set on fire4. The Great Mosque, as already stated, was built by Manstir side by side with his palace of the Golden Gate. The mosque did not exactly face the Mecca point, as it should have done, the cause being that its plan having only been laid down after the palace was completed, the quadrangle of the mosque, for the sake of symmetry, had to conform to the already existing lines of the palace walls. Hence the Kiblah point was askew, the true direc- tion of Mecca (it is said) bearing rather more towards the Basrah Gate than the compass-point, marked by the Nich (Mihrab) in the end wall of 1 Ya‘kubi, 240; idem, Azstory, ii. 450; Tabari, iii. 326, 930 ; Ste folios 68 b, 69a, 99b; Yakut, i. 683, 684. BAGHDAD D 34 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. the mosque, would indicate. To the spectator who faced Mecca-wards, the Great Mosque must have stood on the left or south-eastern side of the Golden Palace—the guardhouses and halls it will be remembered were on the opposite, north-western, side—while the main fronts of both buildings, more or less in a line, looked towards the Khurdsan Gate. Assuming that this gate stood exactly to the north- east in the line of the circular walls, the back wall of the mosque, with the Kiblah point marked in its centre by the Nich or Mihrab, would thus have pointed due south-west, while the true direction of Mecca from Baghdad is found to lie about south- south-west, or as the Moslem writers have described it, ‘more towards the Basrah Gate,’ than due south- west. When first planned, the mosque covered an area one-quarter that of the neighbouring palace, namely a square measuring 200 ells or 100 yards either way; and the original structure was of sun-dried bricks set in clay, with a roof supported on wooden columns. Most of these columns were constructed of two or more beams or baulks of timber, joined together endwise with glue, and clamped with iron bolts; but some five or six columns, those near the minaret, were formed each of a single tree-trunk. All the columns supported round capitals, each made of a block of wood, which was set on the shaft, like a drum. This was the first mosque built in Baghdad, and, as originally constructed by Man- stir, it stood for about half a century, when it was pulled down by Hardn-ar-Rashid, who. replaced its somewhat primitive structure by an edifice solidly built of kiln-burnt brick set in mortar. An inscrip- 11] The City of Mansir 35 tion in honour of the Caliph Hardin, mentioning also the names of the architects and master-masons, with the date—it was begun in 192 and finished a year later (a. p. 809)—was set up on the outer mosque wall, facing the Khurds4n Gate; and this inscription, apparently, was seen by Khatib, who wrote in 450 (A.D. 1058). This mosque in subse- quent times was commonly known as As-Sahn-al- ‘Atik (the Old Court). However, before many years had elapsed, its precincts had come to be too narrow for the number of the worshippers who crowded thither to the Friday prayers, and a neigh- bouring house called the Dér-al-Kattdn, which had originally been erected by the Caliph Mansfr for one of the Diwd4ns or public offices, was pressed into service by the people, and used as an additional mosque. This place, being the more convenient, by the year 260 or 261 (A.D. 875) had come to be almost exclusively used for the Friday prayers, and the older mosque was left empty, a state of affairs which was considered uncanonical by the reigning Caliph Mu'tadid, who was moved to remedy the case by ordering the restoration and enlargement of the Great Mosque. In the year 280 (a. D. 893), therefore, a part of the neighbouring palace of the Golden Gate was thrown down and its site added to the area of the mosque; and to this extension access was given by seventeen arches, pierced in the partition wall originally separating the two buildings—thirteen archways opening from the palace area into the Mosque Court, and four into the Riwdks, the aisles or porticoes. Further, and by order of the Caliph, the pulpit, the Mecca Nich (Mihrab), and the Maksdrah or oratory, were D 2 36 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cu. all fully restored and beautified, while what still remained standing of the old mosque of the time of Hardn-ar-Rashid was thoroughly cleaned and set in order. Khatib mentions that Badr, the celebrated Wazir of Mu'tadid, was more especially made re- sponsible for carrying into effect these additions made to the mosque from the adjacent area of the old palace of Manstr, and Khatib adds that, in his honour, these newer portions came afterwards to be known as the Badriyah. Thus enlarged and restored, the mosque is described by Ibn Rustah, who wrote about the year 290 (a. D. 903), as a ‘ fine structure of kiln-burnt bricks well mortared, which is covered by a roof of teak wood supported on columns of the same, the whole being ornamented with (tiles the colour of) lapislazuli.’ _ During five centuries and more, while the Abbasid ~ Caliphs.ruled in Baghdad, this mosque of the City of Mansfir continued in use for the Friday prayers, and its name frequently recurs in the chronicles. In the year 450 (a.p. 1058) the rebel Basdsiri, when master of Baghdad, temporarily desecrated it by causing the heretical Fatimite Caliph of Egypt to be prayed for publicly on the Friday from its pulpit; but this was only a passing insult to Sunni ortho- doxy, and the mosque was, on the defeat of the rebels, restored to the true Commander of the Faithful. The Jew, Benjamin of Tudela, who visited Baghdad about a century after this, namely in a.p. 1160, relates how the Caliph, who now had come to be but rarely seen outside the walls of his great palace in East Baghdad, once a year, at the feast of the close of the Ramadan fast, visited in state ‘the mosque of the Basrah Gate quarter, as the m1] The City of Manshr 37 Jewish traveller names it, adding that this was still the metropolitan mosque of Baghdad. The building appears even to have passed unhurt through the great Mongol siege of the year 656 (a.p. 1258), for its name does not occur in the list of the mosques and shrines which were burnt and subsequently restored by order of Hfilagf; and in the year 727 (A.D. 1327), when Ibn Batdtah visited Baghdad, the mosque of Mansiir is mentioned as still standing. At the present day, however, all traces of it have entirely disappeared, and no remains apparently were to be seen even in the last century, when Niebuhr visited Baghdad, though the exact date of its demolition is unknown’, As already remarked, the houses of Baghdad were for the most part built of sun-dried bricks, a fact which must account for there being now hardly any ruins of the ancient city. Kiln-burnt bricks were, of course, to some extent used in many of the public buildings, and at one time it would appear that the Caliph Manstr had even had some intention of taking the stones from the ruins of Madain (the ancient Ctesiphon and Seleucia), a few leagues below Baghdad, on the Tigris bank, which lay, therefore, conveniently to hand as a quarry for building materials. In connexion with this matter an anecdote is given, in which Khalid, the first, of the Barmecides who rose to power at the Abbasid court, plays a prominent part: he representing 1 Tabari, iii. 322; Khatib, folios 99a to 100b; Ibn Rustah, 109; Ibn-al-Athir, ix. 441; Benjamin of Tudela, i. 97 ; Ibn Batutah, ii. 107. Timur took Baghdad in the year 795 (A.D. 1393), and a year afterwards ordered the city to be rebuilt: the old mosque of Mansir may have disappeared at this time, though no mention of it is made by Sharaf- ad-Din. 38 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH the Persian influences which were later on to be supreme. This Khalid, son of Barmak, was a native of Balkh, where his father, a Magian of some note, had become a Moslem at the time of the first Arab conquest. Khdlid himself had emigrated westward when the Abbasid armies had been raised, and had taken service under the first Caliph of the new dynasty, Saffah, by whom he was appointed Wazir, in which post Mansfr had retained his ser- vices after his brother's death. When Baghdad was founded it became a question, as already said, whether the plentiful materials of stone and brick existing at Madain might not be used with advan- tage for the buildings of the new city. There was in particular the great White Palace of the Chosroes, which Manstr now proposed to demolish, and he took counsel of Khalid the Barmecide how the work should be carried out. The latter, however, im- mediately strove to hinder its execution, trying to persuade the Caliph to go elsewhere for his building materials: this ancient palace, said Khélid, had become an abiding proof of the might of Islam; it was an enduring monument, for all who should behold it, of how the worldly glory of its builder, the great Chosroes, had come to naught before the religion of the Arabs, who had overthrown the Persian monarchy, and whose sovereign now ruled in its stead; and Khalid is reported to have added, ‘Further, O Commander of the Faithful, the Caliph ‘Ali did make his prayer in this palace, wherefore indeed let it stand.” Mansfr, however, was not to be turned from his purpose; he told Khalid that, with all this specious reasoning, his real objection to the destruction of the palace of the Chosroes ut] The City of Mansir 39 lay in his (Khélid’s) veneration for the ancient Persian monarchs and their monuments, and despite his advice the Caliph ordered the demolition of the White Palace to be begun. When in part this had been accomplished, it was found that the cost of breaking down the walls and then trans- porting the materials upstream was greater than the price that new material in Baghdad would come to; and Mansfr without further loss of time put a stop to this extravagant demolition. Khalid there- upon came forward and urged the Caliph for very shame to continue his work, and pull down the palace to its foundation; otherwise, as he pointed out, men would say that Mansi, the Successor of the Prophet, was impotent even to destroy what the Chosroes had built. The Caliph, however, with practical common sense declined to ruin himself on account of what men might say, and the work was permanently abandoned. At a later date, as will be mentioned in a subsequent chapter, part of this Madain palace was pulled down to supply materials for building the T4j, a palace in Eastern Baghdad begun by the Caliph Mu'tadid. On this latter occasion, however, the work of demolition must have been only in part carried out, for the ruins of the White Palace still tower above the Tigris bank at Ctesiphon, the solid building of the Sassanian epoch having survived the palaces of the Caliphs, to be a record, if the anecdote be true, of the patriotic spirit displayed by the first of the Barme- cides. This Khalid, son of Barmak, it will be remembered, was the father of Yahy4, who with his two sons, the Wazir Jafar and the courtier Fadl, enjoyed the favour and contributed so much to the 40 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cn. glory of Hardn-ar-Rashid: their ultimate disgrace and sudden downfall being the proverbial example in Oriental history of the change of fortune and the mutability of royal favour!. Some curious details are given by our authorities regarding the sums of money which the Caliph Manstir, who was noted for his parsimony, spent on the building of Baghdad. The sum total disbursed, when the Caliph came to take the accounts, for building the palace and the double walls, and for digging the ditch, is set down by Tabart at 4,000,833 silver dirhams, and in addition of copper coins (//s) they had spent 100,023,000, These figures (with minor variations, probably due to the errors of copyists) are repeated by many subsequent authori- ties, and turned into modern currency the sum in dirhams is equivalent to about £160,000, while the copper coins come to some £200,000. Khatib, and Yakit (following him), on the other hand, estimate the sum total at 18,000,000 gold dinars, equivalent to about £9,000,000 sterling in our money, and some further variations in the figures are given by Khatib in his history of Baghdad?. Such was the Round City, the building of which Mansir had completed by the year 149 (a.p. 766); and shortly after this date the great suburbs, which will form the subject of the following chapters, began to be laid out beyond the three gates of Basrah, Kifah, and Syria. At the Khurasan Gate, opening on the Tigris and the Main Bridge of Boats, the Caliph, as already ' Tabari, iii. 320; Yakut, i. 426. x Tabari, iti, 326; Mukaddasi, 121; Khatib, folio 65b; Yakut, i, 683. m,] The City of Mansur 41 stated, built himself a second great palace which he called the Khuld, and the later history of this palace will be given in a subsequent chapter’. The opposite or eastern bank of the Tigris had hitherto been unoccupied by any buildings, when Mansar, the Round City being now completed, in the year 151 (A.D. 768) proceeded to lay the foundations of a mosque and palace on the Persian side of the river, and the new suburb took the name of Rusafah (the Causeway), from the dyked road leading across the marsh-land in the bend of the Tigris. This causeway started from the further end of the bridge of boats; and the suburb of Rus4fah formed the nucleus of Eastern Baghdad, which afterwards came to be the main half of the metropolis when the Caliphs, after building the eastern palaces, took up their abode here, and transferred the government offices to the Persian side of the stream. Hence it came about that the Caliph Manstr was not only the founder of Western, but also of Eastern Baghdad, 1 It is nowhere precisely stated what was the orientation of the four gates of the Round City; but they are knownto have been equidistant, and a number of considerations tend to the conclusion that they must almost exactly have faced respectively the NE. and the NW., the SE. and the SW. points. Trial on the map shows that no other position will better suit the circumstances of the case, for, since the course of the Tigris going through Baghdad ran from north-west to south-east, (1) the Khurdsan Gate, which opened on the main bridge, must have faced north-east, being at right angles to the river, and (2) the Basrah Gate south-east, this opening on the road which went down parallel with the Tigris. Then, as will be seen in the next chapter, from outside (3) the Kfifah Gate two roads diverged, one south to’ Kiifah, the other turning westward to Muhawwal and Anbar—south-west, therefore, halfway between the two points, will suit the requirements for this gate; while (4) the Syrian Gate which faced north-west gave access both to the northern suburbs and to the Anbar road, which last turned off at a right angle to the northern roads and ran due west from beyond this gate to the nearest point on the Euphrates. 42 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. which last in time totally eclipsed the glory of the Round City on the Arabian side of the Tigris. Eastern Baghdad will be described in later chapters : at present it is enough to note that the plan of Rusafah having been laid out by Mansdr in 151 (a.p. 768), Mahdi the son, and in after-times the suc- cessor of Mans(fir, arrived in the month Shawwél of that year from Khurdsdn, at the head of his troops, and the Caliph gave orders that these should remain encamped on the Persian side of the Tigris. The land round the new mosque and palace of Rus4fah being thus occupied by the troops, their leaders received grants of fiefs, and many houses were built, the new quarter taking the name of ‘Askar-al-Mahdi, or the Camp of Mahdi?. In concluding this description of the Round City of Manstr, the question will be asked—how long, with the rapid growth of Western and then of Eastern Baghdad, this burgh or citadel with its four gates, triple concentric walls, and ditch, continued to exist intact. The chronicles nowhere definitely state when ? During the earlier centuries of the Abbasid period, the Tigris, within the limits of Baghdad, was crossed at three places by bridges of boats. These will be more particularly noticed in a later chapter ; in the following pages, for the sake of brevity, and clearly to distinguish them, they are referred to as (1) the Upper Bridge, (2) the Main Bridge, and (3) the Lower Bridge. The second of these is the bridge of boats in front of the Khurasan Gate of the Round City; the first being the bridge crossing about a mile above this point, immediately below the Upper Harbour, while the third was the bridge of boats crossing the Tigris probably at a point below the mouth of the Sarat Canal. As will be explained in chapter xiii, the single bridge of boats which in modern times connects Eastern Baghdad with its western suburb, cannot be identical in position with any one of the three above mentioned, but is that referred to by Yakut in the seventh century (the thirteenth A.D.), and which apparently was first moored opposite the palaces of the Caliphs, at about the close of the fifth century (the eleventh a.D.), m.] The City of Mansir 43 the City of Mansi fell to ruin ; but it is evident that of the triple walls, the innermost, namely that sur- rounding the central area, being merely an enclosing wall and not a rampart, must have disappeared before long, from the encroachment of the houses built in tne ring beyond it. Except in the description of the first building of the Round City, this inner wall is indeed apparently never mentioned in the chronicles of Tabari and his successors; neither does the ditch encircling the outer wall appear to have existed for long after the time of Mansir, for no reference to it occurs in the accounts of the (first) siege of Baghdad, in the time of Amin. In the main, however, it appears that the Round City remained standing as Mansfr had built it, till the death of Hartn-ar- Rashid, grandson of Mansdr, in 193 (a.D. 809). Five years later, at the close of the civil war which imme- diately after the death of Harfin had broken out between his two sons Mamtin and Amin, the latter had as a last resort entrenched himself within the Round City, after garrisoning the Khuld Palace, on the western bank of the Tigris, with his troops. The siege of Baghdad at this time had already lasted for over a year; Tahir and Harthamah, the two generals sent by the Caliph Mamiin against his brother, were blockading respectively Western and Eastern Bagh- dad, and T4hir finally found himself obliged to storm the Round City, which was stubbornly defended to the last by the partisans of Amin. The first destruction of the double walls must have been in part the work of the soldiers of Tahir during the assault which ended the first siege of Baghdad in the year 198 (a.p. 814), but through- out the succeeding century much of the Round City 44 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH, would appear to have remained standing. The palace of the Golden Gate in the centre, as has already been mentioned, only fell to ruin in 329 (a.D. 941), and the mosque was in use down to the eighth century (the fourteenth a.p.) after the Mongol siege. In regard to the main wall of the Round City, Ibn Serapion, writing about the year 300 (A.D. 913), states that a canal coming down the road outside the Kafah Gate threw off a branch which entered ‘ part of the remains of the City of Mansar,’ proving that the line of the main wall in this quarter must have been cut or tunnelled through at the date in question. On the other hand Khatib reports that in the year 307 (a.D. 919) the populace of Baghdad, having risen in insurrection, broke open the prisons in the City of Mansfr and set free their inmates. The prisoners, however, were promptly reeaptured by the city police, who closed the iron gates of the City of Manstr, and at their leisure hunted down the malefactors, who were thus entrapped within the circuit of the walls; but this is apparently the last mention of these gates being closed. Inundations, both of the Tigris and of the Euphrates (the last coming down through the ‘isa Canal), were wont periodically to lay Baghdad in partial ruin—the waters having at all times been difficult to keep in check—and one such inundation is reported by Khatib to have taken place in the year 330 and odd (about a.D. 942), which destroyed the arcades in the Round City near the Kifah Gate. This inun- dation was caused by the bursting of the dams on the Euphrates at a place called Kubbin, which regulated the waterflow of the ‘isa Canal. A volume of black water, it is reported, burst suddenly into the Round mt] The City of Mansir 45 City, and the flood destroyed many houses, among others the house of the narrator, from whom Khatib had copied his account, who was forced to remove his family up stream to Mosul, where he had to remain for two years, until the damage done by the flood had been repaired. In regard to the four great gatehouses in the main wall, Mas‘ddi, writing in the year 332 (a.D. 944), alludes incidentally to these as still standing in his day, apparently with their upper chambers and vaulted cupolas still intact; further (and in this he confirms the account given by Khatib), the same author speaks of the green dome of the Palace of the Golden Gate as having fallen ‘in our own times,’ evidently alluding to the ruin caused by the great storm of the year 329, which was just three years before Mas‘iidi finished his chronicle called the Golden Meadows (Murtj-adh-Dhahab). With the close of the fourth century (the tenth A.D.) much of the older City of MansGr must have disappeared, and in the year 370 (a. D. 980), as will be described more fully in a later chapter, the site of the great palace of the Khuld outside its walls, which had remained for some decades an uninhabited ruin, was cleared, preparatory to the building of the New Hospital (Bimaristan) by the Buyid Prince ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah. From many inci- dental allusions in the chronicles, it would appear that various remaining portions of the Round City had gradually come to be absorbed among the buildings, forming the quarters of West Baghdad, which rose up beyond and round the four ancient gates of the City of Mansfr. Thus the Great Mosque, down to the period of the Mongol invasion, was counted as forming part of the Quarter at 46 Baghdad during the Caliphate the Basrah Gate; the Khurdsdn Gate and its neighbourhood became incorporated into the market (Stk) which had sprung up round the ‘Adudi hospital, and was connected with the quarter along the river bank, known as the Shari: while from the Mosque of Mansir to beyond the Syrian Gate ruins extending over nearly a mile existed in the time of Yakat, namely the seventh century (the thirteenth a.D.), and the inhabited houses of the older city, round this gate, were then considered to form part of the Harbiyah Quarter, which had formerly ex- tended to the northward beyond the gate. Lastly, the Kifah Gate, which, as has been above described, had suffered much injury from the inundations, together with its adjacent streets and houses, would appear to have been absorbed into the Muhawwal Gate Quarter on the west, or to have come to form part of Karkh on the south, which latter quarter having survived all its rivals is now the only relic left standing of the ancient city of Western Baghdad}. ' See Plan, No. VII; Ibn Serapion, 25 ; Khatib, folios 71b, 72b; Mas‘udi, vi. 171; Marasid, ii. 388, who mentions another bursting of the Kubbin dam during the reign of Musta‘sim, the last Abbasid Caliph. Map I. Toface pnge47. Dayr al. Kibab, be 5 & FIEF, Kavimaayn Shrines KATRABBUL . NAHR BUK DISTRICT & DISTRICT a fetiy, Muse of eiades Bog the Pl Br Go we thd THE ROUND @ os x I * E yy : KALWADHA cry € om 3 ; . _BISTRICT es weg . BADURAYA S Barzazin \\ Sooo RABI agn® Pere per) K ty BAGH DAD between 150 and 300 A.H. 9 %y 1 Scale of Engl.Mile Rv Qos sonst 190 CHAPTER IV THE CANALS OF WESTERN BAGHDAD Ya'‘kabt and Ibn Serapion. The older Dujayl Canal. The Nahr ‘fsa and the Sarat Canal. The Katrabbul and Badurdy4 districts. The Trench of Tahir. The Karkhay4 Canal and its branches. The Canal of the Syrian Gate. The Batatiya and the channels of the Harbiyah Quarter. Comparative sizes of these various watercourses. Our systematic knowledge of the topography of Baghdad is derived from two nearly contemporary sources, namely Ya‘kibi, who wrote near the end of the third century of the Hijrah, and Ibn Serapion, whose work dates from the beginning of the fourth, in other words, respectively a short time before and after the year 900 a.p. The first of these authorities, Ya‘kQbi, describes the various quarters and buildings of the city as the traveller would pass them when riding, in turn, along one or other of the great highroads which radiated to the chief points of the compass from the four gates of the Round City. Ibn Serapion, on the other hand, chiefly occupies himself with tracing out the network of canals whose ramifications traversed the suburbs of the Round City, which in his time had come to form Western and Eastern Baghdad. In the following pages it is by the intersection of 48 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH the various watercourses with the highroads that, combining the two descriptions, we are enabled to lay out a rough sort of triangulation, and thus remake the plan of the great city of the Caliphs, of which otherwise the few ancient ruins that still occupy the sites of its former buildings would hardly have afforded us sufficient data for the reconstruction of its topography. As is well known, the Arabs had inherited from the Persians, their predecessors in Mesopotamia, the system of canalization which connected the lower course of the Euphrates with the Tigris, making the Sawdd—as the alluvial plain to the west and south of Baghdad was named—one of the most fruitful countries of the East. The system of canals thus adopted had for its object to employ the surplus waters of the Euphrates entirely for irrigating the lands lying between the two great rivers; while on the other hand the waters of the Tigris, being tapped by canals from its eastern bank, a portion of its stream was thus carried by irrigation channels through the lands which lay on the Persian or eastern side of the river. The greatest of the canals taken from the Tigris was the eastern offshoot called the Kattl-Nahraw4n channel, dating from the days of the Chosroes, from which directly or indirectly the lands of Eastern Baghdad were irrigated; but at a sub- sequent period a lesser system of canals was also derived from the western bank of the Tigris above Baghdad—namely the Ishdkiyah and the later Dujayl—from which, after the date when Ibn Serapion wrote, the lands to the north of Western Baghdad likewise came to receive their water supply w.] The Canals of Western Baghdad 49 from the Tigris. The four great irrigation canals, which in part drained the Euphrates into the Tigris, bore respectively the names of the Nahr ‘isa, the Nahr Sarsar, the Nahr Malik, and the Nahr Katha, of which the highest up, namely the ‘Isa Canal, supplied water to a full moiety of the lands of Western Baghdad. Further, at the time when the Caliph Mansdr was building the Round City, the older Dujayl Canal running from the Euphrates to the Tigris, with a course parallel to and above the Nahr ‘isd, was still in existence; and thus, during the first two centuries after the foundation of the city, Western Baghdad was irrigated solely by the waters of the Euphrates. At a date sub- sequent to this, namely by the close of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.), the Dujayl, by the silting in of its upper course, had ceased to receive the waters of the Euphrates; and a new, shorter channel was then dug connecting the lower Dujayl with the Tigris, from the right bank of which it continued to draw its waters, irrigating the district of Maskin and supplying the needs of the Harbiyah Quarter of Western Baghdad, during subsequent times’. In order to gain a general idea of the ground plan of Western Baghdad in mediaeval times it will be convenient to summarize in this chapter the account which Ibn Serapion has given of the canals which embraced the Round City of Mansar in a network of waterways. All these, as already re- marked, were derived from one of two sources, namely, either from the Nahr ‘fsa or from the Dujayl Canal. 1 See J. R. A. S., 1895, ‘ Notes on Ibn Serapion,’ p. 747. The follow- ing description is from the Arabic text, pp. 14, 15, and pp. 24 to 28, BAGHDAD E 50 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. The point where the Nahr ‘fs4 left the Euphrates was almost on the same parallel of latitude as that occupied by Baghdad on the Tigris, and the ‘fsa Canal flowed, speaking generally, due east. At what Ibn Serapion describes as ‘a short distance "say one mile—before coming to the township of Muhaw- wal, which itself lay three miles distant from the City of Mansdar, the ‘fsA Canal bifurcated, and the left branch took the name of the Nahr-as-Sardt. The main channel, to the right, still keeping its name of the Nahr ‘isa, curving first southward and then north-east almost through a semicircle, traversed the great southern suburb of Karkh, and finally flowed out into the Tigris at a spot some little way below the City of Manstir, which was known ‘as Al-Fardah or ‘the (Lower) Harbour.’ The Sardt Canal (the branch to the left at the bifurcation of the Nahr ‘fsa above Muhawwal) fol- lowed a course almost parallel in direction with the parent channel, which ultimately brought it to the south-western side of the Round City at the Old Bridge, a short distance outside the Kififah Gate. From here it curved round the city wall, passed up in front of the Basrah Gate, and con- tinuing north-eastward for a short distance, flowed out into the Tigris below the gardens of the Khuld Palace, which, as already described, lay outside the Khurdas4n Gate, and to the right of the road leading to the Main Bridge of Boats. The line of the Sarat Canal formed the boundary dividing the two districts of Katrabbul and Baduraya one from the other, which, occupying the western bank of the Tigris, lay opposite to the two districts of Nahr Bok and Kalwddha on the eastern side v.] The Canals of Western Baghdad 51 of the river; and hence the two halves of Baghdad, west and east, are described as standing on the ground where these four districts met. On the western side of the Tigris, with which we have now to deal, the land that lay on the left bank of the Sarat, and upstream as regards the Tigris, or as the Arabs deemed it, the ‘western’ side of the Sar4t, was the Katrabbul district ; while from the right bank, or, as they wrote, to the ‘east’ of the Sarat, stretched the Badurdyd district, down- stream along the course of the Tigris. Hence, while the suburb of Karkh lay in Badurdaya, the City of Mansiir and its northern suburbs were situated in the Katrabbul district. The Sarat Canal, at a distance of one league from its point of origin (and therefore a mile or more before it reached the City of Mansfir at the Kafah Gate), bifurcated, and the left branch was called the Trench of Tahir. This canal, turning sharp off to the north-east, almost at a right angle, flowed round the outer side of the northern suburb of Baghdad (called the Harbiyah), and beyond this its waters joined the Tigris about a mile above the Round City, at a place which, like the mouth of the Nahr ‘is, is known as ‘the Harbour’ (Al-Fardah). In the following pages, however, in order clearly to distinguish between the two Fardahs, they will be named respectively the Upper and the Lower Harbour. At a short distance down its course the Trench of Tahir threw out a branch canal to the right, which flowing south-east was known as the Little SarAt, and this after a comparatively short course curved back to join the main Sarat Canal at a point E 2 52 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. just before the latter reached the wall of the City of Mansir outside the Kafah Gate. From the foregoing description it will be seen that, upstream, the Round City and its northern suburb (the Harbtyah) stood in the space embraced between the Sarat Canal and its left branch the Trench of Tahir; and that, downstream, the great southern suburb of Karkh covered the tract of ground which lay enclosed between the lower reaches of the Sarat and the ‘is& Canal; while the right bank of the Tigris, in either case, formed the third side of these two triangular parcels of land on which Western Baghdad was thus built. The water-channels which, flowing between the Sarat and the Nahr ‘fs4, traversed the southern suburb of Karkh, were exclusively derived from the Karkhaya Canal, a stream which the Nahr ‘fsa threw off from its left bank at a point about a mile below the Muhawwal township. The Karkhaya, as its name implies, was in fact the ‘Canal of Karkh’ ; and after sending out four branches to the left and one to the right, it finally discharged the remainder of its waters into the parent channel of the Nahr ‘fsa, at a place close above the Lower Harbour, where the ‘Isa Canal, as already noticed, itself dis- embogued into the Tigris. Of the four left-hand branches of the Karkh4yé, the first was called, in its upper reach, the Nahr Razin, while lower down it became the Nahr Abu ‘Attab. It traversed Inner Karkh, passing through the Pool of Zalzal, and ultimately flowing out into the Sarat Canal just below the New Bridge outside the Basrah Gate of the Round City. The second left-hand branch was called the Nahr Bazzazin rv. ] The Canals of Western Baghdad 53 (the Canal of the Clothes-merchants). It passed through the Mart of the Clothes-merchants and other markets, finally flowing out direct into the Tigris after traversing the Sharktyah or ‘eastern suburb,’ which lay outside the Basrah Gate on the river bank. The third branch, also to the left hand, was called the Nahr-ad-Dajaj (the Fowls’ Canal), its banks being occupied by the poulterers, and this again ran out direct into the Tigris, following a nearly parallel course to the Nahr Bazzazin. The next branch from the Karkhayé was the single canal, which was taken from its right bank. This was called the Nahr-al-Kilab (the Canal of the Dogs), and it carried a moiety of the waters of the Karkhaya back into the Nahr ‘is4, going to rejoin this last immediately below the Thorn Bridge (Kantarah- ash-Shawk), which wilk be spoken of later. The fifth branch of the Karkhayaé (being the fourth to the left) was called the Nahr-al-Kallayin (the Canal of the Cooks who sold fried meats), and this after a short course flowed out into the third branch canal, already mentioned, namely that of the Poulterers or the Nahr-ad-Dajaj. Finally the Karkhayéa fell into the ‘fsA Canal, as before stated, and its lower course took the name of the Nahr Tabik, as will be noticed in its due place. It has been already mentioned that the northern part of Baghdad, on this western bank of the Tigris, was called the Harbiyah Quarter, and this neigh- bourhood was supplied with water from canals which branched from the Dujayl. Before, however, pro- ceeding to describe these, we must give attention to the small watercourse into which two of these channels from the Dujayl ultimately flowed. This 54 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cu. is called the Canal of the Syrian Gate, and it was a derivative of the first branch canal from the Karkhaya, namely the Nahr Razin, from the left bank of which it was led off shortly after the Nahr Razin had itself branched to the left from the parent stream of the Karkhaya. This minor canal ran at a higher level than the neighbouring Sarat, and turning northwards from the Razin, its waters were carried over and across the main stream of the Sarat by a conduit built in the masonry of the Old Bridge. Here the channel skirted the Kdfah highroad, and after going up some way towards the Kifah Gate, it turned off to the left, and curved along outside the wall of the Round City (which lay to the right), flowing on towards the Syrian Gate. Before, however, reaching this, it sent off a branch to the right hand, which, as mentioned in the previous chapter, penetrated across the circular walls, disappearing among the remains of the City of Mansir. Immediately before and again after reaching the Syrian Gate, the main channel of the small canal which we are describing, received on its left bank the surplus waters of two of the Harbtyah water-channels (as will be detailed in the next paragraph); it then finally turned northwards, and after flowing along the road leading from the Syrian Gate to the Upper Bridge of Boats, its stream ran dry in the quarter near this bridge, called the Zubaydiyah Fief. Coming finally to the water system of the Har- biyah Quarter, it is to be noted that the three small watercourses which were brought into this suburb from the north, by conduits crossing the Trench of Tahir, all ran at the same high level as the small v.] The Canals of Western Baghdad 55 canal of the Syrian Gate, just described. These three Harbiyah watercourses were all derivatives of the canal called the Nahr Batatiya, which finally gave its name more especially to the westernmost of the three branches, and which itself was taken from the right or western bank of the Dujayl Canal, some distance above Baghdad. Of these three branches of the Nahr Batatiya, the first, from its left bank, and therefore that flowing most to the eastward and the nearest to the Tigris, passed into the Harbiyah by the bridge crossing the Trench of Téhir at the Harb Gate, and after traversing the suburb by a somewhat serpentine course, finally poured its waters into the lower reach of the Canal of the Syrian Gate, as has been already mentioned. The next branch from the Batatiya Canal came into the Harbityah Quarter by a conduit specially built for the purpose, which spanned the Trench of Tahir between the Harb Gate and the next gate to the west, called the Iron Gate. This watercourse, like the first, also poured its overflow into the Canal of the Syrian Gate (after throwing off two minor channels, right and left), its point of junction being somewhat to the westward of the Syrian Gate. The third branch, called more par- ticularly the Batatiya Canal, entered the northern suburbs by the bridge at the Anbar Gate, the westernmost of the four gates on the line of the Trench. This canal then flowed down the Anbar Road, but after a short course its waters failed, and it finally ran dry in branch-channels. It will thus be observed that all the water channels of the Harbiyah Quarter sooner or later ran dry and failed, no water from them flowing out into the Tigris. 56 Baghdad during the Caliphate They were, indeed, mere water-conduits (Kanat) rather than canals, and we are told that within the limits of the Harbiyah Quarter their courses were underground. An estimate of the respective sizes of the various canals which we have above enumerated may be gained by noticing which of these needed to be spanned by bridges (Kantarah) of stone or brick at the points where they were crossed by the high- roads. By this criterion it becomes evident that the Nahr ‘isd, the Sarat, and the Trench of Téhir, all three crossed by numerous bridges, were main streams, and the same term may be applied to the upper reach of the Karkhaya before it branched off among the numerous canals of Karkh. All the remaining canals—though each bore the title of Nahr (canal or river)—were mere watercourses, partly open and partly carried underground, but all of a size to be easily crossed on the level by the various thoroughfares, under which their waters must have been carried through culverts. ooh CUMS TMP DAW Araya wy ole TH UDG 50 aT wg SS z 2 eee unans Tht bee lean N MVYBLNna squmang SuLmoqusta Z pus oO. 4 spod iy, HUY OP eek: Co " Noa gid 7 YES * sut za ; 7 e Zz 8% NV Ig, ic ze ay Of {ea = fs <— eh ES oe J o eve ZaLuUvnd f a — % NUGAW L Ssasavnfo \ Py taNalay iv fs KY Navi tf i; y morte _ \ n — agia Bo Hh Oo A° go & 2 ws s . “a 70 [00, Te ' we? a Yes nee & ys A se \tey > heard) oS aynans Le’ x ~ HVNVIAVH i A oan Pen - S708 oii, HVGGYM nang 5 & ) on a0 aala Z ¥ HVALYAVHNZ x See NX Wy UALuvynds b Here a2 BV HE /S, a8 & 4 18 gehi al es HYAAVUNY ( os PA _— ° \ A lef Xe ALIO Ae > Ww fe a HTSUS negqm: ia\4 . j {2 aqannouw J “A anvis1 a ~, %, <] a H ak HVAISVas ‘a ‘Le eped aovyoy, ‘at dew *SOYSYIIT ay} JO WsNoP] puv sysair) ayy Jo aspug sanbsoyq pue ayer) eaazynyy oaL “BST, JO JOLY UT ooRTeT THEN Sued OyL “FETTEM-1E-PAYV, JO JOHN PUL SOB[CT “yy, SI]aSYOog aq} puke aspug MIN ey “Yeppem jo anbsoy puv sovyeg *yoaryg Aapreg oq) eS °2G “T¢ “of “OF paleo ‘esplig 192M0'T 3y} 0} proy “gh-Lr *peoy ayey yeiseg oy ‘1b-Lb ‘AOMYOIY [URE] OY L ‘ayvy) JUaAUOD 9Y} Jo Arajzauta_) ayy PUL IOV VLE JO SUS eyL *raend yeAppieys oy} jo onbsoy years) “qeejurpy iv, jo aunys “wpusnyy ydye ay3 Jo quioy, pue ‘qryeiinyy -[e-uqy jo anbsoy, ‘gs], JO soured “Qexrem-j1m1,J) ssnoZT vopW ayy pur Jey FUAW YL ‘adpyg yAemz yueg oy “Te-peyyseyy payeo “Lb ‘or “Sh “by eb ““¥ Ib ‘aSpug Jpeq.eW OUL ‘adpug uepiey ayy, “STTHAL 943 JO 970) ‘STW pure oSpug pyyse yy sadplg ayeuvisouog oy], ‘asp WOYL OL ‘oSpig HEALY UL ‘sJUBYOIIUI-TIO 94} Jo aSspug ‘asnopy U0}0D aq], ‘SU JO prow ey a *SUISITA OT} jo Aioysvuojq] PUL SULTSTIIYD 94} JO Jory “upyenaes oy, “UITgS JO a1suvspend ‘yayreyy Avpsouy ayy, “WUBAUOD YS ot} : Yeyeg-se-[vs jo puz pvunf jo, surrys *yULYIIIUI-[IO AY} JO a]Suvsrpenc ‘ssy oy} Jo punow; *Ia}IENE) SuaMyxooD sy, ‘SIQYIOM-YOHJ BY} JO pvoy *9IUN) SIPAVIM-P2dyY ‘owen? slodsIp-[eurg ‘r9yeN?) S1aT10q-dvog ‘AION AVN OL SHONGUHATY “of 6¢ “gf “LE "9f oe “Ee "€€ "et 1e “of tz ‘ae ‘oz ‘OL *SIaI9}[NO J a4} Jo pose] *1a}1euC) SPYING aL *(UIZEZzBq-[v -YNS) Joe SJUBYoIow-saqyo[g sy, ‘g, 8] JO asnoyy puv soyureg ay} Jo proy *p&eang jo arenbs “AUTEAD JO FOAL ssyjuisiaddod ay} jo avy “PHC Jo syeH siaddeyg ayy) qeyeqy-1Ty *JISe AA JO UaUT Jo JoyrEN?) “WISE S]-[-NQY JO THA pur yequ.ued oy, ‘Cagispyuyg) [endsopy PIO 24} pur adpug jeydsoHy oyL “sayequy ay jo anbsow puv uyqysey uqy jo onbsow *PIEM-TUGY JO J03IVI ‘a3pHg PIO PUL ‘asnopy Arepawiorqy pus setqrig aYL “(yO XBL 100g) yexepes ay jo uyatg ‘stadaay-aye4) 94} Jo Jorg ‘ “PINEM-I®-PQYV, JO Joye *yoIvUTy “gt i ‘91 “or +r “EE ‘Es ‘Or 6 a TRL 243 yy qihfesnyq jo anbsoyy ‘1 CHAPTER V THE KOFAH HIGHROAD AND THE KARKH SUBURB Square at Kifah Gate and various Fiefs. The Old Bridge and bifurcation of Muhawwal and Kiifah Roads. Market of Abu-l-Ward: the Ibn Raghban and Anbarite Mosques. Pool of Zalzal. The Old Hospital and buildings on the ‘Amifid. The Karkh Suburb and Gate. The story of the Greek Envoy. The Fief of Rabi. Warthal and Bayawari. The Gate of the Coppersmiths; the Square of Suwayd and the Tuesday Market. In describing the suburbs which stretched beyond the gates of the City of Mansir—which suburbs, after a brief lapse of time, through the levelling of ‘the circular walls, became the western half of the metropolis of Baghdad—it will be found convenient to follow in turn the lines of the chief highroads which began at each of the four gates of the Round City. This is the method pursued by Yakabi, and, taking him for guide, the present account begins at the Kafah Gate, from which went the great southern highway, namely the Pilgrim-road to Mecca and Medina. Bearing next to the east- ward, and then north up the river bank, the description will follow of the various roads and suburbs lying respectively beyond the gates of Basrah and of Khurdsan; the quarters to the north 58 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. beyond the Syrian Gate will come next; from whence turning to the westward by the suburb of the Muhawwal Gate with its highroad, and then south, we come once more to our starting-point at the Kidfah Gate. In the accompanying plans it has been possible only to mark the main thoroughfares, and these though here, for the sake of clearness, drawn straight and broad, must certainly, in point of fact, have been both crooked and narrow, as any one who has visited an eastern city will know. Further, it is to be remarked that many of the original fiefs (Kati'ah) and palaces (Kasr or Dar), granted by Mansir to his nobles, became in the lapse of time minor suburbs and quarters, which, still preserving the old name of the Katiah, Kasr or Dar (itself long fallen to ruin), came to be occupied by a congeries of small houses and narrow lanes. Thus for instance the Kasr Waddah, originally the palace of that noble, before many years have elapsed is found to be no longer his palace, but the general name of the quarter which, occupying the site of its courts, stretched for a considerable distance along both banks of the Abu ‘Attaéb or Razin Canal; similarly the Fief of Rabi* was in later times celebrated as one of the most populous quarters of the suburb of Karkh, the family of Rabi‘ having presumably died out, and their inheritance here having passed into other hands. To one coming out of the Kiifah Gate of the Round City and facing south-west, there lay, fronting the gate, a square, from the further side of which started the great Ktifah highroad. After passing out from the gate, on the left-hand side r v.] The Kifah Highroad and Karkh Suburb 59 of this square, towards the south-east, the land was occupied, originally, by the Fief of Musayyib, chief of the city police under the Caliph Mansdr, and a mosque, ‘with the tall minaret,’ stood here close to the palace of Musayyib. Behind this came in succession a number of other fiefs, occupying the strip of ground going from the Kiafah to the Basrah Gate, along the line of the Sarat Canal as it here converged to the wall of the Round City. In this space also, but lying nearer to the highroad of the Kiifah Gate, mention is made of the market called Stk ‘Abd-al-Wahid, after its founder, also the Zuhayriyah, or Rabad (suburb of) Zuhayr, probably so called after Zuhayr the father of both Musayyib (already mentioned) and Azhar, who possessed fiefs in this neighbourhood. On the right-hand side of the square at the Kffah Gate, towards the north- west, came first the fief of the Sharawi family, who had been the original gate-keepers in the time of Mansifir; and behind this fief lay the palace of ‘Abd- al-Wahhab in the suburb bearing the same name, its market street extending along the Little Sarat, as will be described in a later chapter. Next to the fief of the Sharawi gate-keepers, and likewise on the right side of the square outside the Kifah Gate, stood the Diwdn-as-Sadakah—the Office of the Poor Tax—beside which was the fief of MuhAjir, its chief clerk during the reign of Mansfr. Beyond or facing this Diw4n was the so-called Khan-an-Najaib (the Dromedary House), with the house of the Overseer next to it, while on the nearer side stood the Istabl-al-Mawla (the Freed- men’s Stables). From the Square of the Kfifah Gate the high- 60 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. road led immediately to the Old Bridge crossing the Great Sarat, as Ya‘kQbi names this canal from below the point of junction of its upper reach with the waters of the Little Sarat. The Old Bridge (Al-Kantarah al-“Atikah) was a solid structure, with arches built of kiln-burnt bricks set in mortar, which according to Ya‘kiibi came to be called ‘old’ merely because it was the first piece of building executed by the Caliph Mansfr; Tabari, on the other hand, states that the bridge was more ancient than this and dated from Persian times, which may indeed have been the case, since the Sassanian kings are credited with having dug the Sarat Canal}. Shortly after crossing this bridge the road bifurcated. That to the right, westward, was the highroad of Muhawwal, leading ultimately to the township of that name, one league distant from Baghdad, and this road will be described later on. To the left at the bifurcation, and running almost straight south, the great Kiifah road turned off, leading to the gate of the Karkh Suburb, and traversing on its way the market called the Sak of Abu-l-Ward. This market took its name from one of Mansir’s nobles, to whom the fief here had been originally granted. He was at one time Chief Clerk of the Public Treasury (Bayt-al-Mal), and during the reign of the Caliph Mahdi was Judge in the Court of Appeal and Superintendent of the Briefs. This market is described as having been well supplied with wares of all kinds, and beyond it eastward towards the river bank various fiefs are named. Here stood two mosques, one aa Tabari, iii. 280; Ya'kubi, 243; Ibn Serapion, 24; Yakut, ii. 964; lil. 194. v.] The Kifah Highroad and Karkh Suburb 61 named after a certain Ibn Raghbdn, the other called the mosque of the people of Anbar, who originally were the scribes of the Diwan-al-KharAj (the Office of the Land Tax), and who lived with their families in the streets round this mosque. We are told that the site of the neighbouring mosque of Ibn Raghban had in ancient times been a dungheap, and it was named after Ibn Raghb4n, freedman of Habib ibn Maslamah, who had been governor of these districts in the days of the Caliphs “Othman and Mu‘awiyah. In later times the Ibn Raghbén Mosque became celebrated for the assemblies of learned men which took place here. It must have stood at some distance to the eastward of the Abu-l-Ward market, and the fief of Rayasanah occupied the land close to this mosque, at some distance beyond which was the Barley Gate, apparently not far from the river bank, as will be described on a later page. Through and across the Abu-l-Ward market passed the canal called the Nahr Abu ‘Attab, the name given to the lower reach of the Nahr Razin (the first branch canal, it will be remembered, from the Karkhay4), and this ultimately joined the Sarat below the New Bridge at the Basrah Gate of the Round City. On the course of the Abu ‘Attab Canal, and just beyond the market, came the pool called after Zalzal the lute-player, ‘whose playing had passed to a proverb for its grace;’ this Zalzal being the brother-in-law of the even more celebrated musician Ishak of Mosul, whose orchestra and choir of singers were the delight of the court of Harfin- ar-Rashid. Zalzal dug the pool, and, at his death, left it to the people of Baghdad for the public use, 62 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. with a sufficient endowment to keep it in repair. It is said that in the days before Baghdad was built, a village called Sal, which had at one time given its name to a suburb here, occupied the ground between where the pool was dug and the site of the Palace of Waddah, which lay beyond this to- wards the New Bridge, but after the time of the celebrated lute-player, this quarter took the name of the Birkat (or Pool of) Zalzal, and the name Sal fell completely into disuse 1. Turning to the western side of the Kfifah highroad, the Nahr Razin or Abu ‘Attab Canal, as described above, was the left branch at that bifurcation of the Karkhayé which occurred immediately after this canal had passed under the Hospital Bridge— Kantarah-al-Bimaristan. Here the right branch was considered the main channel of the Karkhayé, and locally was known as Al-Amfdd, a name which in Arabic signifies ‘the Trunk canal.’ After flowing under the bridge, the canal passed beside the build- ings of the (old) Hospital, the prototype in early Baghdad of the great Bimaristan, or Maristan? of ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah, which the Buyid prince (half a century later than the time of Ibn Serapion) built on the Tigris bank. This older Biméristdn is presumably the institution where the celebrated Rhazes—as westerns called the Physician Muham- mad ibn Zakariy4-ar-R4zi—gave his lectures, thus founding the Baghdad medical school. Rhazes died in 320 (a.p. 932), and half a century later the * Ya'kubi, 244, 245 ; Ibn Serapion, 25; Ibn Kutaybah, 299; Khatib, folios 82 b, 84a; Yakut, i. 592; ii. 795 ; iii. 201 3 iv. 142, 524. * This last is the shortened Arabic form of the Persian word, which means ‘a place for the sick.’ For Rhazes see Abu-l-F araj, 274. v.] The Kifah Highroad and Karkh Suburb 63 ‘Adudi Hospital (above named) was built, where the work he had begun was ably continued. Below the (old) Hospital the Karkhay4 or ‘Amfd Canal, before it again bifurcated at the Clothes-merchants’ Market to form the Nahr Bazzazin, had, upon one or other of its banks, the following places, of which however nothing but the names are known :—first, Ad-Darrabat, meaning ‘the house of the female musicians,’ standing next to which was the mill of a certain Abu-l-Kasim: then came the place or street inhabited by the men of Wasit, and lastly a building called Al-Khafkah, meaning ‘the Clappers,’ from some craft or trade (possibly con- nected with cloth-fulling) which was carried on here upon the bank of the stream. Ibn Serapion tells us that it was: from the ‘Amdd section of the Karkhaya that all the canals were taken which ran through the quarters of the inner Karkh suburb; while Outer Karkh was the quarter traversed by the various ramifications which started from the lower reach of the Karkhayé Canal. At the southern end of the market of Abu-l-Ward, and on the Bazz4zin Canal which branched from the ‘Amfid, stood the gate called the Bab-al-Karkh, opening into this great suburb, It would appear that Karkh, as a separate township, had existed before the times of Islam, and the Persian writer Hamd-Allah asserts that it was founded by the Sassanian king Shapdr II, surnamed by the Arabs Dhu-l-Aktaf, who reigned from a.D. 309 to 379’. 1 Nuzhat,146. According to Yakut (iv. 2 52) Karkh is a Nabathaean, as we should say an Aramaean or Syriac word, derived from a verb in that language, meaning ‘to collect water in any place’; and Yakut adds that the word was still in use among the Aramaean population of 64 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx Be this as it may, Moslem Karkh, the great suburb when planned by the Caliph Mansar, occupied those lands to the southward of the Kfiifah and Basrah Gates, which were included between the Sarat Canal and the Nahr ‘isd. Before the century had elapsed, however, Karkh began to overpass the limit of the ‘Isa Canal, and by the time of Hartn-ar-Rashid this suburb extended far to the southward of the great canal, covering ground along both sides the Kifah highroad for a considerable distance out from Baghdad. Thus Yakdbi says that Karkh measured two leagues in length, the upper limit being at the Palace of Waddah, outside the Basrah Gate, and the lower at the Tuesday Market; while in its breadth Karkh measured a league across, reckoning from the Tigris bank on the east to the Fief of Rabi’ on the west, this last lying immediately on the right hand of one coming down the Kafah high- road, after passing through the Bab-al-Karkh. After describing the extent of Karkh, Ya‘kdabi, the con- temporary of its prime, then continues: ‘ Here every merchant, and each merchandise, had an appointed street: and there were rows of shops, and of booths, and of courts, in each of those streets; but men of one business were not mixed up with those of another, nor one merchandise with merchandise of another sort. Goods of a kind were only sold with their kind, and men of one trade were not to be found except with their fellows of the same craft. Thus each market was kept single, and the merchants Mesopotamia in his day. The name of Karkh appears in Syriac under the form Karka; and the name of the Karkh4ya Canal, which traversed it, is the Syriac form of the corresponding relative noun or adjective. See Frankel, p. xx; Hoffmann, p. 43. v.] The Kiifah Highroad and Karkh Suburb 65 were divided according to their merchandise, each craftsman being separated from others not of his own class.’ Karkh, which thus before long became the great commercial centre of Western Baghdad, though founded by Mansar, was an afterthought on the part of the Caliph, no such suburb being included in his original plan of the Round City. As already described, the markets had been at first placed within the city walls, in the arcades which radiated from each of the four gates of the inner wall to the outer gates of Kafah, Basrah, Khurdsan, and Syria (see above, p. 26). The cause of the removal of the markets from the arcades is thus related by Tabari (and he has been copied by many later authorities): The Emperor of the Greeks had sent one of his Patricians on an embassy to Mansiir, and before the envoy was dismissed back to Con- stantinople, the Caliph ordered his chamberlain Rabi® to conduct the Greek over his new capital, namely the Round City, then recently completed. So the envoy was shown over all the new buildings and palaces, and was taken up on the tops of the walls and into the domes above the gateways. At the farewell audience, the Caliph inquired what the Greek had thought of the new city, and he received these words in reply: ‘Verily (said the envoy), I have seen handsome buildings, but I have also seen that thy enemies, O Caliph, are with thee, within thy city. For explanation he added that the markets within the city walls, being always full of foreign merchants, would become a source of danger, since these foreigners would not only act as spies for carrying information to the enemy, but BAGHDAD F 66 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH also, being domiciled in the markets, they would have it in their power traitorously to open the city gates at night to their friends outside. Pondering over this answer, the Caliph Manstir—as the chronicle says—ordered the markets to be removed to form suburbs outside the various gates: and in Karkh the new market street, as originally laid out, along the main thoroughfare measured 40 ells or 20 yards in width. From the time of Manstir onwards this great market suburb continually increased in extent, and a great fire which occurred here about a century after its foundation, during the reign of the Caliph Wathik (then residing at Samarra), was not allowed to become a permanent damage, for Karkh was promptly rebuilt, the Caliph contributing, it is re- ported, a million dirhams (some £40,000) from his private purse towards the expenses of laying out the new roadways. After the building of Karkh and of the other suburbs of Western Baghdad,— but more especially as a consequence of the rise of the new quarters on the eastern river bank, to which the seat of government before the close of the third century (the ninth a.p.) came to be trans- ferred,—the old City of Mansir fell more and more to decay, and before long all the business still left in Western Baghdad had come to centre in Karkh. Extending a mile and more along the pilgrim high- road, Karkh retained a considerable population even after the remainder of West Baghdad had become a complete ruin; indeed, it finally appears to have given its name to the whole of the region which continued to be habitable of this western side, for down to the present day Karchiaka is what the v.] The Kiifah Highroad and Karkh Suburb 67 Turks call the more ancient quarter of Baghdad, namely that which stands on the Arab side of the Tigris. Within the limits of Karkh (as laid out in the time of Mansar) was the Fief of Rabi, a plot of ground which had been granted to the favourite chamberlain of the Caliph, and who, as just described, had been commissioned to show the Greek envoy over the new capital. The original fief must have been of considerable extent, for it occupied all the land near the Bazz&zin and Dajaj Canals, and it extended from the line of the Kiifah highroad westward as far as the Karkhaya Canal. It is stated that the whole of this tract had, in former days, been taken up by the arable lands of the ancient village of Bayawart (or Bandwari), which had stood here before Baghdad was founded; while more to the southward, and nearer the Tigris bank, had been the lands of another ancient village of this neigh- bourhood called Warthal (or Warthala, according to the spelling given by Khattb), which were afterwards occupied in part by the Rabf' Fief, and in part taken up by the road of the subsequent market called the Suwaykah Ghalib, When Mukaddasi wrote in the year 375 (A.D. 985), the Fief of Rabi’ is mentioned as being already the most populous part of Karkh, and even before a hundred years had elapsed since the date of the foundation of the city, the fief had become completely built over by the houses of the merchants. This suburb afterwards came to be divided into the Inner and the Outer Fief of Rabi‘; and the Inner, it is said, had originally alone been granted by Mansfr to his chamberlain, while the Outer Fief dated from a grant made by the Caliph F 2 68 Baghdad during the Caliphate Mahdi to Fadl the son of Rabi‘, who served Mahdi for a time as his Wazir. Immediately after passing the Karkh Gate and entering the quarter, the highroad came to another gate called the Bab-an-NakhkhAsin, or NahhAsin (for the MSS. vary), signifying either the gate of the slavedealers, or of the coppersmiths, and a square lay beyond this, called the Rahbah Suwayd, after one of the freedmen of Mansfr, who had granted him a fief here. From this point onward the market streets followed one after the other, bordering the roadway on either hand, as far as the utmost limit of Karkh beyond and to the south of the ‘isa Canal, where the great suburb at length came to an end in the district known as the Sidk- ath-Thalatha, or the Tuesday Market of West Baghdad}. 1 Ibn Serapion, 25 ; Mukaddasi, 120; Ya‘kubi, 245, 246; Kitab-al- “‘Uyun, 265; Tabari, iii. 279, 323; Yakut, iv. 142, 245, 254, 919. Khatib, folio 83a, where the MSS. give Banawari, NabAwari, and other readings. See also Guzidah, under the reign of Caliph Wathik, for the fire in Karkh. CHAPTER VI THE CANALS OF KARKH The Karkh4y4 and the Rufayl Canal. The ‘fsA Canal and its Bridges. The Butchers’ and the Poulterers’ Markets. The Bazzdzin and Dajaj Canals, with the Quarters of the Soap-boilers and others. The Fief and Canal of Dogs. The Shtiniziyah Cemetery and its shrines; the Tathah Suburb. A suMMARY account of the canals which traversed Karkh has already been given in chapter iv. It will be remembered that the Karkhaya—from which these were derived—was a great loop-canal taken from the Nahr ‘isa, a short distance below Muhawwal Town, which in part discharged its waters back into the ‘is4 Canal by the two streams of the Nahr-al- Kiléb and the Nahr Tabik. A moiety of the waters of the Karkhaya, however, were carried off above this to the Tigris, either directly by the two channels of the Bazzdzin and Dajaj Canals, or indirectly, by the Nahr Razin (otherwise the Canal of Abu “Attab), which joining the Sarat, poured its waters into the Tigris at a point above the mouths of the Bazzazin and Dajaj Canals. The Karkhaya Canal is said to have been dug at the time of the foundation of Baghdad by ‘isa (the uncle of the Caliph Mansifr), he being then occupied in building the famous mills at the junction of the 7o Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Great Sarat and the Little Sar&t, which will be described in the sequel. The Karkhayd, below the Hospital Bridge (as already said), was divided up into many channels, and further we have seen that while in its upper, single course, the Karkh4ya was a broad canal that needed to be crossed by arched stone bridges (Kan- tarah), the lower branch canals, with the channels of the ‘Amfid and the TAbik (as the Karkhaya below the Hospital Bridge came to be called), were evidently much smaller watercourses, since no such bridges were needed for the highroads to cross them. This will perhaps explain why, before many centuries had elapsed, most of these lower channels had fallen into disuse, for being shallow they had easily become silted up. At the time when Yakat wrote, namely in the early part of the seventh century (the thir- teenth a.D.), it is indeed asserted that no one then could point out what had been the course originally followed by the Karkhaya Canal; this statement, however, the epitomist of Yakdt (the author of the Marésid) denies, for writing a century later than YAkdt, he affirms that the course of the old canal still existed in his day, and that water flowed along it, which was used for the irrigation of the neighbour- ing fields. What, indeed, had by this date—a.H. 700 (a.D. 1300)—for the most part disappeared, were the lower ramifications which in the earlier times had traversed Karkh, as also the branch canal that had formerly crossed the Sarat by the Old Bridge, and flowed through the Harbiyah beyond, to the north of the Syrian Gate’. } Ibn Serapion, 24 to 26; Yakut, iv. 252; Marasid, ii. 485; and compare Plan, No. VII. vi.] The Canals of Karkh 71 The Nahr ‘fsa, the parent stream from which the Sarat and the Karkhaya were both derived, was one of the great navigable canals connecting the Euphrates with the Tigris, which (as has been noticed in a former chapter) dated from times long antecedent to Islam, having been dug by one of the Sassanian kings of Persia. It was by the Nahr ‘fsa that Baghdad received the produce of the west and provisions from the Euphrates lands. Great boats and barges were loaded at Rakkah, ‘the port’ (as it was called) of the Syrian desert on the Upper Euphrates, there taking over from the land-caravans the corn of Egypt and the merchandise from Damas- cus, and these boats coming down the great river, and then along the ‘fsa Canal, discharged their cargoes at the wharves on the Tigris banks at the Lower Harbour in Karkh. The chronicles relate that at the time of the first Arab conquest of Mesopotamia in the reign of the Caliph “Omar, one of the canals in this district had re- ceived from the Moslems the name of the Nahr Rufayl, after a certain Persian noble who had turned Moslem. He, coming one day before‘Omar ina robe of brocade that trailed on the ground, the Caliph inquired as to who was the little man ‘in the trailing skirt’ (in Arabic Rufayl), and this nickname ever afterwards clinging to him, the canal which he had owned came likewise to be so called. This ancient Nahr Rufayl was, according to one account, the lower part of the ‘{s4 Canal—namely from the Thorn Bridge down to the Lower Harbour—while, according to another version, it was the upper reach of the Karkhayéa. Whichever it may have been originally, the Nahr Rufay] in later days had come to be rather a poetical 72 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cn. name than one in common use, and it apparently fell into desuetude as early even as the time when ‘Esa madethe great navigable waterway that took his name. This Abbasid Prince ‘fsa is stated by Ibn Serapion (our earliest authority) to have been the nephew of Mansbar, being the son of Masa his brother. Almost all other authorities, however, assert that this ‘Isa was the son of ‘Ali, grandfather of that Caliph; hence that it was the uncle of Mansfr who redug the great canal. In the conflict of our authorities, it may perhaps be surmised that both ‘Is4s had a hand in the undertaking. Other buildings, how- ever, dating from the early days of the foundation of Baghdad and ascribed to Prince ‘{sa, all undoubtedly have reference to ‘is4 ibn ‘Ali, the uncle of Mansir, who held the governorship first of Medina and next of Basrah, where he died during the Caliphate of Mahdi his grand-nephew. ‘is4 ibn Masé, on the other hand, the nephew of Mansfir, was in turn governor of Ahw4z and of Kifah, and at one time he had been declared heir-apparent to the Caliphate. It will be remembered how, at the time when Mansar was engaged in the building of Baghdad, this ‘isd was dispatched in command of the Abbasid forces against the two “Alid pretenders, Muhammad and Ibrahim—the grandsons of the Caliph Hasan—who had raised the standard of revolt. ‘fsA ibn Masa defeated the rebels and returned in triumph ; but at a later date he was ousted from his rights to the succes- sion by Manstir, who proclaimed his own son, Mahdi, heir-apparent, and ‘isa ibn Masa subsequently died at his governorship of Kfifah', * Yakut, iv. 117, 190, 839; Marasid, iii.247; Ibn Kutaybah, 199, 192. Of later authorities the only writer who states the digger of the great v1.) The Canals of Karkh 73 The ‘isa Canal left the Euphrates just below the town of Anbar, and passing under the great arched bridge called Kantarah Dimmimé, flowed eastward till it came to the township of Muhawwal, which lay about a league distant from the suburbs of the Round City. It will be remembered that a short distance before the Nahr ‘isa reached Muhawwal, the Sarat Canal—which likewise dated from Sassanian times— branched from it to the left, while equally a short distance below Muhawwal the Karkhaya (already described) flowed off also to the left hand. Istakhri particularly notes that while barges could pass freely down the ‘is4 Canal all the way from the Euphrates to the Tigris, the Sarat, on account of its weirs, dams, and water-wheels, was not navigable for large boats. The word Muhawwal signifies a place where bales are ‘unloaded,’ and the town appears to have received this name from the unloading of the river barges which took place here, when the cargoes were carried over to the small skiffs that plied on the Sarat and Karkhaya in the reaches between the weirs. Further, it would appear that the waters of the Karkhaya and its subsidiary canals were kept, by these weirs, to a higher level than the stream that flowed down the Sarat, for, as we have already seen, a branch from the Karkhaya was carried across, above the Sarat, by the arches of the Old Bridge, passing thence to canal to have been ‘fsa ibn Misa is Hamd-Allah, the Persian author of the eighth century (the fourteenth a.D.): he however in another passage speaks of the canal as that of ‘Isa ibn Maryam, in other words, of Jesus son of Mary, this apparently being the popular Persian ascription of his time. Hamd-Allah is, of course, no authority in this matter, and he further makes a mistake in stating that this Miis4 (the father of ‘fsA) was uncle to the Caliph Mansar, he in fact having been his brother. See Nuzhat, 148, 164. 14 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. the northward into the Harbiyah Quarter. It is especially mentioned by early writers that the waters of the Nahr ‘fsa never failed, nor was its channel liable to become silted up. They describe it as flowing in a fine stream through the midst of the city, reaching the Tigris at the Lower Harbour, which, as will be shown later, must have been situated immediately below the later, single, bridge of boats, the position of which very nearly corresponded with the present pontoon bridge of modern Baghdad’. On the line between Muhawwal Town and the Tigris bank, the waterway of the Nahr ‘Is was crossed by ten arched bridges, the great Kfifah high- road probably passing over it by that known as the Thorn Bridge (Kantarah-ash-Shawk), which spanned the canal immediately above where the Nahr-al- Kilab (or Dogs’ Canal from the Karkhaya) flowed in. Below this there were five bridges across the ‘Is4 Canal before it reached the Lower Harbour on the Tigris, and above the Thorn Bridge, four, the highest up being the Kantarah YAsirtyah. This bridge took its name from the YAsirtyah Quarter, which, as will be seen later, was reckoned the westernmost of Baghdad along the Muhawwal road; it was surrounded by fine gardens, and lay on the canal bank, one mile below the town of Muhawwal, and two miles (according to Yakdt) distant from Old Baghdad. The bridge below this was the Kan- tarah-az-Zayyatin, the Bridge of the Oil-merchants ; * Compare Plan No. III with No, VII. In the sketch-plan of Baghdad given in my paper on Ibn Serapion (/. R. A. S., 1895; facing p. 275), the whole western quarter is put too low down in regard to the eastern; and the course of the Nahr ‘fs should be as shown in the accompanying maps. v1] The Canals of Karkh 75 the next was the Kantarah-al-Ushnan, the Alkali Bridge, the word Ushnén being explained as the stuff used for washing clothes, and which was sold at the market adjacent to the bridge. The Kantarah-ash-Shawk (already mentioned) came next, at the Market of the Thorn-sellers, Shawh being the thorns used for kindling ovens and heating the Hammams or hot baths; and near here lived the clothes-merchants and hucksters. Below this, on the canal, and therefore probably between the great Kdfah highroad and the river bank, came the Kan- tarah-ar-Rummén, where pomegranates (from which it took its name) were sold; then the Kantarah-al- Maghid—where the mills stood—near the spot called Maghid, meaning ‘the place which lacks water,’ and after this came the Garden Bridge, Kantarah-al- Bustan. The two lowest bridges on the ‘is Canal were the Kantarah-al-Ma‘badi and the Kantarah- Bani-Zurayk. The first of these took its name from a certain “Abd-Allah ibn Muhammad al Ma’‘badi?, who, possessing fiefs here, built for himself a palace (Dér) and a mill, also this bridge over the great canal, these all being called after his name. When Al Ma'‘badi flourished is not stated, but it must have been in the early days of the Abbasids, before the reign of the Caliph Mu'tasim, since we learn that all his lands subsequently passed into the possession of the celebrated Muhammad-az-Zayyat, who was Wazir of that Caliph between the years 218 and 227 (a.D. 833 to’842). The lowest of the bridges, and that over which must have passed the highroad coming down from the Basrah Gate, was called after 1 This is almost certainly the right spelling: some MSS. give the reading Ma‘tdi, as is printed in the Marasid, iii. 249. 76 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cx. the Bani Zurayk, a family of architects, of Persian origin, and this bridge was built of marble. The preceding enumeration of the ten bridges over the Nahr ‘fea is taken from the description of this canal written by Ibn Serapion at the beginning of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.). Yakdt, who copies all this, adds that originally at each of these bridges a market had been held, but that in his day, namely at the beginning of the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.), through the ruin of Karkh and the transference of its population in greater part to East Baghdad, all this region had come to be deserted, and of these ten bridges over the Nahr ‘isa only two then remained standing, namely that of the Oil-merchants (Kantarah-az-Zayyatin) and the Garden Bridge (Kantarah-al-Bustan), also known as the Bridge of the Traditionists (Kantarah-al-Mu- haddithin). The author of the Warésid, however, writing about the year 700 (A.D. 1300), and three- quarters of a century after Yakit, contradicts most of this statement, asserting that both the bridges which his predecessor mentions as still standing must have gone to ruin already long before his time, seeing that the only ones remaining when he (the author of the Mardszd) wrote were three: namely, the Yasiriyah Bridge, lately rebuilt by a certain Sa‘id, the Thorn Bridge, and that of the Bani Zurayk—in other words the bridges crossed respectively by the two highroads southward, from the Basrah and the Ktifah Gates, and the uppermost bridge of all, where the YAsiriyah road crossed the ‘fs4 Canal, turning off due west from the Muhawwal highroad 1. 1 Ya‘kubi, 250; Ibn Serapion, 14; Istakhri, 83; and Ibn Hawkal, 164; Yakut, i. 284; iv. 191, 842, 843, 1002; Marasid, iii. 249, 250. v1] The Canals of Karkh 77 Returning once more to the description of Karkh after this digression on its canals, it will be remem- bered that while Inner Karkh occupied the land between the Sarat and ‘isd Canals, Outer Karkh lay to the south of this last; most of the bridges above named thus affording communication between Inner and Outer Karkh in the line of its breadth, while in its length Karkh extended along both sides of the great pilgrim highroad southward. The upper part of Karkh was inhabited by the Khurdsan merchants who traded in stuffs (Bazz4zin), and these gave their name to the first of the canals (the Nahr-al-Bazzdzin) which crossed Inner Karkh, flowing off from the Karkhayd. Taken likewise from the Karkhaya was the. Nahr-ad-Dajaj (the Fowls’ Canal), so called because the poulterers had their stalls on its banks ; and both the Bazz4zin and Dajaj Canals flowed out directly into the Tigris, their lower reaches passing through the Sharkiyah or Eastern Suburb, which will be described presently. At the beginning of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.) when Ibn Serapion wrote, the Bazz4zin Canal, near the Market of the Clothes-merchants, passed a street which ran to the westward of the Karkh Gate, and probably led into the Rabi‘ Fief; this was called the Road of the Painter (Sh4ri‘-al-Musawwir), and in it was the house (Dar) of Ka‘b. Next to the Market of the Clothes- merchants, but lower down the canal, and probably to the eastward of the Karkh Gate, was the Market of the Cobblers or of the Butchers (for the MS. of Ibn Serapion by the addition of the diacritical points, which are lacking, may read either Kharrdzin or ¥azzérin), the latter being the more probable reading, since Khatib tells us that the Caliph Mansfr, when 78 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. laying out Karkh, set the butchers to dwell in the outermost part, ‘since they be shedders of blood, and have ever sharp iron in their hands,’ and this would have been in early days the outer part of Karkh. Further down along the Bazzazin Canal came the quarter of the soap-boilers ; and the various other markets on the lower canals doubtless here formed lines of streets, with shops on either hand, which led to one or other of the bridges (already mentioned) crossing the Nahr ‘is into Outer Karkh. On the section of the Karkhayd, or “Amid as it was here called, between the two canals of the Clothes-merchants and the Poulterers, opened the Quadrangle of the Oil-merchant (Murabba‘at-az- Zayyat), this probably lying adjacent to the Oil- merchants’ Bridge over the Nahr ‘Is, already described. Below here the Poulterers’ Canal turned off, and on its course to the Tigris traversed a number of other quarters and markets, namely those in- habited by the canal-diggers and the reed-weavers, beyond which lay the Street of the Pitch-workers and the Market of the Sellers of Cooked Meats. The Karkhaya Canal meanwhile, after passing a place known by the curious name of the Mound of the Ass (Dawwarat-al-Himér), sent off its single branch to the right, called the Nahr-al-Kilab, or the Dogs’ Canal, which flowed out directly into the Nahr ‘fsa, just below the Thorn Bridge. On the banks of the Dogs’ Canal lay the Fief of the Dogs (Kati‘at-al- Kilab), and it is said this was so named in jest by the Caliph Mansar, from the number of dogs that lived here?. ? Ibn Serapion, 26; Khatib, folios 76a, 83 b. vr. ] The Canals of Karkh 79 Across the ‘isd Canal, immediately beyond the Thorn Bridge, came the cemetery called the Great Shiniztyah ?, and lower down this probably occupied both banks of the Nahr ‘isa, for it is spoken of as lying adjacent to the Kallayin and Tabik Canals ; beyond was the suburb on the Nahr ‘fsa, called At-Tithah. In the thirteenth century a.p., Yakit speaks of a Khankah, or Sfifi convent, which existed here in his time, also the tomb, covered with blue tiles, of a well-known saint called Al--Abbadi, who had died in 547 (a.D. 1152). In the Persian history called the Guztdah, it is mentioned that in the time of the Caliph Mustadi (who reigned from 566 to 575, A.D. 1170 to 1180) one of his slave women, called Banafsah (Violet), who was renowned for her gene- rosity, had built, or restored, a bridge near the Shiniziyah Quarter (probably the Thorn Bridge), and founded this Khankah or convent. The ceme- tery further possessed many other celebrated tombs, among the rest that of the Sfifi saint Sirri, or Sari-as- Sakatt (the dealer in old clothes), who died about the year 256 (a.p. 870), having been the disciple of Ma‘réf-al-Karkhi, whose shrine will be mentioned in a following chapter. In the thirteenth century a.p. (according to Yakat), At-Tiithah was still a populous suburb, though standing solitary like a village apart, opposite the Thorn Bridge. Ibn Khallikan, who wrote in the same century, also speaks of the tomb of Sakati as being in his day a conspicuous and well-known object standing close beside the grave of the cele- brated Safi ascetic Al-Junayd, who was the nephew 1 The Lesser Shaniziyah, as will be mentioned below, was the name given to the cemetery lying round the Kazimayn Shrine. 80 Baghdad during the Caliphate of Sakati on the sister’s side. At the present time, however, all trace of these shrines has apparently vanished, though as late as the middle of the four- teenth century a.p., when Hamd-Allah wrote, the tombs of Junayd and of Sari-as-Sakati were still objects of veneration in Baghdad’. 1 Yakut, i. 889; iii. 338, 599; iv. 843; Khatib, folio 113a; Guzidah, reign of Caliph Mustadi, and Nuzhat, 149; Ibn Khallikan, No. 255, p. 65. CHAPTER VII THE QUARTERS OF THE LOWER HARBOUR The Tabik and Kallayin Canals. Chickpea Broth. The Monastery of the Virgins. The Street of Kiln-burnt Bricks and the Cotton House. The Melon House, or Fruit Market, and the Myrtle Wharf. The Lower Harbour. The Palace of ‘is4 and the Kasr ‘fsa Quarter. The later Bridge of Boats. The Kurayyah Quarter. The Highroad of the Basrah Gate. The Sharkiyah Quarter and the ‘Atikah. The Harréni Archway. The Palace and Fief of Waddah. The Book- sellers’ Market and the New Bridge. Tue Karkhaya Canal, after passing the place known as the Mound of the Ass, took the name of the Nahr Tabik (or Tabak), and began to curve round to the eastward and north-east in its final reach before flowing out into the ‘fsA Canal, not very far above where this last itself joined the Tigris. Before the Karkhaya, however, changed its name to TAbik, a branch was taken from its left bank at a place known as the Quadrangle of Salih. This branch or loop canal was the. Nahr-al-Kallayin, so called from the shops of those who sold fried meats, and after passing a place named As-Saw- wAkin—from the sellers of parched-pea broth called Sawtk—the Kallayin Canal flowed round to join the Poulterers’ Canal (or Nahr Dajaj, already described) in the quarter of the reed-weavers. BAGHDAD G 82 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. The Sawik, from which the Saww4kin took their name, forms the subject of a curious note by Khatib. He relates that Sawik-al- Himm4s—a broth or ptisan of chickpeas—was about the year 360 (a.D. 970) sold in great quantities throughout the markets of Baghdad, a certain cookman making it after a special receipt, and giving it an uncommon name, though what the name was Khatib had forgotten. This man, in the beginning of each year, was wont to import for the demands of his business the im- mense quantity of 280 Kurrs—a dry measure, each Kurr equivalent to six ass-loads—of the chickpeas called Himméas, and at the close of the season he would have none left in store, so that for the next year a like quantity had to be obtained. This broth of parched peas was more especially the food eaten by the poor in Baghdad during the two or three months when no fresh fruit was to be obtained; it was not, however, very savoury, and many could not stomach it. In time the dish went completely out of fashion, and Khatib remarks that in his day— about the year 450 (A.D. 1058)—the broth had come to be no longer in demand, so little so that, as he adds, ‘were a single Makdk (half-bushel) of these chickpeas to be sought for now, in both East and West Baghdad, this small quantity could hardly be obtained.’ One of the many churches of the Nestorians in Baghdad appears to have been situated near this market where the chickpea broth had been sold; for Yakdt writes that in the space between the Nahr-ad-Dajaj (the Poulterers’ Canal) and the Nahr Tabik was the Katti‘at-an-Nasard (the Fief of the Christians), where. stood the Monastery of the Virgins vi.] Lhe Quarters of the Lower Harbour 83 (Dayr-al-“Adhara). It was, he reports, a magnificent shrine, and here the Christians in Baghdad were wont to celebrate the Holy Communion at the conclusion of the three days’ Lesser Fast, called the Fast of the Virgins, which preceded their Great Fast, by which presumably Lent is to be understood}. The quarter of the Nahr-al-Kallayin occupied part of the ground where, as has already been mentioned, in earlier days had stood the village of Warthal; and Yakdt adds that in the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.) this canal had by that date come to mark the southernmost limit of Karkh, so much had the great suburb then shrunk in extent from the six-mile length of when it had been first laid out. The Nahr T4bik, as already explained, was the designation of the last reach of the Karkhaya before it flowed out to the ‘IsA Canal. The name is given by Tabari as the Nahr Tabik-al-Kisrawi (Tabik of the Chosroes), being originally the canal of the Sassanian Papak (or Babak), son of Bahram, son of Babak, who had first dug it and founded a palace? on the site where the Kasr ‘fsa ibn ‘Alt afterwards stood. Ya‘ktibi, however, declares that the canal took its name from a certain Tabak-ibn- Samyah. Yakdt, who in part copies his predecessors, seems to imagine that this word. Tabak or Tabik was merely a variant for Babak ; but adds that in his opinion the name of the canal was really derived, not from a man, but from the great tiles called Tébak made on its banks, which were in use through- out Baghdad for paving the houses. Since the year 1 Yakut, ii. 680; iv. 143; Khatib, folio 110b. 2 The word used is ‘Akr, which Yakut (iii. 695) explains to mean ‘a castle (Kasr) to which the villagers may flee for safety,’ G 2 84 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cx. 488 (A.D. 1095), Yakdt continues, the quarter of the Tabik Canal had become an area of rubbish mounds, the result of a conflagration following on the riots which had broken out between the people of this quarter—who were Sunnis—and those of the neighbouring Bab-al-Arha (the Gate of the Mills), near the Maghid Bridge over the ‘Isa Canal, who were Shi‘ahs. The same authority states that on the Tabik Canal were also two minor quarters, namely that of the Darb-al-Ajurr (the Street of Kiln-burnt Bricks), which was a ruin at the time when Yakit wrote (thirteenth century a.p.), and the Dar-al-Kutn (the Cotton House), which is elsewhere spoken of as lying between the ‘isd Canal and Karkh}. Near where the Tabik Canal joined the Nahr 1 Ibn Serapion, 26; Ya‘kubi, 250; Tabari, iii. 280; Yakut, i. 58; ii. 517, 523; iii. 486; iv. 254, 838, 841, 843; Marasid, iii. 249; Ibn-al- Athir, x. 162, gives the year of the insurrection as A.H. 487, and the Bab-al-Arja mentioned in this passage is apparently a mistake for Bab-al-Arha, namely the quarter of the.Gate of the Mills. The account which Yakut, iv. 255, gives of the relative positions of Karkh and the surrounding suburbs is in complete contradiction with all that is known from other sources, and inconsistent with many other passages in his own works. Hence either the MSS. are here corrupt or he, writing from memory at Merv, had forgotten how the points of the compass lay. Thus he says that the Sarat Canal ran on the Kiblah or south-west side of Karkh, while the quarter of the Basrah Gate lay to the south-east. Further, he puts the quarter of the Nahr-al-Kallayin to the south of Karkh, and to the south-west of it (he says) was the quarter of the Muhawwal Gate; while to the eastward of Karkh lay the boundaries of Baghdad and the other great quarters of the western city. Again, while in one passage (iv. 841) he states that the Tabik Canal lay to the east of the Kallayin, in another article (iv. 843) the Tabik is described as flowing to the south of the Kallayin, having the Shiniztyah Cemetery on its western side. Some confusion evidently must have existed as to the relative positions of these canals, for Khatib states (folio 25b of the Paris MS.) that he had been told on good authority, in 450 A.H., that the Nahr-al-Kallayin flowed out into the Tigris 4e/ow the Fardah or Lower Harbour. vi.] Lhe Quarters of the Lower Harbour 85 ‘IsA was the building known as the Melon House (Dar-al-Battikh), a name commonly given to the town fruit-markets; and to this spot these mar- kets, which had been kept within the Round City by the Caliph Manstir, were finally removed during the reign of Mahdi. The actual point of junction of the Tabik with the ‘fsA Canal was marked by a place known as the Myrtle Wharf (Mashra‘at- al-As), which doubtless formed the northern strand of the Fardah, or Lower Harbour, where the ‘fsa Canal disembogued into the Tigris. This, as already said, was the Port of Karkh, and in early days it lay in the very midst of West Baghdad, where (as Ibn Hawkal writes) the ships from the Euphrates were moored to discharge their cargoes, all along the harbour side standing the warehouses of the merchants, with many great markets near. This Lower Harbour—as we have named it to distinguish it from the Upper Harbour at the mouth of the Tahir Trench—was known as the Fardah of Ja‘far, son of the Caliph Mansir, and to him his father had granted the lands here in fief. On its upper strand and near the Tigris bank was the Kast ‘isd, the palace that gave its name to the sur- rounding quarter, and which is commonly stated to have been built by that Abbasid prince ‘ts (whether uncle or nephew of the Caliph Mansiir is uncertain) * who dug the ‘fsa Canal. By another account, how- 1 Ibn Serapion, 28; Fakhri, 299; Ibn Hawkal, 165. I translate Mashra‘ah by ‘wharf, tentatively ; it may signify ‘ford’ or ‘ passage,’ but in the modern dialect of Baghdad the cognate term Shari'ah means ‘wharf, and is in frequent use (see Jones, 312); further, this signification appears to suit the context where the word Mashra‘ah occurs in Tabari and other early authorities. 2 See above, p. 72. 86 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. ever, this Kasr took its name from ‘IsA, son of Ja‘far, after whom the harbour was called, hence a grandson of Mansfir; and this ‘isd is stated to have had a brother called Ja‘far, after his father, and he had owned the neighbouring palace called the Dar Ja‘far. On the other hand Yakat, who quotes a long anecdote in illustration of the well- known avarice of the Caliph Mansfr, showing how he once tried to inveigle his kinsman into giving up his palace, states that it was built by Prince “Is, son of ‘Ali (that is to say the uncle of the Caliph Mansi), who Yakft asserts dug the ‘fsA Canal. This he adds was the first palace (Kasr) which any Abbasid prince built in Baghdad; and it stood on the upper strand of the Rufayl Canal, otherwise called the Nahr ‘isd, where this last joined the Tigris, and on the further side this palace over- looked the river. It apparently had the good fortune to escape the destruction which overtook so many of the houses in this quarter during the two great sieges of Baghdad (in the reigns respec- tively of Amin and Musta‘in), for the Continuator of Tabari mentions that the maternal uncle of the Caliph Muktadir, named Gharib (or Ghurayb)—who died in 305 (A.D. 917)—was buried in the Kasr ‘fsa. Apparently lying opposite to this palace there was, at about the same period, an island in the Tigris stream, for in the year 313 (a.D. 925) the Wazir of the Caliph Muktadir, Ahmad Ibn-al-Khasib, was molested by arrows shot at him while riding up to the Kasr ‘Isa, by some insurgent troops who had landed on this island. As late as the beginning of. the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.), in the time of YAkdt, the vu] The Quarters of the Lower Harbour 8 populous suburb and markets known as the quarter of the Kasr ‘fs4 still existed, though the palace itself had long since entirely disappeared. The quarter was celebrated for the mosque called the Jami of Ibn-al-Muttalib, and it was probably in the neighbourhood of this mosque that the tomb of the Caliph Mustadi, who died in 575 (a.p. 1180), had been erected. The Caliphs for the most part were buried at Rusafah (as will be described later) ; but the chronicle specially states that this Caliph was buried ‘in a tomb apart outside the quarter of the Kasr ‘isa in Western Baghdad.’ From a topographical point of view, the Kasr ‘Isa with its surrounding quarter, lying on the Tigris immediately above the harbour where the ‘fsa Canal flowed out, is a position of much importance, for Yakdt informs us that the Bridge of Boats in his day, which crossed the Tigris to the palaces of the Caliphs, began ‘in front of the Kasr ‘is4 Quarter.’ The precise epoch when this bridge was first laid down is not known, but it can only date, at the earliest, from the latter half of the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.), and the first notice of it occurs under the year 568 (A.D. 1173), as will be shown in a later chapter. This bridge, the position of which Yakat describes, is the same of which Ibn Jubayr speaks, who visited Baghdad in 580 (a.p. 1184), as lying immediately above the Kurayyah Quarter; and there seems no reason to doubt that in position it represents the Bridge of Boats of the present day. On the other hand, as will be seen in the sequel, it cannot be identified with any one of the three bridges (upper, main, or lower) which existed from the time of the Caliph Mansar till the middle of the 88 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cu. fourth century (the tenth a.p.), when the Buyid princes became masters of Baghdad, for the lowest of these must have crossed the Tigris considerably above the mouth of the harbour and to a point within, or above, the gate of the Tuesday Market in the wall of the Mukharrim Quarter of Eastern Baghdad. On the south side of the harbour, and stretching from here for a considerable distance along the Tigris bank, was the quarter called Al-Kurayyah (the Little Village). This must have been one of the latest built of the outlying suburbs, for it is mentioned neither by Ibn Serapion nor by Ya‘kfbi, and it probably only came into existence about the middle of the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.), during the earlier years of the SaljQk supremacy, when the suburbs of both East and West Baghdad were considerably enlarged, and the Nizdmiyah College came to be built on the eastern river bank, im- mediately opposite to the Kurayyah on the western side. Ibn Jubayr, who visited Baghdad in 580 (a.p. 1184), found the Kurayyah to be the largest of the quarters of West Baghdad. He lodged here on his first arrival, ‘in a district thereof that is called Al-Murabba‘ah (or the Quadrangle), lying on the bank of the Tigris, very near to the Bridge of Boats.’ Yakit describes this same suburb in the year 623 (A.D. 1226) as like a town apart, having its separate Friday mosque and numerous markets; while across the river opposite the Kurayyah was the wharf at the market of the Nizdmiyah College. The com- ; * Tabari, iii. 280; ‘Arib, 69, 127; Ya‘kubi, 245, 250; Yakut, ii. 484; iv. 117, 839; Mushtarik, 350; Ibn Jubayr, 226; and compare Plan No. VII with No. III. vu.] The Quarters of the Lower Harbour 89 manding position of this suburb made it a point of importance when half a century later, in the year 656 (a.D. 1258), the Mongols laid siege to Baghdad; and the chronicles state that Hflagd then ordered the chief part of his army that was sent across to besiege Baghdad from the west side to pitch their siege camp ‘over against Al-Kurayyah, which lies opposite the palaces of the Caliphs.’ This incident, however, will be more fully discussed at a later page, when we come to deal with the events of the last great siege. From another passage in YAkdit it would further appear that the Kurayyah Quarter must also have stretched across and to the north of the ‘Is4 Canal along its left bank; for part of the Kurayyah is de- scribed as occupying ground between the canal and the Kutufta suburb at the Basrah Gate, at the time when all these quarters suffered damage by a great inundation of the Tigris in the year 614 (A.D. 1217). The Kurayyah was the lowest, downstream, of the suburbs of Karkh which lay on the Tigris bank, and it communicated directly with the City of Mansar by the highroad of the Basrah Gate. In its lower portion this thoroughfare on leaving the Kurayyah passed, on the right, the quarter of the Kasr ‘Isa (already described), immediately after crossing the ‘isa Canal by the Bani Zurayk Bridge, and from the highroad at this point must have diverged the 1 Ibn Jubayr, 226; Yakut, iv. 85, 1375 Mushtarik, 344; Chronicle of Abu-l-Fida, iv. 552; Ibn-al-Athir, xii. 217. In the edition by W. Wright of Ibn Jubayr, the name of Al-Kurayyah is given without points and is misprinted. There can be no doubt, however, as to the true reading, for the passage is copied by Sharisht in his Commentary on Hariri, i. 216. For this reference I am indebted to Professor De Goeje. go Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. street to the (later) Bridge of Boats, mentioned by Ibn Jubayr and Yak(t. Further up, and before reaching the Harrani Arch, the Basrah Gate highroad skirted the quarter called the Sharktyah, which lay between it and the Tigris, immediately above the quarter of the Kasr ‘isa; and part of the Sharkiyah Quarter, namely that portion more immediately on the river bank, bore the name of an older suburb known as Al-Atikah. The Sharktyah, meaning ‘the Eastern Quarter’ (and not to be confounded with Eastern Baghdad on the further side of the Tigris), was so called from its position to the eastward of the City of Manstr. Originally it had its special Friday mosque, and a Kadi or judge appointed to settle the dis- putes of the people in the Karkh markets; but this Friday mosque was afterwards disestablished. The “‘Atikah, meaning ‘the ancient’ suburb, is described as situated between the Harrdnt Arch and the Barley Gate, on the land contiguous to the river bank. It was also known as the Ancient Market (As-Sfk-al“Atikah), and before Baghdad was built a village had existed here that went by the name of Sanayé, the black grapes from its vineyards being very celebrated. In later times a shrine dedicated to the Caliph ‘Ali, and much frequented by the Shi‘ahs, stood in this quarter, being known as the Mashhad-al-Mintakah (the Shrine of the Girdle), probably from some relic here preserved. The Shi‘ahs asserted that ‘Ali had prayed at this shrine, a fact mentioned as doubtful by Khatib, and when Yakfit wrote in the beginning of the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.), this shrine had already disappeared. vu.] Lhe Quarters of the Lower Harbour 9x The Sharktyah Quarter must have been traversed by the lower reaches of both the Bazz4zin and Dajaj Canals, already described. The latter of the two, after passing the Street of the Pitch-workers, flowed out to the Tigris among the Cookmen’s Quarter ; while the Bazzdzin Canal had its exit immediately below the building known as the Nut-house (Dar- al-Jawz), after passing through the Soap-boilers’ Quarter }, On the highroad coming down from the Basrah Gate, the upper limit of the Sharktyah Quarter was at the archway of the HarrAnian (Tak-al-Harrdni). This archway stood between the lowest part of the Abu-‘Attaéb Canal—immediately above where its waters flowed out into the Sarat—and the lower reach of the Nahr Bazz4zin, spanning the roadway where it crossed a plot of ground that had been included in the limits of the ancient village of Warthal, which, as already mentioned, had existed here before Baghdad was founded. According to one authority the arch was built by a man of Harran in Upper Mesopotamia, named Ibrahim, son of Dhakwan, once the freedman of the Caliph Mansir, and who, becoming in later times a chief favourite of the Caliph Hadi, had served him at the close of his short reign in the capacity of Wazir. Ya‘kdbi on the other hand states that the Harranian who built the archway, and had his fief here, was not Ibrahim, but a certain ‘Amr ibn Sim‘an?. Between the Harrant Archway and the New Bridge over the Sarat Canal at the Basrah Gate 1 See Plan, No. II. 2 Ya‘kubi, 245; Khatib, folios 76a, 84b; Yakut, iii. 197, 279, 489, 613; Marasid, ii. 70; Ibn Serapion, 25, 26. 92 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. the highroad traversed the parcel of land originally granted in fief to Waddah by the Caliph Mansar. Waddah was a native of Anbar and freedman of the Caliph; he had been one of the superintendents appointed for the building of the Round City, and he was afterwards chief of the armoury. His palace, known as the Kasr Waddah, with the adjoining mosque, at one time gave its name to this part of Karkh, of which great suburb, further, he drew the ground plan by order of the Caliph, being also made superintendent of the funds set apart for the building of the neighbouring Sharkiyah Quarter. At a somewhat later date, this palace in the fief or suburb (Kati‘ah or Rabad, as it was indifferently called) of Waddah was, for a time, the residence of Mahdi, the heir-apparent, while the Caliph Mansar, his father, was completing the Rusafah Quarter and the new Palace of Mahdi across the river. From the Harrani Archway up to the New Bridge over the Sarat Canal both sides of the roadway were occupied by the shops of the papersellers and booksellers, whose market was in this quarter, as also on the bridge itself; and this market was called after them the Sfk-al-Warrdkin, more than one hundred booksellers’ shops being found here. It is said that the New Bridge (Al-Kantarah al- Jadidah or Al-Hadithah) took this name from the fact that it was the last of those built by the Caliph Manstir over the Sarat Canal; and YAkdt, while remarking that in his day (thirteenth century a.p.) it was no longer entitled to its designation of new, says that though it had been many times restored, it had now come to be a complete ruin. It must indeed have been rebuilt after the first siege vu.] The Quarters of the Lower Harbour 93 of Baghdad, that of the Caliph Amin in 198 (a.p. 814), when both this New Bridge opposite the Basrah Gate and the Old Bridge (already described) higher up the Sarat, at the foot of the square opposite the Kfifah Gate, were destroyed. On this occasion after occupying the Sharkiyah Quarter and the line of the Sarat Canal, Tahir, the general of Mamin’s troops, forced Amin to retreat within the City of Mansar, and stubborn fighting took place round the Palace of Waddah, and again at the Karkh Gate, before the partisans of Amin were finally driven in’. 1 Ya‘kubi, 245; Baladhuri, 295; Tabari, iii. 906; Yakut, iv. 123, 188, CHAPTER VIII THE QUARTER OF THE BASRAH GATE The Lower Bridge of Boats and the Barley Gate. The Palace of Humayd. The Kutufté Quarter and the Palace of ‘Adud-ad-Din. The Tustariyin. Later Basrah Gate Quarter. The Shrine of Ma'rif Karkhi and the Old Monastery of the Sarat Point. The Convent of the Foxes. The Khuld Palace and the Karar. The Great ‘Adidi Hospital. The Review Ground and the Stables of the Caliph. Tue name of Sharktyah, to denote the suburb beyond the Basrah Gate, appears to have gone out of use during the course of the third century (the ninth a.p.); probably because this same name Shar- kiyah, meaning the Eastern Quarter, had come more and more to be used exclusively for East Baghdad, across the Tigris, to which, after the return of the Caliphs from Samarra in 279 (a.D. 892), the seat of government had finally been transferred. The area of this Sharkiyah of the Basrah Gate was, in later times, occupied by the Quarter of the Tustariyin, and that called Kutufta, within which also a part of the suburb of the Kasr ‘IsA was included; for this latter suburb had originally gone all along the Tigris bank from the mouth of the ‘fsa Canal to the mouth of the Sarat, where it met the lower part of the gardens of the Khuld Palace. The Quarter of the Basrah Gate 95 At this point was moored the Lower Bridge of Boats, which from the time of Mansi till the middle of the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.) connected the quarters of West Baghdad outside the Basrah Gate with the Tuesday Market within, or above, the gate of that name in the city wall of the Mukharrim Quarter in East Baghdad. This bridge of boats, with others, will be more particularly noticed in a later chapter; it is spoken of by Ya‘k(Qbi under the name of the First (or Lowest) Bridge (AI-Jisr-al- Awwal), and near its western end must have stood the Barley Gate, and subsequently the Palace of Humayd. The exact position of the Barley Gate (Bab-ash-Sha‘ir) is not easy to fix, but it appears to have shut off the lower part of the branch road called the Darb-ash-Sha‘ir (the Barley Street), lead- ing from the Harrani Archway to this Lower Bridge, which last is described as having been first moored across the Tigris by the Caliph Manstr when he was building the Khuld Palace in the year 157 (a.D. 774) ‘at the Barley Gate.’ Further, it is stated that some of the markets were set near this Barley Gate when these came to be removed from within the Round City to the suburbs of Karkh; and the Rayasdnah Fief (as already mentioned) is described as lying between this gate and the Mosque of Ibn Raghban. The chronicles also frequently mention this Quarter of the Bab-ash-Sha‘ir in connexion with Karkh, the Kallayin, and other neighbouring suburbs, as for example on the occasion of the insurrections which broke out and devastated the greater part of Western Baghdad in the years 406, 422, and 447 (A.D. 1015, 1031, and 1055); and Yakdt refers to the Barley Gate as standing near the ‘Atikah suburb (which has 96 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu been already described), near the Mintakah Mosque and not far from the Tak-al-Harrdni, adding that in his time, at the beginning of the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.), the gate might still be seen, standing solitary in the midst of the surrounding ruins. , Another building which serves to fix the position of this Lower Bridge of Boats is the Palace of Humayd, which the chronicle speaks of as standing on the Tigris bank at the lower end of the semicircle of wall which was built to defend West Baghdad in the year 251 (A.D. 865), when the Caliph Musta‘in was about to be besieged by the troops sent against him by his rival the Caliph Mu'tazz from Samarra. This wall must have included the Lower Bridge of Boats in its circuit, and it formed the continuation of the wall round the three northern quarters of East Baghdad (as will be described later), which came down to the river at the gate of the Tuesday Market. The Palace of Humayd had been built half a century before this date, receiving its name from a general of the time of the Caliph Mamin, Humayd ibn ‘Abd-al-Hamid, who died in 210 (a.p. 825). He took a prominent part in suppressing the revolt of Ibrahim, uncle of Mamin, whom the Arab party had sought to establish as Caliph in Baghdad after the death of Amin; and Humayd was for some time viceroy of ‘Irak, being the friend and supporter of the Wazir Hasan ibn Sahl, whose daughter Baran the Caliph Maman had married. Khatib writes as though the Kasr Humayd were still existing in his day (a.4. 450), and it must have stood on the Tigris bank, as is evident from the description of it in a panegyric on Humayd, written vi.] The Quarter of the Basrah Gate 97 by the poet “Ali ibn Jabalah, in which he praises the beauty of the palace grounds lying on the river}. The Kutufta Quarter is frequently mentioned in the chronicle of Ibn-al-Athir subsequent to the year 512 (A.D. 1118). In the sixth century (the twelfth A.D.) it is described as a great suburb with many markets; from south to north it stretched from the ‘fsA Canal, where its houses were coterminous with the upper part of the Kurayyah, to the Sarat, near the cemetery, in which was the shrine of Ma'rif Karkhi; while from west to east it extended from the highroad of the Basrah Gate down to the Tigris bank, being here rather less than one mile across. In the year 569 (a.p. 1174) “Adud-ad-Din, the Wazir of the Caliph Mustadi, had his palace in the Kutufté Quarter, and here he died in 573 (a.D. 1177), slain by the knife of a fanatic. In 601 (A.D. 1205) this quarter suffered much damage during the riots which broke out between its in- habitants and those of the neighbouring Kurayyah Quarter, and the great inundation of the Tigris in 614 (A.D. 1217) completed the ruin of those streets and houses which the rioters had spared. The other quarter lying between the Basrah Gate and the Tigris was that of the Tustariyin, namely of the people of Tustar, otherwise called Shustar, the celebrated town in Khdzistan on the Karin River. The Baghdad quarter was so called, being inhabited by settlers from Khfizistan, who 1 Ya‘kubi, 245, 306; Tabari, iii. 324, 1551; Kitab-al-Aghani, xviii. 106 (for this reference, which to a certain extent fixes the position of the Kasr Humayd, I am indebted to Professor De Goeje) ; Khatib, folios 71a, 75 a, 76b, 80b, 87a, 107 a; Ibn-al-Athir, ix. 184, 285 d¢s, 422; Yakut, iii, 301, 613; Mushtarik, 274. BAGHDAD H 98 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx manufactured here the Tustari stuffs for which their native city was celebrated. The ruin that had overtaken the Round City during the siege in the time of the Caliph Amin was completed by the subsequent demolition of its circular walls, and the quarter of the Basrah Gate appears to have incorporated within its area most of the houses that still remained habitable of the old City of Mansfr, its Great Mosque becoming more specially the Friday mosque of this quarter. When Ibn Jubayr visited Baghdad in 580 (a.p. 1184), he describes the quarter of the Basrah Gate as like a small city standing by itself, with the Mosque of Mansir, ‘a great Jami and an ancient edifice very firmly built’; and this suburb of the Basrah Gate, traversed by the Sarat Canal, was one of the four chief quarters into which West Baghdad had then come to be divided}. Between the Basrah Gate and the Tigris bank, and probably along the lower course of the Sarat, lay the Cemetery of the Convent Gate (Makbarah Bab-ad-Dayr), of which the most celebrated tomb was that of the Moslem saint Ma‘raf Karkhi. The position of this shrine is of importance topographically, since it is one of the few existing places in Western Baghdad dating from the days of the Caliphs, for Ma'rif of Karkh has never ceased to be honoured by the people as one of the chief patron saints of Baghdad. The shrine and cemetery occupied the upper limit of the Kutufté Quarter, already described; ? Ibn Jubayr, 227; Yakut, i. 850; iv. 137; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 383; xi. 270, 296 ; xii. 133, 217. Kutufta is said by Yakut to be a foreign word. It is presumably the Aramaean or Syriac word ‘Katiifta,’ meaning ‘cut-off’ Cf. Frankel, p. xx. vu} The Quarter of the Basrah Gate 99 but in regard to the exact situation of the original convent (Dayr), from which the cemetery took its name, Yaktit confesses ignorance. It is not, how- ever (he writes), to be confounded with the Dayr- ath-Tha‘alib (the Convent of the Foxes), as has so often been done, for this last lay more than a mile distant from the shrine of Ma‘rif, and two miles from Baghdad. In the absence of more direct evidence, it may be conjectured that this Cemetery of the Dayr took its name from the ancient convent which had existed at the Sarat Point (as the place was called where that canal disembogued to the Tigris) from times anterior to the building of Baghdad, and where, as the chronicles relate, the Caliph Mansir temporarily took up his residence when he came to lay out the plan of his new capital. In regard to Ma'rfif, the son of Al-Firdzan, much is recorded, for he was the contemporary of Hartin-ar- Rashid, and celebrated as ‘the ascetic of his age and the Imam of his time.’ He died about the year 200 (a.p. 816), and Khatib names him as one of the four saints, the guardians of Baghdad, whose intercession will ever prevent the approach of evil to the City of Peace. He was by birth a Christian, but professed Islam at the hands of the ImA4m “Ali-ar-Rida, whose freedman he became, and his merits were further perpetuated by the fame won by his great disciple Sari-as-Sakati, the celebrated Sufi saint, whose tomb has already been mentioned as standing in the Shiniziyah Cemetery on the Kiifah highroad. The shrine which had originally been built over the grave of Ma‘raf was accidentally burnt in 459 (a.D. 1067), but was rebuilt by order of the Caliph Kaim, under the superintendence of the Safi Shaykh of Shaykhs He 100 Bagdad during the Caliphate [cu. Abu-Sa‘d of Nishapar, and in 479 (A.D. 1086), when Malik Shah, the Saljak, and his Wazir Nizdm-al- Mulk came to Baghdad, they visited this among other celebrated shrines of the capital. In 580 (a.p. 1184) the traveller Ibn Jubayr mentions the tomb of Ma’‘rif, ‘a man of righteousness, and one of the most celebrated of saints’; and in 611 (a.p. 1214) the younger son of the Caliph Nasir, dying before his father, was buried near this shrine. Apparently on this occasion the tomb was rebuilt, for at the present day it still bears an inscription recording the year A.H. 612 as the date of its latest restoration. It evidently suffered but little during the Mongol siege (in A.D. 1258), for Ibn Batttah, who visited Baghdad in A.D. 1327, speaks of the tomb of Ma'rff of Karkh as standing in the quarter of the Basrah Gate, and a few years later, about 740 (4.D. 1339), Hamd-Allah also mentions it among the notable shrines of West Baghdad. There can be little doubt, therefore, that the present shrine of Ma‘rdf covers the site of his tomb in the Convent Cemetery, where he was buried during the reign of Har(in-ar-Rashid. In regard to the so-called tomb of Zubaydah, which is a large building standing at the present day a short distance to the south of this shrine of Ma'rif, more will be said in the sequel, all that need be noted here is that there is no authority for this ever having been the tomb of the celebrated wife of Hardn-ar-Rashid, she having been buried in the Kazimayn, as will be mentioned in a subsequent chapter}. * Khatib, 112b, 113b; Yakut, ii. 650; iv. 137; Tabari, iii. 280; Ibn-Khallikan, No. 739; Ibn-al-Athir, vi. 225 ; x. 37, 103; xii. 2013 Ibn Jubayr, 227; Ibn Batuta, il. 107; Nuzhat, 149; Niebuhr, ii. 243; Rawlinson, Excycl. Brit., s.v. Baghdad. vu] Lhe Quarter of the Basrah Gate 101 The course of the Sarat Canal must have curved round through almost a semicircle, following the wails of the City of Manstir ; but it is to be remarked that while at the Kafah Gate this canal was separated from the wall by a considerable space (occupied by the square of the Kafah Gate), at the Basrah Gate it ran close under the city wall, for this last gateway is described as opening immediately.on the Sarat, overlooking it at the point crossed by the New Bridge. Kurn-as-Sarat (the Sarat Point) was the name given to the spit of land where the canal ran out to the Tigris, and here in Persian times had been held the market called Sik Baghdad, where, as already stated, in the early days of the Caliph Abu Bakr, the Moslems had made their first suc- cessful raid into Mesopotamia. Near the. Sarat Point also, later on, had stood the Christian convent where Manstir sojourned when planning Baghdad, and this probably, as already mentioned, had given its name to the neighbouring cemetery. From the Sarat Point upstream to the Main Bridge of Boats opposite the Khurdsan Gate, a plot of ground nearly a mile in length but much less in width, lay between the wall of the Round City and the Tigris. Judging from the curve of the river and the quarter circle of the wall between the Basrah and the Khurdsan Gates, this piece of land was probably broader in its upper than in its lower part; and it was occupied in the earlier period chiefly by the Palace of the Khuld and its gardens. The Kasr-al-Khuld (the Palace of Eternity) was so called from its gardens being supposed almost to rival those of Paradise mentioned in a verse of the Kuran (xxv. 16), which speaks of ‘the Palace of 102 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. Eternity which is promised to the God-fearing’; and it was built as already stated by the Caliph Mansar, who took up his abode here in the year 158 (A.D. 775). The palace itself stood on the Tigris bank opposite the Khurasan Gate and a short distance below the Main Bridge of Boats. According to one account, Mansir chose this spot for his palace because the site was of all that neigh- bourhood the highest above the Tigris bed, and hence the place was almost free from the plague of gnats which swarmed elsewhere. It is also asserted by one.of our authorities that the Christian Convent, where the Caliph had lodged, was near here, and not at the Saradt point lower down, as is more generally said. Both Mansir and Mahdi spent much of their time in the Khuld—though the latter usually preferred living in his own palace at Rusdfah—but the Kasr-al-Khuld is more especially connected with the memory of H4rin-ar-Rashid, who kept his state here, enjoying its magnificent gardens, which, bor- dering on the river, gave easy access to the distant quarters of the city. After the death of the great Caliph, his son, the luckless Amin (as has been already mentioned), entrenched himself in the Khuld and the neighbouring Round City, when outer Bagh- dad (East and West) was finally occupied by the armies of Mamin: and from the palace wharf, called the Mashra‘ah of the Khurdsan Gate, he embarked, seeking to escape, but finding his death at the hands of Tahir. Below the Khuld, but some distance above the Sarat Point, was another palace, called Al-Karar, a name signifying ‘the stagnant waters,’ or ‘the vit} The Quarter of the Basrah Gate 103 pool.’ It is frequently mentioned in the accounts of this famous siege, and is the palace otherwise called the Kasr of Zubaydah, being so named after the widow of H4rfin-ar-Rashid, and the mother of Amin, who through all his disasters shared the fortunes of her favourite son. The palace was also known as the Kasr Umm Ja‘far, that being the surname of Zubaydah. Both the Khuld and the Kar4r suffered so severely by the stones shot from the catapults which Tahir had erected for bombarding Baghdad, that after the siege they appear to have been almost in a state of ruin, though according to one account, when Mamfin finally reached Baghdad in 203 (a.D. 818), he at first held his court in the Khuld, while the Wazir Hasan Ibn Sahl was preparing the Hasani Palace (in East Baghdad) for his master’s reception. The next Caliph Mu'tasim, as history relates, removed the seat of government from Baghdad to Samarra, and during the sixty odd years that his successors made this latter city their capital, the Khuld must have fallen completely to ruin. When finally in 279 (A.D. 892) the Caliphate was re-estab- lished in Baghdad, Mu'tadid took up his residence in the palaces of the eastern bank, and the Khuld thus continued an unoccupied ruin till the year 368 (a.D. 979), when the Buyid Prince “Adud-ad-Dawlah appropriated its site for the buildings of his great Biméristan or hospital'. The New Hospital of Western Baghdad is reported by YAk(t to have stood somewhat higher up the river bank than the spot where the Khuld had been, and this confirms the contemporary notice in Mu- 2 Ibn Serapion, 24; Baladhuri, 246; Tabari, iii. 384, 848, 906, 954; Mas‘udi, vi. 475, 477 3 Yakut, i. 807; ii. 459. To4 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. kaddasi, who, writing about the year 375 (A.D. 985), describes it as having been recently built by “Adud- ad-Dawlah, close beside the Main Bridge of Boats, from which the Khuld had been separated by out- lying buildings. According to one account, the hospital was only completed in a. u. 371, a year before ‘Adud died. Nearly a century later, in the year 466 (A.D. 1074), it suffered some damage at the time of a great inundation of the Tigris, when the waters are reported to have entered by its windows and the whole building was flooded. A like misfortune occurred in the year 554 (a.D. 1159), and again in 569 (A.D. 1174), when, during the spring-time, after forty days of ceaseless rain upstream in the Mosul district, the Tigris rose as it had never done before. On this occasion the whole of Baghdad was flooded and many houses fell in. The shutters of the windows in the Hospital had, it appears, been removed, and the flood rose so high that boats entered the building through the empty doorways and window-openings, floating about in the interior. The damage done by this inundation must, however, have been promptly repaired ; for when, in 580 (a.p. 1184), Ibn Jubayr came to Baghdad, the great hospital was again in full working order. He describes it as an immense palace, situated on the Tigris bank, with many chambers and separate wards furnished like a royal abode. Every Monday and Thursday, he says, the city physicians attended there to visit patients, for whom both food and medicine were gratuitously prepared by servants especially appointed for this office. The building, he adds, was plentifully supplied with water from the river. This Hospital, further, in later times, gave its vi.) The Quarter of the Basrah Gate 105 name to the market, called Sfik-al-Mérist4n, which, like a small city, was one of the great suburbs of West Baghdad, lying between the suburb of the Basrah Gate and the Shari Quarter, which will be described in the next chapter. With the lapse of time houses and streets had sprung up round the hospital buildings, occupying much of the ground where the gardens of the Khuld Palace had formerly been, and the district formed the populous Suburb of the Hospital, which is described by Yakat in the beginning of the thirteenth century a.p. When, in 656 (A.D. 1258), Halagfi besieged Baghdad, he made the Quarter of the Biméaristan “Adudi (as it was called) the upper point of his attack on the western side, and the hospital probably suffered much during the siege operations ; for, less than a hundred years after this time, when Ibn Batitah visited Baghdad, in 730 (a.D. 1330), he found the place a complete ruin, and of its former buildings only traces of walls could be seen. It is probable, however, that though the houses remained standing, the hospital had been dismantled even before the Mongol siege, namely at some time prior to the year 630 (A.D. 1233), when the Caliph Mustansir (as will be described in a later chapter) founded his Bimaristan of the Mustansiriyah College in East Baghdad?. Once more to return, however, to the Round City as this was left by its founder, the Caliph Mansir: we are told by Ya‘kdbi that originally between the Khurdsdn Gate and the Main Bridge of Boats, where 1 Mukaddasi, 120; Ya‘kubi, 249; Ibn Khallikan, No. 543, p. 33; Abu-l-Faraj, 299, 4743 Ibn-al-Athir, x. 62; xi. 164, 270; Ibn Jubayr, 227; Rashid-ad-Din, 282; Ibn Batutah, ii. 107. 106 Baghdad during the Caliphate the great highroad into Persia crossed the Tigris, lay the Review Ground, immediately adjacent to the Khuld Palace. Next to this were the Royal Stables ; and at the bridge-head itself there was again an open space or square flanked by the workshops of the bridge, and the Office of the Shurtah or chief of police. Beyond, to the left of this and upstream, came the quarter of the Shari‘, which will be spoken of in the following chapter: but it will be understood that this review ground and the stables, with other buildings of the days of the Caliph Manszfr, must all have entirely disappeared long before the time when ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah began to build his hospital, their sites coming afterwards to be occupied by the markets and streets which formed the new quarter of the BimAristan. Took) CUMS? BAW STW 8uQ JO aytag peer ne cheer WHR IPN, pure yeciseununys yryesny 5 S19zTeNh saul ayy | UM 3 f ) fay agoaog | ‘ 4 NE. xynn2," ndemzey Ys a wines aga ay PPS, , en) _-arsaxwnx 7 ft LOLeFed aoez oy “A dew ayvT pu sovped sop AUL *yoxrey Avpsany, aq} Jo ayex) OGL “a}eX) ZVIQYV oaL ‘JOYIV]] SIOFY 94} JO yey oy] “yeryuly, JO adeleg ay} pur ajyexy ayy, 94, ‘qe{pueg jo ave OUT *syjoog ay} pus yaxrey Avy ayy, “SEqqV, JO eSpug oy} puv ayey wey YNW OUT, “eH poppy, wearH eyL ‘felleFy jo ye : TSEM PBS Jo pvoy oq} UL QIsepY-[e-Uq] Jo sov[eg “PHC Jo puw ‘quugpAvp] jo ‘zysuy ay} Jo sxuVy, aeIyL ONT, ‘odprug agsuy ay ‘jysesvy] JO JOyIVYy pue ‘opsuvipend) ‘sovpeg “(ysty.-1e-A8S) OCW ISIGL PUL “THpUaL OUurA ayt JO J2aIjG ay} pue JYINY-[e-uq] jo sov[eg eyT, "yang Suo'y oy L UIST}, NY JO aoe]eg 94], “peoy yeay sy, yepNL UG] Jo sovvg pur ‘yeueD ESHA 94 JO YJNOW ay} Je ALYYZ JO USpAey) OUL *yaard ay} IW, Jo 12015 a4 *gUISY SsaouLIg jo pus ‘yepy-pAeqn, aourrg jo ‘yeueznqy jo sooxreg (Acmyory oy3 Jo avy) 1eL-ie-qed OU *pepydeg yseq jo ayexy uyseInyy ey, “Sayed uo] ay} pue onbsow oy} ‘SEN Jo JoxILW *yoreIyeg 9Y} JO asnopy 94} WIA ‘19z1eNd UeIISUYD 9q} JO Soyd.nyy oiqooef pue uep10} “SON oy} {(syaerx) OY} JO asNOF]) WUY-Ie-1¥q ‘soOE[EY PUL Jory oploouieg oy, aoueg wejny oy], *ISUN-uqy Joao" vg ay} pur asplug UEprieg oy, ‘ayey) UBprIeg 94] *pearysa,y aq} Jo Jadeqa ay) pus ‘SMOA Jo adv] gq 34} ‘qinqus sa}ey se1q J, “STUD Jo 90R[Vg 9N) pue ayer qedsemuvyseyy, 3 *(@TStD AeqD oy) uyp-e-seyy pue pugqy JO VW “TeuLD [Pye oy} Jo pwoy pur ivy,e/ jo oye] ‘aploouliug ay} rey,ef Jo sovpeg fn jo soovpeg ‘tere Jo sovpeg ‘aSpLg oys JO proy pur yAtey jo IEW “SPLIS JO peoy uo Yeppear JO sued ‘Jovy 1Aepnyy ayy fanbsow puv Jayrent yedpkepayy, eyL sugpeyy ay} JO proxy dy} UO [Peg Jo pue qIqvyyT wu) Jo sadv[eq “sydypeD ay} Jo squiol aUL *h12}2UI9D) uygmz{eyy oy} Ul YUyULFT uqy jo eutys * sanbsoyy Weyesty SUL “yeyysnyy Ul spyeW JO evTeq ‘Tequey] Ug] Jo uos ‘YyeTTY-PqV, JO QUOL ssaoulg pidng ay} pur ‘upuy ydyed ayy ‘yepkeqnz jo squioy, {sourys udewizyy oN. sonbsoy JoueyyNg ayy “lug jo doR[vg pus proxy sayexy uetAg 94} JO UOSIIg BY], *pAeMng nqy pur JphYyy ‘PPrv, Jo sopeory sa] SUL ‘yAeyuN uqr ugwmyjo, Jo pus ‘skeynz jo ‘pXvysny jo sqingng YIM ‘suvisiag 94} JO apsuvipendy *(sdoyg uvisseg ay}) PUqy-[e-aRNd *jooyos ueydig ayy “queyS-1e-pLes JO Peed SUL ‘aSpiig ume(-[-nqy eyL ‘A ‘ON dVW OL SAONAUAATA "HE ‘of 6z "gz Le *qiquys jo apsuvipendy “SEqqV,-1-UQV Jo a[suerpend sanbsoyy yeAtqieyy ou “CupugqqeL-7e -Yeiejuey[) syuLyoIaUI-MvI}S 94} JO aSpug OTT, “UMY, IGV Ud] Jo avleg *(japaov1g, aq JO 3201S) IEMIS qed Ul uRUIGIO, Uq! SyeF] Jo sovpeg *(sadeg) sugNyDH ay} jo Jorg pue ({pjey-se-1eq) asuoHy] Saris eyL ruNIEF] PUIGRL oy} JO soepeg “Yergury), Jo sovjeg “(yD TWIT O43) Wyses-Se-qeg ‘PUA 9G} JO 9eH “(CUqLL-38-G¥q) aIVD Weng SUL *(avj,e{ wig) yepAeqnz jo anbsow pur soveg *rey,e{ wu, J TW ay Jo eSpug puv sey inqquijeyy “UYU ay} TeQueF] Ug] Jo quoL, *peoy aye) queyy aq} 0} Surpray ‘espug pue aye quefzy ayy, “WAV M-12-FeIEGTV, Pete JMpuos-19ye MA OUT, *peoy [dein ay} 0} Sutpvay ‘aspug pue ayes) uoly ayy, ‘ugutde[NS qzeq payed y2013g 9y} UO ‘INSUBT] JO suOS ‘qITBS pus uguIke[ng saoulrg ay} Jo soov[eg “9010 JO JOD ay} JO [TB] pue syIOM espug ay} Jo aBYWJO ‘satqeis [ekoy aL, *(Teudsoy ypupy, a3 Aq paidnaso spreaayye ays) aov[eg pInyy ayL * *IBIVY, 24) pervs ‘yepkequz jo sox[eg WUIOg FILS OY} YB JUBAUOD PIO UL “GLeyS-yse-quq) aren Aopeg onL “pywaeE-Te-paqy, uqr pAeumyy jo aovyeg eyL “92 Sz vz Ez ez. "It “oz 61 “gt LI ‘Or Sr ‘FL “er ro SEL ‘ol S06 oN Ao tee ee CHAPTER IX THE SHARI’ QUARTER AND THE TRENCH OF TAHIR The Shari‘ Quarter and Fiefs. The Baghiyin and Burjulaniyah Suburbs. The Harbiyah Quarter and the Trench of Tahir. The Anbar Gate and Highroad: the Garden of Tahir. The Iron Gate. The Harb Gate. The Katrabbul Gate. The Zubaydtyah Fief and its Mosque. The Straw Gate. The Zuhayriyah Suburb. The Bab-as- Saghir. The Hanifah Suburb and the Palace of ‘Umarah. The Durta Monastery and the Dayr-al-Kibab. The TAhirid Palace and its history. Upstream, running along the Tigris bank, between the Main Bridge of Boats and the Upper Bridge, lay the highroad (Ash-Shari‘) which gave its name to the adjacent quarter; the Shari’ here forming the eastern boundary of the Harbtyah, which was the great suburb stretching to the northward of the City of Mansir, and balancing the Karkh Quarter on the south. In the year 580 (a.p. 1184), when Ibn Jubayr visited Baghdad, the Harbtyah having fallen in great part to ruin, the Shdari® had risen to be one of the four main quarters of West Baghdad ; but as originally laid out by Mansar, this consisted of the highroad only, which traversed a number of fiefs lying along the river bank. The first of these, near the Main Bridge, after passing the Offices of 108 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. the Bridge Works, was the fief of Prince Sulayman, and next it came that of Prince Salih, two sons of the Caliph Manstr. The street called Darb Sulayman also took its name from the first of these princes—who, according to another account, died in 199 (A.D. 815), and was the grandson of Manstir— his palace standing in the street immediately op- posite the bridge-head. Prince SAalih, whose fief came next, is known by the surname of Al-Maskin (the Poor Man), for unlike the other Abbasid princes he preferred piety and poverty to riches, and lived the saintly life of an ascetic. Many other fiefs followed these along the river bank, and the Shari’, or highway, before coming to the road which led off to the Upper Bridge of Boats, passed through the great fief or suburb known as that of the Baghiyin, who were the descendants of a certain Hafs ibn ‘Othman, the Palace of Hafs, which ultimately passed to the TAhirids, standing in this district. The Baghiyin Fief is described by Khatib as lying between the Darb Siwar?! (the Street of the Bracelet) and the Rabad or suburb of the Burjulaniyah—otherwise the Burjulaniyin— so called from the people from Burjulan, a village near Wasit, who had come to settle here. Beyond this, and further upstream, came the market which occupied the south side of the Fardah or Upper Harbour, where stood the Palace of the Tahirids in the midst of their fiefs. The Harbiyah, the name given to the great quarter of the town lying west of the Shari‘ and north of the Syrian Gate of the City of Mansar, took its name from a certain Harb, son of “Abd- * Pronunciation uncertain, as also the meaning here given. 1x] Shari‘ Quarter and Trench of Téhir 109 Allah, a native of Balkh, who became a favourite of the Caliph Mansfir, and was by him made chief of the Baghdad Police. Later on Manstr trans- ferred Harb to be Chief of Police in Mosul, when Ja‘far, the son of the Caliph, was appointed to that governorship, and finally Harb was sent to Tiflis, in Georgia, where he met his death in the year 147 (A.D. 764), at the hands of certain Turks who had rebelled in the neighbouring province of Darband on the Caspian. As described by Ya‘kQbi towards the end of the third century (the ninth a.p.), the population of the Harbiyah Quarter was then chiefly made up of Persian or Turk immigrants who had originally come to Baghdad in the train of the Abbasids, namely of people from the lands that are now generally known as Central Asia. Its broad markets and numerous streets were occu- pied by fiefs which Manstir had originally granted to men from Balkh, Merv, and Bukhara, to the countrymen of the Kabul-Sh4h, and to people from Khuwarizm (Khiva) or from Sughd—and each company had been placed under its head man and captain }. 2 In general terms the Harbiyah of West Baghdad (taken to include the Shari‘) is described as lying opposite the Shammasiyah Quarter of the eastern bank. The Harbiyah had thus the Tigris to the east of it, the Syrian Gate and the semicircle of the adjacent wall belonging to the City of Mansfir for its southern boundary, while the Trench of Tahir occupied the north side. The western boundary was formed by the great Anbar highroad, beyond 1 Ibn Jubayr, 227; Baladhuri, 295; Ya'kubi, 249, 258; Istakhri, 83; Yakut, i. 550; ii, 234, 563; Khatib, folio 80 b. II0 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. which lay the Little Sart, a minor canal (as already described), which flowed from the Trench of Tahir back into the Great Sarat a short way above the Kifah Gate. The Trench of Tahir must have carried a considerable body of water—to judge by the masonry bridges needed for the roads to cross it—and it will be remembered that the Trench was the left arm at the bifurcation of the Upper Sarat, which occurred at a point less than one league down the course of this last, and at a distance of more than a mile above Baghdad. Not far from the point of its bifurcation the Trench, after throwing off the Little Sarat to the right, curved up round the Harbiyah, and finally flowed out into the Tigris at the Fardah or Upper Harbour!. By whom the Trench was first dug is not apparently recorded, but by its name it may be taken to have been the work of Tahir, the founder of the Tahirid dynasty, and general-in-chief of the army dispatched by Maman against his brother Amin. The Trench must already have been in existence at the time of this siege of Baghdad, of the year 198 (a.p. 814), for Tahir is then described as having his headquarter camp in a garden of the suburb beyond it. The positions of places in the Harbiyah Quarter can be approximately fixed by the courses of the three small canals—or water-conduits—which entered this suburb from the north-west across the Trench. Four gates here gave exit from the Harbiyah to the Katrabbul district; and the highroads, passing ? Yakut (iii. 378) by an oversight states that the Khandak or Trench of Tahir falls into the Tigris ‘before the Basrah Gate of the City of Mansfir’: he is evidently here thinking of the Sarat, and he fe oe duly corrected by his epitomist, the author of the Marasid li, 151). rx.] Shari’ Quarter and Trench of Tahir 111 out through these gates, crossed the Trench by arched bridges of masonry (Kantarah) which bore respectively the names of the gates. Taking these in their order down the course of the Trench, the first was the Anbar gate and bridge, by which the highroad coming from the Syrian Gate of the Round City went out to the town of Anbar on the Euphrates, skirting the left or northern bank of the Sarat Canal, and then along the Nahr ‘fsa. On the Trench outside the Anbar Gate lay the garden where T4hir had fixed his headquarter camp during the great siege, and here mention is made of a second gate- way called the Garden Gate (Bab-al-Bustan). The Anbar Gate at the bridge is stated to have been set on fire by the people of Baghdad when Tahir stormed the Round City; and according to one account it was in the garden outside this gate that the unfortunate Caliph Amin was summarily put to death by T4hir, after the failure of his attempt to escape from Baghdad. According to the descrip- tion given by Ibn Serapion, a watercourse from the Nahr Batatiya crossed the Trench by the bridge at the Anbar Gate, and entering the Harbiyah passed down the Street of the Anbar Gate to the Street of the Ram, where its waters failed, as will be more particularly described in the next chapter. The next gate and bridge on the Trench was the Bab-al-Hadid (the Iron Gate) 1, opening within the Harbtyah on the road of the Dujayl (Shari Dujay). The second water-channel, from the Nahr Batatiya coming into Baghdad, passed down this road, but did not cross the Trench by the bridge at the Iron 1 Often written in the MSS., in error, Bab-al-/adid, ‘the New Gate.’ 112 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Gate; for this watercourse had a separate bridge to itself, called the ‘Abbdrat-al-Kikh (the Conduit at the Cabin or Reed-hut), which spanned the Trench between the Iron Gate and that of Harb, the next below. The subsequent course of this, the Dujayl Road, Canal will enable us to plot out the positions of many buildings in the Harbiyah existing at the time when Ibn Serapion wrote; and, after follow- ing a sinuous course, its surplus waters ultimately joined the little canal of the Syrian Gate, which, it will be remembered, flowed up northward from the Razin Canal. In the account of the first siege of Baghdad the Iron Gate is celebrated for having served as the gibbet on which the head of the Caliph Amin was exposed to public view, before being dispatched by Tahir to Maman in Khurdsdn, as indubitable proof of the death of his rival. The next gate (and bridge) was that called the Bab Harb, which took its name from the founder of the Harbtyah; and the third water-channel from the Batatiya, after crossing the Trench by this bridge, passed down the Street of the Harb Gate, and ultimately discharged its waters also into the canal of the Syrian Gate. This third watercourse, as will be seen later, is an important factor for plotting out the eastern side of the Harbiyah Quarter, being connected by a branch transversely with the Dujayl Road Canal. Beyond the Harb Bridge, and on the northern side of the Trench, lay the Harb Cemetery, in which among other celebrated shrines was the tomb of the Imam Ibn Hanbal. In later times, when the Harbiyah Quarter had shrunk to a moiety of its former size, the small suburb which still kept the old name of the Harbiyah, centered x.) Shari‘ Quarter and Trench of Tahir 113 round the old Harb Gate, and, for.the most part, lay only along the southern side of the Trench. The lowest of the gates on the Trench was the Bab Katrabbul, and its bridge was known as the Kantarah Ruha Umm Ja‘far, namely the Bridge of the Mill of Umm Ja‘far or Zubaydah, the wife of Harfin-ar-Rashid. Katrabbul, from which the gate took its name, as already stated, comprised the whole of the great district in which the upper part of Western Baghdad was situated; and technically speaking this also included all the lands on the left or northern bank of the Sarat Canal, so that both the site occupied by the City of Mansfir and the Har- biyah were within the Katrabbul district. The Katrabbul Gate, as is evident from the accounts of the second siege of Baghdad (in the time of the Caliph Musta‘in), must have stood at no great distance from the Tigris bank. Not far from it, but beyond the Trench, stood another gate known as the Bab-al-Kati‘ah, or the Gate of the Fief. This fief had belonged to the Princess Zubaydah (whose mills near this have just been mentioned), and it was known indifferently either as the Zubaydiyah or as the Fief of Umm Ja‘far. The more important moiety of the fief lay on the upper bank of the Trench, near where this last flowed out into the Tigris at the Upper Harbour, and the angle of land enclosed between the Tigris and the Trench was presumably shut off by a wall in which stood the Gate of the Fief. When originally granted, and possibly during later times also, the Zubaydiyah Fief extended some distance across the Trench to the southward, as is made evident from the descrip- tion given by Ibn Serapion, and it must then have BAGHDAD I 114 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH curved down almost to the Tigris bank at the Baghiyin Fief below the Tdhirid Palace. At the period of the second siege of Baghdad in the year 251 (A.D. 865), the great wall, which had been constructed in haste by order of the Caliph Musta‘in, began in West Baghdad at the river bank, close to the gate of the Zubaydah Fief, and in the accounts of the siege operations we learn that the chief camp of the army from Samarra was pitched between this gate and the Bab Katrabbul on the Trench. The bridge outside the Katrabbul Gate was the one on the Trench that withstood the longest the ruin which gradually overtook the whole of the Harbiyah Quarter. When the author of the Mardsid wrote, in about the year 700 (A.D. 1300), all the bridges and gates along the Trench, except this one, had completely disappeared. He states that he himself had seen the Bridge of Katrabbul, as it was then called, adding that it was only pulled down a short time after the beginning of the eighth century (the fourteenth a.p.), and that when he saw it the bridge had consisted of two great arches constructed of kiln-burnt bricks, which, after the demolition, it was found worth while to carry away to be used again in other buildings! The land afterwards occupied by the Zubaydiyah Fief had originally been granted by the Caliph Mansiir to his son Ja‘far (the same whom Harb, the founder of the Harbiyah, had served as Chief of Police when Ja‘far was named Governor of Mosul), and from Ja‘far the fief had passed to the Princess Zubaydah, who built herself a palace in the fief, * Tabari, iii. 934, 1558, 1562; Ibn Serapion, 24, 27; Mas‘udi, vi. 482; Yakut, i. 460; Marasid, ii. 432. %x.] Shart* Quarter and Trench of Tahir 115 which last came to be known as the Katt‘iyah or the Zubaydiyah Quarter, being chiefly inhabited by the servants and followers of the princess during the years when her power was at its height. Later on the fief must have become the property of the reigning Caliph, for about a century after her time, in the year 306 (A.D. 918), the Zubaydiyah was occupied by the Caliph Muktadir, who bringing part of his Harim over to this side of the Tigris, temporarily established his residence here, the officials and his courtiers living in tents that were set up in the grounds of the fief. As already stated, the Zubaydiyah Fief must originally have occupied both sides of the Trench, but its more important lands, in later times, lay on the north or left bank, coming down as far as the Tigris on the east, and stretching upstream to the gate leading out from the suburbs to the shrine of the Kazimayn, which was known as the Bab- at-Tibn}, or the Straw Gate. Canonically speaking this gate was the northern limit of Western Baghdad, for the doctors of the law held that the city proper occupied the land along the Tigris ‘from the Bab- at-Tibn to the Sarat Canal, Karkh being ruled to form a suburb. The Zubaydiyah Fief became in later times a very populous quarter, and as such possessed its own Friday mosque. This, according to the account given by Khatib, was first erected in the year 379 (A.D. 989), in consequence of a vision vouchsafed to a certain pious woman of this quarter. 1 Tyén is the broken straw, reduced almost to powder, and used for fodder, which is left after the treading out of the corn; it presents therefore a totally different appearance to our sheaf of long straw- stalks. I 116 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx She declared that in her dream she had seen the Prophet Muhammad praying in the little oratory which at this date stood in the fief, and that a celestial voice had foretold to her the day of her death. Subsequent miracles confirmed the authen- ticity of her statements, the mark of the Prophet’s hand was found on the wall of the building, and the woman died at the date named by the voice. With the special permission of the reigning Caliph, Tai’, the little oratory was therefore rebuilt on an en- larged plan, an Imam was appointed to conduct the Friday prayers, and the new Jami’ was counted as one of the chief congregational mosques of Baghdad}. Both the mosque and the adjacent Quarter of the Zubaydiyah must have fallen somewhat early into ruin, for by the year 700 (a.D. 1300), when the author of the //ardscd wrote, this mosque had entirely disappeared, though he states that the ruins of the quarter might still be traced along the river bank in the upper part of the city. Twice during the preceding centuries this region had suffered severely from the inundations of the Tigris, and it » Tbn-al-Athir (ix. 48), under the year 379, mentions the building of this mosque, which he names the Jami‘-al-Katf‘ah. It is to be noted that in West Baghdad A/-Kafi‘ah, ‘the Fief” always refers to the Zubaydiyah, while in Eastern Baghdad A/-Kati‘ah was more especially the ‘Ajamf or Persian Fief. On the occasion of describing the Zubaydiyah, Yakut (iv. 141) mentions a second Kalldyin Canal— as of the Zubaydiyah—the name being identicai with that of the better known stream in Karkh (see p. 81). The author of the Marasid, however (ii. 432), corrects the name to Nahr Kal/étin; and this second Kallayin Canal would seem to be a pure invention, on the part of Yakut, who misread the MS. of Khatib, where the name given is not Kallayin, but K4f/dyin, or some such name (compare the British Museum MS. of Khatib, folio 102 a, with the Paris MS., folio 34), for the reading of the MSS. vary). This last canal, if it really ever existed, was probably a minor offshoot of the Trench of Tahir. 1x.) Shari’ Quarter and Trench of Tahir 117 would further appear that by the changing of its bed (as will be mentioned when we come to speak of the disappearance of the so-called tomb of Ibn Hlanbal) the river may ultimately have come to flow over part of the site of the former Fief of Zubaydah. Adjacent to the Zubaydiyah Quarter had been the Zuhayrtyah, with the Fiefs of the Mawlas or Freedmen of the Princess Zubaydah. This Zuhayriyah (for there was another near the Kffah Gate, as already mentioned on p. 59) was the fief of a certain Zuhayr ibn Muhammad of Abiward in Khurdsan, and it stretched along the old wall of the Zubaydiyah between the Straw Gate (Bab-at-Tibn) and the Katrabbul Gate. Into it had opened the Bab-as-Saghir (the Little Gate), but when Yaktit wrote in 623 (a.p. 1226) both this gate and the fief of Zuhayr had long since disappeared, so that no one then knew what had been their exact positions. The great cemeteries beyond the Tibn and Harb Gates, with the adjacent Shrine of the Ka4zimayn, will be described in a following chapter, but occupying ground between these graveyards and the Zubaydiyah Quarter, in early times there had existed a suburb called the Rabad of Hanifah, or of Abu Hanifah (for the authorities differ as to the name), so named after one of the nobles of the court of Mansfr, who must not be confounded with the more celebrated Im4m, Abu Hanifah. This suburb is described as having stretched from the Kuraysh Cemetery to the Tibn Gate and the Tahirid Harim; and in it was the Palace (Dar) of ‘Umérah ibn Hamzah, freedman of the Caliph Mansur, the spot where his palace came to be built having of old been a garden planted, report said, by one of the 118 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Persian kings who had reigned before the days of Islam. At the period when the Mardsid was written, namely about the year 700 (A.D. 1300), all the houses here had already fallen to ruin, and the waste land was cultivated for cornfields, but in the earlier times of the Caliphate this region had been as densely populated as Karkh and the southern quarters of West Baghdad. To the north of the Zubaydiyah, and lying on the river bank opposite the Shammdasiyah Gate in East Baghdad, stood the great Christian monastery of Durtd, which is frequently mentioned in the earlier chronicles. It is described as having been at one time crowded with monks, and it possessed a stately well-built church. Near by was also another similar establishment called Dayr-al-Kibab (the Monastery of the Cupolas), and in the year 334 (a.D. 946) the Durta Monastery was a place of sufficient importance to have become for a time the residence of the Caliph Mustakfi, showing that it must have been a building of no inconsiderable extent. By the year 700 (A.D. 1300), however, through the changes in the course of the river, both these monasteries had been swept away, no trace of them remaining when the author of the Mardsid wrote his epitome of Yakot?. Partly enclosed by the older and lower part of the Zubaydiyah Fief, and standing on the southern bank of the Trench so as to overlook the Tigris and the Upper Harbour, was the great Palace of * See Plan, No. III; Ya‘kubi, 250; Khatib, folios 67a, 102 a, b; Baladhuri, 296; ‘Arib, 71; Yakut, ii. 521, 565, 659, 685, 750, 964; Iv. 132, 141, 142; Mushtarik, 200; Marasid, i. 429, 459; ii. 151, 432; Mas‘udi, viii. 391. 1x.] Shari* Quarter and Trench of Tahir 119 Tahir, already frequently mentioned, at one time general of the armies of Mamdn, and afterwards independent ruler of Khurdsan, who bore the sur- name of Dhi-l-Yaminayn or Ambidexter. This palace was one of the most notable buildings in West Baghdad, and during many years was the residence of the Governor of the City. Hence it came to be considered in a certain degree as a royal palace, and had the rights of sanctuary granted to it, where offenders might gain a safe refuge, and on this account was known as the Téhirid Harim or Precinct. The TAhirid family was one of the most important of the semi-independent princely houses that rose to power under the shadow of the Caliphate in the third century (the ninth a.p.). The direct descen- dants of Tahir ‘Ambidexter, above mentioned, became independent rulers of Khurdsan, and a cousin, Ish4k ibn Ibrahim, was made Governor of Baghdad during the reigns of Wathik and Muta- wakkil, when the seat of the Caliphate had been removed to SAmarra. This Ishak had previously been Chief of Police under Mamfn, and he died in the year 235 (A.D. 850). Later on another member of the same house, Muhammad ibn “Abd-Allah, was Governor of Baghdad in 251 (a.p. 865), during the short reign of Musta‘in, and it was he who organized the defence of the older capital during the second of its great sieges, when the Caliph Musta‘in, having fled from SAmarrA to Baghdad, was pursued thither, besieged, and finally deposed by the Turk body- guard who had espoused the cause of his cousin Mu'tazz. A generation later, at the time of the final return 120 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx of the Caliphs to Baghdad, in the reign of Mu'tadid, the TAhirid family having died out, their Harim or palace became a secondary residence of the Caliphs—who by this date had already established their more permanent abode in the new palaces of East Baghdad—and Mu'tadid dying in 289 (4.p. 902), his body was brought across the Tigris and buried in the celebrated Marble House (the Dar-ar- Rikham) of the Tahirid Harim. “Ali Muktafi, the next Caliph, who died in 295 (A.D. 908), was likewise buried here, probably also Muktadir, his successor, who was slain in 320 (a.D. 932) at the Shammastyah Gate of East Baghdad by the bodyguard, when his corpse was left for a time unburied, till at last the people by night carried it away and gave it decent sepulture. During the next few years puppet Caliphs were set up and deposed, one after another, at the pleasure of the Captain of the Bodyguard, and the Tahirid Harim became a state prison where the deposed Caliph and his probable successor in the Caliphate lived together side by side. Thus in 333 (a.p. 944) Mustakfi was brought from the T4hirid Palace to ascend the throne of Muttaki, who had been blinded and deposed; both Muttaki and the Caliph Kahir, who had suffered the fate of Muttaki in 322 (A.D. 934), remaining to end their days within the Harim of Tahir, where they were buried with other members of their house. A couple of centuries later, in 530 (a.p. 1136), the Tahirid Harim was plundered by the populace of Baghdad at the close of the two months’ siege which the Caliph Mansfr RAshid suffered as the penalty for defying the power of the Saljak Sultan Mas‘id. Much wealth is said then to have been x.] Shari’ Quarter and Trench of Tahir tax carried off from the great palace, and its devastation was before long completed by the inundation of the Tigris, which occurred in the year 614 (A.D. 1217). Yakt, writing in 623 (a.p. 1226), states that the Tahirid Harim in his day stood ruined and deserted amongst the remains of former houses and palaces. The adjacent quarter, however, was still in part inhabited, and a market was held in some of the streets, these forming as it were a separate town- ship which stood solitary, apart from the other quarters of West Baghdad, surrounded by its own wall}. 1 Khatib, 87b; Mas‘udi, viii. 212, 288, 351, 379, 383; Yakut, ii. 255, 783; Ibn-al-Athir, ix. 26; xii. 217. CHAPTER X THE HARBIYAH QUARTER Road to the Upper Bridge of Boats. The Canal of the Syrian Gate. The Slaves’ House. The Harb Gate Road and the Suburb of Abu‘Awn. The later Harbiyah and its Mosque. The Quadrangles of Abu-l‘Abbas and Shabib. The Dujayl Road. The Persian Quarters of the Harbiyah. The Abna and the Dihkans. The Abu-l- Jawn Bridge and the Market of the Syrian Gate. The three Arcades near the highroad to the Upper Bridge of Boats. The Syrian Gate, the Prison, and the Cemetery. The Garden of Kass and the Anbar Gate Road. The Quarter of the Lion and the Ram. The Shrine of Ibrahim-al-Harbi. The Bukhariot Mosque and the Ramaliyah. ImmeEpIATELY below the T4hirid Harim the Upper Bridge of Boats crossed the Tigris, to which led the highroad from the Syrian Gate of the City of Mansar, passing through the Harbiyah Quarter diagonally. This great road to the Upper Bridge, Ya‘kdbi at the close of the third century (the ninth a.p.) describes as having markets along its whole length, both to the right hand and the left, and from his contempo- rary, Ibn Serapion, we learn that a small canal ran more or less parallel with this road, in the space between it and the river bank, from the Syrian Gate to ‘the outskirt of the Zubaydiyah,’ where its waters finally disappeared in irrigation channels. This is The Harbiyah Quarter 123 known as the Canal of the Syrian Gate,and as already mentioned, it was derived from the Razin Canal, at a point near where this last was crossed by the Kafah highroad, being carried over the Sarat by the Old Bridge, whence it flowed round outside the wall of the Round City from the Kfifah Gate, past the Syrian Gate, up to the Zubaydiyah Fief. This channel, it will be noticed, flowed from south to north (from the Old Bridge to near the western end of the Upper Bridge of Boats), and into it drained the two canals from the Batatiya, which, as already described, entered the Harbiyah, the one by the road of the Harb Gate, and the other by the Dujayl highroad. Entering the Harbiyah Quarter from the Upper Bridge of Boats, and taking the highroad to the Syrian Gate, the Harim of Tahir was on the right hand, while on the left lay the congeries of buildings called the Slaves’ House (Dar-ar-Rakik)!, to which the thoroughfare of the Shari® Dar-ar-Rakik went crosswise, coming past the Tahirid Harim from the Katrabbul Bridge, this being the direct road from the Tibn Gate beyond the Trench. The Slaves’ House had been originally used in the days of Mansar as barracks for his domestic slaves, who were bought and imported from the Turk border- lands, to be placed on their arrival in Baghdad under the superintendence of his chamberlain Rabi‘; and also near the Slaves’ House Ya‘ktibit mentions the fief where the pages (Ghulams) of the chamber- lain had their lodgings. In course of time the 1 In the MSS. of Khatib this name is generally written Dar-ad- Dakik, which would mean ‘the Flour House’; but from numerous passages in Ya‘kubi and Yakut, this is evidently a clerical error. 124 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Dar-ar-Rakik gave its name to the surrounding suburb, and the name continued in use down to the, seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.), for when Yaktt wrote a market was still held in this quarter, though many of the neighbouring houses had then fallen to ruin. Further, it would appear that the portion of the Zubaydiyah Fief which lay on the south side of the Trench had come to be more commonly known by the name of the Dar-ar-Rakik, as early as the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.), when Khatib was living in Baghdad. Next to the quarter of the Slaves’ House, and connected with it by the crossroad from the TAhirid Harim, was the fief of Abu ‘Awn, which Ya‘kdbi describes as lying nearer the river bank and the quarter of the Shari’. The palace of Ibn Abu ‘Awn, son of the original owner of the fief, is stated by Ibn Serapion to have stood on the road named after him, along which passed the canal from the Harb Gate. The road of Ibn Abu “Awn, therefore, would appear to have been a side street leading to this fief and turning off the highroad which went from the Upper Bridge to the Syrian Gate. This crossroad of Ibn Abu ‘Awn must further have been the con- tinuation of the road coming from the Harb Gate, down which the canal, above mentioned, passed, and the highroad from the Syrian Gate to the Upper Bridge of Boats appears to have crossed this Canal by the arched masonry bridge which Ya‘ktbi speaks of as the Kantarah-at-Tabbanin (the Straw-merchants’ Bridge)? Abu “Awn, from whom the fief and the subsequent suburb received their name, was a native * Ya'kubi, 248, 249; Ibn Serapion, 25, 27, 28; Yakut, ii. 750; ii 231; Marasid, ii. 85; Khatib, 79 a, 103 a. x.] The Harbiyah Quarter 125 of Jurjan in Khurds4n, a freedman of the Caliph Manstr, and Ibn Abu ‘Awn, his son, was twice Governor of Egypt, namely in the years 134 and 138 (A.D. 751 and 755). In the following century another member of this family, Muhammad ibn Abu “Awn, commanded a body of troops in the service of the Caliph Musta‘in during the second siege of Baghdad, namely in the year 251 (a.p. 865). The highroad from the Upper Bridge of Boats to the Syrian Gate of the Round City crossed diagonally the eastern part of the great northern suburb, the whole of which in early times had been known as the Harbtyah. In later times, however, the name Har- biyah came to be used in a more restricted sense, and was applied solely to that part of the northern suburb lying immediately below the Harb Bridge, and which was traversed by the road of the Harb Gate. This quarter by the fourth century (the tenth a.p.) came to possess its own Friday mosque, which had originally been built for an oratory by one of the Abbasid princes during the Caliphate of Mutt’, who had had some scruple in allowing congregational prayers to be said here. It was, therefore, only in the reign of Kadir, namely in the month Rabi‘ II of the year 383 (A.D. 993), that a decree was obtained erecting this minor mosque into a Jami‘ (as a great mosque for the Friday prayers is termed); and Khatib, writing in the following century, adds that he himself had frequently attended the Friday prayers here. When YAkdt wrote in 623 (A.D. 1226), though many of the surrounding quarters had in greater part then fallen to ruin, the later Harbiyah, namely the suburb of the Harb Gate, remained a populous quarter, 126 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. shut in by its own wall, with the Friday mosque and many well supplied markets. It stood, he adds, ‘like a township in the midst of the waste,’ and a distance of almost two miles, covered by ruins, separated it from the quarter of the Basrah Gate, to which belonged the great Mosque of Mansir. In the previous century, when Ibn Jubayr visited the Harbtyah, it is described as the highest up of the then inhabited quarters of West Baghdad, and beyond it there were only to be seen some villages that were considered as outside the city limits 1. The Canal of the Harb Gate Road, as already stated, was crossed at the Straw-merchants’ Bridge by the highroad going from the Upper Bridge of Boats to the Syrian Gate, and after passing the suburb of Abu ‘Awn, this canal reached the two quadrangles (Murabba‘ah) named respectively after Abu-l“Abbas and Shabib, through which it took its course before finally discharging its waters into the Canal of the Syrian Gate. Abu-l-“Abbds of Tas, or of Abiward (both well-known cities of Khurdsan), after whom the first quadrangle took its name, was one of the nobles who attended the Caliph Mansar ; and his quadrangle occupied land where, before the foundation of Baghdad, the ancient village of War- daniyah had stood. Shabib, a native of Marv-ar- Ridh?, from whom the neighbouring quadrangle took its name, is variously given by our authorities as Ibn W4j or Ibn R&h (the latter name, however, is probably only a clerical error); he was a favourite ? Khatib, 102b; Yakut, ii. 234; Ibn Jubayr, 227. * A couple of hundred miles south of Great Merv, and on the upper stream of the Merv river. x.] The Harbiyah Quarter 127 officer of Mansir, and is known to history as the slayer of the too powerful general Abu Muslim—to whom the Abbasids had mainly owed their acces- sion to the Caliphate—Shabib thus giving his master a signal proof of devoted zeal for the new dynasty |. Another thoroughfare, which ran parallel with the Harb Gate Road, went across the older Harbiyah, coming down from the Iron Gate (Bab-al-Hadid). This was known as the Dujayl Road (Shari’ Dujay]), from the canal of that name which flowed along it, having crossed the Tahirid Trench by a small aqueduct known as the Conduit of the Cabin or Hut (‘Abbarat-al-Kakh), which spanned the Trench near the Iron Gate on the side towards the Harb Gate. After passing for some distance down the Dujayl Road the watercourse reached the Quadrangle of the Persians (Murabba‘at-al-Furs), where a branch canal went off to the place known as the Shops of the Persian Nobles (Dukkan-al-Abna) ; but whether this minor canal struck off to the right or to the left is not known, and before long it ran dry, having no exit from the quarter. The Harbiyah, as has already been said, was originally for the most part settled by the Persian followers of the Abbasids, and both the places just named recall this fact. The Persian Quadrangle is described as having been situated at no great distance from the Quadrangle of Abu-l- “Abbas, already described, and it was so called in memory of certain Persians, to whom the Caliph Mansir had here granted fiefs. The quarter round it was known as the Suburb of the Persians (Rabad- 1 Yakut, iii. 489; iv. 485; Khatib, folio 79a,b; Baladhuri, 296 ; Ibn-al-Athir, v. 363. 128 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH al-Furs), and adjacent thereto was the Khuwariz- miyah Suburb, where the troops from Khuwarizm (the modern Khiva) had been settled by Mansar, while the quarter of the men of Merv (called Al- Marawizah) lay next to this. The suburb called the Rabad “Othman ibn Nuhayk, which was included in the quarter of the Khuwariz- mians, took its name from a certain ‘Othman who was captain of the Horse Guards in the reign of Mansi; and Rushayd, another of the freedmen of this Caliph, gave his name to the adjacent Rabad Rushayd. In addition to these, YAakit gives the names of various other suburbs of this quarter, which were called after the nobles, to whom the lands here had originally been granted in fief by Mansir and his successors. The Abna, from whom the shops (Dukkan) above mentioned took their name, are said to have been Persian nobles who had adopted Arab nationality, for the term Aénd (the plural in Arabic of 67) is explained as meaning the ‘sons of the Dihkans. These Dihkdns were the old territorial Persian chiefs who were already settled in Mesopotamia at the time of the Moslem conquest, many of whom having accepted Islam were left in peaceable possession of their lands, and under the Abbasid Caliphs were employed in the various offices or government Diwéns 1. The Dujayl Road Canal, after traversing these various Persian fiefs,turned off at right angles, flowing down towards the Syrian Gate, and first passed under the bridge called the Kantarah-Abu-l-Jawn. This took its name from the DihkAn or Persian noble who ? Ibn Serapion, 27; Yakut, ii, 750, 7513 iv. 480, 485; Mas‘udi, iv. 188 ; Mafatih-al-‘Ulum, 119, ei] The Harbiyah Quarter 129 had owned the village of Sharafaniyah that had occupied this site before Baghdad was built; and some palms which had belonged to the old village were still standing near this bridge in the year 450 (A.D. 1058), close to which stood the palace (Dar) of a certain Sa‘td-al-Khatib. The Abu-l-Jawn Bridge in all probability was on the Dujayl road, near where it joined the highroad which ran direct from the Syrian Gate up into the Harbiyah Quarter. Ya‘kfibi names this the Market of the Syrian Gate, and here all kinds of wares and merchandise were to be found exposed for sale in the shops, both to right and to left, along the thoroughfare, from which also numerous streets branched into neighbouring courts and alleys, each being named after the people of the province from which its inhabitants had originally come. Near the Abu-l-Jawn Bridge stood the Orphan School (Kutt4b-al-Yataméa) ; and. here a transverse watercourse struck off from the canal of the Dujayl highroad, flowing into the canal of the Harb Gate highroad (already described), which latter it joined at the Quadrangle of Shabib. This connecting branch canal, therefore, must have crossed under both the Market of the Syrian Gate and the highroad running from the Upper Bridge of Boats to the Syrian Gate, probably by culverts near the Shabitb Quadrangle?. On or near the highroad to the Upper Bridge of 1 Ibn Serapion, 27; Khatib, 79b; Ya‘kubi, 248; Tabari, iii. 279; Yakut, iii. 277. In the MSS. of Khatib the name of Abu-l-Jawn is often incorrectly written Abu-l-Jawz. In my translation of Ibn Serapion (/. R. A. S., 1895, p. 294) for ‘Scribes’ read School of the Orphans. The word Kustéd, as Professor De Goeje has pointed out to me, has evidently here this meaning, and is not to be taken as the plural of X76, ‘scribe.’ BAGHDAD .K 130 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Boats, and in a line between the Quadrangle of Shabib and the Syrian Gate, stood three Takat— archways or arcades—which were called after their several builders. The nearest of these to the Quad- rangle of Shabib, into which it led by a thoroughfare, was the Tak4t-al--Akki, which gave its name to the street called Sikkat-al-“Akki, having been built by a certain Mukatil, of the Yamanite tribe of “Akk, one of the generals of the Caliph Mansfir, from whom Mukatil had received the grant of a fief in this quarter. This is said to have been the first of the arcades to be built in Baghdad, and next to it came the Takat-al-Ghitrif. Ghitrif was at one time governor of the Yaman province, he being brother of the Princess Khayzurdn, mother of the two Caliphs Hadi and Harfin-ar-Rashid, to whom therefore Ghitrif stood in the relationship of maternal uncle. The Ghitrif archways were the second of those built in Baghdad, and adjacent to them were the T4k4t Abu Suwayd, the latest to be built. These occupied the fief and suburb of Abu Suwayd, surnamed Al Jardd, and they traversed part of the cemetery which lay immediately outside the Syrian Gate. The Syrian Gate of the City of Manstr gave egress to the three principal highroads traversing the northern suburbs of West Baghdad, two of which have already been mentioned. On the right went the road to the Upper Bridge of Boats with the archways just described; and next this came the road into the Harbiyah Quarter, which is known as the Market of the Syrian Gate; while on the left was the highroad going towards the Anbar Gate on the Trench of Tahir. Fronting the Syrian Gate stood the great jail, built by the Caliph Mansar, and x] The Harbiyah Quarter 131 known as the Prison of the Syrian Gate. Down to the latter half of the third century (the ninth a. D.) this continued to be the chief jail of West Baghdad, for in the year 255 (a.p. 869), when Sulayman the Tahirid was governor of Baghdad (the Caliphs then being resident at Samarra), the chronicle relates how this prison was broken open by the mob during an insurrection, and much trouble ensued in the recap- ture of the malefactors who had escaped. The adjacent Cemetery of the Syrian Gate is stated to have been the earliest of the burial grounds in West Baghdad, having been laid out by Mansdr after he had finished the Round City. In course of time much of its area came to be built over by the houses of the Harbiyah and adjacent quarters, though as late as the beginning of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.) mention is made of this cemetery as a place where personages of note were still buried. In front of the Syrian Gate, and across the ceme- tery, ran the small canal so often mentioned, which came up from the Kifah Gate and ultimately lost itself in the lower limits of the Zubaydiyah Fief to the northward. Into this canal, at some distance to the right of the gate towards the Tigris bank, flowed the surplus waters of the Canal of the Harb Gate Road, while to the left of the gate flowed in the discharge of the Canal of the Dujayl Road. The lower portion of the Canal of the Dujayl Road, after turning down past the Orphan School (already described), must have crossed through culverts under both the highroad of the Market of the Syrian Gate and the road leading to the Anbar Gate, after passing behind (to the north-west of) the prison. 2 132 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH Near here must have been the Road of the Palace of Hani (Shari® Kasr Hani), mentioned by Ibn Serapion, next to which on the canal came the Garden of Al-Kass in the suburb of that name, said to have been called after a freedman of the Caliph Mansar}. The highroad from the Syrian Gate to the Anbar Gate would appear to have passed to the north of the Garden of Kass, and it probably ran between this and the Palace of H4nt above mentioned. The great triangular space of ground lying between the three points marked by the Kiifah, the Syrian, and the Anbar Gates—and which was bounded by the Little Sarat and part of the Syrian Gate Canal on two sides, with the Harbiyah Quarter on the third— was occupied by a number of roads and crossroads, which appear to have come in the following order. Beginning from the Trench of Tahir at the Anbar Gate, the Anbar highroad, as already stated, led direct to the Syrian Gate of the City of Mansdr, and along its upper part ran the water-channel which retained the name of the BatatiyA Canal, and which had crossed the Trench by the Bridge of the Anbar Gate. This channel, after passing some short way 1 Ibn Serapion, 27; Ya‘kubi, 241, 247, 248; ‘Arib, 47; Khatib, folio 111b; Yakut, iii. 488, 489; Ibn-al-Athir, vii. 137. The name is also written A/-Kuss, and it is somewhat puzzling to find that according to Tabari (iii. 274) there was already a ‘Bust4n-al-Kass,’ near Baghdad, before the Moslem city was founded. Further, there was a Dayr or monastery, the head of which gave the Caliph Mansir advice in the matter of the site for the projected capital. In this passage Bus/dn-al-Kass would appear to mean simply ‘the Priest’s Garden,’ the last word not being taken as a proper name, and this recalls a former passage in Tabari (iii. 273), where mention is made of the Bay'ak Kass (without the article), presumably the * Priest’s Church.’ x] The Harbiyah Quarter 133 down the Anbar Road, turned off and finally lost itself in what is known as the Road of the Ram (Shari’-al-Kabsh), which appears to have been a thoroughfare branching from the Anbar Road, im- mediately within the gate, and running down towards the bank of the Little Sarat Canal. The quarter here was known as Al-Kabsh-wa-l- Asad (the Ram and the Lion), and as late as the beginning of the fifth century (the eleventh .p.) the houses and streets of the suburbs of West Baghdad, on the highroad towards Anbar, extended as far as this line. Soon after that date, however, the region came to be deserted, for Khatib states that while in his youth this region had still been occupied by many houses, and had even possessed a crowded market, yet when in later life, namely about the year 450 (A.D. 1058), he had come to-visit the place, only arable fields were then to be’ seen lying at a considerable distance from the nearest houses of the suburb. In explanation of its curious name, Yakdt writes that the Ram and the Lion originally represented two separate streets leading into the neighbouring suburb of the Nasriyah, but which in his day had long since disappeared. ‘The tomb of Ibrahim-al-Harbi stood in this quarter, on the highroad at no great distance from the Anbar Gate, and it is spoken of by Mas‘tdi in the fourth century (the tenth s.p.) in connexion with these streets of the Ram and the Lion, when mentioning a burial which took place in the cemetery near the Anbar Gate. Ibrahim-al-Harbi (that’is of the Har- biyah Quarter) had been a celebrated traditionist, and became a saint, whose shrine was a notable place of visitation, He had been one of the most 134 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. famous of the pupils of Ibn Hanbal, the great Sunni Imam, and dying in the year 285 (A.D. 898) was buried in his own house, which stood on the Anbar Road. His tomb still existed as late as the year 700 (A.D. 1300), but at that date, as was to be expected from the account of this quarter already quoted from Khattb, the author of the J/ardszd states that it had come to stand solitary in the midst of the fields, all the neighbouring houses having long ago disappeared. Among the fiefs of this suburb, detailed by Ya‘kabi, two other roads are mentioned, namely the Road of the Cages (Darb-al-Akfas) and the Fullers’ Road (Darb-al-Kass4rin), and adjacent thereto stood the Bukhariot Mosque (Masjid-al-Bukhariyah), celebrated for its green minaret. According to Tabari, the Road of the Cages occupied the site of a village called Al-Khattabtyah, that had existed here before the Caliph Mansfir began to build the Round City, the site of which originally stretched as far as the neighbouring gate of the Darb-an-Narah (the Chalk Road). Some of the ancient palm-trees of the village were still growing here at the close of the second century (the eighth a.p.) in the reign of Amin; and from the author of the Waréstd we learn that the Khattébiyah had stood on the bank of the Little Sarat, near where the Ram and Lion Quarter, with the tomb of Ibrahim-al-Harbi, afterwards came to be built. Finally, beyond this, and probably on the northern side of the Anbar Road, lay the open space known as the Ramaliyah (the Sandy Place), for this 1 In Marasid, ii. 85, line 8, the words ‘BAb-al-Anbér of the City of Al-Mansir’ must undoubtedly be a mistake for Bdd-ash-Shdm, the Syrian Gate, of the Round City. x.] The Harbiyah Quarter 135 was the boundary of the Harbiyah in the direction of the Anbar Gate, at the time when Ya‘k(bi wrote, namely at the close of the third century (the ninth A.D.) 1. 1 Ibn Serapion, 27; Khatib, folio 67a; Ya‘kubi, 247, 248; Yakut, ii, 235; iv. 233; Marasid, i. 358; ii. 85; Mas‘udi, viii. 184; Tabari, iti. 279. CHAPTER XI THE QUARTERS OF THE MUHAWWAL GATE The Four Markets. The Nasriyah Quarter. The ‘Attabiyah Quarter ; its watered silks and papermakers. The Dar-al-Kazz or the Silk House. The Upper Barley Gate. The ‘Atikiyah Suburb: the Kahtabah Road and Suburb. The Palace of ‘“Abd-al-Wahhab and his Suburb. The ‘Abbasiyah Island. The Patrician’s Mill. The story of the Greek Patrician. The Muhawwal Road. The Fief of ‘fsA and the Muhawwal Gate. The Suburb of Haylanah. The Suburb of Humayd, son of Kahtabah. Bridges of the Mills, of China, and of ‘Abbis, leading to the ‘Abbasiyah Island. The Bridge of the Greeks and the Fief of the Farrashes. The Old Tank. The Bridges on the Great Sarat and Karkhaya. The Kundsah and the Market for Beasts of Burden. The YAsiriyah Quarter. Tue Garden of Kass, on the lowest reach of the Dujayl Road Canal, has already been mentioned, and near this stood the Four Markets, which was the centre of one of the most populous quarters of West Baghdad. These Four Markets were known under the Persian-Arabic name of the Shar Sik, or the Shahar Saj—the first word being the Persian numeral Chahér, ‘four, with S#% for S#k, in Arabic meaning ‘a market’—and they had been built by a certain Al-Haytham, a native of Khurdsdn, a captain of troops in the days of the Caliph Mansiar, after whom the place was also called by the Arabs the Sik S 22 Leeeetee ness ic ‘ i eo, a oobt CARI pAC oN ag jo eIHg T T 1 tT Ss o ‘qy0O¥y TYMMVHNW gunans aut Jo VAIYAVHA SaezyrE Nt ‘OQ¢elesud voyyof ‘TA dew ‘UMOL [BPM MBY DN 12 wysey,npy jo sored “9% ssr9uue], aq} JO aE “bz *raHtnd pue ‘espug ‘ore qed wiseA ey “ez “(pyye A-Te-yerejues]) eSpieL saaf oy} pue qesiqey, Uqy Jo oyD "ee suaping Jo $}svaq roy aovid-suiAL 2%} ‘sSutdaamg ay} Jo avrg pue ayy Yesyuny OL “Ie “syooy Jo Joatlg pue esp ‘Oz “sueysiag 94} JO SeSnO}T ‘61 -qeqp4ex Jo sored “81 neuro MA 49215 93 JO OSpug “LI ‘sayseite] oy} JO asnofy “OT *sp21F) 9Y} JO PSPU_ "Ge “seqqy, Jo Spud ‘VI TA ON dVW ‘aSpug Puy) eUL ‘gnbsop pur ayey [PMMUIN OU gs], JO JOA Ul BUTE : “STN au} jo aSpug pur TIN Sued UL * “qeuqe N-12-PAV, JO ALBIN PUL 908 Fd “ystMEyD JO 3929S ayy pur (esnoH] ATS ou) zavy{-[e-1ed ‘oyed) uapley oy, ‘adplg pue ayy IyqUY MUL “YoLeET-Te-WAPTBIAL JO SUBS PUL conbsoyy JOUBY AN OL “yueEy JO, aovpeg puv peoy sayexy urphg aq} Jo wos OYL : sjooyog ueydio oy) pue queqy-Te-PpLes jo evled OL SHONaAUadTa ‘€1 ‘1 “UI ao um we nw oo to a aE The Quarters of the Muhawwal Gate 137 (or Market of) Al-Haytham. From the time of its foundation it became a great emporium of mer- chandise, being soon surrounded by streets and lanes with warehouses, forming a quarter by itself. In the middle of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.) the Four Markets were apparently rebuilt, for they are mentioned by Hamd-Allah as among the cele- brated constructions undertaken by the Buyid Prince “Adud-ad-Dawlah. Near the Four Markets stood a minaret which Khatib mentions as having been built here by Humayd ibn ‘Abd-al-Hamid, who owned the Kasr Humayd on the Tigris bank, near the Lower Bridge of Boats, which has already been described. Fhe suburb of the Four Markets stood at some little distance to the south-west of the older Harbiyah, and round it, connected by market streets, lay three other quarter's, which are frequently mentioned in the later history of Baghdad, namely the Nasriyah, the “Attabiyah, and the Dar-al-Kazz (the Silk House). At the time when Yakdit wrote—namely in 623 (a.p. 1226)— these were still very populous quarters, being then chiefly celebrated for the manufacture of an excel- lent kind of paper; but all round them lay the ruins of former suburbs marked by the linés of deserted streets and fallen houses, The Nasriyah, otherwise called the Suburb of Nasr ibn ‘Abd-Allah, must have occupied a con- siderable extent of ground. A thoroughfare led thence towards thé Dujayl highroad, but there is some question as to its exact position, The “Atta- biyah or ‘Attabiyin Quarter, which lay to the north of the Four Markets, was famous for the manu- facture of the ‘Attabi stuffs, woven of mixed silk 138 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH and cotton in variegated colours, which were cele- brated throughout all Moslem countries. The ‘Attabiyah Quarter perpetrated the name of “Attab, great-grandson of Omayyah (the ancestor of the Omayyad Caliphs), and “Attab, who was a con- temporary of the Prophet, had been named by Muhammad to be Governor of Mecca, a post which he also continued to hold during the reign of the Caliph Abu Bakr. The quarter of Baghdad which bore his name appears to have been occupied by his descendants who had settled here at an unknown period, and the name of the “Attabtyin afterwards obtained a world-wide renown by reason of the silk stuffs which were first manufactured in this suburb1. Ibn Jubayr in 580 (a.p. 1184) mentions the “Atta- biyin as one of the most flourishing parts of West Baghdad in his day; and a street called the Shari 1 This name has had a long life. The ‘Attabi silks became famous throughout the Moslem world, and were imitated in other towns. Idrisi in 548 (A.D. 1153) describes Almeria in Southern Spain as in his time possessing eight hundred looms for silk-weaving, and the ‘Attabt stuffs are particularly mentioned among those that were there manufactured. The name passed into Spanish under the form aééabi, and thence to Italian and French as ¢adis. The name /ady for a rich kind of silk is now obsolete in English, but in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the word was in common use. In February, 1603, when Elizabeth received the Venetian envoy Scaramelli, the Queen is described as wearing ‘a dress of silver and white taby’ (vestita di tabi d’ argento et bianco), The diary of Samuel Pepys records how on October 13, 1661, he wore his ‘false-taby waiste- coate with gold lace’; and a century later Miss Burney, on the occasion of the birthday of the Princess Royal at Windsor, September 29, 1786, appeared in a gown of ‘lilac tabby. Dr. Johnson gives the spelling ¢aédy in his dictionary, and explains it as ‘a kind of waved silk,’ adding that the tabby cat is so named from the brindled markings of the fur. It is certainly curious that the common epithet applied to a cat in modern English should be derived from the name of a man who was a Companion of the Prophet Muhammad and governor of Mecca in the seventh century A.D. xu] The Quarters of the Muhawwal Gate 139 al-Ghamish connected this quarter with the neigh- bouring Dér-al-Kazz, in which thoroughfare had stood a mosque for the Friday prayers, but this in the year 700 (A.D. 1300} had already fallen tq ruins. The quarter of the Dar-al-Kazz or Silk House is described by Yakdt as a large suburb which in his day stood a league distant from the quarters of West Baghdad at the Basrah Gate. In the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.) it was sur- rounded by mounds of rubbish and ruins; but the paper manufactured here continued to be famous throughout the East. Apparently in early times a second or Upper Barley Gate (Bab-ash-Shda‘ir) ! had stood in the neighbourhood of the Silk House, on the side towards the TAhirid Harim. There is, however, evidently some confusion in the accounts. Yakdt, who says that this gate had completely disappeared in his time, describes it as having been the centre of a quarter lying on the Tigris above the City of Mansfr, at the place where the ships from Mosul and Basrah came to their moorings— in other words, at the Upper Harbour. The shifting of the river bed may account for some of the diffi- culty in fixing the position of the Upper Barley Gate, but it is not easy to understand how, if indeed this gate had been near the Silk House of the “Attabiyah Quarter, it could have stood on the Tigris bank and adjacent to the Tahirid Harim. Another quarter, the position of which cannot be very clearly defined, but which appears to have been of this same neighbourhood, was that known as the ‘Atikiyah, which when Y4k(t wrote was 1 For the other Barley Gate, near the Lower Bridge of Boats, see P. 95. 140 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx already in ruin. He describes it as having stood between the Harbiyah and the later Quarter of the Basrah Gate—possibly within the ruins of what had originally been the City of Mansdr—and it was named after a certain “Atik ibn Halal the Persian? From the neighbourhood of the Garden of Kass, and doubtless communicating directly with the Four Markets, thence leading down to the square in front of the Kdfah Gate, ran the thoroughfare known as the Kahtabah Road (Shari‘-al-Kuhatibah, for the plural form of the name is used), which traversed the suburb of Hasan ibn Kahtabah. The Kahtabah family had taken a_ prominent part in the events which led to the accession of the Abbasids, and fiefs were granted by the Caliph Mansdr to more than one member of this house. Kahtabah, father of Hasan and Humayd, had been one of those: zealous partisans or mission- aries who, in Omayyad days, had publicly preached the right of the house of “Abbas to the Caliphate ; but he lost his life before the time came for the full realization of his hopes, being drowned while crossing the Euphrates at the head of his troops in the year 132 (A.D. 749). His son Hasan suc- ceeded to the command of the Abbasid army, and in time effected the conquest of Mesopotamia for his masters. He stood in high favour with Manstr, and only died in the year 181 (a.p. 797), under the reign of Hardn-ar-Rashid. The fief in West Baghdad that had been granted him, and through which the ? Ya'kubi, 247; Khatib, folio 80b; Yakut, i. 4453 ii. 167, 522, 751; iii, 614; iv. 786; Ibn Jubayr, 227; Marasid, i. 112; ii. 85; Suyuti, 175; Guzidah, book iv, section 5, reign of ‘Adud- ad- Dawlah. This ‘Atikiyah must not be confounded with the ‘Atikah suburb, mentioned P- 90. x1] The Quarters of the Muhawwal Gate 141 Kahtabah Road lay, stretched along a quadrant of the wall of the Round City from outside the Ktfah Gate to near the Syrian Gate. Up this road and parallel with the line of the wall ran the Canal of the Syrian Gate, already so often mentioned, which, at the beginning of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.), according to Ibn Serapion, threw off a channel to the right, that passed ‘in among the remains of the City of Mansdr, showing that at this date the wall of the Round City had already fallen to ruin. On the other side of the Kahtabah Road, and lying along the lower part of the Little Sarat Canal, was the Palace and Fief of “Abd-al-Wahhab, nephew of the Caliph ‘Manstr. Near by stood the Market of ‘Abd-al-Wahhab (as already mentioned, p. 59), at no great distance from the Square of the Kifah Gate, and the market street appears to have con- nected the Kahtabah Road with the Kifah Gate Square. The whole of this suburb must have fallen to ruin at an early date, for Ibn Abi Mariyam—who died in 224 (a.p. 839)—writes that when passing across it he found all the houses fallen in and deserted, and Ya‘kdbi, half a century later, states that both palace and market had in his time almost entirely disappeared 1. The channel of the Little Sarat, along the lower course of which the ‘Abd-al-Wahhab Fief stretched, was, as already stated, a loop canal of the Great Sarat, and compared with it must have been an insignificant stream, as is shown by the fact that no bridges were needed for the roads to cross it. The Little Sarat began at the Tahirid Trench (a 1 Ya‘kubi, 242, 246, 247; Ibn Serapion, 25; Khatib, folio 80a. 142 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. short distance below where this last left the parent stream of the Great Sarat), and took its course through the garden lands on the outskirts of Baghdad, flowing back finally into the Great Sarat not far above the Old Bridge in front of the Kifah Gate Square. The island thus included between the Great and the Little Sar4t was known as the ‘Abbasiyah, and immediately above where the two streams ultimately came together lay the water-mills called Ruha-al-Batrik, or the Patrician’s Mill. The ‘Abbasiyah Island took its name from Al-“Abbas, brother of the Caliph Mansfr, to whom it had been granted in fief. He laid it out in gardens and corn- lands, which became celebrated for their fertility, for, in the words of a contemporary account, ‘at no time, neither by summer nor by winter, did its crops ever fail.’ The great mill which stood at the junction of the two Sardats is said originally to have possessed one hundred millstones, and produced in yearly rent the fabulous sum of one hundred million dirhams (say £4,000,000). The mill had received its name, according to the earlier authorities, from a certain Byzantine Patrician who had come to Baghdad as ambassador from the Greek Emperor, and who, having a knowledge of engineering, had built it to please the Caliph. Such is the account given by Ya‘kibi, written in 278 (a.p. 891), but the building is also sometimes referred to as the Mill of Abu Ja‘far, that is to say of the Caliph Mansar; and occasionally, though apparently in error, we find it named the Mill of Umm Ja‘far, who is the princess Zubaydah, the celebrated wife of Hér(in-ar-Rashtd?. * Yakut, iv. 522; Marasid, ii, 485; and compare Tabari, iii, 887. x1] Lhe Quarters of the Muhawwal Gate 143 This confusion in the name is probably accountable for the assertion by Khatib in one place that it was the Abbasid Prince ‘fs (uncle of the Caliph Mansir), and according to the generally received account the digger of the ‘Isa Canal, who had been the founder also of these mills. In another passage, however, Khatib (and Yakfit copies both statements from him) gives a long anecdote, in which the building of the mills is attributed to the Greek Patrician who came as ambassador from Constantinople to Baghdad. The name of the Greek envoy is here stated to have been TAarath, fifth in descent from Marik, who had been Emperor of the Greeks in the days of the Caliph Mu‘Awiyah (in point of fact Constans II and Constantine IV were the contemporaries of Mu‘awiyah), and this Tarath had come to Baghdad to convey to the Caliph Mahdi, on his accession, the congratulations of the Byzantine Caesar. The date, therefore, must have been about the year 158 (a.D. 775), when Mahdi succeeded his father Mansar. The anecdote begins by relating how in former days the Caliph Manstr had granted a garden on the Sarat Canal to his chamberlain Rabi’ (already mentioned in connexion with another Greek am- bassador, see p. 65), and how this garden, which produced most excellent dates and other fruits, had in due time come to be inherited by Fadl, son of Rabi‘, who, succeeding to his father’s honours, served the Caliph Mahdi as Wazir. The Greek envoy There was also a Mill of Umm-Ja‘far, or Zubaydah, on the Tahirid Trench in the Zubaydiyah Fief (see above, p. 113). Khatib, folio 86a, from whom Yakut gets his information, gives the name as Adz Ja‘far, i.e. the Caliph Mansir, 144 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx having duly presented his message of congratulation remained for some time in Baghdad as the guest of the Caliph Mahdi, and ultimately being much pleased with his reception, offered in gratitude to build a great mill on the Sarat. By order of the Caliph the Wazir Fadl supplied the sum of half a million dirhams (say £20,000) for building ex- penses, and it was promised that the mills would produce this same sum yearly in clear profit from the rents paid by the millers. This proving to be the case, the Caliph was so much gratified that he ordered the whole of this rent to be paid over in free gift to the envoy; and even after the latter had returned to Constantinople the sum was year after year transmitted to him there, down to the date of his death, which occurred in 163 (a.D. 780), after which time, by order of the Caliph, the rent was kept back and expended in the maintenance of the estate. Whatever may be the grain of truth in this anec- dote, there can be no doubt that the mills existed in the year 197 (a.p. 813), for they are mentioned as having suffered some damage during the first siege of Baghdad, when Tahir, after driving the unfortunate Caliph Amin within the walls of the Round City, demolished and burnt many of the houses in this and the neighbouring quarters. Apparently, however, the mills were then not permanently injured, for they were in working order down to the close of the third century (the ninth a.p.), when Yakabi and Ibn Serapion wrote their descriptions of Baghdad. When, indeed, the mills fell to ruin does not seem to be mentioned in the chronicles, but in the year 700 (a.D. 1300) the author of the x] Lhe Quarters of the Muhawwal Gate 145 Marésid in writing his epitome of Yakt, remarks that no trace of them was then to be seen. As militating against the story that it was the Greek envoy of the days of Mahdi who first built these mills, it must be stated that Tabari, when narrating the events which led to the foundation of Baghdad by Manstr, particularly mentions a certain Batrik as among those who offered the Caliph advice in the matter of the site, and Tabart adds that this was the builder of the mill of the Batrik. From the context, however, where mention is made of the Christian monastery (Dayr) on the Tigris bank, near the site of the later Palace of the Khuld, it is evident that in this passage Batr@é has the signification not of ‘Patrician’ but of ‘ Patriarch?) and the mills would therefore appear to have dated from times previous to the Abbasid Cali- phate, and to have been the work of Nestorian Christians. Immediately below the junction of the Little Sarat with the Great Sarat, the Old Bridge carried the highroad from the Kafah Gate across the canal, and here, a short distance beyond the bridge, the way bifurcated. That to the left was the great Kiifah highroad leading south through the Karkh Quarter, which has been described in chapters v and vi: we have now to deal with the road to the right, which, turning westward and passing through the lands lying between the upper reach of the ? According to the dictionaries, ‘Patriarch’ ought to be rendered by Batrak or Batrik (with the uzdotted £), this being the proper Arabic equivalent of the Greek Tarpsdpyns; while ‘ Patrician’ is in Arabic Batyiz (with the dotted £), this standing for Warpixos. Ibn Serapion, 24; Ya‘kubi, 243; Yakut, ii. 759 ; Khatib, folios 86 a, b, 87 a, b; Marasid, i. 463; Tabari, ili. 274, 887. BAGHDAD L 146 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH Great SarAt and the Karkh4ya Canal, was the first portion of the highroad from Baghdad to Anbar on the Euphrates. This was known as the Muhawwal Road, from the name of the first town on it, called Al-Muhawwal, which lay one league out from Baghdad on the banks of the ‘Isa Canal. Near the bifurcation from the Kafah Road, the Muhawwal Road at first skirted the Fief and Palaces of Prince ‘fsA, uncle of the Caliph Mansdr, who, according to the usually accepted account, had dug the ‘Isa Canal, and these buildings with their grounds occupied the space between the road and the Sarat Canal. Beyond lay other fiefs, and then the road passed under the great vaulted gateway, known as the Bab-al-Muhawwal, which gave its name to the whole of the neighbouring quarter. The Muhawwal Gate appears to have stood un- injured for fully five centuries, for it existed in the time of the last Abbasid Caliph, and long after the neighbouring Kdfah Gate of the City of Mansfr had disappeared with the ruin of West Baghdad. Yakdit and the author of the Marésid, as late as the year 700 (A.D. 1300), both speak of it as the centre of the great quarter, then inhabited entirely by Sunnis, which stood like a separate township with its own mosque, and its markets that were still much frequented. Forming part of this quarter and towards Karkh—probably on the opposite side of the Muhawwal Road to the ‘Isa Fief just mentioned—came the suburb of Haylanah, called after the Greek slave named Helena, who is said to have been a favourite concubine of Hardin-ar-Rashid, and the stewardess of the Harim. A tank also called after her will be mentioned in x1.) The Quarters of the Muhawwal Gate 147 a later chapter when East Baghdad comes to be described. After passing through the Muhawwal Gate the highroad came to the suburb of Humayd, which extended for some distance beyond the gate, going across from the upper reach of the Great Sarat on the right hand down to the Karkhaya Canal on the left, where this last was spanned by the Hospital Bridge; and the Razin Canal, which here branched from the Karkhdyé, is described as having traversed the lower part of the Humayd Suburb. This suburb took its name from Humayd, son of Kahtabah, whose brother Hasan has already been spoken of as possessing the fiefs along the Kahtabah Road between the Kifah and the Syrian Gates. Humayd, like his brother, was a favourite noble of Mansir, and as has been mentioned on a former page, he was the general dispatched by the Caliph to crush the Alid insurrection which had broken out in Medina at the time when Baghdad was being founded. Having successfully disposed of the rebels, Humayd returned to Baghdad, where he was re- warded by the gift of this fief, and afterwards, in the year 143, the Caliph appointed him Governor of Egypt, though he kept the post for little more than a year (A.D. 760 to 762). Hlumayd at a later date was named Governor of Khurdsan!, and died in the year 159 (4.D. 776). The Humayd Suburb 1 He resided at Tis—the ruins of which exist at the present day, not far from Meshed—in the neighbourhood of which he built his great palace. It is described as having covered a square mile of ground; and here at a later date, in part of its gardens, the Caliph Hartin-ar-Rashid was buried, also the Im4m of the Shi‘ahs, “Alf-ar- Rid4, whose shrine is still the most venerated sanctuary in modern Persia, being the chief mosque in Meshed, the capital of Khuras4n. L 2 148 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. is described as having its principal thoroughfare lying along the upper reach of the Great Sarat, and it must have extended over and across the lower part of the Island of the “Abbdsiyah, for on the northern side it was coterminous with the Nasriyah and the Four Markets in the Suburb of Haytham, both of which quarters lay on the further side of the Little Sarat. Unlike these, however, which con- tinued to be flourishing and populous quarters down to a late time, the Humayd Suburb had fallen to ruin, probably before the close of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.)%. The ‘Abbastyah Island, the lower part of which was occupied by the Humayd Suburb, on the one side was bounded by the Little SarAt, a watercourse, as has already been described, so small as to need no bridges for the roads to cross it. On the other side, however, where the upper reach of the Great Sarat formed the boundary, three bridges gave access to the island from the quarters along the Muhawwal highroad. The lowest of these stood close to the Patrician’s Mill, from which it took its name (Kan- tarah Ruha-al-Batrik), being also known as Kantarah- az-Zubd (the Butter Bridge), but there is some doubt about the pronunciation and meaning of this name. The next bridge above this was the Kantarah-as- Siniyat, which may signify the Porcelain Bridge, Siz being the Arab name for China, both the country and its most notable ware. Possibly, however, the name is of Aramaic origin, in which case it would signify the Bridge of the Date-palms, and As-Sin with this sense is a name common to other ? Ya'kubi, 244; Ibn Serapion, 25; Yakut, i. 451; ii. 750, 752; iii. 201, 560; iv. 255; Marasid, i. 113. x] The Quarters of the Muhawwal Gate 149 places in Lower Mesopotamia’, The highest up of the three bridges was the Kantarah-al-‘A bbas, doubtless so called after the brother of the Caliph Mansiar, from whom the ‘Abbdsiyah Island took its name ; and from each of these three bridges streets must have gone down from the island to the Muhawwal Road. This last, as soon as the Muhawwal Gate had been passed, had on the left hand and lying between the roadway and the Karkhayd Canal, the Fief of the Farrdshes or Carpet-spreaders (Katt‘at-al- Farrashin), otherwise known as the House of the Greeks (Dar-ar-Ramtyin). This is the account given by Ya‘kObi in 278 (a.p. 891), who adds that the Karkhaya was here crossed by the Bridge of the Greeks (Kantarah-ar-Rimiyin), a name recalling the Bridge of the Greek Woman (Kantarah-ar-Rami- yah), which Ibn Serapion mentions as lying on the Nahr ‘isa; and it seems probable that this Bridge of the Greek Woman on the parallel canal was con- nected by a road with the Bridge of the Greeks on the Karkhaya. After traversing the Humayd Suburb, and leaving the Fief of the Farrashes or of the Greeks on the left, the Muhawwal Road approached the bank of the Karkhaya Canal; and all along this part of the highway there were shops to right and left, forming a market that was plentifully supplied with wares of all kinds. At the further end of this (probably lying on the right-hand side, for the canal was to the left) the Muhawwal Road 1 Yakut (iii. 378) in place of ‘As-Siniyat’ gives As-Sad¢bdt, and he copies the whole of this passage from Ibn Serapion. His reading, however, is probably a clerical error, for all thé MSS. of Khatib give the first reading. 150 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu came to the Old Tank (Al-Hawd-al-‘Attk), round which were grouped the houses belonging to certain Persians, the followers of Shah ibn Sahl, killed in 223 (a.D. 838), who had been a favourite noble of the Caliph Mu'tasim. Near this point the Karkhay4 Canal was crossed by the Bridge of the Street of Rocks (Kantarah Darb-al-Hijarah), where a branch road must have turned off to the left, while beyond this came the highest up of the bridges which crossed the Kar- khayé, namely the Kantarah-al-Yahdd or the Jews’ Bridge (some MSS. of Khatib.add ‘of the Jews’ Fief’), near to which stood the gate called the Bab Abu Kabisaht. This gate and bridge on the canal were near an open space on the Muhawwal Road, known as Al-Kundsah, where, as the name implies, lay great rubbish-heaps (Kwudésah in Arabic means ‘a sweeping’); here it was customary for those who came in to the markets of Baghdad to tie up their beasts of burden, and in the adjacent quarter a market was held for the sale of camels, horses, mules, and asses ?. At the time of the first siege of Baghdad, a great battle extending over many days took place during the latter part of the year 197 (a.D. 813) near the Kundsah, between the partisans of the Caliph Amin and the troops of Tahir, who had his siege camp, as already mentioned, outside the Anbar Gate on the Trench, at the further side of the ‘Abbastyah ‘ This is the right pronunciation of the name, which in my transla- tion of Ibn Serapion (p. 286) is incorrectly given in the diminutive form—‘ Abu-Kubaysah.’ 2 Ibn Serapion, 14, 24, 25; Yakubi, 244; Yakut, ii. 914; iii. 3783 De Goeje in Z. D. M. G., xxxix, p. 9, note 4. x] The Quarters of the Muhawwal Gate 151 Island. During the fight many of the neighbouring quarters were set on fire, and in the account given by Tabari mention is frequently made of the Kundsah Quarter, with the Street of the Rocks (Darb-al- Hijarah), and the battle raged all along the line of the Karkhaya Canal down to the Suburb of Humayd and the Muhawwal Gate. In connexion with these events Mas‘fidi refers to the gate called the Bab-al- Kundsah, which must either have stood on the Muhawwal Road, or possibly may have been iden- tical with the Bab Abu Kabisah (of Ibn Serapion), already mentioned. The houses in the outskirts of the Baghdad suburbs extended as far as this point on the Kar- khaya Canal, which last is described as entering the city limits at the Abu Kabisah Gate. On the ‘fsa Canal, near here, was the YA4sirtyah Suburb, which gave its name to the bridge called the Kantarah- al-YA4siriyah, noted in chapter vi as the highest up of those which crossed the Nahr ‘fs4. The gate of this suburb, called the Bab-al-YAsiriyah, is men- tioned by Ibn Hawkal in 367 (a.p. 978) as the limit of Baghdad in his time on the west, and he adds that five miles of streets separated this point from the limit of the houses on the other side, namely at the Khurdsdn Gate of East Baghdad. Yakit, three centuries later, speaks of the Y4sirlyah as having come to be a village, in his day very famous for its gardens, which lay on the ‘is Canal, one mile below the town of Muhawwal, and about two miles from Baghdad, the latter distance being probably reckoned from the Suburb of the Muhawwal Gate. As late as the year 700 (a.p. 1300) the YAsiriyah still existed, and the author of the Mardsed 152 Baghdad during the Caliphate writes of the fine bridge which, as of old, here spanned the ‘isd Canal. It is added that the place had originally received its name from a man called YAsir, of whom, however, no details are given}, » Tabari, iii. 865, 883 to 893; Mas‘udi, vi. 445, 446; Ibn Hawkal, 165; Ibn Serapion, 14; Yakut, iv. 1002; Marasid, iii. 332. CHAPTER XII BARATHA, MUHAWWAL, AND THE KAZIMAYN Barathaé and its Mosque: the Old Cemetery and the Gardens of Ka'yfbah. The Dyers’ Garden. The Muhawwal Township and the Palace of Mu'tasim. The Cemetery of the Martyrs and the Tomb of Ibn Hanbal. The Cemetery of the Kuraysh and of the Straw Gate. The Kazimayn Shrines and the Buyid Tombs. Tombs of Zubaydah and the Caliph Amin. Tomb of ‘Abd Allah Ibn Hanbal. On the banks of the ‘fsA Canal, immediately above the point where the Karkhaya branched off, lay the township of Baratha. This is described as situated at but ‘a short distance ’—say half a mile— from Muhawwal; while, coming out from Baghdad, it was immediately beyond the burial ground of the Kundsah, otherwise called the Old Cemetery (Al- Makbarah-al-Kadimah), which stretched from the rubbish heaps on the Muhawwal Road down to as far as the ‘IsA Canal above the bifurcation. On the further side of the Karkhayé Canal and running down its right bank from Baratha as far as the Bridge of the Greeks, Ya‘kibi describes a succession of gardens, which ended at the Palace (Dar) of Ka‘yfbah, a native of Basrah and surnamed ‘the Gardener,’ which lay opposite the bridge. This 154 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Ka'ytbah was celebrated for his plantations of date-palms, young trees being brought up the river from Basrah to Baghdad, where after being thus transplanted they became acclimatized, ultimately producing most excellent fruit. The township of Bardtha was celebrated for its mosque, which to the Shi‘ahs was a much vene- rated shrine. The tradition was that the Caliph ‘Ali had halted here in the year 37 (A.D. 657), when on his march to fight the Hariri rebels at Nahrawén, and it was said that “Ali had prayed on the spot where the mosque was subsequently built. Baghdad of course was only founded a century after this date, but Baratha was already a flourish- ing hamlet, and after his prayers “Ali bathed in the Hammam or hot bath of the village. From this period onwards Baratha obtained celebrity as a holy place among the Shi‘ahs, many ascetics coming to live in the reed cabins that were built on the canal side, and in connexion with these people Yakdat tells an edifying story of a man and woman who each had lived at Bardtha a long life of pious renunciation. In course of time a mosque was built, where the Shi‘ahs used to assemble and perform what the Sunnis looked upon as heretical rites. Matters continued in this wise down to the beginning of the fourth century (the tenth a.p), but in the reign of the Caliph Muktadir the orthodox party would no longer tolerate the scandal, the Shi'ahs were finally accused of compassing rebellion, and one Friday, the mosque having been surrounded by troops, those found there were, by order of the Caliph, carried off to prison and severely punished. The Shi‘ah Mosque was then pulled down, and its xi] Barathd, Muhawwal, and Kaézimayn 155 site included in the grounds of the neighbouring Cemetery of the Kunasah. The heterodox services of the Shi‘ahs having been thus suppressed, the needs of the Sunni population had to be supplied, and hence about a quarter of a century later, namely in the year 328 (a. D. 940), the Caliph Radi gave permission to the Governor of Baghdad, who was the Amir Bajkam the Turk, to rebuild the old mosque for orthodox worship. The original plan was now greatly enlarged, many neighbouring houses having been bought in, and the new walls were strongly built of kiln-burnt bricks set in mortar, the roof being constructed of teak beams painted or carved, and the name of the Caliph Radi was inscribed over the entrance. The next Caliph Muttakt completed the work, giving orders that the pulpit which Harfin-ar-Rashid had originally bestowed on the great mosque of the City of Manstr— and which being out of use had been temporarily stored in the mosque treasury—should be taken thence, and set up in the new Bardtha Mosque. Further, he appointed the Imam of the Rusafah - Mosque to serve in the new establishment, and the Caliph himself in great pomp led the Friday prayers when said here for the first time—the people of both East and West Baghdad crowding to attend—on the second Friday of the month Jumadi I of the year 329 (A.D. 941). The Baratha Mosque after this date was counted as one of the great mosques of Baghdad, and continued in use as such down to the year 451 (A.D. 1059), when Khatib visited it. Subsequently it was again dismantled, and when VAkdt wrote in 623 (a. D. 1126), it had long fallen into ruin, and though some traces of the walls 156 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. still remained, these were then fast disappearing, for the people constantly carried off bricks from them to be used in other newer buildings. Such is the account given by Khatib and Yakit ; it is to be remarked, however, that at first it appears not to have been considered as one of the Baghdad mosques. Istakhri, who wrote his description of Baghdad in 340 (4.p. 951), more than ten years, therefore, after the date when the Caliph Muttakt is said to have completed the restoration of the Baratha Mosque, omits all mention of it. He says that in his day there were only three great mosques for the Friday prayers in Baghdad, namely that of the City of Mansfr on the western side, with the Rusdfah Mosque and that of the Palace for East Baghdad. Ibn Hawkal, who wrote in 367 (a.pD. 978), is the first to mention the Bardthad Mosque, adding it as a fourth to those already named by his predecessor Istakhri, and he mentions that it had originally been an oratory dedicated to the Caliph ‘Ali, which account confirms that given above from Khatib and Yakat!. The Muhawwal Road, after leaving the Kundsah Cemetery and passing Bardthd, came on to the town of Muhawwal, and the only places mentioned here as lying along the highroad are the Tanners’ Yards (Ad-Dabbaghin), which on the further side stretched down to the ‘IsA Canal. The name of Muhawwal, as already mentioned, signified the Place of Unload- ing, the cargoes of boats that came down the Nahr 2 The name of Baratha is derived from the Syriac word Broita, meaning ‘the outermost’; cf. Frankel, p. xx; Ya‘kubi, 244, 251; Khatib, folios 1o1a, b, 102a, b, 113a; Yakut, i. 532; Istakhri, 84; Ibn Hawkal, 165. xu.] Barathé, Muhawwal, and Kazimayn 157 ‘[s4 being here disembarked for subsequent trans- port into Baghdad. ‘Yakit describes Muhawwal in the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.) as a fine township, a league distant from Baghdad, surrounded by many gardens where abundance of fruit was grown, and it had also excellent markets. According to Hamd-Allah, the Persian author of the following century, Muhawwal was then two leagues distant from the capital, and lay for the most part on the western (or as we should count it, the northern) bank of the ‘Isa Canal. Its gardens were continuous with those of West Baghdad, and he adds that many of the Abbasid Caliphs had built palaces here. Among the rest had been a cele- brated pleasure-house (Ké@shk or Kiosk) built in the early part of the third century (the ninth a.p.) for the Caliph Mu'tasim in the highest part of the town, so as to be above the reach of the mosquitoes which swarmed among the low-lying gardens: these insects, it is reported, having been ‘bound by an incantation, whereby they could not come into that building.’ To distinguish this town from other places of the like name, it was called Al-Muhawwal-al-Kabir or Great Muhawwal, and though all traces of it have apparently now disappeared, Muhawwal was still a populous place after the year 700 (a.D. I 300), when the author of the MWardsid wrote his epitome of Yakit, and as late as the year 740 (1339), when Hamd-Allah the Persian appears to have visited it’. To complete the survey of Western Baghdad, some account remains to be given of the grave- 1 Ibn Serapion, 14; Ya‘kubi, 244; Tabari, iii, 890; Yakut, iv. 252, 432; Marasid, iii. 53; Nuzhat, 161. 158 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cx. yards which lay on the river bank above the northern suburbs, in which the shrines of the KaAzimayn, still existing, mark the site of the older Cemetery of the Kuraysh, so named after the cele- brated Arab tribe from which the Prophet and the Abbasids alike traced their descent. It is a Moslem custom to bury the dead near the city gates, and beyond the Tahirid Trench the cemetery which lay outside the Harb Gate on the road leading to the Kazimayn was celebrated for possessing the tomb of the Imam Ibn Hanbal, founder of the Hanbalites, the latest of the four orthodox Sunni sects. This was the Cemetery of the Martyrs (Mukabir-ash-Shuhada), though why this graveyard especially should have been so called Yakdt confesses ignorance. The Imam Ibn Hanbal took his name from his grandfather (for to be exact, he was Ahmad ibn Muhammad Ibn Hanbal), and he died at Baghdad during the reign of the Caliph Mutawakkil, in the year 241 (A.D. 855), being buried in this cemetery at the Harb Gate in presence of an immense concourse of mourners, his steadfastness under persecution, in the cause of orthodoxy, having won him the unbounded venera- tion of the people of Baghdad. In the next century, Mukaddasi, writing in 375 (a.D. 985), mentions his tomb as that of a most holy man, and Khatib in 451 (A.D. 1059) speaks of the shrine of Ibn Hanbal at the Harb Gate as a place of pious visitation. Close by stood the tombs of two other saints, namely of the ascetic Bishr-al-Hafi, surnamed ‘Barefoot, who was the friend of Ibn Hanbal and died in 226 (a. p. 841), and of MansGr ibn ‘Ammar the Traditionist, who died in 225 (a.p. 840). And xu] Barathé, Muhawwal, and Kazimayn 159 these were three out of the four saintly guardians of Baghdad — Ma‘rif Karkhi, already mentioned as having his tomb beyond the Basrah Gate, making up the quartette—whose tombs sanctified the city. The tomb of Ibn Hanbal as time elapsed became a noted holy place, and among other pious visitors the chronicles mention that both the Saljik Sultan Malik Shah and his Wazir the famous Nizdm-al-Mulk, when they were in Baghdad in 479 (a.p. 1086), made their devotions here. During the three great inundations of Baghdad, namely in the years 466 (a. D. 1074), 554 (A.D. 1159), and 614 (A.D. 1217), the shrine of Ibn Hanbal suffered much damage, which was, however, repaired. Both Yakdt in 623 (a.p. 1226), and his epitomist the author of the Mardsid in 700 (A. D. 1300), mention the tomb of Ibn Hanbal as still standing at the Harb Gate; and Ibn Khallikan, who is of the same century, repeats the substance of the foregoing in his biography of the Imam. Ibn Batttah, who visited Baghdad in 727 (a. D. 1327), especially describes this shrine as one that was still highly venerated by the inhabitants of the metropolis. He adds that the cupola over the grave of the Imam, though many times restored, had been, as often again, demolished by a super- natural power, lest (as the Berber traveller explains it) against the will of Ibn Hanbal his tomb should become the object of a devotion savouring of idolatry 1. 1 A similar miracle is related by Hamd-Allah of the tomb of the saint named TAts-al-Haramayn, who is buried near Abarkfh in_ Northern Fars; see Nuzhat (Bombay Lithograph), p.174; Ibn Batutah, ii. 113, and compare with this Goldziher, i. 257. Masudi, vii. 229; Mukaddasi, 130; Yakut, i. 444; iv. 586, 587; Marasid, i. 112; iii. 129 ; Khatib, folios 112 a, b; Ibn Khallikan, No. 19, p. 29; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 160 Baghdad during the Caliphate * [cu To the north of the Cemetery of the Martyrs at the Harb Gate, and towards the river bank, stretched the great Kuraysh Cemetery, the eastern part of which was more especially known as the Cemetery of the Straw Gate (Muk4bir Bab-at-Tibn), this having opened from the Zubaydiyah Fief near here. The graveyard in this region had originally been laid out by the Caliph Manstir, and one of the first to be buried here was his own son Ja far-al- Akbar (the elder), who died in the year 150 (A.D. 767). This cemetery not long afterwards came to be known as that of the Shrine of K4azim, or of the Two Kazims (Kazimayn), a name which it still 62, 103; xi. 164; xii. 216. Ibn Jubayr (p. 228), and Ibn Batutah, who merely copies the account of his predecessor, both speak of the tomb of Ibn Hanbal as lying ‘close to the quarter of the tomb of Abu Hanifah,’ and from the context it would appear at first sight as though Ibn Jubayr put the shrine of Ibn Hanbal on the eastern or left bank of the Tigris. Ibn Jubayr and Ibn Batutah, however, mention it among other tombs that undoubtedly lay on the west bank, and the confusion may have arisen either from a mistake in the MS. or from Ibn Jubayr confounding the tomb of Ibn Hanbal at the Harb Gate with that of ‘Abd-Allah, son of Ibn Hanbal, which, as will be men- tioned below, was situated close to the west bank of the Tigris, immediately opposite the shrine of Abu Hanifah in Rusdfah. Further, Ibn Jubayr states that Ibn Hanbal lay buried in the immediate neighbourhood of the tombs of the two Siff saints—Hallaj, who was put to death in 309 (A.D. 921), and Shibli his contemporary, who died in 334 (A.D. 946)—while Hamd-Allah, writing in 740 (A.D. 1339), speaks of both of these tombs in conjunction with that of Ibn Hanbal as situated in Western Baghdad (Nuzhat, 149). Ibn Batutah, de- scribing the holy places in Western Baghdad, adds that near the tomb of Ibn Hanbal stood the shrine of Bishr, surnamed ‘Barefoot,’ also that of Sari-as-Sakatt and Junayd. Hamd-Allah also mentions the tomb of Ibn Hanbal in his history called the Guztdah, and there speaks of it as lying ‘above’ (in Persian 44/4) the shrine of Abu Hanifah, which seems to point again to a confusion between the graves of Ibn Hanbal and of his son ‘Abd-Allah on the Tigris bank. See the fifth book of the Guzidah, ‘On the Imams, under heading ‘Life of Ibn Hanbal. xu.] Barathé, Muhawwal, and Kdézimayn 161 bears, in’ honour of the two Shi‘ah Im4ms who had been buried here; while near by were the graves of Zubaydah, the widow of Hartn-ar-Rashid, and of her son the Caliph Amin, also the tombs of the two Buyid princes, Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah, who died in 356 (A.D. 967), and Jalal-ad-Dawlah, who died in 435 (A.D. 1044). In regard to the two Shi‘ah Imams who gave their names to the Kazimayn shrines, these were: Masa, surnamed Al-Kazim, ‘He who restraineth his anger, grandson of the grandson of Husayn, son of the Caliph ‘Ali; and Muhammad, surnamed Al-Jaw4d or At-Taki, ‘ the Generous’ or ‘the Pious,’ grandson of Masa-al-K4zim aforesaid. The two were respectively the seventh and the ninth Shi‘ah Imams, Misa having been put to death by Harin- ar-Rashid in 186 (A.D. 802), while Muhammad-at- Taki died, poisoned, it is said, in 219 (a.p. 834), during the Caliphate of Mu'tasim. These shrines of the Kazimayn are also sometimes spoken of as standing in the Shiniziyah, which is here therefore taken to be synonymous with the Kuraysh burial ground, the explanation given by Khattb being that there were two brothers of the name, and that while the Kuraysh Cemetery was called after Shdnizi the Less, his elder brother had given his name to the graveyard down the Kafah highroad, already described in chapter vi. In later times, however, the great northern graveyard of West Baghdad was exclusively known as the Cemetery of the Bab- at-Tibn, but, from the position of the Straw Gate, this would appear to have been a name more properly applied to the eastern part only '. 1 The anonymous epitomist of Ibn Hawkal, who wrote in 630 BAGHDAD M 162 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. Who first built the Kazimayn shrines is unknown, but YAkdt describes these in 623 (A.D. 1226) as forming a separate walled suburb, inhabited by a considerable population, the houses at that date lying at a distance from the Tigris bank which might be estimated at a good horse gallop, or about a thousand yards. The Persian writer Hamd-Allah, a century later than Y4kdt, also speaks of the Kazimayn as forming a township by itself, measur- ing six thousand paces in circumference, the centre point of which was occupied by the tombs of the Imd4ms. In the earlier centuries, during the con- stantly recurring riots between the Sunni and the Shi‘ah factions of Baghdad, the suburb of the Kazimayn naturally became the rallying-place of the heterodox party, and when these last were discomfited the orthodox mob would plunder the shrines. On the other hand, princes of Shi‘ah tendencies like the Buyids, frequently enriched the sanctuary with gifts, and the Caliph Tai‘, who reigned from 363 to 381 (A.D. 974 to 991), is stated to have acted as Im4m of the Friday prayers on more than one occasion in the great mosque of the Kazimayn. In 443 (A.D. 1051), as will be described in the following paragraph, the shrines were plundered and burnt, but the buildings must have been shortly afterwards restored, for in 479 (a.p. 1086) they were visited by Malik Shah the Saljak, and in 580 (a. D. 1184) again are honourably mentioned by the traveller Ibn Jubayr in his description of Baghdad. (A.D. 1233), apparently transfers the name of the Kuraysh Cemetery to the quarter round the tomb of Abu Hanifah in Eastern Baghdad ; see Ibn Hawkal, 164, note e. x.] Bardthé, Muhawwal, and Kazimayn 163 In 622 (a.p. 1225), during the short reign of the Caliph Zahir, the dome over the shrine of the two Imams was destroyed by fire, and the Caliph began to rebuild it, but dying in the following year it was his son and successor Mustansir who completed the work. During the great Mongol siege in 656 (a.D. 1258) the shrines are stated to have been plundered and burnt by order of Hilagt, but sub- sequently rebuilt; and in the year 700 (A.D. 1300), when the author of the AZardscd wrote, the mosque was still standing near the Tigris bank, though from having been twice flooded in the recent inunda- tions it had come for the most part to be a ruin’. Of the many plunderings which the K4ézimayn suffered, perhaps the worst was that consequent on the riots of the year 443 (A.D. 1051), and it is on this occasion that the chronicle first mentions the tombs of Zubaydah and of her son the Caliph Amin, which are described as standing in immediate proximity to the Shi‘ah shrines. It will be re- membered that after the tragic death of Amin, his head was cut off and sent to Mamtin in Khurds4n, while his body was hurriedly buried in a garden near the Iron Gate (Bab-al-Hadid) on the Tahirid Trench. Zubaydah, with her grandsons, the sons of Amin, was at first deported to HumAaniyah down the Tigris, but subsequently appears to have been allowed to return to Baghdad, where she died in 216 (a. D. 831), some seventeen years after the great siege, and two years before the death of the Caliph Mamtn. Tabart (copied by all succeeding chroni- 1 Khatib, folios 111b, 113a; Mas‘udi, vi. 330; vii. 215; Ibn-ak Athir, viii. 425; Fakhri, 379; Yakut, iv. 587; Marasid, ii. 432; Rashid-ad-Din, 302, 308; Nuzhat, 149. M 2 164 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cx. cles), who gives the date of her death, says nothing in regard to where she was buried, but it will be remembered that the Zubaydiyah Fief, which was occupied by her people, lay close to the Straw Gate, which opened towards the Kazimayn, and hence there is every likelihood of her having been buried in this cemetery. In the year 443 (A.D. 1051) a dispute broke out between the Sunnis and Shi‘ahs of West Baghdad in the matter of a gate in Karkh, the Shi‘ahs having wished to set above this an inscription in praise of the Caliph ‘Ali, which inscription the Sunnis held to savour of rank idolatry. The leader of the Sunnis was killed in the riot which attended the discussion of this thorny matter, and when his friends assembled to bury him in the Cemetery of the Martyrs near the tomb of Ibn Hanbal, the riot of the previous day was purposely renewed, the orthodox party wishing to avenge his death. In pursuance of this intention they proceeded to break ‘open the neighbouring shrines of the Kazimayn and plunder the tombs of the Shi‘ah saints. After carrying off the gold and silver lamps and the curtains which adorned these sanctuaries, the rioters on the following day completed their work by setting fire to the buildings. The great teak- wood domes above the shrines of the Imdms Misa and Muhammad were entirely burnt, and the fire spreading to the neighbouring tombs of the two Buyid princes, Mu‘izz and Jalal-ad-Dawlah, first consumed these structures, together with the tomb of Ja‘far, son of the Caliph Mansfir, and next attacked the tomb of the Caliph Amin and of his mother the Princess Zubaydah, the mob xu.) Barathé, Muhawwal, and Kazimayn 165 meanwhile perpetrating many horrible and impious: acts. Ibn-al-Athir; who gives us these details, is apparently the first authority to record the place of burial of Zubaydah, but since. there would appear to be no reason for doubting. the accuracy of his information, and that therefore the tomb of Zubay- dah near the Kazimayn existed here in the middle of the fifth century (the eleventh a. p.), this entirely invalidates the attribution of the present, so-called, tomb of Zubaydah, a comparatively modern structure standing near the tomb of Ma‘rfif Karkhi, some three miles to the south of the Kazimayn, which will be more particularly noticed in the concluding chapter of the present work. In the Kuraysh Cemetery, or rather in its eastern half near the Straw Gate, another celebrated grave remains to be mentioned, namely that of ‘Abd-Allah, the son of the Imam Ibn Hanbal. He died in 290 (A. D. 903), and was a famous traditionist, emulating also the reputation of his father for sanctity. By the terms of his will he had enjoined that his body should not be buried in the shrine of Ibn Hanbal, but outside in the cemetery beyond the Straw Gate. Here, according to a well authenticated tradition, a prophet (zadz') of some former dispensation had been given sepulture, and ‘Abd-Allah Ibn Hanbal was of opinion that to rest in the neighbourhood of a prophet’s bones was even better than to be buried in the grave of his father the Imam. The tomb, therefore, was made at a place between the KAzimayn and the .Zubaydtyah Fief, where it continued for many centuries to be a place of visitation, and in the seventh century (the thirteenth A.D.), when Yakdt wrote, was still. standing, though 166 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. much in ruin, the surrounding plain being already used for arable land, on which corn crops were grown. In later times a confusion arose between the tomb of Ahmad ibn Hanbal and that of his son ‘Abd-Allah; and when the former shrine fell to ruin with the disappearance of the quarter round the Harb Gate, the latter tomb must have taken its place in the popular veneration. This is first indicated by Mirkhwand, who, when describing the occupation of Baghdad by Timur in 695 (a.p. 1296), states that ‘the shrine of the Imam A/mad, having recently become ruined by the rebellious floods of the Tigris, Timur gave orders that it should be rebuilt; but the tomb in question, from its position on the river bank, can only have been that of “Abd-Allah, son of Ahmad Ibn Hanbal. The confusion would easily have come about from the names, for as has already been mentioned, Ibn Hanbal the Imam was not in reality the son of Hanbal (as the form of name would imply), but his grandson, and Ibn Hanbal thus coming to be used as a sort of patronymic, the traditionist ‘Abd-Allah, his son, naturally also came to be sometimes called Ibn Hanbal. When, therefore, the tomb of Ibn Hanbal the Imam at the Harb Gate had disappeared, the tomb of his son ‘Abd-Allah took its place, and came to be called the tomb of Ibn Hanbal. As such it existed, after having been restored by Timur, down to about the year a. D. 1750, when Niebuhr in describing Baghdad mentions this shrine on the Tigris bank (opposite the tomb of Abu Hanifah in East Baghdad) ; and he also incorrectly speaks of it as the tomb of Ahmad Ibn Hanbal. It, however, xu.}] Bardthé, Muhawwal, and Kazimayn 16] then was a complete ruin, the building for the most part having been recently carried away by the river floods; hence at the present day nothing remains of either the tomb of ‘Abd-Allah, or of that of his father the more celebrated Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, which in former times had been among the most illustrious shrines of Western Baghdad '. 1 Mas‘udi, vi. 482; Tabari, iii. 934, 1105; Ibn-al-Athir, ix. 395; Yakut, i. 443; Khatib, folio 112a; Mirkhwand, part vi. 66; Niebuhr, ii. 248. CHAPTER XIII EASTERN BAGHDAD IN GENERAL East and West Baghdad and Sa4marra. The three northern quarters of East Baghdad: Rusdfah, Shammasiyah, and Mukharrim. The Eastern Palaces and modern Baghdad. The second Siege: Musta‘in and the walls on the western and eastern sides. Yakfibi and Ibn Serapion: the highroads of the three northern Quarters. The Canals of the eastern side: from the river Khalis and from the Nahr Bin. The three Bridges of Boats. The Main Bridge. The Upper Bridge and Lower Bridge. The Zandaward Bridge. Executions on the Bridges. Upper Bridge dismantled. Later Bridge of the Palaces. Numbers of skiffs. Bridge of Kasr Sabir. The modern Bridge. Tue rule of the Abbasids in Baghdad lasted for rather more than five centuries—from 146 (a.D. 763), when Mansdr founded the city, to 656 (A.D. 1258), when, after the Mongol invasion, the last Caliph Musta‘sim was put to death by Halagfi—and these five centuries are divided into two periods of unequal length by an interval of fifty-eight years, during which the Caliphs, abandoning Baghdad, lived at Samarra, making this for a time the capital of the empire, From the foundation of the city to the removal of the seat of government to Samarra seventy-five years had elapsed, and during this first period the Caliphs held their court in West Baghdad, on the Eastern Baghdad in General 169 Arabian side of the Tigris. After the return from Samarra, and during the second period, which lasted for close on four centuries, East Baghdad on the Persian side of the river became the seat of govern- ment; and here the Caliphs built new palaces, a new city with suburbs in the course of time grow- ing up round these. The chief quarter of modern Baghdad also lies on the eastern bank of the Tigris, being the outcome of these suburbs which grew up after the fourth century (the tenth a.p.) round the later palaces of the Caliphs. Every trace of these palaces has now almost completely disappeared, but the city wall built in the fifth century (the eleventh A.D.) to enclose the new suburbs still exists, and this, as will be shown later, is virtually identical with the present wall of Eastern Baghdad. For a hundred years and more, however, after the time of Mansar, these palaces and suburbs not having yet come into existence, East Baghdad consisted of the three northern quarters which lay on the river bank, for the most part outside the limit of the later wall, and above the subsequent site of the palaces, in the region where the village of Mu‘azzam now stands. These three northern quarters were called Rusafah, Shammasiyah, and Mukharrim!; they covered a fan-shaped area of ground, which, radiating from the end of the Main Bridge, was bounded by a semicircle sweeping round from the Tigris above the Upper Bridge to the river bank again below the Lower Bridge. Starting from the end of the Main Bridge, two highroads diverged, one going north, the other east, which divided the semicircular area just de- 1 See Map, No. V. 170 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. scribed into three parts; the northern road, towards Mosul, leaving the city limits at the Shammastyah Gate, while the eastern or Khurdsan road had its exit at the Khurds4n Gate!, going towards Persia. The Mahdi Palace in Rusafah was the nucleus from which East Baghdad developed, and as already described in chapter iii, it was founded by Mansar, almost contemporaneously with the Round City, to be the residence of his son and successor Mahdi. It stood near the river bank in the Rusdfah Quarter, which last occupied a triangular space of ground bounded on two sides by a great loop of the Tigris, above the Main Bridge, and thus the palace lay to the north-west of the bridge. Rusafah on the land side was bounded by the great northern highroad, this dividing it from the Shammasiyah Quarter, which occupied the triangle between the two great highroads already spoken of as going north and east from the head of the Main Bridge. The limit of the Shammasityah Quarter on the third side to the north-east was the city wall going up from the Khurdsan Gate to the Shammasiyah Gate on the river bank, the Baradin Gate opening halfway between the two. The Mukharrim Quarter lay to the south of the Shammisiyah, being divided from this last by the eastern or Khurdsdn road. The Mukharrim Quarter was bounded on the west side by the Tigris from the Main Bridge down to the Lower Bridge; while on the third side the limit was the quadrant of the city wall going from the ? This Khurésan Gate of East Baghdad must not be confounded with the gate of the same name in the Round City, which opened on the Main Bridge of Boats. The Khurds4n road, within the city, ran between the two. xu] Eastern Baghdad in General 171 Khurdsan Gate to the Gate of the Tuesday Market on the river at the Lower Bridge, the Abraz Gate to the south-east lying about halfway between the two. On the Tigris bank, immediately below the Gate of the Tuesday Market, lay the grounds of the uppermost of the three later palaces of the Caliphs, namely the Firdds, and below this came the gardens of the Hasani and the Taj Palaces. These three palaces, as already mentioned, came in after times to be surrounded by suburbs and then by the new town wall, which at the present day forms the boun- dary of the city of East Baghdad; but as fixing the southern limit of the three older or northern quarters (these having now almost entirely disappeared), it is to be noted that both the Abraz Gate and the Gate of the Tuesday Market in the Mukharrim Quarter stood within the area afterwards enclosed by the wall round the later palace suburbs, so that the lower part of the old Mukharrim Quarter over- lapped the upper part of the region occupied by modern Baghdad?. A hundred years after the time of Manstir, and about the middle of the period of half a century when SAmarra was the capital, the interval of a year occurred during which Baghdad was once again the abode of the Caliph, or rather of one of the Caliphs, for there were two rival Commanders of the Faithful throughout the year 251 (A.D. 865), one in Samarra, the other in Baghdad. The latter was Musta‘in, who, in consequence of a revolt of the Turk body- guard, fled for his life from the palace at Samarra, where Mu‘tazz, his cousin, was immediately made 1 See inset plan to Map No. I. 172 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. Caliph in his stead. Musta‘in, with his adherents, travelled down the Tigris, seeking refuge in Baghdad; and here, on the appearance of the pursuing army from SAmarra, Musta‘in proceeded to entrench him- self in Rusdfah, which became his headquarters and the centre of the defence. The siege which followed lasted a year, and was the second of those celebrated in the history of Baghdad, the topography of the city being somewhat changed by the circular wall which Musta‘in then built to defend the eastern and western quarters. In West Baghdad the position of the upper and the lower limits of the wall are known, but the course followed by the remainder of the semicircle unfor- tunately is not specified. The upper end began on the Tigris bank at the Gate of the Zubaydah Fief, above the Harbour of the Tahirid Trench ; and the wall met the river again below at the palace of Humayd, at some distance above the Lower Harbour of the ‘isa Canal. Between these two points the semi- circle probably followed first the line of the Tahirid Trench as far west as the Anbar Gate, thence crossing to include within its sweep the quarter of the Muhawwal Gate, and finally coming down the left bank of the ‘fsa Canal, but not including the Lower Harbour: this at least is what may be gathered from the accounts of the siege. The wall round East Baghdad completed the circle, beginning on the Tigris bank opposite to the palace of Humayd, immediately below the Lower Bridge of Boats. Passing by the Gate of the Tuesday Market, it came to the Abraz Gate on the south- east, thence curved north and west, the wall here being pierced by the Khurdsan and Baraddn Gates, xu] Eastern Baghdad in General 173 till the: upper end of the semicircle was reached on the Tigris bank at the ShammAsiyah Gate opposite to the Upper Harbour, where the semicircle on.the west side had started'. The wall, therefore, included within its circuit the three Bridges of Boats crossing the Tigris. The description which Ya‘kfibi has left us of Eastern Baghdad is unfortunately not so full as that which he has written of the western city, and we have to rely on Ibn Serapion for most of the details of the Mukharrim, Shammiasiyah, and Rusafah Quarters. Ya‘kdbi, however, though he does not mark the relative positions of the various fiefs in East Baghdad which he enumerates, does give a brief list of the highroads which traversed the three northern quarters within the line of Musta‘in’s wall, which last had been built a quarter of a cen- tury only before the time when Yakdbi wrote. These roads were five in number, not counting the great Khurdsén road going from the Main Bridge eastward to the Khurdsan Gate; and they enable us fairly well to understand the course of the canals described by Ibn Serapion. Of the five roads, two traversed Rusdfah, namely the ‘straight’ road to the palace and mosque of Mahdi, and the road of the Khudayr Market, which must have led to the Upper Bridge of Boats. Next came the great northern highroad leading to the Shammiasiyah Gate, and then the road to the Baradan Gate. The road from the Lower Bridge of Boats up the Tigris bank into the Mukharrim Quarter is the last road mentioned by Ya‘kdbi, this of course being on the south side of the great Khurdsan 1 Ibn Maskuwayh, 580 ; Tabari, iii, 1551. 174 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. highway, which it probably ran into not far from the Main Bridge, opposite to where the northern road diverged’. Before proceeding to describe the various quar- ters of East Baghdad, it will be convenient to summarize the account given by Ibn Serapion of the canals which traversed this half of the great city, and crossed the highroads which Ya‘kfbi has mentioned. These canals were all derived indi- rectly from the Nahrawdn, the main canal of the east bank, which starting under the name of the Kattil of the Chosroes, branched from the Tigris at Dar, about one hundred miles above Baghdad. Following a much straighter course than that taken by the river, the Nahrawan attained a length of over 200 miles, and finally rejoined the Tigris at Madharay4, about one hundred miles below Bagh- dad. About halfway down the Nahraw4n, and somewhat to the northward of due east from Baghdad, the great canal traversed NahrawAn Town, and this was the point where the Khurdsdn high- road from Baghdad crossed it, going east into Persia. From the Nahraw4n Canal, two transverse canals or rivers, named respectively the Khalis and the Nahr Bin (or Nahrabin), flowed westwards to the Tigris, the first joining the river above Bagh- dad, the second below it; and all the canals of Eastern Baghdad were offshoots which ramified between the Khalis and the Nahr Bin. The Khalis left the Nahraw4n probably at a point near the town of Bajisra, and flowed into the Tigris at Rashidiyah, a little above Baradan, the town about three leagues due north of Baghdad } Ya‘kubi, 253. xu] Eastern Baghdad in General 175 which gave its name to the city gate. The Nahr Bin, on the other hand, left the Nahrawan Canal a short distance above the town of Nahraw4n, and flowed out into the Tigris about two leagues below Baghdad at the village of Kalwadha. Hence it was from the KhAlis that the northern quarters of East Baghdad were watered, while the suburbs to the south were traversed by the Nahr Bin offshoots. From the Khalis a canal branched, running south, called the Nahr-al-Fad], which flowed into the Tigris near the ShammAasiyah Gate, in the upper part of East Baghdad. Immediately before reaching this gate, however, two canals, which subsequently uniting formed a loop, branched together from the Fadl Canal, these supplying Rus4fah and the Sham- mAasiyah Quarters. One, called the Canal of the Wall, went round outside the quadrant of the city wall from the Shammasiyah Gate past the Baradan Gate to the Gate of Khurds4n; here it was joined by the second, called the Mahdi Canal, which having entered the city at the Shammastyah Gate, first threw off a channel that went into Rusdfah, and next curving eastwards to the Khurdsan Gate, passed out through this, flowing into the Canal of the Wall. Outside the town their united waters were further augmented by the inflowing of the Ja‘fart Canal (or Nahr-al-Ja‘fariyah), an offshoot from the parent stream of the Nahr Fadl, from which it had branched at some distance to the north of the ShammAsiyah Gate; and the stream of the Ja‘fart Canal, through either the Canal of the Wall or the Mahdi Canal, flowed back into the Nahr Fadl, from which it had originally derived its waters *. 1 Ibn Serapion (p. 23) is surely mistaken in representing the Mahdi 176 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Coming now to the Mukharrim Quarter and the palaces in the southern part of East Baghdad, these were watered by the Misa Canal and its offshoots, the Nahr Masa being a derivative of the Nahr Bin. Not far from the right bank of the Nahr Bin, and lying at some distance outside the walls of East Baghdad, there was a great palace of the Caliph Muttadid, called Ath-Thurdya (the Pleiades), which will be more fully noticed in a later chapter. The Masa Canal bifurcated to the west from the Nahr Bin above the Palace of the Pleiades, through which it flowed, and after irrigating the palace gardens passed out to the place known as the ‘Divide, where its waters parted to form three canals. The canal to the right, or the western branch, which retained the name of the Nahr Masa, had the longest course of the three; its many branch canals ramified through the Mukharrim Quarter, which its main stream also traversed, and curving round this district, crossed the road going down from the Main Bridge to the Gate of the Tuesday Market, and finally flowed out into the Tigris at the Garden of Zahir, some distance to the south of the bridge- head. The second or midmost canal from the Divide was called the Nahr Mu‘alla; it entered the city at the Abraz Gate, and passing out again near the Gate of the Tuesday Market, flowed into the Tigris at the uppermost of the palaces of the Canal as flowing ow¢ of the Fadl Canal at the Shammastyah Gate. If water flowed down the Ja‘fari, the Mahdi Canal must have flowed znto the Nahr Fadl, as did also the Canal of the Wall, for the two combined could only serve to discharge the waters of the Ja‘fari Canal back into the Nahr Fadl, with which it thus formed a loop. xt] Eastern Baghdad in General 177 Caliphs, known as the Firdfs. Ibn Serapion gives no special name to the third or lowest canal from the Divide, but for convenience it may be called the Canal of the Palaces. Turning off to the south, it watered the grounds of the two palaces of the Caliphs—called respectively the Hasani and the Taj—flowing out finally into the Tigris, immediately below the Taj Palace. Thus, to recapitulate, Eastern Baghdad, in its northern quarters, was watered by the ramifications of the Mahdi, Ja‘fari, and Wall Canals, these forming a great loop taken from the Nahr Fadl, a derivative of the Khalis; while the southern quarters were traversed by the three canals from the Divide of the MfisA Canal, which was itself a derivative of the Nahr Bin: both the Khdalis and the Nahr Bin being offshoots from the great Nahraw4n Canal!. Before proceeding to describe the eastern quar- ters in detail, it will be convenient to state in the present chapter what is known of the various bridges of boats which crossed the Tigris, forming the lines of communication between the eastern and the western halves of the great city. The Tigris at Baghdad, where the river is on an average more than 250 yards wide, has never been spanned (at least in Moslem times) by any structure more permanent than a bridge of boats. Such a bridge is in Arabic generally known under the name of ¥zsr, in distinction to a masonry bridge of arches called a Kantarah, such as was built to cross a canal. Bridges of boats are, of course, easily broken up and shifted up or downstream to meet the needs of traffic, but in the earlier times, and 1 [bn Serapion, 19 to 23. BAGHDAD N 178 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. as late as the middle of the fifth century the (eleventh a.p.), there appear to have been three such bridges (Upper, Main,and Lower) permanently set for crossing the Tigris, and the positions of these do not appear to have materially varied, all three having been included within the line of walls (described p. 172) built by Musta‘in. From the earliest times the middle or Main Bridge was traversed by the great eastern highroad that led from the Khurasén Gate of the Round City of Mansdr to the Khurdsan Gate in the city wall of the three northern quarters. The Main Bridge had at its western end the Khuld Palace and the great review ground, while the arched gate called the Bab-at-Tak was at the eastern end of the bridge, this opening directly into the great market street of East Baghdad, from which the chief thoroughfares branched. The second or Upper Bridge crossed immediately below the Upper Harbour to the Shammasiyah Quarter, being reached from the western side by the highroad which left the Round City at the Syrian Gate, traversing the Harbiyah Quarter. At the eastern end of the Upper Bridge was the Bridge Gate (Bab-al-Jisr), which is often mentioned during the two earlier sieges of Baghdad, namely under Amin in the year 198 (a. D. 814), and in the time of Musta‘in in 251 (a. p. 865), on which latter occasion it is reported that this Upper Bridge, then consisting of twenty boats, was set on fire by the enemy and entirely destroyed. After the middle of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.) the great Palace of the Buyids was built in the Shamméastyah, occupying the region on the eastern bank, to which the Upper Bridge more immediately gave access. xut.] Eastern Baghdad in General 179 The third or Lower Bridge—which Ya‘kttbi calls the first bridge (Al-Jisr-al-Awwal) and Mas‘ddi (apparently) ‘the new bridge’—according to Khatib had originally been laid down by Mansir at the time when he built the Khuld Palace in 157 (a.D. 774). It is described as starting from near the Barley Gate on the west side, which must have stood near the lower end of the Khuld Gardens on the road coming from the Harrani Archway, from which point the bridge crossed to the Mukharrim Quarter, within the Gate of the Tuesday Market, from whence, as Yaktbt describes it, the road coming over from Western Baghdad went up the Tigris bank before reaching the Pitched Gate. Thus the western end of the Lower Bridge must have been moored at a point immediately below the mouth of the Sarat Canal, in the quarter after- wards known as the Tustariyin, but its exact position depends on that of the Barley Gate, the site of which is somewhat uncertain. Besides these three permanent bridges of the early period, there was a fourth bridge of boats temporarily established by the Caliph Amin, which is described as ‘double,’ and which crossed the river considerably below the Lower Bridge. This was called the Zandaward Bridge, and probably led to the palace which Amin had built for himself near the Zanda- ward Monastery, at the place which in after times came to be occupied by the Kalwadha Gate of later Eastern Baghdad’. 1 The name in the MSS. of Khatib is spelt Zandaréd, but this appears to be a clerical mistake for Zandaward, which will be described in a later chapter. Ya‘kubi, 248, 254; Mas‘udi, ix. 4; Khatib, folios 107 a, b; Tabari, iii. 906; Ibn-al-Athir, vi. 193; vii. 97; 115-. NZ 180 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. In the days of Hardn-ar-Rashid and his more immediate successors, when plots and rebellions were rife in the empire, the bridges of boats were used as convenient places for public executions ; here great offenders were crucified, and the heads of rebels were exposed on the poles as a warning to passers-by. Incidentally, we thus have frequent mention in the chronicles of these bridges. In the reign of Hardin, for instance, when Ja‘far the Barme- cide had fallen from power and been put to death by the Caliph, his body, after being divided into three parts, was gibbeted on stakes set up in the middle of each of the three bridges. Again, during the reign of Mu'tadid in the year 280 (a. D. 193), the dead body of Shamilah was crucified ‘ between the two bridges of Western Baghdad’; and according to Mas‘tdithe heads of other rebels were also exposed in this same year ‘on the bridge.’ In 283 (a. D. 896) it is reported that the scaffolding, bearing the roadway above the boats forming the Upper Bridge, suddenly gave way under the press of people, and more than a thousand deaths followed from those who, falling into the water, were drowned. Lastly, not to mention other instances, in the year 289 (a. D. 902) Wasif the Eunuch, who had revolted some eight years before, was finally captured, and after being brought a prisoner to Baghdad had suddenly died in prison; by order of the Caliph Mu'tadid his body was partially embalmed in resin, and then surmounted by the decapitated head was exposed on the bridge, where it remained gibbeted for over ten years, until at length, during a tumult, it was taken down and tossed into the Tigris}. These three Bridges (Upper, Main, and Lower) * Ya'kubi, History, ii. 510; Mas‘udi, viii. 142, 143, 170. x1] Eastern Baghdad in General 181 appear to have existed, with only temporary inter- ruptions, down to the middle of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.), when the period of the Buyid supremacy began. Shortly after this, however, the Upper Bridge was dismantled, for both Istakhri in 340 (A.D. 951), and Ibn Hawkal in 367 (a. p. 978), report that only two bridges of boats existed in their day, and Khatib mentions that the Upper Bridge, near the Mayddén of Mut‘izz-ad-Dawlah the Buyid, had before his time been brought down the river to be moored between the review ground and the Bab-at-Tak, in other words it was set to form part of the Main Bridge. With the ruin of the Rus4fah Quarter, the Upper Bridge, which crossed from the Harbiyah to the Shammastfyah, would naturally have fallen out of use, coming to be dismantled ; and thus in 450 (a.p. 1058), when Khatib wrote his history of Baghdad, there were, as he says, only two bridges of boats, namely the Main Bridge at the Bab-at-Tak of the Khurds4n highroad, and the Lower Bridge, which he describes as beginning at the Mashra‘at-al-Kattanin (the Wharf of the Cotton- merchants). The position of the Lower Bridge appears to have been slightly shifted several times during the earlier half of this century. Khatib says that in 448 (A. D. 1056) it had been moored between the Mash- ra‘at-al-Hattabin (the Woodcutters’ Wharf) of East Baghdad and the Mashra‘at-ar-Rawdy4 (the Wharf of the Water-jars) of the western city; but that in the year 450 it had been removed to the position which he describes, opposite the Wharf of the Cotton-merchants. Khatib further informs us that the Lower Bridge, as early as the year 383 (A.D. 993), 182 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. had already been temporarily moored at the Cotton- merchants’ Wharf, but that soon after this date it had been dismantled, and then, until the year 448, there had been only the Main Bridge in use. Of these various wharfs, however, nothing further appears to have been recorded, and it is hence impossible to fix the various positions that the Lower Bridge occupied. Thus throughout the earlier half of the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.) only the Main Bridge was in use, as Khatib reports, and this is confirmed by what is said in the chronicle of a riot which took place during the reign of the Caliph Kaim in 422 (a.p. 1031), when the (single) bridge giving communication between the eastern and western halves of the city had to be cut, in order to separate the contending factions of Shi‘ahs and Sunnis who inhabited, respectively, Karkh and the quarters of East Baghdad’. Khatib wrote in the middle of the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.), and in the second half of this century great changes took place in East Baghdad, which will be fully described in subsequent chapters. These changes resulted in the building of the city of Baghdad as we now see it, for the three older northern quarters of Rusdfah, Shammésiyah, and Mukharrim, with their city wall, having fallen to ruin, new suburbs sprang up round the palaces of the Caliphs during the reign of Muktadi, and in 488 (a.D. 1095) his successor Mustazhir surrounded these ? Istakhri, 84; Ibn Hawkal, 165. In Khatib compare the British Museum MS., No. 1507, folios 107 a, b, with the Paris MS., No. 2128, folios 36 a, b, which in many cases gives better readings. Ibn-al-Athir, ix. 285 dis. Khatib derived his information about the bridges from Abu ‘Ali ibn Shadhan, who died in 420 (A.D. 1029), and from HilAl ibn al-Muhsin, who died in 448 (a.D. 1056). xu1.] Eastern Baghdad in General 183 new suburbs by a wall, virtually identical with the one which now encloses modern Baghdad. The bridges of boats which had given access to the three northern quarters were naturally out of position for the new town, and probably before the close of the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.) a single bridge of boats at the palaces of the Caliphs was established. This Palace Bridge is mentioned by the writers of the sixth century (the twelfth a.p.) and by Yakdt at the beginning of the following century in such terms as to lead to the conclusion that it was identical in position with the single Bridge of Boats now in existence. The first mention of the Palace Bridge appears to be that found in the account written by the epitomist of Ibn Hawkal, more than a century after the date of Khatib, namely about the year 568 (a.D. 1173), who states that there was in his day but one bridge, con- sisting of boats held together by iron chains, which served as the communication between the eastern and the western parts of the city. Nearly a score of years later, when Ibn Jubayr visited the city in 580 (A.D. 1184), this bridge had been recently carried away by the floods, and the people, instead of resetting the moorings of the pontoon boats, had taken to the custom of crossing the Tigris in skiffs. Ibn Jubayr writes that both night and day the passage was thus made by men and women alike, who took great amusement therein. Referring to the earlier years of the sixth century (the twelfth a.p.), he adds that before his date there had been two bridges in use, namely the one at the palace of the Caliphs, which had been so recently carried away, and a second above this (doubtless the older Main Bridge opposite the “Adudi Hospital), but that even 184 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. with both these passages for crossing the river on foot, the number of those wishing to pass over had always been so great that the boatmen were con- stantly employed ferrying the people over in their skiffs. In this matter Khatib, in the previous century, has already remarked on the very profitable business done by boatmen of Baghdad, and he gives his authority for the statement that in the time when Muwaffak (brother of the Caliph Mu'‘tamid) was governor of Baghdad—he died in 278 (a.p. 891) —there were 30,000 of the boats called sumayriyah then in use, the toll at the rate of three pieces of silver for each skiff producing 90,000 dirhams daily, a sum amounting to between £3,000 and £4,000. From what Ibn Jubayr writes, and from several incidental notices in the works of YAkit, it appears that the western end of this Bridge of Boats crossing to the palaces of the Caliphs must have been moored on the Tigris bank in the quarter of the ‘is Palace, which was on the left bank of the Lower Harbour, at the mouth of the ‘isd Canal. Along the right bank, on the southern side of this harbour, lay the Kurayyah Quarter, and this (as expressly stated by Ibn Jubayr) also was not far distant from this bridge, which according to Fakhri was restored, or rebuilt, by the Caliph Zahir in the year 622 (A.D. 1225), a deed rendered famous by the pane- gyrics of his court poets. This bridge, as already said, was probably first set up at the close of the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.), but it is curious to find that Baladhuri (a writer of the middle of the third century a.H.), describing the conquests of the Moslems in Mesopotamia after the death of the x1] Eastern Baghdad in General 185 Prophet, states that the Arab troops at this date crossed the Tigris by a bridge of boats moored in front of Kasr SAbtr (the Palace of Sapor), which, he adds, ‘stood in the place where nowadays the Kasr ‘fsa stands.’ It is evident, therefore, that in the times of the Persian monarchs a bridge of boats had existed at the very spot where the later Bridge of the Palaces was established nearly five hundred years after their time}. Immediately prior to the Mongol siege of Baghdad in 656 (A.D. 1258) the bridge in front of the palaces of the Caliphs must have been dismantled, for Musta‘sim and his people shut themselves up in. East Baghdad, evacuating the western quarters, which were forthwith occupied by the army that Hilagt sent to cross the Tigris above the city. After the sack, however, the bridge at the palaces was restored, as also (possibly at a later date) one of the upper bridges, for when Ibn Batdtah visited Baghdad in 727 (A.D. 1327) he found two bridges of boats, one opposite the palaces, and the other higher up, which probably occupied the position of the older Main Bridge at the “Adudi Hospital. These bridges, Ibn Batitah adds, were constructed ‘like the one at Hillah, and this he has described on a previous page as ‘a bridge laid on boats connected together and so ordered that they stretch from one side of the river to the other, being held by iron chains that are attached on either bank to great piles driven firmly into the ground.” The bridge of boats which at the present day spans the Tigris at Baghdad, according to the traveller Ker Porter, 1 Ibn Hawkal, 163, note e; Ibn Jubayr, 226, 227; Khatib, folio 108 b ; Yakut, iv. 839 ; Mushtarik, 350; Baladhuri, 249; Fakhri, 379. 186 Baghdad during the Caliphate measures 670 feet from bank to bank; Abraham Parsons, on the other hand, gives the length as 871 feet, the roadway being carried over thirty-five pontoon boats; and it seems probable that this modern bridge, as already stated, occupies the position of the one described by Yakdt shortly before the Mongol siege’. 1 Ibn Batutah, ii. 97, 105; Ker Porter, Zvavels, ii. 255; Parsons, Travels, 118. CHAPTER XIV RUSAFAH The foundation of Rusafah. The Mosque and Palace of Mahd}. ‘Askar-Mahdi and the Causeway. The Shrine of Abu Hanifah. The Cemetery of Khayzuran. The Tombs of the Caliphs. Later history of the Mosque of Mahdi. The two highroads in Rusdfah. The Straight Road and the Road of the Maydan. The Khudayriyah Quarter and Market. The Upper Bridge of Boats. Our authorities differ in regard to the date of the foundation of Rusdfah. Ya‘kdbi, the earliest of these, gives the year 143 (A.D. 760) as that in which Mahdi began to erect buildings here: but at this time his father Mansfr had not yet laid the foundations of Western Baghdad. The more generally accepted account gives the date of 151 (A.D. 768), in the month Shawwal of which year the Caliph Mansdr with all his nobles went out from the new city to receive Mahdi, the heir-apparent, on his victorious return from Khurasan at the head of the army. The Caliph had assigned the eastern Tigris bank, opposite the Round City, to the troops for a camping-ground, and here in anticipation of his son’s coming he had caused a palace to be built. 188 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. The question of these various dates is not very material, and probably the difference arises from the fact that the great mosque of Rusafah may have been founded as early as 143, while the palace and the houses and fiefs that came to surround it were only begun when Mahdi returned from his Persian expedition. The historian Tabari reports that Mansdr caused his son to camp in Rusdfah with his army, in order to keep the heir-apparent safely at arm’s length; and further to be able, should need arise, promptly to quell any feuds that might break out among his Arab troops in the garrison of the Round City—these being of the rival Yamanite and Mudarite tribes—by aid of the Persian soldiers from Khurdsan, who thus camping apart would be more entirely under the orders of the Caliph. The building of Rusdfah was not completed till the year 159 (A.D. 776), that is to say in the second year after Mahdi had succeeded to the Caliphate. The great mosque by all accounts had been the first building to be erected in Rusdfah, the palace coming later ; and as a consequence, it is especially noted that the Kiblah point (towards Mecca) of this mosque was more exactly oriented than the Kiblah in the great mosque of the Round City, which had had to con- form to the plan of the previously built Palace of Manstir, on which it abutted; and further, the Rusafah Mosque was larger and more beautiful than the mosque of the City of Mansar?. Near the mosque stood the palace, generally ? According to Yakut (iii. 279) the RusAfah Mosque was also called Ash-Sharktyah, or ‘the Eastern,’ from a village of this name that had originally occupied its site, and which, in time, came to be included in part of Rusafah. xIv.] Rusdafah 189 called the Kasr-al-Mahdi after its founder. One authority, however, states that the Palace of Rusafah was built by Hardn-ar-Rashid, more probably it was only restored by him, or possibly he had enlarged the buildings of his father. The Palace of Mahdi was originally surrounded by a wall with a ditch, and close to it was the Maydan or Great Square. The gardens surrounding it were watered by the Mahdi Canal; and part of these grounds are men- tioned under the name of the Bustén Hafs (the Garden of Hafs) with the pool (Birkah) into which the waters of one branch of the Mahdi Canal were discharged. From the description of this canal and of the roads through Rusdfah, we may conclude that the palace and gardens lay near the Tigris bank, while on the land side stood the mosque, and the Maydan was beyond this again, near the road leading to the Upper Bridge’. The new quarter was at first known as “Askar- al-Mahdi (Mahdi’s Camp), but Ar-Rusdfah (the Causeway) became its more general name, this last having reference presumably to a causeway which had carried the road across the swampy ground formed within the loop of the Tigris by the inflowing streams which, after being canalized, supplied the waters of the Nahr Mahdi. The ground here lay at a lower level than that on the other bank of the Tigris, where the City of Mansfr was built, the difference amounting to from two to three ells, as was shown by the levels run in order to settle this point, which had become matter of dispute between the Caliph Mu‘tasim and his Wazir, Ibn Abi Dat. 1 Istakhri, 83; Ya‘kubi, 251; Tabari, iii. 322, 364, 365, 366; Ibn Serapion, 23; Yakut, ii. 783. 190 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. But though low-lying as compared with the west bank, Rusafah and all Eastern Baghdad, which spread behind it and to the southward, lay well above the ordinary level of the Tigris flood. Istakhri in the fourth century (the tenth a.p.) further declares that the habitations of Eastern Baghdad, as well as the gardens of the later palaces of the Caliph, derived their water entirely through the canals brought from the Nahrawan (as described in the previous chapter), seeing that except for a small quantity that was raised for irrigation purposes from the Tigris by water-wheels (Dalab), water was not obtainable from the river bed, the level there being too low’. In the earlier accounts Rusafah is described as standing on the eastern Tigris bank, opposite and as it were balancing the City of Mansdir on the western side, which last it equalled in area. Writing in the fourth century (the tenth a.p.) Ya'kdbi enumerates in great detail the various fiefs which Mahdi had granted to his nobles in the space round the Palace of Rusdfah, and these fiefs covered the lands to the north-east and south, which afterwards were occupied by the quarters of ShammAstyah and Mukharrim. Adjacent to the Rusdfah Mosque, and somewhat above it towards the river bank, stretched the great cemetery, where in after times stood the tombs of the later Abbasid Caliphs, while further to the north again was the tomb of Abu Hanifah 1 Khatib, folio 78 b; Istakhri, 84. ‘ Rus4fah’ was a name common to many places where there had been ‘causeways’; Yakut in his Mushtarik mentions eleven. There was another town of this name in Mesopotamia, near WAsit (see Ibn Serapion, p. 45), but perhaps the most celebrated Rus4fah after that of Baghdad was the Rusafah near Cordova, built by ‘Abd-ar-RahmAn, the first Amir of the Spanish Omayyads. xv] Rusafah or the Imam, forming the centre of a quarter to which in after times it gave its name. The Imam Abu Hanifah was the founder of the Hanifites, the earliest of the four orthodox sects of the Sunnis. As has already been mentioned, he aided Mansar in the building of Baghdad, and dying shortly after this, namely about the year 150 (a.D. 767), was buried in what came afterwards to be known as the Cemetery of Khayzurd4n, to the north of Rusd4fah. Mukaddasi saw his tomb here in the year 375 (A.D. 985), and describes this as having recently had a portico (Sufahk) added to it by one of the learned men of the day named Abu Ja‘far az-Zammam. A century later, in 479 (a.p. 1086), when the Saljik Sultan Malik Shah, with the Wazir Nizam-al-Mulk, were in Baghdad, they visited the shrine of Abu Hanffah, over which, in 459 (a.p. 1067), a dome had been built. Shortly before this also a college was founded, adjacent to the shrine, for the teaching of Hanifite law, by one of the Saljak Secretaries of State to Alp Arslan, the father and predecessor of Malik Shah}. The traveller Ibn Jubayr found this dome still standing when he visited Baghdad in 580 (a.p. 1184); it was a white cupola, rising high in the air, and he adds that the shrine had given its name to the surrounding suburb. This quarter of Abu Hanifah Ibn Jubayr describes as occupying in his day the uppermost part of Rusdfah, far outside the city limits, as these had 1 Hamd-Allah, on the other hand, says that this ‘high building’ was the work of the Mustawfi-al-Maméalik or Provincial Treasurer, named Sharaf-al-Mulk Abu-Rid4, who had been in the service of Malik Shah. See the British Museum MS. of the Vuzhat, Add. 16736, folio 148 b;_ but this passage is wanting in other MSS., and in both the printed and the lithographed texts of the Muzhat. 192 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cu. then come to be by the building of the new wall (by the Caliph Mustazhir) round the suburbs of the palaces. Yakdt, in the next century, speaks of the mosque of Abu Hanifah as adjoining the tombs of the Caliphs at Rusdfah, and Ibn Batitah, who visited Baghdad in 727 (a.p. 1327), describes the shrine (ZAwiyah) of Abu Hanifah, stating that a dole of food was here distributed daily to all comers—this, says Ibn Batitah, being the only place in Baghdad where, at that time, such charity was still main- tained. The tomb of Abu Hanifah was visited in the middle of the last century by the traveller Niebuhr, whose description will serve equally well for the shrine seen at the present time. It stands in the village of Mu‘azzam, so called, says Niebuhr, from the name Al-A‘zam, ‘the Venerated’ or ‘ Honoured,’ the title which the Sunnis have given to Abu Hanifah. The village is situated a half-hour distant to the north of the present city gate, called the Bab Mu‘azzam, and it lies on the east bank of the Tigris, opposite to the tombs of the Kazimayn on the western side. From a topographical point of view the shrine of Abu Hanifah is of much importance, since it is one of the few places now extant in East Baghdad which date from the Caliphate of Manstr}. The Cemetery of KhayzurAn, in which this tomb of Abu Hantfah was the most important shrine, was called after Khayzuran (Bamboo-stem), wife of the Caliph Mahdi, and the mother of his sons HAdi * Mukaddasi, 130; Ibn Jubayr, 228; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 37, 103; Ibn Khallikan, No. 775, p.83; Yakut, ii. 783; Ibn Batutah, ii. 112; Niebuhr, ii, 240. This suburb of Abu Hanifah must not be confounded with the suburb of Hanifah (or of Abu Hanifah) in Western Baghdad, near the Harim of Tahir, already described, p. 117. x1v.] Rusdafah 193 and Hardn-ar-Rashid. There had been a grave- yard here belonging to the Magians, already before the foundation of Baghdad, and this became the first Muslim cemetery of the eastern city, the tomb of Ibn Ishak, the earliest biographer of the Prophet Muhammad, being among its notable shrines !. Between the shrine of Abu Hanifah and the Rusafah Mosque stood the buildings erected over the tombs of the later Caliphs of the Abbasid dynasty. Their graves, it would appear, were still to be seen here as late as the year 727 (a.D. 1327), a list of thirty-two Caliphs being then given by the traveller Ibn Batftah, who asserts that each tomb- stone at this time still bore the name of the Caliph who lay buried beneath. It is, however, difficult to understand how this could have been the case, since when the Mongol army sacked Baghdad in 656 (A.D. 1258) the city was set on fire, and the tombs of the Caliphs are expressly stated to have all been burnt? Further, Ibn Batftah could not possibly have seen in Rusdfah the graves of Mahdi and of H4di, as he asserts, for they had been buried far away from Baghdad; while the eight Caliphs from Mu‘tasim to Mu‘tamid, whose names also occur 1 Khatib, folios 113 a, b, 116a, b; Marasid, i. 378. It is worth noting that Yakut nowhere mentions the Khayzurdn Cemetery by name, though he frequently refers to the tomb of Abu Hanifah. The cemetery of the Kuraysh, as already described in chapter xii, lay on the western bank of the Tigris, opposite Rusafah, and adjoining the KAzimayn shrines. From some confusion, however, the name of the Kuraysh Cemetery after the middle of the sixth century (the tenth A.D.) is by some authorities applied to the RusAfah graveyard in East Baghdad, which lay round the shrine of Abu Hanifah. 2 Rashid-ad-Din, 308. Perhaps, however, they were subsequently restored by order of Hiilagi, as is stated to have been the case with the great mosque of the Caliph’s Palace and the shrine of the Imam Misa at the Kazimayn. BAGHDAD Oo 194 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. in his list, were those who lived at Samarra, where each was buried in the gorgeous sepulchre which his successor caused to be built. Hence the list which Ibn Battitah gives can only be exact for the later Caliphs. After their return from Samarra, however, the Abbasids from Mu'tadid onwards were (with a few exceptions) buried in either East or West Baghdad; and, beginning with Radi and Mustakfi, the sepulchres of fourteen Caliphs occu- pied the courts outside the Rusafah Mosque, which, from the middle of the fourth century (the tenth A.D.) onwards, came to bea city of the dead, standing aloof from the neighbouring inhabited quarters. The penultimate Caliph Mustansir, between the years 623 and 640 (A.D. 1226 and 1242), surrounded the cemetery by a strong wall built of burnt bricks ; and at this time the royal tombs were of imposing appearance, being kept in good repair, the rents of certain lands having been allotted for the pay of custodians and the expenses of up-keep?. 1 Ibn Batutah, ii. 111; Marasid, i. 472. The list of the tombs of the Caliphs buried in Baghdad is given by Yakut in one article (ii. 783), and those buried at SAmarrd in another (iii. 22). The details, however, are not quite exact, as a reference to Ibn-al-Athir and other authorities proves, and the following list may serve to correct these inaccuracies. Of the thirty-seven Abbasid Caliphs, the first fifteen, as the annalists remark, were none of them buried inside Baghdad. The Caliph Saffah, the founder of the dynasty, was buried in his palace at Anbar; Mansiir died on the pilgrimage, and was buried at the well called Bir Maymfn in Arabia; Mahdi died while on the march from Baghdad into Media, at the village called Ar-Radhdh, in the province of Masabadhan, and was buried there under a walnut- tree; Hadi was buried in the garden of ‘fs4bad, a village owned by his brother ‘1s in the suburb outside Eastern Baghdad (not technically included within the city limits), the exact position of which, however, is unknown; HArfin-ar-Rashid died and was buried at Tis or Meshed in Khurdsan ; in regard to the unfortunate Amin, after being decapi- tated in the garden outside the Anbar Gate of West Baghdad, the x1v.] Ruséfah 195 The destruction wrought by the catapults during the second siege of Baghdad, in the time of Musta‘in, resulted in the depopulation and rapid decline of Rusdfah. A generation later came the building trunk of his body was probably at first temporarily buried there, his head having been sent to Mami in Khurdsan, and the subsequent tomb of Amin in the Kazimayn has been described in chapter xii; his brother Mamtin was buried at Tarsus in Cilicia, having died on a military expedition against the Greeks. The next eight Caliphs from Mu'tasim to Mu'tamid all lived at SamarrA, and there lay buried, with the exception possibly of Musta‘tn, who, after the disasters of the second siege of Baghdad, was taken down the river to WAsit and put to death, it being uncertain if his body was brought back to Samarra for burial, After the return of the Caliphate from SAmarrA, Muttadid, the sixteenth Caliph, was the first to be buried within the walls of Baghdad. He and his three sons, the Caliphs ‘Ali Muktafi, Muktadir, and Kahir, as also his grandson Muttak{, were all buried in West Baghdad in the T4hirid Harim. RAdi, the twentieth Caliph, the predecessor (and brother) of Muttaki, was the first of those buried at Rusafah, but his tomb lay apart from the later royal sepulchres, which, lying all close together, began with that of the twenty-second Caliph Mustakfi, who died some years after being deposed in 334 (A.D. 946). For the next three centuries, with three exceptions, all the succeeding Caliphs, being fourteen in number, were buried at RusAfah, the three exceptions being: the twenty-ninth Caliph Mustarshid, killed in battle in 529 (A.D. 1135) near Hamadan, and buried outside Maraghah; his son Manstir Rashid, deposed in 530 (A.D. 1136), afterwards slain in Khizistan and buried outside Isfahan; and the thirty-third Caliph Mustadi, who was buried in 575 (A.D. 1180), in the Kasr ‘fs4 Quarter of West Baghdad, near the Lower Bridge. Where Musta‘sim, the last of the Abbasid Caliphs, was laid to his rest, the contemporary chronicles do not state, but if we are to believe Ibn Batutah, and give credit to the statement that the tombs of the Caliphs were restored after the Mongol invasion, his tomb also was among those of his ancestors in Rusdfah. Ibn-al-Furat, folio 118 b, states that in the year 647, on the 20th of Sha‘ban (November 29, 1249), the daughter of the Caliph Musta‘sim died, and she was buried in the D4r-al-Hasan ‘of. the Golden Palaces’ (Ad-D4r-al-Mudhahhabah), dirges being composed by the court poets on this event. It is uncertain what palace is here meant, for the Hasani Palace can hardly have been standing at this late date, and the Tahirid Harim (in West Baghdad) was already a ruin at the beginning of the seventh century A.H., when Yakut wrote. oO 2 196 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. of the new palaces of the Caliphs on the river bank a mile or more below this, and the great mosque at Rusafah, in little over two centuries after its foundation, now stood solitary among ruins, sur- rounded by the graveyards of Eastern Baghdad. It remained in use, however, during six centuries as a congregational mosque for the Friday prayers, since all our authorities name it as one of the three great mosques of East Baghdad; and as late as 727 (A.D. 1327), three-quarters of a century after the Mongol invasion, Ibn Batitah mentions it as yet standing, though apparently at the present day no traces are visible of the ancient structure 1. Rusafah, at the close of the third century (the ninth a.p.), when this was still one of the three populous northern quarters of East Baghdad, is described by Ya‘kdbi as traversed by two thorough- fares, which must have started from the neighbour- hood of the Khurésan Road and the eastern end of the Main Bridge. The first of these thorough- fares was that in which stood the Palace of Mahdi and the great mosque, and it is stated that this was ‘a straight road’ (Zarik mustakim). Most streets in an oriental city, as is well known, are much the reverse of straight, and hence it seems not improbable that this road followed the line of the original ‘causeway’ from which Rusdfah had derived its name. The second thoroughfare was Ibn Batutah, ii. 111. Probably excavations made in the tract of land to the south of the present village of Mu‘azzam might bring to light the foundations of the old RusAfah Mosque; also, possibly, traces of the palace of Mahdi. This last, according to Khatib (folio 77 b), was, unlike the rest of RusAfah, built of burnt bricks, as doubtless also was the mosque; and such bricks would not have entirely crumbled to dust even after the lapse of eleven centuries. x1v.] Rusafah 197 that passing to the east of the Maydan or Great Square of Rusafah, which appears to have opened on the land side of the palace and mosque. On this road stood the palace of the Wazir Fadl, son of the Chamberlain Rabi‘, who have both been mentioned in a previous chapter, and near this again was the Kasr of Umm Habib, the daughter of Haran-ar-Rashid. This palace, according to Yakat, overlooked the roadway which he calls the Shari‘ al-Maydan (the Road of the Square), and its lands had been granted in fief to the Princess Umm Habib, after the death of the Chamberlain Rabi‘, by her half-brother the Caliph Mamiin. In later times the palace served as a dower-house for the daughters of the reigning Caliph, and finally its grounds came to be annexed to those of the neighbouring Palace of Mahdi in Rusafah. Yakit describes the Road of the Maydan as com- municating directly, on the south, with the road going to the Tuesday Market on the further side of the Mukharrim Quarter, while to the north it gave access to the Shammasiyah Quarter. The upper part of the road of the Maydan was known as the Khudayr Market, where in the days of Ya‘kabt Chinese goods and other rarities were exposed for sale. This market is often referred to as the Khu- dayriyah, and at a later time water-jars were sold here. Subsequently it was called the Khadariyyin Quarter (other spellings of the name also are given), and not far off was the shrine of Abu Hanifah, firewood being sold near this at a place on the river bank. In early days a mosque stood here called the Masjid Khudayr, and there was the Road of Skiffs (Tarik-az-Zawarik) on the Tigris bank, by 198 Baghdad during the Caliphate which the quarter of the Khudayr Market probably had its line of communication with the Upper Bridge of Boats. In this neighbourhood also must have been situated the Palace of Waddah, built under the superintendence of a man from Anbar of that name, by order of the Caliph Mahdi, which is described as standing near Rusafah. The exact position of the eastern end of the Upper Bridge, crossing the Tigris from the Harbiyah Quarter to the Shammdasiyah Quarter and Rusafah, is nowhere given, but from many incidental notices this must have been at a point not far below the Shammasiyah Gate. Here the bridge end was closed by a gate often referred to during the Musta‘in siege under the name of the Bridge Gate (Bab-al- Jisr), and the highroad of the Rusdfah Quarter, passing through this, traversed the Upper Bridge to the palace of the Tahirid Harim on the western bank 1, * Baladhuri, 295; Ya‘kubi, 253; Tabari, iii. 367; Yakut, ii. 290, 403, 4533 iii, 231; iv. 108, 123; Marasid, i. 357; Ibn-al-Athir, vi. 114, 115. CHAPTER XV THE SHAMMASIYAH QUARTER The great Northern Road. The Road of the Bridge and Sik Yahy4. The Road of the Mahdi Canal and Sik Ja‘far. Palaces of Ad-Dfr. The Barmecide Fiefs. Sak Khalid and the Kasr-at-Tin. Dér Faraj. Dayr Darmdalis and Dayr Samali. The Shammasiyah Gate. Three Gates Quarter. Maélikiyah Cemetery. The Shrine of Vows. The Palace of Minis. The Baradan Road and Bridge. Barmecide Houses and the Hutamiyah. Dér-ar-Rim: the Christian Quarter. The Dayr-ar-Rim or the Nestorian Monastery. The Jacobite Church. Other Christian Monasteries in West and East Baghdad. Christian Festivals in Baghdad. The Nestorian Missionary to China. The Market of Nasr and the Iron Gates. The Palace of Abu-n-Nasr near the Baradan Bridge. Tue Shammasiyah Quarter lay on the east side of Rusd4fah, and from this it was divided by the great northern road, which, turning off at the head of the Main Bridge, went to Mosul up the left bank of the Tigris. This road passed out from East Baghdad by the gate called the Bab-ash- Shammistyah; it was known in the lower part as the Road of the Bridge (Tarik-al-Jisr), here being the market quarter called the Sik Yahy4; in its upper part, near the Shammasiyah Gate, it took the name of the Road of the Mahdi Canal, from the watercourse which flowed along it, and here 200 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. lay the market called the Sak Ja‘far. Between the upper and the lower part the road traversed the place named Ad-Dar (the Palaces), which Yakat describes as having stood at no great distance from the shrine of Abu Hanifah, though when YAkdat himself wrote in the year 623 (a.D. 1226) Ad-Dar had long since become a complete ruin. During the greater part of the reign of Harfin- ar-Rashid, when the Barmecides ' were at the height of their prosperity, Yahya with his sons Fadl] and Jafar had continued to live in their houses on the Square (Rahbah) of the Khuld Palace in West Baghdad (probably the Review Ground), but some time before his tragic death Ja‘far had begun to build himself a palace at Ad-Dar, though he did not live to take up his residence there. The fiefs granted to the Barmecides in East Baghdad appear to have stretched from Ad-Dir on the high- road of the Shammiasiyah Gate, across to the road going toward the Baradén Gate, where, as will be mentioned presently, other of their palaces occur. Mukaddasi in 375 (A.D. 985) refers to Sik Yahyé, 1 The Barmecides were of Persian origin, from Balkh. Khalid ibn Barmak had been one of the Wazirs of the first Abbasid Caliph Saffah, and in the reign of Manstir he was made Governor of Mosul. His advice to that Caliph, in the matter of the Sassanian Palaces at Madain, has been mentioned in chapter ii. In the next generation his son Yahya became Wazir on the accession of H4r(in-ar-Rashid, who for many years left the government of the empire almost entirely to him and his son Fadl. Ja‘far, the other son of Yahya, was more especially the boon companion of the Caliph, and during seventeen years the Barmecides were thus supreme both in the government offices and in the palace. From their many fiefs in the Shammasiyah, it seems probable that the market street called Sik Ja‘far and the Nahr Fadl, as the upper part of the Mahdi Canal was called, were named respectively after the two sons of the Wazir Yahya. xv.] The Shammasiyah Quarter 201 adding that behind it was a tomb which adjoined the shrine of Abu Hanifah. This market, accord- _ ing to Ya‘kdbi, took its name from a certain Yahya, son of Al-Walid; Yakdt, on the other hand, states that it was named after Yahya ibn Khalid the Barmecide, Wazir of H4rtin-ar-Rashid, and this last was doubtless the popular attribution. Nearer to the ShammAstyah Gate was the Market of Khélid the Barmecide, Wazir of the first Abbasid Caliph Saffah and father of Yahya just mentioned. Afterwards the Kasr-at-Tin (the Clay Castle) occu- pied its site, built either by Yahya or by his son Fadl (for Yakit in different passages mentions the one and the other as the founder), and this castle is frequently referred to during the second siege of Baghdad in 251 (aA. D. 865) in the time of Musta‘in. In the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.), when Yakdt wrote, the Kasr-at-Tin had fallen so com- pletely to ruin, that its exact position even was matter of doubt, but from what Tabari states in- cidentally when relating the events of the second siege, it must have stood very near the Shamma- styah Gate. After the fall of the Barmecides their various fiefs passed into the possession of Zubaydah, wife of Hartin-ar-Rashid, and during the reign of Mamitn, when Zubaydah had fallen from power, they were granted to Tahir, from whom they were inherited by his descendants, the various Tahirid princes and governors. Immediately above Sik Yahya, and doubtless also on the road leading up to the Shammésiyah Gate, was a palace called the Dar Faraj, after Faraj a Mamldk (slave) of a certain Hamdanah, concubine of Hartin-ar-Rashid, who had manumitted her, Faraj also became the freedman 202 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. of the Caliph, and his palace is described as being one of the finest in this quarter’. The Shammasiyah Gate, which stood at the upper end of the road, occupied the north-western extremity of the city wall which enclosed the ShammAsiyah Quarter. Shammiasiyah has the mean- ing of Deaconry (Skammds? signifying ‘a deacon’ in Arabic), and the place originally had been occu- pied by several Nestorian or Jacobite monasteries, two being especially celebrated, namely the Dayr Darmalis and the Dayr Samal. In the early days of the Abbasid Caliphate the Samal Monastery occupied a considerable tract of ground beside the river, stretching in the direction towards Baradan ; near it ran the Mahdi Canal (or the Nahr Fadl), and there was an extensive cane-brake in its vicinity where wild-fowl were shot. The Dayr is described as a magnificent edifice, inhabited by many monks, and it took its name from Samal, a town of the Armenian frontier, which Harfn-ar-Rashid had captured in the expedition of the year 163 (a.D. 780)*% The Caliph caused the whole population of this place to be transported to Baghdad, for by the terms of the capitulation it had been stipulated that none of the families were to be separated, and 1 Ibn Serapion, 23; Ya‘kubi, 253, 254; Mukaddasi, 130; Ibn Kutaybah, 193 ; Tabari, iii. 1561; Yakut, ii. 522; iii. 195,200; iv. 114; Mushtarik, 184. 2 A borrowed word, from the Syriac Shamosho. See Frankel, p- 276. For the position of these monasteries see Plan No. VII. 5 The Byzantine chronicler Theophanes (i. 453) mentions the siege of this place by the Caliph Aaron (as he calls him). It lay in the Armeniac Theme, and he writes the name Sypadovos, but what place now represents this fortress is an unsolved problem in the historical geography of the Byzantine Empire, and the Arab historians un- fortunately offer no indications for fixing the site. xv.] The Shammdasiyah Quarter 203 they were settled on the lands to the north of East Baghdad, where was built the monastery which afterwards went by the name of their native place. With the lapse of time the monastery fell to ruin, and the author of the Warésid, who wrote about the year A. D. 1300, states that all trace of its buildings had then long since disappeared. The land in this neighbourhood was a low-lying tract near the mouth of the Fadl Canal, which ran into the Tigris above the Shammasiyah Gate, as has already been described. This tract is often spoken of as the Sahra or Plain of the Shammastyah, also as the Rakkah, a term especially denoting lands that are covered by the overflow of a river. During the siege of Baghdad in the reign of Musta‘in, the assailants had their main camp in this plain of the Shammastyah, and many doughty deeds took place before the ShammAstyah Gate, which was defended by great catapults set on the city walls’. Outside the Shammdasiyah Quarter to the north-east and east, where, according to Ya‘kdbi, the highroad to Nahrawan and Persia finally left the city limits, was the suburb frequently mentioned in the accounts of the first siege of Baghdad—during the reign of Amin—as also during that of Musta‘in, and it was called Three Gates (Thalathah Abwab) ?. 1 Tabari, iii. 1551, 1559; Yakut, ii. 659, 660, 670; iii. 317; Marasid, i. 432; Baladhuri, 170; Ibn Serapion, 23. 2 Ya‘kubi, 269. Invariably written without the article; hence it cannot have any reference to the three great city gates of Shamma- styah, Baradan, and Khurasan. Mas‘udi, vi. 443; Tabari, iii. 1576. Probably near the Three Gates was the village called Bab-ash-Sham, ‘the Syrian Gate,’ of which the author of the Marasid (i. 112) writes that in his day, namely about the year 700 (A.D. 1300), this was the name of a small hamlet in the Khalis district standing at no great distance from Rus&fah. 204 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cur. Musta‘in, profiting by the experience of the former siege, in 251 (A.D. 865) caused all the houses lying between the city wall of the Shammasiyah and this place to be demolished, in order that the assailants might not find shelter here for the attack. The houses of Baghdad, therefore, in those days stretched as far north as the Three Gates ; but all this quarter suffered greatly during the Musta‘in siege, and falling to ruin in the next century, the whole of this site afterwards came to be occupied by the palaces of the Buyid princes. Outside the Baradan Gate, which stood next to the Shammasiyah Gate on the south-east, stretched the Maliktyah Cemetery, called after a certain “Abd- Allah ibn Malik, who was the first person to be buried here. The Malikiyah is mentioned as late as the year 570 (A.D. 1136), when the Saljak Sultan Mas‘ad, who was then besieging Baghdad, pitched his camp at this place. This, the third of the Baghdad sieges, and which lasted for two months, ended in the deposition of the Caliph Mansair Rashid}, but no details of the siege operations are recorded. “Abd-Allah ibn Malik, from whom the graveyard had taken its name, is probably the captain of the guard who was a special favourite of Khayzurdan, the wife of the Caliph Mahdi. During the reign of her son Harin-ar-Rashid this ‘Abd-Allah became Governor of the Palace and Chief of Police, and on one occasion commanded the troops sent on an expedition against the Greek frontier. The Mali- kiyah was also known as the Baradin Cemetery, and near this was the chapel (Musalla) especially ? Not to be confounded with HArfin-ar-Rashid. Khatib, folio 114 a; Ibn-al-Athir, ix. 26; Mas‘udi, vi. 269, 308, xv,] The Shamméasiyah Quarter 205 set apart for the prayers of the festival at the close of Ramadén Fast. Here stood a tomb called the Kabr-an-Nudhtr (the Sepulchre of the Place of Vows), where, accord- ing to the popular belief, votive offerings having been made, the prayers of the Faithful were in- variably granted, and Khatib gives an edifying anecdote relating how ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah the Buyid prince here obtained the accomplishment of his desires. The grave is said to have been that of a descendant of the Caliph “Ali, namely of a certain “Abd-Allah or “Ubayd-Allah, great-grandson of ‘Ali Zayn-al-Abidin (the fourth Shi‘ah Imam). He having been enticed to this lonely place by the emissaries of one of the Abbasid Caliphs, met his death by falling into the pit which had been dug for this murderous purpose and artfully covered over, the unfortunate man remaining buried alive under the earth thrown in by those who were lying in wait. This Sanctuary of the Vows, Yakdt, writing in the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.), describes as still standing, being situated about half a mile beyond the city wall of later East Baghdad. The author of the Mardszd adds that originally the streets of the Rusdfah suburbs had extended beyond this chapel, though of course in his time all this district had long fallen to ruin, and by the year 700 (A.D. 1300) the tomb was standing far out in the plain, half a league distant, he says, from the houses of the town? The Buyids became masters of Baghdad in the year 334 (a.D-945), and their buildings in this region will be described in a subsequent chapter; but in the latter 1 Khatib, folio 114a; Yakut, iv. 28; Marasid, ii. 385. 206 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. years of the preceding century a great palace was erected immediately outside the Shammasiyah Gate by Manis, the general of the armies of Muktadir, and it was near the Shamméasiyah Gate that this unfortunate Caliph met his death at the hands of the insurgent troops. The Baradin Road divided the Shammastyah Quarter into two halves, forming the line of com- munication between the Baradan Gate and the head of the Main Bridge. Ya'kibi refers to it under the name of ‘the Road to the Left,’ namely from the Khurds4n Road, and it must have turned off this somewhat lower down than the bifurcation of the great northern road leading to the Shamma- siyah Gate. On the lower part of the Baradan Road had stood the houses of Khalid the Barme- cide and of his son YahyA, with those of the latter's two sons Fadl and Ja‘far. These houses probably lay to the left hand of the road, on the western side, being connected at the back with the Sdk Yahya occupying part of the adjacent road to the Shamma- styah Gate, as has already been described. Above the Barmecide houses came the Baradan Bridge (Kantarah Baradan), where the road crossed the Mahdi Canal not far from the Baradan Gate, and near here had been a fief granted by Mahdi to another Barmecide called Abu ‘Ubayd Mu‘Awiyah of Balkh. The Baradan Bridge had been built by a certain As-Sari ibn al-Hutam, who had owned land, building a palace here, and whose name was likewise preserved in that of a village near Baghdad, which having been his property was called Al- Hutamtyah. The triangle enclosed by the line of the city xv.] The Shammasiyah Quarter 207 wall and the highroads of the Baradan and Khurds4n Gates, was traversed by the lower part of the Mahdi Canal, on which stood first the quarter called the House of the Greeks, then the Market of Nasr, and below this the Iron Gates, near the point where the Mahdi Canal bifurcated, one branch flowing back to Rusdfah, while the other continued along the Khurasan Road to the Khurdsén Gate. The Dar- ar-Raimiyin, more generally called the Dar-ar-Ram (the House of the Greeks), was the Christian Quarter of mediaeval Baghdad, which existed down to the time when Fakhri wrote, namely the year 700 (A.D. 1300). Its position is approximately fixed by Ibn Serapion, who describes the course of the Mahdi Canal as given in the preceding paragraph, Yakat also speaking of this quarter as situated in the neighbourhood of the Shammastyah Quarter ‘and at no great distance from the tombs of the Caliphs in Rusdfah?. In the usage of mediaeval Arabic, the name Rémiyin or Rém (representing the Romaioi or Greeks) had come to be used for the Christians in general, whether Greek or Latin’, and the Dér-ar-Riim was thus the common name for the Christian Quarter in Baghdad. The Chris- tians in Mesopotamia, who were subjects of the Abbasid Caliphs, belonged for the most part to the two heterodox churches of the Jacobites and 1 Ibn Serapion, 23; Fakhri, 190; Yakut, ii. 662, 783; ili. 317. By an oversight Dév-ar-Rim has been omitted in the index to Yakut. 2 The Spanish Moslems, for instance, call their Christian fellow countrymen Ar-Riim. An excellent summary of the political and religious condition of the Christians who inhabited the dominions of the Abbasid Caliphs is given in Kremer, ii. 172 to 176. See also Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chapter xlvii; and for the Nestorian bishoprics of Asia, Sir H. Yule, Cathay, pp. Ixxxviii, ccxliv. 208 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH the Nestorians, but the dominant sect was that of the Nestorians, and hence their patriarch (or Catholicos) had the right of residence in Baghdad, a privilege which the Jacobites had always sought in vain to obtain. In the Christian Quarter of the Dar-ar-Riim was the church and the great monastery called the Dayr-ar-Rim. This, according to Yakdt, had been founded in the reign of the Caliph Mahdi, that is to say between the years 158 and 169 (a.D. 775 and 785), at which time certain Greek prisoners of war, having been settled in this part of Baghdad, the Greek House was built by them with a church in its immediate neighbourhood. This church, either from its origin or by subsequent arrangement, belonged exclusively to the Nestorians; it was very large, being solidly constructed and beautifully orna- mented, and in the monastery (Dayr) which was subsequently built on the eastern side of the Church, the Catholicos (the word was corrupted by Arabs into Al-Jathilik) had his cell or dwelling- house. Between the church and monastery a door of communication existed, through which, on the festivals and when Holy Communion was to be celebrated, the monks could pass to and fro. The buildings of the original Greek House are described as standing at some distance apart from the church and monastery; and they would appear to have covered a considerable area, for within the compass of the walls was a broad court surrounded by porticoes. The author of the Marés¢d remarks that ‘among the Christian sects, no one of the one sect will pray in the church of the other sect,’ and he continues xv.] The Shammasiyah Quarter 209 that for this reason the Jacobites had their own particular church in Baghdad, situated near the great church of the Nestorians, this Jacobite church being especially remarkable for the number of wonderful pictures shown there, which, with some other works of art that it contained, caused the place to be much visited by strangers. In all ordinary circumstances the Christians appear to have enjoyed complete toleration in Baghdad under the government of the Caliphs, for besides these two churches with the great Monastery of the Dayr-ar-Rfiim, they possessed many other lesser monasteries in different quarters of the city. Thus in Karkh, on the western side of the Tigris there was the Monastery of the Virgins in the fief of the Christians, which has already been mentioned; also the Dayr Durté and the Dayr-al-Kibab upstream, beyond the Zubaydiyah Fief; while in the Katrabbul District to the north- ward of the Round City stood the monastery called the Dayr Ashmiina, after the founder, whose body lay buried here. The festival of Ashmfinad was celebrated on the third day of the month Tishrin I, corresponding with October, and this monastery, being a very pleasant place of resort, was much visited by the people of Baghdad. Its exact position is not given, but it was at no great distance from the northern suburbs. In addition to the foregoing, Yak{it mentions two other monasteries as of Western Baghdad, though again from the lack of precise information the position of neither the one nor the other of these can be exactly fixed. One was the Dayr Midydan, lying on the bank of the Karkhaya Canal, BAGHDAD P 210 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu which the author of the Mardsid says was also known as the Dayr Sarkhis (this last name being probably a clerical error for Saz7és, i.e. the Monas- tery of Sergius), and this is described as a fine place, much frequented by pleasure-seekers from the city. The other monastery in the vicinity of West Baghdad was the Dayr-ath-Tha‘Alib (the Monastery of the Foxes), and concerning the position of this there was much dispute. Some authorities state that it stood nearly two miles distant from Baghdad, on the Kafah highroad towards Sarsar, and near the village of Ha4rithtyah ; while according to others the Monastery of the Foxes was the building that stood near the shrine of Ma‘rif Karkhi, and hence was either to be identified with the Dayr-al-Jathilik (the Monastery of the Catholicos or Patriarch), being merely its other name, or else was a second monastery which had stood alongside of it. In Eastern Baghdad five monasteries are men- tioned by Yakdt in addition to the great Dayr- ar-Ram of the Christian Quarter. Upstream were the two monasteries outside the Shammastyah Gate, namely the Dayr Darmalis and the Dayr Samalt, which have already been noticed; while in the district immediately to the north of this, near the village of Mazrafah, was the Dayr Sabir (the Monastery of Sapor), ‘very populous, pleasant, and with many gardens.’ Likewise near Mazrafah and at some four leagues distant from Baghdad stood the Dayr Jurjis (the Monastery of St. George) with numerous gardens and fine fruit-trees, of which Yakat speaks as one of the pleasantest places to visit in this quarter of the city. Also in East xv.] The Shammdésiyah Quarter 211 Baghdad, but downstream, below the southern quarters which surrounded the palaces of the Caliph, was the monastery called the Dayr-az-Zandaward, lying near the Azaj Gate which will be mentioned in a later chapter. Its gardens had been cele- brated for the oranges and grapes grown here, ‘the best in all Baghdad, Yakdt states; but when the author of the Wardsid wrote, about the year 700 (a. D. 1300), both the gardens and the Monastery of Zandaward had entirely disappeared, its site being then occupied by the houses and streets of New Baghdad. The account which Yakit gives of these monas- teries is in the main derived from the work of Shabushti, who composed his A7té-aa-Diyéréat (the Book of the Monasteries) in Egypt, and who died about the year 390 (A.D. 1000)!. Many of these establishments, by the year 623 (a. D. 1226), when Yakdat wrote, would appear to have already fallen to ruin, their monks having died or dispersed, but in the days of Yakat the gardens of the monasteries still for the most part remained, and are noted by him as ‘pleasant places’ whither the people of Baghdad went on festival days. The author of the JZardésid, however, writing in the year 700 (a. D. 1300), and therefore after the Mongol siege, in almost every case, having epitomized the notice 1 The MS. of this work (lacking the first thirteen folios) exists in the Berlin Library, under the No. 8321, which MS. Ahlwardt in the Catalogue has in error ascribed to Abu-l-Faraj Al-Isfahani, the author of the Fikrisé. It is to be hoped that before long this important MS. may be published by Mr. F. J. Heer, who in his recent work (Die historischen und geographischen Quellen in Jacut’s Worterbuch, p. 88, Strassburg, Triibner, 1899) has given an interesting account of the MS. and its contents. P 2 212 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH given by Yakat, adds that all trace of this or that monastery had in his time disappeared. As already said, there is evidence to show that in former times under the rule of the Abbasid Caliphs, Christians in Baghdad were not subject to any molestation or oppression by the officials of the government. In moments of popular commotion their churches and monasteries doubtless were plundered by the rabble, but the mosques of the Shi‘ahs and the Sunnis alternately had to suffer a like experience, when the mob, in the nominal interests of the one sect or the other, broke loose from all restraint and rioted through the outlying quarters of the great city. When describing the mother church of the Nesto- rians near the Dayr-ar-Rim, Yakit relates how it was the custom of the Moslems of Baghdad to visit this church on Sundays and on festivals, the crowd then being often very great of those who came to look at ‘the young deacons and monks, with their handsome faces’; and he speaks of ‘dancing, drinking, and pleasure-making’ as matters for which these Dayrs were for the most part visited. Ydakfit adds that the Christians in Baghdad were wont to celebrate each of their great festivals at a different monastery; and in his day the most celebrated of these feast days were the four Sundays of the Festival of the Fast (doubtless Easter and the three following Sundays), of which the first Sunday festival was held at the monastery called the Dayr-al‘Asiyah, the second at the Dayr-az- Zuraykiyah (but neither of these monasteries is elsewhere mentioned), the third Sunday festival being at the Dayr-az-Zandaward, and the fourth xv] The Shammasiyah Quarter 213 at the Dayr Darmalis; and he adds ‘to all these the Christians are wont to assemble, together with many other pleasure-seekers?. As showing the equal footing on which the Christians lived with the Moslems under the Abbasid Caliphs, a translation may be given of the account left us by the Moslem author of the Kitéb-al-Fihrist, relating an interview which he had with a certain Nestorian missionary, whom he met in Baghdad during the reign of the Caliph Tai‘. The passage, further, is of historical importance as giving the limit in date of the Nestorian missions sent into further Asia; for, as is well known by the Singanfu inscription and other similar documents, Nestorian Christianity had at one time spread throughout the length and breadth of Asia, pene- trating into the Chinese empire, and it lay with the chief Patriarch of Mesopotamia to appoint the bishops who resided in India, Central Asia, and the far East. The author of the /7zhrzst states that the missionary he met was a monk, a native of Najran, which was a Nestorian bishopric of Southern Arabia, and that he met him after his return from a mission to China in the year 377 (a.D. 987). The narrative in the Azkris¢ then continues :— ‘Now this man of the people of Najran had been dispatched some seven years before this date by the Catholicos (or Patriarch of Baghdad) to the land of China, there being sent with him five other men of the Christians, of those whose business it is to attend to the affairs of religion. 1 Yakut, ii. 616, 643, 650, 659, 660, 662, 665, 666, 670, 680, 695; Marasid, i. 426, 429, 430, 431, 432, 436, 440. 214 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. And six years after they had thus gone forth, this monk with one other alone of all that company had returned alive (to Baghdad), whom I met in the Christian Quarter of the Dar-ar-Radm_ behind the church, finding him to be a man in the prime of life with a fine figure, but sparing of words unless he were questioned. So I asked him what had been the cause of his remaining away so long a time, and what reason had brought him back thence, whereupon he recounted to me all the adventures that had befallen him, and what had hindered him in the journey. He said in conclu- sion that the Christians who had been of old in the lands of China were now disappeared, and that their possessions had perished, so that in the whole land hardly one Christian now remained alive, and though in ancient times the Christians there had possessed a church, this also was now in ruin. And the monk added that when he had at length seen how none remained there of his religion, he had finally returned home, travelling back in less time than it had taken him to perform the voyage out!’ On the Mahdi Canal, immediately below the Greek Quarter, was the Market of Nasr, called after Nasr the son of Malik, of the Khuz4‘ah * The description of China, which follows, is very curious, but this is not the place to attempt its translation, and many of the names of Chinese towns and provinces have unfortunately been so corrupted by the copyist of the MS. as to be almost unrecognizable. The text will be found in the A7tdd-al-Fihrist, p. 349. The editor, Professor Fliigel, has made the mistake in the preface, p. xiv, and his notes, p. 184, of supposing that the D4r-ar-Rfim, here mentioned, refers to Con- stantinople: see Kremer, ii. 173, note 2, who rightly points out that it is the Christian Quarter of Baghdad, which is the place intended. xv] The Shammésiyah Quarter 215 tribe, to whom the Caliph Mahdi had granted these lands in fief. This Nasr is best known as father of the celebrated ascetic Ahmad ibn Nasr, one of the martyrs in the cause of orthodoxy, whom the Caliph Wathik put to death in 231 (A.D. 846). He had preached against the Caliph, declaring him to be a heretic for denying the dogma that the Kurdn was ‘uncreate’; and for witnessing that the Book of Allah was eternal he suffered death. Khatib, from whom Yakéat has copied most of his information about these places, adds that there was originally a mosque in the Market of Nasr, but that this fell to ruin at the time of the second siege of Baghdad, under Musta‘in. Khattb further adds that a certain Abu Nasr Hashim had bought from As-Sari?, the original owner of the fief on the road near the Baradan Bridge, a parcel of land on which Abu Nasr built himself a palace. This was the finest building in all the neighbouring quarter, at least in the judgement of the Emperor of Constan- tinople, to whom (so Khatib reports) a drawing representing the various quarters of Baghdad having been submitted, his Majesty pointed out this palace as to his mind the most magnificent. Finally, the Iron Gates (Al-Abwab-al-Hadid) de- scribed by Ibn Serapion as in the Nasr Market, may possibly be identical with the gate called the Bab Nasr, which is mentioned by Ibn-al-Athir in his chronicle under the year 519 (A. D. 1125) as situated not far from the Shammasfyah plain, though it is to be remarked that no other writer refers at this late date either to the Nasr Market or the Iron 1 See above, p. 206. The name is also written in some MSS. Abu-n-Nadr Hashim ibn al-Kasim. 216 Baghdad during the Caliphate Gates, and it is therefore doubtful whether they existed after the changes effected by the Buyid princes, when these built their palaces in East Baghdad '. 1 Ibn Serapion, 22, 23; Ya‘kubi, 252, 253; Khatib, folios 88 b, 113 b; Yakut, ii, 783; iii. 207, 317; iv. 187; Marasid, i. 430; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 441. CHAPTER XVI THE MUKHARRIM QUARTER The Khurdsién Road and its Markets. The Bab-at-Tak Gate. The Masa Canal and the Mukharrim. The Zahir Garden, the Great Road, and the Street of ‘Amr the Greek. The Palace of Mu'‘tasim. The Long Street, the Palace of Ibn-al-Furadt, and the Street of the Vine. The Sik-al-‘Atsh or Thirst Market. The Market of Harashi and his Palace. The Ansar Bridge, the Palace of Ibn-al-Khasib, and the three Tanks. The Great Pitched Gate. The Mukharrim Gate and Road: the Canal to the Firdtis Palace. The Haymarket. Palace of Princess Banfijah. The Horse Market and its Gate. The Bab ‘Ammar and the Palace of ‘Umarah. The two lower Canals at the Triple Divide. The Mu‘all4 Canal. The Bab Abraz and the Gate of the Tuesday Market. The Canal of the Palaces. The Bab ‘Ammah. The Mushjir Fief. Tue southern limit of the Shammasiyah Quarter was the great Khurdsan Road, which ran from the end of the Main Bridge of Boats eastward to the KhurdsAn Gate, whence -the highroad went to Nahrawan Town, on the canal of that name. In describing the three northern quarters at the close of the third century (the ninth a.p.), Ya‘kabi men- tions this Khurdsan Road as the chief market of Eastern Baghdad, where were gathered together all kinds of goods and stuffs and manufactured articles, with by-streets to the right hand and to the left occupied by warehouses of the merchants and 218 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx the dwellings of the tradesmen. The number of shops in this great market must have been con- siderable, for, as the result of a fire which occurred here in the year 292 (A.D. 905), more than three hundred shops near the bridge are reported to have been burnt. In the immediate neighbourhood of the Main Bridge, where the road began, stood the Market of the Goldsmiths (Sak-as-Saghah), and here was the great arched gate, called the Bab-at-Tak, which gave its name collectively to the three northern quarters of Eastern Baghdad, for these are often referred to as the Bab-at-Tak (the Quarter of the Gate of the Archway). This arch had originally formed part of the Palace of Asma, daughter of the Caliph Mans@r, which occupied one side of the road- way, while opposite to it stood the Palace of Prince “Ubayd-Allah', son of Mahdi, the road between the two being known as the Bayn-al-Kasrayn (the Road between the Palaces). The ground here had originally been granted in fief by Mahdi to his Chief of Police, Khuzaymah ibn Khazim, whose palace, called the Dar Khuzaymah, stood at the corner where the road of the Shammdastyah branched off to the northern gate. In the days of Hardn-ar- Rashid the Bab-at-Tak at the bridge head was often used as a meeting-place of the poets, whose works the Caliph delighted to have recited before him, and hence this building had come to be known as the Majlis-ash-Shu‘ara, or the Assembly Hall of the Poets. The name Mukharrim had been given to the parcel of land here on the Tigris bank long before Baghdad was founded, for during the first century * Khatib, folio 88a. Yakut, iii, 489, calls him ‘44a-4Uah in error. XVI] The Mukharrim Quarter 219 of the Hijrah, when the Moslems had recently conquered Mesopotamia, an Arab of that name settled here on a fief granted to him by the Caliph ‘Omar. It will be remembered that the Mukharrim Quarter was bounded on the east and south by the city wall of the time of Musta‘in, which curved round in a quadrant from the Khurdsdn Gate to the Gate of the Tuesday Market, immediately above the Firdds Palace on the river. The Tigris formed the western boundary of the quarter, and more or less parallel with the river bank ran the Great Road (Ash-Shari‘-al-A‘zam), leading from the Gate of the Tuesday Market up to the Main Bridge, where, crossing the line of the Khurdsdn Road, it communi- cated with the Shammdasiyah Road and the Road of the Maydan in Rusdfah. Through these roads in Rusdfah, therefore, the Great Road was the chief thoroughfare from north to south on the eastern side of the river, connecting the Shammasiyah Gate and the Upper Bridge with the Lower Bridge and the Gate of the Tuesday Market. The name of the Great Road, however, was only applied to that part of the thoroughfare which traversed the Mukharrim Quarter, beginning where the Garden of Zahir lay along the bank of the Tigris, just below the head of the Main Bridge, and in its upper part the Great Road probably marked the limit of this garden on the east side, the mouth of the Misa Canal being at the lower boundary. The position of the Garden of Zahir is unfortunately not specifi- cally described, nor is it stated who Zahir, the original owner of the garden, had been. The accounts, how- ever, clearly indicate that the Zahir Garden lay on the bank of the Tigris, at the mouth of the Misa 220 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Canal, which flowed through and irrigated the garden after having crossed the Great Road which went down the river side to the Gate of the Tuesday Market; and it seems therefore probable that the garden must have been situated almost immediately below the Main Bridge of Boats. The Zahir Garden is also mentioned in connexion with the Wazir of the Caliph Muktadir, Ibn Muklah, who built himself a palace here—spending, it is said, 200,000 dinars (about £100,000)—and he annexed some twenty Jaribs (or seven acres) of the garden, which were included in the precincts of his new palace, the com- pletion of which fell in the year 320 (A.D. 932)?. As already described in chapter xiii, the Mdsa Canal traversed the Mukharrim Quarter from south- east to north-west. It entered the quarter by the Gate of the Horse Market, and after sending off six minor branch canals (which all started from its left bank, flowing towards the river), the parent stream, as mentioned in the last paragraph, ultimately flowed out into the Tigris below the Zahir Garden. Ibn Serapion states that before reaching the garden, and after crossing the Great Road, the canal traversed the Street of “Amr-ar-Rami (the Greek ‘Amr), which it appears likely was a crossroad to the north of the garden. Who this ‘Amr was is not given, but possibly he is the individual men- tioned by Baladhuri as having been the freedman of the Caliph Hadi, who had named him governor of Kazwin in northern Persia 2. ? Ibn Serapion, 22; “Arib, 64, 154, 185. This Zahir is not to be confounded with the Caliph Zahir. * Ya‘kubi, 251, 253; Istakhri, 83; Ibn Serapion, 21, 22; ‘Arib, 64, 158; Baladhuri, 295, 323; Mas‘udi, viii. 236; Yakut, iii. 2323 iv. 441. xv1.] The Mukharrim Quarter 221 In the northern part of the Mukharrim Quarter, on the bank of the Masa Canal, and probably near the Khurdsan Gate, stood the Palace of the Caliph Mu'tasim, along the southern side of which passed the Long Street (Darb-at-Tawil). This palace had been inhabited by Mu'tasim between the years 218 and 221 (A.D. 833 to 836), that is to say before he abandoned Baghdad for Samarra; and it must have fallen to ruin not long after this latter date, for the Mu'tasim Palace is apparently not mentioned by any authority later than the time of Ibn Serapion, who wrote at the beginning of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.). Just before reaching the Long Street and the Mu‘tasim Palace a canal branched from the Nahr Misa, which, after a short course, reached the garden of the palace built by the Wazir Ibn-al-Furat, where its waters became lost in irri- gation channels. ‘Ali Ibn-al-Furat was a statesman well known during the reign of Muktadir, whom he served as Wazir three several times, namely between the years 296 and 312 (a.D. 909 to 924); and along this canal leading to his palace passed the road called the Shari‘ Karm-al-‘Arsh (or Karm-al-Mu‘ar- rash, as one MS. gives it), which may be translated the Street of the Vine Trellis or of the Climbing Vine. In this neighbourhood lay the Thirst Market (Sak-al-Atsh), through which the branch canal, now under discussion, took its way shortly after bifur- cating from the Mfsa4 Canal; and this was one of the chief centres of the Mukharrim Quarter. The market had been built during the reign of Mahdi by Sa‘id-al-Harashi, whose quadrangle and palace, with the market street called after him, will be 222 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. mentioned presently. The Sdk-al-“Atsh seems to have fallen early to ruin, for when Yakdt wrote in the beginning of the seventh century (the thirteenth a.D.), the place where it had originally stood was completely unknown. The original intention of the Caliph Mahdi had been to have called it the Market of Satiety (Stik-ar-Riyy), presumably because it was assumed that ‘satiety’ for all bodily wants could here be easily attained. It was to have been the rival of the markets of Karkh on the western side, and with a view of taking away trade from these, many merchants were deported from West Baghdad and settled here by the Caliph’s orders. The name of Thirst Market, however, was given to it by the people in derision, and this became its permanent appellation. Adjacent to it stood the smaller market called Suwaykah-al-Harashi, already referred to, with the quadrangle (Murabba‘ah) in which stood the palace called the Dar Sa‘id, this Sa‘td-al-Harashi?! having been the general whom the Caliph Mahdi dispatched against Al-Mukanna‘, the celebrated Veiled Prophet of Khurdsan, whose overthrow, much to the relief of his master, Sa‘id brought about. To the south of the Palace of Mu‘tasim, and higher up its main stream, the Misa Canal was crossed by a bridge called the Kantarah-al-Ansar, the name of Ansar or ‘ Helpers’ having been given to those people in Medina who had aided the Prophet Muhammad at the time of his flight out of Mecca, and whose descendants in after times still bore this honourable surname, Near this bridge stood the * Ya'kubi, 304; ‘Arib, 28, 43. Harashi is the true reading, not Khurshi (which would mean the Khurasanian), as given in Yakut, iii. 1943 iv. 485. XV1.] Lhe Mukharrim Quarter 223 Palace of Ahmad-al-Khasibi, commonly called Ibn- al-Khastb, Wazir in the year 314 (A.D. 926) of the Caliph Muktadir!; the name of the road which crossed by the Ansar Bridge is not given, but it was probably the Road of Sa‘d (which will be noticed presently), leading into the Long Street near the Mu'tasim Palace. Immediately beyond the bridge three minor canals branched from the Mfs4 Canal, conducting its waters to a like number of tanks, called respectively the Hawd Datd, the Hawd Haylanah, and the Hawd- al-Ansar, this last after the Helpers, from whom the bridge took its name. The tank of Dafd lay nearest to the Thirst Market, already described, and it was either called after DAtid (the Arabic form of David), the son of the Caliph Mahdi, or after one of his freedmen who was the namesake of the prince. The midmost of the tanks was called after Haylanah (Helena), either the favourite concu- bine of H4rdn-ar-Rashid, or, according to another version, a slave of the same name who had held the post of Kahramanah or Stewardess of the Harim in the reign of Manstr. She is probably identical with the woman already mentioned (p. 146), after whom a suburb and fief in Western Baghdad, near the Muhawwal Gate, had been named ?, 1 He was the son of ‘Ubayd-Allah, but in accordance with a common custom reverted to the name of his grandfather, Ahmad ibn-al-Khasib, who had been Wazir of the Caliph Muntasir, in 247 (A.D. 861), at S4marra, In my notes to Ibn Serapion, p. 282, this palace of Ibn-al- Khasib has been attributed, in error, to the grandfather, who having lived at SAmarrA is unlikely to have been the builder of it. 2 ‘Arib, 127; Ibn Serapion, 22; Ya‘kubi, 252, 253, 255; Khatib, folio 106 b; Yakut, ii. 362; iii. 194; iv. 485. From the description of the courses of the canals given by Ibn Serapion, it is evident that the Thirst Market lay to the south of the Khurdsan highroad, hence 224 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH South again of the Ansar Bridge, but further up- stream, the main branch canal of the Mukharrim Quarter bifurcated from the Nahr Misé, leaving it near the gateway known as the Bab Mukayyar-al- Kabir (the Great Pitched Gate), so called from the bitumen or mineral pitch (in Arabic AZ) with which it was overlaid. This method of preserving the sun- dried bricks from the effects of damp and rain was of common usage in Baghdad. The bitumen came chiefly from a well lying between Ktifah and Basrah, where it rose to the surface of the ground mixed with water. Though originally soft like clay, it soon hardened by exposure, and when plastered on a wall and polished it came to resemble a slab of marble in appearance. It was especially used for lining the hot rooms in the baths, where both floors and walls could thus be rendered watertight ; and Yakdt says there was a large quarter of Baghdad in his day known as Darb-al-Kayy4r (the Street of the Pitch- workers), probably identical with the Shari‘-al-Kay- yarin (see p. 78) in West Baghdad, mentioned by Ibn Serapion, which took its name from those who were of this trade. The Great Road of the Mukharrim Quarter, which led up from the Lower Bridge of Boats and the Tuesday Market, by which, according to Ya‘kabi, ‘one came over from Western Baghdad, after passing Yakut (who confesses that no one could, in his day, tell where this market had stood), is certainly wrong in placing it between the Sham- masiyah and Rusafah, and in the immediate neighbourhood of the great Dyke of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah, which will be described in the following chapter. This last, indeed, must have been separated from the Thirst Market by the whole extent of the Shammastyah Quarter. In my paper on Ibn Serapion, p. 283, I have by mistake mistranslated Stik-al-‘Atsh as the ‘Famine’ Market —‘a/sh being, of course, ‘thirst,’ not ‘ hunger.’ xv1.] The Mukharrim Quarter 225 first along the river bank appears to have bifurcated when it came to the gate known as the Bab-al- Mukharrim, one branch road turning inland towards the Great Pitched Gate. The branch canal of the Mukharrim Quarter ran down this road to the Mukharrim! Gate, where the canal was crossed by an arched bridge, called the Kantarah-al-‘Abbas, after a brother of the Caliph Mansfir; and in later times the canal here was known as the Ditch of Al-“Abbas. A branch, starting from the Mukharrim Gate, flowed off south through a channel dug by the Caliph Mu'tadid to irrigate the gardens of the Firdds Palace beyond the town wall; but the main course of the canal, after passing the Mukharrim Gate, turned up north along the highroad of the Mukharrim Quarter (the Great Road), where its waters soon became lost in irrigation channels. Between the Mukharrim Gate and the Great Pitched Gate, the thoroughfare which, as said, bifur- cated from the Great Road, was bordered by the booths of the Hay Market (Hawdnit-al-“Allafin), and at the Great Pitched Gate there turned off the road known as the Shari‘ Sa‘d-al-Wasif, which led towards the Ansar Bridge. This road was called after a 1 The position of the Bab Mukharrim is difficult precisely to determine. It stood on the canal (Ibn Serapion, p. 22), and lay therefore within the Mukharrim Quarter, and was not a gate in the line of the wall built by Musta‘in. Further, from the account of the reception of the Greek ambassadors by Muktadir, we learn that the Mukharrim Gate was on the line of the thoroughfare going from the Shammasiyah Gate down the Tigris to the gate of the palace called the Bab-al‘Ammah (‘Arib, 64; Khatib, folio 93b). It seems probable, therefore, that the Bab Mukharrim stood somewhat to the north of where the Gate of the Sultan (the modern Bab-al-Mu‘azzam) was built at a subsequent date, when the later wall round the quarter of the palaces, which still encloses the eastern city of Baghdad, was erected by the Caliph Mustazhir. BAGHDAD Q 226 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH certain Sa‘d ‘the Slave,’ possibly the same as Sa‘d-al- Khadim (the Eunuch), who having been originally of the household of itakh the Turk, became the favourite attendant of the Caliph Mutawakkil. On this Street of Sa‘d stood the Palace of Ibn-al-Khasib, Wazir of the Caliph Muktadir, already mentioned ; and apparently near this was the Market (Suwaykah) which took its name from Hajjaj-al-Wasif, who had been a freedman of the Caliph Mahdi. Further up the Masa Canal, and probably due east of the Great Pitched Gate, was the bifurcation of the uppermost of the six canals which branched from the Nahr MisA, and this had its point of origin near the gate called the Bab ‘Ammar. It flowed direct to the Palace of Bandjah, whose name is also written Bandkah (meaning Little Band or ‘ Lady’ in Turkish), a daughter of the Caliph Mahdi, who is reported to have died young, she having been the first of the Abbasids to be buried in the Khayzuran cemetery outside the Abu Hanifah Suburb. This princess was a great favourite with her father, whom she used always to accompany when he left the capital, and the good people of Basrah were on one occasion much scandalized by seeing her ride publicly beside the Caliph Mahdi as he entered their city, she being on this occasion dressed as a page (Ghulam) in a black tunic and girt with a sword, wearing a man’s turban on her head. She is described as having had brown hair and a pleasing figure, its plumpness showing out under her boy's dress; and when she died the Caliph Mahdi mourned for her publicly, sitting to receive the condolence of his nobles as though he had lost one of his sons. Whether her palace lay to the right (north) or to xvi] The Mukharrim Quarter 227 the left (south) of the Mas Canal is not stated, but this branch canal which carried water to its grounds ended here, the stream running dry in the irrigation channels. The uppermost reach of the Masa Canal, above the branch to the Banfjah Palace, flowed through the Horse Market called Sak-ad-Dawwadbb (more exactly the Market for the sale of Riding Animals and Beasts of Burden), which was closed by the Gate of the Horse Market at its upper end, and below by the Bab ‘Ammar. After whom the Gate of ‘Ammar was named is not stated, indeed the only authorities who speak of it are, apparently, Ibn Serapion and ‘Arib; but it is possible that this ‘Ammar may have been a connexion of an indi- vidual named ‘Umiarah, whose palace called the Dar ‘Umf4rah is mentioned by YAkdat, quoting from Khatib, as having stood in the Mukharrim Quarter, this ‘UmAarah being the son of Abu-l-Khasib, cham- berlain of the Caliph Manstr. In the description left us by Ibn Serapion, the Gate of the Horse Market is the first building mentioned as standing on the Mfs4 Canal, and this probably lay a short distance to the north of the south-eastern limit of the three northern quarters of East Baghdad. Later authorities state that the Masa Canal entered the town very soon after passing out from the grounds of the Palace of the Pleiades, and this Gate of the Horse Market doubtless was in the wall which Musta‘in had caused to be built round these quarters at the time of the siege in 251 (A.D. 865)’. 1 Ibn Serapion, 21, 22; ‘Arib, 17; Ya‘kubi, 254; Ibn Jubayr, 130; Ibn Batutah, ii. 106; Khatib, folios 89 b, 90 b, 106a,116a; Yakut, ii. 521; iii, 200; iv. 112; Marasid, iii. 252; Ibn-al-Athir, vii. 65; Ibn Q 2 228 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cu. At the Triple Divide, just outside the Palace of the Pleiades, the two other canals from the Nahr Masa branched to the left, southwards, and the upper of the two was called the Mu‘alla Canal. This was so named from Mu‘all4, a freedman of the Caliph Mahdi, afterwards general-in-chief of the forces in the reign of Har(n-ar-Rashid, who is cele- brated for having held more governments than any of his contemporaries, he having been governor, in turn, of the city of Basrah and of the provinces of Ahwaz, Fars, Yamamah, and Bahrayn. The Mu‘all4 Canal entered the Mukharrim Quarter by the gate called the Bab Abraz, which at the begin- ning of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.) marked the south-eastern angle of the three northern quarters of East Baghdad. After entering the city the canal passed along, between the houses, until it came to the Gate of the Tuesday Market (Bab Stk-ath- Thalathah), which at this period marked the southern limit of East Baghdad; and here, leaving the city, the Mu‘alla Canal entered the Firdis Palace—the uppermost of the three palaces of the Caliphs— and after irrigating its gardens, flowed out into the Tigris close below the palace buildings. Below the Palace of the Firdfs stood the Hasant Palace (which with others will be more particularly described in a later chapter), and directly to the Hasani Palace flowed the lowest of the three canals from the Divide on the Nahr Misa. After watering the gardens of the Taj Palace, which lay Kutaybah, 193; Tabari, iii. 543. In the passage of Ibn al-Athir (vi. 58), corresponding with this last reference to Tabari, the name of the Princess Bdnikah is, in error, given as Yékdtah, and this mistake has been copied by Kremer, ii. 62. xvi] The Mukharrim Quarter 229 immediately below the Hasani on the river bank, this third canal finally discharged its waters into the Tigris below the palace gardens. These grounds had been entered by the third canal near the main gate- way of the palace garden wall, called the Bab-al- ‘Ammah (the Public Gate), which will be more fully noticed at a later page, but before reaching the gateway, and at some little distance from the Divide, Ibn Serapion writes that the canal passed the Gate of the Fief of Mushjir (Bab Kati‘ah Mushjir)?. This fief must have occupied much of the ground covered by the Rayhdniyin Market of later Baghdad, for the place is not mentioned by subsequent writers, but in the beginning of the fourth century (the tenth A.D.) it still bore the name of its original owner. Mushjir or Mushkir-al-Wasif (the Slave) had been a favourite Turk attendant of the Caliph Mu'tadid, by whom he was promoted to the command of the army; Muttadid thus requiting a special service rendered to him, for when Mushkir had been Steward of the Palace to the preceding Caliph Mu'tamid, he had brought about the prompt accession of the nephew (Mu'tadid) by serving the uncle (Mu'tamid) with a savoury dish of artfully poisoned meat. Such, at the beginning of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.), before the advent of the Buyids, were 1 Yakut, iv. 845. In Ibn Serapion (pp. 22 and 279) the name is printed in error Méshajin. Khatib, folio 106 b, has the right spelling with a final 7, and compare Tabari, iii. 2121, with Mas‘udi, viii. 110. The name is also written A/ashhir, and evidently represents the Persian Mishgir (with a hard g), meaning ‘ mouse-catcher,’ which is the name of a species of crow, also called A/ésh-khwér, or * mouse- eater.” The Turk slaves frequently had names (or nicknames) derived from birds, e.g. Tughril, ‘ Falcon,’ Kalatn, ‘Duck.’ 230 Baghdad during the Caliphate the three northern quarters of East Baghdad, namely Rusafah, Shammastyah, and Mukharrim, which were enclosed by the semicircle of the wall starting from the Tigris at the Shammasiyah Gate and coming down to the river again at the gate of the Tuesday Market, above the palaces of the Caliph. Map VI1. To face page 231 © euaerss he OF THE : : Gardens } : BAS RAHN 3 GATE es, ‘ -, QUARTER Lf} KuRAYYAR ; = / @uaRTER BAGH DAD between 400 and 700 A.H. ( Buyid Saljuk & Mongol Periods ) i ° 2 1 ibd dy Scale of Engl.Mile RY Karbishow "eo CHAPTER XVII THE BUYID PALACES The Palace of Manis and the Buyid Palaces. The Dyke of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah and the Zahir Garden. The D4r-al-Mamlakat of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah. The great Dyke and the Kérij Canal. The Palaces of ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah. His Garden and the New Canal. Elephants used in Baghdad. The Dar-as-Saltanah of the Saljiks. Tughril Beg and his marriage ceremony. Demolition of this Palace by the Caliph Nasir. The Mosque of the Sultan, In the early years of the fourth century (the tenth A.D.) the plain outside the Shammasiyah Gate (as mentioned in a previous chapter) was occupied by the Palace of Manis the Chamberlain, who, after governing the Caliphate during most of the reign of Muktadir, finally deposed that Caliph in 320 (a.D. 932), and putting him to death in this Palace of the ShammAstyah, set up his brother K4hir in his stead’. The Chamberlain Minis, however, was himself disgraced and beheaded by Ka4hir in the following year,a period of general disorder followed, filling up the reigns of Kahir Radi and Muttaki, which was finally brought to a close under the Caliph Mustakfi, when in the year 334 (A.D. 946) Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah the Buyid, at the head of his Daylamite troops, became master of Baghdad. 1 [bn-al-Athir, viii. 138, 148, 337. 232 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. His troops halted at the Shammasfyah, and the Buyid prince at first took up his quarters in the Palace of Manis, which, however, shortly after this must have been demolished to make way for the great palaces of the Buyids. These were erected in the region which is described as bounded by the Zahir Garden on the lower side, and on the north by the dyke on the Shammastyah plain, built under the directions of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah to prevent the overflow of the canals from the Khalis, which had so often laid this quarter of Baghdad under water. With their grounds the Buyid Palaces must have covered a very considerable area. The southern limit was along the line of the Khur4sAn road, while to the right and left the Palaces extended over the space between the Shammdasiyah and the Baradan roads. The Mosque of Rusdfah, which was still standing, and the quarter round the shrine of Abu Hanifah, came between the palaces and the river bank, while to the east lay the Christian Quarter of the Greek House, which from the account in the fihrist (given in a previous chapter) of the Nesto- rian monk who had been to China, evidently was the centre of a populous region of Baghdad as late as the last quarter of the fourth century (the tenth A.D.). In their upper part the Buyid Palaces are described as lying along the Tigris bank, ‘ opposite to the Fardah’ or Upper Harbour, at the mouth of the Trench of Tahir, on the western bank above the Harbiyah Quarter; while the northern limit of the grounds and gardens was formed by the great Dyke of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah, which starting from the Tigris bank crossed the ShammAstyah Plain. No trace of these palaces now remains, but XVIL.] The Buyid Palaces 233 Khatib, who wrote a century after the Buyid epoch, and who has left a full description of their palaces, which in his day were already in a state of ruin, always speaks of them as situated above or in the upper part of the Mukharrim Quarter, from which it perhaps follows that some of the palaces lay to the south of the line of the Khurdsan road. In his description the Buyid Palaces are generally referred to as the DAér-al-Mamlakat (the Palace of the Government), as against the Hasani Palace or the Dar-al-Khilafat (the Palace of the Caliphate), where the Caliph reigned, but no longer governed. In this Dér-al-Mamlakat the various Buyid princes, and after their day the Saljik Sultans, when resident in Baghdad, held their court. The first Buyid palace to be built was that of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah, and it is said to have cost thir- teen million dirhams, about £500,000 sterling}. The great Dyke, already mentioned (called Al- Musannat-al-Mu‘izztyah), the remains of which might still be seen about the year 700 (a.D. 1300), when the author of the W/ardszd wrote, was carried across the low-lying plain of the ShammAsiyah, with a view of preventing the waters of the stream, known in later times as the Kari, from inundating the grounds of the new palaces. Inundations, however, none the less continued to happen, and in the year 466 (a.p. 1074) the dyke was ruptured by a flood in the K drij, the waters of the Tigris having also risen under stress of the desert wind which kept them 1 In Yakut, iii. 318, the date A.H. 305 is given for the completion of his palace by Mu‘izz; but this must be a mistake, since he only entered Baghdad in 334. It should perhaps be 345 (A.D. 956). Compare also Yakut, iii. 194 ; and Marasid, ii. 124. 234 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. from flowing off, and immense damage resulted in both the eastern and the western quarters of the city. A like inundation is again mentioned by Ibn- al-Athir as occurring in the year 554 (A.D. 1159). The stream of the Karij, which did all this damage, would appear to have been identical with, or at least to have followed the line formerly taken by the canal called the Nahr Fadl, described by Ibn Serapion in the fourth century (the tenth a.p.). Writing in the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.) Yakit mentions further damage which had recently been caused by the overflow of the Kfirij, which he writes was a canal that had originally been dug by one of the Chosroes of ancient Persia, being the work of the same king who had excavated the Kattil Canal or Nahrawan, from which the K‘rij was derived; and this attribution may have some foun- dation in fact since the name Karij (or Kiiraj) is merely the Arabicized form of the Old Persian word Kirah, meaning a canal’. Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah died in 356 (a.p. 967), being succeeded by his son ‘Izz-ad-Dawlah, who, after he had misgoverned Baghdad during eleven years, was finally deposed by his cousin “Adud-ad-Dawlah, the Buyid ruler of Fars, and in the year 367 (a.p. 978) this prince entering Baghdad became master of the Caliph and his empire. ‘“Adud-ad-Dawlah was famous for his buildings, among which was the great Hospital in Western Baghdad, which has been already described, and in Eastern Baghdad he enlarged and almost entirely rebuilt the Palace of * See Ibn Serapion, 267; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 62; xi. 164; Yakut, iv. 198; De Goeje, Azstotre des Carmathes (second edition, 1886), p. 13, note 3. xvir.] The Buyid Palaces 235 Muiizz-ad-Dawlah. This building is named Saray- as-Sultan (the Palace of the Sultan) by the Persian author of the Guztdah, who says it was famous as the finest edifice of its age; while of the older palace of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah nothing was allowed to remain standing but the part called the Bayt-as-Sittini (the Hall of the Sixty). The land adjacent thereto had originally been granted in fief to Sabuktagin, Chamberlain of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah, but this was now taken up by the buildings of the new palace, which consisted of a great court surrounded by porticoes with cupolas built over them, and the western gates of the palace opened on the Tigris bank, opposite the Fardah or Upper Harbour of the Harbiyah Quarter. In his new palace “Adud-ad-Dawlah established the hall for the public audience, while the hall of the old Palace of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah was used as the place of assembly for the Wazirs. The domed porticoes adjacent were divided off to serve as Diwans or offices for the Secretaries of State, while in the Great Court the Daylamites of his bodyguard had their quarters during the summer time. Much is said of the garden which “Adud-ad-Dawlah created beside his palace, and it is reported to have cost a fabulous sum of money. This covered the ground originally occupied by the Maydan or square for polo and horse-racing which Sabuktagin the Chamber- lain had made here, and ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah had first to spend a considerable sum of money in digging up and carrying away the stones and sand of the Maydan before he could lay down soil suitable for growing trees and plants. The account given by Khatib in his history of Baghdad is, he states, derived from one who had been a witness of the 236 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH costly changes effected by the Buyid prince; and he describes how all along the Tigris bank, in front of the new palace, the private houses were bought up by order of ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah, and their walls having been demolished, the space thus obtained after being filled in with soil was planted and added to the new gardens. The original Maydan of Sabuktagin was thus doubled in size, the whole site being protected from the inundation of the river by a dyke, presumably forming an extension of the one elsewhere ascribed to Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah. These works alone cost “Adud- ad-Dawlah two million dirhams (£80,000), such being the sum which the prince admitted to have spent when conversing with the writer of the account which Khatib has preserved. For the irrigation of the new garden water-wheels on the Tigris bank were at first set up, but these having proved insuf- ficient, “Adud-ad-Dawlah ordered his engineers to make a channel for bringing water direct from the streams on the north-east of Baghdad, and for this it was found necessary to go as far up as the Khalis river for the head of the new canal'. Further, to obtain a level bed a continuous embankment had to be constructed, along the top of which the course of the new canal was dug; then great artificial mounds had to be built up in two places where for some distance the aqueduct was carried many ells above the level of the surrounding plain, and on either side of the long embankment gullies (called Khawr) were dug for carrying off the waters in seasons of inundation, * The Khalis flowed into the Tigris some six leagues to the north of Baghdad, near the town of Baradan; see Ibn Serapion, Pp. 273. xvit.] The Buyid Palaces 237 The account goes on to state that for stamping down the soil of this great embankment, as also for demolishing the walls of the houses whose sites were to be used for his garden grounds, “Adud-ad- Dawlah employed elephants. These animals were not unknown in Baghdad during the third and fourth centuries (ninth and tenth a.p.), and the ones now used were probably brought by the Buyids from India. Mas‘tdi, the contemporary historian, fre- quently mentions elephants in the pages of his chronicle; thus he narrates that in 297 (A.D. 910) Layth, the Saffarid prince, was as a prisoner of war paraded through the streets of Baghdad mounted on an elephant: and the heretic Babak at Sdmarra in 223 (a.p. 838) was similarly treated, on which last occasion Mas‘fidi states that an immense grey elephant was used, this animal having been originally sent as a present to the Caliph Mamfn by one of the kings of India. The Caliph Mansiar also is said to have possessed many elephants, which he was fond of employing in state ceremonies, and Mas‘ddi takes occasion to remark that though a mule hated the Bactrian camel exceedingly, he hated an elephant even more, and would behave very disagreeably when forced into the company of these huge beasts, of which behaviour the chronicler gives an amusing instance 1. When the new canal dug by ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah reached the city limits, and its channel passed among the houses, the bed was laid in burnt bricks or stone blocks set in concrete of lime; and thus at length a plentiful supply of water was brought to irrigate the gardens of the new palace, the esti- 1 Mas‘udi, iii. 18, 19; vii. 127. 238 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. mated cost of these works being set down at five million dirhams, or about £200,000. In addition to the foregoing, we are told that it had been the intention of “Adud-ad-Dawlah to have pulled down the houses occupying the land between the lower portion of the palace and the Zahir Garden, in order thus to connect the southern part of the new palace with the river bank below Rusdfah; but death overtook him before these plans could be fully carried into effect. The palace of ‘Adud-ad- Dawlah continued to be the official residence of the Buyid princes who succeeded him, and who governed in Baghdad till the middle of the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.). Jalal-ad-Dawlah, the grandson of “Adud-ad-Dawlah, who became prince in 416 (a.D. 1025), made some additional alterations, and turned the former hall of the Wazirs into stables for his horses, but the Palace of “Adud-ad-Dawlah other- wise remained intact down to the extinction of his dynasty. After the fall of the Buyids, their great palace was occupied by Tughril Beg the Saljtk, who entered Baghdad in 447 (a.p. 1055) and assumed the reins of government. The southern part of the palaces appears to have been that used by the Saljik Sultans, and these buildings more especially were known as the Dar-as-Saltanah! (the Abode of the Sultanate). Certain restorations were effected by Tughril in 448 (a.p. 1056), and the contemporary historian Khatib speaks of a great fire which oc curred in the year 450 (a. D. 1058), at the moment * In ‘Imad-ad-Din, ii. 248, 250, 251, this palace is indifferently named the Dar-as-Saltanah, the D4r-as-Sultan, and the Dar-as- Sultaniyah, xv] The Buytd Palaces 239 when he, Khatib, was writing his history of Baghdad, but the furniture having been removed in time, the walls of the palace were immediately rebuilt, and the whole restored to its former splendour. In this new palace must have taken place the unprecedented espousals of the Abbasid princess, the daughter of the Caliph Kaim—a collateral descendant therefore of the Prophet Muhammad—and Tughril Beg the Turkoman, the nominal vassal, but the real master, of the Caliph. Tughril Beg had commanded a magnificent ceremonial to be arranged for receiving the princess, and the marriage took place in 455 (a.D. 1063), Muslim orthodoxy being much scandalized at such a union, though flattered by the spectacle of Tughril Beg the conqueror of Western Asia, then in his seventieth year, kissing the ground and standing humbly in attendance before the princess his bride, who was seated in state on a throne covered with gold brocade. The palace of the D4ér-al-Mamlakat—probably the southern buildings of the older Buyid palaces— became at a later date the residence of Malik Shah, the greatest of the Saljaik Sultans and the grand nephew of Tughril, when he came to Baghdad in 479 (A.D. 1086) with his minister the Nizam-al-Mulk. The later Saljak Sultans also made this palace their abode when in Baghdad, leaving a lieutenant here to govern in their name when they themselves were absent ruling their own people, or engaged in the conquest of neighbouring kingdoms. More than a century thus elapsed; the Saljik power withered away, the rule of the Caliphs becoming a mere shadow of empire in Eastern Baghdad, and finally the palaces of the Buyids and Saljaks having fallen 240 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cx. almost completely to ruin, these were demolished by the Caliph Nasir, who in the year 587 (A.D. 1191) caused the remaining walls to be levelled with the ground}. A building which is often mentioned in the chronicles during the last two centuries of the Caliphate was the Jami‘-as-Sultan, the third of the great mosques of Eastern Baghdad (the other two being the Rusdafah Mosque and the mosque within the precincts of the Palace of the Caliph), where the Friday prayers continued to be said, until the extinction of the Caliphate. The mosque of the Sultan was built by Malik Shah the Saljak, its foundations having been laid in the year 485 (a.D. 1092), and it is said originally to have formed part of the Palace of the Sultanate, namely the Buyid Palace which the Saljfiks had inherited. The mosque is described as standing between the Garden of Zahir, which was on the river bank, and the Saljak palace which Yakit in several places refers to, incidentally, as lying to the northward ‘behind the mosque. The traveller Ibn Jubayr mentions the mosque in 580 (a.p. 1184), which was about a century after its completion, describing it as standing ‘outside the wall of the city,’ namely the new town of East Baghdad, which had grown up round the palaces of the Caliphs to the south of the old quarter of the Mukharrim. Ibn Jubayr adds that he did not know exactly by whom the mosque had been built; it stood con- tiguous to the Palace of the Sultan, the Shahin Shah (the Great Saljak often bore this title of King of ‘ Khatib, folios 97a to 98b. Guzidah, under reign of ‘Adud-ad- Dawlah, in book iv, section 5 ; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 15,103; Yakut, iv. 441. XVIL] The Buyid Palaces 241 Kings), who had been ruler of affairs under one of the forefathers of the Caliph Nasir, and the mosque, he says, was built by this same Sultan in front of his palace, lying distant about one mile from the Rusdfah Mosque. As late as the year 727 (A.D. 1327), when Ibn Batditah visited Baghdad, the Jami‘-as- Sultan was still standing, as likewise the Rusdfah Mosque and the tomb of Abu Hanifah; and these apparently were the only three buildings of the older Mukharrim and Rusdfah Quarters that had survived the Mongol conquest. Of them all only the shrine of Abu Hanifah now remains, the one solitary relic of the three northern quarters of East Baghdad which marks the position of Rusdfah. ' Ibn Khallikan, No. 750, p.7; Yakut, iii. 195; iv. 441; Ibn Jubayr, 230; Ibn Batutah, ii. 111. BAGHDAD R CHAPTER XVIII THE PALACES OF THE CALIPHS The Palaces of Western and of Eastern Baghdad. The Palace of Ja‘far the Barmecide; extended by Maman. Hasan ibn Sahl and his daughter Bfran. The Hasani Palace restored to Mu'tamid. The Taj Palace begun: the Firdiis Palace. The Palace of the Pleiades. The Great Mosque of the Palace. The completion of the Taj. The Shatibiyah Palace. The Dome of the Ass. The Wild Beast Park and other Palaces. The reception of the Greek Envoys from Con- stantine Porphyrogenitus. The Palace of the Tree. The Garden of K4hir. The Peacock Palace. The Hall of the Wazirs. The burning of the TAj Palace. Building of the second Taj. The Gardens of the Rakkah. Tue Palace of the Golden Gate, in the centre of the Round City, and the Khuld Palace, on the river bank at the western end of the Main Bridge, have been described in chapter ii, and it was in one or other of these that, when the Caliph Mansfr was resident in Baghdad, he held his court. His son and successor Mahdi had occupied, during his father’s lifetime, the Palace of Rusdfah in the northern quarter of East Baghdad, but after succeeding to the Caliphate he went to live in West Baghdad, which continued to be the seat of government during his time, as also during the reigns of his two sons the Caliphs Hadi and Hartin- ar-Rashid. The Palaces of the Caliphs 243 The earliest of the great southern palaces of East Baghdad, where, during the last four centuries of the Abbasid dynasty, the Caliphs held their court, had originally been a pleasure house, built by Ja‘far the Barmecide, brother-in-law and boon companion of Harfin-ar-Rashid. It stood in what was then the open country on the Tigris bank below the Mukharrim Quarter, at a considerable distance therefore from Rusdfah and the populous northern quarters of East Baghdad. This Palace of Ja‘far the Barmecide, which became the nucleus of the great congeries of palaces that afterwards were known as the Dar-al-Khilafat (the Abode of the Caliphate), was at first called the Kasr Ja‘fari, but afterwards, having come to be inhabited in turn by Mamtn and by the Wazir Hasan ibn Sahl, it was more generally named the Kasr Mamini or the Kasr Hasani. In its grounds, after the return of the Caliphate from Samarrd, the great mosque of the palace (Jami’-al-Kasr) was erected, while adjacent to the Hasani, as will be described later, were built two other palaces, namely the Firdas, upstream, and the Palace of the Taj, downstream; all three buildings thus standing on the Tigris bank, with great gardens stretching to the back, enclosing many minor palaces within their precincts. Yaktit gives us the history of these palaces, and in the first place relates how Ja‘far the Barmecide, being much given to wine-bibbing in the company of poets and singers, was frequently reproved by his father Yahy4—at that time Wazir of Hardn-ar- Rashid—for the scandal that he was creating. Ja'far professed inability to alter his ways, but in order R 2 244 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH to shun the observation of strict Moslems who abhorred wine and singing, he agreed to build himself a palace apart, for the celebration of his joyous assemblies, on the unoccupied lands to the south of the Mukharrim Quarter. Ja‘far was at this time still the favourite boon companion of Ha4rin-ar-Rashid, who showed much interest in the building, which was indeed so remarkable for its magnificence, that when all was completed an astute friend advised Ja‘far to tell Hartin that this palace was in reality built as a present for Mamin, and thus to avoid the well-known jealousy of the Caliph. Mamin, the heir-apparent, from the time of his birth had been put under the nominal guardian- ship of Ja‘far, and the Caliph graciously accepting the gift for his son, the new palace, at first called the Ja‘fari, came afterwards to be known as the Mamiani, though it remained exclusively in the occupation of Ja‘far until the fall of the Barmecides. After the tragic death of Ja‘far, the young prince Mamiin entered into full possession of the palace, and it became one of his favourite places of re- sidence: he enlarged the buildings, added a Maydan or square for horse racing and the Persian game of polo (Suljan), which, according to Mas‘ddi, the Caliph Harin-ar-Rashid had been the first to play in Baghdad, and began to lay out the Wild Beast Park, which afterwards became one of its notable features. Mami also built a gate opening on the plain to the eastward, and another through which was brought the branch canal from the Nahr Mu‘alla, as is described by Ibn Serapion; further, he laid out the quarter adjacent, called after him the xvi. ] The Palaces of the Caliphs 245 Maminiyah (which will be noticed more fully in a subsequent chapter), where his attendants and followers built themselves houses; all these altera- tions in the Ja‘fari Palace, according to YAakit, having been effected during the latter years of the reign of HArfin, and prior to Maman being sent to assume the governorship of Khurdsdn with the eastern provinces of the empire. The Ja‘fari or Mamini Palace appears to have remained unoccupied for many years after the departure of Maman for the east, and it will be remembered how civil war broke out between Amin and Maman shortly after the death of H4r(in-ar- Rashid, ending in the siege of Baghdad, when Amin, having evacuated the eastern side, retired first to the Khuld Palace and later to the shelter of the Round City, where he intrenched himself in the Palace of the Golden Gate. The ruin of these two palaces of Western Baghdad appears to have been largely the result of this twelvemonth’s siege; though the Khuld suffered less than the other, and when some five years after the death of Amin, the Caliph Maman finally returned to Baghdad, he at first took up his residence on the western side in the Palace of the Khuld, leaving the Mamiini Palace in the possession of his Wazir Hasan, generally known as Ibn Sahl, who had preceded him to Baghdad as viceroy of ‘Irak. From the time of his accession Maman had been entirely under the influence of the two sons of Sahl—a Persian by birth—one of whom, Fadl Ibn Sahl, had remained in personal attendance on the Caliph in Khurdsan, acting as his Wazir, while the brother, Hasan, had been sent forward to re- 246 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cu. establish the authority of Maman in Mesopotamia after the devastation of the civil war. Fadl lost his life, in Khurdsdn, by a palace intrigue, but Hasan, after the arrival of the Caliph in Baghdad, estab- lished himself firmly in the position of sole Wazir to Maman, and then sought to perpetuate his power by marrying his daughter Bfiran to the Caliph. The espousals of Maman and Bfran, which were celebrated at the domain of Fam-as-Silh, some miles down the Tigris below Baghdad, have passed to a proverb for their splendour, and for the sums spent by Hasan Ibn Sahl to do honour to his royal son-in-law. As a slight return for his enter- tainment, the Caliph after his marriage presented the Mamitni Palace as a free gift to Hasan; and the minister for a time inhabited it, but with much prudence finally made it over to his daughter Baran, having in part rebuilt it and added to the grounds. In this palace Bfran lived her long life—surviving the glories of the reign of Mami, and living to see the Caliphate transferred from Baghdad to Samarra —and to her filial affection, doubtless quite as much as to the restorations effected by her father, is due the fact that the palace from this time onwards was generally known under the name of the Kasr-al- Hasani (after the Wazir Hasan Ibn Sahl), though later writers still at times refer to it under the name of the Maman, or the Ja‘fari Palace. In 218 (a.p. 833) Maman had been succeeded by his brother Mu‘tasim, the last of the three sons of HArdn-ar-Rashid who attained the Caliphate, and he, according to one account, inhabited the Palace of Mamiin (namely the Hasani) for some time after his accession. Later, however, he built himself the XVIII] The Palaces of the Caliphs 247 palace (already described) in the Mukharrim Quarter, to the south of the Khurds4n Gate, living there till the year 221 (a.p. 836), when the excesses of the Turk body-guard, with other events, brought about the removal of the Caliphate to SAmarra. This city, which he partly rebuilt, remained the seat of govern- ment for more than half a century, and during the reign of eight Caliphs, though one of these, namely Musta‘in, fleeing from SdmarrA (as has been men- tioned in a previous chapter), came down the river to Baghdad, and there was besieged by the Turk body-guard of his rival the Caliph Mu'tazz. It will be remembered that the headquarters of Musta‘in during this siege were in the Palace of Mahdi in Rusafah, the chief attack of the besieging army being directed against the Shammasiyah Quarter, and the ruin of the three northern quarters of Eastern Baghdad may be dated chiefly from the events of this unfortunate year 251 (a.D. 865). The second siege of Baghdad ended with the death of Musta‘in, whereupon Mu'tazz, his cousin, was recog- nized as sole Caliph, he and the next two puppet Caliphs continuing to live on at Samarra under the tyranny of the Turk body-guard. During the Zanj rebellion, which broke out in Lower Mesopotamia during the Caliphate of Mu'tamid —the last of those who lived at Samarra—the Regent Muwaffak, brother of the Caliph and the actual ruler of the empire, leaving Mu'tamid to reside at Samarra, came down to Baghdad, and made the older capital his headquarters during the many years that were spent in fighting the rebels. The long residence in Baghdad of the actual ruler of the empire doubtless paved the way for the return of 248 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. the Caliphs to their original metropolis. This came about shortly after the death of Muwaffak, when Mu'tamid, six months before his own death, finally abandoned Sémarréa to take up his permanent abode in Baghdad, which, indeed, he had temporarily visited on more than one occasion. On the death of Mu'tamid in 279 (A.D. 892) his body was taken back to Samarra for burial among the tombs of his im- mediate predecessors, but his nephew Mu'tadid (the son of Muwaffak), who succeeded as Caliph, remained in Baghdad, which during the next four centuries, and until the fall of the Caliphate, became once more the residence of the Abbasids. It is related by YAkfit that when Mu'tamid re- turned to take up his residence in Baghdad, he found Baran the widow of Maman still alive, and in occupation of the Hasani Palace, where she had continued to live undisturbed after the death of her husband and of her father Hasan Ibn Sahl. Mu'tamid, who required a palace to live in, re- quested Bfran to remove elsewhere, promising her another palace in exchange, and the request of the Caliph was naturally equivalent to a command. Baran pleaded for and obtained a short delay under pretext of arranging her affairs, and forthwith set about putting the palace and its furniture into thorough repair, so that when she finally removed to another house, the Hasani Palace was made over to Mu'tamid in perfect order—Yakit describing how its halls were spread with gold-woven carpets and reed matting, its doors hung with needful curtains, and its storerooms filled with all requisite vessels for the service of the Caliph, while in atten- dance were numerous slave girls and eunuchs, xvuit.] The Palaces of the Caliphs 249 Mu'tamid, we are told, expressed a due regard for what the widow of his great uncle had done for him, and proceeded to take up his abode in the Hasani Palace, where he died shortly after, as has been said in the last chapter, poisoned by Mushkir his steward, who saw his advantage in the reign of a new Caliph. Yakat has taken this anecdote about Birdn from the history of Baghdad by Khattb (as usual, without acknowledgement), but with an important difference, for Khatib gives it as the Caliph Mu'tadid (nephew of Mu‘tamid) who received back the palace from Baran (he reigned from a.H. 279 to 289). Khatib thereupon adds that he perforce doubts the authen- ticity of this anecdote, which he had copied from an earlier author, because Baran Herself died some years before Mu'tadid came to the throne. Now Baran, who lived to be over eighty, died at Baghdad in 271 (A.D. 884), as is mentioned in another passage by Khatib and confirmed: on good authority, that is to say, some eight years before the accession of Mu'tadid; but if the (unacknowledged) alteration made by Yakit be accepted—namely if we read Mu'tamid for Mu‘tadid, and the two names only differ by a single letter—there will be no antecedent improbability in the story reported by Khatib. In the year 270, for instance, the chronicles state that Mu'‘tamid was on a temporary visit to Baghdad (before he finally settled there in 279), and he might very well on this occasion have received back the Hasani Palace from Baran, with all the circumstances related in the anecdote '. 1 Yakut, i, 806 to 809; Mas'udi, vii. 65; viii. 296 ; Ya‘kubi, 255 ; Khatib, folio 92; Ibn Khallikan, No. 119, p. 16; Abu-l-Mahasin, ii. 72, 250 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. With the accession of Mu‘tadid and the permanent establishment of the Caliphate in East Baghdad, a new era of palace-building was inaugurated, for this Caliph not only enlarged the Hasani and laid the foundations of the Taj, but built for himself two other palaces, namely the Firdfis and the Thurayya. The Hasani Palace was added to by buildings erected on the Maydan (or Square), which Mamtin had left, and the whole was surrounded by a wall, after a new Maydan had been laid out in the lands to the east- ward, where private houses had been pulled down to provide the necessary space. Adjacent to the Hasani, but higher upstream, Mu'tadid built the Kasr-al-Firdiis (the Palace of Paradise), at the place where the waters of the Mu‘alla Canal flowed out into the Tigris; and in the gardens of this palace was a lake (as has already been mentioned in chapter xvi) fed by a channel coming from an off- shoot of the Misa Canal, at the bifurcation near the Mukharrim Gate. The Firdfs Palace had a gate called the Bab-al-Firdts, and apparently at one period the name of the Firdfis was commonly used to denote the Palaces of the Caliph in general, for in Arabic the word Firdds either stands for the Paradise of Heaven (and as such applied to a palace) or may be taken to signify a wild beast park (in Greek mapd- deos), such as was often made, following the ancient Persian custom, in the purlieus of the royal abode. The Palace of the Pleiades (Kasr-ath-Thurayy4), as has-been already mentioned in chapter xiii, lay on the Masa Canal two miles distant from the Hasani Palace, and its site must therefore have been outside the later city wall, which was built round the southern quarters of East Baghdad some xviIt.] The Palaces of the Caliphs 251 two centuries later than the time of Mu‘tadid. The Pleiades were, of course, beyond the precincts of the palace gardens on the Tigris bank, and the Caliph Mu'tadid, for his convenience, had this distant palace connected with the Hasani by an underground passage, two Arab miles in length, along which his women and their attendants could pass from the Hasani to the Thurayyé without appearing in public. According to Mas‘ddi, a contemporary authority, the Palace of the Pleiades cost Mu'tadid the im- mense sum of 400,000 dinars (equivalent to about 4 200,000), and its grounds are said to have originally covered an area three leagues in extent. The passage-way two miles in length, above mentioned, was vaulted throughout, and ran under the houses and streets which came to be built outside the Palaces of the Caliphs; it long continued in use, only falling to ruin at the time of the first great inundation of Baghdad—presumably that of the year 466 (a.D. 1074), when the bursting of a dyke below the Kirij Canal had laid the whole of the eastern city under water}, In addition to the two palaces of the Firdtis and. the Thurayyd, Mu'tadid also laid the foundations of the famous Palace of the Crown (Kasr-at-T4j), which when completed and enlarged by succeeding sovereigns became in after centuries the chief official residence of the Caliphs. Mu'tadid, how-: ever, did not live to carry out his plans for the T4j, , and he had even, it was said, countermanded the building in the year 286 (a. D. 899), on his return from the expedition against Amid in Upper Mesopotamia, 1 Ibn Serapion, 22; Yakut, i. 808, 924; iii. 871; iv. 846; Khatib, folio 92; Mas‘udi, viii. 116; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 62. 252 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. for he was led to fear that from its position the Taj Palace would be invaded by smoke from the neighbouring houses of the city suburbs beyond the wall of the precincts. In the year 289 (A.D. 902) Mu'tadid was succeeded by his son ‘Alt Muktafi, who, during a reign of six years, carried to completion the works that his father had begun, and built the great mosque for the Friday prayers, within the Palace of the Caliphs. This was known as the Jami-al-Kasr, and was the second of the three great mosques of East Baghdad (the first having been the Rusafah Mosque, and the third the Saljik Mosque of the Sultan, both already described). The ground upon which the palace mosque was built had been previously occupied by the dungeons where Mu'tadid kept his state prisoners, these being certain vaulted chambers which had origi- nally been used for housing the workmen who built the Hasant Palace. “Ali Muktafi at the beginning of his reign ordered these vaults to be demolished, and a mosque, intended at first only for his personal , use, to be built in their room. This mosque, however, was afterwards thrown open to the people, who, according to Khatib, from an early date took a liking to come hither for their daily prayers, and here they would sit till the close of night, discussing their private affairs. The palace mosque continued in use during the remaining four centuries of the Abbasid Caliphate ; at the time of the Mongol siege it was set on fire and partially burnt, but by order of Halagf was afterwards rebuilt, though doubtless shorn of much of its former magnificence; and there is reason to believe that some vestiges of this mosque of the palace are still standing near the xv] The Palaces of the Caliphs 253 ruined minaret of the modern Sfk-al-Ghazl (the Thread Market), which with other existing remains will be more fully noticed in the concluding chapter of the present work 1. Besides building the great mosque, “Ali Muktafi ‘also completed the Palace of the Crown (Kasr-at- Taj), which his father had begun. To obtain the needful materials the Caliph caused the Kasr-al- Kamil (the Palace of Perfection), by whom built is not stated, to be demolished; and he also threw down a part of the great White Palace of the Chosroes at Madain (Ctesiphon), thus still further carrying on the work of destruction which Mansfir had begun (as related in chapter iii), when he attempted to make use of stones brought from here for the building of Baghdad. In later times the Palace of the T4j was also apparently known as the Dar-ash-Shatibiyah ?, the meaning of which name is obscure, but it is under this name that it is referred to by Hamd-Allah, the Persian writer of the eighth century (fourteenth a.p.). As already stated, the 1 Khatib, folio to1 a, b; Rashid-ad-Din, 302, 308; Niebuhr, ii. 242. 2 The name varies in the MSS. of the Nuzhat: the form here given is that found in both the printed text, p. 147, and the lithographed edition of Bombay. The British Museum MS. Add. 7707, gives the reading as Ddr-as-Saltanah, which was the name of the hall of audience in the later, second, Palace of the TAj (see below, p. 262), besides being more generally applied to the great Saljik Palace, as stated in the previous chapter. Of the Paris MSS., No. 127 of the Bibliothéque Nationale agrees with the printed text, while Nos. 128 and 129 give the reading Dér-ash-Shatiyah, which might be translated ‘the River Bank Palace.’ Dér-ash-Shdtibiyah would have the unlikely meaning of ‘the Xativa Palace,’ after the town of Xativa in the province of Valencia in Spain, or (more grammatically) this name might be translated ‘the Palace of the woman of Xativa’; but both significations are improbable, and the origin of the name is nowhere explained by the Moslem authorities. 254 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. Palace of the Taj stood on the Tigris bank below the Hasani Palace, and its foundations were sup- ported by a great dyke which projected out into the stream. It was more especially for making this dyke that the ruins at Madain were used as a quarry, quantities of burnt bricks being dug out ° from the foundations of the Palace of the Chosroes, while the ancient battlements of its remaining walls were taken down and carried up the river to crown the summit of the T4j. This dyke, stretching out into the Tigris, was a special feature of the Taj Palace, and during the great inundation of the year 466 (a.p. 1074) all the boats of Baghdad were moored for safety under its wall, The main building of the T4j rose like a ‘crown’ above this dyke, supported on five vaults or arches, these resting on ten dwarf columns, each five ells (or about 8 feet) in height. “Ali Muktaft also constructed halls of assembly and _ divers cupolas in the immediate neighbourhood of the T4j; one especially was known as the Cupola of the Ass (Kubbat-al-HimAr), this being a tower ascended by a spiral stair, of such an easy gradient that the Caliph could ride to the summit on a donkey trained to an ambling gait. Thus without fatigue he could enjoy the view over the surrounding country, for the height of this tower is described as very great, and in plan it was semicircular. A proof of the immense extent of the buildings erected by ‘Ali Muktafi may be deduced from the report given by the contemporary Mas‘ddi, that this Caliph, at his death, left nine thousand riding-animals, to wit horses, mules, and swift dromedaries, which were all housed within the palace stables. xvi] The Palaces of the Caliphs 255 The next Caliph, Muktadir, brother of “Alt Muk- tafi, who began his reign in 295 (A.D. 908), added considerably to the buildings round the T4j, estab- lishing a Wild Beast Park in the grounds stretching between the Palaces of the T4j and the Thurayya -on the Mfsa4 Canal. A general idea of what the Palaces of the Caliph had come to be at this time is to be gained from the description which Khatib has left us of the reception granted to the Greek ambassadors sent by Constantine Porphyrogenitus to Baghdad in 305 (a.p. 917). The envoys, on their arrival, had been lodged in the upper part of East Baghdad, and later they were brought in state by the Great Road from the Shammasiyah Gate, through the Mukharrim Gate to the Bab-al“Ammah (the Public Gate) of the palace precincts, troops in double line keeping the road for the whole of this distance. Before being introduced to the presence of the Caliph, who received them in the Palace of the. Taj, the envoys were shown over the various buildings within-the precincts, and these at the date in question are said to have numbered twenty-three separate palaces. Entering through the hall of the Great Public Gate, the envoys were taken first to the palace known as the Khan-al-Khayl (the Riding House), which is described as for the most part built with porticoes of marble columns. On the right side of this house stood five hundred mares with saddles of gold or silver, while on the left side stood five hundred mares with brocade saddle-cloths and long head-covers; and each mare was held by the 1 Translated in full in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for January, 1897, p- 35. 256 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. groom wearing a magnificent uniform. Beyond this palace, after passing through various corridors and halls opening one into the other, lay the Park of the Wild Beasts, with separate houses for the various kind of wild animals, entered from the park, where all the beasts would herd together, or come up close to the visitors, sniffing and eating from their hands. The elephant-house was near this, in which were kept four elephants, caparisoned in peacock silk brocade ; and on the back of each sat eight men of Sind, and javelin-men with fire. Then in another palace there were one hundred lions, fifty to the right hand and fifty to the left, each lion being held by its keeper, for about its head and neck were iron chains; and in diverse neighbour- ing gardens there were other elephants and lions, also giraffes and hunting-leopards, which were all duly brought out for the inspection of the Greek ambassadors. Among the most famous buildings erected by Muktadir was the Palace of the Tree (Dar-ash- Shajarah), so called from the tree made of silver, weighing 500,000 dirhams (or about 50,000 ounces), which stood in the middle of its palace surrounded by a great circular tank filled with clear water. The tree had eighteen branches, every branch having numerous twigs, on which sat various kinds of mechanical birds in gold and silver, both large and small. Most of the branches of the tree were of silver, but some were of gold, and they spread into the air carrying leaves of divers colours, the leaves moving as the wind blew, while the birds through a concealed mechanism piped and sang. On either side of this palace, to the right and left of the tank, xvI1.] The Palaces of the Caliphs 257 stood life-sized figures in two rows, each row | consisting of fifteen horsemen, mounted upon their mares, both the men and the steeds being clothed and caparisoned in brocade. In their hands the horsemen carried long-poled javelins, and those on the right appeared to be attacking their adversaries in the row of horsemen on the left-hand side. It is further stated that in the time of Muktadir the halls of the Palace of the FirdGs were hung round with ten thousand gilded breastplates; and in a_ neighbouring corridor that was 300 ells in length, were ranged on stands ten thousand other pieces of armour and arms, to wit, bucklers, helmets, casques, cuirasses, and coats of mail, with ornamented quivers and bows. Near the Firdfs stood the palace called the New Kiosk (Al-Jawsak-al-Muhdith), which lay in the midst of gardens. In its centre was a tank made of tin-plate (Rasés Kal%), round which flowed a stream ina conduit also of tin plate, which is described as being more lustrous than polished silver. This tank was 30 ells in length by 20 across, and beside it were set four magnificent pavilions with gilt seats adorned with gold embroidery of Dabik work. Round this tank extended the garden, with lawns wherein grew dwarf palm-trees to the number of four hundred, the height of each being 5 ells (about 8 feet), the entire trunk of the trees, from root to spathe, being enclosed in carved teak wood, encircled with gilt copper rings. These palms bore full-grown dates, and by careful cultivation, in almost all seasons, the fresh ripe fruit might be found on their branches. In the garden beds also were melons BAGHDAD Ss 258 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. of the sort called Dastabayah, and of many other species besides’. Probably within the precincts of the Taj Palace and near the river bank had been the beautiful little garden laid out by the Caliph Kahir, brother and successor of Muktadir, where (according to Mas‘ddi, a contemporary, who probably had himself visited the place) the unfortunate Kahir, after his deposi- tion, was received in audience by his nephew the Caliph Radi. The description of the little garden, as follows, is taken from the history of Mas‘idi, called the Meadows of Gold, when relating the inter- view :—‘ Now the Caliph K4hir had made in a certain one of the courts of the palace a garden about a Jarib (or a third of an acre) in extent, which he had planted with orange-trees brought from Basrah and “OmAn, of such kinds as have been imported from the lands of India. And these trees having become interlaced, the fruits thereof hung like stars, red and yellow, in among the branches, while round and about various kinds of shrubs were planted with sweet-smelling herbs and flowers. Further, in this same court were kept many species of birds, such as turtle-doves and ring-doves, blackbirds and parrots, all of which had been brought thither from foreign countries and far-off cities, so that the garden was in the extreme beautiful, and the Caliph K4hir, who loved to drink wine, had been wont to hold his assemblies in this place.’ In after days the Palace of the Tree (Dar-ash- Shajarah), built under Muktadir as already described, was used as a State prison by later Caliphs, who, as a measure of precaution, kept their nearer rela- » ‘Arib, 64; Khatib, folios 93 b to 96a; Yakut, ii. 251. XVIII] The Palaces of the Caliphs 259 tions here in honourable confinement, duly attended by numerous servants and amply supplied with every luxury, but forbidden, under pain of death, to go beyond its walls. In the neighbourhood were also other palaces, for during the fourth century of the Hijrah (the tenth a.p.), after the Buyid princes had become masters of Baghdad, the Caliphs being no longer allowed to take any part in the govern- ment, spent much of their spare time building magnificent kiosks within the precincts of the royal domain. Thus the Caliph Muti’, who reigned from 334 to 363 (A.D. 946 to 974), erected the Peacock Palace (Dar-at-TawAwis); also the Murabba‘ah and the Muthammanah Palaces (to wit the Square and the Octagon House); possibly too the palace called the Dar Shirshir, the situation of which is unknown ; and at this period, when the palaces of the Caliphs may be considered to have attained their utmost extent and splendour, it is recorded that a certain treasurer of “Adud-ad-Dawlah was wont to say that the house of the Caliph in Baghdad covered ground equalling in extent the whole city of Shiraz, the chief town of Fars, and the capital of his master the Buyid prince. A century and a half later than the time of the Buyid supremacy—when Sultan Sanjar, the last of the great Saljiks, was the protector of the Cali- phate—the Caliph Mustarshid, who reigned from 512 to 529 (A.D. 1118 to 1135), added the great hall to the T4j Palace, which was used for the reception of the Wazirs, who, at the chief festivals, came to offer their congratulations to the Caliph. This hall went by the name of its gateway, and was called the Bab-al-Hujrah (the Privy Chamber $2 260 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. Gate), and here Mustarshid and the succeeding Caliphs were wont to sit in state, bestowing robes of honour on their favourites and on the ministers appointed by the Saljik Sultan to govern Baghdad and the province of Mesopotamia’. In the long list of the Abbasid Caliphs there are two (whose reigns are separated by an interval of two and a half centuries) who figure in our trans- literation under the similar titles of Muktafi and Muktafi. The first, “Ali Muktafi, who began his reign in 289 (4.D. 902), has his name spelt with an ordinary £, while the name of the last, Muhammad Muktafi, who ascended the throne in 530 (a.D. 1136), is spelt with the dotted 4, and for greater distinction their personal names have been given in these pages with the title. In the reign of the first, “Ali Muktafi, the Palace of the TAj was completed; in the reign of the last, Muhammad Muktafi, it was burnt to the ground—this occurring in the year 549 (a.D. 1154), when the building having been struck by lightning, took fire, which continuing to burn unchecked during nine days, both the Palace of the Crown and the adjacent Dome of the Ass were reduced to ashes. The Caliph Muhammad Muktafi immediately commanded that the Dome of the Ass should be rebuilt on the original plan, but dying before his orders could be carried to completion, the building was stopped by his successor, and thus remained in an unfinished state till the year 574 (4.D. 1178), when Mustadi, his grandson, had the half-built walls demolished. Their foundations Mustadi ordered to be made : Yakut, i, 809 ; ii. 520, 521,524; iv. 34; Khatib, folios 92 a, b, 93 a,b; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 62; Marasid, i. 112, 383; Mas‘udi, viii. 225, 336. xv] The Palaces of the Caliphs 261 level with the top of the great dyke on which the older Palace of the Taj had stood, and causing the charred ruins also of this palace to be dug up, the space thus obtained was used in part for the great court of the new, or second, Palace of the T4j, which Mustadi now proceeded to build. This new Taj stood somewhat higher up the river bank than where Mu'tadid had built the first palace; but it overhung the river like the original building, and is described as standing partly on the great dyke, round and under which the waters of the Tigris flowed. The main building, which rose to a height of 70 ells (about 105 feet) above the water level, was vaulted, the lower story like the first Palace of the Tj being supported on five great arches, springing from a like number of marble columns, while in the centre a sixth column sup- ported the central point of the vaulting on which the building rested. On the western bank of the Tigris, in the Karkh Quarter and opposite the T4j Palace, there were in these later times large and very beautiful gardens, where the Caliphs were wont to land when they crossed the river; and these pleasure grounds of the Caliph were known as the Gardens of the Rakkah, a name which, as already mentioned, is used to denote any low-lying plain subject to inun- dation from the river floods. The second Palace of the TAj was the chief glory of the latter days of the Caliphate; in one of its halls the new Caliph, on his accession, was wont to receive from his subjects the oath of allegiance, sitting under the principal dome at a window that looked out on to the Great Court, and this part of the palace appears 262 Baghdad during the Caliphate to have been more especially known as the Dar- as-Saltanah (the Hall of the Sultanate), a name which, as already mentioned, had possibly been also given to the earlier Palace of the Taj. } See above, note 2 to p. 253; Yakut, i. 809; ii. 804; Marasid, i. 193. Sobt SOPH eT AD H-YWuU4vVY YM B31 nvaay de¥Olfe vey oe< +# = ESS, t aqLuvnd st NIAtuVisns ' cn SHL 30//usuuvad VHScug = eTA 284UQ JO eTeg . L b t o ‘ayvqHovd Lsva asye'y EOTOEA sovsoy, “TIA dew “qepneqd-pe-pupy, Jo [eudsoy oyy, *6€ ‘apsuvyy jo anbsoyy oy, ‘gf ‘ayer yeaseg ayy, “LE *(yepXeqnz jo quoy, aiapow;w ay} JO ajIs) ULNy pue uMY, Jo aurIyg “of "IIZB MA 9Y} ULQ-pt-pnpy, Jo sorjeg “SE “GEEUS-Wse-qe_) aH Aopeg oy “PE SHLEM JOP Jo quoy, aqy “Ef “pyle pue grey ‘asatoD yedyurezin ayy ‘ze *‘yyIVy ysnyny, 9q} ur ‘yeyrdsoyy ysnyny oy} pur yedeyeg ony “1£ *Aio\seuop premepuez oy, ‘of ‘ayer (ezy ony, “6z “UOIseg UBISIAg BUI, “gz “WEIL IPEM-1e-PIV JO quioy, *4z “pOYALYT Slawunjisg oy} pue orenbg ywaiy oy, *9z ‘a.yIWV 94} Jo Aemyoiy “Sz *peued ay} Jo yang ‘bz *slomouly oy} jo Aemyory “fz ‘aBoqT0D qeAEL ONL “Ze “yedypre My oq} JO A19}2UIID PUL [[BAA JOp]O Joayey zeiqy “12 *yRILUNI-[e-queq pur syxdIIg Jo 9913S ‘oz ‘IIIA ‘ON dVW *(Pueys-yse-qe usapoy) fey y-[e-qe_ pape 1932] “yedyeseg-[e-qeg 10 PypEMTES Jo aes), *(uastTeL-3e-Geg WEpoy) aapeapsg 94} pue ayey Yeqieyy ayy “(qugisn A -Te-qeq Wepoyy) yedyiejez-ze-qeg 10 upsemyy Jo ayexy (Carezze,ny “Te-Qeq Wepoyy) uByNg ey} Jo aywy *saa1daq Jo ayer) ‘ayey) UdpIey) oY “wWeIvFT-[e-qeq pue ‘ugdeiy, ‘JyUgMMnd-pe-qeq — paT]eo dary} 94) YYA ‘sjulsig 19]0O ‘ayey ognd ay L, soyery UBIqUNT auUL “ayeD peg o.L qa sayexy “JOYVY 93 9q} Jo ayey *291}-MOT[IMA OY} JO a38- “SHBUM UgpAey OU] Jo sovTEg ‘aoureg uydyugykey ogy, *ssooull eq} jo soovleg ‘SIOYVU-9[P99NT 94} JO JIeY AA 9y} SuULyOOTIOAo adaT]OD yedyusuejsnyy ayy, *ydteD ay} Jo anbsoyy aq, soured (BL ouL ‘soupeg Jurseyy ayy OL SHONAYAIAY “gi Lt ‘or “Sr ‘bI EL °C ‘IL ‘or ws roo CHAPTER XIX THE PALACE GATES AND ADJOINING QUARTERS The Precincts, called the Harim or Haramayn, and its Wall. The Quarters of the Mu‘all4 Canal. The Town Wall. Gates of the Palace. The Bab Gharabah and the Bab Sik-at-Tamr. The Needle- makers’ Wharf: the Palace of the Cotton Market. The Palaces of the Princess, Dar Khattin and Dar-as-Sayyidah. The Mustansirtyah College. The Palace Mosque. The Badr Gate and Palace. The Elephant House. Market of the Perfumers. Other Markets round the Square of the Mosque. The Rayhaniyin Palace. The Dargah-i- KhatGn and the Libraries. The Nubian Gate and the Great Cross of the Crusaders. The Public Gate. Gates of the Palace Suburbs and the Garden Gate. The Gate of Degrees. General arrangement in the later Palaces. Tue Palaces of the Caliphs, the more important of which have been mentioned in the foregoing chapter, consisted of a great complex of buildings, which, with their gardens and courts, occupied an area nearly a square mile in extent, surrounded by a great wall with many gates. This area of the Palaces is generally referred to by Yakdt in the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.) under the name of the Harim, which may be translated the Precinct or the Sanctuary; while Hamd-Allah in the succeeding century speaks of it as the Haramayn, another form of the same word, but in the dual, hence meaning the Double Sanctuary, 264 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. this name probably having reference to the inner and the outer precincts. It is uncertain by whom the great wall round the palace-area was built. Mu'tadid, the first Caliph to reside permanently in Baghdad after the return from Samarra, when he enlarged the Hasani (as already mentioned), at the close of the third century (the ninth a.p.), is said to have surrounded this palace by a wall, which in part may be identical with the wall which Y4kiit describes in the begin- ning of the seventh century (the thirteenth a.pD.). This last, however, enclosed all the Palaces in a semicircular sweep, it began at the Tigris bank above the gardens and came down to the river again below the T4j, and in this were the gates to be mentioned presently. Outside the precincts and surrounding the Palaces of the Caliphs on the north, east, and south (the Tigris occupying their western side), stretched the later quarters of East Baghdad, which dated from the middle of the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.), and these quarters were enclosed by the city wall, with its four gates (one to the north, two to the east, and one to the south), which thus followed a line more or less parallel with the inner wall surrounding the Palaces. The city wall and gates will be described in the following chapters, when the outlying suburbs of Eastern Baghdad come to be dealt with; for we have first to notice the inner wall which encircled the Palaces of the Caliphs, with those quarters of the city which stood more immediately adjacent to the gates of the palace. Yak describes the palace precincts as in his time covering ground to an x1x.] Palace Gates and adjoining Quarters 265 extent equalling a third part of the whole city of East Baghdad, being divided from the town quarters by the inner wall pierced with seven gateways. These were, three to the north, then near the north-east corner the two main gates of the palace precincts, below which for the space of a mile the wall had no gateway except the small garden gate, till finally the lowest gate was reached which opened to the south, close to the Tigris bank, and below the Palace of the Taj. The uppermost of the gates in the palace wall was the Bab-al-Gharabah, which took its name from a Gharabah or Babylonian willow-tree which grew here. On the Tigris near this gate was the Mashra‘at-al-Ibriyin (the Wharf of the Needle- makers), which probably lay close to the eastern end of the later Bridge of Boats, and this wharf is often mentioned in connexion with the next gate in the palace wall, called the Bab Sdk-at-Tamr (the Gate of the Date Market), which must have opened at no great distance from the Bab-al-Gharabah. The Date Market Gatehouse was a_high-built structure which gave access to a palace within the precincts, called the Dar-al-Kutuniyah (the Palace of the Cotton Market), and this building also over- looked the Needle-makers’ Wharf. Y4akdat states that in his day this gate and the adjacent palace were both closed, the gateway having been walled up in the early part of the reign of the Caliph Nasir, that is to say shortly after the year 575 (a.D. 1180). Within the precinct wall, near the Gharabah Gate, were two palaces called the Dar Khatiin and the 1 Ibn Serapion, 22; Nuzhat, 147; Yakut, ii. 255. 266 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cw. Dar-as-Sayyidah (both names signifying the Palace of the Princess), which had belonged to the daughter of the Caliph Muktadi, who reigned from 467 to 487 (A.D. 1075 to 1094); but both these palaces were demolished when the Dar-ar-Rayhaniyin, which will be mentioned presently, came to be built. Adjacent to the Date Market Gateway was the palace of the same name, which lay within the precincts but over- looking the Wharf of the Needle-makers outside, and in front of this were terraces occupied by the sellers of dried fruits. These merchants more espe- cially had their shops in that part of the town which lay immediately to the north of the Palaces, where the roads passing through these quarters converged on the northern gate of the city wall (as will be more particularly described in the next chapter), the main thoroughfare being that of the Tuesday Market, leading to the Gate of the Sultan’. , Within the precincts, and, as seems probable, immediately south of the Gharabah Gate (occupying some of the area formerly covered by the older Hasani Palace, for one of its walls was washed by the Tigris stream), stood the great College of the Mustansiriyah. Of this college the ruins still exist,(. while of the adjoining Palaces of the Caliphs hardly a trace remains; but unfortunately, as the college was only completed in 631 (a.p. 1234), no mention of it occurs in YAakdt, who had finished his great geographical dictionary shortly before this date, and therefore we do not know for certain on what grounds of the older precincts the college was actually built. Mustansir was the penultimate Caliph of the house of ‘Abbas and the father of * Yakut, ii. 255, 519, 520; iii. 783; Marasid, i. 383; v. 408, x1x.]_ Palace Gates and adjoining Quarters 267 Musta‘sim, whom Hidla4gQ put to death, and this Madrasah of the Mustansirityah was founded by him with a view to supplant and eclipse the celebrated Nizamiyah College (to be described in chapter xxi), which Nizam-al-Mulk had built nearly two centuries before. We are told that in outward appearance, in state- liness of ornament and sumptuousness of furniture, in spaciousness and in the wealth of its pious foundations, the Mustansirtyah surpassed every- thing that had previously been seen in Islam. It contained four separate law-schools, one for each of the orthodox sects of the Sunnis, with a professor at the head of each, who had seventy-five students (Fakih) in his charge, to whom he gave instruc- tion gratis. The four professors each received a monthly salary, and to each of the three hundred students one gold din4r a month was assigned. The great kitchen of the college further provided daily rations of bread and meat to all the inmates. According to Ibn-al-Furat there was a library (Dar- al-Kutub) in the Mustansiriyah with rare books treating of the various sciences, so arranged that the students could easily consult them, and those who wished could copy these manuscripts, pens and paper being supplied by the establishment. Lamps for the students and a due provision of olive oil for lighting up the college are also mentioned, likewise, storage places for cooling the drinking- water; and in the great entrance hall (Aywéz) stood a clock (Sandik-as-sé'at, ‘Chest of the Hours,’ doubt- less some form of clepsydra), announcing the appointed times of prayer, and marking the lapse of the hours by day and by night. 268 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. Inside the college a bath house (Hammam) was erected for the special use of the students, and a hospital (Biméaristan), to which a physician was appointed, whose duty it was to visit the place every morning, prescribing for those who were sick ; and there were great store-chambers in the Madrasah provided with all requisites of food, drink, and medicines. The Caliph Mustansir himself took such interest in the work of the institution that he would hardly let a day pass without a visit of inspection ; and he had caused a private garden to be laid out, with a belvedere (Manzarah) overlooking the college, whither it was his wont to come and divert himself, sitting at a window—before which a veil was hung —and which opened upon one of the college halls, so that through this window he could watch all that went on within the building, and even hear the lectures of the professors and the disputations of the students. A century after its foundation, Ibn Batitah, who visited Baghdad in 727 (A.D. 1327), dilates on the magnificence of the Mustansiriyah College, which had fortunately escaped destruction during the Mongol siege; and he describes it as situated at the further end of the Tuesday Market (Suk-ath- Thalathah), which was the commercial centre of Baghdad in his days. The law-schools in the Mustansirtyah were then still frequented by students of the four orthodox Sunni sects, each sect or law- school having its separate mosque, and in the hall the professor of law gave his lectures, whom Ibn Batitah describes as ‘seated under a small wooden cupola on a chair covered by a carpet, speaking with much sedateness and gravity of mien, he being xix] Palace Gates and adjoining Quarters 269 clothed in black and wearing a turban; and there were besides two assistants, one on either hand, who repeated in a loud voice the dictation of the teacher,’ The Persian geographer Hamd-Allah, writing a dozen years later than Ibn Batdtah, also refers to the Mustansirtyah Madrasah as the most beautiful building then existing in Baghdad; and it appears to have stood intact for many centuries, for the ruins of the college, as already mentioned, still exist, occupying a considerable space of ground immediately below the eastern end of the present Bridge of Boats. Mustansir likewise restored the great mosque of the palace (Jami‘-al-Kasr), originally built by the Caliph ‘Ali Muktafi (see p. 252), and Mustansir set up four platforms (Dzkkah) on the right or western side of the pulpit, where the students of the Mustansirlyah were seated and held disputations on Fridays after the public prayers. The remains of this mosque also exist, at the present day occupying part of the Sik-al-Ghazl (the Thread Market), at some little distance to the east- ward of the ruins of the Madrasah. When Niebuhr visited Baghdad in 1750 he found that the ancient kitchen of the Mustansiriyah College was clearly to be recognized, being used in his day as a weighing- house; and Niebuhr copied here the inscription which gives the name and titles of the Caliph Mustansir, with the statement that this Madrasah had been completed in the year 630 (a.p. 1233). A similar inscription (also extant) was seen by Niebuhr in the ruined mosque, with the date of 633 (A.D. 1236), doubtless when the restoration by Mustansir was finished, for, as already said, the foundation walls in 270 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. all probability are far older than this date, and belong * to the great mosque of the Palace of the Caliph’. _7~ The third gate in the palace wall, which opened at no great distance to the eastward beyond the two gates of the Willow Tree and of the Date Market, was called the Bab-al-Badriyah or the Bab Badr, from the Market of Badr that lay immediately outside, where had stood the Palace of Badr, the favourite and all-powerful minister of the Caliph Mu'tadid. This Badr had originally been a slave of the Caliph Mutawakkil, who had given him his freedom, and Badr rapidly rose to the command of the armies under Mu'tadid, during whose Caliphate Badr came to be considered as the chief man of the state, and among other matters superintended the restoration of the Mosque of Manstir in Western Baghdad, as related in chapter iii, He fell a victim, however, to the jealousy of “Ali Muktafi, son and successor of Mu'tadid, and Badr was put to death in the year 289 (a.p. 902). The Bab Badr had formerly been called the Bab-al-Khassah (the Privy Gate), but it had changed its name after the Palace of Badr came to be built. Yakfit mentions that the Bab Badr had been closed since the time of the riots during the reign of the Caliph Tai—that is to say since the year 367 (A.D. 978), when ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah the Buyid made himself master of Baghdad—but YAkit also asserts that the Caliph T4i‘ restored this gate, and that opposite to it had stood the Dar-al-Fil (the Elephant Palace), which the belvedere (Manzarah) * Kazwini, 211; Abu-l-Fida, HZstory, iv. 4713; Abu-l-Faraj, 425, 442; Ibn-al-Furat MS., folios 20b, 21a; Ibn Batutah, ii. 108; Nuzhat, 148; Niebuhr, ii. 241; Jones, 312, xix.] Palace Gates and adjoining Quarters 271 of the gate overlooked. The Caliph Ti‘ afterwards demolished this D4r-al-Fil and turned its site into a burial-ground; this was at the close of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.), and from what Yakdt writes it would seem that in his day, namely at the beginning of the seventh century (the thirteenth A.D.), the ancient Badriyah Gate and the Badr Palace had both disappeared’. Half a century before the time of YAkdt, however, the Bab Badr was in existence, and the traveller Ibn Jubayr passed through it to reach a court of the mosque, within the Palace of the Caliph, where he heard a notable sermon preached on the 15th day- of the month Safar, 581 (May 18, 1185); further, he mentions the belvedere or upper chamber overlooking this court, and states that the Caliph Nasir with his sons sat at the window of this belvedere to listen to the sermon. Immediately outside the wall of the palaces, and beginning at the Badr Gate, was the street known as the Market of the Perfumers (Stk-ar-Rayhaniyin), which was overlooked by the palace of the same name (Dar-ar-Rayhaniyin) standing inside the Harim wall?, The Market of the Perfumers led directly 1 Yakut is certainly in error (i. 444) in stating that the Badr Gate was in the vicinity of the Bab-al-Mardtib of the palace wall and of the city gate called Bab Kalwadh, since the first of these, and the nearer of the two to the Bab Badr, must have been at least a mile distant from it. Further, the author of the 1Zards¢d is equally in error (i. 112) in describing the Bab Badr as having been built by the Caliph Tai‘, seeing that it took its name from the favourite minister of that Caliph’s great-grandfather. 2 Rayhén, which in Mesopotamia and the East generally meant the Basil plant, in Spanish-Arabic was especially used for the Myrtle; and it has passed into modern Spanish, where Avvayan is the common name for myrtle, e.g. the Patio de los Arrayanes or ‘ Court of Myrtles’ in the Alhambra of Granada. 272 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH into the square before the great mosque of the palace (Jami‘-al-Kasr), which last, as has already been said, lay immediately within the precincts adjacent to the Bab Badr, or rather between it and the next gate called the Bab Nabi. The Market of the Perfumers—where sweet-basil (Rayhan) and other flowers were sold—was at one time a place of considerable importance, and diverg- ing from it were many minor market streets. In one of these the weavers of palm baskets (As- Safatiyin) had their shops, twenty-four in number, with a caravanserai known as the Khan ‘Asim, and twenty-three other shops adjacent thereto. The perfume-distillers (Al-“Attariyin) also had their market near here with forty-three shops, and close by were the sixteen workshops of the drawers of gold wire, while from this roadway led the Sak- as-Sarf (the Market of the Money-changers), the whole forming a network of thoroughfares lying round the great square of the palace mosque, to the north of the Gate of Badr and the Nubian Gate (Bab Nabi). A considerable portion of the original Market of the Perfumers was thrown down during the altera- tions effected by the Caliph Mustazhir between the years 503 and 507 (a.D. 1109 to 1113), when he demolished the Dar Khatfin and the palace built by his sister near the Gharabah Gate, known as the Dar-as-Sayyidah, and having bought up part of the site of the Market of the Perfumers, he caused part of the street here to be removed. A large area was thus rendered available, and a new palace was built, which overlooking the remainder of the Perfumers’ Market, was known as the Dar-ar-Ray- x1x.] Palace Gates and adjoining Quarters 273 hantyin, taking its name from the adjacent market. It formed a great quadrilateral building, surrounding a court which measured 600 ells (about 300 yards) square, the centre being occupied by a garden, and within the circuit of the new palace there were more than sixty halls (Hujrah). One of these was known by the Persian name of the Dargdh-i-Khatdn (the Lady’s Palace); it stood in the part nearest to the Nubian Gate (which will be described presently), and this palace was afterwards inhabited by the Princess Fatimah, granddaughter of Malik Shah the Saljtk, and wife of the Caliph Muhammad Muktafi, whom she espoused in 534 (A.D. 1140). She is said to have been a learned princess, and appears to have exercised some influence on the political complications of the time ; she died in this Dargah-i-Khatin in 542 (a.p. 1147) before her husband, and was buried by him in the tombs of the Caliphs at Rusdafah. Half a century after the foundation of the great Palace of the Rayhdniyin, the Caliph Mustanjid, grandson of Mustazhir, in the year 557 (A.D. 1162) built the Manzarah (belvedere), which overhung the Market of the Perfumers close to the Bab Badr; this probably being the belvedere mentioned in the year 581 by Ibn Jubayr, where he saw the Caliph Nasir sitting in state to hear the sermon in the palace mosque, as has already been described. The later Caliphs appear to have spent much of their time in the Palace of the Rayhaniyin; and in the garden of the great court, at no great distance behind the belvedere, Musta‘sim, the last of the Caliphs, built two Treasuries or Libraries for his books. These were still standing intact after the BAGHDAD T 274 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH Mongol siege, for about the year 700 (A.D. 1300) the author of the Mardsid describes them, adding, however, that in his time the greater part of the adjacent palace was in ruin, and that the grounds had become a wilderness, where nothing grew, but the plants that had run wild of the former garden of the Caliph !. In the palace wall to the east of the Bab Badr were the two main gates of the precincts, called respectively the Bab-an-Nibi (the Nubian Gate) and the Bab-al-‘Ammah (the Public Gate). The Nubian Gate was also called the Bab-al-“Atabah (the Gate of the Threshold), this being the name more especially for its inner portal, which, as the nominal threshold of the abode of the Caliph, was solemnly kissed by all ambassadors of foreign potentates who came to Baghdad. The ‘threshold’ was a block of white marble, like a column, laid across in front of the inner gateway. It was probably under this stone that the Caliph Nasir caused the great cross of the Crusaders to be buried, which Saladin had sent him as a present. The cross, which is de- scribed as being of immense size, and as having been held in high honour by the Christians, fell into the hands of the Moslems, with much other booty, at the battle of Hattin in 583 (a.p. 1187), when Saladin overthrew the power of the Franks in Palestine. From the battlefield the cross had first been taken as a trophy to Damascus, whence in the year 585 (a.D. 1189) it was brought to Baghdad, where, says the chronicle, the Caliph ordered it ‘to z Yakut, i. 444; ii. 255, 519; iv. 665, 666; Marasid, i. 382; iii. 162; Mas udi, viii. 114, 161, 218; Ibn Jubayr, 223; Ibn Khallikan, No. 703, P. 20, xix] Palace Gates and adjoining Quarters 275 be buried under the threshold of the Bab-an-Ndbi, with a small part thereof projecting forth, this same being of brass, but gilt, which the people passing over would tread under foot, spitting thereon; and thus it was done on the 16th of the month Rabf‘ II of that year’ (June, 1189) !. The Bab-an-Nfibi at one period must have been used as the principal gateway of the Palaces, and more than half a century before the reign of the Caliph Nasir, at the time of the riots which broke out at Baghdad in the year 520 (a.p. 1126), when the Caliph Mustarshid was fighting against Sultan Mahmiad the Saljdk, the chronicle states that the Nubian Gate was the only one allowed to remain open in the palace precincts, all others having been blocked or locked up by the orders of the Caliph. The most frequently mentioned, however, of the gates of the palace was the Bab-al-"Ammah— meaning the Gate of the Commonalty, or the Public Gate—which was also known as the Bab ‘Ammf- riyah. Its huge iron gates are said to have been brought to Baghdad by the Caliph Mu'tasim from the city of Amorium in Asia Minor, which city he had stormed and burnt to the ground during his cele- brated campaign of the year 223 (a.p. 838) against the Byzantine Emperor Theophilus. The Bab-al- ‘Ammah would appear to have been the original entrance to the grounds of the Hasant Palace; it is mentioned by Ibn Serapion, and the Canal of the Palaces entered by it, after passing the Gate of the Fief of Mushjir (as described in chapter xvi), the site 1 Abu Shamah, ii. 82, 139. This reference I owe to Professor Lane- - Poole. Some curious details are given as to the earlier history of this great cross. T 2 276 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cx. of which must have been afterwards taken up by the Perfumers’ Market. . Within the Harim wall and occupying the space between the Nubian Gate and the Public Gate were suburbs inhabited by the lowest orders of the Baghdad populace, being closed off from the adjacent palace precincts by an inner wall, in which opened three chief gateways, besides posterns. These gates of the inner wall, as described by Yaktit at the beginning of the seventh century (the thirteenth A.D.), were first the Bab-ad-Duwwamat (the Gate of Tops, such as children play with), next the Bab “‘Ulayyan (which may mean the Hyaena Gate), and thirdly the Bab-al-Haram (the Gate of the Sanctuary). Returning to the Bab-al-‘Ammah, the wall of the precincts ran thence for about a mile, first south- east, and then south-west, before it reached the Bab-al-Maratib near the river bank, and in this long stretch was only one opening, namely the Bab-al-Bustan (the Garden Gate). Outside the wall near this gate began the quarter known as the Mamintyah (which will be described in chapter xxi); and the Garden Gate was remarkable for its Manzarah (belvedere), which overlooked the Place of Sacrifice, where, on the toth of the month Dhu-l-Hijjah, on the occasion of the greater festival which closed the pilgrim season, the victim was solemnly sacrificed. The lowest of the gates in the precinct wall, and probably opening near the Taj Palace, was the Bab- al-Maratib (the Gate of Degrees), which is described as having been one of the finest and best built of those giving access to the Harim. YAkit adds that in the old days its warder had always been a person x1x.] Palace Gates and adjoining Quarters 277 of importance, and the Gate of Degrees stood at a distance of two bow-shots, or a couple of hundred yards, from the Tigris bank. Such were the gates in the palace wall surrounding the Harim or Sanc- tuary, as described by Y4kdt, who explains that though the royal precincts were chiefly occupied by the numerous Palaces of the Caliphs, various minor quarters were also included within the walls, these being inhabited by the personal attendants of the sovereign and many of the great officers of state. Access to the actual Palace of the Caliph, and his private parks and gardens, was only gained by passing an inner wall, which on the land side en- tirely surrounded the royal residence, and cut it off from all intrusion from the city quarters; but egress from the palace gardens was kept free on the river side, where the Tigris for nearly a mile formed the boundary of the precincts}. From the description summarized in the preceding pages, it is evident that at the time when YAkit wrote both the Firdtis Palace and the Hasani. had long since disappeared, having fallen to ruin probably before the beginning of the fifth century (the eleventh A.D.). The site of the Firdfis, immediately to the south of the Gate of the Tuesday Market of the old Mukharrim Quarter (mentioned by Ibn Serapion), probably lay some distance outside the wall of the palaces which Yakdt has described. The ground where the Hasani had formerly stood appears to have been occupied at the close of the fifth century (the eleventh a.p.) by the palaces which stood near the three Gates of the Willow Tree, of the Date 1 Ibn Serapion, 22; Yakut, i. 451; it. 255; Mushtarik, 130; Ibn-al- Athir, x. 449; Fakhri, 276. 278 Baghdad during the Caliphate Market, and of Badr, opening in the north wall of the precincts, where in later times the Mustansiriyah College and the great Palace of the Rayhaniyin came to be built. To attempt any exact plan of the Palaces of the Caliphs is of course impossible, but from all that has come down to us it seems probable that the ancient minaret at the present day standing in the Thread Market (Sfik-al-Ghazl), at a considerable distance from the ruins of the Mustansirtyah College, and which bears an inscription of the Caliph Mus- tansir, was only restored, not built by him, being, as already said, a part of the great palace mosque erected by the Caliph “Ali Muktafi. In the latter days of the Caliphate the area of the Harim, or precincts, as described by Yakit, would appear to have contained two chief palaces, one, the New Tj, which stood on the river bank rather above the site of the first Palace of the Taj (described by Ibn Serapion), and secondly, the Palace of the Rayhantyin, lying at some distance from the Tigris and below the Mustansiriyah College. To the eastward stood the great palace mosque, at the north-east angle of the Harim walls, and of this building the minaret in the Stk-al-Ghazl is now the sole remaining vestige. CHAPTER XX THE QUARTERS NORTH OF THE PALACES The wall of East Baghdad and its four Gates. The Bab-as-Sultan and the Sultan’s Market. Streets of the Tuesday Market. Quarters built by Muktadi after the Inundation. The Road of the two Arch- ways. The Street of the Canal. The Karah Ibn Razin and the Muktadtyah. Mukhtérah Quarter and the Bab Abraz. College of the Tajiyah and the Wardiyah Cemetery. The Bab Zafar and the Zafariyah Quarter. The Quarter of the Judge’s Garden and other quarters called Karah. Tue modern city of Baghdad, on the east bank of the Tigris, is surrounded on three sides by an ancient wall, pierced by four gateways, one of these bearing an inscription set up there by the Caliph Nasir. During the reign of this Caliph Baghdad was visited by Ibn Jubayr, and the description he has left of the city wall, with four gates, makes it certain that the present wall is virtually identical with the one which Ibn Jubayr described in 581 (a.p. 1185), three quarters of a century before the Mongol siege. This wall, according to the Persian historian Hamd-Allah, was first erected by the Caliph Mus- tazhir, and the chronicle of Ibn-al-Athir confirms 280 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. the fact under the record of events of the year 488 (a.D. 1095). Three-quarters of a century after this, the Caliph Mustadi repaired or rebuilt the wall, as recorded in a contemporary account written by the anonymous epitomist of Ibn Hawkal, and Ibn- al-Athir gives us the exact date of this restoration, namely the year 568 (A.D. 1173). The epitomist of Ibn Hawkal, after mentioning that in his own day the Nahr Mu‘alla Quarter (which is the name both he and YAaktit give to the suburbs round the palaces forming new Baghdad) was surrounded by this strong and high wall, states that outside the wall was a deep ditch connected with the Tigris above and below, and that water thus flowed round the whole city. The epitomist further adds that at this period the more ancient northern quarters of East Baghdad had already fallen totally to ruin, with the exception of the outlying suburb round the shrine of Abu Hanifah and the great mosque at Rusdfah (as described in chapter xiv), and that the only populous quarters in his day were those lying immediately outside and surrounding the Palaces of the Caliphs. A dozen years after this the traveller Ibn Jubayr, who visited Baghdad in 581 (a.p. 1185), describes with much minuteness the city as he found it, and as already said especially mentions the town wall with its four gates, which enclosed the suburbs that had grown up round the palaces during the preceding century. The four gates will be more fully noticed in the following pages when speaking of the several quarters to which they gave egress, but briefly to name them as described by Ibn Jubayr and by Hamd-Allah the Persian geographer, they were xx.]_ Zhe Quarters North of the Palaces 281 these. In the north wall, (i) the Gate of the Sultan, now called the Bab-al-Mu‘azzam; in the east wall, (ii) first the Zafariyah Gate, which the Persian author calls the Khurdsdn Gate, and which is now known as the Bab-al-WustAni, and next (iii) the Halbah Gate, at the present day shut up and called the Gate of the Talisman, from the inscription of the Caliph Nasir, already mentioned; lastly, to the south, (iv) the Basaliyah Gate, referred to during the Mongol siege by the Persian writers as the Gate of KalwAdha, and which Hamd-Allah calls by the curious title of the Bab-al-Khalaj, this at the present day being known as the Eastern Gate (Bab- ash-Sharki) }. The description given by Hamd-Allah, writing in the year 740 (a.D. 1339)—three-quarters of a century, therefore, after the Mongol siege—exactly corre- sponds with what is found at the present day. The city wall, he says, was built of kiln-burnt bricks, the ditch outside being lined with these bricks likewise, and the wall extended in the form of a semicircle, measuring 18,000 paces round, going from the Tigris bank above the city to the river 1 Nuzhat, 147, and Guzidah, under reign of the Caliph Mustazhir; Yakut, iv. 845, and Ibn Hawkal, 164, note e; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 172; xi. 260; Ibn Jubayr, 231; Jones, 310. On p. 309, Commander Jones in the matter of the age of the present walls, states his opinion that ‘in all probability [the Gate of the Talisman, rebuilt in 618 or A.D. 1221], is of later construction than may parts of the foundation of the wall, for they bear the impress of age, and exhibit, moreover, the open brick and mortar work peculiar to the older Masannehs—a name applied to substantial embankments of masonry, built principally as water de- fences, on which the fortifications are raised. The foundation of the Baghdad walls may therefore date from the third century of the Hejireh.’ In point of fact, they date from the fifth century, equivalent to the eleventh century A.D. 282 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. again below the southern quarters'. The great Palace of the Buyids, and of the Saljik Sultans who succeeded to their power, as has already been shown in chapter xvii, lay to the north of the new city, covering part of the ground formerly occupied by the Shammdasiyah Quarter; and in front of this palace stood the great mosque called the Jami‘-as- Sultan, from which a road went southward, entering the city by the single gate in the north wall called either the Bab-Sik-as-Sultén (the Gate of the Sultan’s Market) or simply the Bab-as-Sultan (the Sultan’s Gate). This gateway is frequently mentioned by the Persian historians in their accounts of the siege of Baghdad by the Mongols. At the present day the Bab-al-Mu‘azzam occupies its site, being so called from the shrine of Abu Hanifah the Imam, which lies some distance to the north of it, and standing in a position to the westward of the former Palaces of the Sultan. Immediately within the gate, and going down towards the Palaces of the Caliphs, was the market called Sfk-as-Sultan, at the lower end of which came a street named the Darb-al-Munirah, in the immediate neighbourhood of the Mu‘alla Canal. Another street also mentioned by the same authority (Yakdt) as situated on this canal is the Darb-al- Ajurr (the Street of Kiln-burnt Bricks), and this in the early part of the seventh century (the thirteenth A.D.) was the centre of a populous quarter. A hundred years later, when Ibn Batdtah visited Baghdad in 727 (a.p. 1327), the main thoroughfare 1 The printed text of the Nuzhat, p. 147, gives the number as 15,000 Gams or paces; the London and the Paris MSS., however, all give 18,000 Gams, as also the lithographed text, p. 135. xx.] Zhe Quarters North of the Palaces 283 across these markets had reverted to the older name of the Street of the Tuesday Market', which, beginning within the northern gate in the city wall, came down to the wall of the Palaces of the Caliph, and next passing through the Market of the Per- fumers (Sik-ar-Rayhantyin), communicated with the square in front of the great mosque of the palace. The quarters surrounding the Palaces of the Caliph to the eastward, away from the Tigris bank, and to the southward towards the town of Kalwadha down- stream, for the most part were included within the lines of the city wall, though there were suburbs beyond the Bab-az-Zafariyah to the north-east, as also beyond the Bab-al-Basaliyah to the south, other- wise called the Kalwadha Gate. These eastern and southern quarters were the latest to be built in East Baghdad, and dated in the main from the reign of Muktadi, after whom one quarter—the Mukta- diyah—was named. This Caliph was the con- temporary of Malik Shah, the founder of the Mosque of the Sultan, already described in chapter xvii, and of his famous Wazir the NizAm-al-Mulk, who built the College of the NizAmtyah, which stood on the southern side of the palaces ; and Muktadi was father of the Caliph Mustazhir, who built the city wall. The reign of Muktadi, therefore, which lasted from the year 467 to 487 (A.D. 1075 to 1094), and of his son, witnessed a considerable extension to the area of East Baghdad. The city had been to some extent left in ruins at the end of the previous reign of KAim, when in the year 466 (a.p. 1074) the whole eastern district was laid under water through 1 Yakut, i. 59; ii. 564; Ibn Jubayr, 231; Rashid-ad-Din, 283 ; Ibn Batutah, ii. 108. 284 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. the bursting of the great Mu‘izziyah Dyke of the Karij Canal. The Tigris at the time had been in flood, and further a strong wind from the desert had thrown back the waters, which, it is reported, rose so high as to reach even the roofs of the houses. The calamity was the more terrible from its having occurred in the darkness of the night, and an immense number of people perished by the sudden falling in of the walls which had been under- mined by the rising torrent. The new quarters planned by Muktadi replaced the ruins that had been thus caused by the floods, and extended round the older Mamftniyah suburb, which had adjoined the Palaces of the Caliphs to the south-east, being described by Y4kdt as curving down from the line of the Mu‘all4 Canal on the north-east, back to the Tigris bank on the south; and, as already stated, these suburbs during the succeeding reign of Mus- tazhir were enclosed by the line of the new city wall. From the square of the palace mosque a thorough- fare running northward, parallel with the Mu‘alla Canal, led past the ancient Abraz Gate (in the former wall of the Mukharrim Quarter) to the Bab- az-Zafariyah in the new city wall. This thorough- fare is known as the Road of the Two Archways (Shari‘-al-“Akdayn), namely the Archway of the Ar- tificer (“Akd-al-Mustani‘) and the Archway of the Armourers (‘Akd-az-ZarrAdin). Leaving the square of the great mosque of the palace (Rahbah JAmi‘- al-Kasr) at the north-east corner, the road, after a short distance, came first to the Archway of the Artificer, which is described by Yakat as being "a great gate in the midst of the city, and after xx.] The Quarters North of the Palaces 285 passing through it the highway bifurcated. To the right the road led down to the Mamaniyah Quarter and the gate called the Bab-al-Azaj, which will be described in the next chapter, while to the left the main thoroughfare continued north, following the line of the Mu‘alla Canal. The Mu‘alla Canal here ran in a conduit, partly underground, and to the right of it was the Road of the Canal (Darb-an-Nahr). The main thorough- fare, after skirting the canal for the distance of a bowshot (say somewhat less than a hundred yards), next reached the quarter called the Karah Ibn Razin, a place of considerable extent, since to cross it was ‘a good horse gallop!, by which a distance of about half a mile may be indicated. The Road of the Canal, already mentioned, also led into this quarter, through which passed the 1 On several occasions Yakut makes use of the terms ‘bowshot’ and ‘horse gallop’ to mark short distances, but he nowhere explains what length these measures represented, and the dictionaries give no aid in the matter. A ‘bowshot’ or ‘arrow flight’ (ghal/wah or vamyah-sahm) may approximately be estimated at somewhat less than a hundred yards, but the term was used vaguely and often meant any distance up to a quarter of a mile or even more. Thus Idrisi (p. 144) speaks of the Island of Rawdah, near Cairo, as being two miles long (which it is) and ‘a bowshot’ across, it measuring in point of fact about 500 yards in breadth. Again, Ibn Jubayr (p. 50) describes the Sphinx as lying ‘a bowshot’ distant from the Great Pyramid, and the space which separates the two is at least 350 yards. Lastly, the Hellespont at Abydos is described as ‘a bowshot’ across (Kitab-al- ‘Uyin, p. 26; Abu-l-Fida, p. 200), and the distance is, in reality, over three-quarters of a mile. A ‘horse gallop’ (shawf-al-faras) may be estimated at about half an Arab mile or 1,000 yards. Thus Yakut (i. 263) in describing Alexandria speaks of the Pharos as standing opposite the harbour on the point of the island, which last lay out to sea ‘a horse gallop’ distant from the mainland. The island is now joined to the coast by the silting up of the old harbour, but judging by the present maps, half a mile would be a fair estimate of the distance which formerly was covered by the sea. 286 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. Street of the Nut Market (Darb-al-Lawztyah). To the north-west of the Karah of Ibn Razin stretched the Quarter of the Muktadtyah, already referred to, which was named after its founder the Caliph Muktadi, while beyond the Ibn Razin Quarter to the north stood the Archway of the Armourers, which could be closed by a gate. This was some- times called the New Archway, but it came to be known as the ‘Akd-az-Zarrddin, they being the smiths or armourers who forged coats of mail, and who lived near this part of the roadway. The word Karah, which occurs in connexion with the name of many different quarters in this part of the city, is explained by Yakdt as signifying a garden in the Baghdad dialect; with the lapse of time, however, these ‘gardens’ coming to be built over, the term Karah continued in use as the name of the new suburb. The Muktadiyah? Quarter, which as already mentioned lay on the north-western side of the Karadh of Ibn Razin, is one of those which suffered most during the second of the great inundations of Baghdad, namely that of the year 554 (A.D. 1159), on which occasion all the upper part of the city was for a time again laid under water; and Yakiit reports that little beyond mounds of mud covering the ruins of former buildings remained visible, after the river had subsided, to mark the position of the various submerged quarters, ? The name Muktadiyah is by mistake printed Muktadértyah in Yakut, i. 774, and the Marasid, i. 185; the right reading, however, is given both ina note to this last as an alternative reading, and in the text of Yakut, iv. 45. From the chronicle of Ibn-al-Athir, x. 156, there can be no doubt that Muktadi, who died in A.H. 487—and not Muktadir who was killed in a.H. 320—was the Caliph who built this Quarter. xx.] The Quarters North of the Palaces 287 which extended all the way from the Muktadiyah down past the Mamfniyah Quarter, and to the Azaj Gate to the south-east of the palaces. Beyond the second of the two archways, that of the Armourers, described above, the thoroughfare again bifurcated; the road to the right (turning eastward) led to the quarter called the Kardh-al- Kadi (the Garden of the Judge), while to the left the main thoroughfare continuing northward first traversed the Mukhtérah Quarter, and then came to the old gate, formerly opening in the wall of the Mukharrim Quarter, called the Bab Abraz?. At the beginning of the seventh century (the thirteenth A.D.), when YAkftt wrote, the gateway of the Bab Abraz—which name he gives under the corrupt form of Biyabraz or Bayraz—had long been in ruin, and the cemetery called the Wardiyah then lay beyond it. The Bab Abraz is first mentioned by Ibn Serapion, in the early part of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.), and, as will be remembered, it was then the limit of the three northern quarters of East Baghdad to the south-east, opening in the wall of the Mukharrim Quarter, where the Mu‘alla Canal entered the city. Y4kdt also gives this gateway the name of the Bab Bin, derived evidently from the canal called the Nahr Bin, from which the Mu‘alla Canal (through the Nahr MisA) originally took its waters ”. Near the Bab Abraz, during Saljik times, namely 1 Ibn-al-Athir, x. 62, 156; xi. 164; Yakut, i. 807; ii. 564; iv. 45, 46, 440; Marasid, iii. 252. 2 Unless the Miis4 Canal, from the Nahraw4n, had become silted up by the thirteenth century a.D., Yakut (iv. 845) must be mistaken in saying that the waters of the Mu‘alla Canal are derived from the Khilis. 288 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. about the year 482 (a.D. 1089), stood the college called the Madrasah-at-Tajiyah, built by Taj-al- Mulk, chancellor of Sultan Malik Shah, and during this period the cemetery of the Bab Abraz was used as the burial-place of many persons of note. This cemetery, otherwise known as the Wardiyah, extended beyond the Abraz Gate, to the left of the roadway, and the thoroughfare thence passed directly to the gate of the town wall called the Bab Zafa- riyah. Round this gateway lay the Zafariyah Quarter, which took its name from the Karah or Garden of Zafar, lying outside the quarter, its original owner Zafar! having been one of the chief servants of the Caliph, though of which Caliph, or when Zafar flourished, is not stated. From the details given of its position there can be little doubt that the Bab Zafariyah of Ibn Jubayr and Yakdt—which Hamd-Allah a century after the Mongol invasion names the Bab Khurdsan (and some MSS. give it as the Gate of the Khurdsén Road)—is identical in position with the modern Bab-al-Wustdnt, which, as already stated, is the north-east gate in the present city wall, through which passes the high- road to Persia and Khurdsdn. Returning once again within the city limits, it will be remembered that the thoroughfare after passing through the Archway of the Armourers bifurcated, and the main road to the left has just been described. The branch to the right led eastward from the Armourers’ Gate for the distance of an arrow flight s In the printed text of Ibn Jubayr, p. 231, line 8, the name of this gate is spelt Bab-as-Safariyah (with an initial Sad, in place of ZA), but there can be little question that Zafariyah is the right reading, as given in Yakut and Ibn-al-Athir in the Passages quoted below. xx.] The Quarters North of the Palaces 289 (or about one hundred yards), reaching a point where the road again bifurcated. To the left, east- ward, it led straight to the quarter called the Karah- al-Kadi (the Judge’s Garden), while to the right and south of this the branch road gave access first to the place called the Karah of Abu-sh-Shahm, and next to the quarter known as Al-Kubaybat (the little Domes). Of the founders of these various suburbs nothing is known, but Yakdt adds that the four quarters called after the Kardhs, or Gardens, of Ibn Razin, Zafar, Al-Kadi (the Judge), and Abu-sh-Shahm, were each in his day standing apart like so many separate hamlets; also they were well built, populous, and spacious quarters, each having its own mosque and market streets? 1 Ibn Serapion, 22; Yakut, iii, 587; iv. 45, 845, 920; Marasid, ii. 388, 393; iii. 252; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 120; Nuzhat, 147. BAGHDAD U CHAPTER XXI THE QUARTERS EAST AND SOUTH OF THE PALACES The Mamintyah Quarter. The Halbah Gate and its Inscription. The Persian Fief and the Burj-al-“Ajami. The Kati‘ah Quarter and the Rayyan. The Bab Basaliyah or Gate of Kalwadha. The town- ship of Kalw4dh4. Palace of the Kalwadha Rakkah. The Azaj Gate. Karah Juhayr, the Zandaward Monastery: the Maydan and Mas‘idah Quarters. The eastern Kurayyah and the Nizamiyah College. The Bahdiyah and the Tutushi Hospital. The later Tuesday Market. Tue quarters just described lay immediately within the city wall, between the Zafariyah and the Halbah Gates, and to the east of the thoroughfare known as the Street of the Two Archways, which was the left-hand branch at the first bifurcation outside the Archway of the Artificer. The right-hand branch at this bifurcation led south through the Mamtiniyah Quarter to the gateway within the city, known as the Bab-al-Azaj, and thence to the Bab- al-Basaliyah, which opened in the lowest part of the city wall beyond the Basaliyah Quarter. The Maminiyah Quarter, as already stated in chapter xviii, owed its name to the Caliph Mamtn, whose attendants had built their houses here on lands adjacent to the palace afterwards called the Quarters East and South of Palaces 291 Kasr Hasani. In general terms the Maminiyah Quarter may be described as including the whole of the space between the wall of the Palaces of the Caliph near the original Kasr-al-Hasani, and the gate in the city wall called the Bab Halbah, and it extended down to the Azaj Gate within the city on the south, while on the north it was bounded by the various Karahs to the east of the highroad of the two archways. The Mamiantyah included many minor quarters, and all these are said to have suffered considerable damage during the great inundation of the year 554 (A.D. 1159); the Mamin- iyah, however, must have been subsequently rebuilt, for in the middle of the next century, Hdl4gd, on entering Baghdad after the great siege, took up his abode here, prior to visiting the Palaces of the Caliphs. At the end of the main street crossing the Mamfin- iyah was the Bab Halbah, the gate in the city wall described by Ibn Jubayr in 581 (a.p. 1185), and which is also frequently mentioned in the accounts of the Mongol siege. This gate was the next, on the south, to the Bab Zafar, and it is the present Bab-at-Talism, or the Talismanic Gate, which still bears the inscription set up here by the Caliph Nasir, referred to above. This inscription states that the gate which it adorns was built and restored by ‘the Imam Abu-l‘Abbas Ahmad An-Nasir-li- Din-Allah, .... and the termination of the work was in the year 618, that is to say A.D, 1221. It is said that this gateway was in former times known as the White Gate, and it is at the present day walled up, having been closed since A.D. 1638, when Sultan Murad IV, the Turkish U 2 292 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. conqueror of Baghdad, entered in triumph through its portals }. Near the Halbah Gate was the belvedere called the Manzarat-al-Halbah, which is described as stand- ing at the further end of the market which traversed the Mamaniyah Quarter. The word Hadéah signi- fies ‘a racecourse’ or ‘hippodrome, and outside this gate, before the city wall had been built, was the place commonly used for playing the game of Suljan or polo. When the SaljQk Sultan Malik Shah visited Baghdad in the year 479 (a.p. 1086), the chronicle mentions that he rode from his palace of the Dar-al-Mamlakat to this part of the town, and played polo here in the early part of the day on which he made his state visit to the Caliph Muktadi, Not far from the Halbah Gate, and to the south- east, was the Kati‘at-al-“Ajam (the Persian Fief), near which was the great bastion in the wall, so often mentioned during the Mongol siege under the name of the Burj-al-“Ajami (the Persian Tower). It was against this point that Hdlagd directed the storming party to make their main attack, and Baghdad fell when the ‘Ajami Tower had been taken. Although apparently the name has now gone out of all memory, there can be no doubt that the ancient Burj-al-‘Ajami is the present great corner bastion at the eastern angle of the city wall, now known as the Angle Bastion (Tabiyah-az-Zawtyah). In the accounts of the siege the Persian Tower is described as lying between the Halbah and the Kalwadha Gates, and the Kati‘at-al-‘Ajami (the t Niebuhr, ii. 240; Rawlinson, Excycl. Brit., s.v. Baghdad; Ker Porter, li. 263; Jones, 309. Tavernier (i. 239), who was in Baghdad in 1652, names it ‘la Porte Murée xx] Quarters East and South of Palaces 293 Persian Fief) would thus have occupied the space within this angle of the city wall. The Persian Fief gave its name to the Kati‘ah Quarter, which was one of those built by the Caliph Muktadi; and in the seventh century (the thirteenth a.p.) it is described by YAakdt as being a suburb that was like a separate hamlet, while contiguous to it and towards the Mamfniyah lay another quarter called the Rayydn, which the same authority mentions as one of the most populous to be seen in his day in East Baghdad. In the account of the city wall given by Ibn Jubayr in 581 (a.p. 1185), the gate which opened to the south near the Tigris bank is called the Bab-al-Basaliyah, and the Basaliyah Quarter is one of those mentioned in YAakfit as having been built by the Caliph Muktadi in this part of the city. The name of the Bab-al-Basaliyah, it is true, does not occur in either Yakat or in the Persian accounts of the Mongol siege; but the Kalwadhé Gate, which YAkdt expressly states lay contiguous to the Basa- liyah Quarter, is frequently referred to, and since no Bab Kalwddha is mentioned by Ibn Jubayr, it may be safely assumed that his Basaliyah Gate, opening in the direction of the Kalwadha township, is identical with the gate afterwards known as the Bab Kalwddha. One of the Mongol generals had his headquarters before the Kalwadha Gate during the great siege, and it was here, after Baghdad had fallen, that Musta‘sim, the last of the Abbasid Caliphs, was brought out and made to stand as a suppliant in the presence of Hilagd, in whose camp not far from this gate the Caliph subsequently met his death. 294. Baghdad during the Caliphate (cu. This Basaliyah or Kalwddha Gate is evidently the one which Hamd-Allah, writing in the middle of the eighth century (the fourteenth a.p.) and eighty years after the Mongol siege, calls the Bab- al-Khuluj, which may mean the Gate of the Canals (plural of KZalzy), but the reading is uncertain, and the name unfortunately does not appear to be mentioned by any other authority. At the present day this gate is known as the Bab-ash-Sharki (the Eastern Gate), but in the last century, when Niebuhr in 1750 visited Baghdad, it was known, he reports, under the Turkish name of the Karolog Kapi, probably a corruption of Karaflik-Kapi, meaning the Gate of Darkness?, but this name also has apparently now fallen out of use. The name of the Bab Kalwadha frequently occurs in the chronicle of Ibn-al-Athir. During the troubles of the year 535 (a.D. 1141), the Caliph Muhammad Muktafi } The printed text of the Nuzhat, p. 147, also the lithographed edition, p. 135, both give Béb Khalaj, without vowels, and omitting the article. The MSS. of the British Museum give the readings Badb-al-Khalah and Bab-al-Khala’ (the last with ‘ayz in place of final jim); the Paris MSS. give Bdd-al-Khalaj, or al-Halaj, or al-Khalah. The reading AAudw7 (in the plural) is only tentative, because this at any rate gives a meaning, but it is to be noted that Kha/#j, though the common word for a canal in Egypt and the west, does not appear to be commonly used in this sense in Mesopotamia, where the term Nahr is always employed both for a river and a canal. Possibly, if the true reading be K/a/aj, the appellation may be taken from the well-known Turk tribe of that name, whom Istakhri (p. 245) has described, and who at a later time (A.D. 1290 to 1320), under the name of the Khilji Sultans, became the second Muslim dynasty of India who ruled at Dehli. It must be noted, however, that there is no historical evidence connecting the Khalaj Turks with any gate of Baghdad. * I owe this explanation to Professor E. G. Browne. Tavernier (i. 239) speaks of it in 1652 as the ‘ Cara Capi, la porte noire,’ which confirms the above etymology. ; xxi] Quarters East and South of Palaces 295 caused both this and the Zafariyah Gate to be temporarily blocked up; and in the account of the inundation of the year 604 (A.D. 1208), it is stated that the suburb round this gate came to be much imperilled by the overflow of the ditch outside the city wall, on which occasion the Caliph Nasir caused the mouth of the said ditch on the Tigris to be closed by a temporary dam, which should prevent the influx of the river water. Kalwadha, it will be remembered, was an im- portant township on the eastern Tigris bank, about a league below Baghdad, the site of which is oc- cupied by the modern village of Geradrah. Ibn Hawkal, as early as the year 367 (a.D. 978), relates that though Kalwddha had a Friday mosque of its own, and was therefore to be considered as a separate township, it might almost be counted as forming part of Baghdad, for in his day the houses were continuous along the river bank from below the Palaces of the Caliph to Kalwadha. Near where the Kalwddha Gate came to be built in later days, there had stood a Kiosk belonging to the pleasure- loving Caliph Amin, outside which, in the year 198 (A.D. 814), was encamped one part of the army then besieging Baghdad in the name of the Caliph Maman. At the date in question the later Palaces of the Caliphs (in East Baghdad) were represented by the single palace of the Kasr Ja‘fari only, begun by Ja‘far the Barmecide in the reign of Hardn-ar- Rashid, and Amin had later on built himself this pleasure-house in the adjacent Rakkah or swamp of Kalwadha. This place came to be known as the Kasr Rakkah Kalwddha, and it was to reach his new Kiosk from the west bank that Amin 2096 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. laid down the Zandaward Bridge of Boats which has been mentioned in chapter xiii}. Ibn Jubayr, in the year 580 (a.p. 1184), after describing the town wall with its four gates, adds that besides these there were many other gates within the city, built for shutting off the various market streets and quarters. One of the chief of these inner gateways was the Bab-al-Azaj (the Gate of the Portico or Gallery), standing in the southern part of the Mamfiniyah Quarter. Although the exact position of the Azaj Gate in relation to the Gate of Degrees in the palace wall and the Basa- liyah Gate of the town wall is not given, it must have stood within this last, and it gave its name to the surrounding quarter. The Bab-al-Azaj is frequently mentioned by both Yakft and Ibn-al- Athir in connexion with the Nizdmiyah College, the Tutushi Hospital, and the various suburbs adjacent to the Maminiyah, namely the Quarter of the Persian Fief, the Maydan, the two Mas‘tidah Quarters, the Rayyan, and the Dayr-az-Zandaward. The Quarter of the Bab-al-Azaj was on tlree occasions partly burnt down, namely in the years 440, 467, and 551 (A.D. 1048, 1075, and 1156), and the fire in most cases extended to the neighbouring Maminiyah Suburb. Near the Bab-al-Azaj lay the ‘garden’ or quarter known as the Karah Juhayr, and also in this neigh- bourhood stood the old convent called the Dayr-az- Zandaward, this Zandaward having been originally a Yakut, i. 655, 807; ii. 884; iv. 142, 665; Marasid, i. 314; iii. 33; Rashid-ad-Din, 282, 298, 300; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 103, 156; xi. 51; xii. 184; Abu-l-Faraj, 474, 475; Ibn Hawkal, 165; Tabari, iii. 868, 951; Jones, 310. xx.] Quarters East and South of Palaces 297 a canal of the Kalwddha district, which also gave its name to the Bridge of Boats mentioned in a preceding paragraph. The convent has already been referred to in chapter xv, and its gardens were celebrated in the time of Yakdt for the oranges and grapes grown here, the latter being reported to have been the finest of all the districts round Baghdad. The Maydan Quarter, which gave its name to one of the neighbouring Palaces of the Caliph in the Harim called the Kasr Maydan Khilis, lay close to the Azaj Gate; the quarter may have received its name from the Maydan or square originally laid out near this by the Caliph Maman when he rebuilt the Palace of the Hasant, as de- scribed in chapter xviii, but nothing else is recorded of it. In this same neighbourhood stood the two small Quarters both called Al-Mas‘tidah, after a slave- girl of that name, who was of the household of the Caliph Mamfin. One of these Mas‘idah Quarters was within the Mamfiniyah, while the other, through which passed the thoroughfare called the Darb-al- Mas‘tid, stood on part of the endowed lands (‘Akar) belonging to the Nizdamiyah College. Adjacent to this was the Kurayyah Quarter of East Baghdad (the Kurayyah of West Baghdad has been described in chapter vi), which is mentioned by Yakft as lying near the Palaces of the Caliphs*. The celebrated College of the Nizamiyah was named after its founder Nizdm-al-Mulk—Wazir in turn of the two Saljfik princes Alp Arslan and Malik 1 Yakut, i. 232, 476, 826; ii. 598, 665; iv. 122, 398, 528, 714; Marasid, i. 314, 431, 519; ii. 97, 393) 4333 Ibn-al-Athir, ix. 376; x. 67; xi.143. Khatib, folio 107 b, for Zandaward gives Zandarid, and the Paris MSS. confirm this reading, which Wiistenfeld also cites as an alternative from other MSS. of Yakut (v. 198). 298 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. Shdh, also the friend and patron of the astronomer- poet Omar Khayyam. The college was founded in 457 (A.D. 1065), and opened two years later, being especially established for the teaching of the Shafi‘ite school of law. Among its more celebrated lecturers was the great theologian Ghazzali and Baha-ad-Din (better known with us as Bohadin the biographer of the Saladin), who was under-lecturer during four years in the Nizdmiyah. Close to the Nizdmiyah was another college called the Bahatyah, near which again stood the hospital called the Bimaristan Tutushi, opening on the market called the Sik Tutush, which went from the NizAmiyah to the Azaj Gate. This hospital and market were built by Khaméartakin, who had originally been the slave of Taj-ad-Dawlah Tutush, one of the sons of the Saljak Sultan Alp Arslan, and he died in the year 508 (A.D. 1114). A century later, in the time of Yakat, all these buildings were still in good repair, and from numerous incidental notices it seems clear that the Nizamiyah College stood between the Bab- al-Azaj and the Tigris bank, not very far from the Basaliyah Gate of the town wall, and on the road leading to this gateway from the Gate of Degrees in the wall round the Palaces of the Caliphs. The traveller Ibn Jubayr attended prayers in the Nizamiyah on the first Friday after his arrival in Baghdad; this was in the year 581 (a.p. 1185), and he describes it as the most splendid of the thirty and odd colleges which then adorned the city of East Baghdad. Already in 504 (a.p. 1110), and only a score of years after the death of Nizdm-al- Mulk, this college had been thoroughly repaired. Ibn Jubayr further reports that in his day the xxi] Quarters East and South of Palaces 299 endowments derived from domains and rents be- longing to the college amply sufficed both to pay the stipends of professors and to keep the building in good order, besides supplying an extra fund for the sustenance of poor scholars. The Sak or market of the Nizamiyah was one of the great thorough- fares of this quarter, and it is described as lying adjacent to the Mashra‘ah or wharf, which proves that the college must have stood near the Tigris bank. Opposite to this, on the western bank of the river, in the Karkh Quarter lay the Kurayyah suburb of West Baghdad, which, as has already been pointed out, must not be confused with the other Kurayyah suburb adjacent to the Nizdmiyah. When Ibn Batitah visited Baghdad in 727 (a.p. 1327), namely three-quarters of a century after the Mongol siege, the Nizdmiyah College was still standing and in good repair. He describes it as situated in the middle of the great market street of East Baghdad, then generally known as the Tuesday Market (Sdk-ath-Thalathah), near the upper end of which stood the Mustansiriyah College, as described in a preceding chapter. This long street must have followed a serpentine course round the ruined wall of the Palaces of the Caliphs, going up from the Kalwddha Gate on the south, to the Bab- as-Sultan on the north-west, where the original Tuesday Market had stood in the days of Ibn Serapion. Writing a dozen years later than Ibn Batditah, Hamd-Allah, the Persian historian, briefly alludes to the Nizdmtyah, which he calls ‘ the mother of the Madrasahs’ in Baghdad. This proves that down to the middle of the fourteenth century a.p. the college was still standing, though at the present 300 Baghdad during the Caliphate time all vestiges of it have disappeared, as indeed appears already to have been the case in the middle of the last century, for Niebuhr found no traces of the NizAmiyah to describe in his painstaking account of the ruins in the city of Caliphs, as these still existed at the time of his visit 1. * Ibn Khallikan, No. 410, p. 112; No. 599, p. 114; No. 603, p. 119; No. 852, p.131; Ibn Jubayr, 220, 231; Yakut, i. 826; iv. 85; Ibn Batutah, ii. 108; Nuzhat, 148; Ibn-al-Athir, x. 38. CHAPTER XXII RECAPITULATION AND AUTHORITIES: EARLY PERIOD Five periods of Abbasid History. The First Period begins. Tabart and the first siege of Baghdad. Growth of Western and of Eastern Baghdad. Civil war between Amin and Mamin. Baghdad besieged by Tahir and Harthamah. Death of Amin; Mamin in Baghdad. Mu'tasim removes to SAmarra. The Second Period begins. The second siege of Baghdad under Musta‘in. City walls built. Baghdad again the Capital. Ya'‘kibi and Ibn Serapion. The first systematic description of the city. Mas‘ddi and his history called The Golden Meadows. I PROPOSE in these concluding chapters to sum up in chronological order the topographical information which has been set out in detail in the preceding pages, and the occasion may serve to name in turn the authors to whose writings we are indebted for the knowledge that has enabled us to reconstruct the plan of mediaeval Baghdad’. From its founda- tion by the Caliph Mansir to its capture by Halagd the Mongol, the history of the city is that of the Abbasid Caliphate, and the events accompanying its rise and fall will perhaps be better understood if the five centuries that elapsed during this long period be divided into five rather unequal parts, repre- 1 References to authorities are, for the most part, now omitted, these having been fully given in the previous chapters. 302 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cn. senting, as it were, so many acts in the great drama of the history of Islam. These five divisions are:—(1) the period of the great Caliphs, from the foundation of the dynasty in 132 (A.D. 750) to the death of Mami in 218 (a.p. 833); (2) the period during the tyranny of the Turkish body-guard, ending in 334 (A.D. 946), when Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah the Buyid prince became master in Baghdad; (3) the period of the Buyid supremacy; (4) followed by the Saljfik supremacy, beginning with Tughril Beg, who entered Baghdad in 447 (A.D. 1055), and ending with the death of Sultan Sanjar, the last of the great Saljaks in 552 (A.D. 1157); (5) lastly, the period of decline and fall, which ended with the Mongol conquest, the sack of Baghdad in 656 (a.p. 1258), and the death of the last Abbasid Caliph Musta‘sim}. In so far as the history of Baghdad itself is concerned, the first period of course only starts with the date of the foundation of the Round City by the Caliph Manstir, namely about the year 145 (a.D. 762), closing with the death of Mamifin, as already said, or in other words, the period begins with the reign of the grandfather of Har(n-ar-Rashid, and ends with the life of the second of his sons who attained the Caliphate. These seventy and odd years form the most brilliant epoch of Moslem history; the Caliphs were then great warriors and sovereigns, and the fact is significant that, with the sole excep- tion of Amin, no Caliph during this period died in Baghdad. Their tombs lie scattered over the length and breadth of the empire?—from the pilgrim road } See the Chronological Table given before chapter i. ? See note ! to p. 194. xxi] Recapitulation: Early Period 303 near Mecca to Tfs in Khurds4n, or the gate of Tarsus in the north-west—for the burial-place of the Caliph was where he had died, on the road, so to speak, journeying in the affairs of Islam. For this first period we have unfortunately no written contemporary authorities, but for the topography of Baghdad an event of much impor- tance is the first siege of the capital in the year 198 (a.p. 814), when (as will be remembered) Amin, son of Hartn-ar-Rashid, defended himself during eighteen months against the generals of his brother Mamtin. The detailed narrative of this siege, taken down from the accounts of eye-witnesses and re- duced to system, has been transmitted to us in the pages of the great chronicle of Tabari. In this the incidental mention of places attacked or defended during the siege operations enables us to fix the position of many points left vague in the two great systematic descriptions of Baghdad which belong to the following century, composed respectively by ‘Ya‘kdbi and Ibn Serapion, from whose writings, chiefly, the plan has been reconstructed. It will be remembered that Baghdad as founded by Mansdr was a circular city or burg four miles in circumference, having four equidistant gates with a triple wall, which in concentric circles enclosed the great palace and mosque of the Caliph standing in the middle of the wide central area. Before the death of Mansir in 158 (A.D. 775), however, the city had already spread far beyond these modest limits. Suburbs had grown up along the highroads starting from each of the four gates, and these suburbs, together with East Baghdad or Ruséafah, founded at almost the same time as the Round 304 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. City, but on the other bank of the Tigris, covered ground measuring five miles across in length and in breadth. Thus, beginning at the Basrah or south-eastern gate of the Round City, one highroad went down- stream along the river bank, having the Sharkiyah Quarter on the one hand near the Tigris, and the great Karkh Quarter on the other side, inland; and this last with its markets is described as stretching for nearly two leagues southward of Baghdad. The Karkh Quarter on the side furthest from the river was bordered by the highroad running south, which was the Pilgrim Way leading to Mecca. This was known as the Kifah Road (from the city of that name where the Euphrates was crossed), and this highway started from the bifurcation outside the Kifah Gate at the south-western part of the Round City. Beyond the square at this gate two high- roads began, namely the Kifah Road south, bor- dering Karkh as just described, and the Muhawwal Road west, passing through the town of Muhawwal on the ‘fsA Canal to the city of Anbar on the Euphrates. From the Syrian Gate, in the north- western part of the Round City, a thoroughfare also went westward, called the Anbar Road, which passing first through the Harbiyah suburb to the Anbar Gate, and there crossing the bridge over the Trench of Tahir, finally struck into the Muhawwal Road at a point beyond Muhawwal town, having thus far kept along the northern bank of the ‘isa Canal. Beyond the suburb at the Kafah Gate, and lying westward of the Round City, were the various suburbs of the Muhawwal Gate on the highroad xx.) Recapitulation: Early Period 305 to the town of that name; while north of the Syrian Gate stretched the Harb Quarter or the Harbiyah, occupying all the ground upstream above the Round City; beyond which, again, began the cemeteries afterwards known as the Kazimayn. Outside the north-eastern or Khurdsin Gate of the Round City, the Caliph Mansfr had built his palace, called the Khuld, lying to the right or south of the road leading to the Main Bridge of Boats across the Tigris; and on the further side of the river stood the palace and suburb of Rusdfah. This lay to the northward of the bridge end, and it had the Sham- mastyah Quarter beyond it eastward, stretching from the river bank opposite the Harbiyah Quarter to the gate of East Baghdad opening on the Persian high- road, which was called the Khurdsén Gate of the Eastern City, while to the south of the Main Bridge lay the Mukharrim Quarter. During the reign of Mahdi, son and successor of Mansir, Rusdfah grew to rival West Baghdad in the extent and magnificence of its various palaces and market streets. Round the palace and mosque which Mahdi had built, his attendants and their followers received grants of lands, and just as the Round City had come to be encompassed by the suburbs in which stood the fiefs of the nobles belonging to the court of Manstr, so Rusdfah during the eleven years’ reign of Mahdi became the centre: of a town of palaces built by the next generation of courtiers. In the year 170 (A.D. 786), when the reign of Hartin-ar-Rashid began, the three eastern quarters of Rusdfah, the Shammisiyah, and Mukharrim, formed nearly as great a city on the east side of the Tigris as did the city of Mansdr with BAGHDAD x 306 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. its suburbs on the west side. The Caliph still lived in the Khuld Palace, and nominally the Diwans or offices of government were in the Round City; but his Wazir Ja‘far the Barmecide had built himself a palace on the eastern Tigris bank below the Mukharrim Quarter (which palace subsequently formed the nucleus of the later palaces of the Caliphs), and much of the business of state was now transacted in Eastern Baghdad under the supervision of Ja’‘far. The fall of the Barmecides shed a gloom over the later years of the reign of Hartn-ar-Rashid, and after the death of the great Caliph, the rivalry which had ever existed between his two sons— Amin, whose mother was the Abbasid Princess Zubaydah, and Maman, the son of a Persian bond- woman— promptly flamed up into civil war. The Caliphate belonged by right of birth to Amin, but Haran had named Mamin next in the succession, and meanwhile had made him governor for life of Khurasdn and the whole eastern half of the empire. On the death of his father Amin had succeeded peaceably to the throne, and at first remained inactive at Baghdad, but before long he precipitated the inevitable crisis by naming his own son Misa heir-apparent, thus attempting to deprive Mamin of the succession. Mamin promptly took up arms in defence of his rights, and causing his brother Amin to be solemnly deposed in all the mosques of Persia, Syria, and Arabia, where the governors were all partisans of Maman, his armies advanced through Persia on Lower Mesopotamia for the siege of Baghdad. Amin meanwhile having lost all power even in xxi] Recapitulation: Early Period 307 ‘Irak, had shut himself up in the capital, and Mamin, who preferred to remain safely in far-off KhurAsdn, had given the command of the invading force to two of his generals, namely Harthamah, who was to attack Baghdad from the east, and Téhir (subse- quently founder of the Tahirid dynasty of Khurdsan), who, crossing the Tigris at Madain (Ctesiphon) into Lower Mesopotamia, was to march up the great Kifah road and thus invest the city from the western side. The accounts in Tabari name the exact positions of the troops. Harthamah, on the eastern side, after defeating the army which Amin had sent to oppose him at NahrawAn, estab- lished his headquarters on the hither side of the canal called the Nahr Bin, probably near the spot where the Palace of the Pleiades was afterwards built, and there fortified his camp with a wall and a ditch. His right wing was before the Shamméasiyah Gate on the river bank above the city, while his left wing occupied a pleasure palace lately built by Amin in the plain or Rakkah of Kalwada below the city. At this date Eastern Baghdad had no town wall, but the townspeople built barricades to block the roads at their exit from the city, and from gate to gate the line of houses and garden walls served as the outer line of defence. On the western side Tahir established his head- quarters in the garden outside the Anbar Gate, where the Anbar Bridge crossed the Trench that went by his name, and he forthwith began his attack on the outlying suburbs of this side. The houses in the Harbiyah Quarter were in great part destroyed by his catapults (Manjanik), and the ruin effected is described as extending from the Tigris bank at the xX 2 308 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. Baghiyin Quarter round past the Syrian Gate to the Kiifah Gate and the line of the Sarat Canal. Fire completed the destruction begun by the catapults, the great mills at the junction of the two Sarat Canals were in part destroyed, and all the suburbs from the Quarter of Humayd along the Karkhaya Canal are stated to have been laid inruins. The siege dragged on from month to month, and the inhabitants of the city meanwhile suffered horribly. The Princess Zubaydah, widow of HAartn-ar-Rashid, was driven out of her palace in the fief near the Katrabbul Gate, and joined her son in the Round City, which, with the Khuld Palace and the suburbs to the south along the river bank, became the last refuge of Amin and the garrison. Little by little the line hemming them in was drawn tighter, and all attempts to break through failed. A great fight took place in the Kundsah Quarter, and the garrison attempted a sally in the neighbourhood of the Darb-al-Hijérah (the Street of Rocks), beyond the Muhawwal Gate, on which occasion Tahir came near to lose his life, but the besieged, after performing prodigies of valour, were again driven back. In order to facilitate the dispatch of reinforcements to and from the army under Harthamah on the eastern river bank, Tahir had moored a new bridge of boats across the Tigris above Baghdad. He now ordered a general attack to be made by Harthamah on the east side, and here, when the Khurdsén Gate had been stormed, the besiegers soon gained possession of the whole of East Baghdad. The siege had begun before the end of the year 196 a.u., and it was in the beginning of 198 that Harthamah having thus become master of xxi.] Recapitulation: Early Period 309 Rusafah, the ShammAstyah, and Mukharrim—the three quarters forming that half of the city which lay on the Persian side of the Tigris—proceeded to cut the Main Bridge of Boats, and thus isolate the Round City and its defenders, Meanwhile in Western Baghdad, when it was seen that the defence was failing, the merchants had begun to parley, and the troops of Amin were ever deserting in increasing numbers. TAhir could now occupy the quarters on the southern side of the Round City, namely the Sharkiyah, with Karkh and its great markets ; further, he had succeeded in destroying the two masonry bridges—the Old Bridge and the New —over the Sarat Canal, by which the highroads from the Kdfah and Basrah Gates passed out into the suburbs. The unfortunate Caliph Amin now retired, with his mother Zubaydah, to the Palace of the Golden Gate in the Round City, egress to the Tigris being still preserved through the Khuld Palace and its gardens; but here the river bank was already commanded by the catapults of Harthamah, whose troops had occupied the whole eastern side, and Tahir was closely investing the walls of the Round City. His lines, we are told, ran from the Tigris at the foot of the Khuld Gardens, up the Sarat Canal past the Basrah Gate to the Kfifah Gate, and thence turned north back to the river, after blocking the Syrian Gate, the Tigris bank being regained immediately above the Khuld Palace. The end could not long be delayed. The Khuld Palace on the river had to be deserted by its garrison, becoming untenable from the shower of stones shot by catapults which Harthamah had 310 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. planted in the Mukharrim Quarter; whereupon Amin, with his mother and those few troops who still stood by him, retired within the ruined city of Mansir, shutting himself up in the Central Palace of the Golden Gate. Before long, this too becoming un- tenable, Amin, driven to surrender and fearing Harthamah less than Tahir, set out in secret, and embarked, to cross the river to the camp of the besiegers on the east side. By ill chance, or through treachery, the boat was overturned, and the luckless Amin, after swimming back to the western bank for shelter, was taken prisoner by the enemy's troops, and forthwith put to death in the garden near the Anbar Gate by order of Tahir, that general sending the head of the deposed Caliph to Mamin in Khurdasan as a proof that the war was now really —~_at an end. The reign of Mamun, who some months after these events arrived in Baghdad, witnessed the rebuilding of the half-ruined capital. The Round City, however, would appear never to have recovered from the effects of the siege, and Mamitin, when resident in Baghdad, for the most part lived in the Barmecide Palace below the Mukharrim Quarter on the east bank, which (as described in chapter xviii), after having been greatly enlarged by the Wazir Hasan Ibn Sahl, was subsequently known as the Hasani Palace. On the death of Maman and the accession of his brother Mu'‘tasim, the riots caused by the Turkish body-guard ultimately forced that Caliph to betake himself to SAmarr4, which now became the capital of the Caliphate. Here Mu'tasim, and after his death six Caliphs in turn, * The details of the first siege will be found in Tabari, iii. 864 to 925. xxi.) Recapttulation: Early Period 3Il reigned and built palaces, while successive captains of the guard controlled the affairs of the empire at their pleasure. This was the second period in the history of the Abbasids, namely that of the long tyranny of the Turkish guard, which only came to an end with the advent of the Buyid princes. While the Caliphs thus lived at Sdmarr4, Baghdad was under the rule of governors, for the most part Tahirids, for Tahir, after bringing Amin to his death, had prudently retired from court to live as a semi-independent prince in Khurdsan, and during this period, when the Caliphs were the puppets of the body-guard in Sdmarr4, diverse members of his family in succession occupied the chief provincial governorships throughout the Abbasid dominions. The period of fifty-eight years, during which the Caliphate had its seat at Sdmarr4, was interrupted in 251 (a.D. 865) by the episode of the flight to Baghdad of the Caliph Musta‘in, who made the attempt, unsuccessfully, thus to escape from the tyranny of the Turkish guard. Then followed the second siege of Baghdad, of about a year’s duration, by an army dispatched from Samarra in the name of a cousin, the rival Caliph Mu'tazz, whom the captain of the guard had set up in the place of Mustain. During this second siege Baghdad was defended by Muhammad ibn ‘Abd-Allah, a grand- son of Tahir who had besieged the city rather more than half a century before; but it was Rusafah or East Baghdad that now became the headquarters of the defence, not West Baghdad with the Round City, as had been the case in the time of Amin. For the details of this siege, also, we are indebted to the pages of Tabari, who possibly himself 312 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. witnessed some of the incidents that he describes, since he must have been nearly thirty years of age at the date in question. As soon as Mustain had safely reached RusAfah, he ordered the governor, Muhammad the TAahirid, to block the roads coming in from Samarra by cutting the dykes of the canals above Baghdad, and he next set to work to surround both the eastern city and the western with walls. As already said, the Caliph fixed his headquarters in Rusdfah, and on the east side the new wall began at the Sham- masiyah Gate on the Tigris bank above the Palace of Mahdi. . Sweeping round through a quarter-circle, by the Baradén Gate to the Khurdsdn Gate at the exit of the highroad to Persia and the east, the wall thus enclosed the Rusd4fah and Shammistyah Quarters ; then curving back through another quarter- circle, it included the Mukharrim Quarter and came to the Tigris again at the Gate of the Tuesday Market. In West Baghdad the wall began above at the Gate of the Fief of Zubaydah, thus including the Upper Harbour, and passing to the Katrabbul Gate followed up the line of the Trench of T4hir, probably as far as the Anbdr Gate, for this and the Bab-al-Hadid (the Iron Gate) are especially mentioned during the siege operations. From the Trench the wall curved down in a great semicircle, enclosing the City of Mansar and part of Karkh, until it joined the Tigris again beyond the Basrah Gate, below where the Sardt Canal had its outflow at the Palace of Humayd. The exact line followed by the wall between the upper part of the T4hirid Trench and the Palace of Humayd is not given, but it probably followed the line of one of the xxi] Recapitulation: Early Period 313 Karkh canals, and we are told that a ditch was dug outside the wall wheresoever no canal already existed. The total cost of these fortifications is reported to have amounted to 330,000 dinars or gold pieces, a sum equivalent to about £160,000. The main attack on the part of the besieging troops was from the north, being directed against the Shammfsiyah Gate on the east side, and opposite this on the west bank, against the Katrabbul Gate. Further Tabari mentions that along the wall of the Fief of Zubaydah and the Trench the defenders greatly harassed their opponents by stones from the Manjaniks or catapults erected over various other gateways. After many months’ blockade and several battles, a general assault was finally ordered by the Samarra captains, and all down the line, from the YAsirtyah Quarter and the Anbar Gate on the west, to the Khurdsdan Gate at the eastern extremity of the Shammasiyah Quarter, a stubborn defence was made, until the Upper Bridge of Boats having been set on fire, the outer defences were at length carried. The end followed rapidly. Musta‘in, being driven out of Rusd4fah, became a prisoner, and was forced to abdicate ; before long he met his death at the hands of his captors, and the Turkish guard thereupon returned victorious to their nominal sovereign Mu'tazz in Samarra}. It has been pointed out that the ruin of Western Baghdad, and especially of the Round City, had resulted from the first siege in the time of Amin; it may be added that the three northern quarters of East Baghdad (Rusafah, Shammiasiyah, and Mu- 1 The details of the second siege are given in Tabari, iii, 1553 to 1578. 314 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. kharrim) only in part ever recovered the effects of this second siege, which had resulted in the death of Mustain. The Turkish body-guard had for the time triumphed, but before another thirty years had elapsed events occurred which caused Samarra to be deserted by the Caliphs, and Mu'tadid (nephew of Mu'‘tazz), who succeeded to the throne in 279 (a. D. 892), permanently re-established the Caliphate in the older capital. Settling in East Baghdad, he laid the foundations of the great complex of palaces which stood on the Tigris bank below the Mu- kharrim Quarter, forming the Harim or Precinct, which was afterwards known as the Dar-al-Khilafah (the Abode of the Caliphate). These Precincts ultimately became the nucleus of the later city, which in time developed from the line of suburbs that spread round the land side of the great palaces. This new town was walled in at a subsequent date, and at the present time still exists, on the east bank of the Tigris, as the modern city of Baghdad. It is to the writers who flourished during the last quarter of the third century (the ninth a.p.), namely Yakdbi, Ibn Rustah, and Ibn Serapion, that we owe our first, and indeed our only systematic de- scriptions of Baghdad. Ya'kfbi begins by the Round City as it was originally founded in the reign of Manstir, and then passes on to a detailed account of its suburbs, concluding with a brief notice of the three eastern quarters of RusAfah, Shammastyah, and Mukharrim. The description of the canals given by our next authority, Ibn Serapion, supplements Ya'kabi, enabling us to plot out his topography, and Ibn Rustah adds some few additional details, but the critical examination of these three authorities xx] Recapitulation: Early Period 315 need not detain us now, since having formed the basis of matters discussed in earlier chapters of the present work, their accounts have already been fully reviewed. Points of detail are in many in- stances supplemented by incidental notices, under the various years, occurring in the volumes of the great chronicle of Tabari already mentioned, and thus the earlier descriptions can be filled in and confirmed. A matter that must be noted in connexion with these and the following accounts of Baghdad, is the curiously arbitrary way in which the Arab geo- graphers for the most part speak of the position of the City of Mansifr in relation to the points of the compass, and to the system of canals and roads that surrounded it. They assumed that the Tigris held its course entirely from west to east, and hence lay to the worth of the City of Mansi ; further, that the Sarat Canal (coming from the Euphrates) ran in a direction from south to north before flowing out into the Tigris, and thus passed to the eas? of the Round City. On these suppositions, which a glance at the map will show only can agree very partially with the facts of the case, all the topographical descriptions are based. Thus the Baduraya district is invariably spoken of as lying east of the Sarat, while the district of Katrabbul was to the west of this stream; we, on the other hand, should rather have said that these districts (respectively below and above the Round City) lay to the south and north of the Sarat. Again, Ya‘kdbi in describing the suburbs near the Muhawwal Gate states that along the Sarat, going upstream south (we should say west), there are certain fiefs lying to the westward (we should say xorth) of this canal, and the City 316 Baghdad during the Caliphate of MansGr as a whole was considered by him to have occupied its western bank. This arbitrary view of the matter, in regard to the main points of the compass, must account for the reference made by Mas‘idi to the Bab-al-Hadid (the Iron Gate) on TAhir’s Trench, which he says was a gate of Baghdad that opened ‘towards the south’; the explanation being that the Trench here curves away after leaving the Sarat, and hence the gates along its upper course were described as opening ‘towards the south, because the Trench, which bifurcated from the Sarat, was held to flow west before turning north to flow into the Tigris in a parallel course with its parent stream’. To complete the list of our earliest authorities it remains to be mentioned that, besides his work on geography (giving us the detailed description of Baghdad), Ya‘kbi also wrote a history, which he finished in the year 260 (a.p. 874), and dating from rather more than half a century later, we have the celebrated work called Zhe Meadows of Gold by Mas‘tidi. From the pages of both these historical works, as from the chronicle of Tabari already mentioned, innumerable small details may be gleaned regarding the topography of Baghdad, which, though incidental and fragmentary, are often invaluable for fixing minor points, as may be inferred from the number of times these authors have been quoted in the notes of all the earlier chapters of this work. i Instances are too numerous for reference in full, but the following will be sufficient to prove what is stated above. Ya‘kubi, 244; Mukaddasi, 120; Mas‘udi, vi. 482; Yakut, i, 640; Marasid, ii. 486. CHAPTER XXIII RECAPITULATION AND AUTHORITIES: MIDDLE PERIOD The building of the Palaces in East Baghdad. The Third Period begins. The Buyid Supremacy: their Great Palace: the Dyke of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah and the Hospital of ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah. Istakhri and Ibn Hawkal. Mukaddasi. Decline of the Buyids. The Fourth Period begins. The Saljtiiks. The History of Baghdad by Khatib. Area of East and West Baghdad. New Baghdad and the Wall of Mustazhir: the Saljik Mosque. The Sieges of Baghdad in the reigns of Mansdr Rashid and of Muhammad Muktafi. Period of decay: the Persian poet Khakani. Benjamin of Tudela. Ibn Jubayr. Yakat. Many separate walled Quarters. The Mustansiriyah College and the Harba Bridge. Ibn Khallikan. Tue half century which followed on the return of the Caliphs to Baghdad, and which preceded the advent of the Buyids, witnessed the building of the great palaces (including the Mosque of the Caliph) in the southern part of East Baghdad along the river bank. These palaces, it will be remembered, lay immediately to the south of the Gate of the Tuesday Market in the city wall which Mustain had built, and East Baghdad before long was thus almost doubled in area. During the transition period, the older wall which went in a semicircle round the three northern quarters of Rusdfah, Shammastyah, and Mukharrim, must either have been purposely 318 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. destroyed, or else allowed to fall to ruin, for the new quarters, which ultimately sprang up round the Palaces of the Firdtis, the Hasant, and the Tj, in part overlapped the Mukharrim. In the early years of the fourth century (which began a. D. 912), the walls of the City of Manstr in West Baghdad had likewise fallen to complete ruin, as also the two Palaces of the Golden Gate and the Khuld, the ground here as time went on being taken up by the new quarters that came to surround the Basrah Gate and the gate known as the Bab-al-Muhawwal, on the great highroad leading west towards Anbar from the Kfifah Gate of the Round City. The Turk body-guard, since the return of the Caliphs from SAmarrA, had lost all power, and in 334 (A.D. 946) the third of the periods into which it has been found convenient to divide the history of the Abbasids began, its outset being marked by the advent of the Buyid Prince Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah in Baghdad. The period of the Buyid supremacy lasted for rather more than a century, and was characterized by the erection of many fine buildings in the capital of the Caliphate. The Buyid princes were Persian by descent and Shi‘ah by sympathy ; they had subjugated both Mesopotamia and the region now known as Persia, where various members of the family occupied the provincial governments, while from this date onward the prince, who was recognized as head of the house, as a rule made Baghdad his residence, and from this centre of authority controlled the Caliph, and in his name sought to dominate all Eastern Islam. The Buyid princes built their palaces in East Baghdad (as related in chapter xvii), on the ground xx] Recaprtulation: Middle Period 319 formerly occupied by the Shammiastyah and part of the Mukharrim Quarter; and these palaces, which their successors the SaljQik princes took over and enlarged, were known by the general name of the Dar-as-Saltanah (the Abode of the Sultanate). They were begun under Mu'izz-ad-Dawlah, the Buyid who especially had entitled himself to the lasting gratitude of the people of Baghdad by erecting the huge dyke which, when kept in repair, prevented the inundation of the city by the flooding of the streams flowing out into the Tigris at the Shammasiyah lowlands. At a later date, his nephew and suc- cessor “Adud-ad-Dawlah built the hospital in West Baghdad on the ruins of the Khuld Palace, and this for three centuries was a school of medical science, which became famous throughout the East under the name of the Biméaristan ‘Adudi (the Hospital of ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah). During the century of the Buyid supremacy we have the first three names in the long list of our Arab geographers, namely Istakhri, Ibn Hawkal, and Mukaddasi, each of whom has devoted some paragraphs of his work to a succinct description of Baghdad. The geography of Istakhri, who wrote in 340 (A.D. 951), was re-edited and enlarged by Ibn Hawkal in 367 (a.D. 978); but as regards Baghdad, the two accounts are practically identical, except for a very few minor details. Both mention East Baghdad as almost entirely taken up by the palaces; in the first place, by the Palaces of the Caliph or Harim (the royal Precincts), these extend- ing in the southern part with their gardens as far down as the Nahr Bin, two leagues distant from the centre of the town; and secondly, by the Palace of 320 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. the Buyid Sultan in the upper part of the city— the walls of these two sets of palaces being described as rising above the Tigris bank in a continuous line, which extended from the Shammasiyah Quarter downstream for a distance of about five miles. Opposite the Shammisiyah of the eastern side lay the Harbiyah Quarter in West Baghdad, and below this stood Karkh, which further at this time gave its name in general parlance to all that half of Baghdad which lay on the western bank; East Baghdad being still known as the Rusdafah side, or as the Quarter of the Bab-at-Tak, from the great arched gate of this name at the head of the Main Bridge. Istakhri mentions three great Friday mosques as in use at his date, namely the Mosque of Rusafah and that of the Palace of the Caliph in East Baghdad, with the old mosque of the City of Mansar in West Baghdad; while Ibn Hawkal (a quarter of a century later) adds a fourth, which had come into use by his time, namely the Mosque at Baratha, on the road to Muhawwal Town, originally a shrine dedicated to the Caliph ‘Ali, whom the Shi‘ahs more especially hold in honour. In Kalwddha also, down the river on the east side, there was at this date a great mosque which might rightfully be considered as belonging to Baghdad, seeing that the houses of the eastern city were continuous from below the Palaces of the Caliph to this outlying township. Both Istakhri and Ibn Hawkal—in spite of the numerous magnificent palaces—especially note and deplore the ruin which had already befallen many quarters formerly flourishing; thus Istakhri writes that all the road between the Main Bridge and the xxi.) Recapitulation: Middle Period 321 eastern Khurdsén Gate had in former days been occupied by houses, but that in his time these were for the most part already in ruin. In Western Baghdad Karkh is said still to be the most populous and best preserved quarter, and here the merchants who lived at the YAsirtyah suburb had their houses of business. Istakhri then proceeds to give a detailed account (copied without acknow- ledgement by all subsequent authorities) of the ‘isa Canal flowing through Karkh, which was navigable for boats from the Euphrates to the Tigris, many unnavigable branch canals, namely the Sarat and other minor channels, ramifying throughout the adjacent quarters. The extreme breadth across both halves of the city (East and West Baghdad) Istakhri gives at five miles (the same as the length given for the palace walls along the eastern river bank), and his account concludes with the remark that the gardens of the Palaces of the Caliphs and others in East Baghdad were almost entirely irri- gated by water-channels derived from the Nahrawan Canals (whose courses have been carefully described by Ibn Serapion), since, according to Istakhri, the Tigris ran at too low a level for its waters to be brought into these gardens, except by the mechanical contrivance of the water-wheel, called Dilab, which (says he) involved much labour. The account of Baghdad written by Mukaddasi in 375 (A.D. 985) is less interesting than might have been expected from the other portions of his excellent and original work. He mentions few topographical details, but after expatiating on the many advantages of position and climate which Mansar gained by selecting this particular site BAGHDAD Y 322 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cn for his capital, passes on to lament the present ruin of the great city, which he fears would soon rival SAmarrA in its state of chronic insurrection and infamous misrule. In Karkh, on the west bank, he describes the Fief of Rabi’ as the most populous quarter, and states that on this side were to be found most of the markets and fine houses spared by the general decay. He speaks of the hospital lately built by *“Adud-ad- Dawlah opposite the Bridge of Boats leading to East Baghdad; and in this other half of the city the best preserved quarters were, he says, those lying round the Bab-at-Tak (the great Arch at the Bridge-head) and near the Dar-al-Amir, namely the Palace of the Buyid Princes recently built over part of the ShammAsiyah Quarter. ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah had died in Baghdad during the year 372 (A.D. 982), a short time before Mukad- dasi wrote this description, and he was buried (as all good Shi‘ahs should be) at Mashhad ‘Ali, the celebrated shrine on the Euphrates where the grave of the Caliph “Ali was said to have been made. After the death of ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah the Buyid power declined, and a period of internecine war followed, which only ended in 447 (A.D. 1055), when Tughril Beg the Saljtk, after suppressing the last Buyid prince, became master of Baghdad. With him begins the period of the Saljik supremacy (the fourth period in the history of the Abbasids), which lasted about a century, and is celebrated for the acts and deeds of Alp Arslan and Malik Shah. The Saljiks were of the Turk race (the Buyids had been Persians), and unlike their predecessors, the Saljk princes for the most part did not reside in xxii] Recapitulation : Middle Period 323 Baghdad, but maintained here a deputy in their stead. He acted as their Lieutenant-Governor of Mesopotamia, and resided permanently at Baghdad, occupying the Buyid Palace now generally called the Palace of the Sultan. In other words Baghdad, during Saljak times, was no longer even nominally the seat of government in Islam. Dating from the earlier years of the Saljak period we have the History of Baghdad, a work written by Khatib in 450 (a.D. 1058), which still unfor- tunately remains in manuscript. It is full of interesting details in regard to the origin and position of the various buildings in both the western and eastern quarters of the city, and much of it has been copied, without any acknowledgement, by later compilers such as Yakft. This work of Khatib contains, for instance, the account of the Greek embassy to Baghdad of the year 305 (a.D. 9171), with the description of the Palaces of the Caliphs in the time of Muktadir, and though the book is in great part merely a compilation, it is a compilation at first hand citing authorities, which is more than unfortunately can be said of most of the work of later writers. The century of the Saljak supremacy witnessed the great expansion of East Baghdad, for during the reign of Muktadir suburbs were found and grew up round the Palaces of the Caliph which were after- wards surrounded by the city wall in the time of Mustazhir. As showing the wide extent of the 1 See 7. R. A. S., 1897, p. 35. The full name of the writer is Ahmad ibn ‘Alf al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, and the name Khafid, meaning the ‘ preacher,’ has been adopted for reference in these pages merely for convenience of brevity. yY 2 324 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. town on both banks of the river, even before this reign Khatib reports that when he lived at Baghdad there were six great mosques where the public prayers were said on the Friday. These were, four in West Baghdad: namely the Mosque of Mansfir in the Round City, the Mosque of the Harbtyah Quarter, that of the Fief of Zubaydah, and the Mosque of Barathé halfway to Muhawwal on the ‘fsA Canal; while in East Baghdad there were but two Friday mosques, namely the Mosque in Rusafah and that which the Caliph “Ali Muktafi had built in the palace—for the Jami’-as-Sultan was of later date than the time of Khatib?. Khatib also gives some important data concerning the area covered by the houses of Baghdad in his day, confirming what has been told us in the pre- vious century by Istakhri, to the effect that the city had then already extended over an area of land measuring five miles across in breadth and width. The statements found in Khatib are reckoned in terms of the Jarib, a land measure which was a square of sixty ells side. Adopting twenty-three inches as the mean of the various estimates for the length of the Dhird’ or ell, three Jaribs and a third may be taken as equivalent to our acre, or in other words ten Jaribs are equal to three acres, and the English square mile would contain 2,133 Jaribs*. Comin? now to the statements made by Khatib, we find that three valuations of the area of the city at different epochs are recorded. The earliest dates 1 Khatib, folio 103 a; and for what follows see folio 108 a, b. ? For this estimate of the Jarib compare Mawardi, p. 265. xxit.] Lecapitulation: Middle Period 325 from the time when Muwaffak, brother of the Caliph Mutamid, was in Baghdad—presumably therefore about the year 270 (a.p. 884)—during the Zanj rebellion, while the Caliphs still resided at Samarra. It is reported that East Baghdad at this time covered 26,250 Jaribs, West Baghdad covering 17,500 Jaribs, of which total the cemeteries counted for seventy-four Jaribs. These figures give an area of about 12% and 8: square miles respectively for the two halves of the city, east and west, or twenty-one square miles in total, the cemeteries occupying rather more than twenty-two acres of this space. Next, at some date nearer to the time of Khatib, which is not specified, but when Baghdad had once more become ‘the Abode of the Caliphate,’ the numbers recorded are 27,000 Jaribs for East Baghdad, and for the older city on the western bank, at one time 26,750 Jaribs, but at another time 16,750 Jaribs—unless indeed the higher of these figures be regarded as merely a clerical error for the lower, though as against this supposition it is to be re- marked that each figure is cited and vouched for by Khatib on a separate authority. These figures work out as the equivalent of 12$ square miles for East Baghdad, and for the lower estimate of the western city, somewhat under eight square miles. In round numbers 204 square miles for both sides at this lower estimate for West Baghdad, while the sum total would come up to about twenty-five square miles if we accept the higher figure. These calculations cannot of course be regarded as very exact, but the Arabs were, for their time, skilful land surveyors, practising the art for fiscal 326 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH assessment and for the laying down of the irrigation canals. Further, as above noted, these figures tend to confirm the estimate already given by Istakhri, which at five miles across, length and breadth, would give twenty-five square miles for the square, and 194 square miles for the area of a circle with this diameter’. How much Baghdad has decreased since the times of the Caliphs is made evident by the fact that at the present day East Baghdad is computed to cover an area of 591 acres, while in West Baghdad the remains known as the Old Town comprise only 146 acres, giving a total for both sides which is equivalent to rather over one square mile and a sixth, this diminished area being now surrounded by walls whose circuit is estimated at about five miles. The Saljiks, as already said, had inherited from their predecessors, the Buyids, the great palace and government offices called the Daér-as-Saltanah in the upper part of the eastern city. On the south side of this Malik Shah founded the great Saljtik mosque known as the Jdmi‘-as-Sultdn, while at about the same time his Wazir NizAm-al-Mulk built and endowed the Nizdmiyah College on the land by the Tigris bank below the Palaces of the Caliph. These buildings both date from the reign of the Caliph Muktadi, in whose time also many new quarters were laid out to the north and east of the Palaces of the Caliphs, which quarters before long came to form the new town of East Baghdad. In ? For the length of the side of the Fast) nal sixty ells, Khatib uses the term Had/, meaning ‘a cord,’ or ‘rope,’ which apparently is not given in this special sense in our dictionaries, and it may therefore be worth noting. xxut] Fecapitulation: Middle Period 327 488 (A.D. 1095), at the beginning of the reign of the next Caliph, Mustazhir, this new city, lying about a mile below the Saljik Palaces, was surrounded by a wall pierced by four gates, which wall (as proved by the gateways) is identical in its main lines with the present town wall of modern Baghdad. The Caliphate, even before the beginning of the Saljak period, had already sunk into political insig- nificance, and the Caliphs now having much spare time and considerable revenues employed their energies in palace building. It is indeed mainly to this period that the great Harim or Precinct, as their residence came to be called, owed its magnificence, as described in the pages of Yakit. He mentions in particular the great Rayhaniyin (the Palace on the Perfumers’ Market), and the second Palace of the Crown (Kasr-at-T4j), both of which were built at the close of the Saljik period. In the year 530 (A.D. 1136), under the Caliph Manstr Rashid (not to be confounded with Hardn- ar-Rashid), Baghdad sustained a third siege, of only two months’ duration, however, by an army under command of Sultan Mas‘td the Saljik. The Sultan, who had pitched his siege camp at the Malikiyah, effected a complete blockade of the city, for the Governor of Wasit sent him up reinforcements in boats which effectually shut the river exit, while the populace, taking advantage of the troubles, rose in insurrection against the Caliph, plundered the quarters of the western city, and sacked the palace of the Tahirid Harim, where it is said they gained an immense booty. After a blockade of fifty days the Caliph Mansar Rashid finally fled to Mosul, and was there forced to abdicate, his uncle Muhammad e 328 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. Muktafi being set up in his place, and Sultan Mas‘dd retired with his army eastward’. A fourth siege took place twenty-one years later, during the reign of the Caliph Muhammad Muktafi, whose relations with Sultan Muhammad, nephew and successor of Sultan Mas‘dd aforesaid, had be- come so strained in a.H. 551 that the Saljik Sultan, marching into ‘Irak, appeared with his army before the walls of Baghdad in the month Dhu-l-Ka‘adah of that year (January, 1157 a.D.). The Caliph forth- with shut himself up in East Baghdad, where a great store of munitions and provisions, by his orders, had been brought together. The city walls were well provided with catapults and mangonels, the towers being garrisoned by crossbowmen. Further, barges, also carrying crossbowmen and catapults, were set to patrol the Tigris—where the bridges of boats had been taken up—in-order more thoroughly to guard the riverside of the eastern city. Marching down the great Khurdsdn road, Sultan Muhammad effected a junction with his Lieutenant, the Governor of Mosul, and himself crossed the Tigris above Baghdad. The attack was then begun in two divisions, namely from the western quarter and from the north-east, where part of the army occupied the great Palace of the Saljiks out- side the city wall. Upstream, above Baghdad, Sultan Muhammad had already spanned the Tigris by a new bridge of boats, thus conveniently to connect the two portions of his army. His own headquarters were on the Sarat Canal, but from time to time he crossed to the Saljik Palace of the * The details of the third siege of Baghdad are given by Ibn-al- Athir, xi. 26. xxiu.] Recapitulation: Middle Period 329 eastern side in order to urge on the siege operations. In East Baghdad the city walls were already closely invested by his troops, in spite of frequent sallies from within the town, and the besiegers were shortly after their arrival reinforced from Hillah, Kitifah, WaAsit, and Basrah. In spite of numbers, however, the siege made but little progress, and at the end of two months the Sultan found that his ad- vanced positions had come to be so much harassed by the mangonels of the townspeople, that he was forced to shift his headquarter camp and retire westwards to the line of the Nahr ‘fs4. His troops had more than once directed their attack against the river front of East Baghdad, where there was no city wall, only the line of the great palaces of the Caliph and the garden walls; but here the assailants were easily beaten off by the Baghdad people, and already they had lost many of their best men. Meanwhile, in the month Safar of 552 (March, 1157 A.D.), the Hajj caravan from Mecca arrived on its return journey, and the pilgrims were much scandalized at the spectacle of the Commander of the Faithful being assaulted in his own capital by the Saljik Sultan. Further, in the course of the last two months the Caliph had successfully turned the arts of diplomacy against his adversary, and Sultan Muhammad in addition to the ill success of the siege, now found himself threatened by treason at home, where a relative was intriguing to supplant him in his capital city of Hamadan. Thus matters went rapidly from bad to worse, and in the following month of Rabi‘ I (April), after having been rather more than three months fruitlessly encamped before Baghdad, Sultan Muhammad in despair of success 330 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu precipitately raised the siege. He had to recross the Tigris by his new bridge above the Saljik Palace before setting out for Hamadan with his body-guard and personal followers, and his retreat was so ill organized that he came near to lose all his baggage on the passage of the bridge. The people of Baghdad, immediately on hearing of his departure, had come pouring out of the city; they forthwith stormed and sacked the great Saljik Palace, the gates of which they tore off, burning all the furniture within its precincts, and then suddenly advancing, cut the communications between the body-guard of the Sultan and the main portion of his army, which had re- mained encamped in West Baghdad. Sultan Mu- hammad, however, only delaying to recover his personal baggage, hastened his retreat along the Khurdsan highroad towards Hamadan, and the re- mainder of his army, under the command of the Governor of Mosul, though still in force on the western bank, finding that they were thus abandoned by their master, promptly retired north on Mosul, without any further molestation from the besieged. The details of this siege, of which the foregoing is a condensed account, are graphically related by the contemporary historian ‘Imad-ad-Din of Isfahan, who was in Baghdad at the time, and took the occasion to indite a congratulatory ode to the Caliph Muhammad Muktafi on the success of his arms. The account, it is true, adds little to our topographical knowledge, but in the dearth of contemporary writers it is not without interest}. A notice of the third siege, that of the year A.H. 530, as also very succinctly of this fourth 1 ‘Imad-ad-Din, ii. 246 to 255; Ibn-al-Athir, xi. 140. xxut.] Recapitulation: Middle Period 331 siege of the year a.H. 551, are likewise recorded under their respective dates in the chronicle of Tbn-al-Athir, who becomes our best general autho- rity for Baghdad after the beginning of the fourth century (the tenth a.p.)—when Tabart and _ his continuator ‘“Arib have closed their annals—and this chronicle carries us down to the year 628 (A.D. 1230), namely to the reign of the father of the last Abbasid Caliph of Baghdad. The Saljak supremacy may be said virtually to have come to an end with the death of Sultan Sanjar, the last of the great Saljiks, in 552 (a.p. 1157); after which began the fifth and last period in the history of Baghdad, which was characterized by the almost complete political insignificance of the Abbasid Caliphs; and finally the Caliphate, after a century of this dotage, ended with the Mongol invasion under Hiilagd in 656 (a. p. 1258). During this period the Caliphs were chiefly occupied in pulling down and rebuilding ephemeral palaces, and with laying out gardens within the Harim walls, all of which futilities appear to have greatly impressed the Persian poet KhakAni, who visited Baghdad in 550 (A.D. 1155), on his pilgrimage to Mecca. He has left us a very rhetorical description (useless, unfortunately, for topographical purposes) of what he saw in ‘the Abode of the Caliphate’: the gardens, he says, are the equal of those of Paradise; the waters of the Tigris, which are only comparable in their pellucidness to the tears of the Virgin Mary, flow round past the Karkh Quarter, and the river surface is everywhere covered with boats which Khakani likens to the cradle of Jesus for their grace of build. With a good deal more in this style 332 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. of bombast, and avoiding any detailed description of the town or its palaces, Khakani concludes his poem with a long panegyric of the Caliph Muhammad Muktafi and of the various learned persons whom he saw in Baghdad}. Benjamin of Tudela, the Jewish traveller, visited Baghdad a few years after the time of Khakani, approximately in 555 (a. D. 1160), but his narrative gives us little topographical information, since his attention is wholly directed to enumerating the settlements of his co-religionists in Babylonia. He states, however, that in his time the Caliph only left his palace once a year, namely on the great feast day at the close of the Ramadan Fast, when setting forth in procession he visited the mosque near the Basrah Gate, which same Benjamin of Tudela says was the metropolitan mosque of the city. The Jami‘ of the old Round City of Mansir is evidently the place here designated ; but it may be questioned (comparing this with the account left us by Ibn Jubayr a quarter of a century later) whether either the Caliph Muhammad Muktaft or Mustanjid really maintained the seclusion of which Benjamin of Tudela speaks 2. The graphic descriptions of Baghdad given by the Spanish Arab Ibn Jubayr, who visited Baghdad in 581 (a. D. 1185) are a complete contrast to the futilities of the Persian poet Khakani. Ibn Jubayr was then on his way back from Mecca, and came up the great Kfifah highroad from the south, having * Khakani, p.91. I have to thank my friend Professor E. G. Browne of Cambridge for the loan of this work, which I should otherwise have failed to see. * Benjamin of Tudela, i. 97. xx.) FRecapitulation: Middle Period 333 crossed the Euphrates at Hillah by the bridge of boats recently established here by the Caliph Nasir for the convenience of the pilgrims, who formerly had had to cross the great river in a ferry. Leaving the Euphrates, Ibn Jubayr passed through the town of Sarsar on the canal of that name, and entered Baghdad on the third day of the month Safar, corresponding in that year to the middle of May, alighting in the suburb of West Baghdad called the Kurayyah, which lay over against the Nizdmiyah College of the eastern city. Ibn Jubayr devotes many pages to the account of what he did and saw during the fortnight of his sojourn in the capital of the Caliph Nasir, whom he had the honour of seeing on more than one occasion. He describes West Baghdad as being for the greater part in ruin. Its four most populous quarters were : first, the Kurayyah Suburb near the Bridge of Boats, the best built in the first instance and the least dilapidated ; next to this was Karkh, surrounded by its own wall; and above was the Quarter of the Basrah Gate (for what remained of the Round City had now come to be known by the name of its south-eastern gateway), with the great Mosque of Mans6r, still used for the Friday prayers; lastly, the quarter called the Shari (the Highroad), along the Tigris bank above the ‘Adudi Hospital, the market of which connected the Shari‘ Quarter with the Suburb of the Basrah Gate. Other but less populous quarters of West Baghdad were the Harbiyah, the highest on the river bank, and adjacent thereto the ‘AttAbiyah, noted for the manufacture of the ‘Attabi (tabby) silk and cotton stuffs named after it. Further, Ibn Jubayr saw the tomb of 334 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. Ma‘raf Karkhi near the Basrah Gate Suburb, and the shrine of the Imam Mtsa in the great cemetery to the north (known now as the Kazimayn), this last being surrounded by the graves of many distinguished and holy personages. Across the river in East Baghdad, opposite the KAzimayn, was the quarter round the tomb of Abu Hanifah, lying above Rusdfah and its great mosque, and round this last were seen the sepulchres of many other holy men, and more celebrated still the tombs of the Caliphs. At a considerable distance below Rusdfah came the Palaces of the Caliph, cover- ing an area estimated at more than a quarter of the whole of the eastern city, and the royal precincts were encircled by the various palaces of the Abbasid nobles, ‘so to speak, imprisoned in their grandeur.’ Ibn Jubayr was much struck by the beauty of the gardens in this quarter; but he remarks that the markets of East Baghdad were none the less almost entirely supplied by the produce of the lands under cultivation on the opposite or western bank. There were three great mosques for the Friday prayers in use in East Baghdad when Ibn Jubayr was there, namely the Mosque of the Caliph within the palace; the Mosque of the Sultan, which lay outside, to the north of the Gate of the Sultan in the city wall, in front of the Saljak Palaces; and, lastly, the Rusdfah Mosque, which stood (he says) a mile distant from the Mosque of the Sultan aforesaid, in the neighbourhood of the shrine of Abu Hanifah. In the whole of Baghdad Ibn Jubayr further counted eleven mosques where the Friday prayers were said, and of Hammams or hot baths, so many that none could tell their number, one person xxiu.] Recapitulation: Middle Period 335 assuring him that there were over two thousand, and he adds that in these the halls were so finely plastered with bitumen, brought from Basrah, that the visitor imagined the walls to be lined with slabs of black marble. Of colleges—‘each more mag- nificent than a palace’—over thirty were to be counted, the greatest being the NizAmtyah, which had been recently restored. Lastly, Ibn Jubayr describes the city wall with its four gates, which went in a semicircle round East Baghdad, from the Tigris bank above, to the river again below the city quarters; and this wall, as already said, is virtually identical with the present wall round modern Baghdad, for one of the extant gates still bears an inscription set up by the Caliph Nasir, who was reigning when Ibn Jubayr visited Baghdad. Towards the close of the reign of this same Caliph Nasir, and about the year 623 (a.D. 1226), Yakdat wrote his great Geographical Dictionary (the articles arranged in alphabetical order), which forms perhaps the greatest storehouse of geographical facts compiled by any one man during the Middle Ages. He knew Baghdad intimately, having been brought up there, but wrote at a distance, compiling uncritically, and hence in minor points of detail he is sometimes guilty of egregious blunders. His description of the Palaces of the Caliph is invaluable, but his statements concerning the relative positions of places and quarters in Baghdad, especially in regard to the points of the compass, are both vague and con- tradictory. If we were without the works. of his predecessors, it would be impossible, following his accounts alone, to draw up any consistent plan of Baghdad; but with the earlier systematic descriptions 336 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. of Ya‘kfibt and Ibn Serapion to fall back on, enabling us to correct his frequent minor errors, the plan of the city having thus been laid down gains a fullness of detail that would be unattainable without the information contained in the long series of articles in his Dictionary. He describes (under various articles) West Baghdad as consisting in his day of a number of separate quarters, each enclosed by its own wall. Thus the Harbiyah in the northern part of West Baghdad lay ‘like a separate walled town,’ nearly two miles distant from the remainder of old Baghdad, and it was surrounded by many waste lands. The Harbtyah included several minor quarters, and to the west of it lay the separate townships of the Chahéar SQj (Four Markets), of which the “Attabiyah (noticed already by Ibn Jubayr) was the best known part. South of the Harbiyah stood the old mosque of Mansar, which was included in the Quarter of the Basrah Gate, this gate, as already said, having given its name to all that still continued to be habitable of the Round City. The Karkh4ya Canal, according to Yakdat, had disappeared, but the great merchants’ quarter of Karkh remained standing ‘a horse gallop’... (or about half a mile) distant from the Basrah Gate Quarter, and the population of this last being of the orthodox Sunni faith were the rivals of the Karkh people, who were all bigoted heterodox Shi‘ahs. Adjoining Karkh, and on the Tigris bank, was the Kurayyah and the Quarter of the KallAyin Canal, where fried meats were sold, also the Tabik Canal Quarter, which in the time of YAkat had been recently burnt down; and hence, as he says, these were already for the most part merely so many xxin.] Recapitulation: Middle Period 337 rubbish heaps. The quarter round the Muhawwal Gate, lying inland from Karkh, and inhabited by Sunnis who were always at feud with their Shi'ah neighbours, appears to have still retained some of its former opulence; while the town of Muhawwal, a league beyond the outer suburbs of West Baghdad, was populous and famous for its excellent markets. The Shiiniziyah Cemetery lay to the south of Karkh, while to the north of the Harbiyah extended the great burial-ground round the shrine of the Imam Misa, afterwards known as the Kazimayn. On the eastern bank, the centre of population was the great Palace of the Caliph, described as occupying a third part of the whole area of the city; all round this lay a network of markets and streets extending to the city wall, and in places going beyond it. Outside and at some distance to the north of this wall was Rusafah with its mosque surrounded by the tombs of the Caliphs ; while upstream, beyond this again lay the quarter named after the shrine of Abu Hanifah, with its own market; and these two outlying suburbs, with the neighbouring Christian quarter, called the Dar-ar- Ram (House of the Greeks), were all that remained habitable in the time of Yaktit of the older part of the eastern city, which formerly had consisted of the three great quarters of Rusafah, Shammisiyah, and the Mukharrim. Vaktit, it will be seen by the dates, describes Baghdad for us as the great city stood immediately prior to the Mongol invasion ; and the only building of note erected after his time by the Caliphs was the Mustansiriyah College. This was built by Mustansir, the father of the last of the Abbasids, BAGHDAD Z 338 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. and the description of it is given in the contemporary chronicle of Abu-l-Faraj. The ruin of this college still exists, and at some distance from it stands the minaret of a mosque also inscribed with the name of this same Caliph. No mention, however, of Mustansir having built a mosque occurs in the chronicles, and (as stated in a previous chapter) it seems probable that these remains of the so-called Mustansiriyah Mosque are in reality those of the far older mosque of the palace (built by ‘Ali Muktafi more than three centuries before), which Mustansir having restored, caused to be ornamented with the inscription now bearing his name. It may be added that besides these buildings in the city of Baghdad, Mustansir also constructed the magnificent stone bridge of four great arches over the Dujayl Canal near the town of Harba, as is mentioned by the historian Fakhri, the remains of which still exist and have been carefully described by Captain Felix Jones, R.N.1 In the dearth of authorities for the last centuries of the history of Baghdad, the great Biographical Dictionary compiled about the year 654 (A.D. 1256) by Ibn Khallikan is a very useful work of reference. He was a native of Arbela, near Mosul in Upper Mesopotamia, and though he does not appear himself to have visited Baghdad, he was evidently well acquainted with the history of its public buildings. From incidental remarks in the various biographies we often gain information—concerning the later buildings especially —which is lacking in ? Fakhri, 380. Jones, 252, where two drawings of this bridge will be found, also the copy of the inscription by Mustansir which it bears, dated the year 629 (A.D. 1232). xxut] Recapitulation: Middle Period 339 the meagre chronicles of this period; thus his article on Malik Shah is our only authority for the fact that this prince was the founder of the Jami‘-as-Sultan, the great Friday mosque of the Saljiks in East Baghdad, outside the Palace of the Sultan. Ibn Khallikan died at Damascus in 681 (a.p. 1282), a score of years after the Mongol sack of Baghdad ; but of these recent events he maintains a discreet silence in his dictionary, which deals with the notable personages of the past age only, and we have to fall back on Persian histories for details of the great siege. CHAPTER XXIV RECAPITULATION AND AUTHORITIES: FINAL PERIOD The Fall of Baghdad: the Mongol invasion. Persian Histories: the Tabakat-i-NAsiri, Rashid-ad-Din, and Wassaf. Details of the Mongol siege. Death of the last Caliph Musta‘sim. The Mardsid-al- Ittila.. Summary of history of Baghdad since the Mongol siege. Ibn Battitah, the Berber. Hamd-Allah, the Persian. The tomb of ‘Abd- al-Kadir of Gilan. Modern descriptions of Baghdad: Tavernier and Niebuhr. The so-called tomb of Zubaydah. The Plan of mediaeval Baghdad and of the modern city. Excavations required to discover the sites of the three ancient Mosques. For the details of the fall of Baghdad and the great siege by Hfla4gh the Mongol, we have to consult, in the main, the works of Persian historians, since Ibn-al-Athir closes his chronicle with the year A.H. 628, and neither Abu-l-Faraj nor Abu-l-Fida affords much information on this subject. Indeed, of the Mongol siege in the seventh century a.H., we know far less than we do, thanks to Tabart, of the first siege in the time of the Caliph Amin in the second century a.H. The Persian history called the Tabakat-i-NAsirl, which was written shortly after 658 (a.p. 1260), is a contemporary authority for the times of Halagd, and this with the information found in the work of Recapitulation: Final Period 341 Rashid-ad-Din, also written in Persian, which was finished in 710 (a.D. 1310), provides a fairly clear account of the siege operations’, After overrunning and devastating Western Persia, the Mongol armies poured down the great Khurdsan road from Hulwan, the main body marching direct on East Baghdad. A considerable detachment, however, had been sent upstream, with orders to cross the Tigris at Takrit, thence to make a sweep round, and after capturing Anbar on the Euphrates, these troops were to approach West Baghdad by the line of the ‘Is Canal. The Mongol forces were led by Hilagd (grandson of Changiz Khan) who commanded the centre division in person, and he pitched his camp to the east of Baghdad, the siege beginning in the middle of Muharram of the year 656 (January, 1258). His main attack was directed against the ‘left of the city’—to one coming from Persia—namely the Burj ‘Ajami (the Persian Bastion) and the Halbah Gate. The right wing of the Mongol army lay before ‘ the breadth of the city,’ that is, on the north side, facing the gate of the Market of the Sultan, or the Bab- as-Sultén; and the left wing was encamped before 1 Another almost contemporary writer is Wassaf, the historiographer of Gh4zAn the fl-Khan of Persia. He was born at Shiraz in a.D. 1263, five years, therefore, after the Mongol siege of Baghdad, and must have known personally many of those who had taken part in this famous event. His history was composed in the year 700 (A.D. 1300), and I have gone through the pages of this work which are devoted to Hfilagi and the siege, but have been unable to glean a single fact not already mentioned by Rashid-ad-Din; the bombastic style in which Wassaf writes being indeed but ill adapted for conveying any precise topographical information. Fakhri is a contemporary Arabic authority ; he wrote in the year 700 (A.D. 1300), and had been in Baghdad, but his account of the siege gives few topographical details. 342 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. the Kalwidha Gate at the southern extremity of East Baghdad. The detachments that had pre- viously been sent north across the river, after de- feating the armies of the Caliph Musta‘sim on the right bank of the Tigris, took up their positions in two attacks, one near the ‘Adudi Hospital at the upper (older Main) Bridge of Boats, while the second had its siege camp below this to the southward, probably near the lower bridge opposite the Palace of the Caliph, and outside the quarter known as the Kurayyah. On the western bank, the lower camp of the Mon- gols is variously described as having been pitched at the place called Dfilab-i-Bakal (in the Persian history of Rashid-ad-Din), or at the Mabkalah (ac- cording to Abu-l-Faraj), the former name meaning ‘the water-wheel of the vegetable (garden), and the latter ‘the kitchen garden, both terms reminding us of the older Dar-al-Battikh (Fruit Market), which stood, according to Ibn Serapion, in this part of West Baghdad'. The Kal‘ah or Citadel, which is also mentioned by Rashtd-ad-Din when describing the attack on the west side, presumably has refer- ence to what in the thirteenth century a.p. still remained standing of the old fortifications of the Round City of Mansifr. The siege operations, pushed to the uttermost by Hlagd outside the city, were but too well seconded by treachery within the walls of Baghdad, for both Karkh and the quarter round the shrine of the Imam Masa in the Kazimayn were inhabited by Shi‘ahs, who to prove their abhorrence of the Sunnt Caliph corresponded traitorously with the infidel 2 See above, p. 85. xxiv.] Recapitulation: Final Period 343 enemy. After a blockade of about fifty days, a great assault was ordered at the Persian Bastion south of the Halbah Gate, and East Baghdad being taken by storm, the Caliph Musta‘sim was finally brought out prisoner with his family and lodged in the Mongol camp. Shortly afterwards Hdlagd on enter- ing the city took up his residence in what Rashid- ad-Din calls the Maymfiniyah (the Monkey-house), doubtless a designed corruption for the name of the Mamianiyah Quarter, which lay on the side of East Baghdad nearest to what had been the headquarter camp of the Mongols. The sack of Baghdad which followed lasted forty days, during which time a large proportion of the inhabitants were butchered in cold blood; while a conflagration which destroyed the Mosque of the Caliph, the shrine of Mtisa-al-Kazim, and the tombs of the Caliphs at Rusdfah, besides most of the streets and private houses, completed the ruin of the city. The death of the Caliph Musta‘sim, and of his sons, followed close on these events—the details of their ‘martyrdom’ are variously given in different authorities, who, however, agree as to the main facts—and then the Mongol hordes passed on to further conquests and fresh plunder; Hilagt leaving orders that the great Mosque of the Caliph and the shrine of MasA in the K4zimayn should be rebuilt’. 1 A full description of the fall of Baghdad, carefully put together from all available sources—Arabic, Persian, and Turkish—will be found in Sir H. Howorth’s History of the Mongols (iii. 113 to 133). For the death of the Caliph Musta‘sim the well-known account given by Marco Polo (i. 65), which is confirmed by the Chronicle of Ibn Furat, his contemporary, is presumably true in the main facts. See a paper in the 7. 8. A. S. for 1900, p. 293, by the present writer. 344 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cu. The state of ruin to which Baghdad was reduced by the Mongol sack is clearly indicated, half a century later, in the MMJardsid, an epitome of YAkiit’s Geographical Dictionary, which was composed about the year 700 (A.D. 1300) by an anonymous author. This book gives a summary of the facts detailed in the more voluminous work; but in addition, the epitomist, when treating of places personally known to him, constantly supplies emendations for correct- ing YAkdit, and states how matters stood in his own day. Hence, though primarily only an epitome of a compilation, the AZarésid has for Baghdad and Mesopotamia the value of an authority at first hand. The author’s description of Baghdad city is graphic and terse. After referring to the ruin brought about by a long succession of plundering armies—Persian, Turk, and Mongol—each of which had in turn wasted the goods and houses of the former inhabitants, he concludes with the following paragraph :— ‘Hence nothing now remains of Western Baghdad but some few isolated quarters, of which the best inhabited is Karkh; while in Eastern Baghdad, all having long ago gone to ruin in the Shammasiyah Quarter and the Mukharrim, they did build a wall round such of the city as remained, this same lying along the bank of the Tigris. Thus matters con- tinued until the Tatars (under Hdlagti) came, when the major part of this remnant also was laid in ruin, and its inhabitants were all put to death, hardly one surviving to recall the excellence of the past. And then there came in people from the countryside, who settled in Baghdad, seeing that its own citizens had all perished; so the city now is indeed other than it was, its population in our time being wholly xxiv.} Recapitulation: Final Period 345 changed from its former state—but Allah, be He exalted, ordaineth all1.’ The history of Baghdad, from the date of the Mongol invasion (A.D. 1258) to the present time, may be summed up in a few paragraphs: in fact, from having been the real or nominal capital of Islam Baghdad now became merely the chief town of the Province of Arabian ‘Irak. The descendants of Hilagt, the {I-Khans, after governing Persia and Mesopotamia for something less than a century, were succeeded by the Jalayrs in Mesopotamia, Shaykh Hasan Buzurg, chief of the line, making Baghdad his residence in a.p. 1340. In A.D. 1393 Timur occupied Baghdad, remaining there a couple of months, and on his departure left orders to his lieutenant, Mirzd Abu Bakr, to rebuild the city, which had then fallen for the most part to ruin. After the death of Timur, Sultan Ahmad the Jalayr in part recovered possession of his dominions, but in A.D. 1411 the dynasty gave place to the Kara- Kuyunli, the Turkomans of the ‘ Black Sheep,’ who occupied Baghdad till they were in turn dispossessed, in a.D. 1469, by the rival clan of the Ak-Kuyunli or ‘White Sheep’ Turkomans. In a.p. 1508 the troops of Shah Ismail I of Persia took Baghdad from these Turkomans: but the Persians gave place to the Ottoman Turks in A.D. 1534, when the general of Sultan Sulayman the Magnificent conquered the city. In a. p. 1623, under Shah ‘Abbds the Great, the Persians, through the treachery of Bakir Agha the Janissary, once more became masters of Baghdad; but a few years later, in a. D. 1638, they were again driven out, when 1 Marasid, i. 163. 346 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. Sultan Murdd IV conquered the city. And since this date Baghdad has been the residence of the Turkish Pasha of Mesopotamia. Our latest Arab authority for Baghdad is Ibn Battitah, the Berber, whose travels may rival those of his contemporary Marco Polo in extent. In his book he takes Ibn Jubayr as his model, and he cites long passages from the work of his predecessor ; but unfortunately does not always state quite clearly whether what Ibn Jubayr had described in 581 (A.D. 1185) was what he, Ibn Batttah, had still found existing in Baghdad at the date of his own sojourn there in the year 727 (A.D. 1327). This vagueness of statement at times militates against the value of his work from a topographical point of view. Ibn Batditah, however, describes some buildings of a later date than Ibn Jubayr; the Mustansiriyah College, for example, indicating where this stood in Eastern Baghdad, and hence, since its ruins still exist, enabling us to add another fixed point for connecting modern Baghdad with the plan of the city in the times of the Caliphs. Further, Ibn Batdtah (unless indeed in this he is merely servilely copying his predecessor Ibn Jubayr), appears to have been the last authority who saw the three great mosques of the older capital still standing :— namely the Mosque of Manstr in West Baghdad, and the Rusafah Mosque on the eastern side, lying one mile distant from its neighbour the Mosque of the Saljik Sultan. At the present day, these three buildings seem to have entirely disappeared, as also all vestiges of the “Adudi Hospital, which in the fourteenth century a.D. was a ruin standing on the right bank of the Tigris, at the place where the xxiv.] Recapitulation: Final Period 347 older Main Bridge of Boats had crossed the river to RusAfah, The last Moslem authority for Baghdad is the Persian historian and geographer Hamd-Allah, surnamed Mustawfi (the Treasurer), who was the contemporary of Ibn Batfitah, the Berber. He wrote an Universal History called the Zarikh-7- Guzidah (the Choice Chronicle) and a work on Geography called the Vuzhat-al-Kuldé (the Heart’s Delight), the later work having been completed in the year 740 (A.D. 1339). Hamd-Allah describes Baghdad, both east and west, as in his day surrounded by walls. The eastern city wall had four gates, and from the river bank above to the river bank below, followed a semicircle measuring in circuit 18,000 paces. The western suburb, which as a whole was called Karkh, had two gates in its wall, and this wall measured 12,000 paces in its semicircular sweep. The description of Hamd-Allah is thus virtually identical with that given by Ibn Jubayr, his pre- decessor by two centuries, and in the matter of the walls corresponds with what is now found to exist in modern Baghdad. Hamd-Allah does not give names to the two Karkh gates, but the four gates in East Baghdad are named, and they may be easily identified with those mentioned by Ibn Jubayr, and are identical with the four that still exist under other names at the present day. Hamd-Allah especially describes the shrines of Baghdad; namely the K4zimayn with the tomb of Ibn Hanbal and the tomb of Ma‘raf Karkhi on the west bank; and on the eastern side the shrine of Abu Hanifah. These, for the most part, exist at present, and in his day also, though no trace 348 Baghdad during the Caliphate (cH. of them now remains, the tombs of the Caliphs might still be seen in Rusdfah, standing apart by themselves like ‘a little town.’ He is also one of the first to mention the shrine of “Abd-al-Kadir of Gildan, which is a noted place of pilgrimage in modern Baghdad; this ‘Abd-al-Kadir being the celebrated founder of the KAdirtyah sect of dervishes—one of the most widespread religious orders of Islam—who dying at Baghdad in 651 (a. D. 1253) was buried there a few years before the Mongol siege. Coming down to modern times, one of the earliest travellers who has described Baghdad (giving also a rough plan) is the celebrated French jeweller J. B. Tavernier, who, on his way to and from India, travelled through Mesopotamia in 1632 and again in 1652. His notice of Baghdad is of the latter date, to wit a few years after the Turkish conquest under Sultan Murdd IV. His description and plan show that the city was then much what it is now, except that the area within the walls was then less given up to ruin. On the eastern bank of the Tigris, the town was surrounded by its wall of burnt brick, some three miles in total circumference, with bastions at intervals, having a deep ditch without. The area covered by houses measured some fifteen hundred paces in length by seven or eight hundred paces in breadth. The wall was pierced (as at the present day) by four gates: namely ‘Maazan Capi,’ the gate leading north-west to the Mu‘azzam Shrine; then two gates in the length of the wall on the north-eastern side, each of which Tavernier has marked as ‘porte murée, these being the present Bab-al-Wustani and Bab-at-Talism, which last is still closed as by order, it is said, of Sultan MurAd IV; xx1v.] Recapitulation: Final Period 349 finally, the gate to the south-east downstream now known as the Bab-ash-Sharkt, which Tavernier names ‘Cara Capi’ or the Black Gate. At the Bridge-head also was a gateway called ‘Sd Capi’ or the Water-Gate, and the Bridge of Boats led across to the suburb of West Baghdad, described as ‘le Faubourg dans la Mésopotamie},’ A hundred years after the time of Tavernier Baghdad was visited by Carstein Niebuhr, then on his way home after his celebrated journey in Arabia. He passed through Mesopotamia about the year 1750, and has left a description of Baghdad, the accuracy of which modern authorities confirm in every point: noting all the remains of the ancient city that then could be with certainty identified, most of which are also again mentioned in the eport of Commander Felix Jones, written in 1857. What may be seen here at the present day is as follows. The seat of the Turkish provincial govern- ment is in the Eastern City on the Persian side of the Tigris, and the old wall surrounds the town on the land side, pierced by the four ancient gate- ways, one of which, the Bab-at-Talism (the Gate of the Talisman), as already stated, bears the inscription of the Caliph Nasir. The ruins of both the Mustan- sirtyah College and the mosque exist, and not very far from this last stands the shrine of ‘Abd-al-Kadir of Gildn, which, as already said, dates back to the last days of the Caliphate. Above the city, on the eastern Tigris bank, stands the tomb of the Imam Abu Hanifah in the village now known as Al-Mu‘azzam, and on the western bank, opposite this, Niebuhr especially mentions 1 Tavernier, i. 230-239. 350 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. that the sepulchre of the Imam Ibn Hanbal (more correctly of ‘Abd-Allah Ibn Hanbal) had formerly existed, but that shortly before his visit in 1750, this tomb had been carried away by the floods of the Tigris. On the western bank also, but above the Mu'azzam village of the east side, is the Shi‘ah shrine of the Kézimayn, some of the buildings of which may date from the times of the Caliphate ; but of the Round City of Mansdr apparently nothing remains—unless it be the Kffic inscription bearing the date 333 (a.p. 945), which Sir H. Rawlinson describes as existing in this Quarter in the Convent (Takiyeh) of the Bektash Dervishes. What is now called the Old Town on this western bank, occupies part of the site of the older Karkh suburb, as is proved by the tomb of Ma'rdf Karkhi which still exists, standing at some distance outside its western gate, and this has been a much venerated shrine since the date of his death in the year 200 (A.D. 816). Niebuhr mentions as situated in this same neighbourhood the tomb of a certain Bahldl Danah, whom he describes as having been a relative and boon companion of the Caliph Hartin-ar-Rashid, the gravestone bearing for date the year 5o1 (a.D. 1108). This personage apparently is not noticed by any other authority, and H4rdn-ar-Rashid, in point of fact, had been dead more than three centuries at the date inscribed on the tomb. In regard to the so-called tomb of Zubaydah, which now lies a little to the south of that of Ma‘rif Karkhi, the facts cited in the Chronicle of Ibn- al-Athir (see above, p. 165) are wholly against the assumption that this was the place of her burial. The older authorities, who mention the neighbouring xxiv.] Recapttulation: Final Period 351 shrine of Ma'rdf, make no allusion to any tomb near here of the celebrated wife of Har(n-ar-Rashid; further, in the Chronicle just named, it is distinctly stated that Zubaydah was buried in the cemetery of the Kazimayn, lying near the river bank some three miles to the north of the picturesque monu- ment which apparently has for the last two centuries borne her name. Niebuhr, who describes the tomb as it stood in the last century, gives the text of the Arabic inscription which in his day adorned it. In this it is set forth that ‘Ayishah Khanum, daughter of the late Mustafa Pasha, and wife of Husayn Pasha, Governor of Baghdad, was buried here in Muharram of the year 1131 (November, a.p. 1718), her grave having been made in the sepulchre of the Lady Zubaydah, granddaughter of the Abbasid Caliph Mansi, and wife of Hardn-ar-Rashid, the date of whose death is correctly given as having occurred in the year 216 (A.D. 831). To this information Niebuhr adds the statement that the tomb of Zubaydah had been restored when the Turkish Khanum was buried here, some thirty years before he visited Baghdad, but by whom the monument was originally built appears to have been then unknown. Sir H. Rawlinson, who lived for many years in Baghdad, writes that the tomb of Zubaydah was first erected in a.D. 827, corresponding with a.. 212; but this would be four years before the date of her death as recorded on the unimpeachable authority of Tabart, and Sir Henry gives no authority for his statement. He also, apparently, entertained no doubts as to the present monument being the resting-place of this princess, so famous both in the chronicles and the 7housand and One Nights; 352 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cx. though this attribution, as already stated, is entirely negatived by the earlier authorities. Indeed, as far as is known, the first mention of this building being considered to be the tomb of the Lady Zubaydah appears to date from the eighteenth century only, when in a.p. 1718 Husayn Pasha buried his wife here, in what at that time he was told had been the sepulchre of the famous Abbasid princess ’. In conclusion a few paragraphs may serve to explain how the attempt has been made, in the pre- ceding chapters, to lay down the limits of mediaeval Baghdad on the plan of the modern city. The landmarks are, of course, the few ancient vestiges that still remain to mark the sites of buildings mentioned during the times of the Caliphs; and starting from the plan of the present walled city on the east bank of the Tigris, we have to work back- wards to the Round City of Mansir on the western bank, of which no trace now exists. It will be remembered that East Baghdad of the present day has four gates, and there appears to be 1 For illustrations representing the so-called tomb of Zubaydah, and the shrine of Ma‘rfif Karkhi, see Jones, 311. It is possible that this modern tomb of Zubaydah may be the building described in the twelfth century A.D. by Ibn Jubayr, and which Ibn Batutah saw in A.D. 1327 standing near the highroad outside the old Basrah Gate (Ibn Jubayr, 227; Ibn Batutah, ii. 108). The tomb within this shrine then bore an inscription stating that ‘Awn and Mu‘in were buried here, two of the descendants of the Caliph ‘Alt, son-in-law of the prophet Muhammad. In the fourteenth century A.D. this same shrine is described as a beautiful building, within which was the gravestone lying under a spacious dome-shaped monument. It would seem not unlikely that in the course of the next three centuries, the inscription having become illegible, and all memory of these Alids long forgotten, popular tradition may have fixed on this tomb as that which had been built over the remains of the celebrated wife of H4rfin-ar-Rashid, more especially since her real sepulchre in the Kazimayn probably did not survive the Mongol siege, and the subsequent conflagration, xxiv.] Recapitulation: Final Period 353 no reason to doubt that these, with the town wall, ‘are identical in position with what is described by Ibn Jubayr as existing in a.p. 1185; further, the ruins of the Mustansiriyah College and the ancient minaret of the Mosque of the Caliph still mark the upper limit of the palace precincts, which, lying within an encircling wall on the river bank, originally occupied about a third of the area of the present walled town. Another fixed point on this eastern side is the existing shrine of Abu Hantfah, which, we are told, stood immediately above the Rusdfah Mosque; the Quarters of Rusdfah and Mukharrim lying between this point and the wall of the present town, one beyond the other on the Tigris bank. Above the Abu Hanifah Shrine was the Upper Bridge of Boats, while the Shammdasiyah Gate and suburb stretched back from the river, and to the north of the Mukharrim Quarter. The Shammasiyah Quarter of the east bank lay opposite the Harbiyah Quarter of Western Baghdad ; and this suburb spreading out below the tombs of the Kazimayn enclosed in a great semicircular sweep the northern side of the Round City of Mansir. The present Kazimayn Shrine is the landmark fixing the upper limit of West Baghdad, and its position in regard to the City of Mansi is clearly set forth in the old accounts. The position of the City of Mansdr and of its four gates is fixed, within certain narrow limits, by the facts stated as to its size :—its four equidistant gates having been a mile apart one from the other, while that known as the Khurdsan Gate opened on the river and the Main Bridge. The Main Bridge-head, on the eastern side, was below Rusdfah and above Mukharrim, these BAGHDAD Aa 354 Baghdad during the Caliphate [cH. two quarters being divided by the great eastern highroad that went along the south side of the Shammisiyah from the Main Bridge to the Khu- rasAn Gate of the (upper) eastern city. The site of the Rusdfah Mosque must have been in the loop of the Tigris above the Main Bridge, for the palaces of the Buyids and Saljiks afterwards stretched from the river bank above the shrine of Abu Hanifah to near the river bank again at the Zahir Garden in the Mukharrim Quarter immediately below the bridge. Here the great Mosque of the Sultan was afterwards built by Malik Shah, which stood a mile distant from the older Rusdfah Mosque, and it lay at a considerable distance outside the upper gate of the wall of later (and modern) Eastern Baghdad. This gate of the later wall appears to be almost identical in position with the more ancient gate of the Tuesday Market, the lowest in the line of the older wall which had surrounded the three Northern Quarters of Mukharrim, Sham- masiyah and Rus4fah; for this older wall of the Northern Quarters went from below the Lower Bridge inland to the Abraz Gate (which we know from YA4kit stood within the area of the modern city) and thence going up past the Khurdsdn and Baradan Gates rejoined the river bank again at the Shammisiyah Gate, some distance above the shrine of Abu Hanifah, over against the Kazimayn on the west bank. The line of this older wall can only be traced approximately by plotting in the various roads and gates mentioned, but its general course is clearly indicated by many incidental references. In Western Baghdad a fixed point is the present shrine of Ma‘raf Karkhi, which we are told lay xxiv.] Recapitulation: Final Period 355 outside the Basrah Gate of the Round City; and the positions of the Basrah and Kfifah Gates—lying a mile apart one from the other, and opening on the highroads going, respectively, south to Kdfah, and down the Tigris bank—are fixed within narrow limits by the Ma‘raif Shrine. The present Bridge of Boats, which crosses the Tigris opposite the remains of the Mustansiriyah College, is almost certainly identical in position with the bridge men- tioned by Ibn Jubayr and Y4kft as starting from the Kasr ‘IsA Quarter, which was separated by the Lower Harbour, at the mouth of the ‘fsa Canal, from the Kurayyah Quarter. The positions of these two quarters in regard to the Basrah Gate of the Round City are thus fixed; and the Kuray- yah Quarter lay opposite the Nizdmiyah College in Eastern Baghdad, which stood near the Tigris bank between the Palaces of the Caliphs and the city wall at the Kalwddha Gate, which last is now known as the Bab-ash-Sharki of modern Baghdad. The courses of the ‘{sA Canal, the Sarat, and the Trench of Tahir, with their numerous branches, also the site of the town of Muhawwal, of which apparently nothing now remains, are all fixed, within narrow limits, by a line drawn from the point where the Nahr ‘is4 left the Euphrates below Anbar to the mouth of this canal, where its waters poured into the Tigris at the Lower Harbour immediately below the Palace Bridge and opposite the Mustan- sirtyah College. Further, the curves followed by the ‘isa Canal and the Sarat, with their connecting watercourses, have to be laid down so as to carry these round the circle of the City of Mansfr, which, with the Harbiyah Quarter, lay between the Sarit Aa2 356 Baghdad during the Caliphate and the Trench of Tahir; due account being taken of the network of waterways described by Ibn Serapion which thus enveloped the Round City to the south, west, and north, while the Tigris bank marked its eastern limit. Such, in brief outline, is the method that has been followed in constructing the accompanying plans; the details are filled in from the incidental mention by many authorities of the relative positions of places; and that in their general lines these plans are fairly exact appears to be proved by the plotting-out, where various minor points from diverse authors all work into the places indicated by the two contemporary descriptions of Ya‘kabi and Ibn Serapion. But though the relative positions of most of the important places are thus fixed on more than one authority, the actual positions on the modern map are still to be sought, and these can only be ascertained when excavations shall have been made, bringing to light the ruins of the Mosque of Mansir in the western city, and of the Rusdfah Mosque on the eastern bank, with the great Mosque of the Sultan a mile distant from it. Some traces of these great mosques must surely be extant, for they were built of kiln-burnt bricks or tiles, which do not quickly perish, and all three were still standing in the fourteenth century a.D., when Ibn Batdtah visited Baghdad. INDEX E. B. refers to places in Eastern Baghdad. W.B. refers to places in Western Baghdad. Abarkih, 159. ‘AbbAdan, 8. ‘AbbAdi, 79. ‘Abbarat-al-Kiikh, 112. ‘Abbas, brother of Manstir, 142; bridge of (W.B.), 149; bridge and ditch of (E. B.), 225. ‘Abbas, Shah of Persia, 345. ‘Abbasiyah Island, 142, 148. ‘Abd-Allah al-Ma‘badi, 75. ‘Abd-Allah ibn Malik, 204. ‘Abd-Allah or ‘Ubayd-Allah, son of the Caliph Mahdi, 218. ‘Abd-Allah, son of Ibn Hanbal and his tomb, 160, 165-7, 350. ‘Abd-Allah, the Alid, 205. ‘Abd-al-KAdir Gilani, 348, 349. ‘Abd-al-Wahhab, fief, market, palace, and suburb, 59, 141. ‘Abd-al-W4hid, market, 59. ‘Abd-ar-Rahmén of Cordova, 190. “Abd-as-Samad, uncle of Manstir, 28. \vAbnA, or Persian nobles, 128. Abraz Gate, 171-6, 228, 284-8. Abu ‘Ali ibn Shadh4n, 182. N\ Abu ‘Attab, canal, 52, 61, 62 gl. Abu ‘Awn, fief and quarter, 124. Abu Bakr, Mirz4, 345. Abu Hanifah, the Imam, overseer of works at building of Baghdad, 17; road of (W. B.), 27; his tomb and quarter of (E. B.), 160, 190-2, 197, 280, 282, 334, 349, 353- Abu-Ja‘far (the Caliph Mansir), mill, 142. Abu-Ja‘far az-Zammam, 191. Abu Kabisah Gate, 150. Abu-l-‘Abb4s, quadrangle, 126. Abu-l-Faraj, 338. Abu-l-Fida, 340. Abu-l-Jawn, bridge, 128, 129. Abu-l-Kasim, mill, 63. Abu-l-Khastb, the chamberlain, 227. Abu-l-Ward, market, 60. Abu-Muslim, 127. Abu-n-Nadr,or Abu Nasr Hashim, 215. Abu Sa‘d of Nishapir, 100. ae 358 Abu Suwayd, al Jariid, archway, 130. Abu “Ubayd, the Barmecide, 206. Abwab-al-Hadid, 215. Abydos, 285. “Adud-ad-Dawlah, 103, 104, 205, 319, 322; his palace, 234-8; garden and canal, 235-7; his treasurer, 259. ‘Adud-ad-Din, palace, 97. ‘Adudi Hospital, 45, 46, 103-5, 342, 346. Ahmad ibn ‘All, al-Khatib Bagh- dad, 323. Ahmad ibn al- Khasib, 86, 223,226. Ahmad Ibn Hanbal and his tomb, 112, 158, 165-7, 350. Ahmad ibn Nasr, 215. Ahmad Jalayr, Sultan, 345. “‘Ajami Fief, 116, 292, 296. ‘Ajami Tower, 292, 341-3. Ajurr, Darb (E. B.), 282. Ajurr, Darb (W. B.), 84. “Akd-al-Mustani® and ‘Akd-az- ZarrAdin, 284-8. “Akki, arcade, 130. Ak-Kuyunli Dynasty, 345. “Akr (castle), 83. ‘Ali, Caliph, 2, 154, 320, 322; shrine of the Mintakah, go. ‘Ali-ar-Rida, Im4m, tomb, 147. ‘Ali ibn-al-FurAt, 221. ‘Ali ibn Jabalah, 97. ‘Alt Muktafi, Caliph, 195, 252-4, 260; his tomb, 120, 195. Alid insurrection at Medinah, 15. Alkali Bridge, 75. Alp Arslan, 297, 298, 322. Amid, 251. Amin, Caliph, and the first siege of Baghdad, 32, 33, 43, 44, 111, 112, 245, 303, 306-10; his kiosk at Kalwadha, 295, 307; his tomb, 161-5, 194. Index ‘Ammar, Gate, 226, 227. ‘Ammirlyah, or Amorium, 275. ‘Amr-ar-Rimi, street, 220. ‘Amr ibn Sim‘An, 91. ‘Amfid Canal, 62-4. Anbar Bridge, Canal, Gate, and Garden, 55, 111,130-4, 307, 310. Anbar Road, 55, 304. Anbar, town, 5, 12, 73, 194. Anbarite Mosque, 61. Ancient Market, Quarter, go. Angle Bastion, 292. Ansar Bridge and Tank, 222, 223, 225. Arcades of the Round City, 25, 26, 44. Arch and Archway. under Tak. Archway, Gate of the, 218. Archway of the Artificer and of the Armourer, 284-8. Archway of the Harranian, 90, 91, 96. ‘Arib, continuator of Tabart, 331. Armour in Firdfis Palace, 257, Armourers’ Archway, 286-8. Armoury in the Round City, 31. Arrayan, Spanish for myrtle, 271. Arrow-flight, distance of, 285. Artificer Archway, 284-6. Ashmfiina, 209. ‘Askar-al-Mahdi (RusAfah), 42, 189. Asm, palace of, 218. Ass, Cupola of the (E. B.), 254. Ass, Mound of the (W. B.), 78. ‘Attkah Quarter, go. ‘Atikiyah Quarter, 139, 140. ‘Atsh, ‘thirst,’ not ‘famine,’ in name of market, 224. ‘Attab, great-grandson of Omay- yah, 138 “Attabiyah, or ‘Attabtyin Quarter, See also Index and the ‘AttAbf silks, 137, 138, 333s 330 ‘Attarlyin (Perfumers), 272. ‘Awn, the Alid, his tomb, 352. ‘Ayishah Khanum, her tomb, 351. Azaj Gate, 285, 287, 290, 296-9. Azhar ibn Zuhayr, Fief of, 59. Bab Abraz, 171-6, 228, 284-8. Bab Abu Kabisah, 150. Bab-ad-Dawlah, 24. Bab-ad-Dawwamat, 276. Bab-adh-Dhahab, 31. Babak, son of Bahram, 83. Babak, the heretic, 237. Bab-al-‘Ammah, 225-9, 274-6. Bab-al-Arha (or Arja), 84. Bab-al-‘Atabah, 274-6. Bab-al-Azaj, 285, 287, 290, 296-9. Bab-al-Badriyah, 270, 272. Bab-al-Basaliyah, 281, 283, 290-7. Bab-al-Bustan (E. B.), 276. Bab-al-Bustan (W. B.), 110, 111. Bab-al-Firdtis, 250. Bab-al-Gharabah, 265, 266. _ Bab-al-Hadid, 111, 127, 128, 163, 312, 316. Bab-al-Halbah, 281, 291-3, 343. Bab-al-Haram, 276. Bab-al-Hujrah, 259. Bab-al-Jisr, 178, 198. Bab-al-Karkh, 63. Bab-al-Kati‘ah (Zubaydiyah), 113. Bab-al-Khalaj, 281, 294. Bab-al-Khassah, 270. Bab-al-Khuluj, 294. Bab-al-Maratib, 271, 276, 277. Bab-al-Mu‘azzam, 170, 192, 225, 281, 282, 348, 352-4. Bab-al-Wustant, 281, 288, 348. Bab-al-YAsirtyah, 151. Bab ‘Ammar, 226, 227. Bab ‘Ammiriyah, 275. Bab Anbar, 55, 111, 130-4, 307, 310. 359 Bab-ash-Sha‘ir (Lower), 61, 95, 179. Bab-ash-Sha‘ir (Upper), 139, Bab-ash-Sham, gate of Round City, 17. Bab-ash-Sham, village, 203. Bab-ash-Shammastfyah, 170-5, 198, 199, 201, 203, 206, 219. Bab-ash-Sharki, 281, 294, 349. Bab-as-Safartyah, 288. Bab-as-Sultan, 266, 341. Bab-at-Tak, 178, 181, 218, 320. Bab-at-Talism, 281, 291, 348, 349. Bab-at-Tibn, 115, 123, 160. Bab-az-Zafariyah, 281, 283, 288-95. Bab Baradan, 170-3, 200, 204, 206. Bab Basrah, 17; Quarter of, 46, 89-98, 336. Bab Bin, 287. Bab Kalwadha, 179, 271, 281, 283, 290-7; 342, 355- Bab Kattf‘ah Mushkir, 229. Bab Katrabbul, 113, 313. Bab Khurdsén, of Mukharrim, 170, 305. Bab Khurdsan, of New Baghdad, 281, 288. Bab Khurds4n, of Round City, 17, 24, 101, 105. Bab Kafah, 17, 59. Bab Muhawwal, 46, 146-9; Quar- ter of, 318. Bab Mukayyar, 224, 226. Bab Mukharrim, 225. Bab Nahbdsin or Nakhkhasin, 68. Bab Nasr, 215. Bab Nabi, 272, 274-6. Bab Stik-ad-Dawwabb, 220, 227. Bab Sfk-ath-Thalathah, 95, 171-3, 179, 197, 219, 220, 228, 266, 268, 277, 283. 281, 282, 360 Bab Sik-at-Tamr, 265, 266. Bab ‘Ullay4n, 276. Badr Gate and Badriyah Market, 270-2. Badr the Wazir and the Badrtyah Mosque, 36. Badurdy4 District, 14, 50, 51, 315. Baghdad, advantages of site, 14; Assyrian city of this name, 9; city described by Ya‘kaibi and Ibn Serapion, 314; by Istakhri and Ibn Hawkal, 319; by Khatib, 323; by Ibn Jubayr, 332; by Yakat, 335; by author of Mara- sid, 344; by Ibn Battitah, 346; by Hamd-Allah, 347 ; by Taver- nier, 348 ; by Niebuhr and Jones, 352; Eastern and Western Quarters, 169; etymology of Baghdad, 10; orientation of, arbitrary, 315 ; Sassanian Bagh- dad, 12; sieges, first, 303, 306- Io; second, 311-4; third, 327; fourth, 328-30; fifth, 340-3; size of city, 321, 323-6; wall of Musta‘in, 312, 318; wall of Mustazhir, 327. Baghiyin, 108. Baha-ad-Din, biographer of Sala- din, 298. Bahlil Danah, 350. Bajisra, 174. Bajkam the Turk, 155. Bakery, public, 31. Bakir Aghd, the Janissary, 345. Banafsah, the slave girl, 79. Banawari, 67. Bani Zurayk Bridge, 75, 76, 89. Banijah or Banikah Palace, 226. Baradan Bridge and Road, 206, 215. Baradan Cemetery, 204, 205. Baradan Gate, 170-3, 200, 204, 206. Index Baradan, town, 174. Baratha, 153-6; mosque, 320. Barimma, 9. | Barley Gate, Lower, 61, 95, 179. Barley Gate, Upper, 139. Barley Street, 95. Barmak and the Barmecides, 37- 40; fall of, 306; their fiefs, 200; and palaces, 206. Basaliyah Gate and Quarter, 281, 283, 290-7. BasAsiri, 36. Basil plant, 271-2. Basrah Gate, 17. Basrah Gate highroad, 75, 355. Basrah Gate Mosque, 332. Basrah Gate Quarter, 46, 89-98, 336. Basrah town, 5, 16. Batatiya Canal, 55, 111, 123-5, 132, 133. Batrak and Batrik, 145. Battikh, Dar, 85, 342. Bay4wari, 67. Bayn-al-Kasrayn, 218. Bayraz Gate, 287. Bayt-as-Sittini, 235. Bazzazin Canal, 52, 53, 63, 77, 783 (lower reach), 91. Belvedere of Badr Gate, 273. Belvedere of Garden Gate, 276. Belvedere of Halbah Gate, 292. Belvedere of Mustansirfyah, 268. Benjamin of Tudela, 332. Biméaristan ‘Adudi, 45, 46, 103-5, 319, 342, 346; Market of, 105. BimAristan Bridge, 62. Biméristan of the Mustansirlyah, |“ 268. Bimaristan Tutushi, 296-8. Birds, mechanical, in gold and silver, 256. Bir Maymiin, 194. Bishr-al-HAfi, 158. Index Bitumen used in Hammams, 224, 335+ Biyabraz Gate, 287. Black Sheep Turkoman dynasty, 345+ Blue tiles, 36, 79. Bohadin, biographer of Saladin, 298. Booksellers’ Market, 92. Bowshot, distance of a, 285. Bracelet Street, 108. Bricks, Assyrian, in Baghdad, 9. Bricks, size of, used by Mansiir, 19. Bricks, Street of (E. B.), 282. Bricks, Street of (W.B.), 84. Bridge at Harb, 338. Bridge at Kasr Sabir, 185. Bridge Gate, 178, 198. Bridge, masonry. See Kantarah. Bridge, modern, 185, 186. Bridge of Boats or Jisr, 42; Upper, 107, 118, 122-6, 177-86, 198; Main, 102-9, 177-86, 217-20; Lower, 95, 177-86. Bridge of the Date Palms, 148. Bridge of the Palaces, 87, 90, 183-6, 265. Bridge of the Street of Rocks, 150. Bridge Works, Offices of, 108. Broita, 156. Baik District and Canal, 14, 50. Bukhariot Mosque, 134. Bian, wife of Maman, 246-9. Burj-al-‘Ajami, 292, 341-3. Burjulaniyah or Burjulaniyin Sub- urb, 108. Bustan-ar-Rakkah, 261. Bustan Bridge, 75, 76. Bustan Hafs, 189. Bustan Zahir, 176, 219, 220, 232, 238, 240. Butchers’ Market, 77. Butter Bridge, 148. 361 Buyid Palaces, 178, 204, 231-40, 282, 319-22. Buyids, period of their supremacy, 302, 318-22, Cages, Street of, 134. Caliphs, period of the great, 302. Caliphs, tombs of the Abbasid, 193. Camels and elephants, 237. Canal. See Nahr. Canal-diggers’ Quarter, 78. Canal dug by ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah, 236. Canal of the Palaces, 177. Canal of the Road, 285. Canals, Gate of, 294. Cara Capi, 294, 349. Catholicos, monastery of, 210. Catholicos or Patriarch of the Nestorians, 208, 213. Cemetery. See under Makbarah and Mukaébir. Cemetery of the Convent Gate, 98-100. Cemetery of the Harb Gate, 158, 159. Cemetery of the KunAsah, 155. Cemetery of the Martyrs, 158, 164. Cemetery of the Straw Gate, 160-5. Cemetery of the Syrian Gate, 130, 131. Cemetery of Wardtyah, 287-8. Cemetery, Old, 153. Central area of Round City, 18, 27, 28. Chahar Saj Quarter, 136, 137; 336. Chalk Road, 134. Chancery Office, 31. Chick-pea broth, 82. China, Christians in, 213. Chinese goods, market of, 197. 362 Christian Churches in Baghdad, 209-212. Christian Quarter (E. B.), 207-10, 214, 232. Christians under the Caliphate, 207-9. Clay Castle, 201. Clepsydra or clock, 267. Clothes-Merchants’ Canal and Market, 52, 53, 63, 77, 78, 91. Cobblers’ Market, 77. Conduit. See Nahr. Conduit of the Reed-Hut, 112. Conduits to Round City, 29. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 255. Convent. See Dayr. Convent Gate, 99. Convent of the Foxes, 99. Cooked meats, sellers of, and their Canal, 53, 78, 795 81-4, 336. Cookmen’s Quarter, 91. Coppersmiths’ Gate, 68. Cotton House, 84. Cotton Market Palace, 265. Cotton-merchants’ Wharf, 181. Cross of the Crusaders, 274, 275. Ctesiphon (Madain), 37, 253, 254. Cupolas, Monastery of the, 118. Dabbaghin, 156. Dabik embroidery, 257. Dajaj Canal, 53, 77, 78; lower reach of, 91. Dakik, mistake for Rakik, 123. Damascus, 2-5. Dar-al-Amir (Buyid Palaces), 322. Dar-al-Battikh, 85, 342. Dar-al-Fil, 270, 271. Dér-al-Hasan of the Palaces, 195. Dar-al-Jawz, 91. Dar-al-Kattan, 35. Dar-al-Kazz, 137, 139. Dar-al-Khilafah, 233, 243, 314. Golden Index Dar-al-Kutn (W. B.), 84. Dar-al-Kutuniyah (E. B.), 265. Dar-al-Mamlakah, 233. See Dar-as-Sultan. Dar-al-Mudhahhabah, 195. Dér-ar-Raktk, 123, 124. DAr-ar-Rayhaniyin, 266, 271-4, 327. Dar-ar-Rikham, 120. Dar-ar-Rim (E.B.), 207-10; mot Constantinople, 214. Dar-ar-Rimiyin (W. B.), 149. DAr-ash-Shajarah, 256, 257. Dar-ash-Shatibiyah or ash-Shati- yah, 253. Dar-as-Saltanah (of the Taj), 253, 262. D4r-as-Sayyidah, 266, 272. D4r-as-Sultan, or as-Sultaniyah, or as-Saltanah (Buyid Palaces), 178, 204, 231-40, 319-22. Dar-at-Tawawis, 259. Dar Faraj, 201. Dar Ja‘far, 86. Dar Ka‘ydbah, 153. Dar Khatiin, 265, 272. Dar Sa‘id-al-Harashf, 221, 222. Dar Sa‘id-al-Khattb, 129. Darb-al-Ajurr (E. B.), 282. Darb-al-Ajurr (W. B.), 84. Darb-al-Akfas, 134. Darb-al-Hijarah, 150, 151, 308. Darb-al-Kassarin, 134. Darb-al-Kayy4r, 224. Darb-al-Lawziyah, 286. Darb-al-Mas‘fd, 297. Darb-al-Munirah, 282. Darb-an-Nahr, 285. Darb-an-Nfrah, 134. Darb-ash-Sha'‘tr, 95. Darb-at-Tawil, 221. Darb-Siwa4r, 108. Darb-Sulayman, 108. Dargah-i-Khatin, 273. Index Darmalis Monastery, 202. Darrdbat, 63. Dastab@yah melons, 258. Date-market, Gate and Palace, 265, 266. Date-palm, Bridge of, 148. Date-palm plantations, 154. Dates in Caliph’s garden, 257. Dafd, Tank of, 223. Daiid, uncle of Mansiir, 28. Dawwérat-al-Himér, 78. Daylamite body-guard, 235. Daylamites. See Buyids. Dayr-al-‘Adharé, 83. Dayr-al-Asiyah, 212. Dayr-al-Kibab, 118. Dayr-ar-Riim, 207-10, 214. Dayr Ashmfina, 209. Dayr-ath-Tha‘alib, 99, 210. Dayr-az-Zuraykiyah, 212. Dayr Darmilis, 202. Dayr Durté, 118. Dayr Jathilik, 210. Dayr, Jurjis, 210. Dayr Midyan, 209. Dayr Sabar, 210. Dayr SamAli, 202. Dayr Sarkhis, 210. Dayr Zandaward, 211, 296, 297. Degrees, Gate of, 271, 276, 277. Dhira’. See Ell. Dhé-l-Yaminayn, 119. Dihk4ns, 128. Dimmima Bridge, 73. Ditch of Round City, 21. Divide, Triple, on M(s4 Canal, 176. Diwén-as-Sadakah, 59. Diwans or State Offices, 31, 235. Dogs’ Canal, 53, 69, 74, 78. Dogs’ Fief, 78. Dole given at Abu Hanifah Shrine, 192. Dome of the Ass, 260. 363 Domes, the Little (Quarter of E. B.), 289. See also Cupolas. Dried-fruit sellers, 266. Dromedary House, 59. Dujayl Canal, earlier and later, 29, 48, 49, 53, 338. Dujayl highroad and its canal, III, 127-31. Dukkén-al-Abnéa, 127. Dilab-i-Bakal, 342. Dilab water-wheels, 190, 321. Dar, palaces (E. B.), 200. Dar, town, 174. Durt4é Monastery, 118. va Dyke and Ditch of the Round City, 21. Dyke of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah, 232, 233, 284, 319. Dyke of the Taj Palace, 254, 261. Eastern Gate (New Baghdad), 281, 294, 349. Eastern Quarter of West Baghdad, 53) 77; 90, 91. Elephant-house at Badr Gate, 270, 271. Elephant-house in Taj Palace, 256. Elephants used in Baghdad, 237. Ell, Hashimite, 18; of twenty- three inches, 324. Epitomist of Ibn Hawkal, 161. Epitomist of Yakat. See Mardsid. Euphrates, course of, during Mid- dle Ages, 7. Euphrates, waters, how used for irrigation, 48. Executions on Bridges of Boats, 180, Fadl Canal, 175, 176, 200, 202, 234. Fadl ibn Rabi‘ and his Palace, 68, 143, 197 364 Fadl ibn Sahl, 245, 246. Fadl, the Barmecide, 200. Fakhri, 338, 341. Fam-as-Silh, 246. Faraj the Mamlfik, 201. Fardah (Harbour), Lower, 51, 52, 74, 85-8, 172, 184, 355. Fardah (Harbour), Upper, 50, 108, 118, 122-6, 139, 172. Fardah of Ja‘far, 85. Farrashes, Fief of the, 149. FAtimah, granddaughter of Malik Shah, 273. Fatimite Caliph prayed for in Baghdad, 36. Fief. See Kati‘ah. Fief, Gate of the, 113. Fief of Dogs, 78. Fief of Muhajir and of Musayyib, 59. Fief of Mushkir, 229, 249, 275. Fief of Rabf‘, 58, 123, 143, 197, 322. Fief of Rayasanah, 61, 95. Fief of Sharawi, 59. Figure of magic horseman wind- vane, 31. Figures of horsemen in Palace of Caliph, 257. Firdfis, meaning of, 250. Firdtis Palace, 171, 177, 219, 225, 228, 229, 243, 250, 251, 257, 277, 318. Fires in Baghdad (A. H. 292), 218; (A. H. 450), 238; (A.H. 440, 467, 551), 296. Firewood market, 197. Four Markets, 136, 137, 336. Fowls’ Canal, 53-7) 77; 78, ol. ~4, Foxes, Monastery of, 99, 210. Freedmen’s Stables, 59. Fruit-market, 85, 342. Fullers, Street of, 134. Garden Bridge, 75, 76. Index Garden Gate (E. B.), 276. Garden Gate (W. B.), 110, III. Garden of ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah, 235-7- Garden of Hafs, 189. Garden of T4hir, 110, I11. Garden of the Rakkah, 261. Garden. See also Bustan. Gate. See Bab. Gate of Darkness, 294. Gate of Degrees, 296. Gates of New Baghdad, 280. Gate of the Horse-market, 220, 227. Gate of the Portico or Gallery, 296. Gate of the Sultan, 225. Gate of the Tuesday Market (E. B.), 95, 171-3, 179, 197, 219, 220, 228, 266, 268, 277, 283. Gates of Palace Wall (E. B.), 265. Gates of the Round City, 20, 22-8; their orientation, 41; their gate- houses, 45. George, Monastery of Saint, 210. Gerarah, 295. Ghalib, market of, 67. Ghalwah (arrow-flight), 285. GhAamish, road of, 139. Gharabah Gate, 265, 266. Gharib (or Ghurayb), 86. Ghazan Khan, 341. Ghazzalt, 298. Ghitrif, arcade of, 130. Ghulams (Pages) of the Caliph, 26; of the Chamberlain, 123. Girdle, shrine of the, 90. Golden Palace, or Palace of the Golden Gate, 19, 30-3, 242-5, 309, 318. Goldsmiths’ Market, 218. Goldwire-drawers, 272. Grapes of Zandaward, 297. Great Road of the Mukharrim, 219, 224, 225, 255. Index Grecian windows, 25. Greek ambassadors from Con- stantine Porphyrogenitus, 225, 255-7, 323. Greek envoy, 65, 142, 144. Greeks, House of the (E. B.), 207. Greeks, House of the (W. B.), and Bridge of the Greek Woman, 149. Green Dome, Palace of the, 31-3. Green Domes over gateways of Round City, 24. Guzidah, history, 347. Habl, (cord) measure, 326. Hadi, Caliph, tomb, 193, 194. Hafs, garden of, 189. Hafs ibn “Othman, palace, 108. Hajjaj-al-Wasif, 226. Hajjaj, Viceroy of ‘Irak, 20. Halaj for Khalaj, 294. Halbah Gate, 281, 291-3, 343. Halbah or polo-ground, 292. Hall of the Sultanate, 262. Hall of the Wazirs,. 259. Hallaj, tomb of, 160. Halls of the Rayhaniyin, 273. Hamd-Allah Mustawfi, 347. Hamdinah, 201. HA4ni, Road and Palace of, 132. Hantfah Suburb (W. B.), 117. Haramayn or Harim, Palace Pre- cincts (E. B.), 263, 314, 319, 331; size of, 334. Harashi, 222. Harb Gate and Bridge, 112. Harb Gate Cemetery, 112,158,159. Harb Gate Road and Canal, 124, 126. Harb ibn ‘Abd Allah, 108, 109. Harb Quarter or Harbiyah, 107- 28, 305, 333, 3353 later, and its mosque, 125; canals of, 49, 53-6. 365 Harba Bridge, 338. Harbour, Lower, 51, 52, 74, 85-8, 172, 184, 355. Harbour, Upper, 50, 108, 118, 122-6, 139, 172. Harim. . See Haramayn. Harim of T4hir, 119-21, 327; tombs here, 195. Harithtyah, 210. Harrani Archway, 90, 91, 96. Harthamah, 43, 307-10. H4riin-ar-Rashid, 32, 34, 202, 218, 243-5, 305, 306, 350; his tomb, _ 147, 194. Harirt rebels, 154. Hasan Buzurg, 345. Hasan ibn Kahtabah, suburb, 140. Hasan 250. Hasant Palace, 171, 228, 229, 250, 264, 266, 275, 277, 318. HAshimiyah, 5, 6. Hattin battle, 274. Hawanit-al-‘Allafin, 225. Hawd Ansar, Dafid, and Hay- lanah, 223. Hawd ‘Atik, 150. Hawr (Lagoon), 8. Haylanah Suburb (W. B.), 146. Haylanah Tank (E. B.), 223. Haymarket, 225. Haytham, market, 136. Helena (Haylanah), 146, 223. Hellespont, 285. Helpers (the AnsAr), 222, 223. Hilal ibn Muhsin, 182. Hillah, bridge of boats at, 185. Hirah, 5. History of Baghdad by Khatib, 323. Horse-gallop (distance), 285. Horse Guards Barracks, 23, 26, 27; 30. ibn Sahl, 96, 243-6, 366 Horseman, magic (wind-vane), 31. Horse Market, 227. Horse Market Gate, 220. Horsemen, figures of, in Caliph’s Palace, 357. Hospital, Buyid (‘Adudi), 45, 46, 103-5, 319, 342, 346. Hospital, Market of the, 105. Hospital of the Mustansiriyah, 268. Hospital, Old (W. B.), and Bridge, 62. Hospital, Tutushi, 296-8. House. See Dar and Kasr. Hujrah, or Halls of the Rayhani= yin, 273. Halagf, 105, 185, 193, 252, 293, 340-3. Humayd ibn ‘Abd-al- Hamid Palace, 95, 96, 137. Humayd ibn Kahtabah, 15, 16, 140, 147, 148. Husayn Pasha, 351, 352 Hutamiyah, 206. Hyaena Gate, 276. ee ee Ibn Abi ‘Awn, palace and road, 124. Ibn Abi DAtid, Wazir, 189. Ibn Abi Maryam, 141. Ibn-al-Athir, 331, 340. N\ Ibn-al-Furat the historian, 343. Ibn-al-Furat, Wazir, Palace of, 221. Ibn-al-Khasib, palace, 86, 223, 226. ~ Ibn-al-Muttalib, mosque, 87. Ibn Batitah, 346. Ibn Hanbal, tomb, 112, 158, 165-7, 350. Ibn Hawkal, 319-22; his epitomist, 161. 1bn Hubayrah, town and castle, 6. Ibn Ishak, tomb, 193. Index Ibn Jubayr, 332-5; mistake in text, 88. Ibn Khallikan, 338. Ibn Malik, 204. Ibn Muklah, 220. Ibn Raghban, mosque, 61, os Ibn Razin Quarter, 285. Ibn Rustah, 314. Ibn Sahl, 245. Ibn Serapion, 47, 303, 314; mistake about canals, 175. Ibrahim, the Alid pretender, 16. Ibrahim-al-Harbi, tomb, 133. Ibrahim, Caliph, uncle of Mamiin, 96. Ibrahim ibn Dhakwan, 91. {l-Khan dynasty, 345. ‘Imad-ad-Din, 330. Inscription in Bektash Takiyah, 350. Inscription in Mosque of Mansir, 35+ Inscription of the Mustansiriyah College and Mosque, 269. Inscription on false Tomb of Zubaydah, 351. Inscription on Halbah Gate, 291. Insurrections in Baghdad: (ina.H. 406, 422, and 447), 95; (inA.H. 443), 163, 164; (in A.H. 488), 84. Inundation of Tigris (in A. H. 330), 44; (in A.H. 466), 104, 159, 233, 251,254, 283; (in A.H. 554), 104, 159, 234, 286, 291; (in A.H. 604), 295; (in A. H. 614), 89, 97, 121, 159; in time of Musta‘sim, 46. Iron Gate, its Road and Bridge (W.B.), 111, 127, 128, 312, 316; garden at, 163. Iron Gates (E. B.), 207, 215. Iron gates of Wall of Round City, 20, 21. ‘TsAbad, 194. Index ‘Isd Canal, 5, 44, 49-56, 81-94, 151-3, 156, 157, 321, 3553 its bridges, 71-6. ‘fsa ibn Maryam (Jesus son of Mary), 73. ‘Isa, nephew of Caliph Mansi, 16, 69, 72. ‘TsA, son of Ja‘far, 85, 86. ‘Is4, uncle of Caliph Mansar, 28, 69, 72, 143; his palace and fief, 146. { Isfahan, 195. Ishak ibn Ibrahim, the T4hirid, 119. Ishak of Mosul, 61. Ishakiyah Canal, 48. Ismail I, Shah of Persia, 345. Istabl-al-Mawla, 59. Istakhri, 319-22. Itakh the Turk, 226. ‘Izz-ad-Dawlah, 234. Jabal Hamrin, 9. Jacobite Christians in Baghdad, 207 ; their church (E. B.), 209. Jadid for Hadid, 111. Ja‘far, market, 200, 201. Ja‘far, son or grandson of Mansiir, 86, 109, 114. Jafar the Barmecide, 180, 200, 243-5, 306. Ja‘far-al-Akbar, son of Caliph Mansfir, 160, 164. Ja‘fari Canal, 175. Ja‘fart Palace, 243-5. Jalal-ad-Dawlah, 161-4, 238. Jalayr dynasty, 345. Jami‘-al-Kasr, 243, 252, 253, 269, 278, 317, 320, 324, 338, 343. Jami‘-al-Katt'ah, 115, 116. Jami‘-al-Mahdi, Rusdfah, 188,196, 280, 346, 354, 356. Jami‘-as-Sultan, 240, 282, 326, 339,346. 367 Jami of the Round City (Mosque of Mansir), afterwards called the Jami‘ of the Basrah Gate, 19, 30, 33-7, 346, 356. \Jami® or Great Mosque for the Friday prayers, 125, and see under Mosque. Janah, a belvedere, 32. Jarib, measure, 324. Jarjarayé, 9. Jathilik, monastery of, 210. Jathilik or Catholicos of the Nestorians, 208. Jawsak Muhdith (New Kiosk),257. Jawz, Dar, 91. Jawz for Jawn, 129. Jazz4rin (butchers), 77. Jews’ Bridge and Fief, 150. Jisr or Bridge of Boats (q. v.), 177. Jones, Commander F., 349. Judge’s Garden Quarter, 287-9. Juhayr Garden Quarter, 296. Junayd, tomb, 79. Jurjis (Saint George) Monastery, 210. Ka’b, house of, 77. Kabr-an-Nudhar, 205. Kabsh-wa-l-Asad Quarter, III, 133. KAdir, Caliph, 125. Kadiriyah Dervishes, 348. Kahir, Caliph, 231; his tomb, 195; garden of, 258. Kahtabah family, 16. Kahtabah Road, 140, 141. Kaim, Caliph, 99; his daughter marries Tughril Beg, 239. Kal‘ah (castle) in Western Bagh- dad, 342. Kallayin Canal and Quarter, 53, 78, 79; 81-4, 336. Kallayin or Kallatin Canal of Zubaydiyah, 116. w 368 Kalwadha Gate (E. B.), 179, 271, 281, 283, 290-7, 342, 355. Kalwadha Rakkah, palace, 295, 307. KalwAddha Town and District, 14, 50, 175, 293-7; mosque, 320. Kanat (watercourse), 56. Kantarah, a masonry bridge, 56, 177. Kantarah Abu-l-Jawn, 128, 129. Kantarah-al-‘Abbas (E. B.), 225. Kantarah-al-“Abbas (W. B.), 149. Kantarah-al-Ansar, 222. Kantarah-al-‘Atikah, 50, 54,60,93. Kantarah-al-Bustan, 75, 76. Kantarah-al-Jadidah or al-Hadt- thah, 52, 91-3. Kantarah-al-Ma'badi, 75. Kantarah-al-Maghid, 75, 84. Kantarah-al-Muhaddithin, 76. Kantarah-al- Ushnan, 75. Kantarah-al-Yahid, 150. Kantarah-al-Yasirlyah, 74, 76, 151, 152, 313, 321. Kantarah-ar-Rimiyah, 149. Kantarah-ar-Rumman, 75. Kantarah-ash-Shawk, 53, 74-9. Kantarah-as-Sintyat, 148. Kantarah-at-Tabbanin, 124, 126. Kantarah-az-Zayyatin, 74-6. Kantarah-az-Zubd, 148. Kantarah Bani Zurayk, 75, 76, 89. Kantarah Baradan, 206, 215. Kantarah Biméaristan, 62. Kantarah Darb-al-Hijarah, 150. Kantarah Dimmima, 73. Kantarah Ruha-al-Batrik, 148. Kantarah Ruha Umm-Ja‘far, 113. Karah Abu-sh-Shahm, 289. Karah-al-Kadi, 287-9. Karah Ibn Razin, 285. Karah Juhayr, 296. Karah, meaning garden, 286. Karah-Zafar, 288. Index Kara-Kuyunli dynasty, 345. Karafilik or Karolog Kapi, 294. Karar Palace, 102. Karchiaka, 66. Karkh Gate, 63. Karkh, meaning of, 63; name for Western Baghdad, 320. Karkh Suburb, inner and outer, 46, 63, 77, 304, 336; its canals, 52-6; limit of, position, and size, 64, 83, 84; markets of, 65-8; these removed to Eastern Baghdad, 222. Karkhaya Canal, 29, 52-6, 67-80, 149-53, 336. Kasr. See Palace. Kasr-al-Kamil, 253. Kasr-al-Khuld, 32, 95, 101-5, 242, 243, 245, 305, 308, 318. Kasr-ath-Thurayy4, 176, 227, 250, 251, 307. Kasr-at-T4j (earlier), 39, 171, 228, 229, 243, 250-6, 318; garden, 258; great hall, 259; palace burnt, 260. Kasr-at-Tj (later), 261, 278, 327. Kasr-at-Tin, 201. Kasr Firdtis, 171, 177, 219, 225, 228, 229, 243, 250, 251, 257, 277, 318. : Kasr Humayd, 95, 96, 137. Kasr ‘fsa, 86, 87, 185; and Quar- ter, 94, 195. Kasr Ja‘farl, 243-5. Kasr Mahdi (Rus&fah), 42, 170, 189, 196, 305. Kasr Maydan Khilis, 296, 297. Kasr Rakkah Kalwadhé, 295. Kasr Sabir, 185. Kasr Umm Habib, 197. Kasr Umm Ja'far, 103. Kasr Waddah (E. B.), 198. Kasr Waddah (W. B.), 58, 92. Kass or Kuss, garden, 132. Index Kati‘ah-al-‘Ajami, Fief and Quar- ter, 116, 292, 296. Kati‘ah-al-Farrashin, 149. Katt‘ah-al-Kilab, 78. Katt‘ah-an-Nas4ra, 82. Kati‘ah MuhAjir, 59. Kati‘ah Mushktr, 229. Kati‘ah of Zubaydah, 54, 113-7, 124. Katf‘ah or Fief, Quarters in W. B. and in E. B., 116. Katrabbul Bridge, 113-5, 123. Katrabbul District, 14, 50-51, 113, 315. Katrabbul Gate, 113, 313. Kattan, Dar, 35. Katdl Nahraw4n Canal, 48. Ka‘ytibah, the gardener, 153. Kazim, Imam, 161. Kazimayn shrines, 158-65, 334, 342, 343, 350, 351. Kazz, Dar, 137, 139. Khadariyin, 197. Khafkah, 63. Khak4nf, 321. Khalaj (or Khuluj) Gate, 281, 294. Khalaj Turks and the Khiljf Sultans, 294. Khalid, general, 12. Khalid ibn Barmak, 37-40, 200. Khalid, Market, 2o1. Khalij or Canal, 294. Khilis, 174-6, 236, 287. Khamartakin, 298. Khan-al-Khayl, 255. Khan-an-Najaib, 59. Khan ‘Asim, 272. Khandak, of Round City, 21. Khandak T4hir, 51, 52, 54-6, 110-28, 355. Khankah (Dervish convent) in Tathah, 79. Kharrazin (cobblers), 77 BAGHDAD 369 Khatib, his history of Baghdad, 323-6. Khattabiyah, 134. Khatin, Dar, 265, 272. Khawr, 236. Khayzuran Cemetery, 191-3, 226; confused with Kuraysh Ceme- tery, 193. Khayzur4n, wife of Caliph Mahdi, 192, 204. Khilafah, Dar, 233, 243, 314. Khudayr Market and Mosque, Khudayriyah or Khadariyin, 173, 197, 198. Khuld Gardens, 50. Khuld Palace, 32, 95, 101-5, 242, 243, 245, 305, 308, 318. Khuld, square of, 200. Khurasan Gate of East Baghdad, 170, 305. Khurasan Gate of New Baghdad, 281, 288. Khurasan Gate of Round City, 17, 24, IOI, 105. < Khurdsan Merchants’ Quarter, 77. \/ Khurdsan Road, 217, 218. Khuwarizmian Suburb, 128. Khuzaymah ibn Khazim, 218. Kilab (Dogs’) Canal, 53, 69, 74, 78. Kilab (Dogs’) Fief, 78. Kir or bitumen, 224. Kitéb-ad-Diydrdt, 211. Kitab-al-Fithrist, 213. > Kiwa Rimiyah, 25. Kubaybat Quarter, 289. Kubbat-al-Himar, 254. Kubbat-al-Khadra Palace, 31. Kubbin, 44, 46. Kiifah Gate of Round City, 17. Kiifah Gate Road, 57-80, 304, 355. Kiifah Gate Square, 58, 59. Kiifah, town, 2, 5, 16. Kufic inscription (of A. H. 333), 350 Bb 379 Kunasah Quarter, 150-3, 308. Ktirah Canal, 233, 234. Kuraysh Cemetery, 158; confused with that of Khayzuran, 193. Kurayyah Quarter (E. B.), 87-89, 297, 299, 355- Kurayyah Quarter (W. B.), 333. Kairij Canal, 233, 234, 251, 284. Kurn-as-Sarat, 101. Kurnah, 8, 9. Kurr, measure, 82. Kat-al-“Amarah, 8. Katha Canal, 49. Kutn, Dar, 84. Kuttab-al-Yatama, 129. Kutufta Suburb, 89, 94, 97, 98. Kutuniyah, Dar, 265. Lake of Firdis Palace, 250. Lapislazuli tiles, 36. \) Law-schools of the Mustansirfyah, ms ws 267-9. Layth the Saffarid, 237. Leopards, hunting-, 256. Library of the Mustansirtyah, 267. Library of the Rayhaniyin, 273. Lions, tame, 256. Long Street, 221. Lower Bridge, 95, 177-86. Maazan Capi, 348, 352-4. Ma’badi Bridge, 75. Mabkalah, 342. Madain (Ctesiphon) Palace, 37, 253, 254. MAadhardyA, 174. N\ Madinat-as-Salam (Baghdad), ro. Madrasah-al-Mustansirtyah, 266- 70, 278, 299, 337, 346, 349. Madrasah-an-Nizdmiyah, 88, 267, 296-300, 326, 355. Madrasah-at-Tajiyah, 288. x Jlyan, Index Maghdad, Maghdan, &c., names for Baghdad, Io. Maghid Bridge, 75, 84. Magian Cemetery, 193. Mahdi, Caliph, 28, 42, 92, 143, 222, 226; his tomb, 193, 194. Mahdi Canal, 175, 176, 202, 206. Mahdi Mosque and Palace, 42, 170, 189, 196, 305. Mahmid, Saljik Sultan, 275. Main Bridge, 102-9, 177-86, 217- 20. Majlis-ash-Shu‘ar4, 218. Makbarah Bab-ad-Dayr, 98-100. Makbarah Kadimah, 153. MA4lik Canal, 49. Malik Shah, 100, 159, 162, 191, 239, 240, 288, 292, 298, 322, 326, 339, 340; his granddaughter, 273. Maliktyah Cemetery, 204, 327. Mamlakah, D4r, 233. See also Buyid Palaces. Mamtn, Caliph, 43, 103, 237, 303, 306-10; his tomb, 195. Mamini Palace, 243-5. Maminiyah Quarter, 245,276, 284, 285, 290-3, 296-9, 297, 343. Manjanik (catapults), 307, 313. Mansfir, Caliph, 4, 5, 9, 24, 38, 41, 65, 77, 102, 237, 303; his tomb, 194. Mansir ibn ‘Ammar, 158. Mansiir Rashid, Caliph, 120, 204, 327; his tomb, 195. Manzarah of Badr Gate, 273. Manzarah of Garden Gate, 276. Manzarah of Halbah Gate, 292. \\ Manzarah of Mustansirfyah, 268. Maraghah, 195. Marésid-al-[ttilé’, author of, 344 ; mistakes in, 134, 271, 286. Mar4wizah Suburb, 128. Marble House of Tahirid Harim, 120, Index Marco Polo, 343, 346. Méaristan for Bimaristdn, 62. Market. See Sik and Suwaykah. Market of ‘Abd-al-Wahhab, 141. Market of Badr, 270, 272. Market of Satiety, 222. Market of the Nizdmiyah, 299. Market of the Perfumers, 271-3. Market of the Syrian Gate, 129, 130. Markets of the Round City, 26. Ma‘rif Karkhi, tomb, 79, 97-100, 334, 350-2. Marv. See Merv. Marv-ar-Rddh, 126. Marwan II, Caliph, 4. Masanneh or dyke, 281. Musannat. “Mashhad. See Meshed. Mashhad ‘All, 322. Mashhad-al-Mintakah, 90, 96. Mashra‘ah, meaning wharf, 85. Mashra‘at-al-As, 85. Mashra‘at-al-Hattabin, 181. Mashra‘at-al-Ibriyin, 265, 266. Mashra‘at-al-Kattanin, 181. Mashra‘at-ar-Raw4yA, 181. Mashra‘at, of the Khuld, 102. ‘'Mashra‘at, of the Nizamftyah, 299. Masjid. See Mosque. Maskin District, 49. Maskin, Prince Salih al-, 108. Mas‘iid, Sultan, 204, 327. Mas‘idah Quarter, 296, 297. Mas ‘fidi, the historian, 316. Matbak Prison, 27. Maydan of Mamini Palace, 244, 250. Maydan of Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah, 181. Maydan of Rusafah, 197. Maydan of Sabuktagin, 235, 236. Maydan Quarter and Palace, 296, 297. Maymiintyah for Maminiyah, 343. See 371 Mazrafah, 210. Meadows of Gold, history by Mas ‘adi, 316. Mecca, I, 2. Medina, 1, 2, 15. Melon House or Fruit Market, 85, 342. Melons, called Dastabtiyah, 258. Merv, Suburb of Men of (W. B.), 128. See Marv. Meshed in Khurdsfn, 147, 194. See Mashhad. ; Miklas, 13. Mills, Bridge of the Patrician’s, 148. Mills, Gate of the, 84. Mills of the Patrician, 142-4, 308. Mills of Zubaydah, 113. Minaret, Green, of Bukhariot Mosque, 534. Minaret of Humayd, 137. Minaret, Tall, in Mosque of Mu- sayyib, 59. Mintakah Shrine, 90, 96. Monasteries (Christian) in East ~ and West Baghdad, 210-12. Monastery. See Dayr. —— Money-changers’ Market, 272. Mongol siege of Baghdad, 292,~ 302, 340-3. i Mosque. See Jami‘. Mosque of Baratha, 154-6, 320. Mosque of Ibn-al-Muttalib, 87. Mosque of Ibn Raghban, 61, 95. Mosque of Kalwadha, 320. Mosque of Khudayr, 197. Mosque of Rusafah, 188, 196, 280, 346, 354, 356. Mosque of the Caliph or of the Palace (E. B.), 243, 252,253, 269, 278, 317, 320, 324, 338, 343. Mosque of the Harb Gate, 125. Mosque of the Round City or of/ Mansir, 19, 30; 33-75 346, 356. Bb2 372 ’ Mosque of the Sultan, 240, 282, 326, 339, 346. Mosque of the Zubaydiyah Fief, 115, 116. Mosques, Friday, of Baghdad in the time of Istakhri and Ibn Hawkal, 320; in the time of Khatib, 324; in the time of Ibn Jubayr, 334. Mosul, 9. Mound of the Ass, 78. Mu‘alla and the Mu‘alla Canal, 176, 228, 244, 250, 282-7. Mu‘alla Canal Quarter, or New Baghdad, 280. Mu‘awiyah, Caliph, 2. Mu‘azzam Gate and Shrine (Abu Hanifah), 170, 192, 225,281, 282, 348, 352-4. Muhaddithin Bridge, 76. MuhAjir Fief, 59. Muhammad-at-Taki or al-Jawar, the Imam, 161-4. Muhammad-az-Zayyat, Wazir, 75. Muhammad ibn ‘Abd-Allah, the Tahirid, 119, 311-3. Muhammad ibn Abu ‘Awn, 125. Muhammad ibn Zakariy4-ar-RAzi, the physician, 62. Muhammad Muktafi, Caliph, 260, 273, 294, 328-30. Muhammad, the Saljik Sultan, 328-30. Muhammad the Alid, 15. Muhammad, the Prophet, vision of, and mark of his hand, 116. Muhawwal Gate and Quarter, 46, 146-9, 318. Muhawwal, meaning of, 73. Muhawwal town and road, 50, 60, 69, 74, 146-57, 304. Mun, the Alid, his tomb, 352. Mu‘izz-ad-Dawlah, 231-3, 302, 318, 319; his tomb, 161-4. Index Mu‘izziyah Dyke, 232, 233, 284, 319. Mukabir-ash-Shuhada, 158, 164. Mukabir Bab-at-Tibn, 160-5. Mukaddasi, 319-22. Mukanna’, the Veiled Prophet of Khur4san, 222. Mukatil-al-‘Akki, 130. Mukharrim, 219. Mukharrim Gate, 225. Mukharrim Quarter, 169-76, 217- 230, 305. Mukhtarah Quarter, 287. Muktadi, Caliph, 283, 292, 293, 326. Muktadir, Caliph, 115, 154, 231, 323; death of and burial-place, 120, 195, 206; receives the Greek envoy, 255-7. Muktadirtyah, mistake for Mukta- diyah, 286. Muktadiyah Quarter, 283-6. Muktafi and Muktafi, Caliphs, 260. See also under ‘Ali and Muhammad. Mules and elephants, 237. Minis, Palace of, 206, 231, 232. Murabba‘ah Abu-l-‘Abb4s, 126. Murabba‘ah-al-Furs, 127, 128. Murabba‘ah-az-Zayyat, 78. Murabba‘ah Sa‘id, 221, 222. Murabba‘ah SAlih, 81. Murabba‘ah Shabtb, 130. Murabba‘ah, Square Palace, 259. MurAd IV, Sultan, 291, 346, 348. Miisa-al-Kazim, the Imam, tomb of, 161, 334. Mitisa Canal, 176, 177, 219-229, 287. MiisA, son of the Caliph Amin, 306. Musalla, Chapel of Vows, 204. Musannat-al-Mu'izziyah, 233. Musawwir Road, 77. 126, 129, Index Musayyib Fief, 59. Mfishajin for Mashjir or Mfishktr, Fief of, 229, 249, 275. Mustadi, Caliph, 260, 280; his tomb, 87, 195. Musta‘in, Caliph, 113, 119, 171-3, 203, 204, 247, 311-4; his tomb, 195. Mustakfi, Caliph, 118, 2313; his tomb, 194, 195. Mustansir, Caliph, 337, 338; his tomb, 194, 195. “\\Mustansiriyah College, 266-70, 278, 299, 337, 346, 349. NY Mustansirlyah Mosque, 269, 278. Mustarshid, Caliph, 259, 275; his tomb, 195. Musta‘sim, Caliph, 273, 293, 342, 343; his tomb and that of his daughter, 195. Mustazhir, Caliph, 272, 273, 279, 283, 284, 323, 327, 335. Mu'tadid, Caliph, 18, 35, 180, 225, 229, 248-52, 314; his tomb, 120, 194, 195. Mu'tamid, Caliph, 193, 194, 229, 247-9; his tomb, 195. Mu'tasim, Caliph, 13, 157, 189, 221, 246, 247, 275, 310, 311; his tomb, 193, 194. Mu'‘tazz, Caliph, 171, 247, 311-3. Muthammanah, Octagon Palace, 259. Muti‘, Caliph, 259. Muttaki, Caliph, 156; his tomb, 195. Muwaffak, 247, 248, 325. Myrtle or Rayhan, 271. Myrtle Wharf, 85. Nab4wari for Banawari, 68. Nahhasin Gate, 68. Nahr (watercourse, canal, or river), 56, 294. 373 Nahr Abu ‘Attab, 52, 61, 62, 91. Nahrawén Canal, 48, 174. NahrawAn, town, 217, 307. Nahr Batatiy4, 55, 111, 123-5, 132, 133. Nahr Bazzazin, 52, 53,63,77,78, 91. Nahr Bin or Nahrabin, 174-6, 287, 307. Nahr Bik District, 14, 50. Nahr Dajaj, 53, 77, 78, 91. Nahr Fadl, 175, 176, 200, 202, 234. Nahr ‘isa, 5, 44, 49-56, 81-94, 151-3, 156,157,321, 355; bridges of, 71-6. Nahr Ishakiyah, 48. Nahr Ja‘fari or Ja‘fartyah, 175. Nahr Kallayin, 53, 78, 79, 81-4, 330. Nahr Karkhaya, 29, 52-6, 67-80, 149-53, 336. Nahr Kilab, 53, 69, 74, 78. Nahr Kiitha, 49. Nahr Mahdf, 175, 176, 202, 206. Nahr Malik, 49. Nahr Mu‘alla, 176, 228, 244, 250, 282-7. Nahr MiisA, 176, 177, 219-29, 287. Nahr Razin, 52, 54. Nahr Rufayl, 71. Nahr Sarat (Great), 9, 14, 15, 50-4, 73, 91-101, 148, 149, 315, 355+ Nahr Sarat (Little), 51, 110, 134, 14J, 142, 148, 149. Nahr Sarsar, 49. Najran, Monk of, 213. NakhkhAsin Gate, 68. Nasir, Caliph, 240, 273-5, 279-81, 291, 295, 333, 335; death of his son, 100. Nasr ibn ‘Abd-Allah, 137. Nasr ibn Malik, Market and Gate, 207, 214, 215. Nasrfyah Quarter, 137. 374 Nebuchadnezzar, bricks of, 9. Needle-makers’ Wharf, 265, 266. Nestorian Christians, 207, 208. Nestorian Church of the Virgins, 82. Nestorian Churches in Baghdad, 209-12. Nestorian Monks, 12, 13; sent to China, 213. New Archway, 286. New Bridge, 52, 91-3. New Moslems, 3. Niebuhr, Carstein, 349. ~/ Nizim-al-Mulk, Wazir, 100, 159, 162, 239, 296-300, 326. ~.) Nizamiyah College, Market, and Wharf, 88, 267, 296-300, 326, 355. Nubian Gate, 272, 274-6. Nut-house, 91. Nut-market Street, 286. Nuzhat-al-Kulib, geography, 347. Octagon Palace, 259. Oil-merchants’ Bridge, 74-6. Oil-merchants’ Quadrangle, 78. Old Bridge, 50, 54, 60, 93. Old Cemetery, 153. Old Tank, 150. “Omar, Caliph, 71. ‘Omar Khayy4m, 298. Omayyads, 3, 4. Orientation of Baghdad, 315. Orientation of Gates of the Round City, 41. Orientation of Mosque of Mansiir, 34- Orphan School, 129. “Othman ibn Nuhayk Suburb, 128. Pages (Ghulam) of the Caliph, 26; of the Chamberlain, 123. Painter, Road of the, 77. Index Palace. See under Dar and Kasr. Palace Bridge, 87, 183-6, 265. Palace Mosque, 243, 252, 253, 269, 278, 317, 320, 324, 338, 343; square of, 272, 284. Palace of ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah, 234-8. Palace of ‘Adud-ad-Din, 97. Palace of Asma, 218. Palace of Hani, 132. Palace of Ibn-al-Furat, 221. Palace of Ibn-al-Khastb, 86, 223, 226. Palace of Ibn Muklah, 220. Palace of Khuzaymah, 218. Palace of Mu'tasim, 221. Palace of Peacocks, 259. Palace of Perfection, 253. Palace of Sa‘id-al-Harashi, 221, 222. Palace of Sa‘td-al-Khatib, 129. Palace of the Chosroes (Ctesi- phon), 37, 253, 254- Palace of the Cotton Market, 265. Palace of the Date Market, 266. Palace of the Golden Gate, 19, 30-3, 242-5, 309, 318. Palace of the Green Dome, 31-3. Palace of the Lady, 273. Palace of the Maydan Khilis, 297. Palace of the New Kiosk, 257. Palaces of the Princess, 266, 272. Palace of the Sultan (Buyid and Saljtik), 178, 204, 231-40, 282, 319-23, 326, 328-30. Palace of the Tree, 256-8. Palace of ‘Ubayd Allah, 218. Palace of ‘Umarah, 227. Palaces of the Caliphs (E. B.), extent of, 259, 263, 265; gates of, 265. Palaces of younger sons of Caliph Mansir, 31. Palm-basket weavers, 272. Index Palm-trees in Caliph’s garden, 257. Papak (or Babak), 83. Paper-makers, 137. Paper-sellers’ Market, 92. Tlapddetros, 250, Patriarch, Nestorian, 208. Patriarch or Patrician, 145. Patrician, Mill of the, 142-4, 308. Patrician, sent by Greek Emperor\yY Professor of Lawin Mustansiriyah, his remarks on Karkh, 65. Pay Office, 31. Peacock Palace, 259. Perfumers’ Market, 271-3. Periods, five, of Abbasid history, 301. Persian Fief Quarter (E. B.), 116, 292, 296. Persian Tower (E. B.), 292, 341-3. Persians, House of the (W.B.), 150. Persians’ Quadrangle and Suburb (W. B.), 127, 128. Pharos of Alexandria, 285. Pilgrim road to Mecca, 57. Pitched Gate, 224-6. Pitch-workers’ Street (E. B.), 224. Pitch-workers’ Street (W. B.), 78, gl. Place of Sacrifice, 276. Place of Vows, 205. Pleiades Palace, 176, 227, 250, 251, 307. Poets’ Assembly Hall, 218. Police, chief of Baghdad, 31, 106. Polo Ground, 292. Polo (Suljan), 244. Pomegranate Bridge, 75. Pool of Zalzal, 52, 61. Poor Tax, Office of, 59. Porcelain Bridge, 148. Porte Murée, 292, 348. Porte Noire, 294. 375 Poulterers’ Canal and Quarter, 53, 77; 78, 91. Princess, Palace of the, 266, 272. Prison of the Matbak, 27. Prison of the Syrian Gate, 130, 131. Prison, State, for Abbasid princes, 258. Privy Chamber Gate, Hall of, 259. Privy Gate, 270. 268. Public Gate, 255-9, 274-6. Pulpit of Hardn-ar-Rashid, 155. Pyramid to Sphinx, distance from 285. . Quadrangle. See Murabba‘ah. Quadrants, outer and inner, of Round City, 23-5. Rabi‘, the Chamberlain and Fief of, 58, 65, 67, 68, 123, 143, 197, 322. Radi, Caliph, 155 ; his tomb, 194, 195. Radhdh, 194. Rahbah. See Square. Rahbah Jami‘-al-Kasr, 272, 284. Rahbah Suwayd, 68. Rakkah, city, 71. Rakkah Gardens, 261. Rakkah of Kalwadha, 295. Rakkah of the Shammasiyah, 203. Ramaltyah, 134. Ram and Lion, street of, 111, 133. Ramyah-Sahm (arrow-flight), 285. Rasds Kal't (tin-plate), 257. Rashid-ad-Din, historian, 341. Rashid, Caliph. See Mansir. Rashid, Caliph. See Harin RAashidiyah, 174. RAwandi insurrection, 6. Rawdah Island, 285. Rawha (E. B.), 11. 376 Rawlinson, Sir H. C., 9, 350, 351. Rayasdnah Fief, 61, 95. Rayhan, sweet basil or myrtle, 271. Rayhaniyin Market, 229, 271-3, 283. Rayhaniyin Palace, 266, 271-4, 327. Rayyan Quarter, 293, 296. Razi or Rhazes, physician, 62. Razin Canal, 52, 54, 61, 62, OI. Reeds for bonding walls, 20. Reed-weavers’ Quarter, 78. Review Ground, 106. Riding House, 255. Riots (in A. H. 422), 182; (in A.H. 520), 275; (in A. H. 601), 97. Road. See under Darb, Shari‘, and Tarik; also under Street. Road called ‘Between the Palaces,’ 218, Road of Al-Ghamish, 139. Road of Cages, 134. Road of Ibn Abu ‘Awn, 124. Road of Mahdi Canal, 199, 201. Road of Sa‘d, 223, 225. Road of Skiffs, 197. Road of the Bridge, 199. Road of the Fullers, 134. Road of the Kahtabahs, 140. Road of the Painter, 77. Road of the Square, 197. Road of the Two Archways, 284-6. Roads in East Baghdad, 173. Rocks, Street of, 150, 151, 308. Round City of Mansfir: arcades, 25; bricks used,9; central area, 18, 27,28; destruction of walls, 43, 310, 318; ditch and dyke, 21; foundation of, 15, 303; gates, 17, 19, 20, 27; markets, 25; plan drawn out, 17; posi- tion of, 353; quadrants of, 22, 24; size, 18; squares, inner and Index outer, 23, 28; streets, 27; walls of, outer and inner, 19, 20, 27; water-conduits, 29. Rufayl Canal, 71. Ruha. See Mills. Rim and Riimtyin, Greeks, 207. Rim, D4r, and Dayr (E. B.), 207- 210, 214. Rimiyin, Dar (W. B.), 149. Rumman Bridge, 75. Rusafah (East Baghdad), meaning ‘causeway,’ 189; founded, 41, 187; other places of this name, 190; mosque, 188, 196, 280, 346, 354, 356; palace, 189; quarter, 169-75, 189-98, 305, 312-4, 334. Rushayd Suburb, 128. Sabibat for Sinfyat, 149. Sabuktagin, the chamberlain, 235, 236. Sabar Monastery, 210. \ Sabir, Palace of, 185. Sa’d-al-Wasif or 226. Safarilyah for Zafariyah, 288. Safatiyin, 272. Saffah, Caliph, 4, 5, 38; his tomb, 194. Sahn ‘Atitk (Mosque of Mansfr), 35- Sa‘id, 76. Sa‘id-al-Harashi, Palace and Quadrangle, 221, 222. Sa‘id-al-Khattb Palace, 129. Saint George Monastery, 210. Sal, village, 62. Saladin, 274, 298. Salih, Prince, Palace of, 108. Salih Quadrangle, 81. Saljiik Mosque, 240, 282, 326, 339, 346. Saljik Palaces, 233-5, 323, 326, 328-30. al- Khadim, Vv V Index Saljik supremacy, period of, 302, 322-31. Saltanah, Dar. See Buyid Palaces. Saltanah, Dar, of the Taj Palace, 253, 262. Sam4lii Monastery, 202. Samarra, 13, 169, 194, 195, 246-9, 310-4. Sanctuary. See Haramayn and Harim. Sanctuary Gate, 276. Sanctuary of Vows, 205. Sandiik-as-Sa‘at, 267. Sanjar, Sultan, 302, 331. Sapor Monastery, 210. Sapor, Palace of, 185. Sarat Canal, Great, 9, 14, 15, 50-4, 73, 9I-Iol, 148, 149, 315, 355+ Sarat Canal, Little, 51, 110, 134, I4I, 142, 148, 149. Sarat Point, Convent of, 98. Saray-as-Sultan, 235. Sardanapalus, 9. Sari-as-Sakati, 79, 99. Sari-ibn-al-Hutam, 206. Sarjis for Sarkhis, monastery, 210. Sarsar Canal, 49. Satiety Market, 222. SawAd of Baghdad, 48. Sawik and the Sawwakin, 81, 82. 377 Shamilah, 180. Shammiasiyah Gate, 170-5, 198, 199, 201, 203, 206, 219. Shammiastyah, meaning of, 202, Shammistyah Palace, 231, 232. Shammisiyah Plain, 203. ShammAsiyah Quarter, 109, 169- 176, 199-216, 305, 312-4. Sharaf-al-Mulk Abu-Rida, 191. Sharafaniyah, 129. Sharawi Fief, 59. Shar Sik, 136. Shari‘-al-“Akdayn, 284-6. Shari‘-al-A‘zam, 219, 224, 225, 255. Shari‘-al-Kayy4rin, 224. Shari‘-al-Maydan, 197. Shart‘-al-Musawwir, 77. Shari’ Dar-ar-Rakik, 123, 124. Shari’ Karm-al-‘Arsh (or Mu‘ar- rash), 221. Shari‘ Quarter, 46, 106-8, 333. Shari’ Sa‘d-al-Wasif, 223, 225. Sharkiyah Quarter (E. B.) or Rusffah, 188. Sharktyah Quarter (W. B.), 53,77; 90, 91. Shatibiyah or Shatiyah, Dar, 253. Shatt-al-Hayy, 8. Shawk Bridge, 53, 74-9. Shawt-al-Faras (horse-gallop), \y School of the Orphans, 129. — Scribes, mistake for School, q. v. Seleucia. See Madain. Znpadoivos, 202. ~, Sergius Monastery, 210. Shabib Quadrangle, 126, 285. Shi‘ah Shrine at Baratha, 154. Shi‘ah Shrine at Masjid Mintakah, 90, 96. ; Shi‘ah tendencies of Buyids, 318. 129, | Shibli, his tomb, 160. 130. Shabushti, 211. y Shafi‘ite law-school, 298. Shah ibn Sahl, 150. Shahar Sfij, 136. Shahin Shah, 240. Shajarah, Dar, 256, 257. Shiniziyah Cemetery, Greater, 79. Shaniziyah Cemetery, Lesser, 161. Shurtah, Chief of Police, 31, 106. Shustar, 97. Sieges of Baghdad, first (Amin), 303-6 ; second (Musta‘in), 311- 314; third (Mansir Rashid), 378 327; fourth (Muhammad Muk- tafi), 328-30; fifth (Mongol), 340-3. Silk House, 137, 139. Silk stuffs manufactured, 137, 138. Sin, meaning either China or Date-palm, and Siniyat Bridge, 148. Sind elephantmen, 256. Sixty, Hall of the, 235. Skiffs on Tigris, 184. Skiffs, Road of, 197. Slave-dealers’ Gate, 68. Slaves’ House, 123, 124. Soap-boilers’ Quarter, 78, 91. Solomon, Gate of King, 20. Sphinx to Pyramid, distance, 285. Square of Khuld Palace, 200. Square of Kfifah Gate, 58, 59. Square of Palace Mosque, 272, 284. : Square of Suwayd, 68. Square Palace, 259. Squares, outer and inner, of Round City, 22, 25. Stables of the Caliph, 106. Stables of the Freedmen, 59. State-prison of Abbasid princes, 258. Straight Road, 173, 196. Straw Gate, 115, 123. Straw Gate Cemetery, 160-5. Straw-merchants’ Bridge, 124, 126. Street. See Darb, Shari‘, and Tarik; also under Road. Street of Abu Hanifah, 27. Street of ‘Amr the Greek, 220. Street of Bricks (E. B.), 282. Street of Bricks (W.B.), 84. Street of Horse-guards, 27. Street of Pitch-workers, 78, 224. Street of the Mu‘adhdhin, 27. Street of the Rocks, 150, 151, 308. Street of the Vine, 221. Index Street of the Water-carriers, 27. Su Capi, 349. Stfi Monastery of Tithah, 79. Sik-ad-Dawwabb, 227. Sak-al-‘Atikah, go. Sak-al-‘Atsh, 221-4. Sik-al-Bimaristan, 105. Stk-al-Ghazl, 253, 269, 278. Sfik-al-MAristan, 105. Stk-al-Warrakin, 92. | Sak-an-Nizamiyah, 299. Sik-ar-Rayhantyin, 229, 271-3, 283. Stik-ar-Riyy, 222. Sak-as-Saghah, 218. Stk-as-Sarf, 272. Sak-as-Sultan, 282. Stik-ath-Thalathah (E.B.),95,171- 3, 197, 228, 266, 268, 277, 283 ; of later Baghdad, 299. Stik-ath-Thalathah (W. B.), 68. Stk Baghdad 12, 101. Stik Ghalib, 67. Sik Haytham, 136. Sak Ja‘far, 200, 201. Sak Khalid, 201. Stik Nasr, 214. Sik of Abu-l-Ward, 60. Sak Tutush, 298. Sik Yahya, 199-201, 206. Sulayman, Palace of Prince, 108. Sulaym4n the Magnificent, Sultan, 345. Sulayman the Téhirid, 131. Suljan (Polo), 244, 292. Sultan, Gate of the, 266, 281, 282, 341. Sultan, Market of the, 282. Sultan, Palace of the. See Buyid Palaces. Sumayriyah (Skiffs), 184. Sums spent on Baghdad, qo. Sums spent on the Buyid Palace, 238. Index Stinaya, go. Surra-man-raa, 13; and see Sa- marra. Suwayd, Square of, 68. Suwaykah-al-Harashi, 222. Suwaykah Hajjaj, 226. Swamp, Great, of Euphrates and Tigris, 7. Sweepings, Place of, 151-3, 308. Syrian Gate, 17. Syrian Gate Canal, 54, 55. Syrian Gate, name of village of the KhAlis District, 203. Syrian Gate, Road of, 111, 122-8. Tabakét-t-Néstvi, history, 340. Tabak ibn Samyah, 83. Tabari, 303, 310-6. Tabbanin Bridge, 124, 126. Tabik Canal, 53, 69, 79, 81~4. Tabik Canal Quarter, 336. Tabiyah-az-Zawiyah, 292. Taby silk, 138. Tahir, 43,93, 110,119,144, 307-10. Tahirid Palace (Harim), 119-21, 327; tombs here, 195. Tahirid Trench, 51, 52, 54-6, 110- 128, 355- Tahirids, 110, 119, 311. Tai‘, Caliph, 118, 162, 270, 271. TAj-ad-Dawlah Tutush, 298. TAj-al-Mulk and the TAjiyah, 288. Taj Palace (earlier), 39, 171, 228, 229, 243, 250-6, 318; garden, 258; great hall, 259; palace burnt, 260. Taj Palace (later), 261, 278, 327. Tak-al-Harrant, 90, 91, 96. Takat-al-‘Akki, Ghitrif and Abu Suwayd, 130. Tak Gate, 178, 181, 218, 320. Talisman Gate, 281, 291, 348, 349. Tank of the Ansar, Dafid, and Haylanah, 223. 379 Tank of tin-plate in garden of the Caliph, 257. Tank, Old, 150. See Pool. Tanners’ Yards, 156. Tarath, the Greek envoy, 143. Tarik-al-Jisr, 173, 199. Tarik-az-ZawArik, 197. Tarik Mustakim, 196. Tarsus, 195. Tatis-al-Haramayn, 159. Tavernier, 8, 348. Tha‘Alib, Dayr, 210. Thalathah, Abw4b, 203. Thalathah, Sik, in W. B. and in E.B. See Tuesday Market. Theophilus, Emperor, 275. Thirst Market, 221-4. Thorn Bridge, 53, 74-9. Thread Market, 253, 269, 278. Three Gates Quarter, 203. Threshold Gate, 274-6. Thurayya Palace, 176, 227, 250, 251, 307. Tibn Gate, 115, 123, 160. Tibn or Broken Straw, 115. Tigris, course of, during Middle Ages, 7; course as regards Bagh- dad, 315; its waters used for irrigation, 48. Tiles, blue, 36, 79. Timur, 37, 166, 345. Tin-plate, 257. Toll of Tigris boats, 184. Tombs of the Caliphs, 193-5, 343, 348. Tops, Gate of, 276. Traditionists’ Bridge, 76. Treasury, 31. Tree of gold and silver in Palace of Taj, 256. Trench of Tahir, 51, 52, 54-6; 110-28, 355- Triple Divide, 228. Tuesday Market (W. B.), 68. 380 Tuesday Market and Gate (E. B.), 95» 171-3, 197, 228, 266, 268, 277, 283. Tuesday Market of later Baghdad, 299. Tughril, meaning falcon, 229. Tughril Beg, 238, 239, 302, 322. Turkish body-guard, period of tyranny of, 302, 311-14. Tas, 194; palace at, 147. Tustarlyin Quarter, 94, 97, 98. Tathah Suburb, 79. Tutush, and Tutusht Hospital and Market, 296-8. ‘Ubayd Allah, the Alid, 205. “Ubayd Allah, Palace of, 218. ‘Umiarah ibn Abu-l-Khasib, 227. ‘Umiarah ibn Hamzah, 117. Umm Habib Palace, 197. Umm Ja'far (Zubaydah, q. v.) Mill, 142; Palace, 103. Underground passage to Palace of the Pleiades, 251. Upper Bridge of Boats, 107, 118, 122-6, 177-86, 198. Ushnan Bridge, 75. Veiled Prophet of Khurdsdn, 222, Virgins, monastery of the, 82. Waddah Palace (E. B.), 198. Waddah Palace, Mosque, and Quarter (W. B.), 58, 92. Wall Canal, 175. Wall of East Baghdad, earlier, 114, 170, 172, 312; later, 183, 264, 279-81, 323, 327, 335- Wall of Palaces, 264. Wall of Round City, 18-26. Wall of West Baghdad, 114, 172, 312. Wardaniyah, 126. Index Wardiyah Cemetery, 287, 288. Warrakin, 92. Warthal or Warthala, 67, 83, 91. Wasif the Eunuch, 180. WAsit, 8, 20,195; street of men of, 63. Wassaf, historian, 341. Water Gate, 349. Water-jars, 197; wharf of, 181. Wathik, Caliph, 66. Wharf. See Mashra‘ah. Wharf of Needle-makers, 265,266. Wharf of the Myrtle-tree, 85. Wharf of the Nizimtyah, 299. / White Gate, 291. White Palace of Chosroes, 38, 39. White Sheep, Turkoman dynasty, 345. Wild Beast Park of Mamiani Palace, 244. Wild Beast Park of the Taj Palace, 255-7. Willow Tree Gate, 265, 266. Wood-cutters’ Wharf, 181. Wustani Gate, 281, 288, 348. Xativa Palace, 253. Yahya ibn-al-Walid, 201. Yahy4, the Barmecide; and his Market, 199-201, 206, 243. Ya'kabi, 47, 303, 314-6. Yaktit, 335-8; mistakes in text of, 29, 84, 110, 233, 271, 286, 287. Yakitah, mistake for Banikah, 228. Yasir and the Ydsirlyah Bridge, Gate, and Quarter, 74, 76, 151, 152, 313, 321. Yathrib, 1. Zafar and the Zafartyah Gate and Suburb, 281, 283, 288-95. Index Zahir, Caliph, 163. Zahir Garden, 176, 219, 220, 232, 238, 240. Zalzal the lute-player and the Zalzal Pool, 52, 61. Zandarid and Zandaward, 20, 179. Zandaward Bridge of Boats, 179, 296, 297. \Zandaward Monastery, 211, 296, 297. Zanj rebellion, 247. Zawra (W. B.), II. Zayyatin Bridge, 74-6. Zayyat Quadrangle, 78. 381 Zubaydah, wife of Hartin-ar- Rashid, 306-9; Palace of (Karar), 103; tomb of, in Kazimayn, 161-5; false tomb, 100, 350-2. Zubaydiyah Fief and Palace, 54, 113-7, 124. Zubd Bridge, 148. Zuhayr ibn Muhammad, 117. Zuhayriyah Quarter (of Kifah Gate), 59. Zuhayriyah Quarter (of Zubay- diyah), 117. Zurayk, 75, 76. | Zuraykiyah Monastery, 212. FINIS OXFORD PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS BY HORACE HART, M.A. PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 20/8/00 Clarendon Press, Orford. SELECT LIST OF STANDARD WORKS. DICTIONARIES. . . . . . «pager LAW ;. : : : ww 2 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, BTC... eae PHILOSOPHY, LOGIC, ETC. . . . . a8 PHYSICAL SCIENCE, ET. . . ,. 7 1. DICTIONARIES. A NEW ENGLISH DICTIONARY ON HISTORICAL PRINCIPLES, Founded mainly on the materials collected by the Philological Society. Imperial 4to. EDITED BY DR. MURRAY. Present STATE OF THE WorRK. Ls. Vol. I. ja {By Dr. Murray. . .. . . . Half-morocco 2 12 Vol. II. C By Dr. Murray. ... . . . Half-morocco 2 12 D) By Dr. Murray Vol. 11. } By Mr. Henry Tae . . » Half-morocco 2 12 WoW IGA) oo ee er Se a ep OP Field-Frankish ..... . O12 Vol. IV. zs are ss Hewee Franklaw-Glass-cloth . . o 12 Ae Glass-coach-Graded . o 5 Gradely-Greement o 2 i /‘H-Hod. . So teas Ay AOnre | Betaosaber ay neeecy ah ey KOS a Doren ae o 5 Vol. V. H—K By Dr. Mumray. LIn 638 | In—Infer ‘ o 53 Inferable-Inpushing o 2 Ga The remainder of the work, to the end of the alphabet, is in an advanced state of preparation. *,* The Dictionary is also, as heretofore, issued in the original Parts— Series I. Parts I-IX. A—Distrustful. .. .. . . eahoi12 6 Series I. Part X. eee A, cen tas Re aOeT peso Series II. Parts I-IV. B—Glass-cloth. . . + « eahoi2z 6 SeriesIII. Part I. H—Hod . . Sol ae mee al Ova "6 Series III. Part II. TMod—Hy were aa = de ne a se ea TO Series III. Part III. I—Inpushing oe a ean Ses ee Oh GO AOCOANDAVDAARA Aa o® Oxford: Clarendon Press. London: Henry Frowpe, Amen Corner, E.C. | % ENGLISH AND ROMAN LAW, A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, with an Appendix containing the Biblical Aramaic, based on the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius, by Francis Brown, D.D., S. R. Driver, D.D., and C, A. Briggs, D.D. PartsI-VIII. Small 4to, 2s. 6d. each. Thesaurus Syriacus: collegerunt Quatremére, Bernstein, Lorsbach, Arnoldi, Agrell, Field, Roediger: edidit R. Payne Smith, 8.T.P. Vol. I, containing Fasciculi I-V, sm. fol., 51. 5s. ** The First Five Fasciculi may also be had separately. Fase. VI. 11.1s.; VII. 12. 11s. 6d.; VIII. 12. 16s. ; IX. 1/.5s.; X. Pars. I. rl. 16s, A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, founded upon the above. Edited by Mrs. Margoliouth. Parts I and II. Small 4to, 8s. 6d. net each. *,* The Work will be completed in Four Parts. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Etymologically and Philologically arranged, with special reference to cognate Indo-European Languages. By Sir M. Monier-Williams, M.A., K.C.I.E.; with the collaboration of Prof. E, Leumann, Ph.D.; Prof. C. Cappeller, Ph.D. ; and other scholars, New Edition, greatly Enlarged and Improved. Cloth, bevelled edges, 31. 133. 6d. ; half-morocco, 4l. 4s. A Greek-English Lexicon. By H. G. Liddell, D.D., and Robert Scott, D.D. Eighth Edition, Revised. 4to. 11. 16s. An Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, arranged on an Historical Basis. By W. W. Skeat, Litt.D. Third Edition. 4to. 21. 4s. A Middle-English Dictionary. By F. H. Stratmann. A new edition, by H. Bradley, M.A. 4to, half-morocco, 12. 11s. 6a, The Student’s Dictionary of Anglo-Saxon. By H. Sweet, M.A., Ph.D., LL.D. Small 4to, 8s. 6d. net. An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, based on the MS. collections of the late Joseph Bosworth, D.D. Edited and enlarged by Prof. T. N. Toller, M.A. Parts I-III, A-SAR. 4to, stiff covers, 15s. each. Part IV, § 1, SAR-SWIDRIAN. Stiff covers, 8s. 6d. Part IV, § 2, SWip-SNEL- MEST, 18s. 6d. *,* A Supplement, which will complete the Work, is in active preparation. An Icelandic-English Dictionary, based on the MS. collections of the late Richard Cleasby. Enlarged and completed by G. Vigfusson, M.A. 4to. 32. 7s. 2. LAW. Anson, Principles of the | Baden-Powell. Land-Systems English Law of Contract, and of Agency of British India ; being a Manual of in its Relation to Contract. By Sir W. the Land-Tenures, and of the Sys- R. Anson, D.C.L. Ninth Edition. tems of Land-Revenue Adminis- 8vo. 10s. 6d. tration prevalent in the several Law and Custom of the Provinces. By B. H. Baden-Powell, Constitution. 2 vols. 8vo. C.LE. 3 vols, 8vo. 31. 38. Part I, Parliament. Third | Digby. An Introduction to Edition, 128. 6d. | the History of the Law of Real Property. Part II. The Crown. Second By Sir KenelmE, Digby, M.A. Fifth Edition. 148. Edition. 8vo. 12s. 6d. Oxford; Clarendon Press, LAW, 3 Grueber. Lex Aquilia. By Erwin Grueber, Dr. Jur., M.A. 8vo. Ios. 6d. Hall. -International Law. By W.E. Hall, M.A. Fourth Edition. 8vo. 225. 6d. — ATreatise onthe Foreign Powers and Jurisdiction of the British Crown. By W.E. Hall, M.A. 8vo. Ios. 6d. Holland. Llements of Juris- prudence. By T. E. Holland, D.C.L. Ninth Edition. 8vo. tos. 6d. The European Concert in the Eastern Question; a Collection of Treaties and other Public Acts, Edited, with Introductions and Notes, by T. E. Holland, D.C.L. 8vo. 12s. 6d. Studies in International Law. By T. E. Holland, D.C.L. 8vo. ros. 6d. Gentilis, Alberici, De Iure Belli Libri Tres. Edidit T. E. Holland, I.C.D. Small 4to, half- morocco, 21s. The Institutes of Jus- tinian, edited as a recension of the Institutes of Gaius, by T. E. Holland, D.C.L. Second Edition. Extra feap. 8vo. 5s. Holland and Shadwell. Select Titles from the Digest of Justinian. By T. E. Holland, D.C.L., and C. L. Shadwell, D.C.L. 8vo. 14s. Also sold in Parts, in paper covers— Part I. Introductory Titles. 2s. 6d. Part II. Family Law. 1s, Part III. Property Law. 2s. 6d. PartIV. Law of Obligations (No. 1), 3s. 6d. (No. 2), 48. 6d. Ilbert. The Government of India. Being a Digest of the Statute Law relating thereto. With Historical Introduction and Illustrative Documents. By Sir Courtenay Ilbert, K.C.S.I. 8vo, half-roan. ats. Jenks. Modern Land Law. By Edward Jenks, M.A. 8vo. 158. Markby. Elements of Law considered with reference to Principles of General Jurisprudence. By Sir William Markby, D.C.L. Fifth Edition. 8vo. 12s. 6d. Moyle. Imperatoris Ius- tiniani Institutionum Libri Quattuor, with Introductions, Commentary, Excursus and Translation. By J. B. Moyle,D.C.L. Third Edition. 2 vols. 8vo. Vol. I. 16s. Vol. II. 6s. Contract of Sale in the Civil Law. 8vo. 10s. 6d. Pollock and Wright. An Essay on Possession in the Common Law, By Sir F. Pollock, Bart., M.A., and SirR. 8. Wright, B.C.L. 8vo. 8s.6d. Poste. Gait Institutionum Juris Civilis Commentarii Quattuor ; or, Elements of Roman Law by Gaius. With a Translation and Commen- tary by Edward Poste, M.A. Third Edition. 8vo. 18s. Raleigh. An Outline of the Law of Property. By Thos. Raleigh, D.C.L. 8vo. 7s. 6d. Sohm. Institutes of Roman Law. By Rudolph Sohm. Trans- lated by J. C. Ledlie, B.C.L. With an Introductory Essay by Erwin Grueber, Dr.Jur., M.A. 8vo. 18s. Stokes. The Anglo-Indian Codes. By Whitley Stokes, LL.D. Vol. I. Substantive Law. 8vo. 30s. Vol. II. Adjective Law. 8vo. 35s. First and Second Supplements to the above, 1887-1891. 8vo. 6s. 6d. Separately, No.1, 28.6d.; No, 2, 4s.6d, London Henry Frowpe, Amen Corner E.C. 4 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, ETC. 8. HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, ETC. Adamnani Vita S. Colwmbae. Ed. J. T. Fowler, D.C.L. Crown 8vo, half-bound, 8s. 6d. net (with translation, gs. 6d. net). Aubrey. ‘Brief Lives, chiefly of Contemporaries, set down by John Aubrey, between the Years 1669 and 1696. Edited from the Author’s MSS., byAndrew Clark, M.A., LL.D. With Facsimiles. 2vols. 8vo0. 25s. Baedae Historia Ecclesiastica, etc. Edited by C. Plummer, M.A. 2 vols. Crown 8vo, 21s. net. Bedford (W.K.R.). The Blazon of Episcopacy. Being the Arms borne by, or attributed to, the Arch- bishops and Bishops of England and Wales. With an Ordinary of the Coats described and of other Episcopal Arms. Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged. With One Thousand Illustrations. Sm. 4to, buckram, 31s. 6d. net. Boswell’s Life of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. Edited by G. Birk- beck Hill, D.C.L. In six volumes, medium 8vo. With Portraits and Facsimiles. Half-bound, 31. 35. Bright. Chapters of Early English Church History. By W. Bright, D.D. Third Edition. Revised and Enlarged. With a Map. 8vo. 12s. Casaubon (Isaac). 1559-1614. By Mark Pattison. 8vo. 16s. Clarendon’s History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England. Re-edited from a fresh collation of the original MS. in the Bodleian Library, with marginal dates and occasional notes, by W. Dunn Maeray, M.A., F.S.A. 6 vols. Crown 8vo. al. 5s. Hewins. The Whitefoord Papers. Being the Correspondence and other Manuscripts of Colonel Cuartes WHITEFOORD and CaLreB Wurrrroorp, from 1739 to 1810. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by W. A. S. Hewins, M.A. 8vo. 12. 6d. Earle. Handbook to the Land- Charters, and other Saxonic Documents. By John Earle, M.A. Crown 8vo. 16s. Earle and Plummer. Two of the Saxon Chronicles, Parallel, with Supplementary Extracts from the others. A Revised Text, edited, with Intro- duction, Notes, Appendices, and Glossary, by Charles Plummer, M.A., on the basis of an edition by John Earle, M.A. 2 vols. Crown 8vo, half-roan. Vol. I. Text, Appendices, and Glossary. tos. 6d. Vol. II. Introduction, Notes, and Index. 12s. 6d. Freeman. The History of Sicily from the Earliest Times, Vols.Iand II. 8vo, cloth, 21. 2s. Vol. III. The Athenian and Carthaginian Invasions. 24s. Vol. IV. From the Tyranny of Dionysios to the Death of Agathoklés. Edited by Arthur J. Evans, M.A. 21s, Freeman. The Reign of William Rufus and the Accession of Henry the First. By E, A. Freeman, D.C.L. 2 vols. 8vo. 1, 168. Gardiner. The Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, 1628-1660. Selected and Edited by Samuel Rawson Gardiner, D.C.L. Second Edition, Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. Gross. The Gild Merchant; a Contribution to British Municipal History. By Charles Gross, Ph.D. 2 vols. 8vo. 248. Hastings. Hastings and the Rohilla War. By Sir John Strachey, G.C.S.I. 8vo, cloth, 1os. 6d. Hill. Sources jor Greek History hetween the Persian and Pelopon- nesian Wars. Collected and arranged by G. F. Hill, M.A. 8vo. 10s. 6d. Oxford; Clarendon Press, HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, ETC. 5 Hodgkin. Italy and her In- vaders, With Plates& Maps. 8 vols. 8vo. By T. Hodgkin, D.C.L. Vols. I-II. Second Edition. 42s. Vols. III-IV. Second Edition. 36s. Vols. V-VI. 36s. I Vol. VII-VIII (completing the work). 248. Payne. History of the New World called America. Payne, M.A. 8vo. Vol. I, containing Book I, The Discovery; Book II, Part I, Aboriginal America, 18s. Vol. II, containing Book II, Aboriginal America (concluded), 148. Letters of Samuel By E. J. Johnson. Johnson, LL.D. Collected and Edited by G. Birkbeck Hill, D.C.L. 2 vols. half-roan, 28s. Johnsonian Miscellanies. Bythesame Editor. 2vols. Medium 8vo, half-roan, 28s, Kitchin. A History of France. With Numerous Maps, Plans, and Tables. By G. W. Kitchin, D.D. In three Volumes. New Edition. Crown 8vo, each Ios. 6d. Vol. I. to 1453. Vol. II. 1453- 1624. Vol. III. 1624-1793. Lewis (Sir G. Cornewall). An Essay on the Government of De- pendencies. Edited by C. P. Lucas, B.A. 8vo, half-roan. 14s. Lucas. Introduction to a Historical Geography of the British Colonies. By C. P. Lucas,B.A. With Eight Maps. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d. Historical Geography of the British Colonies: Vol. I. The Mediterranean and Eastern Colonies (exclusive of India). With Eleven Maps. Crown 8vo. 5s. Vol. II. The West Indian Colo- nies. With Twelve Maps. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. Vol. III. West Africa. With Five Maps. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. Vol. IV. South and East Africa. Historical and Geographical. With Ten Maps. Crown 8vo. 9s. 6d. Also Vol. IV in two Parts— Part I. Historical, 6s. 6d. Part II. Geographical, 3s. 6d. Ludlow. The Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, Lieutenant-General of the Horse in the Army of the Common- wealth of England, 1625-1672. Edited by C. H. Firth, M.A. 2 vols. 8vo. il. 16s. Machiavelli. Jl Principe. Edited by L. Arthur Burd, M.A. With an Introduction by Lord Acton. 8vo. 14s. Prothero. Select Statutes and other Constitutional Documents, illustra- tive of the Reigns of Elizabeth and JamesI. Edited by G. W. Prothero, M.A. Crown 8vo. Second Edition. los, 6d. Select Statutes and other Documents bearing on the Constitutional History of England, from a.D. 1307 to 1558. By the same Editor. [In Preparation. | Ramsay (Sir J.H.). Lancaster and York. A Century of English History (a.p. 1399-1485). 2 vols. 8vo. With Index, 37s. 6d. Ramsay (W. M.). The Citves and Bishoprics of Phrygia. By W. M. Ramsay, D.C.L., LL.D. Vol.I. Part I. The Lycos Valley and South-Western Phrygia. Royal 8vo. 18s. net. Vol. I. Part II. West and West- Central Phrygia. 21s. net. Ranke. A History of Eng- land, principally in the Seventeenth Century. By L. von Ranke. Trans- lated under the superintendence of G. W. Kitchin, D.D., and C. W. Boase, M.A. 6 vols. 8vo. 63s. Revised Index, separately, 1s. Rashdall. The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. By Hast- ings Rashdall, M.A. 2 vols. (in 3 Parts) 8vo. With Maps. 21. 55., nel. London: Henry Frowpz, Amen Corner, E.C, 6 PHILOSOPHY, LOGIC, ETC. Smith’s Lectures on Justice, Police, Revenue and Arms. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by Edwin Cannan. 8vo. Ios. 6d. net. — Wealth of Nations. With Notes, by J. E. Thorold Rogers, M.A. 2vols. 8vo. 21s, Stephens. The Principal Speeches of the Statesmen and Orators of the French Revolution, 1789-1795. By H. Morse Stephens. 2 vols. Crown 8yvo. 21s. Stubbs. Select Charters and other Illustrations of English Constitu- tional History, from the Earliest Times to the Reign of Edward I, Arranged and edited by W. Stubbs, D.D., Lord Bishop of Oxford. Lighth Edition. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. The Constitutional His- tory of England, in its Origin and Development. Library Edition. 3 vols. Demy 8vo. 21. 8s. Also in 3 vols. crown 8vo, price 12s, each. 4. PHILOSOPHY, Bacon. Novum Organum. Edited, with Introduction, Notes, &e., by T. Fowler, D.D. Second Edition, 8vo. 155. Berkeley. The Works of George Berkeley, D.D., formerly Bishop of Cloyne ; including many of his writ- ings hitherto unpublished. With Pre- faces, Annotations, and an Account of his Life and Philosophy. By A. Campbell Fraser, Hon. D.C.L., LL.D. 4vols. 8vo. 21. 18s, The Life, Letters, &c., separately, 16s. Bosanquet. Logic; or, the Morphology of Knowledge. By B. Bosanquet, M.A. 8vo. 21s. Butler. The Works of Joseph Butler, D.C.L., sometime Lord Bishop of Durham. Divided into sections, Stubbs. Seventeen Lectures on the Study of Mediaeval and Modern History. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum. An attempt to exhibit the course of Episcopal Succession in England. By W. Stubbs, D.D. Small 4to. Second Edition. 10s. 6d. Swift (F. D.). The Life and Times of James the First of Aragon. By F. D. Swift, B.A. 8vo. 12s. 6d, Vinogradoff. Villainage in England, Essays in English Medi- aeval History. By Paul Vinogradoff, Professor in the University of Moscow. 8vo, half-bound. 16s. Woodhouse. Aetolia; its Geography, Topography, and Antiqui- ties. By William J. Woodhouse, M.A., F.R.G.S. With Maps and Illustrations. Royal 8vo, price 2Is. net. LOGIC, ETC. with sectional headings, an index to each volume, and some occasional notes ; also prefatory matter. Edited by the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone. 2 vols. Medium 8vo, 14s. each. Fowler. The Elements of De- ductive Logic, designed mainly for the use of Junior Students in the Universities. By T. Fowler, D.D. Tenth Edition, with a Collection of Examples. Extra feap. 8vo. 38. 6d. The Elements of Induc- tive Logic, designed mainly for the use of Students in the Universities. By the same Author. Sixth Edition. Extra feap. 8vo. 6s. Logic; Deductive and Inductive, combined in a single volume. Extra feap. 8vo. 7s. 6d. Oxford ; Clarendon Press, PHYSICAL SCIENCE, ETC. 7 Fowler and Wilson. The Principles of Morals, By T. Fowler, D.D., and J. M. Wilson, B.D. 8vo, cloth, 14s. Green. Prolegomena to Ethics. By T. H. Green, M.A. Edited by A. C. Bradley, M.A. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. Hegel. The Logic of Hegel. Translated from the Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences, With Prolegomena to the Study of Hegel’s Logic and Philosophy. By W. Wal- lace, M.A. Second Edition, Revised and Augmented, 2 vols. Crown 8yvo. 10s. 6d, each. Hegel’s Philosophy of Mind. Translated from the Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences, With Five Introductory Essays. By Wil- liam Wallace, M.A., LL.D. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. Hume’s 7'reatise of Human Nature, Edited, with Analytical Index, by L. A. Selby-Bigge, M.A, Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 8s. Enquiry concerning the Human Understanding, and an Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals. Edited by L. A. Selby-Bigge, M.A. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. Leibniz. The Monadology and other Philosophical Writings. Trans- lated, with Introduction and Notes, by Robert Latta, M.A., D.Phil. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. Locke. An Essay Concern- ing Human Understanding. By John Locke. Collated and Annotated, with Prolegomena, Biographical, Critical, and Historic, by A. Camp- bell Fraser, Hon. D.C.L., LL.D. 2 vols. 8vo. 1, 12s, Lotze’s Logic, in Three Books —of Thought, of Investigation, and of Knowledge. English Translation : edited by B. Bosanquet. M.A. Second Edition. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo. 125. Metaphysic, in Three Books—Ontology, Cosmology, and Psychology. English Translation ; edited by B. Bosanquet, M.A. Second Edition. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo. 12s. Martineau. Types of Ethical Theory. By James Martineau, D.D. Third Edition. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo. 155. A Study of Religion: its Sourcesand Contents. Second Edition. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo. 15s. Selby-Bigge. British Moral- ists. Selections from Writers prin- cipally of the Eighteenth Century. Edited by L. A. Selby-Bigge, M.A. 2 vols. Crown 8yvo. 18s. Wallace, Lectures and Essays on Natural Theology and Ethics. By William Wallace, M.A., LL.D. Edited, with a Biographical Intro- ductionby Edward Caird,M.A.,Hon. D.C.L, 8vo, with a Portrait. 12s. 6d. 5. PHYSICAL Balfour. The Natural History of the Musical Bow. A Chapter in the Developmental History of Stringed Instruments of Music. Part I, Primitive Types. By Henry Balfour, M.A. Royal 8vo, paper covers. 48. 6d. SCIENCE, ETC. Chambers. A Handbook of Descriptive and Practical Astronomy. By G. F. Chambers, F.R.A.S. Fourth Edition, in 3 vols. Demy 8vo. Vol. I. The Sun, Planets, and Comets. 21s. Vol. II. Instruments and Prac- tical Astronomy. 215, Vol. III. TheStarry Heavens. 145. London: Henry FrowpE Amen Corner, H.C, 8 PHYSICAL SCIENCE, ETC. De Bary. Comparative Ana- tomy of the Vegetative Organs of the Phanerogams and Ferns. By Dr. A. de Bary. Translated by F. 0. Bower, M.A., and D. H. Scott, M.A. Royal 8vo. 1l. 2s. 6d. Comparative Morpho- logy and Biology of Fungi, Mycetozoa and Bacteria. By Dr. A. de Bary. Translated by H. E. F. Garnsey, M.A. Revised by Isaac Bayley Balfour, M.A., M.D.,F.R.S. Royal 8vo, half-morocco, 11. 2s. 6d. Lectures on Bacteria. By Dr. A. de Bary. Second Im- proved Edition. Translated by H. E. F. Garnsey, M.A. Revised by Isaac Bayley Balfour, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. Crown 8vo. 6s. Druce. The Flora of Berk- shire. Being a Topographical and Historical Account of the Flowering Plants and Ferns found in the County, with short Biographical Notices. By G. C. Druce, Hon. M.A. Oxon. Crown 8vo, 16s. net. Goebel. Outlines of Classifi- cation and Special Morphology of Plants. By Dr. K. Goebel. Translated by H. E. F. Garnsey, M.A. Revised by Isaac Bayley Balfour, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. Royal 8vo, half-morocco, Il, 1s. Organography of Plants, especially of the Archegoniatae and Sper- maphyta. By Dr. K. Goebel. Autho- rized English Edition, by Isaac Bayley Balfour, M.A., M.D., F.RS., Part I, General Organography. Royal 8vo, half-morocco, 12s. 6d. Pfeffer. The Physiology of Plants. A Treatise upon the Metabolism and Sources of Energy in Plants. By Prof. Dr. W. Pfeffer. Second fully Revised Edition, translated and edited by Alfred J. Ewart, D.Sc., Ph.D., F.L.S. Part I. Royal 8vo, half-morocco, 28s. Prestwich. Geology—Chemi- cal, Physical, and Stratigraphical. By Sir Joseph Prestwich, M.A., F.R.S. In two Volumes. 31. Is. Price. A Treatise on the Measurement of Electrical Resistance. By W. A. Price, M.A., A.M.L.C.E. 8vo. 148. x Sachs.