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Mandira, “Magi is50 ade vs vias ceessouseaete de tae devo. nea cob vabes bande

 
COLONEL GORDON IN CENTRAL
AFRICA.
 
COLONEL GORDON

CENTRAL AFRICA

TS(E18:(0,

With a Portrait; and Map of the Country prepared

under Colonel Gordon’s supervision.

FROM ORIGINAL LETTERS AND DOCUMENTS.

EDITED BY
GEORGE BIRKBECK HILL, D.C.L.
AUTHOR OF
“THE LIFE OF SIR ROWLAND HILL, K.C.B.". “DR. JOHNSON: HIS FRIENDS AND

HIS CRITICS,” ETC.

“*Seekest thou great things for thyself? Seek them not.”

LONDON:
THOS. DE LA RUE & CO.
1881

(The right of Translation and Reproduction is reserved.)

H
a Y

 

 

 

Abicaye

PRINTED BY
THOMAS DE LA RUE AND CO., BUNHILL ROW,

LONDON.
TO
MISS GORDON
This Record
OF HER BROTHER’S BENEFICENT RULE OVER THE
WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AFRICA
IS DEDICATED

WITH EVERY FEELING OF RESPECT
BY

HER FAITHFUL SERVANT,

THE EDITOR.
PREFACE.

—+oo—

A ¥FEw words are needful to set forth thé some-
what unusual circumstances in which this book
appears. With the consent of Colonel Gordon,
there were placed last summer in my hands,
not only the public documents that have refer-
ence to his administration in Central Africa, but
also the correspondence that, during his long
absence from England, he maintained with more
than one member of his family. With these
materials I was allowed to deal as I thought best.
For the form that the book should take, and for
everything that should appear in it, I and I alone
was to be answerable. I had not the honour of
Colonel Gordon’s acquaintance, and I was told
from the first that he would neither see me nor
correspond with me till the book was finished
and before the world. Neither, too, would he
read my manuscript, or the proofs of my work
x PREFACE.

 

as they passed through the press. I have there-
fore neither seen nor corresponded with the
man whose Memoir I have sketched, and whose
Letters I am editing. When, however, I have
been puzzled by any fact in the account that
he gives of his travels, or in the history of the
countries which he has ruled, he has kindly
cleared up my difficulties through the interven-
tion of his brother, Sir Henry Gordon. Colonel
Gordon is, then, only so far answerable for this
work in that he gave his consent, acting on the
advice of others, that his papers should be placed
in my hands for me to make the best use of them
that I could. The book is mine, and I must
answer for it, just as much as if he were dead
and I his literary executor. Sir Henry Gordon
has, however, been kind enough to bear some
share of the burden. He has read the proof-
sheets, and has here and there suggested a slight
change, which I have gladly made.

I found no difficulty in deciding on the form
that the work should take. Colonel Gordon, I
soon saw, must be left to tell his own story.
The worst use to which I could put his letters
would be to make out of them a continuous
narrative told in my own words. My art would
mostly lie in selecting the proper passages for
extract, and in piecing them together. I have
PREFACE, XI

 

not hesitated, I may add, to make here and there
a change in the arrangement of the subjects, and
now and then a verbal alteration. The letters
are between three and four hundred in number ;
they are closely written, and they very often run
to great lengths: there are some, indeed, that
fill twenty and even thirty pages of note-paper.
They are his Journal, as more than once he
reminded his correspondent. He was lonely—
often for weeks together he had no one with
whom he could converse—and so he poured forth
his thoughts on paper. I need scarcely say that
they were never meant to see light. Of all that
he wrote I am not publishing more than, perhaps,
a tenth part.

One word as to the strong religious utterances
that will be met with in these pages. When we
see a man undergoing year after year all that
Colonel Gordon has undergone; when we see
him in journeyings often, in perils of water, in
perils of robbers, in perils by the heathen, in
perils in the wilderness, in weariness and painful-
ness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst ;
when we see him, besides those things that are
without, bearing that which came upon him
daily, the care of a great government; when
we see him, moreover, bearing all these great
sufferings and this vast burden steadfastly and
Xil PREFACE.

 

patiently, we put to ourselves the question that was
of old put to Milton in his blindness :—‘‘ What
supports me, dost thou ask?” In these letters
the answer is given. We may not, perhaps, hold
with the writer—his thoughts may not be our
thoughts. The answer, nevertheless, cannot but
be of the highest interest to every thoughtful
man. We see one who “by manifold struggles
feels his feet on the Everlasting Rock,’* and who
lets us see how he has made sure his footing.

G. B. HILL.

THE PoPpLaRs, BURGHFIELD,
April 6th, 1881.

* Reminiscences, by THOMAS CARLYLE, Vol. 1., p. 5.
CONTENTS.

—_ +e

MEMOIR OF COLONEL GORDON’S PREVIOUS CAREER.

Crimean War, xix.— Roumania and Armenia, xx.— Expedition to China,
xxi.— Taiping Rebellion, xxiv.— Thames Defences. Commission of
the Danube, xxx.— Egypt, xxxi.

SKETCH OF AFFAIRS IN CENTRAL AFRICA.

Egypt and The Soudan, xxxv.—The Slave-traders, xxxvi.— Sebehr
Rahama, xxxviiii— Conquest of Darfour, xxxix. —Revolt of the Slave-
traders, xl.— The Provinces of the Equator, xli.

CHAPTER T.—187<.

ERRATA.

ed
Page 399, line 1, delete ‘‘ attack.”
Page 400, at end of last line, zzsert “attack.”

 

TAU, LER Ay ee OMA ak Oud, 4 THROU ay 2
” % 2

Emigration, 25—The Groans of half the World, 26—‘‘A Sister of
Yours,” 27—‘‘ Floating down with the Tide,” 28— A depraved little
Wretch,” 29—The Formation of Swamps, 30—Rat-catching, 31—A
deserted River, 32—Death of Mr. Anson, 33—The Saubat Water, 34
—tThe Grassy Barrier, 35—-The Papyrus, 36—A Cargo of Slaves, 37—
A Plague of Ants, 383—Raouf Bey, 39—A Contract to Dine, 4o—The
State of the Staff, 41—The Motto of the Province, 42—Abou Saoud
in Disgrace, 43—A petty Revolt, 44—Dismissal of Abou Saoud, 45—
Run-away Porters, 46—Silence is golden, 47—Damp Ammunition, 48
—The Use of Money, 49—Task Work, 50—Abou Saoud once more,
51—A Convoy of Slaves, 52—Rival Courtiers, 53—Return of Colonel
Long, 54—Discovery of a Lake, 55—‘‘ Christians like our Christ!” 56
—‘‘Robes and furred Gowns hide all,” 57—Wheelbarrows for Africa,
58—The Inscription on the Medal, 59—The new Station, 60—Self-
support, 61.

CHAPTER II.—1875.

‘‘Imshi Khartoum,” 62—A wounded Elephant, 63—Arab soldiers die off,
64—The Route by Mombaz Bay, 65—A strange Bedfellow, 66—The
Screw Steamer, 67—Lieutenant Watson, 68—Lieutenant Chippendall,
69—A hostile Sheikh, 7o—Attack on a Seriba, 71—Capture of Cattle,
xiv CONTENTS.

 

72—Hippopotamus Meat, 73—Transport of the Steamer, 74—Nile
Nuggars, 75—Raid on a friendly Chief, 76—The Vileness of the
Troops, 77—Egyptian Officials, 78—The Sheikh Bedden, 79—--Two
Codes, 80—Modern Missionaries, 81--Martyrdom unsung, 82—Hip-
popotamuses in Force, 83—‘‘Those terrible Examinations,” 84—
‘Inaction is terrible,” 85—The Natives trustful, 86—Ant-lions, 87—
Firing Salutes, 88—Soldiers’ Wives, 89—The Roads safe, g92—Kingly
Sufferings, 9i—A Governor’s daily Life, g2—‘‘ His Excellency,” 93—
The Rapids, 94—Praying the Nuggars up, 95—The Magicians, 96-—
The Nuggars wrecked, 97—Natives never combine, 98—‘‘ All Men are
the same,” 99—The Fleshpots of Egypt, 1oo—A Court of Divorce,
1o1—‘‘ Cursing Israel,” 102—Suicide of a Captain, 103—-An Attack of
the Natives, 10g4—Bows and Arrows, 105—News of Mr. Stanley, 106—
Daring of the Natives, 107—Defeat of the Troops, 108—A Retreat,
109—A sunken Nuggar, 110—Death of Mr. Linant, 111—No Disci-
pline, 112—The Chinese War, 113—A War of Independence, 114—
King Mtesa, 115—Pinchbeck Honours, 116—‘‘ Victory is of the
Lord,” 117—Independent of Khartoum, 118—The Tax-Gatherers,
119—‘‘ Curse me this People,” 120—Balaam and Balak, 121—Steamer
on the Rocks, 122—Magic Charms, 123—Sentries asleep, 124—A
Patriot, 125—‘‘ Everything is rotten,” 126—The worthless Arabs,
127—‘‘ A feeble Folk,” 128—A Line of secure Posts, 129—The rainy
Seasons, 130—‘‘It is all over,” 131—The Fola Falls, 132—Death of
the Interpreter, 133—Health, 134—A privileged Class, 135—-Slaughter
of Elephants, 136—An Attack of Ague, 137—Pictures of Misery,
138—Soldiers and Robbers, 139—Benefits of Discipline, 140—Burning
the Grass, 141—A Cry for more Troops, 142—A Sea of Grass, 143—
‘Not my best Troops,” 144—Complaints from the Khedive, 145—
Expedition to the Juba, 146—‘‘ My Servant’s Death,” 147—Not paid
for Explorations, 148.

CHAPTER III.—1876.

A Wilderness, 149—A Jungle-road, 150—Expedition to the Juba, 151—
“‘Now, Soul, take thy Rest,” 152—The magic Stool, 153—Gaps in
the Survey, 154—The Government keeps no Faith, 155—What the
World says, 156—An Explorer’s Merits, 157—The Fola Falls, 158—
Mtesa’s Letter, 159—Arrival of Camels, 160—Plundering the Natives,
161—The Egyptian Character, 162—Effects of Oppression, 163—

-Machinery in the Desert, 164—No Subordinates, 165—A mournful
Land, 166—Iron Ore, 167—Unexplored Country, 168—Gessi’s Voyage,
169—Companions 2 Worry, 170—The Varnish of Civilisation, 171—
Meteoric Stone Hatchets, 172—Rending the Veil, 173—Pulling down
a Life’s Work, 174—‘‘I have a Mission here,” 175—Duffli to Magungo,
176—Elephants feeding, 177—Mtesa’s Capital, 178—A dead mournful
Spot, 179—Utterly prostrated, 180—The Soldiers are Prisoners, 181—
Thoughts of Home, 182—The Uganda Mission, 183—The Future
World, 184—Mtesa studies Revelations, 185—Mtesa’s Faith breaks
down, 186—A King of two Religions, 187—‘‘The Glories of our
Blood and State,” 188—The Viziers beg for Shirts, 189—‘‘ Irrepressible
Vermin,” 190—Few Landing Places, 191—A lying Officer, 192—A
missing Station, 193—Attack on Kaba Rega, 194—Safety-valve against
Tyranny, 195—On Lake Albert Nyanza, 196—Homewards bound,
197—Tyranny of Egypt, 198—Ismail Pasha Sadyk, 199—The Shoals
of Honour, z20o—Back in England, 201—Banks of the Nile, 202.
CONTENTS. XV

 

CHAPTER IV.—1877.

Governor-General of the Soudan, 203—Egypt and Abyssinia, 204——Walad
el Michael, 205—Battle of Gura, 206—The Abyssinian Envoy, 207—
The King’s Letters, 208—Mission to Abyssinia, 209—Return to Cairo,
210—Interview with the Khedive, 211—A Field-Marshal, 212—A
living Sacrifice, 213—‘‘ Thought following Thought,” 214—A grand
Procession, 215—The Fort at Keren, 216—A Load of Work, 217—
Abyssinian Priests, 218—A Port for Abyssinia, 219—Excommuni-
cation, 220—Giving Audience, 221—A holy Man, 222—‘‘ Leaving
Wrecks behind,” 223—Ancient Armour, 224—Domestic Slavery, 225—
The Slave-trade, 226—Registration of Slaves, 227—Compensation of
Owners, 228—Abolition of Slavery, 229—The Petition-box, 230—The
Whip dethroned, 231—Revolt in Darfour, 232—‘‘I drift along,” 233—
** My Face set as a Flint,” 234—‘‘ Like the Driving of Jehu,” 235—
Misgovernment of Darfour, 236—Bedouin Tribes, 237—Slave Cara-
vans, 238—The Bashi-Bazouks, 239—‘‘You ought to pardon me,”
240—Cisterns in Fig-trees, 241—Haroun, 242—The Cave of Adullam,
243—Three Years without Pay, 244—Revolt of the Tribes, 245—
In great Danger, 246—Relief of Dara, 247—Ancient Armour,
248 — Restoration of a Mosque, 249—Murmurings for Water,
250—Sebehr’s armed Slaves, 251—Robbing the Post, 252—Captured
Slaves, 253—Grass-feeding, ‘254—Buying Slaves for Soldiers, 255—
Darfour is a Cockpit, 256—How to free the Slaves? 257—-The Secre-
tary’s Advice, 258—The Leopard Tribe, 259—Cowardice of the
Troops, 260—The Watering-places, 261—How to deal with Mur-
derers, 262—Flying down to the Water, 263—Swearing on the Koran,
264—A Crier to Prayer, 265—Organised Murder, 266—No Chain of
Responsibility, 267—Bribery, 268—An intercepted Letter, 269—A
Stormy Night, 270—A Gallop to Dara, 271—The Slave-dealers’ Camp,
272—Sebehr’s Son, 273—The Secession begins, 274—Sebehr’s Son
yields, 275—No Trust in the Troops, 276—An undutiful Son, 277—A
second Ishmael, 278—Slave-traders’ Rights, 279—Slaves for Soldiers,
280—‘‘The Terror of Central Africa,” 281—Modern Christianity,
282—Sebehr’s Son in his Home, 283—Shaka, 284—A Caravan of
Slaves, 285—Cooking Utensils, 286—No Sundays, 287—The Price of
a Boy, 288—Slave-markets, 289—The A B C of Egyptian Life, 290—
King Johannis’s Letter, 291—Hanging a Murderer, 292—Giving
Audience, 293—Illuminations, 294—Camels, 295—Pursued by Peti-
tioners, 296—‘‘ We are miserable,” 297—A tyrannical Governor, 298—
“Most quiet Watchmen,” 299—The Man of God, 300—Walad el
Michael’s Camp, 301—In the Lion’s Den, 302—Black-mail, 303—
King Johannis’s Demands, 304—Bedouin Arabs, 305.

CHAPTER V.—1878.

Summoned to Cairo, 306—‘‘I have cut down my Pay,” 307—The Palace
at Cairo, 308—The end of the Farce, 309—Raouf Pasha, 310—No
Hope in Khedives, 311—Berberah, 312—Harrar, 313—Revolt of
Sebehr’s Son, 314—The Soudanese Railway, 315—Deficit in the
Soudan, 317—Little Hippopotamuses, 318—Caravans of Slaves, 319—
** Alone in my huge House,” 320—The Soudanese Budget, 321—The
Railway Contract, 322—Repairing Clocks, 323—‘‘No Fearing or
Doubting,” 324—The Yoke of Bondage, 325—An old Story, 326—
Climate of Khartoum, 328—Starting for Katarif, 329.
xvi CONTENTS.

 

CHAPTER VI.—1879.
JANUARY TO JULY.

Walad el Michael, 330—The Abyssinian Envoy, 331—The Abouna, 332—
The Khedive’s Instructions, 333—A Greek Impostor, 334—Slave-
soldiers, 335—Sebehr Pasha, 336—Court Favourites, 337—Nubar
Pasha, 338—The Slave-dealers’ Rebellion, 339—Revolts in Kordofan
and Darfour, 340—Journeying in the Desert, 341—Trade once more
ruined, 342—How to crush the Slave-trade, 343—Sabahi the Rebel,
344—The Slavery Laws, 345—Suffering of the Slaves, 346—Livelong
Dying, 347—The Den of Iniquity, 348—The Rule of Egypt, 349—
Arrears of Pay, 350—Abolition of Slavery, 351—The Khedive, 352—
Newspaper Praise, 353—Execution of Sebehr’s Secretary, 354—The
Sultanry of Darfour, 355—Flight of the Slave-dealers, 356—Slave-
dealers’ Camping-places, 357—-Seized for Strays, 358—Scrambling
for Slaves, 359—The Homes of the Slaves, 360—Attack of the
Fors, 361—‘‘ Eminent Services,” 362—A Government-made Desert,
363—Escape of the Brigand Chiefs, 364—Over-righteous Slave-dealers,
365—A Track marked by Skulls, 366—Guarding the Wells, 367—
“‘Wretches uncapable of Pity,” 368—A Bill of Mortality, 369—
Arrival of Gessi, 370—Gessi’s Campaign, 371—The Tree near Shaka,
372—Gessi’s Character, 373—Detained by the Floods, 374—-Measures
of Reform, 375—Passage of the Dyoor, 376—Dem Idris, 377—
Suleiman’s Attacks, 378—Suleiman’s Camp stormed, 379—‘‘ De-
liverance to the Captives,” 380—Dem Suleiman, 381—Pursuit of
Suleiman, 382—The Camp in the Forest, 383—Rabi and Sultan Idris,
384—Gessi’s Ambush, 385—The Village of Gara, 386—Death of
Suleiman, 387—Sebehr Pasha at Court, 388—‘‘ Scotched, not killed,”
389—Gessi’s Return, 390—A famine-stricken Crew, 391—Slavery in
Egypt, 392—Registration of Slaves, 393—A mixed Commission, 394.

CHAPTER VII.—1879.
JULY TO DECEMBER.

The new Khedive, 395—Li Hung Chang, 396—Mission to King Johannis,
397—Return to Cairo, 398—Interview with the Khedive, 399—Evil-
speakers threatened, 400—Arrest of Walad el Michael, 401—The
Khedive’s Instructions, 402—Aloula’s Shed, 403—Smoking in Abys-
sinia, 404—‘‘ You are English,” 405—Ambas, 406—Newspapers for
the King, 407—Chanting the Psalms, 408—‘‘The little Khedive,”
409—Arrival at Johannis’s Court, 410—Interview with the King, 411—
The King’s Demands, 412—The Royal Baths, 413—Attempts at
Bribery, 414—The King’s Letter, 415—On the Road to Khartoum,
416—Arrested, 417—The Way back, 418—Safe at Massawa, 419—
The King’s Letters, 420—His Character, 421-6—Return Home, 427

—Secretary to the Viceroy of India, 428—Engagement in China, 429
—Conclusion, 430.

APPENDIX A.
Memorandum on the Council of Ministers at Cairo, 431-4.
APPENDIX B.
Foreigners in the Service of Oriental States, 435-40.

TABLE OF DISTANCES, 441.
OBSERVATIONS DETERMINING THE ALTITUDES, &C., 442.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

es
PORTRAIT OF COLONEL GORDON ... ve mae (Frontispiece)
FACSIMILE OF KING MTEsA’s LETTER  ... as Facing page 160
PORTRAIT OF BERZATI BEY ... ae cis sre Z5 400
SKETCH-MAP OF THE SOUDAN uss ees sy 5 456
MEMOIR

OF

COLONEL GORDON’S PREVIOUS CAREER.

—1o+——

CHARLES GEORGE Gorpon, the fourth son of
the late Lieutenant-General Henry William
Gordon, of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, was
born at Woolwich on January 28, 1833.* His
mother was the daughter of the late Samuel
Enderby, Esq., of Blackheath. When he was
not yet fifteen years old he entered the Royal
Military Academy at Woolwich. In 1852 he
received his commission as Second Lieutenant
in the Royal Engineers. When the war broke
out with Russia he volunteered for service in
the East, and in the last month of 1854 he joined
the army before Sebastopol. While on duty in
the trenches he was wounded in the forehead by
a stone thrown up by a shot. Sir Harry Jones
specially mentioned him with some other sub-
alterns of the Royal Engineers as officers who
had done gallant service, “but who, from the
constitution of the corps, wherein promotion
goes by seniority, are never promoted out of

* Two of his elder brothers are Sir Henry W. Gordon, K.C.B., and
Major-General S, Enderby Gordon, C.B., Royal Artillery.

62
XX MEMOIR.

 

the corps.” From the French Government he
received the Order of the Legion of Honour.
On the fall of Sebastopol he joined the force
that laid siege to Kinburn, and he was present
at the capture of that fortress in October, 1855.
Returning to the Crimea he was engaged first
in the survey of the Russian entrenchments, and
next in the destruction of the docks of Sebas-
topol. This latter service was one of no ordinary
difficulty.

On the declaration of peace Lieutenant Gordon
accompanied Major Stanton* to Galatz, where he
was engaged, as Assistant-Commissioner, in laying
down the new frontiers of Russia, Turkey, and
Roumania. In June, 1857, on the completion of
that duty, he accompanied Major Simmonst to
Armenia. There, in the same capacity, he was
engaged in determining the Asiatic frontiers of
Russia and Turkey. At the end of the year he
returned to England. In the following spring
(1858) he went back to Armenia on the same duty,
but holding the appointment of Commissioner.
Returning to England in December of that year,
he was quartered at Chatham, and was employed
as Field-work Instructor and Adjutant. In 1860,
holding now the rank of Captain, he joined the
army before Pekin, and was present at the sur-
render of that town. For his services he received
his brevet promotion to the rank of Major.

* Now Lieutenant-General Stanton, C.B.
+ Now General Sir Lintorn Simmons, G.C.B.
MEMOIR. xxi

 

In December, 1861, accompanied by Lieutenant
Cardew of the 67th Regiment, he made a tour on
horseback to the Outer Wall of China at Kalgan.
A Chinese lad, of the age of fourteen, who knew
a little English, acted as their servant and inter-
preter, while their baggage was carried in two
carts. In the course of their journey they passed
through districts which had never before been
visited by Europeans. Against the northern side
of the city of Sinen-hoa they found that the sand
had drifted with the wind, till it had formed a
sloping bank so high that it reached to the top of
the walls, though they were nearly twenty feet
high. Nature had followed in the steps of the
generals of old, and had cast up a bank against
the town. At Kalgan the Great Wall was, with
its parapet, about twenty-two feet high and sixteen
feet broad. Both of its faces were built of bricks
—each of which was three times the size of one of
our bricks. The space between was filled in with
rubble. “It is wonderful,” writes Colonel Gordon,
“to see the long line of wall stretching over the
hills as far as the eye can reach.” From Kalgan
they travelled westwards to Taitong, where the
wall was not so high. There they saw huge
caravans of camels, laden with “brick tea,” going
towards Russia. Here they were forced to have
the axle-trees of their carts widened, for they had
come into a part of the country where the wheels
were always set wider apart than in the province
whence they came. Their carts, therefore, no
XXil MEMOIR.

 

longer fitted the deep ruts which had been worn
in the roads. The chief object of their journey
had been to ascertain whether there was in the
Inner Wall any pass besides the Tchatiaou, which,
on that side of the country, led from the Russian
territory to Pekin. They pushed along south-
wards, in vain trying for a long time to find a
way eastward over the mountains. It was not
till they reached Taiyuen that they struck into
the road that led to Pekin or Tientsin. In this
town, for the first time on their journey, they got
into any kind of trouble. When their bill was
brought them for their night’s lodging, they found
that the charge was enormous. Seeing that a
dispute would arise, they sent on their carts, and
waited at the inn till they felt sure that they had
got well on their way. They then, like the three
Quakers with whom Charles Lamb travelled to
Exeter,* offered what they thought a reasonable
sum. It was refused. They tried to mount
their horses, but the people of the inn stopped
them. Major Gordon took out his revolver, for
show more than for use, for he allowed them to
take it from him. He thereupon said, “ Let us
go to the Mandarin.” To this they agreed, and
at the same time they gave him back his revolver.
They all walked towards the Mandarin’s house—
the two Englishmen alongside their horses. On
the way Major Gordon said to his companion
“Are you ready to mount ?” ‘ Yes,” he answered

* See ‘Imperfect Sympathies,” in Zssays by Elia,
MEMOIR. XXili

 

So they mounted quietly, and went on with the
people. When they reached the Mandarin’s,
they turned their horses, and scampered after
their carts as fast as they could. The people
yelled and rushed after them, but it was too late.
Some way beyond Taiyuen they came upon the
pass over the mountains which led down into the
country drained by the Peiho. The descent was
a terrible one. All along the cold had been
intense—so much so, that raw eggs were frozen
hard as if they had been boiled. To add to their
troubles, when they were on in front their carts
were attacked by robbers; but the Chinese lad—
an ugly imp—kept them off with his gun. When
they drew near Paoting fu they sent on with
the lad the two carts and their tired horses, which
had now carried them for three weeks without the
break of a single day, and they hired a fresh cart, in
which they thought to ride to Tientsin. But with
the boy gone they had no interpreter, and in their
impatience, “their new driver”—to quote our
travellers own words—“ got rather crossly dealt
with.” They stopped near Paoting fu for the night.
Early next morning, as they were washing, they
heard the gates of the inn open, and the rumble
of cart-wheels. They guessed what was happen-
ing. ‘‘Half-stripped as I was, I rushed out, and
saw our cart bolting away. I ran for a mile after
it, but had to come back and hire another, with
which we got to Tientsin—more than fourteen
days over our leave.”
XXIV MEMOIR.

 

Early in 1862, Major Gordon left for Shanghai,
under the orders of Sir Charles Staveley, who had
been appointed to the command of the English
forces in China. At the very time that England
and France had been at war with China, that
Empire was suffering from a vast and most cruel
rebellion. The hordes of the Taipings had laid
waste whole provinces in the south, and were
now advancing northwards, destroying the towns
and turning everywhere the fruitful land into a
wilderness. They even threatened one of the
ports in which the European nations had estab-
lished their factories. While the English and
French were gathering their forces for their march
on Pekin, two Governor-Generals of the Empire
prayed for their aid against the rebels, who,
having sacked two great and fair cities—Soochow
and Hangchow*—were now threatening Shanghai.
Not only for the sake of defending the European
traders, but also, ‘on grounds of policy and
humanity, to prevent, if possible, the scenes of
bloodshed and pillage being enacted here which
took place at Hangchow,’t this assistance was
granted. Thus was seen the strange sight of
the English and French armies marching on the
capital of the Empire, and at the same time join-
ing with the Imperial forces in the defence of a

* « Above,” says a Chinese proverb, ‘‘is Paradise, but beneath are Soo

and Hang.”—Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon's Chinese Campaign, and the
Tai-ping Rebellion, by ANDREW WILSON. Blackwood & Sons.

+ Mr. Bruce in his despatch to Lord John Russell of May 30, 1860,
quoted by Mr. Wilson, p. 61.
MEMOIR. XXV

 

town which the rebels of the Empire were attack-
ing. The attack was beaten off, and on August
22, 1860, the enemy was in full retreat.

Shortly before this some of the wealthy Chinese
merchants of Shanghai had undertaken to provide
the necessary funds, if the Governor of the province
would enlist a force of foreigners to defend their
city against the Taipings. Some troops accord-
ingly had been raised, and placed under the com-
mand of an American of the name of Ward.
From this band grew the force which later on bore
the swelling title of the ‘‘ever-victorious army.”
The allies did their best to keep as clear as
possible of the Civil War. The seat of their
factories they would defend, but if that were not
troubled they were content to watch the fray.
However, in January, 1862, the rebels threatened
a second attack on Shanghai. One of their
leaders, who bore the title of the Faithful King,
put forth a proclamation, in which he, said,
“Shanghai is a little place. We have nothing
to fear from it; we must take it to complete our
dominions.” Thereupon the English and French
commanders resolved to clear the country from
the Taipings for thirty miles round that town.
They were supported in this by an Imperial army,
and by Ward’s force, which now mustered nearly
1,000 natives, under the command of Europeans.
There was a good deal of heavy fighting, the
English Admiral was wounded, and the French
Admiral was shot dead. In all these actions
XXVi MEMOIR.

 

Major Gordon bore his part. In the autumn of
this year Ward fell in an attack on a town, and
was succeeded by a worthless adventurer named
Burgevine. Of this man Li Hung-chang, who
had lately been made Governor of the Province,
soon became so distrustful that he begged General
Staveley to displace him, and to appoint an
English officer in his stead. A scheme was
thereupon drawn up by the General for the re-
modelling of the force, and was accepted by the
Chinese Governor. It received the sanction of
Sir Frederick Bruce, the British Minister, and
in February, 1863, Burgevine’s troops were placed
under Major Gordon. He held the command
till May, 1864, when the neck of the rebellion
had been broken, and the “ ever-victorious army,”
having done its work, was disbanded. Of his
great services a full account is given in Mr.
Wilson’s interesting work. There we read how—

“In almost all these engagements Colonel Gordon was very
much exposed, for he found it necessary, or at least expedient,
to be constantly in the front, and often to lead in person.
Though brave men the officers of his force would sometimes
hang back, and their commander had occasionally to take one
by the arm, and lead him into the thick of the fire. He him-
self seemed to bear a charmed life, and never carried any
arms, even when foremost in the breach. His only weapon
on these occasions was a small cane, with which he used to
direct his troops, and in the Chinese imagination this cane
soon became magnified into Gordon’s ‘magic wand of victory.’
His celestial followers, finding him almost invariably victorious
and escaping unhurt, though more exposed than any other man
in the force, naturally concluded, in accordance with their

usual ideas, that the little wand he carried insured protection
and success to its owner. Every one who knows the Chinese
MEMOIR. XXVII

 

character will be aware that such an idea must have given
great encouragement to the ever-victorious army, and was of
more service to its commander than could have been any
amount of arms which he himself could possibly have
carried,” *

In storming the town of Kintang “he was shot
through the leg; but, silencing one of his body-
guard who cried out that the commander was hit,
he stood giving orders until he fainted from loss
of blood, and was carried back to his boat.” t
Sir Frederick Bruce at once wrote to beg him
“to be cautious, not on account of the force,” he
said, “but of yourself... .. I beg you not to
look upon your position merely from a military
point of view—you have done quite enough for
your reputation as a gallant and skilful leader.
We all look to you as the only person fit to
act with these perverse Chinese, and to be
trusted with the great interests at stake at
Shanghai. Your life and ability to keep the
field are more important than the capture of any
city in China.”

The Chinese Government, in its gratitude for
his great services, not only made him a Mandarin
of a very high order, but also gave him the rank
of Ti-Tu—the highest in their army. In the
decree that the Emperor issued, he said :—

“We command that Gordon be rewarded with a yellow

riding-jackett to be worn on his person, and a peacock’s
feather to be carried on his cap; also that there be bestowed

* Colonel Gordon's Chinese Campaign, etc., p. 184. + Lbid, p. 222.

+ The yellow jacket is a high distinction conferred only rarely on
Chinese officers,
XXVIli MEMOIR.

 

on him four suits of the uniform proper to his rank of Ti-Tu

in token of our favour and desire to do him honour. Respect
this.” *

The English Government was more moderate
in its rewards. By it he was made a Lieutenant-
Colonel and a Companion of the Bath. Sir
Frederick Bruce, in enclosing to Earl Russell (at
that time Foreign Secretary) a translation of the
Emperor's decree, thus bore testimony to all that

Colonel Gordon had done :—

“Hone Kone, July 12, 1864.

. Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon well deserves Her
Majesty’s “favour ; for, independently of the skill and courage
he has shown, his disinterestedness has elevated our national
character in the eyes of the Chinese. Not only has he refused
any pecuniary reward, but he has spent more than his pay in
contributing to the comfort of the officers who served under
him, and in assuaging the distress of the starving population,
whom he relieved from the yoke of their oppressors. Indeed,
the feeling that impelled him to resume operations after the
fall of Soochow was one of the purest humanity. He sought
to save the people of the districts that had been recovered
from a repetition of the misery entailed upon them by this
cruel civil war.” +

By no means the least striking were the words
of a young German prince who had served under
Colonel Gordon, and who thus wrote to his com-
mander :—“ The opinion you have expressed of
the slight services I may have rendered is so much
the more flattering to me, knowing as I do that it
emanates from an officer whose magnanimity and
charity to the weak and defenceless are equal to
his military talents so universally admired. I feel

* Colonel Gordon's Chinese Campaign, etc., p. 248. Loid. p. 246,
MEMOIR. XXIX

 

proud to have been at the school of war under
so able and distinguished a General, and I am
thankfull (szc) to Providence for having been
showen (szc) in you so bright an example of a
Christian soldier.”

His services were thus well summed up by the
Limes :—

“Never did soldier of fortune deport himself with a nicer
sense of military honour, with more gallantry against the
resisting, and with more mercy towards the vanquished, with
more disinterested neglect of opportunities of personal
advantage, or with more entire devotion to the objects and
desires of his own Government, than this officer, who, after
all his victories, has just laid down his sword. A history of
operations among cities of uncouth names, and in provinces
the geography of which is unknown except to special students,
would be tedious and uninstructive. The result of Colonel
Gordon’s operations, however, is this: He found the richest
and most fertile districts of China in the hands of the most
savage brigands. The silk districts were the scenes of their
cruelty and riot, and the great historical cities of Hangchow
and Soochow were rapidly following the fate of Nanking, and
were becoming desolate ruins in their possession. Gordon
has cut the Rebellion in half, has recovered the great cities,
has isolated and utterly discouraged the fragments of the
brigand power, and has left the marauders nothing but a few
tracts of devastated country, and their stronghold of Nanking.
All this he has effected, first by the power of his arms, and
afterwards still more rapidly by the terror of his name.”—
Leading article in the Zzmes of August 5, 1864.*

Eleven years later Colonel Gordon thus wrote
from Central Africa to a brother officer in
England :—‘“ With respect to China we may rest
without fear. They wll never stand tf thetr com-
munications are cut. However good their arms

* Colonel Gordon's Chinese Campaign, etc., p. 257+
XXX MEMOIR.

 

may be, they will never take care of them. Even
with all my care, I never could get them to clean
them. Fill the barrel and shake it up and down
was the mode. With breech-loaders it may be
easier to make them do it. We may be sure that
they have a dozen sorts of rifles, with different
ammunition. I saw at one place four batteries of
different natures.”

On his return to England in February, 1865,
Colonel Gordon was appointed Commanding
Royal Engineer at Gravesend, and for the next
six years was employed upon the erection of the
Thames defences. At the end of 1871 he re-
turned to the scene of his earlier labours as
English Commissioner of the European Com-
mission of the Danube.*

In September, 1872, he met Nubar Pasha, the
famous Egyptian Minister, at the British Embassy
in Constantinople. Sir Samuel Baker’s term of
office as Governor of the Tribes which inhabit the
Nile Basin would come to an end in the following
year, and Nubar wished to find a successor, and
something more than a successor. He asked
Colonel Gordon whether he knew of any officer of
the Engineers who would be willing to fill the
vacancy. The Colonel could not at once give an
answer, but in July, 1873, he informed Nubar by

* To this Commission each of the Great Powers sends a member. Its
chief duty is the improvement of the mouth of the Danube. It has power
to levy taxes on shipping to pay for the works that it takes in hand. The
depth of water on the bar of that river has been increased by its labours from
6 feet to 21 feet,
MEMOIR. XXx1

 

letter that he himself would accept the post, if on
the Khedive’s own application to the English
Government for his services permission were
granted. A favourable answer being received he
returned to England, and at the close of the year
started for Cairo. In his interview with the
Khedive he was told to fix his own terms. He
took £2,000 a year.

‘*T have laboured somewhat in my time,
And not been paid profusely,”

he might well have taken as his proud motto
when he brought the first term of his long task
to a close. In the following abstract that I have
drawn up of the final instructions which he re-
ceived on his departure for his province, the nature
and the extent of his duties will be seen :—

ABSTRACT OF THE KHEDIVE’s FINAL INSTRUCTIONS TO
COLONEL GORDON, DATED FEBRUARY 16, 1874.

“The province which Colonel Gordon has undertaken to
organise and to govern is but little known. Up to the last few
years it had been in the hands of adventurers who had thought
of nothing but their own lawless gains, and who had traded in
ivory and slaves. They established factories and governed
them with armed men. ‘The neighbouring tribes were forced
to traffic with them whether they liked it or not. The Egyptian
Government, in the hope of putting an end to this inhuman
trade, had taken the factories into their own hands, paying the
owners an indemnification. Some of these men, nevertheless,
had been still allowed to carry on trade in the district, under
a promise that they would not deal in slaves. They had been
placed under the control of the Governor of the Soudan. His
authority, however, had scarcely been able to make itself felt in
these remote countries. The Khedive, therefore, had resolved
to form them into a separate government, and to claim as a
monopoly of the state the whole of the trade with the outside
world. There was no other way of putting an end to the
XXXil MEMOIR.

 

slave-trade, which at present was carried on by force of arms
in defiance of law. When once brigandage had become a
thing of the past, and when once a breach had been made in
the lawless customs of long ages, then trade might be made
free to all.

“If the men who had been in the pay of these adventurers
were willing to enter the service of the Government, Colonel
Gordon was to make all the use of them that he could. If, on the
other hand, they attempted to follow their old course of life,
whether openly or secretly, he was to put in force against them
the utmost severity of martial law. Such men as these must
find in the new Governor neither indulgence nor mercy. The
lesson must be made clear, even in those remote parts, that a
mere difference of colour does not turn men into wares, and
that life and liberty are sacred things.

“One great error must be avoided into which others had
fallen. The armament must be so well supplied with provisions
that there shall be no need, as heretofore, to take from the
tribes their stores of corn. By doings such as this distrust had
been sown, where the Khedive had hoped to establish a
feeling of confidence. The lands must be tilled by the troops,
and crops raised. If, as seemed to be the case, Gondokoro
was an ill-chosen position, situated as it was on a thankless
soil, the seat of government must be moved to a more favoured
spot. Among the natives who should be rescued from the
slave-dealers many would be found who had been carried away
from countries so far off that it would be impossible to restore
them to their homes. They could be employed about the
stations in tilling the ground.

“ Another object of the new Governor should be to establish
a line of posts through all his provinces, so that from one end
to the other they might be brought into direct communication
with Khartoum. These posts should follow, as far as was possible,
the line of the Nile; but fora distance of seventy miles the
navigation of that river was hindered by rapids. He was to
search out the best way of overcoming this hindrance, and to
make a report thereon to the Khedive.

“In dealing with the chieftains of the tribes which dwell on
the shores of the lakes, the Governor was above all to try to
win their confidence. He must respect their territory, and
conciliate them by presents. Whatever influence he gains over
them, he must use in the endeavour to persuade them to put
an end to the wars which they so often make on each other in
MEMOIR. XXXill

 

the hope of carrying off slaves. Much tact will be needed, for
should he succeed in stopping the slave-trade, while wars were
still waged among the chiefs, it might well come to pass that,
for want of a market, the prisoners would, in such a case, be
slaughtered. Should he find it needful to exercise a real control
over any one of these tribes, it will be better to leave to the
chieftains the direct government. Their obedience must be
secured by making them dread his power.”

So remote from us are the lands which, for the
next three years, were to be the scene of Colonel
Gordon’s labours, that we run a risk of forgetting
how far they lie outside the pale of even the
civilisation of the East. Cairo is scarcely farther
from St. Petersburg than from these southern
borders of the dominions of the Khedive. Khar-
toum is the last Egyptian town towards the
south. Gondokoro, the seat of government of
the provinces of the Equator, was nothing but a
miserable station, outside which none durst move,
except in armed bands. Yet Khartoum is about
as far from Gondokoro as London is from Turin.
Both these Egyptian settlements lie, no doubt, on
the same great river, but, by the grassy barrier
that from time to time forms in its upper reaches,
they are cut off from each other, often for months
together. In February, 1870, Sir Samuel Baker,
with his large flotilla borne along by a strong
breeze from the north, started up the stream from
Khartoum. In spite of all his efforts—and very
great they were—he did not arrive at Gondokoro
till April in the following year. Happily for
Colonel Gordon, the barrier had been cleared

c
XXXIV MEMOIR.

 

away shortly before his arrival, so that he made
a rapid ascent. Yet some years later on, in the
war with the slave-dealers, one of his lieutenants
was not only greatly delayed in his operations
by its forming once more, but, being cut off from
his supplies of ammunition, saw himself and his
army brought by it into very great danger.*

With the imperfect materials that I have at my
command, I have, to the best of my power,
carried my readers to the point where Colonel
Gordon is starting for these distant lands and
entering upon his new government. The rest of
his story, happily, is told in his own words. But,
for these earlier days which I have thus gone
through, would that there had been some one of
whom he could say, he—

‘¢ Still question’d me the story of my life,
From year to year the battles, sieges, fortunes,
That I have pass’d.
I ran it through, even from my boyish days,
To the very moment that he bade me tell it ;
Wherein I spake of most disastrous chances,

Of moving accidents by flood and field,
Of hair-breadth scapes i’ the imminent deadly breach.”

Such a tale were well worth listening to and
well worth recording.

* See p. 375.
SKETCH OF AFFAIRS IN CENTRAL
AFRICA,

““Ecypr in her greatest days,” writes Colonel Gordon,
“never seems to have extended permanently farther south
than Wadi Halfa. There are certainly near Khartoum some
ancient ruins of the time of the Pharoahs, and at Merowa
there are some pyramids; but the occupation of these large
regions was only ephemeral. To what was due this apparent
indifference to conquest on the part of Ancient Egypt? The
explanation is to be found in the difficulty of access to the
Soudan—the Country of the Blacks, as the word means.
From Wadi Halfa southwards to Hanneck—a distance of 180
miles—an utter desert extends, spreading also for miles and
miles eastwards and westwards on both sides of the Nile. For
the same length the river also is encumbered with ridges of
rock. Any invader who should have succeeded in passing
the waste tract would have found deployed against him the
warlike tribes of the Soudan. Ancient Egypt might certainly
have penetrated from Suakin on the Red Sea to Berber on the
Nile. But her forces coming by this route would have had to
cross a desert of 280 miles, and would equally have had to
face the enemy at the end of their wearisome march. It was
therefore this boundary of the desert that kept the warlike and
independent tribes of the Soudan quite apart from the inha-
bitants of Egypt proper, and has made the Soudanese and the
Egyptians two distinct peoples, that have not the least sym-
pathy one with the other.”

By the strength that is given by the arms of modern
warfare, the sheltering barrier of the desert was at last
broken down. For the last sixty years Egypt has been
steadily extending her frontiers towards the south. Under
Mehemet Ali, Nubia, Kordofan and Sennaar were added to

¢ 2
XXXVi SKETCH OF AFFAIRS IN CENTRAL AFRICA.

 

her territories, In the year 1853 the last Egyptian settlement
on the Nile was in latitude 13° 45’ N.—about 120 miles, that
is to say, south of Khartoum.* At the present day her forti-
fied posts are found between the Lakes Albert and Victoria
Nyanza, little more than two degrees north of the equator.
‘The line of conquest has not merely followed the course of the
Nile. By the subjugation of Darfour the Egyptian border
now comes within less than fifteen days’ march of Lake Tchad,
while in the east lands have been annexed which are washed
by the lower part of the Red Sea and by the Gulf of Aden.
In the advance southwards from Khartoum the way was
opened by a succession of adventurers. In the year 1853
Mr. John Petherick, the English Consul for the Soudan,
started on the first trading voyage to the upper waters of the
White Nile. Other foreigners followed in his wake, tempted
chiefly by the abundance and the cheapness of the ivory.
Far up the country of the Bahr Gazelle posts were fortified by
these traders, and held for them by bands of armed men
under the command of Arabs. It was soon found that slave-
hunting paid even better than ivory, and raids were made
on the surrounding tribes. ‘About the year 1860,” writes
Colonel Gordon, “the scandal became so great that the Euro-
peans had to get rid of their stations. They sold them to
their Arab agents, who paid a rental for them to the Egyptian
Government.” The unhappy natives gained nothing by the
change, for the new masters carried slave-hunting to far greater
heights. Supplied both by the European settlers at Khartoum
and by the Government with fire-arms and ammunition, these
Arabs found the path of plunder an easy one. Many of the
negro boys whom they enslaved they trained to arms, and by
their aid they advanced to further acts of kidnapping and
robbery. The misery and ruin that they have caused are
beyond all human estimate. Unhappily, this vast tide of
suffering, which for a time was checked in its course by
Colonel Gordon, has since his retirement, begun once more
to flow. Those conquerors are once more moving on,

** Who leave behind
Nothing but ruin wheresoe’er they rove.”

Nearly twenty years ago Captain Speke thus wrote of “those
vile ruffian traders on the White Nile, .... The atrocities

* Egypt, The Soudan, and Central Africa, By JOHN PETHERICK,
P. 342.
SKETCH OF AFFAIRS IN CENTRAL AFRICA. XXXVili

 

committed by these traders are beyond civilised belief. They
are constantly fighting, robbing, and capturing slaves and
cattle. No honest man can elther trade or travel in the
country; for the natives have been bullied to such an extent
that they either fight or run away, according to their strength
or circumstances.”* Dr. Schweinfurth spent almost three
years with the slave-hunters. ‘Twenty years ago,” he writes,
“hundreds of Dinka villages stood on this [the eastern] side
of the river... .. As the result of the incessant ravages of
Mohammed Kher, the entire eastern shore has degenerated
into a forest-waste.”+ ‘There are traces still existing,” he
says in another passage, ‘‘ which demonstrate that large villages
and extensive plots of cultivated land formerly occupied the
scene where now all is desolation... . The population
must have diminished by at least two-thirds.”{ “In com-
paratively a brief space of time,” he says again, “all signs of
activity and all traces of progress of any kind” have been
obliterated. § Sir Samuel Baker lays the guilt of the wasting
of the country of the Dinka tribe at the door of men high in
office in the Egyptian Government. ‘“ This country,” he writes,
‘had been quite depopulated by razzias made for slaves by the
former and: present Governors of Fashoda... . . I frequently
rode on horseback,” he adds, “‘ about the country, and wherever
I found a spot slightly raised above the general level, I was sure
to discover quantities of broken pottery, the vestiges of villages
which had at a former time been numerous.”{% In 1864 he
had for the first time seen the Victoria Nile. He saw it once
more in 1872. “Jt is impossible,” he writes, “to describe the
change that has taken place since I last visited this country.
It was then a perfect garden, thickly populated, and producing
all that man could desire. The villages were numerous ;
groves of plantains fringed the steep cliffs on the river’s bank ;
and the natives were neatly dressed in the bark-cloth of the
country. The scene has changed! All is wilderness! The
population has fled! Not a village is to be seen! This is the
certain result of the settlement of Khartoum traders. They

* What led to the Discovery of the Sources of the Nile, p. 367.

+ Heart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 71.

+ Lbid., Vol.1., p. 260. Maundrell, writing so long ago as the year 1697,
describes ‘that general ruin which the Turks bring with them into most
pace —S they come.”—Maundrells Journey from Aleppo to Ferusalem,
p- 16.—Eb.

§ Lbid., Voll., p. 284. WT Lsmailia, Vol. 1., p. 111.
XXXViill SKETCH OF AFFAIRS IN CENTRAL AFRICA.

 

kidnap the women and children for slaves, and plunder and
destroy wherever they set their foot.”* ‘Not a soul to be
seen for miles,” wrote Colonel Gordon as he went up the
Saubat River; ‘all driven off by the slavers in years past.
You could scarcely conceive such a waste or desert.” +

For a while nothing was done to check this cursed trade.
There was, indeed, from time to time a certain “holy osten-
tation,” and proclamations were freely issued. But, as Dr.
Schweinfurth says, “an ineradicable propensity to slave-
dealing has always shown itself in every Government official,
be he Turk or Egyptian.”{ At length the Khedive was
moved, not by pity for the countless sufferers, but by the
dread of the growth of a rival power. The slave-hunters were
now reckoned by thousands. They were strengthened by
swarms of daring men, who sought refuge in the wilds from
the heavy burthen of taxation laid on all who dwell within the
reach of the Egyptian Government. ‘They had, moreover,
large bands of armed slaves, whose obedience was secured not
only by fear, but by the constant plunder of the weak and
helpless. So powerful had they become, that they now refused
to the Government the rental that had been agreed on.
Among these slave-dealers one man, by his wealth, his troops
of slaves, and the number of his fortified stations, stood
out as a kind of king. So great was his power, that it even
threatened the authority of the Khedive. His name was
Sebehr Rahama. Dr. Schweinfurth had found him “ surrounded
with a court that was little less than princely in its details. . . . .
Special rooms, provided with carpeted divans, were reserved as
ante-chambers, and into these all visitors were conducted by
richly-dressed slaves... .. The regal aspect of these halls
of state was increased by the introduction of some lions,
secured, as may be supposed, by sufficiently strong and
massive chains.Ӥ His wealth matched even his superstition.
It was reported on good authority that, to foil the black art of
an enemy whose charms were a proof against lead, ‘he had
had 25,000 dollars melted down into bullets, as the amulets
did not apply to silver.’"1 He owned no less than thirty
stations. These fortified posts were carried far into the heart
of Africa; and all along the line from one to another, and

* Ismailia, Vol. 11., p. 136. + Page 24.
+ Heart of Africa, Vol, 1., p. 383.
§ Jbid., Vol. 11., p. 361. { Jbid., Vol. 11., p. 325.
SKETCH OF AFFAIRS IN CENTRAL AFRICA. XXXiX

 

round each one of them far and wide, the slave-trader exer-
cised despotic rule. So early as the year 1869 the Egyptian
Government had tried to put a curb upon his power. Some
companies of soldiers, under the command of a man named
Bellal, had been sent up to the Bahr Gazelle. With him the
slave-dealer soon came to blows. Bellal and most of his men
were slain, but Sebehr himself was wounded in the ankle.
Incensed though the Khedive was at this outrage done to his
authority, he was powerless to punish it. Sebehr made some
excuses, which were accepted. From this time he became the
acknowledged head of the slave-dealers, and the real and sole
chief of all their country. In name he was a subject of Egypt,
but in reality he came little short of an independent sovereign.

One of the objects of Bellal’s expedition had been the
conquest of Darfour. This country was still free, and was
governed by a line of Sultans which had existed for more than
400 years. The reigning Sultan had met Bellal’s threatened
attack, by placing an embargo on corn along his southern
border. This had greatly distressed not only his acknow-
ledged enemy, but also the slave-traders, who drew much
of their supplies of grain from Darfour. Sebehr was now
strong enough to retaliate, and he was not slow in at-
tacking Darfour. The Khedive became thoroughly alarmed.
If Darfour fell into Sebehr’s power, it was more than
likely that the whole of the Soudan would follow. He
thought it the safer course to act with Sebehr than to
go against him, and he sent a force under Ismail Pasha
Yacoob into Darfour from the north to support the slave-
dealers, who were advancing from the south. On Sebehr the
rank of Bey was conferred. In one of the battles the Sultan
of Darfour, was shot in the head through his helmet, and
fell from his horse to the ground. His two sons sprang
down to defend their father’s dead body “with their long
crusaders’ swords,”* but they soon fell lifeless upon it. The
Sultan’s uncle succeeded ; but he also was killed, and then the
succession was claimed by another member of the family—a
young man of the name of Haroun. Darfour, however, for
the time was subdued, and the conquerors soon began to
quarrel over the spoils.| Sebehr was made a Pasha, but that

* See p. 248.

+ Colonel Gordon, writing on March 18 of this year (1881), says : ‘‘ All the
robberies, &c., are going on in Darfour, which is governed at a yearly loss of
450,000. Two-thirds of its population have been taken into slavery.” — ED.
x1 SKETCH OF AFFAIRS IN CENTRAL AFRICA.

 

title did not satisfy his ambition. He and his men, he said,
had done all the fighting, and he insisted therefore on his right
to be Governor-General of the new province. How powerful
and how dangerous he was is shown in a letter written by
Colonel Gordon a year or two later. He says, “If you were
here [at Shaka in Darfour] you would see how anxious, how
terribly anxious, the Khedive is to put down the slave-trade,
which threatens his supremacy.” He goes on to describe
Sebehr’s troops—his bands of armed slaves. ‘“‘ Had I said to
them, ‘You shall be free,’ they would have scoffed at me, and
it would have been taken as a sign of fear..... Smart,
dapper-looking fellows, like antelopes, fierce, unsparing, the
terror of Central Africa, having a prestige far beyond that of
the Government—these are the slave-dealers’ tools.” In
another letter he writes, ‘“‘The fortified camps saw that they
were stronger than the Government, and then came the idea
of independence of the Khedive.” Sebehr, in an evil hour
for himself, but in a most happy one for the lands that he had
wasted, went down to Cairo to assert his claim before the
Khedive. He took with him, it was said, £100,000 to use in
bribing the Pashas. At Cairo he was residing when Colonel
Gordon returned to Egypt in 1877 as Governor-General of the
Soudan. His son, Suleiman, during his absence, filled his
place. Urged on by his father, who has never been allowed
to leave Cairo, the young man before long broke out into a
most formidable revolt. How he prospered for a time, and
how at length he was crushed by the Governor-General and
his able and daring lieutenant, Gessi Pasha, is told towards
the close of the present work.*

Colonel Gordon during the first three years of his command
did not come across this king of ruffians. With other slave-
hunters he had much to do, but it was along the main channel
of the Nile that he was constantly employed, while Sebehr’s
stations were far to the west. A short sketch of what he
effected in these lands may, perhaps, be of some service to
the reader. He took up the work where Sir Samuel Baker
had laid it down. On his arrival he found that three stations,
and three only, were held by the Egyptian troops. These
three miserable posts and an imaginary boundary line con-
stituted the whole Province of the Equator. One of them
was at Gondokoro, the second and third far to the south at

* See p. 371.
SKETCH OF AFFAIRS IN CENTRAL AFRICA. xli

 

Fatiko and Foweira. To convey stores or even letters from
one garrison to another a strong body of troops was needed.
It was not till the twenty-first month after his arrival at
Gondokoro that he reached Foweira. The mere organisation
of his government required much time and heavy labour. Till
that was done he was not in a state to extend the lines of his
posts. At first his province depended, to a great extent, on the
Governor of the Province of Khartoum. This man, Ismail
Yacoob Pasha, and his subordinate Raouf Bey,* who was in
command of the troops at Gondokoro, were both hostile to
him, for they knew too well that he would upset some of their
cherished schemes. From no officer of the Government did
he get any support. ‘The Khedive,” he writes, “gave me
a Firman [a decree] as Governor-General of the Equator, and
left me to work out the rest... .. I had to depend on myself
entirely. On an examination of affairs I found that I must
get hold of the finances of the new Province and of the
troops. This I effected by getting rid of Raouf Bey—I sent
him off to Cairo—and by separating my finances entirely from
those of Khartoum.” By the end of 1874 he had set these
two matters on a sound footing, and had also done much
towards putting a stop to slave-hunting. In 1875 he was
engaged in joining Gondokoro and Foweira “by fortified
posts, so placed as to be an easy day’s march one from the
other. It was, moreover, needful that each post should have
a supply of water. I chose the left [western] bank of the
Nile, and worked up along it from Gondokoro to Duffli.
Having the river on one side we could only be attacked on
the other.” By the end of 1875 the chain of posts was
established. ‘We had then no difficulty in moving up first the
two life-boats, then the 50-ton steamer—all three in sections—
and in putting them together at Duffli.” In the year 1876
“things were generally consolidated. Posts were pushed on to
Mrooli and Masindi; but it was evident that opposition would
be made to the advance to Lake Victoria.” He had entered
the country of Kaba Rega, the powerful king of Unyoro. The
readers of Jsmailia will not have forgotten with what treachery
the hosts of that savage monarch attacked Sir Samuel Baker’s
troops in their camp at Masindi, and how near he was to
cutting them all off in their flight. Sir Samuel had pro-
claimed his deposition, and had appointed his rival and cousin

* Now Raouf Pasha and Governor-General of the Soudan.

a
xlii SKETCH OF AFFAIRS IN CENTRAL AFRICA.

 

Rionga ruler of the kingdom, as vakeel or representative of the
Egyptian Government. But a proclamation does not always
upset a throne, and in the south, at all events, and on the shores
of the Albert Nyanza, Kaba Rega maintained his power. In
Anfina, another chieftain of Unyoro, Colonel Gordon found
a man who had a better right to the central part of that
country than either Kaba Rega or Rionga. Should he settle
matters with these rivals, then there awaited him a war with
Mtesa, king of Uganda, who, with good reason, resisted the
advance of the Egyptians to the Victoria Nyanza. “I
returned,” wrote Colonel Gordon, “with the sad conviction
that no good could be done in those parts, and that it would
have been better had no expedition ever been sent.”
“ WHoso upon him selfe will take the skill
True Justice unto people to divide
fad neede have mightie hands for to fulfill
That which he doth with righteous doome decide,
And for to maister wrong and puissant pride:
for vaine tt ts to deeme of things aright,
And makes wrong doers justice to deride,
Unlesse tt be perform’d with dreadlesse might;
for powre ts the right hand of Justice truely hight.

“ Therefore whylome to knights of great emprise

The charge of Justice given was in trust,
That they might execute her judgements wise,
And with their might beat downe licentious lust,
Which proudly did tmpugne her sentence just:
Whereof no braver president this day
Remaines on earth, preserv'd from yron rust
Of rude oblivion and long times decay,

Than this of Artegall, which here we have. to say.”

—THE FAERIE QUEENE, Book V., Canto iv
COLONEL GORDON IN CENTRAL
AFRICA.

—

CHAPTER I.—1874.

Cairo, February 9, 1874.—I1 paid a visit to
Shereef Pasha, the Minister of Justice, and I
took the opportunity of asking him to express to
the Khedive my ideas of giving up the affair if it
did not pay, and let him understand that your
brother was not an hireling. I did this rather
sharply, because I thought Nubar Pasha’s manner
was different... .. In the evening I saw Abou
Saoud, and he will go up with me.* ....

february 14.—I\ think I can see the true motive
now of the expedition, and believe it to be a sham,
to catch the attention of the English people, as
Baker said; I think the Khedive is quite innocent
(or nearly 50) of it, but Nubar is the chief man.
Now what has happened ? There has been a
mutual disappointment. Nubar thought he had a
rash fellow to do with, who could be persuaded to
cut a dash, etc., etc., and found he had one of the
Gordon race; this latter thought the thing real,
and found it a sham, and felt like a Gordon who
has been humbugged..... There is a pas-
senger steamer going to Suakin on February

* The Abou Saood frequently mentioned by Sir Samuel Baker in

Lsmailia.—ED.
B
2 GOING IN STATE. [February,

 

18, the day I want to start. I meant to go with
her, with one servant, and thus save—the special
steamer going the same day—say £400. Nubar
says, ‘‘ No, you must have a special steamer, and
go in state as Governor of Upper Egypt.” I thus
have to engage seven servants..... is
very angry with your brother, who is undiplo-
matic to a degree, and who, irritated with a
remark of his ‘‘Take care, or you will make
an enemy of Nubar,” flew out with the remark
that he did not care for Nubar or any one else.
.... Though I do not credit myself with
anything, it cannot be denied but that your
brother's conduct is a silent reproach to the
usual mode of doing things in this country, and
is the more cutting from its silence. It is Greek
and Hebrew to them to reason that all the coin
one takes is wrung out of poor people; that if
you act uprightly you need fear no one what-
soever, supposing that the Khedive is acting
honestly; if he is not, nothing upright would
please him or save you. I cannot tell you, spite
of all the cutting remarks one receives, how
happy and composed I feel in my sure refuge.”
Catro, February 18.—In the afternoon I was
to see the two Egyptian aide-de-camps who
were to go with me, and whom I did not want,
for they would be more trouble than worth. I
went to Nubar Pasha’s to be introduced. They
came up, two sallow young men, and the eldest
began questioning Nubar—For how long was it
to be? Where to? etc., etc., till Nubar, ha, ha!
lost his temper and sent them out. I said, “As
they do not want to go, never mind.” ‘Oh,”
he says, “they must go.” I said, “All right ;”

 
1874.] NUBAR PASHA. 3

 

for I really am a philosopher, and so I went
out. I met , to whom I told the affair, and
he said, ‘‘Oh, they must go.” I said it was not
fair on me. However, go they are to; poor
devils! they have families and 460 a year; but
I will make it up to them. I could not refuse
more than I did, for I had expressed a wish not
to have them before, and it had been overruled.
It makes no difference to me—they will be sent
back if I find them useless. On coming out,
of the Constantinople Embassy, said I
ought not to have risen when the officers went
out, and kept on about it. Your brother was
angelic for a time, and then said ‘‘ Don’t bother!”
which, though rude, was effective. .... Nubar
and your brother do not hit it off, and the other
evening said foolishly, ‘‘Do not make an
enemy of Nubar: he will or may do you mis-
chief.” It was too much, and your brother
replied, in the midst of a circle of guests, that
there was no one living who could do him the
slightest injury which he could feel, and that he
would not shape his face to suit any one, beyond
acting loyally. .... I think that they think me
very queer, and I am, I dare say. When I get
away I shall be better with them all. Your
brother Zas been so dosed with advice, and is so
indignant, but he does not in reality care a bit.
.... You have no idea of the intrigues here ;
it is a regular hot-bed, and things cannot last
long like this. They are paying thirty-six per
eent.. for money... 4+ 4 An American named
Long, a colonel in the Egyptian army, has
asked to come with me, and if I can I shall take
him.

 

 

 

B 2
4 THE ROTTENNESS OF EGYPT. [ February,

 

Colonel Gordon’s route to Khartoum was by train to Suez ;
thence by steamer down the Red Sea to Suakin ; thence by
camel across the desert to Berber, on the Nile; and thence by
boat up the river to Khartoum.

Surz, February 21.—Midnight.—A special train
was ready with an equerry of the Viceroy’s to take
me down; the Chef d’Etat Major and A.D.C. were
in attendance. After two hours we were stopped
by an engine being off the line, which delayed us
for hours. We were shunted into a common train,
with a great many people—begun in glory, and
ended in shame! The poor A.D.C. has gone off
without saying good-bye to his mother and sisters.
He is an Egyptian, and is very low: he is young
and useless. I feel sorrow for him—part of the
lot of life; it is very hard, poor soul!

Suakin, February 26.—We arrived here yes-
terday, and were put in quarantine for the night.
I expect it was because the Governor was not ready
to receive us. We had on board of us 220 troops,
who are to go up with us. We shall leave ina
day or two by camels, across the desert to Berber
—twelve days’ journey with the 200 soldiers, who
will thus know us a little before we go into the
wilds, «sa 2 I think the Khedive likes me, but
no one else does; and I do not like them—I mean
the swells, whose corns I tread on in all manner of
ways... .. Il saw——at Suez. He agrees with
me in our opinion of the rottenness of Egypt: it
is all for the flesh, and in no place is human nature
to be studied with such advantage. Duke of This
wants steamer—say, £600. Duke of That wants
house, etc. All the time the poor people are
ground down to get money for all this. Who art
thou to be afraid of a man? If He wills, I will
1874.] KHARTOUM. 5

 

shake all this in some way not clear to me now.
Do not think I am an egoist; I am like Moses
who despised the riches of Egypt. We have a
King mightier than these, and more enduring
riches and power in Him than we can have in this
world. I will not bow to Haman.

[The letter describing the journey from Suakin to Berber is
missing.—Eb. ]

Kuartoum, March rg4.—We left Berber on
March 9g, and arrived here on the 13th, at day-
break. The Governor-General met your brother
in full uniform, and he landed amid a salute of
artillery, and a battalion of troops witha band. It
was a fine sight. The day before, your brother
had his trowsers off, and was pulling the boat in
the Nile, in spite of crocodiles, who never touch
you when moving. He cannot move now with-
out guards turning out. I have got a good house
here, and am very comfortable. The Governor
had news, the day before I arrived, that the dense
mass of vegetation —the “sudd” —in the Bahr
Gazelle had been removed by the soldiers, so
that Gondokoro is only three weeks from this.
We made this journey quicker than any one has
ever made it. I had a Pall Mall Gazette of
February 13 with me when I got here on
March 13, so it is one month from England only.
All the people are dead against Abou Saoud, but
I am faithful to him, and trust to a higher power
to bring me through. Trust in Him with all
thy heart, and lean not unto thine own under-
standing: in all thy ways acknowledge Him,
and He shall direct thy paths. Either there is a
God, or there is none; that is the whole question.
6 A STINGING DECREE. "[March,

 

I had a review the day after my arrival, and
visited the Hospital and the Schools. They are
very well cared for, and the little blacks were glad
to see me. (I wish that flies would not dine on
the corners of their eyes!) Khartoum is a fine
place, as far as position goes. The houses are of
mud, and flat-roofed. I leave on the 20th for
Gondokoro, and hope to be there on April 18.
The caravan comes after me, and will be there in
two months. I am quite well, and have quiet
times in spite of all the work. Tell , (as he
said,) “Self zs the best officer to do anything for
you.”

Kuartoum, Jarch 17.—Your brother's title is,
‘His Excellency General Colonel Gordon ”—(it
seems an extraordinary mixture)—“ the Governor-
General of the Equator ;” so no one can or ought
to cross it without permission of His Excel-
ene yi e car oo I have issued a stinging decree,
declaring the Government monopoly of the ivory
trade, and prohibiting the import of arms and
powder, the levying of armed bands by private
people, and the entry of any one without passports
—in fact, I have put the district under martial
law, z.¢., the will of the General. I am quite well,
and think things promise, with God’s help, to
work out all right. Tossing up about difficult
questions relieves me of much anxiety. Two ser-
vants who were useless were brought in, and the
question whether they went on or not decided by
a toss in their presence. It went for them once ;
however, afterwards they were sent away—they
exasperated me dreadfully.

The Khartoum people make a shrill noise when
they see you, as a salutation; it is like a jingle of

 
1874.] THE GRASSY BARRIER. 7

 

bells, very shrill, and somewhat musical. ....
The air here is so dry that things do not decay
or smell; they simply dry up hard. A dead camel
becomes like a drum.

I have spoken of the opening of the ‘“sudd.”
You know that the Nile comes out of Albert
Nyanza Lake. Below Gondokoro it spreads out
into lakes; on the edge of these lakes an aquatic
plant, with roots extending five feet into the water,
flourishes. The natives burn the top parts, when
dry; the ashes form mould, and fresh grasses
grow, till it becomes like zerra firma. The Nile
rises, and floats out the masses; they come down
to a curve, and there stop. More of these islands
float down, and at last the river is blocked. Though
under them the water flows, no communication
can take place, for they bridge the river for several
miles. Last year the Governor went up, and with
three companies and two steamers he cut large
blocks of the vegetation away. At last, one night
the water burst the remaining part, and swept
down on the vessels, dragged the steamers down
some four miles, and cleared the passage. The
Governor says the scene was terrible. The hip-
popotamuses were carried down, screaming and
snorting; crocodiles were whirled round and round,
and the river was covered with dead and dying
hippopotamuses, crocodiles, and fish who had been
crushed by the mass. One hippopotamus was
carried against the bows of the steamer, and
killed; one crocodile, thirty-five feet long, was
also killed. The Governor, who was in the
marsh, had to go five miles on a raft to get to
his steamer. You can scarcely imagine the ad-
vantage of this opening to me. It took people
8 ABOU SAOUD. [March,

 

eighteen months and two years to go to Gon-
dokoro from here, and now it is only twenty-one
days in the steamer.

EN ROUTE FoR Gonpoxoro, March 23.—We
left Khartoum amid a salute of artillery yester-
day, at 10 a.m., and are now steaming up the
Nile. My caravan will not be here for a month
or more, for they have not left Cairo yet. We
see a great many crocodiles, but no hippopota-
muses yet. The crocodiles lie out on the sand
every evening, and look glistering in the sun.
They are dreadful-looking creatures as they lie,
with their mouths open, basking. There are
also a number of little birds about them always.
Geese, and other migratory birds, are seen in
large flocks, getting ready to go North.....
We are very comfortable, and the weather is de-
lightful—nice and cool, and with a good breeze ;
the country flat and slightly wooded. You know
all I told you about Abou Saoud, etc. Well, at
Berber I found the Governor dead against him ;
but two very nice Arabs, one the Cadi and the
other a high sheikh, were high in his praises as a
good man. I got to Khartoum, and every one’s
jaw dropped when I said Abou was to come.
They said everything they could to dissuade me;
and the Governor tried several times, in different
ways, to get me to give him up. No one but
poor people spoke in his favour; but those poor
people were as loud, and louder, in his praises
than the others in their blame, and your brother
held good, more from innate feeling that he was
doing right than anything else. Now I am so
glad I stuck to him, for I feel sure he will be a
very great help. I told you I had decreed the
1874,] A VERY LIMP PERSONNEL. 9

 

monopoly of ivory and commerce in the pro-
vinces I have to govern. I am going to make
two men governors under me—one Abou Saoud,
so he will be a great man; and he is built and
made to govern. I am making a map of the
river, and find Manuel’s map is rather out. I
have had to make a log to measure the speed of
the steamer. Though one sees these things often
enough, they are not easy to make. I could not
get the triangle to halt in the water at first, and
then found I must lead it.

I heard from Cairo yesterday that my party*
would start to-day for Suez. I expect they are
tired of waiting. I have written to them some
instructions to the effect that they are not to
forget things which I tell them to do; and not
to say, when that thing has not been done, that
they told some one to do it; but to see that not
only do they give the order, but see it executed.
I have such a very limp fersonnel up here—much
flourish and no result! I have to look after our
food myself, or we should starve. The smaller
staff one has the better; and I told my fellows
that they must remember they are volunteers, z.¢.,
that if they do not like it they can go.....
One of the gentlemen at Khartoum went so far
as to say that I ought never, at any rate, to eat
with my poor friend Abou, hinting that he would
poison me. Now I have taken Abou into the
service, and I feel sure he will be the most useful
man I have got. I have seven steamers, and
ought to keep up a monthly communication with
Khartoum. It is a fine post, there is no doubt ;
and I think it will be a profitable one for the

* See p. 16.
IO ANIMAL LIFE. [Warch,

 

Government after a time. I am very glad I have
not many English with me, they would be more
trouble than enough to look after.

March 25.—The steamer is very slow: only
four miles an hour against the current, which is
about two knots. The Danube, black and white,
storks are in thousands on the banks, with peli-
cans and all sorts of storks, from the little egret
to the immense great bird with a huge bill who
sits perfectly stationary. I saw some hippo-
potamuses to-day, but it was only their noses—
they were in the middle of the river. Troops
of monkeys come down to drink, with very long
tails stuck up straight like swords over their
backs. They look most comical. The banks are
thickly wooded, and the country quite flat. The
trees are either gums or tamarisks. We have
passed some people who wear a gourd for a head-
dress, and also some Shillooks who wear no heaa-
or other dress at all.

Last night (the 26th) we were going along
slowly in the moonlight, and I was thinking of
you all, and the expedition, and Nubar, etc.,
when all of a sudden from a large bush came
peals of laughter. I felt put out; but it turned
out to be birds, who laughed at us from the
bushes for some time in a very rude way. They
are a species of stork, and seemed in capital
spirits and highly amused at anybody thinking
of going up to Gondokoro with the hope of doing
anything. The crocodiles were lying interlaced
on the few rocks, with their mouths, garnished
with teeth, wide open. The hippopotamuses
were very active last night. You could see them
walking about, like huge islands, in the shallow
1874.] NATIVE VILLAGES. II

 

water. They are very fat and smooth-looking,
and their profile is like a horse. We passed a
village of Shillooks, who were astonished to see
us, and fled when we looked at them with our
telescopes.

March 29.—We saw a huge troop of wild
buffaloes yesterday, looking as black as coals.
They are the most ferocious animals, and by far
the most dangerous to shoot of any wild animals.
We have changed into a faster steamer that has
just come from Gondokoro. No one there knows
that I am coming, and so it will be a surprise for
them all. I do not think they will like it much.
I could relate many amusing things which have
passed between the Governor-General and me—
how he has tried to cajole one of the Gordon
family, and how he was disabused of the idea
that it could be done.

ENTRANCE OF SAuBAT River, Lat. 9° 30’ N.,
April 2,—Got down here to-day. We have been
much delayed in cutting wood for the steamer.
We saw nine camelopards two days ago eating
the tops of trees ; they looked like steeples. Very
many hippopotamuses bellowing all night and fight-
ing. We have seen the Shillook and Dinka people
in the distance spearing fish. They throw their
spears at a venture, and often get a big fish.
We passed Fashoda, a poor place, the day before
yesterday. It is in Lat. 9°54'N. The villages
are like haystacks, and the country seems full of
people. Crocodiles in abundance, and all sorts
of strange birds. There is a hippopotamus
snorting now..... We stopped last night, or
rather this morning, near a large clump of trees,
from whence issued in great fear a whole tribe of
12 A DINKA CHIEF. [April

 

Dinkas. With great difficulty the chief was
induced to come on board with four of his
people. He was in full dress—a necklace. We
gave him some presents. He came up to me,
took up each hand, and gave a good soft lick
to the backs of them; then he held my face, and
made the motion of spitting in it.* He was very
greedy ; and when we gave him something to eat,
he did not hesitate to take his neighbour’s portion.
After the collation he and his companions sang a
hymn of praise and thanks to me; and then
crawled to kiss my feet, which I would not let
them do. They had a splendid present of beads,
and went off delighted. Our interpreter was one
of the soldiers who had been taken when young.
This naked chief was a great deal too great a
man to carry his own present, so the soldier had
to do it.

This is the celebrated Bahr Gazelle, where so
many have died. We got through it in a dozen
hours in the steamer, and quite comfortably.
The river is very narrow, and the banks quite
marshy; with the exception of this it does not
look very bad. The mosquitoes in these parts
are very bad, worse than I have ever met with
either in China, Batoum, or the Danube, and that
for two reasons—first, their bite is very venom-
ous, sharp, and burning ; and second, they do not
hesitate to bite you. The moment they arrive

* “The chief, grasping my right hand and turning up the palm, quietly
spat into it; then, looking into my face, he elaborately repeated the pro-
cess. Staggered at the man’s audacity, my first impulse was to knock him
down ; but, his features expressing kindness only, I vented my rage by
returning the compliment with all possible interest. His delight seemed
excessive, and, resuming his seat, he expressed to his companions his con-
viction that I must be a great chief.”"—Zgyft, The Soudan, and Central
Africa, by JOHN PETHERICK. Page 364.—Ep.
1874.] CAPTAIN ‘/-TOLD-HIM-T0O-DO-IT.” 13

 

their gimlet is in you, and it is too late to brush
them off. The river here is not sixty yards wide.
The Bahr Giraffe, which Baker went up, is like a
ditches «% « « Tell I never drink other than
water that is boiled; and I thank him for the
advice, for it has kept me well. Also tell him he
was wise in advising me not to take Patrick. In
fact, I never cease congratulating myself that I
have no poor creatures to suffer with the heat, etc.
I have every comfort, and am quite well; but it
would be no joke for those who have not.
is a regular failure. He is so feeble, he can do
nothing at all. He lives on what he as done,
and of course that does not help what has ¢o be
done now. His object is to prove to me that he
is not to blame. Another useless thing ; for it is
not a judgment I have to pronounce, but to get
through my work. There is a set of officers
I hate, viz., Captains ‘“ /-told-him-to-do-wt,” “ I-
am-going-to-do-it,’ ‘ [-thought-you-were-going -to-
do-it,” and a host of others of the same class:
their object is self-extenuation and laziness. I
hate the reasoning that because the Arabs are
slow we must be the same.

April 5.—After writing this last night we
started and reached Bahr Gazelle junction with
the Gondokoro River at ra.m. It is a small lake
with morasses on each side at the junction; both
rivers are clearly marked. The river, in fact,
from the Bahr Giraffe is contracted to about
sixty yards wide, and it was in its curves that
the ‘“sudd” formed. It appears that all that
Ismail Pasha did in 1873* closed up again, and
that another unknown man opened it out this year

* See SIR SAMUEL BaAKkeEr’s Jsmailia, Vol. I1., p. 488,—ED.

 

 
I4 THE AUSTRIAN MISSION. [April,

 

about a month before I got to Khartoum. Ismail
Pasha got the credit of it.

I gave a chief a picture from the //ustrated
London News, of the date of February 4. It was
on April 4 I gave it to him, and he is going to
keep it to show that he is protected.

April ro.—We passed another herd of ele-
phants to-day. They have immense ears. Swarms
of natives—having rubbed their faces with wood-
ash they are the colour of slate pencils. Some-
times they do not rub their faces, so that they
look as if they had on black masks. Poor people!
they are very badly fed and appear to be in much
suffering. What a mystery—is it not ?>—why they
are created! a life of fear and misery night and
day! one does not wonder at their not fearing
death. No one can conceive the utter misery of
these lands,—heat and mosquitoes day and night
all the year round. But I like the work, for I
believe I can do a great deal to ameliorate the lot
of the people.

April 12.—Not yet at Gondokoro. We passed
a vast number of animals—elephants, buffaloes,
etc., and came to Bohr yesterday. This is a
regular slave-trading place, and they were not
over civil when they heard of my decree. We
passed St. Croix the day before yesterday. It
was a missionary establishment, and _ several
missionaries lie buried there. The only remains
of the settlement are some banana trees, which
they planted there.* We passed another herd of
elephants, each with a white bird on its back. The

* «The Austrian Government, discouraged by the failure of so many
years, had ordered the recall of the whole of the establishment for these
regions. It was no wonder these men were recalled ; for, out of twenty mis-
sionaries who, during the last thirteen years, had ascended the White Nile
1874.] “MY PROVINCES !” 15

 

people seem more gay, and dance as the steamer
passes them. We see some very young mammas,
some apparently not more than twelve or
thirteen years of age. The women of this tribe
wear tails of hide.

Gonpoxoro, Apr 16.—Got here to-day, much
to the surprise of the people, who never expected
one’s arrival at all, and did not know of my
nomination.

Kuartoum, May 4.—I staid six days at Gon-
dokoro, and then finding I could do nothing till
my baggage came, I have come back in eleven
days to bring it up. I got here in the evening,
and found that the baggage is at Berber.

Now to: go back to Gondokoro. The only
possessions Egypt has in my provinces are two
forts, one at Gondokoro, and the other at Fatiko:
There are 300 men in one, and 200 in the
other. As for paying taxes or any government
existing outside the forts it is all nonsense.
You cannot go out in any safety half-a-mile—all
because they have been fighting the poor natives
and taking their cattle. I apprehend not the
least difficulty in the work; the greatest will be
to gain the people’s confidence again. They
have been hardly treated... .. The people
at Gondokoro were quite astonished at my

for the purpose of propagating the Gospel, thirteen had died of fever, two
of dysentery, and two had retired broken in health, yet not one convert had
been made by them..... The missionaries never had occasion to
complain of these blacks, and to this day they would doubtless have been
kindly inclined towards Europeans, had the White Nile traders not brought
the devil amongst them. The Rev. Mr. Moorlan (of the Mission) remem-
bers the time when they brought food for sale ; but now, instead, they turn
their backs upon all foreigners, and even abuse the missionaries for having
been the precursors of such dire calamities.”—/ournal of the Discovery of
the Source of the Nile, by J. H. SPEKE, p. 604. [The above was written in
February, 1863.]—See also /smaz/za, Vol. 1., p. 222.—Eb,
16 A LYING GOVERNOR-GENERAL. [May,

 

appearance in so short a time. I found it abso-
lutely necessary to come down here, or I should
never have got my stores up... .. I have
missed two days, and found it out by the eclipse
of the moon when I got my diary. I will send
you daily notes, which will be better than these
scraps of letters. I am now I think acclimatised
quite, and I am quite well. The Governor-
General was in a great state when I came,—he
would have done nothing for months had I not
arrived. He was at first fearful, for he thought
that there might have been a revolt at Gondo-
OU Sve a -g Keep your eyes on the cloud by
day and the pillar by night, and never mind your
steps. The direction is the main point.

Berser, Jay 77.—I came down to whip up the
end of my baggage. I was met by all my staff*
yesterday, and have sent them off this morning
by the steamer, and follow them to-morrow to
Khartoum «3 I have had some sharp skir-
mishing with the Governor-General of Khartoum,
and I think I have crushed him. Your brother
wrote to him and told him he told sétorvzes. It
was undiplomatic of me, but it did the Governor-
General good. You will hear again from me
when I leave Khartoum, and then not for some
time. I am sorry for it, but two sheikhs are going
to Mtesa to teach him the Koran, and the
Khedive wants twenty of Mtesa’s men to be
sent down to Cairo.

Kuartoum, May 30.—I1 have had trouble

* His staff at this time was formed of the following :—Colonel Long,
U.S.A. (who had been left at Gondokoro) ; Major Campbell, Egyptian
Staff; Mr. Kemp, engineer; M. A. Linant ; Messrs. Anson, Russell, and
Gessi. In December, 1874, it was increased by Lieutenant H. Chippen-
dall, R.E. ; and Lieutenant Charles Watson, R.E.
1874.] NO SAFETY, NO SOWING. IF

 

enough, and the utter helplessness of those about
me is lamentable.

Fasnopa, /une r7.—We are now on our way
south again, and I am quite well, and everything
going on quietly and satisfactorily. It has beena
monotonous life for the last two months ; but night
comes regularly, and I have nothing to trouble me.

ENTRANCE OF SauBaT River, /une 26.—We
arrived here from Khartoum a week ago, and I
have made a nice station here, and made great
friends with the Shillook natives, who come over
in great numbers from the other side of the river.
They are poorly off, and I have given them some
grain: very little contents them. I have employed
a few of them to plant maize, and they do it very
fairly. The reason they do not do it for them-
selves is, that if they did plant any quantity they
would run the chance of losing it, by its being
taken by force from them: so they plant only
enough to keep body and soul together, and even
that is sown in small out-of-the-way patches. One
of the men brought me over his two children,
twelve and nine years old, because he could not
keep them, and sold them to me for a small basket-
ful of dhoora.* I gave one of them to , and
the other to a German who is going to look after
the station. The father did not even take leave
of them; and though he has been over since, has
never noticed them or spoken tothem. They are
now clothed, and they keep quite aloof from their
former companions. A man, his wife, and two
children came over the other day (the first

 

* A cereal known also as sorghum. It commonly attains a height of
nearly fifteen feet.—.Sze SCHWEINFURTH’S Heart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 245.
—ED.

Cc
18 A GOVERNOR AND SLAVE-DEALER. [ June,

 

colonists), and have settled close to the station.
I give them a little dhoora every day, till that
which they have planted has grown up; and I
hope to get their confidence, and really do some-
thing at each of my stations. Of course it is infi-
nitely small among such a mass, but it is at any
rate something, and may perhaps enable me to
solve the question whether the Negro will work
sufficiently to keep himself, if he has security of
life and property. As far as I can see, he has
little or no love for his offspring.

There were three slave-traders’ stations (A, B,
and C) on the Bahr Giraffe, to whom I sent notice
to quit the country some time ago. When I came
up here last week, I wanted to find a road from
the Saubat to Rabatchambé by land, so as to take
my donkey across country, so I sent a man to
the slave station (A) to ask the slave-dealers to
send me some one to show me the way. The
messenger departed, and on his way he met some
men coming from station (A) to the Governor of
Fashoda with letters, so he came back with them
here. I asked them if there was any answer for
me. The interpreter said, “No.” So I said,
‘Well, take the letters and keep them.” How-
ever, the curiosity of my interpreter was so great,
that he opened and read the letters. One to the
Mudir* of Fashoda said, ‘I am on my way to you,
with the 2000 cows I promised you... . and
with a// to satisfy your wants.” These cows they
had taken from the tribes around them—a rob-
bery ; and “a/7” means a number of slaves. The
other letters were to different people, saying, ‘I

* A Mudir is a Governor of a district. —Ep,
1874.) ““WE WOULD RATHER HAVE THE COW.” 19

 

bring you the negress you asked for, who, I hope,
will please you,” and others to the same effect.
Now these slavers do not know that I am on
the way to the Mudir of Fashoda, and that I
am prepared to seize them all. I shall confiscate
the 2000 cows, for I cannot give them back to the
far-away tribes from whom they were stolen. I
shall seize the slaves, and take them back to their
homes, if I can; and I shall punish the slave-
dealers. The road by which this convoy comes
crosses my present camp here.

Near the mouth of the Saubat River is a small
hut of reeds, two feet high, on a mound. I asked
what it was. They said it was put there by the
Sheikh of the Shillooks, ‘to show he was alive” to
the people who passed through his territory, and
that he often put tobacco in the hut for passers-by
to smoke. It is a queer thing! It is on the edge
of the Shillook territory.

I mentioned to you about the colonist coming
to settle here with his wife and two children. It
appears that the man had some time ago stolen
a cow from one of his neighbours, and had run
away. The man from whom he had stolen the
cow found him out here, and claimed the cow—
which, however, had been eaten. I happened to
go round, and passing the hut saw only one child.
“Where was the other?” I asked of the mother.
“Oh, it had been given to the man from whom
the cow had been stolen.” This was said with a
cheerful smile by the mother. “But,” I said, “are
you not sorry?” ‘Oh, no! we would rather have
the cow.” “But,” said I, “you have eaten the
cow, and the pleasure is over.” ‘‘Oh, but all the
same, we would sooner have had the cow!” This

C2
20 ‘4’ LAMB TAKEN FROM A FLOCK.” LJuly,

 

is perfectly true. The other child of twelve years
old, like her parents, did not care a bit. A lamb
taken from a flock would bleat, while here you
see not the very slightest vestige of feeling. Is
it not very odd? If the mother had expressed
the slightest wish, I would have rescued the child
again; but it was evidently a matter of rejoicing,
and she did not care as much as if she had lost a
handful of dhoora. I have bought another lad
to-day, sold by his brother for a small basket of
dhoora. I expect the lad asked his brother to
sell him; they came up smiling, and pressed me
to buy. All these things are experiments. I
have planted dhoora, and already, though only
sown four days ago, it is two inches above ground.
Altogether the first attempt is a success.

SausaT, /uly 13.—I have told you that the
slave-dealers’ letters were opened and read, and
now I go on to say what else has happened.
The road from the slave-stations A, B, and C,
comes down past my camp. So I posted men
at the Saubat, and taking the proprietors of
the slave establishments (who live at Khartoum,
and who came up to see about their property)
with me, I went up to the establishment A. I
passed by herds of antelopes, giraffes, and heard
lions roar at night. One hippopotamus got out
by mistake on the bank of the river and was
fired at. He was very angry, and dashed about
in a confused way. The antelopes got on the
tops of ant-hills and looked at us—they seemed
like statues on pedestals. When I reached estab-
lishment A, there was great confusion, and at last
the vakeel or lieutenant came down. It was dusk,
so I said, ‘“ Bring down all your men to-morrow
1874.] NASSAR THE SLAVE-TRADER. 21

 

morning.” He said, Nassar, the slave-dealer had
gone to the station B; and both he and the two
Khartoum proprietors tried to deceive me. I
found out, however, that Nassar had gone off
with a herd of cows and a huge convoy of slaves
to B, on his way down to Fashoda. I saw the
slave-soldiers next day; they said they wanted to
stay there. I said, ‘Very good, but I will not
pay you, and your Khartoum merchants and
employers will not pay you;” so they were much
disgusted. There were sixteen black  slave-
soldiers with them. I said, ‘‘ The Khedive gives
you your liberty ;” which they did not seem to
care a bit about. I then said to the Khartoum
merchant, ‘‘ Where did these men come from ?”
He said ‘From Khartoum; I bought them and
sent them up.” Then I said, ‘You may take
them back again.” He said, “ What can I do
with them? I give them to you.” I said I did
not want them, and so I again told them they
were free to go where they liked. They again
said they wanted to stay where they were. ‘ All

right,” said I. ‘But if we stay here the natives
will kill us.” “Then you had better not stay.”

I must say they were in a regular fix, for if I
had merely burned their stockaded village and
left, the whole country would have risen and
killed them; so stay they could not, and yet they
were loth to go. However, the end of it all is,
that they set off by boat in four days, and that
they leave their cows, which they have robbed
from the poor people round, behind them.

One of the Nuehr* chiefs, who was in alliance

* The Nueir of Schweinfurth.—See Heart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 117.
a
22 A CHIEF AMONG THE SLAVES. L/uly,

 

with Nassar, was in a bad way also. He said,
‘When you go away the tribes around will attack
me.” I said, “I cannot help that, but if you will
assemble the neighbouring chiefs I will speak to
them.” My friend Nassar never meant to evacuate
the country ; he wanted to get away himself with
his slaves, and I hope to catch him. I have got
a paper from his Khartoum employers, saying
“that the cows he has with him are stolen from
them ;” so he is in a bad way on every side. If
I catch him I shall keep him in prison for six
months. I found among the slaves three men
chained; one of them was a Dinka chief, whom
Nassar had taken prisoner. I have released
him, and he promises great things. The faces
of the slavers and of the slave-soldiers were quite
pictures of disgust when they saw themselves
trapped. If they ran into the country they would
be killed by the natives; if they go down the
river the Khartoum authorities will be down on
them. I gave the slavers a week to get into
their boats and go down, and then came here to
wait for Nassar and Co.

The night before I left this place for Bahr
Giraffe, a girl of twelve years, in one of those
leather-strap girdles, came up to the fire where |
was sitting and warmed herself. I sent for the
interpreter, and asked what she wanted. She
said the soldier who owned her beat her, and she
would not stay with him; so I put her on board
the steamer. The soldier was very angry; so I
said, ‘If the girl likes to stay with you she may;
if she does not she is free.” The girl would not
go back, so she stays in the steamer. Such
swarms of fire-flies all up the Bahr Giraffe—the
1874.] NASSAR IN PRISON. 23

 

sky looked on fire with them. Nassar has at least
300 slaves with him, and 2000 cows.

Sausat, /uly 20.—Abou Saoud has arrived,
bringing your letters. I saw a chick the other
day, not two days old, brought over without a rag
on it by its mother. Its face and feet were quite
bronze-coloured, and it had creases on its body
where it had been packed up. It was quite cheery;
a child of one year old here would knock down
a child four years old born in England. ... My
German servant, a very good one, has got so
frightened that he is going back—so much the
better! The best servant I ever had is myself:
he always does what [ like.

SausaT, July 22.—Still here. There are so
many pretty birds about to-day at the door of my
hut, yellow, like canaries, with green backs, and
black neckcloth, blue with green backs, and rose-
coloured. Nassar came down in a boat, and was
at once arrested, and is now in prison here. The
Dinka chief, whom he had put in chains, was
delighted, and I fear gloated over the ruffian.
Nassar is a miserable creature, but had one good
point, viz., that when taken to prison he prayed
very fervently, with the knowledge that God could
help him. . .. I feel convinced that Nassar has
sent a convoy of slaves round, and so I am keep-
ing him until I can unravel the thread. He lied
to me when I sent for him, and said he never had
taken slaves; so I threw his intercepted letters at
him. I hear from my spies that the cows will
come down here, and the slaves will branch off to
the east; so I shall wait here for the cows, and
then start off for the slaves up the Saubat River.
If I miss them I shall hear if they have passed ;
24 A WASTED LAND. Luly,

 

if they have I shall confiscate all the property of
the slavers here and elsewhere in the province,
and Nassar will have a year’s imprisonment.

Sausat, July 37.—I have just been up the
river Saubat, and found, as I expected, that
Nassar intends, through his agent, to pass the
slaves behind me. I hope I have checkmated
him, but-am not sure. I went up in a steamer,
seeing herds of camelopards—young ones and
old ones. They are splendid when they stand
still, but when they move in the long grass, they
are like heavily-laden ships, and pitch and roll
about wonderfully, keeping their long necks well
to the front. . . . . The country on both sides of
the Saubat for sixty miles is flat, with low forest
and huge grasses. Not a soul to be seen for
miles ; all driven off by the slavers in years past.
You could scarcely conceive such a waste or
desert. .... I have just heard that the slaves
and cows are coming down tome. The slavers
have got frightened, and have given in. It isa
great triumph.

SauBaT, August 3.—In spite of what Living-
stone says, I do not myself, about here, find that
any affection exists between the parents and
children; there is a mutual pleasure in parting
with one another.* I think that the slaver’s

* Dr. Schweinfurth (Heart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 169) speaks much
more favourably of the great tribe of the Dinka, whose territory extends
north and south of the river Saubat for nearly 400 miles. He says, ‘‘ Not-
withstanding that certain instances may be alleged which seem to demon-
strate that the character of the Dinka is unfeeling, these cases never refer
to such as are bound by the ties of kindred. Parents do not desert their
children, nor are brothers faithless to brothers, but are ever prompt to
render whatever aid is possible.” One of his bearers—a Dinka—fell lame,
and was left behind with such supplies of food as could be spared in a
time of great scarcity. ‘He was not suffered to wait long; his father
appeared to fetch him. This old man had brought neither cart nor
1874.] EMIGRATION. ae

 

wars, made for the purpose of taking slaves, are
detestable ; but if a father or mother, of their own
free will, and with the will of the child, sells that
child, I do not see the objection to it. It was and
is the wholesale depopulation of districts which
makes slavery such a curse, and the numbers killed
or who perish in the collection of slaves. A fair
and properly-conducted emigration would be the
best thing for these parts, and I think the blacks
would gladly respond to such a scheme. It will
be a very long time before much can be done
to civilise them; the climate is against it, and
there can be no trade, for they have nothing to
exchange for goods. Poor creatures! they would
like to be left alone. The Arabs hate these parts,
and all the (Arab) troops are sent up for punish-
ment; their constitutions, unlike ours, cannot
stand the wet and damp, or the dulness of their
life. I prefer it infinitely to going out to dinner
in oo and have kept my health exceedingly
well. . . If the climate would suit it would do
a mint of good, this quiet monotonous lite,
if he could bear it. For young men it is deaden-
ing; but if you have passed the meridian, and
can estimate life at its proper value—viz., as a

 

donkey, but he set out and carried away the great strapping fellow, who
was six feet high, for a distance of fifteen or sixteen leagues, on his own
shoulders. This incident was regarded by the other natives as a mere
matter of course.” The hardening effects of the slave-trade may explain
the difference between the two accounts. The Dinka who livedinland from
the river had, at all events up to the time of Dr. Schweinfurth’s visit, been
able to hold their own against the slave-hunters. On their soil the Khar-
toumers had not made good their footing. But along the eastern shore, in
districts where once had stood hundreds of their villages, was a forest
waste. The Turk had been there; and according to the saying so well
known in the East, when he has been there no grass will grow. The
remnant that was left of the unhappy natives had felt the last and greatest
curse of cruelty in those sufferings which had made them as brutal as their
oppressors. —ED,
26 “THE GROANS OF HALF THE WORLD.” [Axgust,

 

probation—then the quiet is enjoyable. It is our
own fault we are so discontented. We throw
away the best years of our existence in trying
for a time, which will never come, when we shall
have enough to content us. I am sure it is the
secret of true happiness to be content with what
we actually have. Of course you may preach
this (and it has been preached for ages) and never
be listened to. We raise our own goblins, and as
soon as one is laid, we raise another. I agree
that I have not patience with the groans of half
the world, and declare I think there is more
happiness among these miserable blacks, who
have not a meal from day to day, than among
our own middle classes. The blacks are glad of
a little handful of maize, and live in the greatest
discomfort. They have nota strip to cover them ;
but you do not see them grunting and groaning all
day long, as you see scores and scores in England,
with their wretched dinner-parties and attempts at
gaiety, where all is hollow and miserable. If they
have one thing, they have not another. Better
bring up their children to a trade, than let them
follow their fathers’ sad lives. There would be
no one so unwelcome to come and reside in this
world as our Saviour, while the world is in the
state it now is. He would be dead against nearly
all our pursuits, and be altogether outré. I gave
you Watson on Contentment—it is the true ex-
positor of how happiness is to be attained, z.e.,
by submission to the will of God, whatever that
will may be. He who can say he realises this,
has overcome the world and its trials. Every-
thing that happens to-day, good or evil, is settled
and fixed, and it is no use fretting over it. The
1874.] ‘A SISTER OF YOURS.” a7

 

quiet peaceful life of our Lord was solely due to
His submission to God’s will. There will be
times when a strain may come on one, but it is
only for a time; and as the strain, so will your
strength be.* .... I took a poor old bag-of-
bones into my camp a month ago, and have been
feeding her up; but yesterday she was quietly
taken off, and now knows all things. She had
her tobacco up to the last, and died quite quietly.
What a change from her misery! I suppose
she filled her place in life as well as Queen
Elizabeth. .. . . A wretched szster of yours is
struggling up the road, but she is such a wisp of
bones that the wind threatens to overthrow her:
so she has halted, preferring the rain to being
cast down. I verily believe she could never get
up again. I have sent her some dhoora, and will
produce a spark of joy in her black and withered
carcase. She has not even a cotton gown on, and
I do not think her apparel would be worth one-
fiftieth of a penny.

August gz.—I am bound to give you the sequel
of the lady whom I helped yesterday in the gale
of wind. I had told my man to see her into one
of the huts, and thought he had done so. The
night was stormy and rainy, and when I awoke I

* “¢Our Father, which art in Heaven, hallowed be Thy name, Thy
kingdom come, Thy will be done;’ what else can we say? The other
night, in my sleepless tossings about—which were growing more and more
miserable—these words, that brief and grand prayer, came strangely into
my mind with an altogether new emphasis, as if within, and shining for me
in mild pure splendour, on the black bosom of the night there; when I,
as it were, read them word by word, with a sudden check to my imperfect
wanderings, with a sudden softness of composure which was much un-
expected. Not for perhaps thirty or forty years had I ever formally
repeated that prayer—nay, I never felt before how intensely the voice of
man’s soul it is; the inmost aspiration of all that is high and pious in

poor human nature : right worthy to be recommended with an ‘ After this
manner, pray ye.’”—Mr. CARLYLE to his friend Mr. Thomas Erskine.—ED.
28 “FLOATING DOWN WITH THE TIDE.” [August

 

heard often a crying of a child near my hut within
the enclosure. When I got up I went out to see
what it was, and, passing through the gateway, I
saw your and my sister lying dead in a pool of
mud; her black brothers had been passing and
passing and had taken no notice of her. So I
went and ordered her to be buried and went on.
In the midst of the high grass was a baby about
a year or so old, left by itself. It had been out
all night in the rain, and had been left by its
mother—children are alwaysa nuisance! I carried
it in, and seeing the corpse was not moved, I sent
again about it, and went with the men to have it
buried. To my surprise and astonishment she
was alive. After a considerable trouble I got the
black brothers to lift her out of the mud, poured
some brandy down her throat, and got her into a
hut with a fire, having the mud washed out of her
sightless eyes. She was not more than sixteen
years of age. There she now lies; I cannot help
hoping she is floating down with the tide to her
haven of rest. The babe is taken care of by
another family for a certain consideration of maize
per diem. I dare say you will see—in fact, I feel
sure you will see—your black sister some day, and
she will tell you about it, and how Infinite Wisdom
directed the whole affair. I know this is a tough
morsel to believe, du¢ zt zs true. I prefer life
amidst sorrows, if those sorrows are inevitable,
to a life spent in inaction. Turn where you
will there are sorrows and troubles. Many a rich
person is as unhappy and miserable as this rag
of mortality, and to them you can minister. ‘‘ This
mustard is very badly made” was the remark of
one of my staff some time ago, when some of our
1874.] “ 4\ DEPRAVED LITTLE WRETCH.” 29

 

brothers were stalking about showing every bone
of their poor bodies.

August 5.—The Rag is still alive. The babe,
who is not a year old, seized a gourd of milk
and drank it off like a man last night, and is
apparently in for the pilgrimage of life. It
does not seem the worse for its night out, de-
praved little wretch!

August 5.—Just a line. I hope you will not
fret. Your black sister departed this life at
4 p.m., deeply lamented by me: not so by her
black brothers, who thought her a nuisance.
When I went to see her this morning, I heard
the “lamentations” of something on the other
side of the hut. I went round and found one of
our species, a visitor of ten or twelve months to
this globe, lying in a pool of mud. I am not
sure whether he was not less in age. I said,
“Here is another foundling!” and had it taken
up. Its mother came up afterwards, and I mildly
expostulated with her, remarking however good it
might be for the spawn of frogs, it was not good
for our species. The creature drank milk after
this with avidity.

ENTRANCE OF THE SauBAT, August 6.—Still
here! What my. other steamers are about |
cannot tell. They have now been away five
weeks. Unless one is oneself on board, the
captains are the laziest of mortals. We have
had deluges of rain. Mr. says it does not
rain at night. It does, most fearfully; and the
country is quite flooded from a foot to a foot-and-
aeliali, es 3 It is curious to see the large black
ants on a foray, crossing a path or any open space.
They have a regular line of sentries guarding a

 
30 THE FORMATION OF SWAMPS. [Azgust,

 

central road. If you put anything near these
sentries, they make at it with the greatest fierce-
ness. Their antennz are all at a stretch, and in
constant motion. If it rains, the sentries throw
up a. mud wall, and eventually cover in the road-
way with aroof. It is odd, also, to see how the
wish to gather stores prevails with the ants which
are brought on board with the firewood. Now
they have no home, and yet you see them as busy
as possible, carrying in bits of food, dead friends,
etc., into holes. They seem to be of the opinion
that to be idle is very bad.

Day by day I rejoice more, amidst the discom-
forts one has to put up with, that I have not more
fellows with me, for they would feel the ups and
downs very much. There is only one fellow I
know who could bear it, viz., Sanford.* He
was the best officer I ever met with.

You know Murchison said, in 1852, before
some of Livingstone’s discoveries which corrobo-
rated it, that Africa was like a basin, with ranges
of mountains round the edge. It seems between
the rivers to have the same formation. Along
their banks is a higher ridge than the land in the
interior. The consequence is, that the rain which
falls cannot run off into the rivers; and so it
rests and evaporates, making a malarious swamp.
The ridges are made during the dry season by
the deposits of a more luxuriant vegetation on
the banks than in the interior. When the vege-
tation is decayed it forms mould, and makes the
banks higher every year. The only remedy to
this, and the consequent malaria, would be canals

* Lieut.-Colonel G. E. L. S, Sanford, Royal Engineers,—Ep,
1874.] RAT-CATCHING. 31

 

to drain off the water. The land is rich enough ;
but it will be long before this is done, as the
Arabs are so very much frightened of these
countries, and are so devoid of anything like
energy. I look on the Chinamen as far superior
to them in every way. The Berberans, a mixed
race from Dongola, have much more energy
than the Arabs. They are a dark race—copper-
coloured.

You can have little idea of the rain which falls.
It comes in torrents. I have been obliged to
change my station on account of the floods, which
have made the place very unhealthy for the low-
fed creatures.

August 8.—No steamer yet. I caught seven
rats last night in my cabin. I put a pencil, with
a string to it, and a piece of biscuit tied to the
string, in a despatch-box. The pencil keeps the
lid open, but falling down the string brings the lid
down and catches my friend. The box is then
taken on deck, and my friend jumps into the Nile.
It was quite absurd; no sooner had one box been
emptied, than down went the lid of the other.
You cannot conceive the quantity of rats there
are; they run over the mosquito-nets, and scream
and fight all night. They have carried off my
shaving-brush, soap, torn leaves out of books, and
eaten the tops of boots.....

I stayed here for the following reasons :—First,
business with the Slave Convoy ; secondly, because
I have 180 donkeys coming up by land from Khar-
toum, and I wanted to make the escort comfort-
able; and thirdly, because the soldiers had an idea
that the place was unhealthy, as if Gondokoro was
better; so I stayed myself. It is much the best
32 A DESERTED RIVER. [August,

 

way ; and one’s presence is a host in itself, though
I say it. If I had gone they would, from sheer
obstinacy, all be sick and low-spirited. My staff
is all well supplied, and it is their fault if they
want anything which I could supply. A contented
‘spirit is not in my gift, and for discontented spirits
there is one remedy in their own hands—the road
to Cairo.

SauBaT River, August ro.—Still no steamers,
but a boat is in sight which may tell us where
they are. We have, for a wonder, a fine day,
which is a great comfort for all of us. I have
had to change our station to the other side of the
River Saubat, which will give us better drinking
water and a drier site..... People are dull
in England, but, oh, dear me! how dull they
would be here! All this beautiful large river is
quite deserted—you do not see a boat from
month’s end to month’s end. How different it
would be with a government like ours! We
should have regular steamers and plenty of
traffic. I really begin to be in good spirits with
the weather. (I am never in bad, for I have
passed the ditch which is the great fear and
trouble of man.) .... I was quite pleased to
see how the slaves I bought came up to me to-
day ; they had not seen me for four days, as we
were changing stations, and they all came up and
wanted to touch my hands. I believe they are
as capable of feeling as other men are. I go out
alone among them here, shooting, and am always
civilly saluted. No Arab would ever think of
doing this—they fear the blacks so much.

Do you know, I have forgiven the head slaver
Nassar, and am employing him ; he is not worse
1874.] DEATH OF MR. ANSON. a

 

than the others, and these slavers have been
much encouraged to do what they have done.
He is a first-rate man and does a great deal of
work. He was in prison for two weeks, and then
forgiven. The boat came in and brought a letter
from Gessi, telling me that Anson* has died of
fever, on the 27-28th July, and that he (Gessi)
as: been wery ill... .. No man under forty
years of age should be here, and then only those
who are accustomed to these climates.

August 13—I have now been here seven

weeks. It is a long time to stay in one place,
but it has been a very useful time, and I feel my
presence here has done good.
.... IT have told you that they ride the cows
about here ; they are dangerous to ride, for when
the flies tease them, they toss their heads back,
and are likely to stick you with their horns.

August rg.—Still no steamer! It is curious to
see how easily the Arab slave-dealers cross the
cows over a rapid river seventy or eighty yards
wide, without any trouble. I suppose the cows
are accustomed to it. .... I have seen many
nests of black-faced canaries, hanging from
branches. The nests are made of matting, and.
no rain can enter them ; the bird is exactly like
a canary, with a d/ack face, in order to please
the natives.

It has been a great work, but I have changed
the station. I say, /, but in reality it has been
the slave-hunters whom I have taken into my

* «Willy Anson, the son of Admiral Anson, was a first-rate fellow—full
of energy. He gave upa good appointment to come out, and, had he lived,
he would have been of great assistance to me. He was an universal
favourite.” From amemorandum by Colonel Gordon.—Ep.

D
34 THE SAUBAT WATER. [August,

 

employ. They are such active, hardy fellows,
mostly Berberans; not natives of Berber neces-
sarily, but a people inhabiting Dongola or there-
abouts—the remnant of an ancient race.....
I would sooner, I think, have the Saubat govern-
ment than the whole government. To do
anything, there is nothing like beginning on a
small scale, and directing your energy, like a
squirt, on one particular thing. I have made
such a pair of trowsers for one of the blacks, and
the housewifes are so useful.

August 16.—The steamer “ Khedive” is just
in; the screw having been struck by a hippo-
potamus, will have to go down to Khartoum to

be repaired. . «x « There is a poor Shillook
who has a fish-bone in his throat; he suffers
terribly, and I cannot help him..... The

Bahr Giraffe is closed up with “sudd,” and
therefore it is impossible to go by it; so I shall
go up the Bahr El Abiad or White Nile—the
same way that I came up and went down.

August 17-—Do you know that the black
babies, when they make their first appearance,
are quite light-coloured ; they colour after a time
like pipes.

Sausat River, August 18.—You will think I
shall never leave this place, but I hope to do so
to-morrow. The wood for fuel for the steamer
is the great cause of delay, which the captains
revel in. Nothing delights them more than per-
fect rest—nothing in the world to do from day’s
end to day’s end..... The Saubat water is
very good for drinking,* which is a great thing,

* “For a considerable distance the cloudy milk-white waters, which
indicate the mountain stream (the Saubat), can be distinguished as they
1874.] THE GRASSY BARRIER. 35

 

and our new station is much better than the old
one. :

August r9.—sStill waiting for wood. The
question of wood is most important ; some of my
steamers have been delayed three weeks for want
of it. I have made inquiries, and find that Baker
cut through some eighty miles of the “sudd” or
vegetable barrier; the other day my steamer found
this quite closed up... A curious little
cabbage-like aquatic plant comes floating down,
having a little root ready to attach itself to any-
thing ; he meets a friend and they go together, and
soon join roots and so on. When they get to a
lake the current is less strong, and so, no longer
constrained to move on, they go off to the sides ;
others do the same, idle and loitering, like every-
thing up here. After a time, winds drive a
whole fleet of them against the narrow outlet
of the lake and stop it up. Then no more
passenger plants can pass through the outlet,
while plenty come in at the upper end of the
lake ; these eventually fill up all the passage which
may have been made. Supposing I cut through
the vegetation, I may have it closed any day
by a wind blowing a floe of these weeds from
one side of the lake to the other; so that the
only way would be to clear out the lake of vege-
tation altogether, or to anchor the banks of
“sudd” so as to prevent the winds blowing them
together. It is a difficult matter. There is
another trouble also at the place where the Bahr
roll into the deep azure of the White Nile. The Saubat water is,
however, far preferable to the Nile water, which, after being strained, as
it were, through a filter of grass, emerges transparent in colour, but with a

flat, earthy flavour, which is highly disagreeable to the palate.” —SCHWEIN-
FURTH’s Heart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 100.—ED.

D2
36 THE PAPYRUS. [August

 

Giraffe leaves the Bahr el Abiad. I thought
to keep these vegetables out of the Bahr Giraffe
by a spur of wood, but it appears that there are
several mouths or entrances from the Bahr el
Abiad, so that there is some difficulty in cutting
off these vegetables. I wish they were eatable.
The papyrus used to come down the Nile to
Cairo; now it never gets beyond Khartoum, if
even so far. It is a fine reed with a tufted head,
and huge islands of it accompanied by A.D.C.
[aide-de-camp] cabbages float down here. I
cannot account for its ceasing to go further
north.

You would be much surprised at the difference
there is in the moral state of the people here ;
when it rains they are down in their boots, when
it is fine they are quite cheerful. Some Shillook
gentlemen have a very queer way of matting
their hair; they plait it into a sort of felt which
sticks out quite stiff and is thought very fine.
It protects the nape of the neck from rain, and is
half-an-inch thick.

August 20.—We shall, I hope, be off to-
morrow. My Shillook died last night. I was
hoping to try and relieve him to-day, but it is too
late. Whether it was a fish-bone, or whether it
was the fever which had attacked the glands of
the throat, I do not know. I cannot think I do
enough for these people: I ought to have seen to
him more closely, but it is difficult to do so, for
my other German servant has retired into his
boots with fever, and so to get anything done I
am obliged to do it myself. Just after I had
written this, two boats came in from Gondokoro.
I heard from my German that there were slaves
1874.] A CARGO OF SLAVES. aa

 

on board, so I sent him to see, and he found
stowed away in the wood some 105 of them; so I
confiscated them and the ivory.

SauBaT, August 27.—When the German went
on board the boats yesterday, nothing was to be
seen; but he pulled up some wood, and there
were a number of woolly heads. They had got
ninety-six on board, of all ages and sizes. The
ivory confiscated is worth £2000. The strate-
gical position here is splendid; and I do not
expect this will be the last capture made here, for
the captured cannot communicate with the people
up-country, and tell them what has happened.
Of course, all this business is not conducted
without many hard words and actions on my
part; and at night I think sometimes that per-
haps a quiet life in a civilised land would be
preferable. But in the morning one is all on
fire again, and goes on with the same zest. The
slaves all desire to stay here. I have given
them clothes. We start to-day at noon. The
cows came over the river yesterday.” They
go into the water all right; but when they get
near the other side they will not land, but keep
near the bank, and get swept down by the current.
One cow goes in, and follows an ambatch-wood
canoe. This wood is wonderfully light, and bound
together with string.* The man in the canoe calls
the’ cow, and the others follow in a string. Some
rest their heads on the backs of others.

Just before I set off, a steamer from Gondo-
koro came in, and we took twenty-five slaves

* ‘So light are these canoes, that one man can carry three of them on
his shoulder, although each canoe is capable of holding three men,”-—
SCHWEINFURTH’S Heart of Africa, Vol. I., p. 77.
38 A PLAGUE OF ANTS. LAugust,

 

more from her, making 121 in all. This will be
a great warning to the slave-dealers.

En Route FoR GONDOKORO, NEAR WHERE THE
Baur EL ABIAD JOINS BaHR GAZELLE, August 24.
—We got here last night. Such strong tea-
‘coloured water, and a vapour bath! If it was not
for a bent shaft we should get on capitally ; but
we cannot go full speed. This morning we had
a treat. We have a mass of wood on deck, and
in the wood are ants of all sizes and colours. Last
night was fine, and so they established their runs ;
and this morning the decks were covered by lines
of them going in all directions in strong columns.
Disturbed, they went up your body, and nearly
drove us wild, till I ordered the decks to be slushed
with water, which swept them away in thousands.
They have great nippers, and make you feel
them, being very pugnacious and not willing to
be brushed off like any other insect.

Baur EL Aptap, August 27.—There was a
glorious tamarisk tree—a regular landmark in this
sea of marsh. It was cut down by , though
it took two days to fell, and was of no use to
burn! It was a real old tree, rugged and worn.
You know how my father hated a tree to be cut
down. How often had its sight gladdened the
eyes of those who toiled up and down this stag-
nant ditch. There is one other, the Deliah Palm,
which also stands a solztatre, but he left that.
The river is such a ditch here. Let the screw
strike a bit of floating ‘‘sudd,” or vegetation, and

ou will soon see bubbles come up, and smell sul-
phuretted hydrogen quite plainly.

August 28.—An enormous crocodile concealed
in the grass has just made a fearful rush at our

 
1874.] RAOUF BEY. 39

 

good screw. It was dreadful to see his approach
—really paralyzing. He saved himself just as he
was touching the screw, and turned off.

I have found out that the slave-dealers did send
a convoy of cows and slaves past my camp at
Saubat.

Near Gonpoxoro, September 2.—We are two
hours from Gondokoro. I have halted early at
this place, so as not to go into Gondokoro before
morning, in order to have one quiet evening before
a massof trouble, and bother, and lamentations, etc.,
which will fall on me when I arrive there. Before
I go to Gondokoro and open the campaign, I will
tell you my ideas. If the staff are discontented,
they may go; if they stay, they are to give me
their loyal co-operation. If Raouf Bey* fights
Abou Saoud, I mean to support Abou Saoud.... .
I see these two troubles in perspective. They
little think I am quite accustomed to this sort of
revolts—one speculating on his being my suc-
cessor, the other on being my vakeel, or second
in command.

Gonpoxoro, September g.—I arrived here at
7.30 a.m. yesterday, and landed. Went with Raouf
Bey and Abou Saoud (now my lieutenant) to the
huts, and received the salaams and salutes of the
officers, men, and functionaries. .... Everything
is quite quiet all round: all the chiefs have given
in their submission, and are most peaceably in-
clined. This is owing to the great influence of
Abou Saoud, whom I have made my vakeel or
lieutenant. Raouf Bey had reason to be vexed, I
dare say ; but because he had been here six years,

* He had been Governor of Gondokoro. Mentioned frequently by Sir
Samuel Baker in Zsmailia,—ED,
40 A CONTRACT TO DINE. [September,

 

and had done absolutely nothing, I do not see
that I could sacrifice myself to a failure, which
would have occurred if I had made him my vakeel.
This Raouf had never conciliated the tribes, never
had planted dhoora; and, in fact, only possessed
the land he camped upon.

had a contract, and I never read it, but
signed it. It had been signed before that, by my
authority, by , who is kind enough to look
after my interests at Cairo. What do you think
was my surprise, to find by hearsay (for I have
no positive information yet, not having the con-
tract), that had put in a clause that Mr.
was to dine with me! Ha, ha, ha! you know
what sort of a dinner he would get.* I never
would have signed such a clause..... Every-
thing goes on very well, and I have every reason,
not only to hope for success, but for a good
revenue, and to get the boats on to the Lake in
four months or so. The climate is much better
here, and Iam quite well—never was better.

September 8.—1 have had to invalid two more ;
they would have died had they stayed here. I
have had a deal of work, but we are all right now.
I am, thank God, in good health, and see my way
clear.

Gonpoxoro, September rz.—Such an amount of
work with my sick, and no chance of getting them
off for a long while, I fear. My place is a com-
plete hospital. Now I will tell you how we
started and what has become of them all,

Your brother. Well, but a shadow.

Kemp, engineer. Well.

Gessi. Well; has had a severe fever.

* See p. 92,

 

 

 

 
1874.] THE STATE OF THE STAFF. 41

 

His Greek servant. Ill more or less: result no
work.

Berndorff, German, my servant. _ IIl.

Mengies, German servant. Sent back ill.

Russell. 1], cannot be moved; invalided.

Anson. Dead.

De Witt, amateur like Berndorff. Dead.

Campbell. IIL.

Linant. Very ill, cannot be moved.

Long. With King Mtesa;* have not heard of
him for six months.

Linant and Campbell are in huts near this, and
only partially medically attended by one of the
best doctors (me) that I know of. Russell is in
my tent—a large Divan one—and wholly under
my charge; he is not at all well, and has constant
attacks of sickness. Add to this all these intrigues
about one, and a large amount of work of all sorts,
and you will see your brother is bothered. How-
ever, I am quite well, but my temper is very, very
short, and it is a bad time for those who come
across me the wrong way. Abou Saoud is sick.
Also I have had the departure of Raouf Bey and
all its attendant troubles, letters to the Khedive,
money letters of the province, accounts of officers
going away, arrangements for their going down,
watchfulness that they take as little plunder as
possible (xo end of trouble about this) ; no servant
because Berndorff is ill; things in a dreadful
muddle; but all is coming right, and I do not feel
1 Be Bie age. I have done all my accounts with
the Government, and am now, as far as the things

* Colonel Gordon, when he arrived at Gondokoro in April of this year,
had found there some ambassadors from King Mtesa. With these men
Colonel Long had gone back, bearing presents to the king.—EDb,
42 THE MOTTO OF THE PROVINCE.  [Seftember,

 

of the world are concerned, ready to depart ; but
something tells me I shall not do so yet. The
intense comfort of no fear, no uneasiness about
being ill is very great, and more than half the
cause of good health. No comfort is equal to
that which he has who has God for his stay ; who
believes, not in words but in fact, that a// things
are ordained to happen and must happen. He
who has this has already died, and is free from the
annoyances of this life. I do not say I have
attained to this perfect state, but I have it as
my gteat desiré. .« « « As for the tribes around,
all have come and given their submission to the
Government. Raouf Bey went off with great joy
and contentment with your brother, who gave him
great honours, and facilitated his voyage down to
Cairo. Abou Saoud, of course, did not like this ;
he wanted me to keep Raouf here. I said “ No,
if the Khedive will listen to my enemies and not
support me, it is better to have it over at once.”
.... I have let it be generally known that the
motto of the province is “ Hurriyat” (English,
Liberty), and explained that any one that does
not like it can go away. It is a good thing, for it
saves a mint of trouble every way, to be able to
say, ‘‘ The remedy is in your own hands of all
your grievances.” . . . . The steamer goes to the
Head of the Falls to-morrow. Splendid weather,
only very hot. I have a very good body-guard of
forty men—Baker’s forty thieves;* this is a good
thing in this country. ... . A large bit of cliff fell
down to-day near my tent with a thundering noise.

SIXTEEN MILEs SoutH or Gonpoxoro, Septem-
ber r9.—I can assure you the relief I experienced

* See Jsmatlia, Vol. 1., p. 297.
1874.] ABOU SAOUD IN DISGRACE. 43

 

in getting off and was immense, they
really broke me down. Linant continued almost
insensible, so I had nothing I could do to help
him. I left Gessi there with him, and started on
the 16th for the south to look for a new station
on higher ground and more healthy. Of course
none of the old party like my giving up Gondokoro.
I have selected a new spot near the hill Rageef.
It is a beautiful spot, and the air is so pure and
agreeable that after all my worries I feel myself
SOAIiy 50% « Linant died at three p.m. the day I
left Gondokoro. I am glad that I had made it up
with him, and that we were on good terms before
he had the relapse which ended fatally.....
Abou Saoud has been tricking your brother, and
taking elephant tusks from the sheikhs or chiefs of
the tribes who came to see me. Unfortunately
one chief brought me a tusk, and I saw it, and
afterwards it disappeared. This made me sus-
picious. Now, whenever a tusk is brought me, I
put it into the government lot of ivory; the same
way as they do in India with all government
presents. This and some other sharp tricks have
made me suspicious of Saoud, and he does not
like the measures I take to circumvent him. ....
I can hardly realise that I have got rid of
my encumbrances. Imagine your brother let in,
after all he said, to paddling about a swamped tent
without boots, attending to a sick man at night, with
more than a chance of the tent coming down bodily.

Raceer. Foot or Fatis. September 21.—
I have had to turn Abou Saoud out, I am sorry
to say; he got so bumptious and bullying to
every one that I could not stand it. He was very
presumptuous with your brother, coming into his

 

 
44 A PETTY REVOLT. [September,

 

cabin on the boat without “with your leave,” or
‘‘by your leave,” even after he had had hints given
him that he had better look out. He bullied
a poor Mudir of mine, Isib Agah, nearly to
death ; usurped all my functions, till the cup was
full, and then your brother opened on him right
and left, ending ina letter recapitulating all his
tricks, want of gratitude, etc., and removing him
from the post he held. He tried, by means of a
petty revolt, to force me to let him go with the
steamer to Duffli, at the Head of the Falls,
where the steamer has to be put together—this
party he was to lead before his disgrace. The
soldiers, old negro-hunters of his, now in govern-
ment pay, said they would not go without him, so
I said, “Do not then go at all,” (application of my
principle of freedom to all—liberty) “but you
will not make me send Abou Saoud with you—
that would infringe my liberty.” Then I mildly
remarked that as they received government pay,
I might expect that they would obey me. They
thought over it, and distrusted this quiet way of
taking the matter; and knew, rightly, I would
have paid them out for it when I had troops to
replace them; so they came and begged me to
let them go with the steamer. Thus my friend
Abou’s scheme fell through, and he left for Gon-
dokoro. The irregular soldiers felt that it was
better to stick to me than to him, and that his
only object was to make use of them for a
UE oe a The men of Abou Saoud I speak
of belong to a large establishment near the Niam
Niam. These Niam Niam are mentioned in
Petherick’s first book,* and Schweinfurth’s Heart

* Egypt, The Soudan, and Central Africa, p. 455.
1874.] DISMISSAL OF ABOU SAOUD. 45

 

of Africa.* They are cannibals. A_ great
number of them have come down with Abou
Saoud’s soldiers.

This is such a nice climate and country. Such
a difference to the Saubat! I have given my
poor crushed Mudir my grand tent and a carpet,
and made him put upa huge flag. He sits on
his throne a perfect king, and is surrounded at
this moment by thirty native sheikhs clothed in
red. A grand sight! A day ago he was a
cypher, and not allowed to speak a word to a
sheikh. Abou is sent down to Gondokoro with a
letter removing him from his office. The Arab
writer was so frightened about the letter that he
became ill. He was one of Abou’s nomination.
If I had not looked out I should have been
enveloped in a net before I knew where I was.
The letter of dismissal was thus couched :—

“Abou, when I took you up at Cairo, there
was not an Arab or a foreigner who would have
thought of employing you, but I trusted to your
protestation and did so. When I got to Gondo-
koro, you were behaving properly, and I con-
gratulated myself on your appointment to the
high post I gave you. Soon, however, I came
little by little to repent my action, and to find
out my fair treatment was thrown away. You
tried to deceive me about , about , and
about ; you misstated ; you told me
falsely about ; etc., etc. To come to more
personal matters, you strangely forgot our relative
positions; you have forced your way into my
private apartments at all times, have disputed
my orders in my presence, and treated all my

* Vol. 11, p. I.—ED.

 

 

 

 

 
46 RUN-AWAY PORTERS. [ September,

 

other officers with arrogance, shewing me that
you are an ambitious, grasping man, and un-
worthy of the authority I gave you. If you do
this under my eyes, and at the beginning of your
work, what will you do when away from me ?
Now hear my decision. Your appointment is
cancelled, and you will return to Gondokoro and
wait my orders. Remember, though I remove
you from your office, you are still a government
officer, subject to its laws, which I shall not
hesitate to put in force against you if I find you
intriguing.”

I then went on to say that his scheme to cause
the troops to revolt had never alarmed me, and
that I felt confident that they would see their
interest lay with me and not with him; so it
ended with my saying that I would be merciful to
him, and let him go away on leave not to return.

September 23.—1 sent Abou off the day before
yesterday, and last night at 11 p.m. all the porters
but 500 ran away. It made not the least differ-
ence to me; in fact, it has turned out better for:
me, for I can now take my time and arrange
things well before I send things up. I am, how-
ever, sending up all the smaller portions of the
steamer. I half suspect this is owing to my
friend Abou’s tricks... .. I am quite well, and
things go on smoothly enough; and I have a
conviction that, God willing, I shall do much in
this country. The main point is, to be just and
straightforward ; to fear no one, or no one’s say-
ings ; to avoid all tergiversation or twisting, even
if you lose by it; and to be hard to all if they do
not obey you. All this is not easy to do, but it
must be my aim to accomplish it.
1874.] SILENCE IS GOLDEN. 47

 

September 25.—Last night the hippopotamuses
were walking about on the island opposite in the
moonlight, their wet fat sides gleaming in the
light. The greater part of the steamer left yester-
day with Kemp for Duffli. .... I have found a
good place for a station, but shall have to look out
for the rains which come down in sheets of water
from the hill behind. ... . A. fantasia, as they
call it, is going on at the Mudir’s, viz., a negro
dance. The Niam Niam ladies wear a bunch of
leaves for full dress. I cannot say I shall ever
take a great interest in the black tribes. They
are to me all alike; whether one has a bunch of
leaves or a scrap of calico does not make much
difference to my mind; they are all black, they
shave their heads, and they look all alike, male
and female.

It is very quiet here forme. My German is
away with my boat, and | have no interpreter.
I have only two little scraps of Shillook boys
whom I bought for some dhoora at Saubat, who
are perfect mosquitoes as to their spindle-legs,
and the Arab cook. As I do not talk Arabic, and
they do not talk English, our converse is zz/. It
is the same with the authorities; they come,
and instinct tells me what they want, and then
they go. It is much shorter, and saves a mint of
trouble. sya The rain is something tremen-
dous. A good slope will scarcely carry off the
water—it comes down in such sheets and with
such force. The Nile runs down here very
swiftly, some three knots an hour, an oily-looking
stream. There are pleasant brooks running down
to it along the high land. There is a great
quantity of mica, schist, rock, and granite, which
48 DAMP AMMUNITION. [ October,

 

sparkle like silver in the sun. There might be
gold in the washings of the river.

Raceer, October r.—1 came up to Rageef on
September 27. Half-an-hour after my arrival
here, the little boat came down with my baggage
and Berndorff, my German servant. He came up
to me with a grave face. “I have had a great
loss.” I said, “What?” thinking one of my
poor chicks of Shillooks was dead. He said,
‘‘T saw a hippopotamus on the bank, and fired
at him with your big rifle; and I did not know it
would kick so hard, and it kicked me over, and it
fell into the water.” I! said, ‘“You are a born
idiot of three years old! How dare you touch
my rifle?” However, as it was ordained to be
lost, I soon got over it. It was the Government
rifle that Baker had left here, and a great loss to
me. It did not kick if held properly, but Bern-
dorf is a cow! I know you will take his part,
and say I was sharp. Well; I am. It is a
nuisance (there, you frown again) to lose that
beautiful rifle. The little Shillooks described the
scene, and laughed in scorn at ¢hat cow. No
sooner had I done with him, than I went out to
see if the mountain howitzer would go off. The
artilleryman, like all that regiment of all nations,
was of course quite proud—not so, however,
when not a tube would go off! All damp and
useless. An order was at once despatched to
Gondokoro to have the officer who sent the
ammunition (which I had specially said was to
be looked to carefully) put in arrest. Two days
afterwards I got a letter of apologies from the
Commandant of Gondokoro, saying that he had
sent me new tubes. Nevera bit! The man had
1874.] THE USE OF MONEY. 49

 

brought Jdlue fights, but no tubes! Another
letter sent off. Now, I know that when I came
they fired a salute for me, and it went off all
right, so I knew that they had good tubes; and
yet here, where I was with only ten men, they
had purposely sent bad ones to get rid of them,
thus causing me the risk of my life. Yet no
one among the Arabs would dream of being here
without at least 100 men.

I have had great work with the native chiefs
in teaching them the use of money. Up to the
present time the habit has been to give the chief
of a tribe some beads or calico, and he makes his
men bring wood, or do any work required. Now
I want first to break through the feudal system of
chiefs; the only way to do this is to let their
subjects see that they can stand on their own
feet—that is, gain something for themselves
independently of the chiefs. Before ] began the
system which I hope to establish, the chief would
keep the mass of the things given to him, and
give only a few to his subjects. I began by
paying each man who worked some beads. Next
day I gave each man who worked half-a-piastre
(one penny) in copper, and offered to sell him
beads to that amount. They soon saw it, and
would not buy; they said, “We will keep the
money till we get more, and can buy more ex-
pensive things.” I have fixed certain prices for
certain things, and made out little lots of beads
and wire to sell for certain prices—in fact, made a
regular shop, much to the discontent of all the
old hands, who are dead against these new-fangled
ideas, though I say they will eventually gain, for
they will all be able to keep shops.

E
50 TASK WORK. [ October,

 

To-day I made a first-rate affair. A chief
brought a tusk, and wanted two bells for cows to
wear round their necks in exchange. I said, ‘‘ No,
I will give you two dollars for the tusk.” He
said, ‘‘ Yes,” so I gave him two dollars. “ Now,”
I said, “I will sell you two bells for a dollar each,”
which he agreed to, and bought them. This was
a great step to make; he has brought some more
tusks since, for which I gave him money, and he
has bought from me copper wire. Abou, who
is here, and of whom more hereafter, was as
obstinate as a mule about this matter, and did his
best to spoil my shop. I had forgiven him, and
told him he might go up to Duffli, but I would
not give him back his position of second in
command.*

I had a great success with the magic-lantern
last night; the soldiers were delighted. What
the natives will say when they see it I do not
know. I have, as yet, too few troops to let them
come to see it at night. It is a capital lantern.
The magnesian-wire light was also admired
much, and also firing the gun off at a distance of
150 yards with a magnetic exploder—earth com-
munications—they could not make it out. t

Now the blacks do not work well, so they are
going to have task work—that is, they will bring
me so much straw or wood for so much money.
I lost on the daily payments, for the bad workers
got as much as the good ones. You know the

* In another letter written at this time Colonel Gordon says: ‘‘I have
forgiven A. S. One wants some forgiveness oneself, and it is not a dear
article.”"—Ep.

+ Colonel Gordon had a Wheatstone magnetic exploder, with which he
used to fire a gun a hundred and fifty yards from his tent. He would
make the chief fire it by touching the button.—Ep.
1874.] ABOU SAOUD ONCE MORE. 51

 

feudal system was destroyed by the rise of large
towns and manufactures, and by men not having
to depend on their chiefs.

Raceer, Oc¢ober 5.—I must tell you that I was
instinctively against Abou’s re-employment; but
as usual got worked on by and , who
pitied the “ poor fellow.” The “ poor fellow” had,
however, the impertinence to ask me to give him
back his old place the first night. I saw that the
man was not a bit changed—only more wary and
sly than usual. The next day I was working
with the natives buying ivory for money; my
friend Abou was more or less out in the cold, for
he was dead against the innovation. In the
evening he got an opportunity to speak to the
sheikh alone, and since then not a native has come
near us though they had thronged here before his
arrival. I put this down to his account the first
day—whether right or wrong I do not know.
Yesterday, however, I got a letter from Gondokoro
saying that the natives on the road had showed
themselves hostile, and become quite changed.
wrote me this, and, like a stupid, gave me a
riddle to solve ; he said there was a person near me
whom the blacks did not like, and that they would
not come near me while he was there. Who was
this person? I hate riddles. Later in the day I
heard that the sheikh, who was before friendly, had
asked another sheikh to lend him a canoe to
transport another tribe to attack us..... Is
Abou to blame or not? .... It is a question |
cannot yet solve. Anyway he is an arrant liar, and
utterly false—he seeks his own advancement only.
I sent him down to Gondokoro, there to be left
till I could think over the matter. Soon after he

ae

 

 

 
52 A CONVOY OF SLAVES. [ October,

 

left, I felt sure it would be better to have done
with him; so I went down to Gondokoro and
arranged for his departure. Coming back to
Rageef, I met the hostile sheikh on the road. He
asked me to come to his house; but I declined as
it was dusk. The next day J had a visit from him.
He had a large number of armed men with him,
and after some friendly intercourse he left me for
a time; but soon after came back, and began to
surround my tent with about 100 of his men. I
watched his movements, and then got up, took up
my two guns, and put them down ready. I then
told him to walk off—which he did. I feel sure he
meditated hitting me on the head with one of his
knob sticks. Soon after in came a letter saying
that a steamer had come from Saubat, so I
started at one a.m. ina small boat for Gondokoro.
The hippopotamuses were in large numbers in the
river, and the way they rushed in herds through
the water was astounding ; they made quite a roar
like that of a cataract. They look such queer
creatures when by chance they get cut off from
deep water, and stand like mountains in shoal
places. Well, I got to Gondokoro at daybreak,
and there I found that two days after my de-
parture from Saubat, my Mudir had connived at
the passing of the convoy of slaves, receiving
360 dollars for the same. The convoy went
right into the mouth of the lion: viz. to
Fashoda. There Rattaz* and Kutchuk Ali
were awaiting them. There were 1,600 slaves
and 200 cows, and the whole lot were arrested.

* Rattaz, or Ghattas, was the dealer in ivory and slaves with whose
caravan Dr. Schweinfurth travelled. See Heart of Africa. Vol. 1., p. 45.
Kutchuk Ali is perhaps, one of the family of Kurshook Ali, the slave-
dealer, also mentioned in that book, Vol. 11., p. 265.—Eb.
1874.] RIVAL COURTIERS. 53

 

Kutchuk Ali and Rattaz will get five years im-
prisonment and be ruined. You know I told them
that if they brought the slaves to me, I would let
them off. I told them that the Mudir of Fashoda
would not dare to let the slaves pass, as I had
written to the Khedive saying I was sure they
were ex route. Yet they persisted in saying there
were none; so it is their own fault. I have sent
for my Mudir and he will catch it... ..

It is bright moonlight, and hippopotamuses—
great fat creatures !—have come out on the island
opposite. You can see their fat sides gleaming
from the water they have come out of in the
moonlight. They make such a fat, grunting noise,
as if they did like it so much. I cannot move a
yard without my guard —a regular Queen Bee
system. I only went out just now to look if I
could see my silver-sided hippopotamuses, when
I heard a squeaking noise in the reeds, and then
a cough; and, on looking round, was aware I
had no business out without them..... My
two little scraps of Shillooks are about nine
years old; they hate each other ;—one went up a
hill with me, and he triumphs over the other,
pointing to me and to himself, saying, “We two
went up, and you (the other one) did not!’—it
is a sore trial for the other one.—There is no
interpreter needed to see the dissatisfaction the
presents give if not liked. Their look is enough,
and says plainly: this,is tawdry and flimsy—
not half so good as my neighbour's. It is like
the G.C.B. and K.C.B. If the other had the
same, he would have been contented. We are
regular Ishmaelites—our hands are against every
man.
54 RETURN OF COLONEL LONG. [ October,

 

If we could take all things as ordained and for
the best, we should, indeed, be conquerors of the
world. Nothing has ever happened to man so
bad as he anticipated it would be; if we could be
quiet under our troubles they would not be so
painful to bear. I cannot separate the existence of
a God from His pre-ordination and direction of
all things, good and evil; the latter He permits,
but still controls.

Raceer, October 12.—I have made them make
a mosque and keep their Ramadhan,* which they
never paid any attention to before I came.

October 75.—Kemp has come in from Duffli at
the Head of the Cataract, 134 miles from here.
He left the greater part of the steamer there.
The slave soldiers who were with him robbed
some of the blacks, who resisted and fired arrows
on them. If those dear soldiers had been quiet,
nothing would have happened. The sheikh at
Duffli was very civil, and glad to have the
soldiers.

Gonpoxkoro, October 20.—Got here on the
18th from Rageef. Long came in the day before
yesterday. He has had a hard time of it. He
left this for Fatiko on April 24; got there in ten
days, and from thence went on to Karuma Falls,
or Foweira, which is close to those falls, where I
have a station of soldiers. He went to Mtesa
and got a very good reception. He went down
to Urundogani, and thence, with two canoes,
descended the Nile to Foweira. He found no

* «The ninth month in the Arabian Calendar, and a sort of Lent
observed by the Mohammedans, in obedience to the express command of
the Koran. During this month every good Moslem is bound to fast from
the first appearance of daybreak until sunset.”—Article on ‘* Ramadhan,”
in the Penny Cyclopedia.—Ep.
1874.] DISCOVERY OF A LAKE. 55

 

cataracts at all on the route. This is a great
thing for me, for Fatiko is ten days from here ;
Foweira is four days from Fatiko, and then I
have water-course to within three days of Mtesa’s
palace. Long says he passed through a large
lake between Urundogani and Foweira. He was
attacked by Kaba Rega’s* men ex route, and had
to fight his way through near Mrooli.

Gonpboxkoro, October 22.—I have been so cross
since I wrote to you—and why? The reason is
that I was made ill by the utter feebleness of my
staff. My friend came back sick; took posses-
sion of me as servant, and of my things as his; lost
his own bed; took mine. I got wet, and a chill;
and it was only by a severe course of pills that I
am all right again. I have now given orders that
all illness is to take place away from me; that the
staff are not to come near me except on duty.
Long, after his trip to Mtesa, has greatly im-
proved, and is worth a great deal to me, if he will
stay. He was inexperienced before, now he is
quite az fazt with the ins and outs of this sort of
life. He has gone to Khartoum, and will be
back in six weeks. His discovery of the water-
passage between Urundogani and Foweira is of
great importance. I am withdrawing all my men
from Kaba Rega, who, with them, was privy to
the attack on Long; they were Dongola soldiers.

The other day sitting under a tree, a long

green strip fell down at my feet; it was a slim
green snake; fortunately it did not fall on my
neck! .... Fancy my having no letters since
April 20. I cannot make it out.

November 3.—So well, and things going on
* The King of Unyoro.—ED,

 
56 “ CHRISTIANS LIKE OUR CHRIST!” [Moveméer,

 

satisfactorily, though with much rating and scold-
ing They will not see that unless I work up the
revenue of the province I am not justified in
raising their pay. However, | have given up soft
words, if ever I used them, and am now hard,
and they get such digs// ‘ They” are the Arab
officers and soldiers. . In spite of my harsh-
ness says the people all the way up look on
me as their only help against oppression.
Gonpoxoro, Vovember 17.—. is fifty-
five. In fifteen years he may “daily expect his
call home; and then what value to him will it be
whether this world thought, or did not think, he
did much or not? I am sorry for him, for he has
a good deal to go through apparently before he
realises that he is nothing and God is all. Who
knows this? None of us in the flesh. Blessed,
indeed, is he who knows it ina degree. We can
only know it in its entirety when we quit the shred
we live in. The decay of that should teach us
the lesson of the worthlessness of the world’s
praise or blame. . . . Christians like our Christ !
Not the least resemblance, till all is taken from
us by force; then we are like Christ indeed, and
one with Him. Blessed are the poor, for theirs
is the kingdom; and it is only the poor, in all the
power of the word, without money or appearance,
who enter in through that dark gate, the grave,
to the rest that remaineth which is not broken.
Gonpoxoro, JVovember 23.—You know all about
the slave convoy at Saubat, how they were inter-
cepted by the Mudir of Fashoda. It appears that
Kutchuk Ali and Rattaz were not arrested, but
went down free. The Khedive writes to me quite
harshly to stop this slave-trade, and you see his

 

 
1874.] “ROBES AND FURRED GOWNS HIDE ALL.” 57

 

Mudirs help it on. So I answer, “I ask His
Excellency, if under these circumstances” (as
above) ‘‘ His Highness would think me justified
in hanging the little men I find in charge of slaves.
I do not think he would.” I then go on to say
that I am reasonable in my actions; but that I
should take extreme measures when the real cul-
prits are his local authorities and the Khartoum
merchants, who are entirely in his power, is more
than he can expect. I cannot help thinking that
the Khedive finds out that he has made a mistake
in appointing me, and that he regrets it. He
would sooner have a quieter, easy-going salary-
drawing man, but that is his fault; he asked me
to come, and I came to do the best I could for
him and his country. He is free to rid himself
of me whenever he likes, and I should not fret
to give it up. At any rate it is far better if he
repents his bargain for me to go than to linger
on half supported. Not that I have anything but
thanks to give him up to the present time; but
it is no use my giving my life for a service which
is unwelcome to my employer; and | feel some-
times that, through my influence with the blacks,
I am seducing them into a position where they
will be a prey to my Arab successor. They would
never do for an Arab what they do for me. I
have made friends with tribes right and left; they
bring me ivory—not one single tusk came in
formerly. Query: How far am I justified in
seducing these poor blacks into a position where
they may be robbed and ruined? Why delude
Mtesa also?.. ... Watson and Chippendall go
up to Albert Lake, and I hope will soon be on
it in another iron boat. I am free from all the
58 WHEELBARROWS FOR AFRICA. [December,

 

science now, and mean to attend only to the
administration.

Gonpoxoro, December 16.—In a few days I
shall have cleared out everything from this place ;
it has been hard work, but it is nearly over.
has deserted from sheer fear, and has been
sent down in disgrace. Now, this morning | hear
that Linant, the brother of the Linant who died,
and his servant, a Frenchman, are also laid up.
.... The whole of the original staff except
Kemp have gone down, eight in all. Tell
that Watson and Chippendall have made a first-
rate set of observations, etc. They are very well
instructed in all their work, and are very nice
fellows, « 4 4s I am looking forward to a house
on a hill near Lardo, high above all the marsh
land, when all is finished with our move from
Gontlokora, . ««. I want a hundred iron wheel-
barrows, such as Schweinfurth speaks of.* Ask
what they would cost, made as light, con-
sistent with strength, as possible. I am sorry
I never thought of it till I read it in Schwein-
furth’s book. Your brother has seized a native
chief, who, in spite of warnings, would not
obey his orders, but would go and take cows
from other chiefs; so off he is sent to Khar-
toum, to the surprise of all the other chicfs, who
eatitiot Pease Th. sss « As one lives one sees
how men will yearn after money! Their ideas
of robbery are very odd; a man who steals
directly they scorn, but they will do what virtually
comes to the same thing without the slightest

 

 

 

* “J am convinced that the most suitable form for any hand-trucks
would be something like that used by the Chinese, running upon a single
large wheel, which the framework that contains the goods spans like a
bridge." —eart of Africa, Vol. 11., p. 307.
1874.] THE INSCRIPTION ON THE MEDAL. 59

 

compunction. I think after forty one sees these
things more clearly. I declare I think we are all
more or less rogues and swindlers, and that when
we are weighed there will be little difference
between any of us. And yet how full we are of
high-sounding phrases, and how ready to pronounce
judgment! I also do not find much difference
among the natives—nearlyall are alike about money.

Do not break the world’s code of honour, and
it matters little how we break the code of God.
How we ignore Him in all things! You re-
member I said a widow would sooner have
410,000 in the funds than the promise, “I will be
a husband to the widow.” “Ah,” says self, “that
is all words: sooner have the money, something
tangible, bird in the hand, etc.” Never shall I
forget what I got when I scored out the inscrip-
tion on the gold medal.* How I have been repaid
a million fold! There is now not one thing I value
in the world. Its honours—they are false; its
knick-knacks—they are perishable and _ useless.
Whilst I live I value God’s blessing—health, and
if you have that, as far as this world goes, you
are rich. Why did I come here, youask?....
The thing slid on little by little. I felt too in-
dependent to serve, with my views, at Malta or
in the corps, and perhaps I felt I had in me some-
thing that, if God willed, might benefit these
lands, for He has given me great energy and
health and some little common sense.

* One of Colonel Gordon’s brothers has been kind enough to send me
the following explanation of this passage :—‘‘ At the close of the Taiping
Rebellion the Empress of China sent to Colonel Gordon a large gold medal
with a suitable inscription commemorating his services. When the Cotton
Famine was at its height in Lancashire, Colonel Gordon, not having

money at his disposal, defaced the inscription, and sent the medal to Canon
Miller anonymously for the relief of the starving operatives.” —Ep.
60 THE NEW STATION. [December,

 

Fancy going to bed at 6.30 p.m., and getting
up at five am.! There is no help for it, for the
mosquitoes drive you wild if you stay up. In the
new house (p.v.) there will be none.

December r7.—A clergyman-stork, black with
a white neckcloth, has gone up the river just
now. It is too cold at the north for him to
stay.

Gonpoxoro, December 2r1.—I1 hear from
Rageef that Linant’s servant is looking towards
the north; and that Linant, who was to have
started for Fatiko, is laid up, and also has his
nose turned towards Egypt; and that it is
more than probable he will want to go down.*
I will have no more fellows up here..... It
is intensely hot—even hotter than in summer, if
you can say there is anything but summer in
these parts. In four days Gondokoro will be
completely evacuated; but I shall keep up the
name at Lardo, for it is only twelve miles distant,
and people are accustomed to it. It will put my
scientific successors out, perhaps. Such an affair
this move has been! However, now it is over,
it is a first-rate thing, for Lardo is much healthier.
I have been studying medicine a good deal, and
found out a great thing—z.e., that % gr. of ginger,
¥% gr. of ipecacuanha, and 3 grs. of rhubarb, make
a splendid daily pill, and can be taken without
hurt for years or a lifetime. These keep me in
perfect health; they are taken either at break-
fast or dinner; zo¢ to be taken fasting. .... I
have sent down to the Khedive a copy of the
map of the Nile in duplicate, from Khartoum to

* Mr. Linant soon regained his health, and started for the Victoria
Nyanza.—Ep.
1874.] SELF-SUPPORT. 61

 

this place; one copy being for the Geographical
Society, the other for the Institute of Egypt.
With the maps are also in duplicate other obser-
vations of heights, etc. People talk of being dull—
why, here I have been alone for nearly three
weeks, and never exchange a word beyond a few
broken Arabic sayings from morning to night. It
is a great comfort being self-supporting, and it is
a great gift.
62 “IMSHI KHARTOUM.” [ January,

 

CHAPTER II.—1875.

Larvo, January rz, 1875.—Received a letter
from Chippendall and Watson, to say both are
ill. I have sent a steamer for them, and will
make a hospital here for all the maimed and
sick. Of course I have to give up for the
moment the Lake Expedition. The fact is,
that no man under thirty years of age, unless
he has been more or less acclimatised, ought
to come out here. Age is a benefit, for it has
brought more or less experience with it, and
you do not get so dismally down as young
men do. You know many and many a man
has died in these lands, looking for the source
of this mysterious Nile. .... Long is on his
way up with some troops..... My presence
is urgently needed down at Saubat, and here I
am tied by his non-arrival. I have got a couple
of capital servants, and am very comfortable and
well, thank God very much for the same! I am
getting up workshops, and doing a good deal of
work at this place (Lardo)..... I declare it
seems as if I were doomed for the Lake Albert,
after all. It will be the ruin of the province while
I am away! What a queer history it has been,
from the beginning up to this time. It is a
standing joke—‘“Imshi Khartoum”—‘“Go to
1875.] A WOUNDED ELEPHANT. 63

 

Khartoum;” for Arabs without number have gone
down, and every boat brings one European or
two. They come up here for a month or two,
and down they go like a dissolving view. The
Khartoumese will be edified, for your brother is
of course always wrong and hard. However, “I
will hide you from the scourge of a tongue.” ... .
One of the soldiers wounded an elephant yester
day. In the evening, some of my men, bringing
a letter from Rageef, met the elephant, who rushed
at them, and the consequence was they ran away
and lost the road, and had to sleep out in the
forest. Nothing more heard of them as yet.....
Such a chorus of birds near here in the morning,
sharpening scythes, laughing, blacksmith’s work,
and every description of noise. The cocks up
here have a perfectly out-of-order note ; they crow
with several superfluous notes, and seem bothered
with the others’ noise.

News has come that the Darfour war is over.
Darfour with Kordofan and Dar Fertit will be made
a Honkumdircat,* and separated from the Soudan,
which I am glad of. There was little fighting:
the young Sultan Ibrahim was killed. This con-
quest will have a great effect on these countries.
One of the greatest advantages of the very small
ones that I have obtained is, that I have shown
that these parts can be easily and quickly reached
from Cairo and Europe. It has quite destroyed
the mystery up to this point; but I must say that
further on it is difficult to go at present. I am
about to make 200 wheel-barrows for transport, to
try camels up here, and also to get some horses.
God knows how many of these plans will ever

* A Governor-General’s district, that reports only to Cairo.
64 ARAB SOLDIERS DIE OFF. [ January,

 

fructify! To-day might bring me my civil dis-
missal, or the news of the death of the Khedive,
or some such event..... Want of money is the
great sore, and yet it only needs us to lower our
flag a little to have enough... .. A steamer has
arrived with Long. Very glad to see him, but
unfortunately he has brought up Arab soldiers
instead of black.

Larpo, /anuary 2z.—I have reports from
Foweira, which is nine miles south of Karuma
Falls, that Kaba Rega, in conjunction with the
old slave-hunters in my employ (taken on by
Baker) was meditating treachery, and meant to
try and take the station. The officer said he had
dismissed these slave-hunters. Fifty of these
men came down with Walad el Mek, whom I
disarmed, and would not allow to go back, but
sent them to Khartoum. I have also ordered the
ninety other slave-hunters in the Fatiko province
to be sent down, and then I shall have cleared the
province. Fifty of these slave-hunters out of the
ninety are with Kaba Rega. I have sent to
order them back. Perhaps they will not come;
however, they are great cowards, and have but
little ammunition. The wailing of the slave-
hunters sent down to Khartoum was terrible, for
they had fifty-two slaves, which I got. Oh, my
dear , for two days I dared not ask Long
(who told me that he had applied for 400 soldiers
for me at Khartoum and that they were on their
way up) whether these troops were Arab or black
troops. At last I asked. They were Arabs!!!
Now, out of 250 Arabs I brought here, I should
say, half were dead and 100 were invalided; so
you may imagine my horror. He did his best,

 
1875.] THE ROUTE BY MOMBAZ BAY. 65

 

but it was killing for me. The consequence is,
that I ordered rice, coffee, sugar, etc., to be given
these men, and am trying to keep them well till
they can be moved to a healthier spot. This
reinforcement was worse than useless—much
worse. Out of 150, eighty-four were sick the
day after arrival; and now is the comparatively
healthy season. If I can only get them up
country before they break down! Why, twenty
miles from here the reinforcement passed two
boats with thirty-five sick Arabs whom I was
sending down! I sent down by steamer fifteen
sick—two arrived at Khartoum. It is terrible
for them. I am supporting Rionga, the great foe
of Kaba Rega, and will endeavour to make him
the supreme head, and to drive Kaba Rega out
of his kingdom. He is too treacherous to be
allowed to stay..... , I am sorry to say,
has tumbled back into procrastination and forget-
fulness, which annoys me. I took the oppor-
tunity, when we were in good tempers, to point
out to him that we should never be able to get on
with one another when near. He neglects every-
thing, and, I may say, it is the hunting season,
with me for hunter and with nearly every one else
for the hunted.

I have proposed to the Khedive to send 150
men in a steamer to Mombaz Bay, 250 miles
north of Zanzibar, and there to establish a station,
and thence to push towards Mtesa. If I can do
that, I shall make my base at Mombaz and give
up Khartoum and the bother of the steamers, etc.
.... The Centre of Africa would be much more
effectually opened out, as the only valuable parts
of the country are the high lands near Mtesa,

F

 
66 A STRANGE BEDFELLOW. [ January,

 

while all south of this and Khartoum is wretched
marsh. I hope the Khedive will do it.*

January 26.—Off for the pestiferous Saubat
again. Last night, after going to sleep, I awoke
and felt a sharp burn on the calf of my leg; I
felt something coming upwards, and got another
burn above my knee. Jumped up and shook
myself, and then got a light. You know I have
sewn a waterproof sheet on the bottom of my
mosquito-net, leaving a hole to go in, so anything
that gets in certainly cannot get out. Looking
about, I pulled at the sheet and got another burn
on the finger. At last I had him, got a tumbler
with some water, and put him in. He floated;
so I tapped his back and sunk him—a scorpion
about two inches long. The sting is an odd one;
it burns for some time, and seems to palpitate as
if the scorpion was at it again..... Kaba
Rega coolly sent me down a large musical box,
which he had taken from Baker, for repair. I
have repaired it, and mean to keep it for the
Government. I can manage musical boxes very
well now, having repaired several, and broken
two in learning. .... My programme is this
(p.v.), to go to Saubat and to settle these stations
entirely for some eight months to come; then to
return and go up country to Fatiko, taking up the
iron boats and all the steamer stores to Duffli.
You will, therefore, for a time not hear so much
news of me; but I am quite well, and feel as if I
could stand the climate.

January 27.—En route for Saubat. Nothing
but running aground and sticking there for hours.
Now, here is a story I heard by a mere accident

* See p. 151.—Ep.
1875.] THE SCREW STEAMER. 67

 

after I had left Lardo:—Wat el Mek had-some
difficulty in getting porters from a sheikh to
carry some ivory. He was drunk, and at once
ordered the man to be hanged, which he was. I
need not say that it is more than probable that
Wal el Mek will be hanged also. One of my
Mudirs of another place was present, and he
never wrote a word about it to me; so he also
is in hot water. These fellows are guilty of any
atrocity.

EN ROUTE FOR SAUBAT FROM Larpo, January
29.—We have just stopped for firewood, and I
gave the sheikh one of your necklaces and two
rings. He was delighted, and all the people
jumped with delight; they are all Adams, not a
stitch on them. .... I am now on board the
screw twin-steamer. She is fast, but owing to
her stack being too low, you cannot stay on deck ;
down stairs it is very hot, for they put miserable
round windows in her, not eight inches in
diameter. I heightened her chimney; but it is
not high enough yet, and to-day I had two holes
burnt in my trowsers! Watson is a bag of bones
and I much fear for him. Chippendall is pretty
well now. ‘No man under forty ought to be out
here,” says , and so I say. Young fellows
never will stand the wear and tear and malaria of
these countries. .... Young fellows know so
little of their livers, etc. Look at Baker’s expe-
rience; he lost but few, but then he took oldish
men; while look at my men. All gone! by
death, or invalided..... I mean to put posts
along the roads to my stations at intervals of a
day's journey. Now, we do not hear from a station
for six months, and then 100 men must go. By

F 2

 
68 LIEUTENANT WATSON. [February,

 

means of these posts, ten men can go. I pro-
pose giving up Rabatchambé, and concentrating
myself in the south, near Kaba Rega, and trying
to do the only thing which will open Africa, viz.,

coming down on the coast at Mombaz Bay, north
of Zanzibar. The navigation between this and
Khartoum is a terrible affair. Firewood begins
to get scarce, and every year will make it scarcer;
there are innumerable shoals, etc., and you cannot
make the Arab captains work well. Now from
Suez to Mombaz is 2,900 miles; from Mombaz
Bay to Mtesa is 400 miles—total, 3,300 miles ;
300 of which are land journey. From Cairo to
Khartoum is (with the desert, cataracts, etc.) a
distance of 1,500 miles, from Khartoum to Gon-
dokoro 1,080 miles, and from Gondokoro to
Mtesa is 500 miles—total, 3,080 miles. Now, if
Victoria Lake is large, I may diminish my Mom-
baz Bay journey by land a good bit. Any way
it is better to open a route to the sea. Zanzibar,
a large place, is near Mombaz, and I hope the
Khedive will let me do it. It is the only mode
of helping these countries. All the northern
part of my province is marsh and desert, and
useless for any one. The rich parts are the lake
districts.

Sausat, February 9.—Lieutenant Watson goes
home quite broken down. His clothes hang on
him as a pole.—A nice, agreeable good fellow,

and a great loss to me..... He isa capital
surveyor.*

* Colonel Gordon sent home the following report on Lieut. Watson :—

‘*SAuBAT, February 8, 1875.
‘¢Srr,—I have the honour to inform you, for the information of H. R.H.
the Commander-i in-Chief, that Lieut. Watson’s health having broken down in
this climate, I have decided on sending him back to England. It is to my
1875. LIEUTENANT CHIPPENDALL. 69

 

In the summer of the same year Lieutenant Chippendall
also broke down in health, and had to return to England.
Colonel Gordon’s report on him cannot be found, but the
substance of what he stated was as follows :—‘‘ That Lieut. H.
Chippendall, who had been with me from September, 1874,
till July, 1875, had broken down in health, and that in conse-
quence I had found it necessary to send him home ; that during
his service he had shown himself most active and useful, and
had been further south than any Europeans, excepting Long,
Baker, and Speke and Grant; that I sent him home as the
only hope of saving his life.”

In the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society for 1876
was given an admirable Traverse Survey of the White Nile
from Khartoum to Rageef by these two officers.

Colonel Gordon returned to Lardo on March 5, and went
on to Rageef on March 13.

Raceer, March 22.—You will have read of
the Sheikh Bedden in Baker’s book.* In Sep-
tember last, when I had a large body of men
near him, I sent him presents and tried to con-
ciliate him. No use. Again I sent to him, and
he answered back that he would kill the next
messenger. As he occupied a tract of land too
near me to be comfortable, and as he lately
attacked a sheikh who had always been very
friendly, I had great doubts what to do. Every

great regret he leaves this country, but I feel convinced that it would be
fatal to him to stay. Out of fourteen Europeans, I have lost four by death
and six by invaliding in about eight months, so that it is not astonishing
Lieut. Watson’s health should break down, he never having been before
in a hot climate.

“*T have every reason to be satisfied with Lieut. Watson ; he has been
zealous and most painstaking in his surveys, and, as I have said, it is much
to my regret he leaves me; but, however much he may have wished to
stay, I considered that it was not my duty to let him sacrifice his life in
continuing here.

‘*T have the honour to be, sir,
“‘ Your most obedient servant,
(Signed) ‘*C. G. GorDOoN.

“Colonel J. Browne, C.B., Dep.-Adj.-General, R.E.”

* Ismailia, Vol. 1., p. 401.—ED.
7O A HOSTILE SHEIKH. [Wfarch,

 

one said, “‘ Unless you surprise him and take his
cattle, he will always be a danger.” As I can
only leave a feeble garrison in my station at
Rageef, it was necessary to do something.
Bedden had presumed on my not attacking
him when I had large forces here on two occa-
sions. Well, I will confine myself to my own
operations. I sent a force of sixty men to the
east of the river, and a force of a hundred men
to the west of the river, while I went up the
bank with a boat and ten men, and one officer, so
as to land on the islands on which the cattle
seribas* were. I started at ten o’clock—a beauti-
ful moonlight night—and walked along the bank.
It is fifteen miles to Bedden’s isles, and there
begin the rapids. As I walked along, I came
within fifteen yards of a huge hippopotamus, who
stood and looked at me—his hide glistening in the
full moon. He was in no hurry at all, and stopped
several times on his way to the river, where he
plumped in with a great splash. After a while, I
came on another, and waved him in with my
handkerchief. Soon after, the boat could not get
along the western bank on which I was, in con-
sequence of a shoal, and, fearing for the men in
her, I sent her back. While doing this the officer
and eight men went on, and separated from me.
We were now not far from a cattle seriba on an
island, and here I was with two men and my
interpreter! We walked on and sat down within
earshot of the seriba; we could hear the boys
talking in it. I sent a soldier on to see where

* “Tn the Soudan every thorn-hedge, or palisade, is called a ‘Seriba’;
in Syria, also, the cane-hedges for the enclosing of cattle are termed Sirb,
or Sereebe.”—SCHWEINFURTH’S Heart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 47.—ED.
1875.] ATTACK ON A SERIBA. 71

 

the other part of my men were; after some time
we collected together under some rocks, very
tired. We were, you will remember, very few;
we were exposed to bullets from vw7s-d-vzs, and
also from the party I sent on the western side—
in fact, we were in a very bad military position,
and I thought I was an idiot. The two parties
to the west and east had orders to close on me,
but I had not much faith in them, and my own
party of Soudanese were in a great state. The
projecting rocks on the rising land to the west,
were said by them to be villages. But there we
were, and I could not then help it. It was now
4 a.m., and in an hour and a-half day would
break. I slept a bit, and awoke just as the red
glow of dawn, which breaks into day very
quickly, showed itself. We heard a drum on
the seriba beat, and were told it was to awake
the boys to milk the cows. It was a peculiar
sound.

You must know that the cattle at night are
enclosed in seribas or kraals, with one entrance.
The warriors sleep inside. The mode of attack
is to put a few men near the entrance with orders
to fire three shots at dawn, before the cattle are
let out; for if once out, you can scarcely catch
one. On hearing the shots the warriors escape,
beating the war-drum if they have time. They
never defend the seribas; and it is always the
best policy to let them go harmless, as the cows
are the great object. Well, as the red glow of a
hot day increased, we heard, on the far-away hill
opposite to us to the east, the three signal shots ;
and then our island seriba sounded its nozan or
drum. It was a mild one, and was not taken up
72 CAPTURE OF CATTLE. [March,

 

by other drums, as I expected; then silence en-
sued. As day advanced, we saw the supposed
villages of the soldiers were rocks, and not a
native was to be seen. Soon afterwards some
appeared, but they seemed puzzled by the three
attacks, and went off. Before long our allies—
the friendly sheikh’s people—came up; and some
of their little warriors swam across to the island,
but reported that the Bedden warriors were in
the midst of the cows, and shot arrows at
them when they approached. However, these
soon went off, and we got the cows. We
rewarded, with what was not our own, the
“friendlys,” and came back. The other party
on the east coolly passed down the other side
with herds of cattle, and never paid any attention
to us. The party on the west were never seen
by us. It appears that they reached the scene
of their operations at midnight, and sent a guide
on to explore. This guide met a woman going
for water; he tried to catch her, she cried out
and gave the alarm, so the natives let out the
cows. However, what with our herd of 600
head of cattle, we got altogether 2,600 head ;
so that without any effusion of blood on either
side, or burning of villages, we punished Bedden
severely. The day after this expedition, I made
another against another sheikh, who always shot
arrows at my people. His territory was behind
Larco’s (the sheikh I sent to Khartoum, and am
now about to allow to return to his family—I hope
a wiser man). The new inimical sheikh—Lococo
—however got warning from Larco’s tribe, and
drove his flocks into his territory. This showed
some confidence in us, for I might have come
1875.] HIPPOPOTAMUS MEAT. 73

 

down on Larco for allowing them to escape.
However, Larco knew I would not do so. We
got 500 cows, however, and neither side had any
loss. I hope Bedden and Lococo will both submit
before many days are over. I do most cordially
hate this work; but the question is, what are you
to do? You must protect your own people, and
also the friendly sheikhs; and you cannot make
them give in, except by the capture of their cattle.

I have killed two more hippopotamuses. One
came up from the river about one hundred yards
from my hut. I went down with a heavy rifle to
about twenty paces from him. When I fired, the
flare of the discharge and the moonlight so
dazzled me, that when I heard the struggle, I
thought he was rushing on me. I felt paralyzed,
as it were, and did not move; when I could see,
he was on the ground. The amount of food one
of these animals affords is equal to twenty cows,
and really is a boon to the people, for they eat
enormous quantities of grass and dhoora. I was
obliged to fire again at him before he fell in the
water; both balls from No. 8 rifle were in the
brain, but yet he walked twenty yards to the
water. It seems cruel to kill these animals, but
we want food; and you kill fleas without any
hesitation, and do not eat them as we do the
hippopotamuses. I think I do not err when I
say that you kill the flea with a sort of vicious
joy—a fiendish vengeance.

March 30.—\ start to-day for a distance of
twenty-five miles from this spot, where I make a
station. I hope to make two more between this
and Duffli, so as to have free communication with

Fatiko.
74 TRANSPORT OF THE STEAMER. [April,

 

Raceer, Agri! 7.—1 have just come back from
a short tour. You must know that the great
difficulty I have to contend with is how to get the
heavy portions of the steamers to the point where
the Nile is navigable above the generally accepted
cataracts,—a distance of a hundred miles from
Gondokoro. Transport by carts was doubtful,
the natives along the road were hostile, and you
would have to take all the provisions with you for
your people. 1. Could carts go or not? 2. Would
the native porters draw the carts? 3. If we went
in the dry season, could we find water on the road?
4. If we went in the wet season would not the
soldiers and porters run away on account of the
necessary miseries? 5. Would one’s own health
stand the wear and tear of exposure? 6. Would
not the natives pitch the carts on purpose into
ravines? 7. In the wet season would not the
small torrents delay us for days and days? These
were troublesome thoughts; for I was, and am,
bound in honour to get the steamer on to the Lake,
and I saw months and months of work before me.
Well, when I had settled all the north of the
province up to Rageef, I felt that before me was
at least a year of sore troubles. A year had now
elapsed since I left Cairo, and though I had had
men enough, nothing really had been done; except
changing Gondokoro to a better site, forming the
stations of Saubat, Bohr, and Rabatchambé, and
getting things into order according to my ideas—
not at all after the Arab ideas. I then arrived at
Rageef, and a few days after two convoys, one from
Latooka from the east, and one from Makraka on
the west, came in; the rainy season had, one may
say, commenced, and here I had 100 miles of road
1875.] NILE NUGGARS. 75

 

(unknown) before me, and a large number of iron
carts and heavy portions of the steamer to move
up. Continual thinking made me first give up
all idea of taking up the heavy portions of the
steamer with me this trip; I would put off that
difficulty till November. Next I gave up all
thoughts of taking up the two life-boats in
sections; next I gave up all idea of taking up
the timber I had prepared, with which to construct
nuggars* above the cataracts, and next I gave
up all idea of taking up a cart to try the road.
All this was pain and wormwood to me, for
eventually these things must come up, and I was
only, I thought, putting off the evil day. 1 there-
fore determined to go up and place a station on
the Nile, a day’s march from here ; then to bring
up the zmpedimenta there, and then to make
another station a day’s march further, and take the
things up there, and so on to the Head of the
Falls; but then the question stared me in the
face, how am I to feed the people in the station ?
I therefore thought of trying to get to Laboré,
where provisions could be bought for mzelotes
(spades), so they said. I had the formidable Asua
river to cross eventually, which I certainly could
not do till October; so I saw myself penned in
Laboré, or near Labord, without communications
for months, with a fear that perhaps I should not
be able to get provisions from the natives. I also

* «The boats which are used upon the upper waters of the Nile are
called ‘negger’; their construction, I believe, is unlike what can be seen
in any other country of the world. They are as strong as they are massive,
being built so as to withstand the violent pushings of the hippopota-
muses, as well as the collisions with the mussel-banks, which are scattered
in various directions.” —SCHWEINFURTH’S Heart of Africa, Vol. 1,

p- 50.
76 RAID ON A FRIENDLY CHIEF. [ April,

 

had no soldiers to go with us. I raised a body of
fifty Niam-Niam from the Makraka.

I may, therefore, say I started with the idea of
making a station a day’s march from here, and in
the hopes that being near Laboré, I might find the
natives, like the people of Laboré, willing to feed
my people for meotes. Unfortunately, too, I had
to think that as it was the commencement of the
sowing season, and as the natives only live from
hand to mouth, I might not even get food from
them. However time pressed, and do something
I must; so I started towards Laboré, with fifteen
days’ provisions. I had with me forty Soudan
soldiers, and my fifty Makraka recruits, and the
porters of the two convoys of Latooka and
Makraka to carry things. We marched for a day
and a-half some twenty miles south and turned off
S.W. a little short of Marengo. After eight
miles we reached the Nile; from this place, Kerri,
we found it navigable to Rageef..... From
Kerri we came down the Nile to Rageef through
a fine country. With the exception of a discovery
I made—that I had unwittingly carried off the
cows of a friendly chief when I made my raid on
Bedden—which cows | returned to the friendly
chief—nothing of interest happened. It was, I
assure you, a matter of perfect indifference with
my interpreter whether I had attacked a friendly
or unfriendly sheikh. A regular Levantine, he
thoroughly disgusted me. However, I showed
him what I thought. He has about as much
heart as a stone, and | expect is perfectly un-
scrupulous. However, as I have come down
like a hammer on every one who, I know, deceives
me, he has had the good sense to change his
1875.] THE VILENESS OF THE TROOPS. 77

 

tactics, and as I have clipped his wings, he will do
as a machine to talk by; the only disadvantage
being that I feel myself in a sort of box, unable
to obtain information except by driblets, and only
able to give orders when I know by personal
observation that the same orders are wise. This
causes delay, of course, but it is better than taking
information and acting on it when you doubt the
sincerity of the source of information. I have done
with raids after my misfortune with my friendly
sheikh, and only if attacked will I sanction reprisals.
I will also see well whether I have not given cause
for attack.
Here isan episode. Wewere encamped at Kerri,
without shelter however, though there were houses
close by which I would not allow to be pillaged.
Well, a thunder-storm came on when we were in
communication with the people on the other side
of the river. We got under some trees ; when, in
the midst of the storm, several shots were fired,
and we were said to be attacked. We sallied out,
but I saw no enemy ; and then, on the strength of
our being attacked, the unruly mob pillaged the
huts. My after impression was that it was alla
“ruse”; that there was no attack by the people,
and that my Levantine friend knew the truth.
Add to this, some people of my suite fired on the
natives on the other side of the river, and thus
broke off our friendly discourse. Cowardly, lying,
effeminate brutes these Arabs and Soudanese!
without any good point about them that I have
seen. It is degrading to call these leaders and
these men officers and soldiers—I wish they had
one neck, and some one would squeeze it! When
not obliged, I keep as far as I can from them, out
78 EGYPTIAN OFFICIALS. [4p777,

 

of ear-shot of their voices. These being my
feelings, you can imagine how glad I am to see
some hope of being rid of the whole affair. It is
not the climate; it is not the natives; but it is the
soldiery which is my horror. In giving over
to the northern part of the province, I
have done all that I can in it; and given all the
advice I can to render it a good paying country
to the Government, while not too hard on the
natives. To stay and watch these Mudirs is to
try to make a reform of Egyptian officials, and
that I am not here to do. To do these people
justice, I believe it is not their fault that they are
what I think they are. You have different sorts of
trees, and you have different sorts of men,—only,
I think, you may prefer one sort of tree to another,
and certainly I do not think that any inducement
could make me accept service here, or in Egypt.
I hope to get the Nile communication open to
the Lake, to start Chippendall on the Lake, to put
boats on the Victoria Nyanza, to settle Kaba Rega,
and to say good-bye. If all goes well, I may hope
that eighteen months will finish itor me. As to
being able to do more than give advice as to how to
get the most out of the country without destroying
it, that would be impossible without the faculty of
ubiquity.

Raceer, April §—To-day I rode to Bedden
isles to look at the channel, and observing some
natives on a rock under a tree, I walked up to
them. They did not move, and I sat down near
them. I asked, “Are you Bedden’s people?”
They pointed to an old man, and said, ‘‘ Bedden ;”
and there was our friend himself. Poor old man!
—he was partially blind. I tried to be civil to

 
1875.] THE SHEIKH BEDDEN. 79

 

him, and said if his tribe behaved well nothing
would be taken from them. He said he would
come to-morrow to the camp. I gave him my
whistle and some tobacco, and would not let the
soldiers touch his cattle that were near. It wasa
sudden meeting to come across him like that. I
believe it was caused by the friendly sheikh from
whom I unwittingly took the cows. He had told
Bedden that I had given the cows back, together
with a hundred melotes (spades). But even here
is a discovery. To-night I learn that the real
power is in the hand of Bedden’s son, who was
not there to-day.

Lococo the sheikh, who heard of our intended
visit, and had got an asylum with Larco, has been
to the camp, and made his submission.

April zo.—Bedden did not come yesterday.—
Just as I wrote the word ‘‘yesterday” the old
man came in. I gave him twenty of the stolen
cows, a coil of copper, and a pair of scissors.
The more I see of my Levantine the more I feel
evil towards him, for he has not my thoughts, and
is, to my mind, short-sighted. He does not see
that my (to the blacks) extraordinary conduct
towards Bedden will spread through all the
tribes, and make them see that I act justly and
generously towards them; and thus, as I go on,
I shall have less and less difficulties to contend
with. These twenty cows are nothing to give for
me, for we took 2,000, and I have everything to
gain by such conduct. I could see my friend's
disgust at the affair. In his wretched mind, he
would scrape off the skin of the poor devils, and
yet when he was meagrely treated by he
cried out loud enough.

 
80 TWO CODES. [April,

 

You see, if I can obtain the submission of the
sheikhs before I leave, then my successor will
have no cause to attack and plunder them, which
otherwise he would have legitimately the right (?) to
do. The whole thing is sad enough, but a Higher
than the highest can rule all things for the best.

These are their maxims: if the natives do not
act after the most civilised manner, then punish
them for not so acting; but, if it comes to be a
question of our action, then follow the customs of
the natives, viz., recognise plunder as no offence
whatever. Such is the reasoning of these
creatures. They weigh the actions of the ignorant
natives after one and ¢hezr code; they act towards
the natives after the native code, which recognises
the right of the stronger to pillage his neighbour.
Oh! I am sick of these people. It is they, and
not the blacks, who need civilisation. There is
little difference between white and black men, I
feel more and more assured.

RacEer, April r7.—I went up to the Bedden
Isles the day before yesterday, with a boat, to try
them thoroughly. At first the reis (the captain of
the boat) and the sailors said it was impossible to
go, as they had tried every place before I came
up. I, however, made them try again, and found
one easy channel. The rapids are about four
miles in length, and we got up all right to within
150 yards of the upper navigable part of the river,
which is clear, at any rate, up to Kerri. In this
150 yards there is a nasty rush or fall of water
down a slope of some fifteen feet in height: this
will quite bother us for some time. I must make
one flotilla for the upper part, and another flotilla
for the lower part, and shift the things at that
1875.] MODERN MISSIONARIES. 81

 

150 yards. I remarked there a tree whose trunk
was quite clear, but between the branches the
white ants had made a heap of mud—at least a
ton weight of solid earth. It looked very dan-
gerous.

I came back yesterday, and just as I got to Rageef
met Chippendall with a host of porters coming
down from Fatiko. He had been up the river
close to the Lake, and then had come back. The
bad conduct of my Mudir there had brought him
back. Kaba Rega is giving trouble as far as he
can dO SO, 4s 4 Mtesa has sent two watches to
be repaired.

Bepven, May z4.—How refreshing it is to hear
of the missionary efforts made in these countries |
wrote me word, ‘‘ Three mission parties
leave shortly for the East Coast. One under
Mr. takes a steam launch for Lake Nyassa,
and ‘down, says, ‘he will run the first slave
nuggar he meets on the lake.’” Of course it not
signifying a jot who is on board. This reminds
one so forcibly of the mission labours of St. Paul,
and of the spirit of St. John.
wrote and asked me if a missionary could
get along with Mtesa. You see that a missionary
likes to deal with Czesars, and not with the herd
of common mortals.*

Now there is little doubt in my mind that if a
man would sacrifice himself to a particular tribe,
he would find that tribe would not molest him,
and would treat him kindly. There is also no

 

 

 

 

* “What a mission it would be if there were no difficulties—nothing
but walking about in slippers made by admiring young ladies! Hey!
that would not suit me. It would give me the doldrums ;—but there are
many tastes in the world.”—‘‘ Lrv1NGsTONE on the Universities’ Mission.”
—See Personal Life of Livingstone, p. 323.—ED.

G
.

82 “MARTYRDOM UNSUNG.” [May,

 

doubt but that he would find the life dull to a
degree that death would be preferable to it, but I
believe he would have his reward. The people
are quite quiet and inoffensive, and a man of some
intellect would soon gain an immense influence
over them. Who will do this inglorious work,
and live and die unknown ?* The glory of Mtesa’s
conversion would lead to other things, and there-
fore I believe men could be got to go there; but
these tribes, and this slow, dull life would need a
self-denial and abnegation of self which would be
difficult to find. When He cometh, will He find
faith on the earth? With all our profession, I
think not much. The true history of these people
has yet to be written. Livingstone, I think, more
than any other writer, draws their character best.
Poor people !—however, they are happy in their
way, perhaps more happy than those who have
much more of the things of this world; and I
suppose they are as valuable as we are in His
sight who judges right. In these countries one
sees more and more of the insufficiency of our
religion to give peace. 1 speak of our religion as
that professed and not acted up to. “TI will go
with religion as far as I can without inconveni-
ence, but no farther. I cannot go second class.
I must have change of air every year, etc. : ¢here
my line is drawn. I am born in a certain sphere,
and I must live in that sphere.” There is no
* «Who, whether praise of him must walk the earth

For ever, and to noble deeds give birth,

Or he must fall, to sleep without his fame,

And leave a dead, unprofitable name—

Finds comfort in himself and in his cause ;

And, while the mortal mist is gathering, draws
His breath in confidence of Heaven’s applause.”

—Worpswortn’s ‘‘ Character of the Happy Warrior.”—Ep,
1875.] HIPPOPOTAMUSES IN FORCE. 83

 

doubt but that whosoever acts after the true pre-
cepts of our Lord will be considered a madman.
His precepts are out of the question and cannot
be followed.

Larvo, JZay 20.—I came down for a day to this
place. Beautiful moonlight night. Hippopotamuses
most excited. We hit several on the back, which
they resented by heaving up the boat, really some-
times making one quite afraid of them. I never
heard such a noise, nor could I have believed
there were so many in the river.

Kerri, /une 8—Since I last wrote, we have
managed to take up, through the east channel of
Bedden, three nuggars ; and we left on June 5
for this place, with 100 soldiers, to form the station.
We passed two troublesome rivers; the one,
the Lima, twelve miles from Bedden, the other
the Kya, twenty miles from Bedden. The latter
must be stupendous when full. The river was all
we could wish up to a mile of this, when, owing to
the gorge, the current was terrible, and we had the
greatest difficulty in pulling the nuggars through.
It was terrible work, and I was fearful of a ship-
wreck. However, thank God! we got through
safely, and now are making a seriba on the hill.

Larvo, June 13.—I came down yesterday
to this place. The Nile was very high. After
7 p.m. we had a serious time, for we were
in an open boat, and the hippopotamuses were
in force. We were afraid every minute of being
swamped by them. Sometimes they are very
fierce, and bite the boats in two. Their jaws are
immense, and go back to their ears. A son of
Mehemet Ali was killed by the bite of one in
1843. It is something terrible—their strength.

G 2
84 ““THOSE TERRIBLE EXAMINATIONS.” — [ June,

 

.... To find the river navigable so high up is in-
deed a blessing. I hear three elephants—two large
and one small—came into my garden right in the
middle of the station, slept the night there, and
left in the morning, breaking down the fence,
which was too small to let them out. They came
in from the river which runs close by, and has a
cutting down to the edge to enable people to go
down for water... .. I found things quite dead
here, owing to the governor, whom I have bundled
off (or am going to when a steamer comes) to
Khartoum. I do not think any one can form an
idea what multitudinous work one has, or the petty
details that come to me: there is not a single
branch of the administration which one has not
to attend to personally. I have worked them up
well here the last two days, and hope the severe
examples will brighten them up. Fancy my own
groom refused rations by the governor, because I
had not written the order. The order was given,
but he had not got it. He does not write to me,
but simply leaves the man without rations; and
this I hear when I am right up country.

Larpo, june 25.—No steamer as yet: very
trying for the flesh, as the river is so very high.
Poor and ——-, how I remember those
terrible examinations*—I sometimes dream of
them. I hope they have both succeeded—it is
such anxiety, waiting and waiting for the re-
SHS. 5 oss Will you tell that the beads I
want are to be more magnificent than plentiful. I
want them for samples. Some of them may
be 2s. each. The beads out here are of the

 

 

* He had heard that two young friends were going in for their exami-
nations at the Royal Military Academy.—Ep.
1875.] “INACTION IS TERRIBLE.” 85

 

coarsest kind, and with such bad colours that
I do not wonder at the natives being sick of
them. There must be no gilt mountings about
them; for your black brethren are greasy, and
grease is deadly on Birmingham gilt.

June 29.—It is now 129 days since the steamers
arrived at Khartoum; and through some mishap
or mistake there they appear to have stayed.....
I feel much the want of something to do. I
have been working at a great many things, but
I cannot fully occupy my time. It is very dull
work. One cannot tell what a blessing employ-
ment is till we lose it. Like one’s health, we do
not notice these blessings. .... Inaction to me
Is temible. a4 a « I ask God for the following
things :—1. Not to be disturbed if the Khedive
sent me away to-morrow. 2. Not to be disturbed
if he keeps me. 3. Not to have anything of the
world come between Him and me; and not to
fear death, or to feel regret if it came before I
completed what I may think my programme.
Thank God, He gives me the most comforting
assurance that nothing shall disturb me, or come
between Him and me.

June 30.—I\ have got through two days by
making a machine for fabricating rockets. For-
tunately, I found an old pump (Baker’s garden-
pump of copper), and made a case or jacket of
the outside tube, and primer of the inside tube,
and turned out two good rocket-cases. It amused
me for two days, which is something. A wretched
little creature is in charge of the arsenal!! He
is so feeble, and was so dead against the making
of rockets here till he had the regular official
patterns to work with.
86 THE NATIVES TRUSTFUL. LJuy,

 

It is such a comfort having my roads open.
One man came down from Bedden to-day alone.
Before I came it would have needed thirty or at
least twenty men to goalong this route. The blacks
would have concealed themselves in the grass,
and stuck a spear into the hindermost man; now
they are quite friendly. A Bari in my employ-
ment stole a sheep yesterday, and down came the
natives to complain and have justice, which they
got. Is it not comfortable? All this has effected
a great change among my men. They no longer
fear the blacks as they did, and altogether a much
better feeling exists, Going up to Kerri, where
in September last the convoy of Kemp was
harassed all the route, I went on alone with
four or five soldiers behind me, and never felt the
least apprehension; for the natives talk much
among themselves, and the virgin tribes had
heard we were not to be feared, and that their
cattle, etc., were safe from pillage. A year ago
an escort of five or six soldiers used to accompany
each nuggar either coming up or down. Even
the steamers carried an escort of the same number.
Now not one soldier either goes with one or the
other. This has prevented all pillaging ex route,
for our people dare not do it now, not having the
escorts of soldiers.

July 2—No steamers! You will be sick of
those two words. I fear this very high rise of
the Nile is the cause of this delay of the steamers.
The natives say it is higher than they ever saw it.
It is curious to watch the ant-lions. They are
small insects, with a flexible leg. They make a
crater and rest in the apex of it, throwing up,
with the flexible leg, now and then, a shower
1875.] ANT - LIONS. 87

 

of sand. Ants walk on the edge, and slip down.
As they are getting up the slippery bank, the
flexible leg throws up a shower of sand, and then
another and another; till at last, as if in the
cinders of Vesuvius, the ant gets smothered, and
falls to the bottom, where a pair of nippers takes
him into an inner chamber, and dinner is ready.
I have just dug a lion out with a spoon: it is the
size of a bug, of a brown colour. It has no
flexible leg, but two horns like a cow, with which
he spirts up the sand. He always walks back-
wards. It is odd to see the spirts coming from
three or four holes near one another. When first
I saw it I thought it was an escape of some gas.
They send the sand up fully an inch. They are
difficult to catch, for the inner chamber is deep.
Unless you push down a spoon quick after they
have caught an ant, and their attention is occu-
pied, they will get away.

July 3—The Nile rising again. It runs, even
here at Lardo, like a sluice. Lower Egypt will
eateh it this year. . ws I shall have a great
fight with the crew of the steamer ; for they know
if the steamer once goes up it will not come down
again, and they will fear to be kept in her. They
will do their best to thwart the boat going up; so
your brother is going to turn them all out, and
put volunteers on board. It was the same way
with the crews of the nuggars—they lacked
everything, and you had to put the things in
their hands. Their sight seemed to fail them
even. When at last they had no excuse for a
delay, you should have seen the resigned funereal
air they all bore. Poor things! it was quite
heart-breaking. Now they are quite haughty;
88 FIRING SALUTES. LJuty,

 

nothing abashes them; their faces are like brass.

. I have sent for my nuggars, and shall go
up again and make my midway station between
Kerri and Makadé, and try to pass the nuggars
up the Makadé Rapids (if they exist). It will
be no use waiting for the steamers, which cannot
make their way against this current.

July 5.—The river really is terribly high. Our
high bank is being eaten away rapidly, and there
is a huge lake to the south of us. Between
Khartoum and Rageef it is odd that there are
only a few places which allow of your landing
direct on ¢erra firma—tst, Saubat; 2nd, Bohr;
3rd, Shir; 4th, Lardo; 5th, Gondokoro; 6th,
Rageef.

BEepvEN, /uly 9.—Rode up to this place from
Rageef. On my arrival they fired the usual salute,
and a sad accident occurred. One man lost his
thumb, and the No. 2 lost both hands. They
never dipped the sponge in water, as they gene-
rally do with these rifled guns. Poor fellows! |
am so sorry for them, for I hate these salutes.
I feel the more regret, as it was fired in my honour.
If the man had been obeying his instructions in
artillery, he would have only lost his thumb; as
it is, he has lost both hands. It is a sore sight
and sore trouble for the poor soul. I have ordered
now only three rounds to be fired for salutes—the
same as the Chinese. (Do not tell I said
anything about the guns, for if you look at a gun
in these days you are interfering with the R.A.!
And you do the same with the R.E. if you look
at a pontoon.) . . Another day of magazine
work. It is very fatiguing work. Needles and
thread and coffee in the powder magazine; axes

 
1875.] SOLDIERS’ WIVES. 89

 

here ; bill-hooks there. I am now independent of
the steamers, for I have sixty-six men for the
new stations. Certainly thirty-six are men who
do not know yet how to load, but I only took
them to-day ; and after firing thirty or forty rounds
they are good enough soldiers for these parts.
Old , the French master at R.M.A., used
to say, ‘Von vife at Paris, von vife in London—
dat is de vay to enjoy life!” These Soudan
soldiers have each been in the habit, when ordered
from a station, to leave a “‘vife” in possession of
his hut in the station he quits. This, in conse-
quence, made the stations enormous in perimeter,
and difficult to defend; so I found it the best plan
this time to quietly order all the “vives” to come
up with me, and perforce join their husbands. Itook
quite a troop, and there is another convoy under
way. The officers complained of the mass of huts
occupied by these women, but did not dare to act.
You see the soldiers had been so accustomed to
doing nothing at Gondokoro, that they hated the
break-up of that detestable station, which was an
enormous one, owing to these women. They still
have clung to the idea, that, however they may
be moved, some day they may get back to their
old quarters; so to keep those quarters they put
in a retainer. What they will think when they
see their wives brought up I do not know, but it
destroys the lurking hopes and makes the men
look on the stations as their permanent residence.
The great power I have over them is the facility
with which they can be sent to Fashoda or Khar-
toum. On their arrival at these stations they
invariably lose their vzves (who are only wzdling
slaves), who are confiscated by the government.

 
90 THE ROADS SAFE. [july,

 

The water is pretty high here, and many of the
obstructions are covered. Two soldiers can now
go from Lardo to Kerri without fear. Formerly,
100 men would have had to be sent, the difference
being, that in those days the camp followers—boys
and wzves of the soldiers—would pilfer paltry things
all the way, and the natives would, when they
could, kill the marauders; whereupon the soldiers
would enter the fray. Now the men know that
at night they will get to a station, and also they
know that if they trouble the natives the sheikhs
will tell the head of the station. It is now delight-
ful. One has no fear of every bit of high grass,
as before: even the men see the great advantage.
The whole value of the articles which they ever
got would be, for a long journey, £1 10s.; and for
this wretched gain we were cut off in our commu-
nication for months and months. ... .

Your brother will be dreadfully badgered by
the Royal Geographical Society, and I feel pretty
sure he will suffer a bit; for he is loose in his
remarks, and rather non-observant of some im-
portant things, and it will all come on him, for
I do not think the Royal Geographical Society
will trouble me much after my letter to
They have no more business to be giving medals
to the people than the people have to give medals
to them. Sovereigns and representative assemblies
of nations, and old corporations that date from
centuries, can confer honour; not any society
which may spring up..... Fancy having to
go to a Horticultural Show or to the Crystal
Palace. Henry and I went once to the Crystal
Palace, and it was for the last time. We were
worn out. No hard labour is equal to this sort

 
1875,] KINGLY SUFFERINGS. gI

 

of society. Fancy a pic-nic!! what more utterly
melancholy? A féte-champétre or a masked
costume ball! I suffer a little like royalty—that
is to say, nothing the Soudan soldier likes better
than watching every movement one makes. It is
very irritating. One or two will stand for hours
watching me. Some people do not like dogs, for
they often stare so. Yet I am not like royalty a
bit, for I cleaned a duck gun in public to-day. I
will be natural, cod@te gue cotite, and 1 am quite
sure I cleaned the gun better than any Arab
would. «4 4 4 Neither here nor at Kerri are there
mosquitoes; at Lardo very few. You can have
but little idea what an intense comfort this is.
At Gondokoro they swarmed, and bit you under
the table and wherever any skin was tight—
trowsers, shirt, or coat was to them no obstacle.
They liked a cane-bottomed chair best for you to
sit on.

July 15.—The crisis is approaching. We have
taken nuggars down the Western Passage [of the
rapids near Bedden] and found it deep enough
for the “ Khedive” steamer... . I believe that
by rapidly shifting your quarters, you could
avoid the rainy season altogether. We have
had very little rain here, while at Kerri, only
twenty-three miles off, they have had large
quantities. Very heavy rain this afternoon. The
vultures which hover about the station were
absurdly wetted, and looked ridiculous after the
rain—sitting on trees drenched through and
through, with their wings held out to dry like
old coats.

I have been anxious about , and have
written to him to come down if he is not better.

 
92 A GOVERNOR'S DAILY LIFE. LJuly,

 

I think his complaint is half “doles” and half
illness. Do you ever have the “doles” now? I
am glad to say I never have. What a fearful
disease it is! I believe in “rowing” them out of
the patient—as for indolence, it only makes them
WONSE. 2 cas I quite understand Livingstone’s
fear of companions. One really has nothing for
a sick man; one’s food is of the coarsest nature,
and one cannot even speak one’s wants to one’s
servant—at least I cannot do so..... I am
weeding out the old soldiers, and sending them to
my Botany Bay—Khartoum. They were pam-
pered and spoilt, and they will soon feel the
difference there. Preparatory to doing so, I have
separated them in all the different stations into
batches of thirty or forty, so as to send them off
quietly in little batches.

How the Khedive is towards me I do not know,
and thank God He prevents me caring for any
man’s favour or disfavour. I honestly say I do
not know any one who would endure the exile and
worries of my position. Some might care if they
were dismissed, as the world would talk. Thank
God! I am screened from that fear. I know
that I have done my very best, as far as my in-
tellect has allowed me, for the Khedive, and have
tried to be just toall..... Now imagine what
I lose by coming back, if God so wills it—a life
in a tent, with a cold humid air at night, to which
if, from the heat of the tent, you expose yourself
you will suffer for it either in liver or elsewhere.
The most ordinary fare—ost ordinary I can
assure you; no vegetables, dry biscuits, a few
bits of broiled meat and some boiled macaroni,
boiled in water and sugar. I forgot some soup.
1875] “(HIS EXCELLENCY.” 93

 

Up at dawn and to bed at eight or nine p.m.; no
books but one, and that not often read for long,
for I cannot sit down for a study of those mysteries.
All day long worrying about writing orders to be
obeyed by others in the degree as they are near
or distant from me; obliged to think of the veriest
trifle, even to knocking off the white ants from
the stores, etc., that is one’s life; and, speaking
materially, for what gain? At the end of two
years, say £2,000; at the end of three, say
43,500 at the outside. The gain is to be called
“His Excellency,” and this money. Yet His
(poor) Excellency has to slave more than any
individual: to pull ropes, to mend this, make a
cover to that (just finished a capital cover to the
duck gun). I often say, ‘Drop the Excellency,
and do this or that instead.” So if I go do not
expect to see your brother heart-broken. The
fact is the people who annex the province need
quite as much civilisation as those they attempt
to civilise, and I did not put that into my agree-
ment, viz., ¢zezr education. .... Come what may
it will fall like water on a duck’s back. There is
a verse, ‘“What are ye that are afraid of a man
who must die” or “who will die”—the opinion
of another worm or worms. ... . I acknowledge
to feeling a sort of regret if I have to leave before
opening the river to the Lakes, but it would soon
pass off, as I should think it God’s will that I should
NOt dO Ite ae. I have a good many plaisters in

my moral medicine-chest if I leave. I think
what right have I to coax the natives to be quiet,
for them to fall into the hands of a rapacious
pasha after my departure? What right have I to
upset Kaba Rega, which will be inevitable if I go
94 THE RAPIDS. July,

 

to the Lake; or delude Mtesa into security, to be
eventually swallowed up? All these will bind the
slight wound up well. If I stay, I trust to the
Higher than the Highest to look to the welfare
of those heathen (His inheritance) after I go.
.... The large new steamer at Khartoum, the
‘‘Ismailia,” as I have called her, is nearly finished.
Now that is a good work to have got put together.
She would have lain there a heap of old iron
otherwise.

July 20.—Last night just as I was going to bed
the letters came—sixty or seventy private letters
and a mass of official ones!! Oh dear! I read
till two a.m., and am now answering them.

Two Mires Soutu or Kerri, /uly 31, 7 p.m.—
Started to-day, and got the nuggars through the
Kerri passage; after some delay, we started for
the south, and came on the rapids, which, as I
have before said, I had seen about one-and-a-
half or two miles from Kerri. A heavy storm
came on, and you never saw such wretched
creatures in all your life as those soldiers. First,
we had at least as many as 100 women, children,
and lads belonging to the soldiers; and they and
the soldiers looked—and were—the picture of
misery. I believe three natives would have put
them all to flight. I never in my life had less
confidence in troops than I have in these. They
are the most wretched creatures I ever saw.
Well, we halted, and the excitement of waking up
their torpidity has made me feel quite well again.
.... I shall be very glad when I have done
with these wretched scarecrows. I declare it is
very unsafe—much more dangerous than even I
could have expected.
1875.] PRAYING THE NUGGARS UP. 95

 

August 3.—A day of agony to me. We have
got three nuggars through the Googi Rapids, as
they are called; and such anxiety—it was really
quite painful—ropes breaking, and nuggars going
down a six-knot current. I am really quite
exhausted—more mentally than physically. It
has, indeed, been a fearful day. In one place
the current came down from both sides of a mass
of rocks ; besides which, the channel curved, and
the force was terrific. It tore the mast right out
of one nuggar. . 6% You can imagine what a
current there is: a small boat broke loose, and it
was nearly four miles down the stream before it
was Secured. ss = s I have every reason to be
thankful, for the Kookoo Hill looms nearer and
nearer; and there, in all probability, my labour
ends. Also, I have only some ten or twelve
miles more of the Bari tribe, who, though they
give me great help, are not so easy to manage as
the Madi tribe, who are much more quiet. It is,
indeed, a blessing to get along without fighting
one’s way. To-morrow will let me see a long
strip of river to the south, for it is now turning to
the east. One nuggar nearly sank. It is the
violent eddies which are so terrible. The slightest
faltering in the haulers would be fatal. We have
about 60 or 80 black-satin-skinned natives hauling
on each boat. Your brother prays the nuggars
up as he used to do the troops when they wavered
in the breaches in China; but often and often the
ropes break, and it has all to be done over again.
However, I feel sure that we shall have fully
made known to us the mystery of these matters.
Sometimes I think I am punished for some arbi-
trary act I have been guilty of, for the soldiers
96 THE MAGICIANS. [August,

 

have tried me sorely. I do not feel that I ever
could do any more work after this command. It
certainly takes the edge off one, and adds to one’s
age. 8 a.5 We got on a good way to-day—some
eight or ten miles, coming across two bad places
only. The natives are civil enough, but very
shy of us at first. Where we are exactly is a
mystery, for it is impossible to get any infor-
mation from the natives, who cannot count.
You have to ask any question about distance
thus: “If you start when the sun is there
(pointing to the east), when would you get to
this or that place?” The native will point out a
place in the heavens, from which you may guess
the number of hours it would take... .. I foresee
that I shall not manage to get the steamer up
this year. There are four things to contend with:
first, the natural difficulties of the river; second,
the march through shy and unknown tribes, who
have never seen a foreigner; third, a useless, un-
trustworthy set of soldiers and officers encumbered
with women—there are 120 women and children
to 108 soldiers; fourth, want of good ropes to
haul the nuggars.

August §—The Coojoors or magicians are a
queer set. One was standing in the water and
striking it to enable the nuggars to pass, and
giving it the most energetic address. The
steamer ‘‘ Khedive” came up the Bedden Rapids
easily under steam and with some hauling on
ropes attached to her; so she may now be con-
sidered up to Kerri, for there is nothing to stop
her from getting up there in time. Somehow or
another I am not so elated at our hitherto success,

as I thought I should be. The anxiety has killed
1875.] WRECKS. 97

 

any enthusiasm in me. I never have had a more
anxious time.

August zo.—A real disaster after all our labour.
We had got over the difficult parts and had an
open river ahead, where we have come to grief.
It appears yesterday that one of the nuggars,
through the stupidity of the Reis,* broke loose,
and floating down got into the middle of the
Rapids, and in such a position that no one could
get at her. In my absence they sent down the
felucca, and she got staved in on the rocks and
sank. Next they sent down another nuggar, and
she is now in the middle of the river, hard and
fast on the rock. I do not, though we have been
trying all day, see a chance of getting either of
the nuggars off. As for the felucca, it has dis-
appeared entirely. This is a sad catastrophe. It
obliges me to make a station here, and, as the two
vagrant nuggars have all the tow-ropes, I cannot
move south till I get other ropes. It is trying
after having got over so many difficulties to have
this occurring.

August r1.—To-day the nuggar which went to
the assistance of her consort got off. The natives
are not behaving well, and will have to be “taxed”
unless they behave better.

August 14.—The natives evidently, on August
12, meant mischief, but our long-range rifles made
them think differently. They came down close
to my camp, creeping along the grass. Now they
appear to have quite given up the idea. They
had no excuse, for I had given them beads and
meat, and treated them very well indeed. For
years they have had things all their own way.

* Captain.—Eb.
H
98 NATIVES NEVER COMBINE. [August,

 

They knew the caravans could not stop to chastise
them, and so they took advantage of it. Now
they see we are here for good, and are rather
horrified at our arrival. They are far too jealous
of one another to combine their forces against us.
In all probability we shall have no more trouble
up to the Asua River. Very little does to convince
them of the futility of their resistance. The
burning of one hut is enough. No explanation
appears of any avail. I told them beforehand
“help us on our way, and we will leave you un-
touched, and even reward you.” But no, not a bit
would they stir. They are a queer set and have
little fear; one day they will be hostile, and the
next will come fearlessly down to your camp.
Lazort, August rg.—Since I closed my letter
the three recalcitrant sheikhs* have come in, and
said how very sorry they are that they have been
naughty ; so we are all now friends again, and
they will not have the cow-tax levied on them. [|
am very glad of it, for it was merely ignorance
that actuated them. I am sending off a party to
Makadeé to-morrow to bring me down some ropes,
etc. I expect that it is thirty-five miles distant.
‘ I expect 250 soldiers from Lardo, and a
number of natives from Makadé shortly; then,
as Grant says, the two hemispheres will meet—
z.e., my road will be open, and your brother will
be so glad. The natives on this side of the river
cannot very well be hostile, for they are hemmed
in between the mountains to the west, and by the
river to the east, while to the north and south
there are my stations. The distance between the
river and the mountains is about eight miles, and

* The sheikhs of the tribes mentioned in the last letter.—Eb.
1875.] “ALL MEN ARE THE SAME.” 99

 

on the other side of the mountains are unknown
hostile tribes. If I had gone up the proper right
bank [the eastern bank] of the river, | should
have had much more trouble, for there the Bari
tribes are much deeper and extend for forty to
fifty miles from the river to the east. With the
exception of a few hippopotamuses, you never see
the sign of game here—not even guinea-fowl—and
but very few geese and ducks. The country is
too densely populated. .... The weather is very
good: occasional heavy thunder-storms, but not
oftener than one in two days. The rainy season
had been represented as so terrible here, that I
am much surprised at it. I have a number of
arrowheads which are curiously barbed in all sorts
of forms. Among them is a magic arrow which
is waved in the direction of the enemy and pre-
serves the waver from hostile arrows.

August 16.—The natives are in a great way
because we are going to stay here. The range of
mountains entirely cuts them off from any retire-
ment into the interior. It is curious to think
what tribes are on the other side. All this in-
formation must be found out hereafter. The
common exigencies of one’s life here prevent one’s
occupying oneself with such questions now. If
we accept that these natives have had no com-
munication with the world, there are many things
to be studied among them which would be most
interesting. They would seem to get on well
without any regular laws, and to live out their
span in comparative quiet. I asked a sheikh if
he had ever seen strangers or white people. He
said, ‘Why ask such a question? All men are
the same.” No country presents such a field to a

nw 2
100 THE FLESH-POTS OF EGYPT. [August,

 

philosopher as this country does, with its dense
population quite innocent of the least civilisation.
I should say that they are singularly free from
vice; their wars are generally very harmless
affairs, and seldom cause bloodshed.*

August 17.—1 crossed the river to the right
bank to-day to see if the channel was better on
that side. A hippopotamus put up his head, so
I put a bullet in it, and called the natives, who
were dogging me and my soldiers, to the feast.
However, the strong current swept the animal
down; so we went on and found that another
party of natives had got the corpse. They were
delighted with it, for it feeds at least 200 people
comfortably... « s The natives came down to-
day without fear, and I made one fire the rifle
—holding it for him. Great dismay when it
went off! It is good to show them, by the killing
of the hippopotamus, the power of the weapons ;
and though I know you will feel for the deceased
hippopotamus, you will not be consistent by feeling
for the sheep, whose leg you may eat to-day or
to-morrow. Oh, how I should like a good dinner!
As says, he kept me alive in China by look-
ing aiter my feeding... «4 Those other side
natives have been more or less hostile, and my
soldiers on this side were in a great state of mind
when they heard the shot, thinking that I was
attacked. However, instead of that I made friends
with them, but I fear I have not gained their con-
fidence ; for I see, on my return to camp, that

 

* «They came to Laish, and saw the people that were therein, how
they dwelt careless, after the manner of the Zidonians, quiet and secure ;
and there was no magistrate in the land, that might put them to shame in
any thing; and they were far from the Zidonians, and had no business with
any man.”—/udges xviii. 7.—ED.
1875.] A COURT OF DIVORCE. IOI

 

their women are carrying off their goods further
inland. They are alarmed at seeing that we can
cross the river, . «ss Judging from your letters,
you do not take much interest in the course of
events up in these parts; and I do not blame you,
for though I am much mixed up with them, I am
not entirely wrapped up in them. To sum up the
whole—What is the work? The placing of a
chain of posts along a river, and the hauling-up of
some boats over rocky channels. No very great
interest attaches to it, though it gives me trouble
enough. As for rows, I have not the monopoly
of them; and I dare say you and and ——
have your share of them with your servants, and
are shamefully treated by them—of course, the
narrator always being right. I must say your
black sisters stick up for their rights—slaves or
no slaves. It frequently happens that one of
them comes and stands before me. I know what
is meant. They generally come in a furtive
way in the dusk. I make the sign that some
one has beaten them, and they assent; they are
then sent to my filthy kitchen for the night, and
given refuge. Then they disappear, having found
another husband. When they repeat this very
often—and some have done so three times—I
am obliged to remonstrate with them for their
inconstancy.....

Is it not remarkable that you never find any-
thing like ambition in a native sheikh? They will
readily agree to plunder their neighbour, but never
would think of annexing his tribe totheirs. Things
would be much easier if they did have ambition,
for then you might hope by a strong native hand
to do something towards civilising them. But no,

 
102 CURSING ISRAEL. [August,

 

there they are in tribes of 100 or 300 families,
and I expect have been so for ages.

Great excitement on the other side of the river.
A sheikh in a red shirt is walking about with
some twenty armed men carrying ambatch rafts.
Whether he comes in peace or in war I do not
know ; but the exodus of household chattels still
goes on, and a good many coojoor or magic fires
are also to be seen. It is absurd that all this
excitement should have been caused by my going
over in the small boat. They surely must have
known we could come over, if we brought the
large nuggars up to this. The poor officer in
command was in a dreadful state when he heard
me fire, and thought I was attacked, for he had no
boat to come to my rescue; but I never risk any-
thing in reason—never go near high grass or
dhoora which might conceal natives—and so there
is no fear, for they never come near you in the
GPO. S. g-3u I have a cold in my head—the first
for two years. It is a very rare thing, indeed, to
have one in these lands. Inflammation of the
lungs is quite common, but scarcely ever a cold in
the: Mead 6 -¢ a2 Some little time after writing
this, I saw a collection of natives sitting under a
tree, and I watched them with my telescope.
One at last got up and walked northwards, picking
up some weeds, which he then threw towards our
camp, and waved us off; then he walked south-
wards, and did the same, and waved to the south
as if to wave on some auxiliaries. He kept waving
us off forsome time. It was a magician, evidently
called in to curse Israel. They were distant about
goo yards ; so, just to frighten them, I put a bullet
into the ground fifty yards to their right. They
1875.] SUICIDE OF A CAPTAIN. 103
left off their magic at once, and were evidently
rather astonished at being discovered at it.....
Man is a very fine-looking animal when in a
natural state. The grace with which these natives
walk and run is remarkable; and they look very
grand when in their picturesque groups and satin
skins. Their skin is very fine, and the least cut
seems to raise a heightened scar. The ladies
strut like turkeys with their long tails... .. I
have told my men to keep a sharp look-out to-
night ; for the extremely earnest way in which the
magician waved us off quite impressed me. How-
ever, I scarcely think they will like to cross the
river with its present current. The dead hippopo-
tamus went down the rapids quicker than I could
walk—walking fast.

August 20.—The natives have just been down
at I p.m., and attacked the other station about a
mile from this. I wonder they do not attack this
one. The men do not let them come near enough
to give them the lesson they need. It would be
kindness in the long run to do so. The doctor
has come back. He tells me the cause of the
captain’s suicide.* It appears that he had been
discovered trying to sell six of his soldiers as
slaves. The authorities at Cairo gather all the
runaway slaves, and make soldiers of them. There
are of this sort sent up to me some about fifteen
years of age. The captain quietly chose six
of them to sell at Berber. But the Mudir
found it out; and reporting it to Cairo caused
a great fear in his mind, for the punishment
of this is death. He thought that I knew all

* The Captain had shot himself the morning before when seated in his,
tent.—Ep.
104 AN ATTACK OF THE NATIVES. [August,

 

about it, which I did not. It evidently had much
preyed on his mind, for he imagined every time I
got letters that they were about him. It is odd
that he reported to me (though he knew he had
been found out) that several soldiers had escaped.
I think that they must have been willing to be
sold to avoid military service. Having been slaves
originally, they had found out that military service
was much harder work, and that Cairo as a resi-
dence, even as slaves, was preferable to these
parts. That is the only way I can account for
the matter. The captain was a black himself.

. The natives suffered in their attack to-day,
and I do not think they will trouble us again. It
is odd they do not attack my camp, which is a
mile from the other. There are seventy soldiers
there, and I have only twenty here. I should like
to go down to the steamer, but dare not do so till
the party returns from Makadé; for now with my
telescope I keep a sharp look-out, and do not let
the hostile natives come within 1000 yards of our
station. To guard against an attack in the dark
I have had a number of posts erected, and tele-
graph wires stretched between at a good height,
so as to stop their rush. With the number of
women there are here, it would be very awkward
to have the natives among us.

August 2z.—It appears that the attack was
made by the natives of three tribes, who combined
their forces. It is evident that I cannot go much
further with the few forces that I have, if the
natives continue to be hostile. They know that
I am in the south camp, and think I have the
mass of the troops with me. The torrent beds
are an obstacle, for you have to go some way
1875.] BOWS AND ARROWS. 105

 

inland to get across them, and cannot go along
the river-bank. It is here the natives are dan-
gerous, for they know the exact path you will
come along. These disputes have not arisen from
any action of ours. We gave the natives cows
and dhoora for hauling our boats, and we touched
nothing of theirs. We merely passed through
their country, and they fully understood that we
were different from the Dongolese. If they are
to be put down, it is better I should do it than an
exterminating pasha who would have no mercy.
. . . . I wish the whole of this business was over.
I do not want to hurt these people, but we must
defend ourselves; and unless one gives up the
whole affair, there is no medium between doing
so and punishing them. I wish one could know
the sort of government these tribes have. Yester-
day, immediately after the attack on the other
station, I saw the sheikh of the hostile tribe walk
towards the station. Was the attack made against
his wishes, or, as they say, at his and two other
sheikhs’ instigation ?

Lvening.—I| was just going to write you a line,
and to express a hope that the natives would let
us be quiet, when I heard one of those black
women squawking (there is no other name for it).
A native had fired an arrow into her tent, so I
fired the duck gun into the dhoora in which he
was concealed. It is unfortunate, for it shows
that they are not cowed by yesterday’s defeat.
Fortunately, in an hour we have the moon; and
to-morrow certainly the Makadé party should be
here, and I shall then tax the hostile natives.
People laugh at bows and arrows, but at night
they are very disagreeable ; for you have no idea
106 NEWS OF MR. STANLEY. [August,

 

whence they come. With a musket you can see
the flash and fire in its direction; against arrows
you have no such advantage. I do not like cut-
ting down dhoora, but I fear I must do it, for
there is a patch much too near to us to be healthy.

August 22, 10 a.m.—Passed a quiet night, and
felt rather vexed, ten minutes ago, to see two
natives come down and walk towards the station.
Thinking they were coming in, I took little notice
of them; but suddenly off they turned into the
dhoora, and evidently had come down to recon-
noitre. However, a few minutes afterwards, the
head of the Makadé party came in sight, and now
they are close at hand. Now for the taxing.....

Lvening.—Linant came down with the party ;
and as he wishes to stay, and his father says he
has no objection, I have agreed. The following
are the items of news. We are forty miles from
Makadé; and the river, though there are rapids,
still gives hopes that we shall be able to get up
the vessels. Linant went to Mtesa, and met
Stanley there, who had arrived eight days before.
He came from the south of the Lake Victoria,
coasting in his boat the eastern bank, and arrived
at the northern end of the lake near Mtesa’s. It
was in April when the two met.

Near Lasoré, AT STATION NOW TO BE CALLED
Moocigz, August 28.—On August 20, hearing the
steamer was at a point on the east or right bank
some way down the river, I crossed over to that
bank, and walked down with one soldier and the
small boat (as I have told you in a former letter).
But not meeting the steamer, I sent her orders to
come up the east passage. When once there she
could not, on account of a long isle, communicate
1875.] DARING OF THE NATIVES. 107

 

with the west or left bank. On the 24th, thinking
the steamer might have entered the east channel,
I passed over thirty men from my station to the
east bank. The natives, however, the moment
the men crossed, beat their drums, and in great
numbers came down on the soldiers, who lay in
the grass opposite the station. I hastened to
cross over in the little boat. The moment they
saw me coming, down they rushed on the soldiers,
but were soon repulsed. After this I spoke by
an interpreter to them, but they refused to have
anything to say to us. They knew I was the
chief on account of my umbrella. We passed
on thence to some little rocky hills, where they
again attempted to surround us. I let them come
quite close, and then drove them back, and re-
turned home. In this last attack they showed
(at least, some of them did) great courage. They
came up to me, creeping on their stomachs, to
within ninety yards, in spite of a shower of
bullets. When they see the soldier loading, they
run a bit; and when they see him ready to fire,
they are on their stomachs quite flat, and very
difficult to hit. Double-barrelled guns with slugs
are better than bullets against them. Linant had
been with me this day (August 24). On the
25th, not feeling sure about the steamer, I walked
down to the point where she was said to be by
the west or left bank. Linant was not with me,
but was writing his letters. That evening he said
that, if I had no objection, he would go over to
the east bank and burn the houses of the hostile
natives. As I feared they might attack the
steamer, and that, if worried, they would let it
alone, I assented, and sent thirty-six soldiers, two
108 DEFEAT OF THE TROOPS. [August,

 

officers, and three irregular soldiers, with two
boxes of ammunition. Each man had thirty
rounds in his pouch. About 8 a.m. they started,
and I heard a few shots now and then. About
noon they were on the hills; and I saw Linant,
in a red shirt which I had given him, on the hill.
The men and he seemed quite at home. It is
not more than 134 mile from the station. They
stayed there till 2 p.m. and then I did not
see them on the hill. At 4.30 p.m. I went for
a walk, and was called back by hearing them fire
the gun at my station. When I got my glass |
saw about thirty or forty natives running down to
the eastern bank of the river just below the rocky
hills. I thought it was nothing, but that they had
rushed down to see the steamer. I sat down with
my glass and watched them retire, which they did,
while, having the range, I began to drop bullets
near them. To my horror, ten minutes after-
wards I saw a man, clothed, walking without his
musket on the opposite bank, and I sent a boat

for him. The man came. ‘Where is your
rifle?” ‘The natives have got it.” ‘Why did
you separate from the rest?” “They are all

killed.” ‘‘How?” “They had finished their
ammunition.” At this time at my station I had
only thirty men, and there were thirty men at the
Station Moogie, while there was that steamer, I
thought, with ninety men in the east channel, with
no means for me to communicate with her. Now,
ninety men are something, if well led and in good
discipline ; but officers and men are utterly bad,
and I could see my thirty faithfuls were thoroughly
frightened. It was now six in the evening. We
were not fortified, so I determined to move down
1875.] A RETREAT. 109

 

to the other station during the night. Little by
little the things were put in the boats. Then I
sent the little boat to warn the other station, and
then sent off that abominable crowd of women
and children and servants. Of course, with them
wanted to go their blessed husbands, who, I might
be sure, would not return, once in the other station.
At last I started the herd with the cows, and they
got down all right, and some of the men came
back to me. We had two ropes among these
nuggars. If a nuggar slipped, down it would go
with the current to the rapids. However, we
found these ropes at last, and started. I went
inland with ten soldiers to cover the flank. I
could not follow the river on account of two
streams. When I crossed the first stream I went
down some way to meet the nuggars, which,
having to traverse less space, ought to have gone
quicker than we, who had to make a détour. I
hit the river, and found one nuggar—the others
were behind. I went to the others (remember,
the mass of the nuggars’ crews were with the
steamer). One had sprung a leak 100 yards from
the station I had quitted, and there they were
discharging the cargo on the bank. Yet I had
had these nuggars thoroughly repaired, according
to the report of their captains, by two workmen
expressly here for the purpose. Now, this was
nice; for if dawn found us here stranded, and the
natives came down, as one had every reason to
suppose they might, not one would stay with me.
I had in all only twenty. Well, the discharging
of the nuggar went on, and during it a soldier
occupied himself with discharging his full-cocked
rifle close to my head (for which I gave him a
110 A SUNKEN NUGGAR. [August,

 

box on the ear he has not yet forgotten). When
the nuggar was nearly empty, the water rushed in
over the side and filled it. Now the other nuggar
was south of it, and could not pass, the sailors
said, till daylight enabled them to see. So there
we must wait till daylight, with the heap of
baggage on the bank, and a sunken nuggar, and a
full nuggar which could not pass. Now, the bulk
of this baggage was the soldiers’ baggage; so |
said to ten of the twenty, ‘You can take your
baggage to the Station Moogie, and come back,
and tell your comrades to come for theirs.” Off
they went, and back came a number of women,
and the bulk of the baggage went down. I then
sent on the nuggar which had started first, and
ordered her to be emptied and to come back to
me to take down the other things. After waiting
till dawn I saw this nuggar stopped; for the
passage of the river had been barred by the other,
which I had managed at dawn to get past the
wreck. Down I had to go, and at last managed
to get up this nuggar to embark the débrzs, and to
complete my retreat by 9 a.m. without an attack
from the natives. They left us quiet. One came
down and shouted out, and then said, ‘‘ Ha ha
ta ta a,” as much as to say, “ You got more than
you bargained for.” So I made him see that the
top of a rock 500 yards distant was not a healthy
place to stand on for an address, and so departed.
Well, when I got to Moogie Station a débris
of the force-—a single soldier of Linant’s party—
was on the long isle, and had to be brought
over. I had also been in fear for the steamer
all night, and thought she was in the east channel,
which I could only communicate with by going
1875.] DEATH OF MR. LINANT. Ill

 

to the long isle. Tired and worn as the poor
soldier was, I was too tired to go over for an hour,
after which I started with one soldier, got across
all right, and took the man in.

I then mounted the isle and looked for the
steamer. To my joy, though it was against my
orders, I found she had gone over to the other
(the western) side from the east bank where I
had left her. I returned to the station, and found
that four men of Linant’s party had escaped.
They had let themselves be surrounded, had used
their ammunition (so they say), and then the
natives rushed in. Linant, who was dressed in
a red shirt, was killed by two lance wounds, one
in the neck and one in the back. It appears
they carried the ammunition some way from the
nuggar, after they crossed, but sent it back after-
wards. I hope this story of no ammunition is the
true cause of the affair, for the natives have taken
thirty-three Sniders and Remingtons. Without
ammunition they will not be useful. The men
are all cowed; for the same tribe killed twenty-
eight men and one officer of Saib Agha’s in 1872.
From inquiries made since, it appears that I ran
a very great risk the first day: my men were all
ready to run. I wanted to go for the dead bodies,
but I could see fear in all faces, unless we went
in great numbers. The natives are brave fellows;
they know that our soldiers cannot hit them in
most cases when they fire, and so in they rush, and
then it is over. I have written to Linant’s father;
it is terrible for him to lose two sons here. I
am not to blame, for Linant was the first to pro-
pose accompanying my men, and he had, by his
own account, defeated thousands while on his way
II2 NO DISCIPLINE AT ALL. [August,

 

back from Mtesa. The wretched black soldier
is not a match for a native with spear and bow;
the soldier cannot shoot, and is at the native’s
mercy, if the native knew it. Now these natives
do know it, and the consequences are natural
sequences.

All this does not stop my finishing the chain of
posts between Lardo and Makadé. I have only
one more to construct, but it will delay my taking
up the steamer, for the simple reason that I
cannot be in two places at once. What am I
to do about the Moogies? If I leave them quiet
they will leave me; but the Khedive will expect
me to avenge this defeat and the previous one.
Now, I say that the weapon with which I have
to do so is one in which I have no confidence,
and that the natives are superior to me. Well, I
think, wretched as the life will be, fatiguing to a
degree, I must put a station on the other side of
the river, and train my men to fight the natives.
The worst of this is, the way it ties me to one
place, the uncongeniality of the work, and the
fact that 1 may ¢vazn the natives by my training
my soldiers. It is a difficult question which God
will solve... .. I have written to the Khedive,
and feel sure he will be vicious with me about my
letter; for I have said plainly my mind—that his
officers and men are so wretched, they are not a
match for the natives; there is no discipline at
all. One of the men slept at his post on the
night of August 25-26; he was caught, and then
he beat both sergeant and corporal; yet he was
not made a prisoner of, but sent with the party,
and was killed by the lance, instead of being shot,
as he would have been if he had been found
1875.] THE CHINESE WAR. I13

 

guilty. It is absolutely necessary to stop this
sort of thing, and I object entirely to conduct
operations with a mob of wretched, undisciplined
soldiers, women, and children. I do not see why
I should, and though it is not the Khedive’s fault,
he ought to take my advice, and send up a fit
officer to put discipline into these men.... . I
shall have a great many troops here soon, but I
shall take great care. I expect the only way to
conquer these natives is to attack them at dawn
by night marches—in fact, the Razzia mode of
action. They then cannot assemble their numbers
so quickly, and it is a sauve gui peut ; while open
fighting, if they have got their wives and cows
away, is no trouble to them. The natives fear
long range shots very much. You will not now
see one of them nearer than 1,500 yards all
round you—thanks to some one’s exertions.
Before, we used to have them congregate close
to us; both attacks on the station were made by
these watchers, so it was quite necessary to keep
them a good way off.

Mooctr, August 29.—There is generally a
mode of action against any particular enemy
which gives you victory, if you can grasp the
secret. Against us, no doubt, with our defective
organisation, the best thing would be to force us
into frequent changes of position, so as to con-
fuse our administration and tire us out before
coming to close quarters. Against the Chinese, I
never succeeded as long as they had their retreat
secure. Hope Grant, in China, did not cut off
their retreat at Taku—he only surrounded the
North Forts; in consequence, he lost 200 killed
and wounded, and the French about the same

I
II4 A WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. [August,

 

from gingals and arrows, not artillery, for the
Chinese artillery faced the sea. Hope Grant says
he did not surround them for humanity’s sake; he
had to fight them again, however, at Chang-
tsia-wan. Now, the natives on the other side
have found out our weak point, viz., our not
being good shots, and they know by two former
experiences, that in attacking us the chances are
in favour of their not being hit through our
weakness. I have 200 men ez vouce armed with
muzzle-loaders, and with slug cartridges. I hope
they will answer better. Linant, I feel sure, fell
a victim to the red shirt. It was a new one and
very brilliant; the natives thought, “Here is a
prize worth trying for,” and my belief is that the
affair was not the result of want of ammunition,
but that our men were separated in pursuit, some
natives rushed on Linant, whom they killed, and
then there was a sauve gui peut. They never
fired 1,200 or 1,300 cartridges away—one man
owns that he had four or five cartridges left. It
appears also that the trumpeter was killed—one
of the first—so that there was no means of
getting the men together. The fall of the Red
Shirt must have given great courage to the
Natives: 2 oss We derided the poor blacks who
fought for their independence, and now God gave
them the victory. I declare, in spite of the
expressions you may note in my letters, I truly
sympathize with them. They say, ‘““We do not
want your cloth and beads; you go your way, and
we will go ours; we do not want to see your
chief.” This they have said over and over again,
but we cannot leave them on our flank, and it is

indispensable that they shall be subjected. They
1875.] KING MTESA. 115

 

have said, ‘‘ This land is ours, and you shall not
have it, neither its bread nor its flocks.” Poor
fellows! You will say I am most inconsistent,
and so I am, and so are you. We are dead
against our words when it comes to action; we
will, at morning prayers, pray “forgive as we
forgive,” and then hurry over breakfast to carry
on a squabble of the day before. .... Just this
moment I see four sheep upon our long island
where I was to-day. I expect the poor inhabi-
tants want peace, and (p.v.) I will go and re
assure them to-morrow. It is such a fine island,
about three miles long, and with such fine trees.
A station there would command all the country.
My new soldiers look very well, and are in good
SPIES. ye

Linant told me that Mtesa sits on a chair
placed on a leopard’s skin; on each hind claw he
places a foot, and the tail is in front. His prin-
cipal idea is to keep in exactly the same position,
for it is ““coojoor”—magic. In front of him is a
large tusk and a heap of charms; on his left sits
the Grand Vizier, and next to him Ramadan, the
writer Baker sent with the musical box* after the
Masindi affair, and who escaped to Mtesa. Mtesa
is always arranging the creases in his clothes;
the Grand Vizier will stroke down one crease on
one leg of his trowsers, and Ramadan will do the
same to the other. Linant said he is consump-
tive and broken in constitution. Ten or twelve
executions daily take place ; it is as well I did not
send the Mussulman priests there, for he might
have killed them. The Khedive, who was quite
charmed with Long’s account of Mtesa, is sending

* Ismailia, Vol. 11., p. 312.
y 2
116 PINCHBECK HONOURS. [August,

 

up a gorgeous carriage for him, which I do not
think he will ever get from me. Long only saw
him once. .... The Mudir of Fatiko came in
yesterday, and I have now close on 500 men
here. He was so glad to have the road open;
for four years he had been cut off from the world.
It is quite a new life for him. I am now sparing
myself a little—the objection my liver has to wet
feet is a warning to me, and though it retards my
affairs, I] am not strong enough to combat him
FUSE Webs so aa Now do not be angry with your
brother, but he will not go on the Lake, even if
he gets the steamer up. He will send an Arab to
see if any large river enters at the south end of
it. Neither will he, if he lives, go on the Victoria
Lake to explore. I do not care for the wretched
pinchbeck honours of this sort, and the Khedive
may send a party up to explore when I have left.

The natives attacked the party coming from
Makadé near this place, and those on the other
side of the river shouted out, “ Kill them all, they
are only a few!” They little know the storm
brewing, in all probability to break on them. I
have a number of Niam Niam soldiers, and, as
they are well up to their arms, they will carry
spears as well. I shall also make the other
soldiers do the same. The bayonet in these
people’s hands is of no use against a cutting spear
with a blade two feet long. The Niam Niam
warriors are fearful objects: they do look very
fierce. They are thick-set sturdy fellows, and they
look brave and fearless. I declare it is rather a
trial to me to set them on the satin-skinned Baris,
but these latter will not leave me alone.

I see two round things with my glass on a pole
1875.] “VICTORY IS OF THE LORD.” 1ry

 

eight hundred yards off, across the river, near
where the stampede took place. I do not know
what they are. I think they are heads of my
men. I do not say so, but I understand that the
natives cut off the heads and bury the bodies for
fear of the spirits, and put the heads on poles.
Did I not mention the incantations made against
us by the magicians on the other side, and how
somehow, from the earnestness that they made
them with, I had some thought of misgiving on
account of them? It was odd this repulse was
so soon to follow. These prayers were earnest
prayers for celestial aid, in which the Prayer knew
he would need help from some unknown Power
to avert a danger. That the native knows not
the true God is true, but God knows him, and
moved him to pray and answered his prayer.
‘“The horse is prepared for the day of battle,
but victory is of the Lord.” .... I received on
September 2 papers of London of the date of
July 2. This is quick, for Moogie is some way
from Gondokoro. It will be quite possible, 7
hope, to have letters between Albert Lake and
England in two months. It is odd why I write
any future hopes. I feel compelled to say either
‘“‘T hope” or “I trust”—is it the presage of evil
or what, or is it my liver? It is, however, all
written, and is only unrolling. I am quite in-
dependent of the Khedive for money, and have
heaps of stores of all sorts, ammunition, etc. In
fact, I am semi-independent. In a year he has
had £48,000 from the province, and I have spent
say £20,000 at the outside, and have £60,000
worth of ivory here.

Mooaie, September 7.—The Niam Niam came
118 INDEPENDENT OF KHARTOUM. [September,

 

on me to-day, and rushed about with fury. They
are the fiercest of the Megroine tribes I have
seen. You never see the natives of these parts
in England; they have only one marked peculiarity
to show their affinity to the ‘“‘ Nigger” we see in
Europe, viz., the crisp, detached hair. Their
features are as well cut as our own: perhaps the
lips of some are more protruding, but nothing like
those of the West Coast African.

September §.—To-night the taxing is to begin
on this side, in two columns. I am not going
with them, as they have plenty of troops... ..
I have now entirely separated my province from
that of the Soudan. When I came up I had
instructions to ask for all I wanted from the
Governor-General of Khartoum, who was ordered
to supply me. Now this was from the first a
fruitful source of quarrel, and must have been
so, for I could not be continually writing to the
Khedive about the non-supply of things and
money; it would have worn me and every one
out. Now I am quite independent, raise my
own revenue and administer it, and send the
residue to Cairo, which residue is all they care
for theresa 5%

It is odd and worthy of study—the limits of
perfect nudeness and of full clothing. The tribes
on the Nile to the Albert Lake are perfectly nude;
then comes a region of apologies for dress, and
then come full-dressed tribes. This is another
curious feature about the Nile: the natives have
not the least idea of indelicacy in being naked,
but they are very clean in person, and in their
habits and demeanour. To be naked, after the
Scriptures, is to be in a state of sin.
1875.] THE TAX-GATHERERS. IIg

 

September 9.—The tax-gatherers are out, and
there is an immense amount of excitement among
the natives on the other side. Six or seven
hundred are collected on the hill-tops. .... The
natives are black on the opposite hill, all standing
looking on; we cannot see what the tax-gatherers
are dome, «a1 « 10 a.m.—The taxes are in sight.
There is great excitement in the camp about it.
The natives on the hill on the other side have all
disappeared ex masse. .... The results of the
expedition are not great—200 cows and 1,500
sheep. The natives did not know of the expe-
dition and were taken by surprise. The country
was very difficult—Bamboos, with very narrow
paths, where you could see nothing before you.
This makes it dangerous work, unless with
native allies, and we had none with our parties.
The daughter of the sheikh was taken; I
have now sent to him to say if he will submit
I will leave him alone, and that he is to come
for his daughter. I hope sincerely to make
friends with him, and end this miserable work,
fot 1615 just that. .. + + I am so glad to say that
in Nuehr Agha, who has come from Fatiko, I
have found a truly good officer: he is really
such, and a great help to me. It is a perfect gift
to have him here, and I believe now I may dze,
for he does take such a deal of work off my hands.
I was literally the slave of the province before,
and I could not have long stood it. Linant said,
when I asked him, that I looked ten years older
than I did when he left me in January.

September ro.—No news of the embassy sent
yesterday night to the natives. The natives on
the other side seem to have completely vacated
120 “CURSE ME THIS PEOPLE.” [September,

 

their land near the river; for miles you do not see
one. When the rain ceases they will not get
water for their cattle in the upper lands, and will
be forced to submit. I wish they would do so
now, and save me any more of these wars, or
rather miserable cattle-raids: but it is no use
wishing—you must take their cows, otherwise
they will never give in. A native shouted to one
of my officers “‘ Now if you take these cows I am
a woman; if you do not, you are a woman!” Not
complimentary to the sex! The officer took
them, but the history goes no further. It is now
night, but the woman I sent beautifully dressed-
up, belonging to the tribe on the other side who
attacked us, and whom we taxed, has not come
jo To-day on a bare rock a mile off
stood a man with two attendants. He held his
hands clasped together at the back of his head, and
turned to all quarters, putting them down some-
times straight to his sides. I watched him with my
glass. ‘Come, curse me this people; for they are
too mighty for me!”* I can quite enter into these
poor people’s misery at their impotency. ‘“ We
do not want beads; we do not want to see the
Pasha;” (IJ am sure I do not want to see them!)
““we want our own lands, and you to go away.”
Their poor minds never conceived such a trial as
this before. Rain was their only care before, now
ctutlisation (?) is to begin with them; they are to
be brought into the family of nations. No joint
operation can take place among them against us,
for they are at feud one with another; and when
Tom is in trouble, Harry falls on him.

September rz.—There are a great number of

* Numbers xxii. 6.—Eb.
1875.] BALAAM AND BALAK. I2I

 

natives on Balak’s hill to-day. I expect Balaam
has gone on to another one. No! Balaam is
there, with his hands up in the same position ; the
Kings and Princes of Midian are sitting like apes
behind him. ....

Fancy my horror at hearing to-day that the
officer left in charge at Kerri had, while the taxes
were being collected, allowed some hundreds of
armed natives to enter the station. I fined him
three months’ pay (412) and reduced him to the
ranks. The natives had sent in a great supply of
merissa* and the men were half-drunk. These
are the sort of officers I have.

Mooctg, September 13.—I had hoped to have
moved off the day after to-morrow, but God
willed it otherwise. At the station there are some
bad rapids; the pilot said “ Let the steamer fall a
bit.” The soldiers did so, and lost hold ‘of her,
and the current struck her bow and sent her
broadside on two rocks, whence to pull her
straight will take me some days.

September r4.—Balak has succeeded in his
desire that all shall go against us. We are
going to leave the steamer here, and move on the
day after to-morrow. .... The query is, What
is to be done with this fixed steamer? If I stay
here and work at her, I shall lose the high water
for my nuggars, and perhaps not get her off. The
main things are the subjection of the natives, and
the completion of the posts, and so everything
will give way to them. Imagine, last night I
told the pilots and the captain of the steamer to
think over what was to be done to get her off;

 

* « A kind of beer made from maize or millet.” —-PETHERICK’s Egyft,
p. 119,—Eb.
I22 STEAMER ON THE ROCKS. [ September,

 

when the soldiers came down to work, they shouted
out to the officer, “There are the ropes and the
river: work away!” Dear fellows! how I love
them! Difficulties make my spirits rise, and I feel
quite lively over my innumerable troubles. There
is no comparison between the difficulties I have
had here, and those I had in China. These are
infinitely greater and more wearisome. The
steamer is a melancholy sight, but she is safe
from harm. Balak and Balaam, who see it from
afar, must be delighted. .... I sent down to
Lardo to order up a party of 300 men who had
come in from Makraka. The officer let them go
away to their homes, the vakeel or lieutenant
not wishing to come up. __I have fined the officer
410 and the vakeel £30, so I make some
economies. .... The steamer has been moved
a bit this evening, but it is still athwart the
stream.

This country would cure a man of ambition, I
think, and make him content with his lot; the
intense heat, and utter stagnation, except you
have some disagreeable incident like this steamer
accident, would tame the most enthusiastic. I
knew when I took it I should have a dose of
it. A thin miserable tent under which you sit,
with the. perspiration pouring off you, and through
which the rain pours. My dear you would
never feel dissatisfied again, if you had a month
of this life. I go to bed at 7.30 p.m., and wish it
was to sleep.

September 15.—The two or three hostile chiefs
of this side have come in this morning, and now I
have, I believe, only one hostile tribe on this the
left bank of the Nile betweén us and Makadeé.

 
1875.] MAGIC CHARMS. 123

 

L-vening.—We got the big blocks up this after-
noon; and (p.v.) will get the steamer off to-
morrow morning. When we were hauling on the
ropes at a critical moment, the Mudir of the station
sends an interpreter to me to complain of Balaam
on the other side, who, he said, lit a fire every time
we were in a crisis, and he wanted to fire on him.
I said, ‘ Fire away; but a Mussulman ought not
to notice such things,—and Balaam, after he lights
the fire, does not sit by it like an owl, we may be
quite sure.” Last night he wanted to fire the
cannon at another incendiary. I never saw
such people. Not but what I do believe that
God may listen to the cries for help from the
heathen, who know him not.

September r6.—Another fear has arisen. I
fear that my new troops will escape or desert, if
too hardly worked, so I am going to make my
station at Laboré before taking on the heavier
craft. The whole affair is like walking on rotten
ice ; you know not when a break may occur.
Two of these soldiers ran off the other night with
their arms and clothing..... Another tribe
close here to the south shows hostility—they are
to be taxed to-night. Do you know that the
natives let a cow loose on the isle opposite to us,
as a coojoor, or magic charm, against us? This
was the night before the Linant catastrophe. ... .
Failed again this evening with the steamer, by
the strap of a block giving way. The great
difficulty is to explain what you want done ina
technical matter, and where your interpreter is a
doctor, and the men are quite unaccustomed to
anything like this work, it is tenfold more difficult.
Imagine having to have “Ease off gently”
I24 SENTRIES ASLEEP. [ September,

 

translated into Arabic, and then into Makraka
before you can get it done in a crisis—before it
is in Arabic the mischief is done.

September r7.—Last night I sat up till mid-
night. It was a fine night, with a full moon. I
went out, and there were the sentries sitting
down, more or less asleep. After ten minutes I
got the officer of the guard. I supposed the 300
men had gone off on the taxing excursion, and
that I had only forty men here ; and that, therefore,
it was necessary to be on the alert. After I had
made a fuss, I went to bed; and, after dressing at
6 a.m., looked out, and saw the taxing-party just
starting. They had overslept themselves, so I
called them back, and it is to come off to-night.
.... On Balak’s hill there is a small hut, with
a pole in the centre. On the pole there is a round
thing, and a streamer from it. What is it? Is
it a head? It has been there some days—no
one ever goes near it; they stay on the top of
the hill.

September z8.—The men started at 2 a.m.
Some hundreds of natives are on the land in front
of us, going through the most violent exertion in
war dances. Three rush out of the mass with
spears ready for thrusting—they are followed by
two; the first fall back and join the two; then
follows a general advance—retreat, and advance.
Then more join them. It is very magnificent,
but will scarcely satisfy the chief who is being
attacked just now, and to whom these tribes have
sworn faithful alliance and help in need... ..
The party have come back with no cows, but with
a heap of things used by the natives. The
natives got news of their visit, and took the cows
1875.] A PATRIOT. 125

 

off. Practically, the expedition is a failure. They
lay the fault on a sheikh who undertook to guide
them; but I shall let that sheikh go, for if he did
mislead them, he is a brave, patriotic man. ....
I let the sheikh go. Poor fellow !—they had tied
his hands so tight that they were quite swollen.
How I hate this country, and all the work! |
start to-morrow for Laboré—seven and _ a-half
hours from here.

EN rouTeE FROM Moocie To Lasort, Sef-
tember 21.—We only came four miles to-day, and
have camped. I will now give you an inflic-
tion. J want to explain the wear and tear one
has to undergo personally with the boats. We
come to a rapid, and the boatmen are non-
plussed. Now comes my work. I have to get
explained to them what I wish to be done, and to
force them to acquiesce, and then to watch the
execution of the work. I put a man on isle K,*
and pass a rope to boat G, pull her over to still
water C, near isle N, and then through and across
the current to still water or back-water at B, then
haul on rope O, and bring her across. It is not
anything difficult, but such is the perverseness of
these people that they pulled the first boat across
from her position G to B, and caught the meeting of
the waters; she nearly filled, and nearly sank. You
may think this is a trifle; but it is no trifle to sit
watching and supervising these operations for hours,
in a broiling sun, with a number of lazy, shirking
soldiers, who move as if it were a funeral, and
who hide in the grass whenever they can. Oh,
my goodness! I do heartily wish it was over. You
may say, “After showing one boat the way, why

* As shown in a sketch in the letter. —Eb.
126 “EVERYTHING IS ROTTEN.” [ September,

 

not leave them to finish it?” Because if I went,
all would go away ; or else, out of sheer perverse-
ness, they would sink the boats. Then, again,
everything is rotten. Away goes the rudder at
the moment of a crisis, or they have tied an im-
portant cord with a rotten old rope. Then the
men, unless you fly on them, will sit down, and
watch with calmness the eyes starting out of the
heads of some others who are hauling with all
their force on a rope, without ever thinking of
helping them. Without any reserve, I could at
this minute pack up and go back, if shame did not
prevent me. Ihave now quite made up my mind
—God willing—to make these stations, and wed/
equip them; to quell the hostile tribes in the
vicinity of them; to place, next March, when the
river rises, the steamer and six or eight nuggars
above the cataracts; to quell, I hope, in Decem-
ber, Kaba Rega, and then to place posts along
the Victoria Nile at Magungo, Anfina (Foweira
already exists), Mrooli, and on Lake Victoria; to
construct or acquire a flotilla for the Victoria Nile,
where navigable; and to put the small steamer
together on the Victoria Lake. Not to go on the
Lakes at all; but, as soon as that programme is
completed, to leave them altogether... . . Iam
thoroughly disgusted. These people are unfit
to acquire the country. However, I have one
consolation ; they are a great deal too timid and
apathetic ever to do the numerous nations much
harm, and so I do not feel any compunction in
opening the route. Some pasha will come: he
will be a grand man, will neglect the stations, lose
them, perhaps—and the whole affair will die out,
unless they send another foreigner, which they
1875.] THE WORTHLESS ARABS. 127

 

may do. I hope he will have more patience than
your brother. As for the Arabs, with one excep-
tion, they are lazy, effeminate, shirking, and only
seeking a hole to hide in. As for the Soudanese
they are idle, only thinking of their own comfort,
and shirking. It kills one only to see how they
move at the orders of their officers. The boat-
men are good enough in water; but if there is
a repair to their boat needed, or a rudder out of
order, they will leave it, and only tell you when
they start. Everything rots in this country quick
enough, but they make it rot quicker, and will
leave a good rope all of a tangle, and sodding in
the bilge water of their boats. Oh, dear! what a
people to slave for! They never have a knife,
nor a hammer, nor a bit of yarn, nor anything of
the sort; they have not the least idea of prevent-
ing a rope running out too rapidly—in fact, you
have, as it were, in zwar to teach your men the
rudiments of dre.

September 22.—Halted the caravan, and recon-
noitred for a place for the station. Went about
eight miles, and fixed on a hill. The natives
friendly. I will make the station here, and after
things are more quiet abolish the station of Moogie.
I find I am some fifteen or sixteen miles from the
Asua; and so I have put a temporary station at
that river. No one knows a bit about the country,
though they have been over it many times. They
do not know one hill from another, and it is use-
less asking them.

Lasoré—the true one at last !—September 24.—
We started to-day, and got here all right... ..
Now, how far are we from the Asua? I think
fifteen miles. No one knows: the most knowing
128 ‘“‘4 FEEBLE FOLK.” [ September,

 

say forty-five miles to Duffli the first day, and
thirty-three from Duffli the next. What is twelve
miles more or less? They look as if to say,
‘How very absurd to ask such questions!”’. .
The Khedive’s people are incapable of civilising
these natives, and may generally be described as
‘“‘conies ”—a feeble race.* One Arab lieutenant
came up to Moogie, and you never saw such a
pitiable sight. He was muffled up like his veiled
wife, who accompanied him to me, begging and
praying, in the loudest and most pitiable terms, to
be allowed to go back. I threatened him with the
courbatch (whip), and then he left me and went to
the interpreter, kissed his feet, and bothered him
till he came to me for refuge. As the Arab is the
dominant race, and it was not conducive to the
Khedive’s benefit to let a public exhibition (of
which all the camp was witness) go on, I gave
him his way, and sent him down to Khartoum,
saying what I thought of him. ... . It is
wonderful how effeminate these Arabs are... ..
The fact is, these officers have committed some
crime at Cairo, and are sent up here for punish-
ment. They are the most useless set of beings
] ever came Across. . . s « The horde we are is
something fearful. For every roo soldiers there
are 120 women and children, boys, etc.: so 500
soldiers are equal to 1100 souls... .. I sent a
party down to Moogie from here yesterday. To-
day they were delayed three hours between this
place and Moogie, by a tribe that has not
hitherto been “taxed,” so I am going to do so
to-morrow.

September 27.—1 started to-day at 6 a.m., and

* “©The conies are but a feeble folk.” —Proverds xxx. 26.—ED,
1875.] A LINE OF SECURE POSTS. 129

 

reached the tribe at lo a.m. We only took twenty-
five cows, but burnt their houses, and I hope they
will now be quiet. I got back at 3 p.m. very tired,
walking twenty-two miles in this tropical heat.
We saw no natives. To show you how very much
blessed in health I have been, and am, there is not
one of those who have been up with me who could
have made this march (with the exception of ——
and Linant) without being knocked up for a day
or two, and becoming quite unable to do anything
<a eo Pour the Nile down your throat, and it
will not appease your thirst. The immense
amount of perspiration exhausts the body, so that it
is hours, even after drinking ever so much water,
before it re-acquires its balance by absorption.
September 30.—1 walked out to-day south about
seven miles, and found the river good. The
country is very picturesque, and the natives quiet
and well-inclined to us—this is a great comfort.
If any one could have promised me
this arrival here when I was at Lardo in July,
I should have been much elated, but somehow I
am not now. The great worry and trouble I
have gone through has taken the syrup out of
the affair. I feel very grateful, but it is gratitude
for being rid of my troubles, not so much for the
execution of the work. It certainly is a very
comfortable thing that we now have a line of
secure posts, connecting the south with the north
of the province. These posts are all well placed,
and I would not change their positions. Another
great boon is that the river, up to this at any rate,
has been proved to be very fairly navigable at
certain times for large vessels, and all the year
round for small boats. .... Every day shows
K
130 THE RAINY SEASONS. [ October,

 

me the wisdom of the course pursued. The
natives see that the line of posts is a fazt accompli
—that we mean staying, and that they are more
or less at our mercy. At any rate, in the dry
season, they can never remain in hostility with
us ; for any night they might be surprised in their
houses from either the north or the south, and
they cannot escape us, for if they move, their
neighbours will attack them. The comfort, too,
of having water at all moments along the road
good to drink is immense, instead of the stagnant
water on the land route, which the caravans used
to drink,—water which had been months in holes
in the beds of the torrents, exposed to this terrible
heat. Again, now there is no missing the way,
no ignorance of where the parties are; they
will know exactly the day of arrival at each
station. Wood and water abound along the line ;
and I think that the subsistence of the troops
is assured without too great pressure on the
natives. But all this has “taken the shine” out
of your brother; and, if he comes home safe, in
his present state of mind, it is to be hoped that
the Nile, and the natives, etc., will never be
alluded to. I have sent for my horses, and hope
to ride up to Makadé shortly to look at the route ;
and, in a week, to go up there.

Lasore£, October g.—There are two rainy
seasons, one from April to August, and another
from the end of September to I do not yet know
when. We are now in the second rainy season.
They seem to correspond with the Equinoxes,
and also with the change of wind. The winds
change from north to south at the first epoch of
rain, and from south to north in the second epoch of
1875.] “IT IS ALL OVER.” 131

 

rain. It rains principally during the second season
at 3 p.m. The second rainy season has floated
the steamer ‘“ Khedive”; she slipped off the
rocks quite quietly, and yet I had hauled on her
with double purchase with 200 men to no effect.
Certainly it does not seem very long from
August I to September 23 to be engaged in
taking the steamer from Rageef to Moogie, in
establishing my posts, and in bringing up all the
necessary stores; but it was years in time to me,
and has worn me very much. I shall never be
fit for anything again, and shall try to retire if I
live to the end of the work. anxanas in the
upper country may make me feel better, but I
doubt it. I am not fastidious, but cockroach
nests in your sugar, rice, etc., do not tempt one to
Cates es I can talk to no one, so I write a great
deal. There are none here to talk to except about
their pay, or how they can be made more com-
fortable. . . . . Remember these letters are my
journal. They are never wanted to be seen again.
Durrii, October 9.—Yesterday I started at
11 a.m. for Duffli. Twelve miles south of Laboré
we camped between two high ranges of mountains
—the gorge Baker speaks of.* .... The Nile
is very narrow, sometimes scarcely forty yards
across.t The inhabitants of the eastern side ter-
race the slopes of the mountains for their crops.
The natives are very quiet all along the road.
October 17.—IT Is ALL OVER! I started from
Duffli this morning, and, keeping on a higher
level to avoid the wet edges of the river, came on

* Ismailia, Vol. U1., p. 73.—ED.
t See p. 202 for a description of the Nile from Rageef to Duffli.—Eb.

K 2
132 THE FOLA FALLS. [ October,

 

it about five miles from here. I fancied for some
time I had heard a noise like thunder, which
increased as we approached the river. At last
we stood above it ona rocky bank covered with
vegetation, which descended abruptly to the
stream, and there it was appalling to look at, far
less to think of getting anything up or down
except in splinters. It was more a rush down a
slope of one-in-six than a fall. Above it the
water was smooth, and 80 to 150 yards wide;
and here it was suddenly contracted to two
passages of 15 and 20 yards wide—for a rocky
isle stood in the centre. It boiled down, twisting
into all sorts of eddies, while the banks, steep and
precipitous, prevented a great length of view.
These shoots last for two miles. They are close to
the junction of the Asua with the Nile. It was
a difficult path enough to get there, and few eyes
have seen these falls. They are generally known
as Fola, but by us by the name of Makadé. Below
all is clear, so that we have two miles of bad country,
over which to carry all the things. Of course the
idea is all over of taking up the screw-steamer or
the nuggars, or indeed anything. I bore it well,
and for all you could see it might have been a
picnic party to the Fola Falls ; but it is rather sad,
and will give me a mint of trouble and delay.....

It is a queer country up here. Unlike the
Baris, who live in detached villas, the natives here
live in concentrated seribas. So in these parts
you never see a hut at all till you come on a
mass of them. A solemn silence fills the air, and
the atmosphere is still and humid: it would
give any one the “doles” who was inclined that
way. The vast extent of rank jungle-grass, the
1875.] DEATH OF THE INTERPRETER. 133

 

look-out where you see no living thing, all tends
to make a man sombre. Then, again, all the
thoughts of what one has to do before one can
get things straight makes your brother, though not
faint-hearted, ask himself—‘Why did you under-
take this work?” Certainly no one but those who
have been in these countries has an idea of the
enormous difficulties which beset the establishment
of posts. To undertake what I am doing, were
I under our Government, I should surely have
some good men, instead of these poor helpless
ignorant black officers. I am here without my
interpreter, for I feared to bring him, he is such
a delicate, fragile creature. However, as yet I
have got on all right, though I am quite like a
blind man, and grope my way by instinct... ..
I fear hearing from Moogie and from Kerri,
“We have nothing to eat.” You never get any
warning ; when all is finished then you hear. As
for any suggestions as to what to do, which you
might expect from men on the spot, you never
get any. One feels inclined to be vexed with the
Khedive for the state of affairs, but it would be unjust
to be so, for he has given, and gives, all I ask for.
If I asked for twenty European officers, he would
give me them, but if I had these twenty how
should I feed them; how carry their tremendous
amount of baggage; and how many would sicken
and die, or else force me to devote my transport
to their removal to Khartoum ?

October 18.—The post is just in from Laboré.
The Doctor, my interpreter, died on the 14th.
He was frightened from the outset, and though
he appeared pretty well and getting better when
I left, I was not surprised at his death. I am
134 HEALTH. [ October,

 

now without an interpreter, and hope to be able
to get on. As yet I have done so pretty well.

What a climate it is! The only thing (except
God’s keeping, which is all) to keep well is to keep
employed at anything ; never be idle, or you will
mope and succumb.* What a disastrous campaign
it has been to my followers! One thing is sure—
the Khedive can never govern these countries
with Arabs: they never can stand the climate.

Durrul, October 20.—The natives here are a
quiet race, and quite a comfort after the Baris,
whom I am glad to be quit of. We have plenty
of mosquitoes to make up for it, and the grass-
seeds are a terrible annoyance—they are so sharp
and hooked. This place, with its solitude, its
stillness, and its depressing air, seems like the
end of the world. You scarcely ever see a soul
or moving thing except your own people. ....
Poor little Doctor! he was so looking forward to
ending this work. I fear my departure depressed
him, and hastened the event, and yet he was
much better. If I had stayed I feel sure from
what I had seen that he would not have implicitly
followed my medical advice. They will not do
so, and will eat and drink what they like.

One of my petty trials is the way the black
soldier will stand for hours, partly concealed,
watching me, and the assiduous way in which he
will prevent any one coming near me. Now I

* “So satisfactory was the condition of my health that it appeared to
me entirely to confute the opinion entertained by Europeans that a pro-
longed residence in the tropics is destructive alike of physical and moral
energy. For those probably who live in indolent repose, and who are
surrounded by all the appliances of domestic comfort, who, so far from
undertaking the trouble of a journey, have scarcely the activity to take a
walk, there may be some ground for the presumption,” &c.—SCHWEIN-
FURTH’S Heart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 315.—ED.
1875.] A PRIVILEGED CLASS. 135

 

like to see some people besides the, to me, hateful
soldiers, and I like the natives to come to me;
but no, they have passed a rule that, except them-
selves, I am to be kept in Coventry. How glad
I shall be to see the last of them! Now, there
has been a boy watching me for hours. I]
hope I have interested him. The fact is that
they have nothing to do, or else won’t do
it, and anything more amusing than themselves
interests them. The least thing you do is watched
from various points with the deepest interest, and
supposing you are packing or unpacking a box
it will be known far and wide. I have often found
the Doctor quite aw fazt with the slightest thing
I may have done, such as mixing medicine, mend-
ing my trowsers, etc..... I do not think it is
love or care for me that causes my people to keep
others off. I put it down to these feelings, ‘‘We
must let these natives know that we great people
are alone allowed to approach when we like, not
the common natives: we alone are privileged.”
I sit under a fig-tree, and the wild figs fall on
being pecked at by birds. Now I like to see a
goat come and eat the figs with such gusto; but
no, my friends dash out and drive off the goat,
which makes me indignant. 7Zey can talk to
one another, but I am to be boxed up, and no
one and no thing is to come near me!

October 22.—Post came in yesterday. One
of the chiefs of the stations let a single man
go from his station to another against all my
orders: the man was murdered ez route. Another
letter written by an Arab officer (I always if I
can put an Arab in a station, for he is so
timid he is sure to let me know of any irregu-
136 SLAUGHTER OF ELEPHANTS. [ October,

 

larities) tells me that the whole of his sentries and
officers are asleep at nights. Another gives mea
report that the natives near Lardo meditate an
attack on that station. Now there are eighty men
there, and four or five hare-hearted officers (Arab)
who are, I expect, the originators of the report. I
answer ‘“‘ You will not now let your sentries go to
sleep. I will give you no more troops.” They
like to have a number of troops, and then all to go
to bed. They will be in a great fright, and torture
themselves with their fears. The stockade is a
strong one, and there is no fear if they look out.
I see very little probability of the grass
being dry enough to burn in a month; it looks as
green and healthy as can be, and the heavy dews
and occasional rain keep it so. When it burns
great precautions are taken. There is a space
cleared round each village ; otherwise they would
be all burnt up. It is then that the natives kill
the elephants to get the ivory. This indiscriminate
slaughter of these animals will never last, though
they seem plentiful enough from their marks in the
wilderness near here. Ivory, except for certain in-
struments, is a mere luxury, and the cost of animal
life to obtain it is not commensurate with its value.
I am sending off a great deal of ivory to-day—it was
confiscated by Baker at the time he fell out with
Abou. Saoud. ¢ 2 < The ivory caravan has just
started. What a number of poor beasts have died
for this ivory! It is of slow growth, and there are
numbers of very little tusks of little elephants.*

* “Since not only the males with their large and valuable tusks, but the
females also with the young, are included in this wholesale and indis-
criminate slaughter, it may easily be imagined how year by year the noble
animal is fast being exterminated.”—SCHWEINFURTH’s Heart of Africa,
Vol. II., p. 24.
1875.] AN ATTACK OF AGUE. 137

 

FasHe.iz, Nine Mites From Durr.i, October
27.—Having had an attack of ague—the first |
have had since I was thirteen and a-half years old
—TI came across the river to this place, which is on
higher ground, and have found the benefit already,
although I only arrived last night. It was a very
fatiguing march for me, for I had not eaten for
two days. I was wet often to the knees, and in a
terrible sun. I crossed the Nile (about forty yards
wide) three miles above the Fola Falls or Rapids.

. I expect a certain water-skin was more in
fault than Duffli. with my illness, The river
is full of decaying matter from the northern
extremity of the lake. They used to keep filling
this skin daily, and never washed the residue out ;
so day after day the stuff increased till the water
smelt, when I imagined the cause and had it
remedied. In these matters, and as regards the
bilge water in the nuggars and steamers, you can-
not be too careful. These dear people never
think, and never will do a routine duty, and things
are laid to the fault of the climate which ought
not to be.

October 29.—I think I shall be able to live
here till the grass is dry enough to burn, for the
water is good, and the ground higher than at
Duffli. It is certainly like an isle in a perfect sea
of jungle grass, and as yet I have seen nothing
to shoot, which is a great loss to me and my
kitchen. I generally accumulate energy for
three or four days, make an extraordinary effort,
finish the work undertaken, and then collapse for
days. I am now accumulating energy for a
voyage in the grass to look for a place where
I can put together the steamer. The edges
138 PICTURES OF MISERY. [ October,

 

of the river about Duffli are too marshy and
malarious for the purpose. It is always 100°
in the sun here; one spirit thermometer says
130°. The Unyama is a nice little stream with
a rocky bed, and my hut is close to it. It is odd
that it should seem much hotter here than at
Duffli. Looking at the mass of decaying matter
in the Nile water from the Lake to Khartoum,
one does not wonder at its fertilising power.

. Why are people hearses, and look like the
pictures of misery? It must be from discontent
at the government of God, for all things are
directed by him. ‘“ They cannot be happy when
so many are suffering” is all nonsense; for they
do not love their fellow-creatures to such an
extent—if so, they would show their love by doing
more for them. Discontent— (see Watson on
Contentment) that is what it is. But “I am so
weary ;” weary of what? Of idleness, perhaps.
No one has anything to make him really weary, if
his heart is in tune with God and he has health.
I am weary enough of this, but then I am dis-
contented with the trials I have, which are no
trials if I took them properly. The cruet-stand
expression of countenance ought to be taxed
AMONG US. wa < If by being doleful in appearance
it did good, I would say, be very doleful; but it
does not do any; it only repels people who are
disposed to accept things as they come. Takin
two people, one what is called a worldly person
and one who is called a religious person, the one
taking evil with good with calmness, doing what
he or she can to alleviate the evil, and yet
enjoying the good; the other bearing, or, in vain
imagination, bearing the burthen of the world,
1875.] SOLDIERS AND ROBBERS. 139

 

always sad and discontented ; of the two I should
say the first (though seldom reading his Bible,
and knowing little beyond the fact that he has
done and can do nothing to pay or purchase
God’s mercy) is more pleasing to God than he
who lives a gloomy life, however much he may
read or pray. ‘So and so is dead’”—who caused
or permitted his death? ‘ God.” Then if you
are content with His government, and if you
believe that the future world is better than this,
there is no cause for any melancholy about it,
and the same with every event. If we believe,
we ought to show it, and to acknowledge openly
that we agree to God’s Government. I think
that, taking the two parties as a mass, the
worldly-minded — so-called, remember, by their
religious brethren — live more pleasing in the
sight of God than the religious — so-called,
remember, by thetr worldly brethren. ‘There are
the true religious and the true worldly-minded,
and my remark does not apply to them; but we
cannot sift the two.

October 31.—Yesterday the post came in from
the north. The soldiers will pillage ex vrouce.
The natives collect and then run away, enticing
the soldiers to follow them into ambushes. One
has been killed. It is no use telling these dolts
that the natives’ object is to entice them to sepa-
rate. How cordially glad I shall be when the
whole relations between us cease! I cannot help
it, but I have taken such a dislike to these blacks
that I cannot bear their sight. I do not mean
the natives, but these soldiers. They are nothing
but a set of pillagers, and are about as likely to
civilise these parts as they are to civilise the
140 BENEFITS OF DISCIPLINE. [ October,

 

moon.* Though it tells against me in my ope-
rations, I am glad in my heart that they are afraid
of the natives. It will be long before they get
the whip-hand of them. The native will be up
to all sorts of dodges by the time the soldiery get
consolidated in the country. .... What enrages
me is the trouble thrown away by me in explain-
ing to C how A’s refusal to help B has not only
hurt B, but A also, and that C, D, F, and G are
all sufferers from it; and then two days after-
wards I find C refusing to help F! Not only
does it enrage me, but it gives me an immense
amount of extra work and thought, and causes
delay. No one but those who have been in these
countries can appreciate the immense benefit as-
cipline is. We in England have no idea of it, for
we are all more or less imbued with sense to
obey more or less. Even in your own household,
imagine the state of affairs if Mary refused to aid
the cook or the maid, if you are foolish enough
to have kept the three. My establishment here
consists of two (a couple of lads), and that is one
too many.

em I can get on quite well without an
interpreter, for I have found by experience that
all reasoning powers are deficient in these officers.
They understand a direct order, and that is the
only one they will obey. A general order, such

, “Empty the cargo of each boat wherever the

* In a letter written on November 1, Colonel Gordon says: ‘‘God
permits me to open the road to the interior, but, humanly speaking, I see
nothing to encourage the hope that this occupation of these lands will be
of any advantage towards civilising them. In excuse for taking this
employ I can only say that I think I have accomplished a work, with the
nearly minimum amount of suffering to natives and soldiery, which would
have been done by an Arab Pasha with a great amount of suffering to
soldiery and natives.” —ED.
1875.] BURNING THE GRASS. I4I

 

river is difficult,” is no use. You must say,
“Empty the cargoes at A rapid, and at B rapid,
and at C rapid.”

.... To my mind, a semi-soldier, more
civilian than soldier, is required for the com-
mand here. He must be one-third soldier and
two-thirds civilian for the work. Somehow I
think the French are better than our nation for
these things. They are more plastic. Germans,
viz., official Germans, would, I think, never
answer. They are too methodical..... Poor
little black-eyed Doctor! lazy as he was, he was
energy itself to all the others I have seen.

I find that in places near the river
where there is a heavy night dew the air is
not healthy; but where there is not a heavy
night dew, the air is healthy. In some places,
close to the river, there will be little or no dew
if there are hills near. Here there is very
little, though it is not very far from the river
and not very high, while at Duffli it is very
heavy indeed.

FasHe.iz, Movember 37.—. ... 1 have made
this place my head-quarters. It is healthy and
quiet, and the natives are peaceable. The grass
visibly gets drier. It will truly be a release to
be free from its, in every way, oppressive effects.
The natives burnt some grass yesterday. Its
crackling was delightful music. .... How glad
I am this road is finished! for, small as it ap-
pears, it is a great thing. It was the opening of
a land “Sudd.”* If it was not opened I could
not write to you, without serious inconvenience,
oftener than two or three times a year; and as

* See p. 7.—Eb.
I42 A CRY FOR MORE TROOPS. [Movember,

 

for governing, or giving any orders in the north
of the province when I was in the south, or
in the south when I was in the north, that was
out of the question. It is at least two-thirds of
my work, and comforts me very much.....
I have sent for fifty camels, so as to place
them on the Asua, to move things up from
thence here, past those rapids. The grass is
burning merrily to-day, and everything looks
brighter to me.

November ro.—The post came in last night.
The principal contents are:—Letter from La-
tooka, which says it is half-blockaded by the
hostile natives. It is evident that the Mudir has
been doing something to irritate them, or they
would not have attacked him. I have sent orders
to Bohr Station to help him. Next, letters from
two captains, one lieutenant, and a corporal,
stating that the different stations they are quar-
tered in do not suit them, and they wish to
change. Answered, that their likes and dislikes
are a matter of supreme indifference to me.
Next, a cry out for more troops; 120 with
Remingtons, three hours from another station
with ninety, are not enough; sixty at another
station are not enough. It happens that the
Mudir of this last unfortunately states in another
letter that he issued out and separated two tribes
who were fighting with one another ; so he got for
reply, “If you can meddle with the intestine wars
of the natives, you have enough troops for your
station;” and generally, as an answer to the
major, “If you and your officers and soldiers
are afraid, tell me, and I will send you all down
to Khartoum.” « + +o
1875,.] A SEA OF GRASS. 143

 

The country looks yellow like one huge corn-
field, and it soon will be black when the grass is
burnt. You can imagine what it is—this grass.
Here, on level ground, it is as if you were in a
pit six feet deep, and, with a radius of fifty yards,
you can see nothing but the tops of distant hills.
: . Imagine to yourself a sea for fifties of
miles of grass six feet high, through which the
very narrow paths are with difficulty discernible.
The seeds of the grass are very sharp, and
penetrate your clothes. We have here some
445,000 worth of ivory, which, little by little, I
am sending down the new road. It is with the
niggardliness, and obstinacy, and wilfulness of the
officers of the stations écheloned along the road
that my wars take place. They are so essentially
selfish, that they will not feed the porters, so
that the porters do not care to make a second
journey. One station will abound and will never
help another, .. 2. What can you do with such
people ? the civilisers of others!!! .... Some
philanthropic people write to me about “noble
work,” ‘poor blacks,” etc. I have, I think,
stopped their writing by acknowledging ourselves
to be a pillaging horde of brigands, and propos-
ing to them to leave their comfortable homes, and
come out to their favourite ‘‘ poor blacks!” or to
give up their wine, and devote the proceeds to
sending out vea/ missions. ... . “We do not want
your beads; we do not want your cloth;” of the
poor Moogies rings in my ears. “We want you to
go away.” They know well enough the little bene-
fits that would ever accrue from our occupation,
and, therefore, summing up, 1 care not if H.H.*

* His Highness the Khedive.—Eb.
144 ‘“NOT MY BEST TROOPS.” [Wovember,

 

is offended or not offended. I will carry things
with a high hand to the last with him; and
whatever the world may say, I will content myself
with what God may say.

I send you two reports which were sent me
when I left Rageef for Bedden. Rageef had
ninety-eight soldiers with Remingtons, and field-
piece, and the duck gun, and was a strong station
on the river. You will remember the history of
the affair: how a canoe upset, and the natives
cried out, how the troops fired and wounded one
of their own men, and how another cut his foot
on a piece of glass, etc. The Khedive, in a mild
way, says, “You know these troops with you are
not my best.” I should hope not for his sake!
I do not expect he will dream of retaining me,
for by telling him the truth, I have destroyed
his illusions, and vexed his amour propre.....
It certainly is the most difficult work, the
administration of these countries. No one can
have an idea of it except those who have been
Hete, esis I feel that for (human) certain I can
manage the affairs in time, if I am patient over
them. A man here must be prepared to find a
week’s negotiation fall to the ground in a minute,
and all his work to be gone over again. It is
this continual failure of one’s efforts which tempts
one to despair, until one realises that one must
never count on anything till it is performed.
.... You know I turned away all the Dongolowi*
up here; but a little nest of ten stayed behind,
thinking they would be overlooked. I discovered
them on my arrival, with a small band of their
own followers, and sent them down to Khartoum.

* Slave-dealers from Dongola. See p. 34.—ED.
1875.] COMPLAINTS FROM THE KHEDIVE. 145

 

Here they were levying taxes on the natives,
and quite independent of us—a little state with
no laws.

November rz.—I intended going to Anfina’s*
at once, but I think it safer now to subdue the
Moogie tribes; so I have given the necessary
orders for so doing, and shall go down there
myself. As long as the Moogie are unsubdued,
the road to the north will not be safe. .... I
hope to move on them with 600 or 700 men, one
column from the south, one from the north, and
one from the west.

Durrut, Movember 14.—Got to this place yester-
day. Nearly dead with an attack of liver. The
heat was terrible. I was obliged to go, for I had
given notice that I should come. The sufferings
human nature undergoes in these parts is terrible.
Just this moment six miserable objects—Arabs—
came here to me. They had been engaged ina
murder two years ago, and were sent up here. I
had never heard of them before; their sentence
was that they were to be exiled for life, and were
not to receive any rations. How they were to
live is a mystery. I suppose they were not
meant to live at all. I have arranged at any
rate for their being fed.

Moocir, Movember 20.—. . . . Among my
other letters was one from the Khedive, first com-
plaining rather that I had drawn for money on
the Governor-General of Khartoum (he had for-
gotten my instructions), and telling me always to
apply to him; telling me also that he was aston-
ished I had not taken measures to supply myself

* Anfina was the son of Fowooka, a powerful chief mentioned in Sir
SAMUEL BAKER’s Albert Nyanza, Vol. 11, p. 149.—ED.

L
146 EXPEDITION TO THE JUBA. [November,

 

with maize from the natives, forgetting that dhoora
is up here an article that is used as money for
exchange. .... Altogether a very cool letter.
I was furious ; and wrote three telegrams, telling
him that I would be in Cairo in April, and that
he had better take measures to send up my suc-
cessor. I opened some of the other letters, and
went to bed, and was very much out: of sorts.
On the 16th, however, as I was looking over the
post-bag, another packet came to light—a very
thick one from the Khedive, telling me he had
put Mc‘Killop* under my command, and had
sent him with three men-of-war to Juba, with
600 men, to occupy it,t and for me to march upon
it, and put Long under him. The letter, as far as
civility went, was fulsome: he would not let me
go—grand career, etc. Now, look here; the man
had gone to all this expense, under the impression
I would stick to him. I could not, therefore, leave
him, so the telegrams, telling him I would be in
Cairo, were destroyed, and I stay. You can fancy
that I was near going, for the loads were all
arranged for the final departure, and had to be
put back ; the inquisitive soldiery could not make
it out. So now! amin forit..... I had disas-
trous news from Saubat, or rather from Fashoda,
which is the hot-bed of slavery, and which, since
my failure in getting anything done to the Mudir,
when I had that bother with the slaves at Saubat,
I have left alone. It appears that the oppressive
government of the Egyptians caused the Shillooks
to rise and drive out the inhabitants and soldiers

(?) of Hilleh Kaka. The soldiers lost a gun,

* Admiral Mc‘Killop, the Director of Ports and Lights.—Ep,
+ See pp. 65 and 151.—Ep.
1875.] “MY SERVANTS DEATH.” 147

 

and many of them, with the Mudir, were killed.
Egypt has possessed the country for twelve years ;
and yet this occurs, and the land is a perfect
desert. It was mere exasperation that made
them act thus. Had not Gessi come up with a
steamer, Fashoda would have been lost.

Moocir, December ro.—Yesterday we moved
on the Moogie tribe, but it was a failure as regards
the capture of cows. The south column kept to
the river, and never went inland at all; and the
Moogie had removed all their cows two days’
march inland. I had to sit up all night with my
servant, who had the fever, and who died at
1.30 a.m., while I started at 4am. The Moogie
had been brave enough before, but yesterday we
scarcely saw one. They had shouted out, alluding
to our carrying up and down stores, “Sons of
dogs, why are you going up and down on that
side ? Come over here, and we will sit under
trees, and send our children to destroy you.”

December 12,—Made another attack on the
Moogie, and took 1500 cows; so now I hope
they will give in.

December 13.—I1 am very low. I feel my
servant’s death. I did not know he was ill till
twelve hours before he left this world; not that
it is not better for him, in all the misery of this
wretched land. God will make it up tohim. I am
so angry with the Cairo people: they have no
idea of the difficulties up here. However, it is
all God’s will, and I hope I shall be able to
bear it.

Lasort, December 22.—I] have told that I
will not explore the Lake. I declare I do not
care whether there are two Lakes or a million,

L 2

 
148 NOT PAID FOR EXPLORATIONS. — [December,

 

‘or whether the Nile has a source or not. I do
not care whether there are blacks, or greens, or
blues up there..... To be boxed up for a
phantasy in a 50-feet-long steamer for a fortnight
would be my death. [am not paid for explora-
tions. I hope Stanley has done the Lake ;
if he has not, and will go in the steamer, whex
ready??? J will let him go, if I meet him.

December 29.—The steamer is in sight—ze.,
the porters who carry it, which is a great blessing.
It has really been terrible work for a year. Of
course the Khedive, the Royal Geographical
Society, and the world in general, will be very
much angered with me for not going on the
Lake; but I cannot do it, and do not see why
I should suffer so much to satisfy the curiosity
of men whom I do not know. I told the Khe-
dive, in April, 1874, I would not go on the
Lake. I have put everything in the way for
any other person to do so, and let him have the
honour of History. There is no doubt that
Higginbotham,* who brought up the steamers,
etc., from Cairo to Gondokoro, and I, have done
the work. Others may have the fruit of it, and
welcome to it. I am not, after nine months of
worry, in a fit state to explore anything but my
way out of the province.

* See Lsmaitia, Vol. 1., p. 15.—Ep.
1876.] A WILDERNESS. 149

 

CHAPTER III.—1876.

Fatixo, January 3, 1876.—On January 2 I
arrived here; Fatiko is forty-eight miles from
Fashelie. I have great pains in the back, and
though I can walk my fourteen miles, it makes
me feel much fatigued, and I feel sure I ought to
get out of the country as soon as I can.

Fowerra, January r3.—I arrived here to-day
—five days from Fatiko, which I left on January 9.
A more dreary, weary set of marches you cannot
conceive. The country is quite uninhabited—a
vast undulating prairie of jungle grass and scrub
trees : after the first day the water is from swamps,
and resembles muddy beer ; it is strongly impreg-
nated with iron, and in fact the whole country’s
soil is as red as blood. Iron ore extends for yards
sometimes, and you could imagine you were in
the vicinity of a smelting furnace. The halting-
places were terribly infested with earwigs and
ants. The river here is 250 yards wide, with no
current. South bank very marshy. This is the
programme (p.v.): in three days to surprise
Mrooli, which is thirty miles south on the river ;
to establish a post there ; to march on Urundogani
and place a post there, and then another at Ripon
Falls ; to come down again to Foweira, and thence
150 A JUNGLE-ROAD. [ January,

 

to go to Magungo, where I mean, if I can, to place
a Station; then to go down from there to Duffli by
river. The steamer, a nuggar, and two large iron
life-boats ought to be ready. They will take up
stores to Magungo; and (p.v.), Gessi will go
into Lake Albert and explore it. I have to go
to Makraka, thence, I hope, to Khartoum, and
thence to Cairo. I shall have hoisted the Khedive’s
flag on both Lakes.

January r4.—The moment the sun goes
down a cold damp arises, which enters one’s
very bones. There is not an interval of five
minutes from the setting of the sun and the rising
of this dreadful damp ; and you feel the danger, as
it were, at once—and all this for the ambition of
man. Large isles of papyrus come floating down.
No news whatever of Mtesa, Kaba Rega, or
Stanley. In fact the place looks quite dead.

January 18-20.—1 started for Mrooli on the
18th, and am now ez route. The road—or rather
the no-road—was fearful. I am in rags from the
thorn bushes. The elephants uproot the trees,
and leave them in the path.* Around the fallen
trees grows up a fearful jungle. Altogether it is
very trying work; not a soul or a house to be
seen—in fact, from Duffli to this the country seems
a desert. Marsh water all along this road; for
the river is unapproachable for the marshes which
border it. I want to push on to the lake [ Victoria
Nyanza] to hoist the flag, and to enable the
Khedive to claim its waters. .... I have quite
given up any idea of going to the sea with

* Writing a few days later, Colonel Gordon says, ‘‘The elephants are
trying enough : weighing five tons, their great feet make pit-falls quite a
foot deep ; and as they go along owr paths it is most dangerous.” —Eb,
1876.] EXPEDITION TO THE JUBA. I51

 

these troops. My proposal was made to the
Khedive in January, 1875,* and was answered in
November, 1875. My proposal was that he should
take Formosa Bay, or rather to the north of it,
where the Dana or Ozy river debouches. It is
said by Kraft to be navigable to Mount Kenia.
Also I was under the impression Lake Baringo,
or Ngo, joined Lake Victoria, which Stanley says
it does not. The Khedive takes the exit of the
Juba, whose course is from north to south, and
therefore would be of no use, if navigable, to me.
The Juba is much farther off, as the coast trends
to the east. He sent off Mc‘Killop and Long
to Juba, and told them to wait for me. They will
wait a long time I expect.t Iam not going to try
this with the undisciplined wretched troops I have
here; and, though he knows it, he does nothing
to help me. I asked his son, the Minister for
War, to send me copies of a circular for sentries,
etc., of which no notice is taken. I do not care a
bit, for I make my sentries do their work. The
officers and men are a cowardly set. They are
good marchers, and bear privation well; but that
is all I can say in their favour..... To go
back to the castles in the air. During the winter
I shall ask to let me have the Galatz fur
coat, and I mean to go first-class in the trains,
and to lie in bed in the morning. With all these
thoughts, I do not forget I may be cut off at any
minute, and do not fear it; only I have the human
weakness of thinking what a trouble will

 

 

* See pp. 65 and 146.—Eb.

+ Colonel Gordon, writing on March 9 of this year, says, ‘‘I see that
‘the Khedive withdrew his troops from Juba by the command of the
British Government.’ He 7s a Hindoo Prince, as the French say he will
be.”—Ep.
152 “NOW, SOUL, TAKE THY REST.” [ January,

 

have with all my accounts out here... . . I shall
refuse all invitations to dine out, and (p.v.) rest
awhile, and muse on my miseries, all past. (‘“Now,
soul, take thy rest” — that night “his soul” was
taken; but where to?—to a much happier place
than where he proposed to rest, and where he
would want no barns.). .... I would that all
had the full assurance of future life. It is precisely
because we are despicable and worthless that we
are accepted. Till we throw over that idea that
we are better than others, we can never have that
assurance. I certainly think women have much
to do with the fostering of this idea; they are
naturally jealous, and fight for appearances much
more than men do. Appearances to them, perhaps,
are a necessity, while they are not so much to
men. We must give up keeping credit lists with
God, which are not true ones; they are all debtor
lists. Do you know that verse, Eph. ii. 10, which
says that ye are ordained to bring forth good
works? If certain good works are ordained to
be brought forth by you, why should you glory
in them? Do not flatter yourself that you are
wanted—that God could not work without you; it
is an honour if He employs you. No one is
indispensable, either in this world’s affairs or in
spiritual work ; you are a machine, though allowed
to feel as if you had the power of action.* When
things turn out in a way we do not wish, we
quarrel with God if we feel put out. Most
difficult is this lesson, and only to be learnt by a
continual thought of this world being only a

* In a later letter, Colonel Gordon says, ‘‘ When one knows the little
one does of oneself, and any one praises you, I, at any rate, have a rising
in the gorge, which is a suppressed ‘ You lie.’”—Ep.
1876.] THE MAGIC STOOL. 153

 

temporary one,—z.e., by continually thinking of
death asa release. What a calm life a man living
thus would live !—what services he would render!
—nothing would move him whether he were
soldier, statesman, or what not.

anuary 22.—Yesterday made a forced march to
the banks of the Kafoor, opposite Mrooli. Kaba
Rega’s chief set fire to his house, and with his
people left for Masindi, two days off. I crossed
the Kafoor this morning, and got to Mrooli.
Mrooli, it appears, is a district; there is no town
er cluster of huts. . .«. Rionga is delighted,
for he is now restored to his pristine state.*
A miserable country, full of mosquitoes, is the
much-vaunted Mrooli.

January 23.—I\t is very cold this morning, and
it forced one to put on a great coat.

January 28.—1 left for Foweira by canoe on
the 24th, and got to the station in a day-and-a-half.
I have been very unwell, from the hot sun and
cold east wind, and am only better to-day.

January 30.— am starting (D.v.) to-morrow
for Duffli, which needs my presence, for many
reasons. I want to get all the supplies up before
the rains, which will begin in a month or so.

Fatixo, February 3.— Arrived here this
morning, in three days and three hours, from
Foweira, distance seventy-seven miles. . .
Kaba Rega left Masindi, on January 20, with the
magic stool,t on hearing of my arrival at Foweira.

* Sir Samuel Baker, writing of the year 1872, says, ‘‘ I proclaimed Rionga
as the vakeel of the government, who would rule Unyoro [the district in
which Mrooli is] in the place of Kaba Rega deposed.” —Jsmaztia, Vol. 11.,
Pp. 377-—Eb.

+ This stool was the throne of the kings of Unyoro. It is thus described
by Sir Samuel Baker: ‘‘The throne is composed partly of copper and of
154 GAPS IN THE SURVEY. [ February,

 

When the Dutch took Ceylon they captured the
Buddha tooth, to which the Cingalese attached
great value, as its possessor was supposed to
be king of the country. The Cingalese offered
the Dutch commander £100,000 for it, but he
publicly burnt it, so as to save future trouble. It
was a horse’s tooth. Every one says there is little
doubt but that Kaba Rega’s followers, when they
see Masindi and Mrooli taken, will bring the stool
to Anfina’s, at Masindi. I shall leave it with
Anfina for some time, for great importance is
attached to it.

This is a thorny, unpromising country, with
its mosquitoes, and grasses, and jungles, and its
people. They will never change their habits: no
mortal will ever civilise these myriads. They may
become sharper by contact with the world, but
they will be ever a lazy, unenterprising, happy lot.
It is wonderful that, with their numbers, there is
no law, and yet so little crime.

Durrur, February ro.—You will understand
my grief at not having surveyed the gaps in the
Victoria Nile.* Whether I shall do so or not I

wood. It is an exceedingly small and ancient piece of furniture, that has
been handed down for many generations, and is considered to be a coojoor,
or talisman..... Should the throne be lost or stolen, the authority of
the king would disappear, together with the talisman, and disorder would
reign throughout the country until the precious object should be restored.”
—lsmailia, Vol. 11., p. 206.—ED.

* Colonel Gordon, in a letter to Sir Henry Rawlinson, dated February 9
of this year, thus describes the progress of the survey of the Nile by himself
and his staff :—

*“We have the river on the scale of half-an-inch to the mile, from
Khartoum to Duffli, and from Foweira to Mrooli; and I hope to do, or
get done, from Duffli to Murchison Falls. There remains to be done—

A. From Cossitza to Mrooli.

B. From Foweira to Murchison Falls.

C. The Lake Albert.

Now I will not undertake to do any of these three, and for these reasons.
The troops up in these stations need everything ; and I do not consider I
1876.] THE GOVERNMENT KEEPS NO FAITH. 155

 

do not know. I very much fear that upper country,
for it is such a nest of mosquitoes, marsh, forest,
and misery ; and I think—why sacrifice myself for
the satisfying of geographists? If I were well I
would do it, but I keep, day by day, feeling my
liver more. To have out another man to do it
makes me quail: he may be ill, he will be in-
experienced, and will give a mint of trouble, for
certain. Chippendall had all the qualifications, but
never had the health. Linant would have been
the man for it, had he not been killed... . . This
is almost entirely a black province. There are not
twenty Arabs in it, and they are home-sick to a
degree. I am so short of troops that one man is
of importance to me. It seems now, after so long
a seed-time, that one would reap a good harvest,
but my health prevents me from doing all I would.

I have a first-rate engineer here—Ibrahim
by name. He has done wonders in a very short
time. He is an Arab by birth, but he will not serve
his Government: such a man would be invaluable
to them, if he would. They keep no faith with
people; and the consequence is, no good Arab
will enter the Government service. ....

On arriving here I found things going on very
well—one life-boat* complete, another nearly so,
and the steamer well on.

February r6.—I received here, on February 11,

am justified to devote means to explorations which should be used for sup-
plying them. The wants of the troops are immediate ; the exploration can
wait,.... Iam quite aware that it is sad to leave these, gaps A. and B.
I am so fond of surveying that I see at once how incomplete the work is
without them. As to the Lake Albert, even when the steamer is completed,
I cannot allow it to be undertaken till the troops are supplied ; and her
work will be between Duffli and Magungo for some time.” The gaps
happily were to a great extent filled up.—See pp. 177 and 182,—Eb.

* Each boat would hold sixty or seventy men.—ED.
156 WHAT THE WORLD SAYS. [February,

 

papers of the date of December 11, from England.
I took 7% days from Mrooli here; so that in
60 + 7% days = 67% days you can get from
Mrooli to England; and even in less than that,
for the current has to be considered, which need
not be on the way down. You may say nine
weeks from Mtesa’s to England..... I have
just read your letters over. My dear ;
why (it is God’s will) will you keep caring for
what the world says? Try, oh try, to be no
longer a slave to it! You can have little idea of
the comfort of freedom from it—it is bliss! All
this caring for what people will say is from
pride. Hoist your flag, and abide by it. In an
infinitely short space of time all secret things will
be divulged. Therefore, if you are misjudged,
why trouble yourself to put yourself right? You
have no idea what a deal of trouble it saves
WOU ss. gosta Roll your burthen on Him, and He
will make straight your mistakes. He will set
you right with those with whom you have set
yourself wrong..... Here I am, a lump of clay ;
Thou art the Potter. Mould me as Thou in Thy
wisdom wilt. Never mind my cries. Cut my life
off—so be it; prolong it—so be it. Just as Thou
wilt, but I rely on Thy unchanging guidance
during the trial. Oh, the comfort that comes
from this!

Out of sorts again, with bleeding from the
nose (not plague); nearly suffocated, last night,
with the blood. Poor sheath! it is much worn.
Gessi will start in four or five days. I scarcely
like to let him go, for the marshy edges of the
Lake will be unhealthy ; but he wants to go, and
so I will let him. I do not think that I have well

 
1876.] AN EXPLORER’S MERITS. ry?

 

explained why, if I was well, I would not go on
the Lake. I will not go into the question of the
detriment just now my absence would be to the
supplying of the troops before the rains. I say
I wish to give a practical proof of what I think
respecting the inordinate praise which is given to
anexplorer. No praise seems equal, judging from
the words, to an explorer’s (in Central Africa)
merits. Now, surely Higginbotham* did much in
getting up the stores, and through the Desert.
What work he must have had! Again, what
work, zo¢ equal to his, have I not had with these
stores! But all this would go for nothing, in
comparison to the fact of going on the Lake, which
you may say is a small affair, when you have the
boats ready for you. Others sow, and one will
reap all the results of their labours. sent me
a letter written to him, which speaks of the honour
and glory of going on the Lake—the chaplet of
laurel to the great conqueror, etc.! It is thus,
therefore, that I wish to show palpably that it is
a great mistake to draw the false conclusions
people do about these things.

Durrul, February 23.—Things are going on
very well. I have been able to send up a quan-
tity of stores to Mrooli, and Gessi will leave for
Magungo with many more in the two iron boats,
in a few days ; thence he will go round the Lake.
Thanks to God, all is nearly completed. The
steamer is one-third completed, and my stations
are all formed, or, I hope, will be ere the month
is out. I have arranged all the men’s accounts,
and have a clear prospect before me—my own
accounts only being in arrear, owing to All

 

 

* See p. 148.—ED.
158 THE FOLA FALLS. [Warch,

 

this, however, may be changed ; for if Gessi falls
sick (he often threatens it), I shall have the journey
he is to perform to do myself; and against my will
I shall have to go to the Lake: but I hope for the
best.

Lazort, March 9 —I left Duffli on March 7,
after seeing Gessi start with the two life-boats for
Magungo and the Lakes. On the 8th I sent the
caravan on towards Laboré, and wended my way
down to the Fola Rapids, and walked along the
river, in order to complete my survey. Sucha walk!
There were ravines and gullies in abundance, and
the ground was covered with loose stones. I
never was so tired; but I finished the map. ....
The Nile flows through a regular gorge ; preci-
pices of some forty or fifty feet follow its course.
There are only two to three miles of rapids which
are not passable, and these rapids are at Fola.
You see that the banks being forty or fifty feet
above the river, and being cut into by deep ravines,
do not allow of a foothold to men to pull up a
boat; so any boat which comes up must have
power of its own sufficient to contend with the
current. Ifa boat had engine power enough, she
could then approach the Fola Falls or Rapids.
Could any boat have engine-power enough to
force her way up these? This I cannot answer ;
but I feel quite sure that if Europeans owned the
country, and if it was thought worth while (ze.
worth the outlay), they would overcome these two-
and-a-half miles of rapids. To Egypt it would
never pay, for there would never be traffic enough
to cover the expense. Odd, is it not, that from
Albert Lake to the sea there are only these two-
and-a-half miles impassable !
1876.] MTESA'S LETTER. 159

 

With the post from Foweira came an envelope
addressed, ‘‘Stanley, care of E. Marston.” The
envelope came from Mtesa’s; in it was the scrawl
I send you, and which I shall not notice. Mtesa
is in a great state of mind, and swears fidelity to
Pay pte 6 aa Kaba Rega, with the ‘ Stool,”*
has gone south, and vacated the north of the
country entirely. I know nothing of Stanley or
his party. Some of them must have been there
on February 6, otherwise how could the letter be
written ?

“To Sir CanELL GorRLDEN. February 6th, 1876

‘“My DEAR FREIND GORDEN hear this my word
be not angry with Kaverega Sultan of unyoro I
been head that you been brought two manwar ships
but I pray you fight not with those Wanyoro for
they know not what is good and what is bad. I
am, Mtesa king of uganda for if you fight with
governour if you fight with governour you fight
with the king. I will ask you one thing but let
it may please you all ye Europeion for I say if
I want to go to Bommbeyt if the governour and
if the governour of Bommbey refuse me to past
will I not find the orther road therefor I pray
you my friends hear this my letter stop for a
moment if you want to fight put ships in the river
nile take west and north and I will take east and
south and let us put wanyoro in to the middle and
fight against them but first send me answer from
this letter. Because I want to be a freind of the

* See p. 153.—Epb.
+ Mtesa’s interpreter came from Bombay.—Ep.
160 ARRIVAL OF CAMELS. [March,

 

English. I am Mtesa son of Suna king of uganda
let God be with your Majesty even you all Amen.

“Mtesa king of uganda
“February 6th 1876.”*

Kerri, March 1r2.—Yesterday I came here
from Moogie. The trouble of getting porters
obliged me to send for camels—forty have just
come up to this station. It is an experiment, and
I hope it will succeed. The natives are in the
greatest state of excitement about them. . .
The Fashoda people and the Shillooks still are
fighting. The Shillooks have kept increasing the
length of their spear-heads till they are like
scythes. Now the Russians found the Polish
peasants were awkward people with scythes, and

I think that the Egyptians will find the Shillooks

* Four years later, Colonel Gordon received a second letter from King
Mtesa, as follows :—ED.
‘“RUBAGA UGANDA January 22 1880.

“To His EXCELLENCY GorDON PACHA,
“*Governor General of the Soudan &c.

“*T am very glad that you have taken your soldiers out of Unyoro, and
now I write this letter to you to send my compliments and friendship, with
some presents, by my servant Kasingi—as follows—Two leopard skins ;
Two dressed skins ; Two other dressed skins with hair on; Two earthenware
jars ; Two Waganda knives ; Two dusekkes (Pipes) ; Two bead collars ; Two
Mhugnos (Pipes) ; Two pairs of Wagunda shoes. And I ask you to send
me the following things: One large elephant gun—the same as the one I
sent to Khartoum to repair. I send you the cartridge to show the bore
*No 8.’ Also one ladle to melt lead with, and one bullet-mould for the
same gun. Also a large looking-glass, some red woollen cloth, some
madapolam [Indian native calico], and some gold and silver lace. You
sent me some time since the saddle and bridle for a horse; I have no
horse, and would thank you if you would send me one. Also please a
silver seal with my name ‘ Mtesa’ engraved upon it. I also wish very much
to see some gold money ; will yousend me some English sovereigns, French
Napoleons, and one five dollar gold piece and two gold dollars.

“*With many salaams
“TI remain your good friend
‘*MTEsa.”

[Written by C. W. Pearson, at Mtesa’s dictation, Church Missionary
Society. ]
 

 

 

 

 

 
1876.] PLUNDERING THE NATIVES. 161

 

the same. The Shillooks have had some idea of
government. Mehemet Ali destroyed it. Their
kings had a dynasty of two hundred years’ dura-
tion. They dd number two million before Egypt
civilised (?) them.

Larpo, March 23.—Is it not odd that since I
left Foweira, where I was so unwell, I have been
quite well—in fact, as well as ever I was. Whether
one gets acclimatised all of a sudden or not I do
not know, but in my case it has beenso.....
The mosquitoes are terrible here just now —
burning Keating’s insect powder does for them
for a time; carbolic acid powder is quite useless.
I sit in the evening under a mosquito-curtain, but
it is very hot in it. Of one’s existence the time
between sunset and sunrise is the most trying.

BeppEN, Agrz/ ro.—1 am again on the move
southwards, and arrived here the day before
yesterday. The reason which induces me to put
a small station at the River Tyoo is that the
distance between Laboré and Duffli is a day-and-
a-half’s march, so that the men sleep on the road.
They, in consequence of this sleeping on the road,
pillage the natives, who were friendly, but now
have become hostile. The Tyoo is not fordable in
the rainy season, and the soldiers can only cross it
at a great risk, surrounded as they are with hostile
natives. Therefore I place there forty soldiers
and a boat. This gets rid of the half-day, and
leaves one day’s march to Duffli. These are the
little stupidities these fellows are guilty off, viz.,
plundering the tribes they go through. Nothing
will stop them doing it, for the officers will not
give the escorts food to take with them ex route.
They are perfect children. They cry out loudly

M
162 THE EGYPTIAN CHARACTER. [4pr2/,

 

enough when they are molested, and yet will
not observe the line of conduct which would pre-
vent their being so. Sensible officers of course
would see that the men were properly supplied
for their march, but none of these Arabs would
give an handful of dhoora even to their own men.
They will complain, I feel sure, at the formation
of this station, which is only for their own safety.
Hopeless work! ‘ Good!” ‘ Good!” they say,
when one shows the foolishness of their pro-
cedure, and then they go and do the same. I am
glad when we get a deserted plot of land like
that between Duffli and Foweira. Then they
cannot pillage, and consequently two men can
go with the post. I went with eight men to
Duffli. Now it needs, till I form the station at
Tyoo, at least twenty-five or thirty men, and it
is always a source of anxiety to me. If you
asked me what is to be done to regenerate these
people [the Egyptians] I could not answer it.
They are the most hopeless set. Continual
oppression has made them of such a material that
you could find no sound principle to work on.
Nations have generally some regenerating quali-
ties, either a commercial, military, religious, or
patriotic spirit. These people lack each one of
these motive influences.

April rz.—l spoke of the stupidly selfish
nature of these people, and meant that they
will never help one another with stores or men,
or in getting out of a difficulty. They have one
quality which is very praiseworthy, if its motive
was good, They will tell on one another in a
most wonderful way. It is sure that if one steals,
one of his comrades will report him; but as soon
1876.] EFFECTS OF OPPRESSION. 163

 

as that is done they set to work, from highest to
lowest, to screen or soften the effects on the
delinquent. When he is punished you may
consider that he is looked upon as a martyr.
I feel sure that it is the fault of a series of bad
governments which has ruined the people. Three
generations of good government would scarcely
regenerate them. Their secretiveness is the
result of the fear that, if they give, it may
chance that they may want. They act on the
principle that a bird in the hand is worth two
in the bush. Their indolence is the result of
experience that if they do well or if they do
badly, the result will be xz? to them; there-
fore why should they exert themselves? Their
cowardice is the result of the fear of responsi-
bility. They are fallen on so heavily if anything
goes wrong. Their deceit is the result of fear
and want of moral strength, as they have no
independence in their characters. For a foreign
Power to take this country would be most easy.
The mass are far from fanatical. They would
rejoice in a good government, let its religion be
what it might. A just administration of law and
security of person against arbitrary conduct would
do a great deal. It is the government that needs
civilising far more than the people. Mehemet
Ali and his descendants have always gone on
the principle of enriching themselves by mono-
polies of all sorts. None, not even the present
Khedive, have brought in civilising habits or
customs with any desire to benefit the country ;
or, at any rate, they have subordinated this
desire to that of obtaining an increased revenue.
In this variance of ideas between the ruler of
M 2
164 MACHINERY IN THE DESERT. [4pril,

 

Egypt and our Government, we can hope for no
SOCOM: «ea

The way in which my suggestions for the im-
provement of these lands are left unanswered,
shows me that they are not wished for. I want
to open the country to merchants, and to let the
troops merely afford protection to them ; but that
would diminish the gains of the Government (the
immediate gains), and so I do not expect it will
be done. I wrote some months ago to say that if
a proper establishment for the repair of steamers
was not formed at Khartoum (and I gave a pro-
gramme), in less than two years three-quarters of
my steamers would be hors de combat. For ten
years they have not had their hulls scraped or
painted. I get no answer to this..... Never
was a man more tossed in his mind than I am
about these things. One day I say to myself,
‘Let the things go to the dogs, and leave them
to their fate”; and on another day I feel I will
work it through, in spite of them all. I think I
could do so, for I do not fear any responsibility.
‘But then again,” I think, ‘for what use should
I expend myself and expose myself to dis-
putes ?”

Baker, on his way up, thought he could not
take up the hulls of the three steamers he brought
out with him. He wrote for the engines (thirty
horse-power) for two steamers from Penn, mean-
ing to build hulls of wood. He never heard
anything further about them. A year ago an
engineer, coming up the Nile, found a great deal
of machinery in the desert sand near Korosko.
He asked whose it was. They said, ‘“ Baker’s.”
He kindly brought it up, and there were the two
1876.] NO SUBORDINATES. 165

 

thirty-horse-power engines. What am I to do
with them? I hate to see them useless in
Khartoum. I have asked, and no answer has
come. Shall I order hulls, and risk it? Ask
Mary what I had better do, or the old cook.
In any other Government in the world I should
have under me subordinates to look after the
proper supplies being sent up and properly dis-
tributed, to look after the accounts, the soldiers,
and their arms, etc. I have not one to do this
work, and it appears not to be the custom—the
whole of these matters are the affair of the
Governor personally. He is controller in land
and water matters in the fullest sense of the
word: repairs of boats, steamers, etc., are all
his work.

Kerri, April 16.—I arrived here on April 12
from, Bedden. 2 ss You may remember that
last year I had here a great deal of trouble to
pass a rope across the river. I got one over—
or rather the boatmen did—easily this time.
However, on the other side the rope caught on a
rowlock of the boat, and the force of the current
bore down with such force that it was difficult to
release it. One of the men was hammering the
rowlock while I lifted on the rope; the rowlock
slewed, and off went the rope. Before I could
let go, it dragged me into the river; but I soon
rose and caught the rudder, and was all right. A
Reis jumped in after me, and his chemise got
swept over his head; so when he bobbed up near
me he was like the veiled prophet of Khorassan,
I caught him by his veil, and we got out all
safely. Yesterday, as we were hauling taut the
rope (I being seated under or near a tree to
166 A MOURNFUL LAND. (April,

 

which we had it attached), a whip snake was
shaken down, and tried to obtain cover between
me and the ground. However, I got clear of it.
The rope across the river is 160 yards long—five
telegraph wires twisted together... .. There is
a little black fly here which bites at night with
quite another sensation to the mosquito-bite. It
has an elephant-trunk sort of snout. You know
the sand-fly; but the latter are light-coloured,
while these are black. There are three in-
sect pests in these lands—the mosquito, the
black sand-fly, and the harvest bug, which buries
itself. The latter are only during the grass
season. No fleas or bugs,* and very few whzte
fleas, except in Mrooli..... It is a_ beautiful
country up here—nice hard ground, but very
silent and mournful, nothing moving to be seen.
To those who hope to realise happiness in this
life, it must have a most depressing effect.
Therefore it is that I say under forty no man
ought to come here. At that age he should
have given up his hopes, in a great measure.
. The improvidence of these officers is very

great. They had plenty of opportunity to store
dhoora during the season, and have neglected it
in spite of continual warnings, and now they will
suffer for it; for the natives are equally improvi-
dent, and, like civilised people I know, are always
hard up before pay-day, z.e., the new harvest.....
The iron ore one finds like slag on the surface
would give, I expect, 60 or 70 per cent. of metal ;
is it of any value? There are masses of it, and

* «Tt ought to be mentioned that the traveller in this part of Africa (z.¢.,
the country of the Dinka) is rarely troubled with vermin or fleas, which,
everywhere else, like desolation and slavery, seem invariably to have followed
the track of Islam.” ——-SCHWEINFURTH’S Heart of Africa, Vol. l., p. 157.—ED.
1876.] IRON ORE. 167

 

sometimes you see large spaces, like the floor of a
foundry, of nothing else than this slag. The
blacks declare that it is the residue of their
smelting operations ; but if this is the case, they
must have smelted much more than they do
now, for I find the slag cropping up from
between the roots of huge trees, which would
seem to imply that the roots had adapted them-
selves fo the crevices in it.* . 2...

What a country this is! The cows of these
parts will not live at Fatiko or to the south.
Horses all die. Mules and donkeys live. I went
out for a walk yesterday afternoon and picked a
sort of fig. I asked the black if it was good; he
said ‘‘ Yes,” and I bit it, and just tasted it. It
had an astringent, disagreeable taste, so I spat it
out. Soon after came on a violent sore-throat,
which nearly prevented my breathing, and this
continued all last night. Everything in this land
is bitter, or astringent, or thorny, or prickly. The
nice green waving grass has silicious delicate
hairs on it like spun glass and quite as sharp.
Nice-looking turf has a seed like a crow’s foot in
it. You walk along and think to pluck a tuft of
grass, and you get your finger cut to the bone.
Everything is tough and strong, and as for pluck-
ing a switch, you never can. You must use a
knife. It is odd to see how granite becomes
disintegrated in these lands. One can easily
understand its being so in lands where there is
frost; here there is the same principle at work,
viz., unequal expansion and contraction. As in

* In a later letter, Colonel Gordon writes, ‘‘Tell that Professor
Percy is quite right; the slag comes from the natives’ work.” See

SCHWEINFURTH’S Heart of Africa (Vol. 1., p. 206) for a description of
the Dyoor smelting-furnaces,—Eb,

 
168 UNEXPLORED COUNTRY. [April,

 

the north the decrease of temperature causes
some parts to be colder and flake away, so the
increase of temperature does the same out here.
What a difference there is in man! Here the
garrison of this place are perfectly happy, content
to do the very little work they are called on to do,
and desiring nothing else; a sort of life which I
can with difficulty endure two days. They
certainly sleep three-quarters of their time, and
thus a man of sixty years is really only fifteen
years of age. .... I envy Schweinfurth’s love
of botany,* but I expect that when once a
district had been well explored in its flora, the
same exnuz would seize him. A_ well-balanced
mind would keep his newspapers and make them
last him for months. I am never happy till I
have finished them. Here is a splendid country
for game, and yet there is not even a pigeon to
shoot.

Kerri, April 24.—The country round Kerri
is beautiful. Such glorious glades of forest, and
away north of the tail of the Neri Hills there is
such an expanse of fine land quite unexplored.
No one knows what tribes are living here... . .
The children of the natives are very extraordi-
mary; at a year old they walk and carry gourds
of water. They are fearfully top-heavy, z.¢., their
heads are enormous, and at a distance they are
like regular tadpoles. Their heads and stomachs

* See SCHWEINFURTH’S Heart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 179—‘‘In unfailing
good health I passed the first few weeks in a transport of joy—literally enrap-
tured by the unrivalled loveliness of nature.” And p. 224—‘‘In sickness
everything is sad, and the craving for home is not to be suppressed ; but who-
ever, in the robustness of health, can imbibe the fresh animation of the wilder-
ness, will find that it stamps something of its unchanging verdure upon his
memory ; his imagination will elevate it to a paradise, and the days spent
there will enrol themselves among the very happiest of his life.” —Ep.
1876.] GESSI’S VOYAGE. ' 169

 

”

are “they,” their legs and arms are merely
antenne to them. When they grow up, how-
ever, they are not at all deformed.

May 2.—Gessi came in on April 29. He had
gone round the Lake in nine days, and found it
only 140 miles long and 50 wide. West coast
inaccessible; natives rather hostile. No river
comes into it, but the end (south) is very shallow
and marshy. He was driven by a violent storm
to an isle full of Kaba Rega’s troops, and the
soldiers had to fire on the natives to keep them
off. Gessi is a seafaring man; yet he says he
never was in such a storm. The Arabs met in
the centre of the boat, and said their prayers in
concert, and would do nothing. The Soudan
soldiers were sick unto death with the tossing,
and all the time they had the prospect of falling
into Kaba Rega’s hands, if they escaped the
seas. He says that nothing but life-boats would
have stood the gale. The rain was in drops the
size of a dollar. The Arab sailors said that
nothing would ever induce them to go on the
Lake again—they would sooner desert to the
natives. The natives, though they had never
seen an Arab before, said, ‘We want no Turks
here; go on—go on! Why do you come here ?”
Some would not speak while Gessi was near;
they looked on him as a fiend because of his
colour. They said, ‘That man must go away
before we speak to you.” All whom he saw were
clothed. The boats were alive with swarms of
those little white insects which bite, and which
came from the boatmen. A pleasant trip for
him! He has done very well. The Nile, soon
after leaving Lake Albert, splits into two branches,
170 COMPANIONS A WORRY. [May,

 

one going to Duffli and the one to the North-
West. The natives say the latter goes an im-
mense way.*

Kerri, May 20.—I have now ill—the
result of staying in all day, smoking, and doing
nothing. ‘There is little enough to do; but still,
if you sit in all day and smoke, you cannot be
surprised at your liver getting congested. Difh-
cult as it is to do, it is only by forcing yourself
out, by cutting down a decayed tree, or some
such exercise, that you can keep your health out
here... .. If ever you go out to Africa on
exploration business, go alone; for it is only
possible to exist when you are alone. The
worries of a companion only make your own
greater, if you happen to have a little more
energy in you than that companion.t

Larpo, May 27.—Tired out of waiting, I have
come down to this place. I hear, however, that
the steamer will be completed in three weeks.
What I shall do then I am not sure. Last night,
during a storm of wind and rain, I was awakened
by loud cries and shots close to the house. I
guessed what it was, and rushed out. Three
elephants had chosen to try to land at the place
cut in the bank to enable the servants to get
water from the river. The sentry, however, saw
them, fired at them, and made them give up
their intention. You see, if they landed and got

 

* On p. 171, mention is made of another branch of the Nile. Colonel
Gordon does not think that either of these branches exists ; but he feels no
certainty on the point.—Ep.

+ ‘His (Livingstone’s) conclusion is a sad one, but it explains why, in
his last journey, he went alone; he is convinced that if he had been by
himself he would have accomplished more.”—ersonal Life of Livingstone,
Pp. 290.
1876.] THE VARNISH OF CIVILISATION. I7I

 

frightened, they would break down my house in a
moment, and do a deal of damage; this is a
favourite landing-place for them.

June 1.—The steamer arrived yesterday bring-
ing thirty-eight Donglowi.

En route To Kerri, /ume rz.—During a
heavy thunderstorm to-day, while putting the side
of my wet tent straight, I received at the moment
of a flash of lightning a couple of severe shocks,
similar to what a strong electric machine would
give. What anescape!.... Piaggia has found
a lake between Mrooli and Urundogani, on the
Victoria Nile, some fifty miles long. Long had
spoken of this lake, but I thought it was only the
flooding of the low-lands. Piaggia says that there
is a branch flowing out of it, which must go to
the Saubat or to the Asua.* ... . With respect
to the explorations, I consider it is quite unjusti-
fiable that Englishmen should take men into
dangers of which they are utterly ignorant, and
should then leave them to their fate. Residence
in these oriental lands tends, after a time, to blunt
one’s susceptibilities of right and justice, and,
therefore, the necessity for men to return, at
certain periods, to their own countries to re-
imbibe the notions of the same. Some men
become imbued with the notions of injustice much
quicker than others, when abroad, but cer-
tainly has not taken much time to throw off all
the trammels of civilised life, and to be ready to
take up the unjust dealings of an Arab Pasha.
The varnish of civilised life is very thin, and only
superficial. «+ + « Man does not know what he is
capable of in circumstances of this sort ; unless he

* See p. 170.

 
172 METEORIC STONE HATCHETS. [/uly,

 

has the loadstar, he has no guide, no counsellor
in his walk.

LazoreE, /uly g—I do not feel as if I was
coming back for many a year, and though I have
certainly struggled to do so, it appears that He
wills my stay here, and has given me a willing
heart to do so. All my worries, with the return
of my health, have disappeared. I am now pre-
paring for the taking to pieces, at Moogie, of the
108-ton steamer “ Khedive,” and the putting her
together on Victoria Lake. This might, if He
wills it, be accomplished in April next, and would
secure the Lake to the Khedive..... I have
sent to the Khedive three stone hatchets, just
like the stone implements found in the drift.
They are of meteoric stone; the Mudir of Rohl
sent them to me. The odd part about them is
that they are shaped like the ancient stone im-
plements, which are supposed to have been made
by pre-Adamite men..... I have 150 new
troops coming up to Unyoro, and 100 more will
come afterwards; this will give me great power
up ity these parts. . s «

We are all approaching, at different intervals,
our great existence—God. He has explained
Himself to us as the Truth, Love, Wisdom, and
All-might. We, in the abstract, accept these
attributes, but do not believe them heartily: on
account of apparent contradictions we are, as it
were, blind; and by degrees He opens our eyes,
and enables us by dint of sore trouble to know
Him little by little. It matters not in the long
run whether we sincerely accept what He states.
He is what He says to each of us, and we shall
know it eventually. According to His pleasure
1876.] RENDING THE VEIL. 173

 

so He reveals Himself in different degrees to
different people. Zo know Him is the ultimate
point of his vast design in the creation of this
world and of all worlds. Man at his birth beholds
a veil before him which shrouds the Godhead.
If his lot is to be born in Christian lands, he has
the attributes of the Godhead explained to him
by the Word, both written and incarnated; but
though he may know by his intellect the truth of
the Word, things are so contradictory in this life
that the mystery still remains. By suffering and
trials the veil is rent to his mind, and he accepts
sincerely, to the degree the veil is rent, what he
has before accepted by his intellect. The rents
in the veil may often present inconsistencies to
him which disappear on new rents being made,
and he sees at length an harmonious whole. To
the Black man the same shrouded Being presents
Himself, and we do not know how He reveals
Himself; and, perhaps, the Black man could not
say himself; but it is the same Godhead, and has
the same attributes, whether known or unknown.
There is in us a principle, a seed of God; and
that seed should, in union with God, watch the
conflict of the flesh and the spirit in peace, for the
result is certain. Every time the flesh is foiled
by the spirit, so often is a rent made in the veil,
and we know more of God. Every time the
reverse takes place, so often does the veil fall
again. When the inevitable event—death—
occurs, then the veil is rent altogether, and no
mystery remains. The flesh is finally vanquished
by the spirit, who lives the conqueror of his life-
long foe. J think the veil is thickened by the
doctrines of men, and that to rend it is more
174 PULLING DOWN A LIFE’S WORK. [ July,

 

difficult when those doctrines have been accepted
and found inefficient. Had you not been imbued
with these doctrines of men—had God not willed
it so in His wisdom—you would not have had
such sufferings to know the truth, as you have
had. I believe when we begin life we are far
more capable of accepting those truths than after-
wards; when we have imbibed man’s doctrines,
we must unlearn, and then learn again. Witha
child he has only to learn.* Therefore, it is
easier for a Publican to accept the truths than for
a Pharisee. The Pharisee builds his house, and
uses men’s doctrines; after a time, he sees diff-
culties, and tries to dovetail his new views into his
house. They will not fit in; but he says, ‘“‘ Why,
I cannot pull down all my work and begin again,”
so he forces them in; and still they will not fit.
Then he takes down a little, and then a little
more, but it is no good; he finds the foundation
is at fault, and thence great trials and troubles,
till at last he has to pull all down, and when he
has done that—why the miracle of a new house
on the true foundation appears before him, in
which work he has not to make an effort. The
Publican has built nothing; feels he can build
nothing ; but that all is done for him. Why one
should be a Pharisee and have all this toil, and
the other should be a Publican and have none, is
God’s mystery of His government. It is pain
and grief to pull down a life’s work, and to grub
up even the foundations; but, while you pull down
each stone, your true house is built up by God, so

* “Heaven lies about us in our infancy !
Shades of the prison-house begin to close
Upon the growing boy.”
—WorDswortn’s Ode to Immortality.—EpD
1876.] “I HAVE A MISSION HERE.” 175

 

that while you are pulling down, you are, in
reality, having a house built... . . I feel that I
have a mission here (not taken in its usual sense).
The men and officers like my justice, candour,
my outbursts of temper, and see that I am nota
tyrant. Over two years we have lived intimately
together, and they watch me closely. I am glad
that they do so. My wish and desire is that all
should be as happy as it rests with me to make
them, and though I feel sure that I am unjust
sometimes, it is not the rule with me to be so. I
care for their marches, for their wants and food,
and protect their women and boys if they ill-treat
hem; and 7 do nothing of this—I am a chisel
which cuts the wood, the Carpenter directs tt.
If I lose my edge, He must sharpen me; if He
puts me aside and takes another, it is His own
good will. None are indispensable to Him; He
will do His work with a straw equally as well.
“JT am what I am”—‘“All in All.” The /’s of
the world are naught. How often do the
Scriptures claim for Him all honour, power, and
might; and yet all of us claim honour from our
fellow-men! J found the Lake; / put the steamer
on the Lake; / invented this; / invented that ;
it was my idea; etc. It cannot be helped that we
do all this. Man would not suffer any change in
this respect; but it is an infringement of His
attributes. How should I feel if Gessi said, “I
put the steamer on the Lake”? He would be
justified to a certain degree in saying so, for he
helped most materially. I do not think I should
care a bit now; but in old times it would have
annoyed me. I dare say some of my letters have
been boastful; but I know that my looking-glass
176 DUFFLI TO MAGUNGO. [ July,

 

(conscience) has remonstrated whenever I have so
written. Some of my letters are written by one
nature, others by the other nature ; and so it will
be to the end. It makes one terribly inconsistent
this conflict in some affairs which require a de-
cision both carnal and spiritual. Being in authority
and responsible, action is necessary, while mercy
should temper justice.

Durru, /uly 9.—I arrived here yesterday from
Laboré, and found the steamer... . . Yesterday
for three hours we had a herd of thirty elephants,
small and great, moving on the path some 500
yards ahead of us. Their appearance was very
remarkable. They keep waving their huge ears,
and these look like sails.

Durrut, /wly ro.—Thank God I am quite well,
and so happy, now I have resigned the govern
ment of the province, and put all the faults on my
“Friend.” He is able to bear them, and will use
me as long as He pleases as His mouthpiece ;
and when He has done with me He will put me
aside. ‘Casting all your cares on him; for he
careth for you” has just come to mind.....
Do not put any confidence in what I may say I
will do; for long before you get my letters, cir-
cumstances may have altered; my ideas may be
changed, and the very reverse of what I said may
take place. My letters are my journal and im-
pressions of the moment. I cannot be bound by
them.

EN route From Durrii to Macunco, /uly
23-25.—I1 left Duffli on July 20, with the steamer
and two life-boats. The river is horrible. It
varies from one to two, even to five miles in
width, and no current is perceptible. It is full
1876.] ELEPHANTS FEEDING. 177

 

of endless papyrus isles, and there is a fringe
of papyrus for ten or twelve yards along the
banks, which renders landing very difficult. The
country is densely peopled. ‘

Macunoo, /uly 28.—Arrived at the debouch
of the Victoria Nile into Lake Albert to-day,
after a night spent in the lake owing to my
stupidity. The entrance is masked by a mass
of papyrus isles. There is no current at all, and
it is a most miserable-looking place. The people
are quiet, and well-disposed to us. I saw a herd
of elephants to-day feeding quietly, and looking so
happy. They pitch grass into their mouths with
their trunks, as you would chuck water into your
mouth from a basin. What a wilderness this is
up here—not a sound to be heard, and so lifeless
and apparently miserable. It is another Mrooli.
You can see nothing of the lake for the mass of
the isles of papyrus. . . I propose (and God
disposes) to go up from here to Foweira, and
then map that part ;* to go then to Mrooli, and
thence to Urundogani and to Cossitza (Ripon
Falls) ; hoist the Egyptian flag there on Victoria
Lake, and then map the river from Cossitza

* Colonel Gordon, as has been seen, had not intended to return to this
part of the country. This summer, however, he had read a paper by
Dr. Schweinfurth, in which that traveller said, “Tt may be that Lake
Albert belongs to the Nile basin, but it is not a ‘settled fact ; for there are
seventy miles between Foweira and Lake Albert never explored, and one
is not authorised in making the Nile leave Lake Albert. The question is
very doubtful.” ‘‘It was contended,” writes Colonel Gordon, ‘‘that the
Nile did not flow out of Lake Victoria, and thence through Lake Albert,
and so northward, but that one river flowed out of Lake Victoria and
another out of Lake Albert ; that these two rivers united and formed the
Nile. This statement could not be positively denied, inasmuch as no one
had actually gone along the river from Foweira to Magungo. So I went
along it with much suffering, and settled the question. I also found that
from Foweira or Karuma Falls there was a series of rapids to Murchison

Falls, thus dy degrees getting rid of the 1,000 feet difference of level between
Foweira and Magungo.”—Ep.

N
178 MTESA’S CAPITAL. [Angust,

 

to Urundogani; and thence to Mrooli. From
Cossitza to “Urundogani i is forty miles by land—
the river not being navigable. From Urundo-
gani to Mrooli it is navigable, and I have done
the part between Mrooli and Foweira. Then
the Nile will be completed. I then hope to
go to Masindi from Foweira, and thence down
to get up the other two steamers.

August 2—The post came in to-day
from Mrooli and Masindi. It appears that Mtesa
has pressed Nuehr Agha, the officer I sent to
form the stockade at Urundogani, to make his
stockade at his (Mtesa’s) capital. As it is
Mtesa’s own wish, I will let the 160 soldiers
stay there. It is his own fault. I wished him
to preserve his independence, and therefore chose
the Nile route, viz., Urundogani and Cossitza
(Ripon Falls). But now Mtesa has the garrison
at his capital, a very few men will suffice for
those places, as I can make him prisoner if he is
troublesome. You see, also, I secure ali the
Zanzibar trade; and, in fact, he has virtually
given up his independence. .... I know what
he will be at, viz., trying to seduce the officers
and men to go and attack his enemies. There is
a large isle, Sassé, which he wanted Linant to
attack. It seems that the men of Sassé are
expert divers. Whenever Mtesa has been to
attack them in canoes, they dive and cut the
withes which bind the bark of the canoes toge-
ther, and consequently his men get drowned.

THreE Mites West or Murcuison FALLs,
August 5.—The river has dense forests on each
side. It is very sluggish, and, like the Duffli
river, its edges are fringed with papyrus. There
1876.] A DEAD MOURNFUL SPOT. 179

 

are few places where you can land. It is not
more than 200 yards wide here..... Anfina
wanted yesterday to kill all Kaba Rega’s mztan-
goles (officers) who came in to swear allegiance ;
but it was not allowed (“And Agag came softly,
and said, Surely the bitterness of death hath
passed.”) A dead, mournful spot this is, with a
heavy damp dew penetrating everywhere. It
is as if the Angel Azrael had spread his wings
over this land. You have little idea of the
silence and solitude. I am sure no one whom
God did not support could bear up. It is simply
killing. Thank God, I am in good health, and
am very rarely low, and then only for a short
time. There are shoals of crocodiles in the river.
You see them swimming about in the still water.

August 6.—1 am nearly dead. To map the
river for eight or ten miles I have had to walk,
in pouring rain, through jungle some eighteen
miles ; but it is done, at any rate, and I am quite
sure no one will ever do it again. About five
or six miles from the Falls you see a high table-
land covered with trees. Below it are hills
separated one from the other by terrific ravines,
which come down to the Nile. There is a com-
plete jumble of these ravines—it is terrible walk-
ing. The table-land is black lava; the lower hills
are clay and gravelly deposits. The river is quite
navigable up to the foot of the falls. The steamer
went up there.

August 7.—We went a weary, hot march of
fifteen miles, the path being about three miles
from the river which I have mapped in from the
ravine in which it runs.

August 8 (Noon).—We got over fifteen miles

N 2
180 UTTERLY PROSTRATED. [August,

 

to-day—terrible work. Such a country of ravines
and gullies! As we got in, down came a deluge
of rain, and we have all our things wet. Poor
men, it is terrible work for them. No one knows
the country, . :-.. I never had such fatigue. It
has utterly prostrated me—a deadly coldness and
emptiness at the stomach makes you feel inclined
to drop. Fifteen drops of chlorodine, however,
set me up. What misery! and what for ?

August 9.—Got over eighteen miles to-day,
and came on the river, where we camped. The
path for eight miles through fearful grass.

August zo.—After fourteen-and-a-half miles,
we reached the deserted seriba of the Anfina
Station—such a gloomy, miserable place, in the
midst of the forest. To-day and half yesterday
we have had no path, but have had to force our
way through the jungle. It has been terrible
work; for, what with wild vines and convolvuli
and other creepers, you sometimes got bound
hand and foot. J have had several severe falls,
shaking my poor liver terribly.

Fowerra, August 73.—When I left Mrooli on
January 25, I gave detailed instructions to the
officer A. to this effect :—‘‘ Ask Mtesa if he would
like to have troops at Urundogani: if he says,
‘Yes, then pay him a visit. If he says, ‘No,’
then go to Nyamyongo, which, belonging to
Kaba Rega, snow, by the capture of Mrooli,
belongs to us.” Well, from that time, January 24,
till July 28, when I arrived at Magungo, I have
been told this and that by the officer A. I
thought the station at Urundogani was formed.
When I got to Magungo, A. writes to say that,
as Mtesa wished the station to be at Dubaga—his
1876.] THE SOLDIERS PRISONERS. 181

 

capital—A. had put it there. When I got here, I
meet A., and hear that when he got to Mtesa, he
(A.) sent off his porters, as Mtesa said he would
give him porters. Well, day after day Mtesa
kept making excuses, till A., driven to despe-
ration, agreed to keep the troops at Dubaga. He
makes a stockade, and the soldiers are virtually
prisoners there, for they cannot get away. In fact,
we are in the same state as Baker was at Masindi.*
Mtesa is buying from Zanzibar powder in quan-
tities, and is evidently meditating something. So
now I am going down (p.v.) to get my men out of
the mess, and to withdraw them, and to follow my
original intention by putting them at Nyamyongo,
which is nine miles north of Urundogani. From
this place (Foweira) to Urundogani the river is
navigable. There we must wait events. I am get-
ting a steamer up, to work on this section of the
river. Mtesa has with him an Arab of Zanzibar,
who writes English, and who was brought up by
the mission there. He writes to me in Mtesa’s
name—a jumble of bits of prayers, etc., and keeps
repeating he is the King of Uganda, etc., and the
greatest king in Africa. Mtesa has annexed my
soldiers; he has not been annexed himself... ..
My officer A. says, Mtesa does not execute many
people now.

Mroou, August z8.—Have determined not to
go to Dubagaa, for the following reasons :—1. They
all assure me that there is no chance of Mtesa’s
attempting to stop the return of the troops. 2. If
I went, complications might arise which would be
as well avoided, for it appears Mtesa’s court is as
full of etiquette as the Pekin court. 3. Itisalong

* See Zsmailia, Vol. 11., p. 278.—ED.
182 THOUGHTS OF HOME. (August,

 

way to toil in the sun for nothing. I send, there-
fore, ninety men with Nuehr Agha; these, with
the 140 now there, are force enough.

Mroout, August 23.—After careful study I have
decided on the following course—viz., when the
troops return from Dubaga to move with 100 of
them to Nyamyongo and Urundogani, and to sur-
vey the river and country between Mrooli and
those places... .. This bit of the Nile [between
Urundogani and the Lake] I am forced to give up.
I avoid pushing it, for fear of complications before
we are ready for them. You can imagine how |
feel about this bit of the Nile, for it is the only dzt
I have not done from Berber upwards to Lake
Victoria; but reason says, ‘ Divide and weaken
your forces ;” “Concentrate and strengthen your
forces ;” and so my personal feelings must be
thrown over. I dare say a desire to be out of this
country is mixed up with my decision, which will
(p.v.) bring me to Khartoum about the middle of
October, to Cairo in January, and home about
February 5, having been absent a few days over
three years. My present idea is then to lie in
bed till eleven every day; in the afternoon, to
walk not farther than the docks; and not to
undertake those terrible railway journeys, or to
get exposed to the questionings of people and their
inevitable dinners—in fact, get into a dormant
state, and stay there till I am obliged to work.
I want oysters for lunch.

Mroout, August 27.—I think I may ask
to send out the fur coat, to “Care of Manager,
Shepheard’s Hotel, Cairo,” ¢o be called for; so as
to be there about December 25, for by that date
it will be cold. It will be something like (p.v.)

 
1876.] THE UGANDA MISSION. 183

 

January 28, 1877, when I hope to make my ap-
pearance. Just three years’ absence. To me it
seems a very long three years, without a Sunday
—every day is just the same.

August 28.—Great excitement among the troops
about the new Sultan, and deposition of Abdul
Aan

August 30.—I1 have proposed to Mtesa a
treaty recognising the independence of the
country of Uganda, and offering to take his
ambassadors (!) down to Cairo. It is the best
thing I could do.

Mroo., September 2.—I have written to the
Uganda Mission a note on the policy they should
pursue, if they would benefit Mtesa in a perma-
nent way. The Egyptians are beginning not to
like the English at all; and we may depend on it
they will not put up much longer with our dicta-
tion. Every little thing helps to deepen this dis-
like. Our interference at Zanzibar, in Abyssinia,
and now this Mission, which, as composed, is
more secular than spiritual. If they do not act
judiciously, they will prove the ruin of Mtesa.

If, as I have written, they would benefit
him and not ruin him, they should cement as close
an alliance with Egypt as possible: an antago-
nistic attitude would be disastrous. However well-
disciplined or armed Mtesa’s people may become,
it would be short work for Egypt to overcome
Uganda. sss You will understand that in all
this I am alluding to the secular portion of the
Mission, and not to the spiritual. Mtesa’s atten-
tion—to which portion will it be directed? to the

* He was deposed in the night of May 29, so that it had taken thirteen
weeks for the news to travel from Constantinople to Mrooli.—Eb.
184 THE FUTURE WORLD. [September,

 

arming of his men, or tothe Atonement? ‘“ They
that take the sword shall perish with the sword.”
I fully believe that God would see to the welfare
of the spiritual portion, but when man descends
to secular means he may meet with secular resist-
ance.

Mroout, September 2.—I can scarcely realise
that (p.v.) in six or seven days my journeying
begins, to end in England, if God wills... ..
am so tired of waiting and waiting here, day after
day, with nothing in the world to do or to occupy
oneself with. If all the work I have had to do
up here was compressed into the space of time
that one might reasonably expect it would take,
there would not have been much more than fifteen
months’ work instead of two years; for I did not
really begin work till September, 1874, and now
it is September, 1876. The two trials of this
country are the climate and the delays. You
cannot realise the blessings you enjoy in having
occupation, and in the celerity with which things
are done in England. ‘These blessings are quite
overlooked. Each one of you has, when you rise,
something to do in the day; here you have abso-
lutely nothing; and this complete stagnation is
liked by the black officers and soldiers. That is
the true trial of Europeans. ... .

The future world must be much more amusing,
more enticing, more to be desired than this world
—putting aside its absence of sorrow and sin.
The future world has been somehow painted to
our mind as a place of continuous praise; and,
though we may not say it, yet one cannot help
feeling, that, if thus, it would prove monotonous.
It cannot be thus. It must be a life of activity,
1876.] MTESA STUDIES REVELATIONS. 185

 

for happiness is dependent on activity; death is
cessation of movement ; life is all movement.*
Mroott, September g.—The troops came in
from Mtesa’s to-day... .. There was a doctor
up there with the troops, and Mtesa, sending out
all his men but a few, took the Bible Stanley gave
him, and asked him to translate a passage in
Revelations about the dragon and the woman in
childbirth. This had to go through three lan-
guages, and one wonders what Mtesa heard at
the end of it. In spite of the change of his
religion to Christianity, he wanted to keep my
Mussulman priest, but I would not allow it.
SIxTEEN Mites Soutu or Mroott, September
zz.—I started to-day from Mrooli, and we
marched sixteen miles, and are nearly opposite
Gebel or Mount Marusi, in Baker’s and Speke’s
maps. This hill is shown opposite to Mrooli. It
is not so—at least twenty miles south of it. On
our approach the natives, old subjects of Kaba
Rega, fled and hid in the grass or papyrus on the
bank of the river. Some of Rionga’s men found
a canoe, and went in it. One of Kaba Rega’s
* « There’s a fancy some lean to and others hate—
That when this life is ended, begins
New work for the soul in another state,
Where it strives and gets weary, loses and wins :
Where the strong and the weak, this world’s congeries,
Repeat in large what they have practised in small,

Through life after life, in unlimited series ;
Only the scale ’s to be changed, that’s all.

“Yet I hardly know. When a soul has seen

By the means of Evil that Good is best,

And, through earth and its noise, what is Heaven’s serene,
When our faith in the same has stood the test—

Why, the child grown man, you burn the rod,
The uses of labour are surely done ;

There remaineth a rest for the people of God,
And I have had troubles enough for one.”

—Old Pictures in Florence. By ROBERT BROWNING.—ED.
186 MTESA’S FAITH BREAKS DOWN. [ September,

 

subjects threw his lance at it, and killed a boy,
whereon all Rionga’s men bolted. These blacks
are quite up to this. They are like snakes, and,
as Baker called them, “irrepressible vermin.” ....
I sent you, through , a memorandum of a
visit paid Mtesa by one of my officers. It is very
amusing. Among other things, he was desperately
alarmed at hearing of your poor brother’s arrival
at Magungo with the steamer. His faith in either
the Mussulman or Christian religion broke down,
and he sent for his magicians and had a conference
of five hours with them. However, it was not
satisfactory, for he then sent for my officer, and
protested how he loved me, etc., besetting him
with questions about why I came. My opinion
of him, formed in 1873, on my arrival, is not
changed. He is an abib* or native, like all the
rest of them, not better and not worse.....
Half Mtesa’s guns are flint-locks. He has no
lead, and makes iron bullets. He has five little
brass guns—no carriages for them and no shot.
The guns are like the saluting guns of yachts.
He will trust no one, and is constantly changing
his mztangoles (officers). He has no man of
note to command his men. He has some eight
hundred muskets of one sort and another. I was
afraid he would learn from my men’s example
how to make a stockade, but it appears not, for he
has pulled down the one I made. The country is
quite open, and there is never much grass, which
was the difficulty with all the other refractory
chiefs. He has moved more inland from the lake.

Imagine a huge hay-stack—that is what these
towns are. In the palace-precincts are three or

 

* The Arab name for a slave.
1876.] A KING OF TWO RELIGIONS. 187

 

four thousand men, women, and children—imagine
their flight. However, I hope it will never
happen: p.v. it will never do so while I am here.
The moment Mtesa evacuates Dubaga he loses
all his power, and would weigh no more than one
of his mztangoles..... The Arabs are angry and
annoyed at Mtesa’s proclivities to Christianity.
The other day he called the Doctor (who, by
the way, is a German, and who, now professing
the Mussulman religion, pretends to me that he
is an Arab by birth and religion. Emin Effendi
is his name in Arabic). Well, Mtesa sent for
him, and showed him a bell, and said the Arabs
(those from Zanzibar) objected to his ringing it
when he went to prayers. ‘‘ What was he to
do?” The Doctor said, ‘‘What religion are you?”
He said, “Oh, I am Christian.” ‘‘ Well,’ the
Doctor said, ‘‘ Ring the bell.” He said he would,
and then, when the Doctor had gone, he sent
for my Ulema, whom I had sent him by H.H.’s
orders, and had public prayer after the Mussulman
rites. He is also greatly distressed because the
Zanzibar Arabs will not let him wear my Royal
Engineers’ forage-cap with gold band, which I
gave him; he took advice with the Doctor about
it. In fact, the Doctor had a time of it. He was
asked whether the Bible was true or not. How
he got out of it I do not know, but he was put
through his facings on religious subjects. How
could you explain in two or three different lan-
guages badly known, that the worship of God is
in spirit and truth, not in meats and ceremonies,
In the memorandum I sent you, I gave you a
description of the Doctor’s reception. He was
ushered into a large long shed, on each side of
188 “GLORIES OF OUR BLOOD AND STATE.” [September,

 

which the Viziers were ranged, ten in number, and
all seated; at the end, in a sort of alcove, having
an exit (for Mtesa to escape by, I expect), sat on
a dais Mtesa, with a huge white turban, dressed
in gold-embroidered clothes, holding in one hand
a silver-mounted sword, and in the other a sort
of carved sceptre. The Doctor was given a chair,
and sat down. For ten minutes no one spoke a
single word. The Doctor, getting tired, then said
he had brought presents, and after a few minutes
His Majesty congé-ed him. He then sent for
him, and put him through his facings about
Revelations, as I told you. He kept him till
eight in the evening; then left him, but told him
to wait. After a while he was sent for, and went
into the yard. Mtesa then appeared, with all his
court, viziers, etc., and some hundred and fifty
followers with flambeaux, and defiled past him to
the door of the harem, where he halted, and the
viziers and the rest formed round him. He posed
himself in an attitude, and all was silence. Then
a secretary came to the Doctor, and asked him
from Mtesa, “If he (Mtesa) was not a great
Sultan? If that was not the way all Sultans acted?”
etc. The Doctor said that Mtesa was a wonder-
ful Sultan, of great power and magnificence ; that
all Sultans, without exception, followed his pro-
ceedings when they went to their harems. Mtesa
was delighted, and so the visit ended... . .

I am curious to know what happens with the
Mission, for Mtesa, ox principle, keeps his visitors
on short commons, expressly to make them humble
themselves before him, and that, I expect, the
Mission will find irksome. As Bismarck said of
Arnim, you cannot believe a word he says. The
1876.] THE VIZIERS BEG FOR SHIRTS. 189

 

Doctor was fed, while he was new to Mtesa, and
then was dropped, till Mtesa used to get into a
panic about me; then he was /éted again. .

I forgot to tell you that on the arrival of the
Doctor (who, being a German, is white) Mtesa
wrote to him and asked him whether he was
a Christian or a Mussulman; that “he pre-
sumed he was a Christian as he was white, and
that he had found all Mussulmans dad.” The
Doctor, in spite of his assumed humility that he
puts on, fired up at the home-thrust, and wrote
back—“ He had come with presents, not to be
questioned about his creed ; that it was bad taste
of Mtesa to say all Mussulmans were bad ; that if
he thought that, he would not come near him.”
Mtesa got in a panic, sent over his secretary, and
said what had been written was wrong; that
he did not mean it; that he was a Mussulman,
and wanted the first letter back. The Doctor
would not give it. However, after much pressing,
he gave it to Mtesa, but has the copy. Mtesa is
very sharp. The Doctor has no shirts. The
viziers begged them all off him.

September 13.—Got over twenty miles to-day.
The mosquitoes in the morning were terrible on
one’s neck; passing a tree a hornet flew out and
stung me on the nape, and made me feel in both
shoulders. He had let the whole caravan—two
hundred people—pass him, and selected me—the
only white of the party..... The heat is
terrible; however (p.v.) one-and-a-half day's
march will complete my journey, and then I turn
northwards. You have no idea how J/zshallah
(God willing) grows on one here. Things so
generally go crooked, to ovr frail judgment, that
190 “TRREPRESSIBLE VERMIN.” [ September,

 

I would defy a man to express himself as in
Europe—‘I shall go to town to-morrow, and be
back on Tuesday.” He would never say that in
these countries without the preface ; and if he did
the hearer would say it for him.

September 14.—Got over seventeen miles, the
first six of which were through a dense jungle,
with large creepers and fallen trees right across
the path; a complete entanglement with constant
marshes, and mosquitoes in myriads. I did not
feel at all comfortable ; when we had gone four
miles, I heard a shout and a crash of loads thrown
down, and then a volley about twenty yards in the
rear of me. About ten or twelve of those irre-
pressible vermin had made an attack on the
porters. They threw their assegais, but only
wounded one man. This sort of work is much
more dangerous for me, humanly speaking, than
regular war would be. These blacks can throw
their lances fifty yards with a sure aim; and, as
the path is very narrow and the bush very dense,
one is not comfortable. Besides which I have
not overmuch confidence in the troops or officer
with me. However (p.v.) it will be over to-
morrow. I do not carry arms as I ought to do,
for my whole attention is devoted to defending
the nape of my neck from mosquitoes. How-
ever, | will carry my revolver to-morrow, though
the native will have first shot if he does attack
me. In the attack one of the lances destroyed
my butter-tin.

September 15.—Having marched close on eighty
miles by land, I ought to be near Nyamyongo,
which Speke puts near south of 1° N. Lat. The
country is disagreeably wooded, and I have little
1876.] FEW LANDING PLACES. I9Qt

 

confidence in my caravan; so that it is just as
well to turn back, as nothing is to be gained but
the survey of a few miles more of river which we
know to be navigable to Isamba; so (p.v.) back |
go to-morrow by boat. It is a remarkable thing
that from here to Mrooli [seventy-five miles], the
edge of the river is unapproachable, except through
100 yards to one mile of papyrus and marsh.
From Mrooli to Foweira [seventy-three miles]
there are only two places where you can land on
terra firma, exclusive of Foweira. From Foweira
to Murchison Falls there may be landing-places ;
from Murchison Falls to Magungo eaeiesn
miles] there are not more than three; from
Magungo to Duffli [135 miles] there are five
landing-places ; from below Fola Rapids to Rageef
[113 miles] you can land anywhere, while from
Rageef to Lardo [twenty-six miles] you can only
land at one (Gondokoro) besides Lardo. There
is one place between Lardo and Bohr [ninety
miles], at the Shir tribe; then you can land at
the old Mission below Bohr; then there is no
landing-place till the Saubat [360 miles]; then
none till Fashoda [sixty miles], and for one
hundred miles north of it people do land, but it
is over your knees in the rainy season.

Mroott, September 18.—I arrived here last
night by river from Nyamyongo—it is one lake,
all the way, of dead water. The Kaba Rega
natives threatened us with an attack, but did not
persist after we fired a few shots. The river is
extraordinary. It was very dangerous work
threading the narrow passages, for the natives
could conceal themselves in the rushes, and hurl
their spears into the boats without your being
192 A LYING OFFICER. [ September,

 

able to perceive them. When I got here I found
some letters from Mtesa, in answer to mine about
the treaty. He, however, says nothing about
that, and his letters, as usual, are mixed up with
bits of prayers, and requests for guns, etc. I
have given him a good letter, and have (pD.v.)
done with him.

En route To Masinp1, September 20.—An
elephant made us halt to-day. The men were
quite afraid to pass. He stood like a mountain
in the path, and had broken down a thick tree, a
foot in diameter.

September 22.—Marched eight miles and a-half,
and arrived at higher land (with good water), called
Kisuga. Pleasant hills all around.

Now for an affair. I have had for some time
some misgivings whether the officers and troops
I had sent from Foweira to occupy Masindi were
really there ; but they—my misgivings—had been
lulled by the most positive assurances. Now, here
we are about twelve miles from Masindi, and I
find my suspicions are correct; that the station it
has pleased them to call Masindi is two days from
here, further to the north: so that if God wills, and
I arrive safe at Masindi, it will be I that God
permits to capture it. Is not this a proof of the
worthlessness of the tools I have to work with?
Here I am, marching from Mrooli to Masindi,
thinking it in the possession of my troops; and
when I arrive near Masindi I find I have a day’s
journey further on to those troops. I have one
hundred men with me and a small caravan, and
I trust God will bring us safely through.

The employé in charge of the troops (which
ought to be at Masindi, and which are not) has
1876.] A MISSING STATION. 193

 

been warned to meet me; I hope all will go well,
even if he does not (which I think very likely)
obey my orders. In spite of all this, 1 am exceed-
ingly glad it has pleased God so to rule things ;
for I now have made some arrangements for the
disposition of troops which are much prefer-
able to my previous arrangements. I certainly
did not expect to have this business on my hands,
after my Nyamyongo tour by land and water ; but
you never know what you may come on in this
land, and never ought to think of the morrow—
except that it shall pass as God wills it. People
may object, as they like, to what I may say, but
nevertheless the faith God has given me is a foun-
tain of support for the present and future, and also
for drowning the past. This is what He would
have us be—viz., ‘‘ His friends,” not servants.

September 24.—Marched fifteen miles. The
enemy kept on drumming and blowing horns
all yesterday afternoon around us. Having the
account of Baker’s retreat* before me, I was far
from comfortable; for here I was with, at the
outside, one hundred soldiers, of whom thirty are
scarcely over sixteen years old. However, thank
God—not in words, but heartfully—we got through
safely. We have been followed, and once the
natives seemed inclined to close on us—one of them
firing a musket. It is not comfortable work, for the
grass is so dense. I hope to communicate with
the soz-disant Masindi to-night. I expect it is at
Koki. Fancy this employé daring to date his
letters Masindi, and to report its capture, from this
place Koki. Kaba Rega went off to the lake
from Masindi as we approached. Thank God we

* Tsmailia, Vol. U., p. 327.—ED.
Oo
194 ATTACK ON KABA REGA. [ September,

 

have lost nothing, and have brought on our sick.
I only saw one of the enemy running off in the
STARS. 6 6 I killed a nasty viper in my tent this

Look at the Psalms for the 24th day, and see
how appropriate the first one is.

September 25.—Marched nine miles— dense
jungle ; thank God, unmolested. p.v. shall reach
the soz-dzsan¢t Masindi to-morrow.

September 26.—Marched twelve miles through
dense jungle, and are lost in the forest! I propose
to deal with Kaba Rega thus: To wait till the
grass is dry enough to burn, and then to launch
three columns on him. One from Mrooli to
Kisoga—150 soldiers and 3,000 of the Lango
tribe; one from Keroto to Masindi of the same
force. These columns will make stockades at
Kisoga and at Masindi, which will take four days.
They will then search the country to the south for
Kaba Rega. These twocolumns will be supported
by a force with the steamer on the lake [Albert
Nyanza], which will push on to Vacovia, and land-
ing, cause a diversion. I am now debating—shall
I wait for the movement? It is not necessary, I
think, for the mass of men I dispose of are,
humanly speaking, quite enough for success.
Kaba Rega has a large court with him of useless
followers, and he must break up, attacked as he
will be on all sides.* When once the officers
have the idea, and means given them to execute
the same, they do better without, than with me;
for I hamper them in many ways, and I do not

* The force that was sent against Kaba Rega drove him back and
returned with herds of cattle as their booty. But when the troops
retired he returned to his country.—ED.
1876.] SAFETY-VALVE AGAINST TYRANNY. 195

 

think, when once in movement, I am of any use.
Having their stockades at Kisoga and Masindi is
a great support. When once the grass is burnt
there is no danger, for you can see everywhere ;
and these people, unlike the Bari, never attack at
night. I have sent out guides to search for Keroto,
the soz-disant Masindi. While on the march we
had a hail-storm—the first time I have seen
hail.

Keroto.—Arrived here yesterday (September
26), and found not a move had been made to come
out and meet us. However, after a fearful row I
quieted down, and as mercy had been showed me
I did the same. Poor creatures! you cannot
expect better.

Macunco, September 29.—I] left Keroto yester-
day, and marched nineteen miles; started to-day,
and got here, marching thirty-five miles, which
shows your brother is in good health. It is my
habit at each station to assemble all the troops,
and ask them if they have any complaints. This
I do as a safety-valve against tyranny; but I
certainly did think it rather inconsiderate to-day,
to have the whole of the troops come up ten
minutes after my arrival from a thirty-five-miles’
march.

October r.—b.v. I leave to-morrow for Chibero,
on the Lake, and hope to return in four days.
I went up to Murchison Falls. It is more of a
rapid than a fall, and is a poor thing after the idea
one had formed of it.

October 2.—I left Magungo for Chibero to-day.
We anchored some fifteen miles from Magungo.
The Lake was pretty calm, but the swell was per-
ceptible; in the evening, after a thunder-storm,

0 2
196 ON LAKE ALBERT NYANZA. [ October,

 

we got rolled about a good deal, which showed
me that it is not a very safe thing to be on this
Lake with inexperienced sailors, who do not know
what rough weather is, and who may not moor
the steamer well.

October 3.—I steamed up to opposite Chibero,
and could see the hills of Masindi twenty-five
miles off. A native was fishing in a canoe, and
evidently did not see us coming till we were close
on him. He then tried to paddle off, but it was
no use; and we caught him, and made him come
on board and see the vessel. He seemed dazed.
I sent a letter by him to Kaba Rega, who is some
days inland; and gave the native some presents
when we let him go. He paddled off; and till he
was hid in the reeds I did not see him turn his
head to look at us. He was utterly confounded.
Having been up as far as was necessary (for |
hope to make a station at Chibero, so as to form
a line of posts from the Victoria Nile to the Lake)
I turned back.

A terrible thing has happened. You know I
wrote and said we had made the station at Urun-
dogani, and that we had occupied Dubaga (Mtesa’s
capital). I telegraphed this to H. H., and you
know afterwards that it was all humbug, and that
I had to withdraw my men from Mtesa’s. Well,
H. H., in answer to my telegram, telegraphs his
congratulations, and confers on me the Medyidieh
of the first or second class!!! This is dreadful,
for it is obtained under false pretences.

On October 6 Colonel Gordon started on his journey
northwards. He arrived at Lardo on the r1th, and left it
on the 16th, in a steamer for Khartoum. He did not return
again to the equatorial province, but during the next three
1876.] HOMEWARDS BOUND. 197

 

years administered it through his lieutenants. The stations
at Mrooli, Foweira, and Masindi were given up during this
period, and the frontier line was drawn in to the northern or
right bank of the Victoria Nile.

EN ROUTE FOR Kuartoum, October r9.—I
went down a different passage of the Nile. The
natives, not liking our coming down this new
branch, fired a shower of arrows from the reedy
banks on us. Two fell in the steamer: they had
ebony points—not iron, as they generally have.
I met the post yesterday, and received your letters
Of AUCUSE 23. wa es The “groans” [referring to
a passage in one of these letters] on all sides are
owing to idleness. If people took in washing,
they would not have time to groan. I hate the
grumbling idleness of the mass of people at
home.

Kuartoum, October 29.—I see there are Eng-
lish sparrows here; it is quite a pleasure to see
FEM ar 4-1 (These letters are my journal, so do
not nail me down to anything I may say I pro-
pose to do.) I have telegraphed to Cairo, to say
that I hope to come down for a time; but I have
not said anything about coming home yet. I want
to see my way clear first. Comfort-of-Body—a
very strong gentleman—-says, ‘“‘ You are well; you
have done enough; go home; go home, and be
quiet, and risk no more.” Mr. Reason says,
“What is the use of opening more country to
such a Government? There is more now under
their power than they will ever manage. Retire
now, and avoid troubles with Mtesa and the
Mission.” But Mr. Something (I do not know
what) says, ‘Shut your eyes to what may happen
in future; leave that to God, and do what you
198 THE TYRANNY OF EGYPT. [ October,

 

think will open the country thoroughly to both
Lakes. Do this, not for H.H., or for his Govern-
ment, but do it blindly and in faith.” An oracle
also says, “Let your decision rest on the way
H.H. is disposed ; if he desires you to stay, then
stay ; but if he seems indifferent, thén do not hesi-
tate, but go away for good.”

Kuartoum, October 30.—I went to the convent
to-day, and found a nice old nun and a younger
one. They told me harrowing tales of the suf-
ferings of the poor natives in Kordofan—it is
dreadful. Really the only remedy I can see is
the establishment of a good road to this place
from Cairo. This would let light in, and things
could not go on as they do now. Thank God,
He will in His own time remedy these miseries.
Now, to-day Reason says strongly, ‘‘Do not
stay and aid such a Government.” But I do
not like to be beaten, which I am if I retire;
and by retiring I do not remedy anything. By
staying I keep my province safe from injustice
and cruelty in some degree..... When a
house gives ominous cracks, prior to a fall, one’s
desire is, like the rats in ships, to leave it; but
this proverb is generally used in the sense of
“Having sucked the orange, throw away the
rind,” and I do not like the idea, even if the
cracks are serious. Why should I fear? Is man
more strong than God? Things have come to
such a pass in these Mussulman countries, that a
crisis must come about soon.

On leaving Khartoum, Colonel Gordon placed Colonel Prout
of the American army in command of the Equatorial Province.
This gentleman “ went up in December of this year and governed
1876.] ISMAIL PASHA SADYK. I99

 

the province with great ability. In May, 1877, his health broke
down, and he returned to England. He went out again, but
his health would not stand the climate, and so he left.”

EsnEH-ON-NILE, SoutH oF THEBES, Vovember
29.—When I was in Cairo in February, 1874,
just before leaving for Khartoum, I was delayed
in my departure by the fé¢es given by H.H. in
honour of his daughter's marriage with the son
of the Finance Minister, Ismail Pasha Sadyk,
who was one of his four great Pashas or Muchirs,
the others being Cherif Pasha, Tewfik Pasha
(his son), and Khiari Pasha, the keeper of his
seal, Nubar Pacha told me Ismail Pasha Sadyk
was much against my appointment. However,
said, ‘‘Go and see him.” So I did, and he
was very civil. The evening before I left, I and
saw the Khedive pass with him in a car-
riage. They were talking with much energy, and
said, ‘There is the most powerful man in
Egypt,” meaning Ismail Pasha Sadyk. When, a
few days ago, I got to Korosko I heard this :—
A diabeyah, with the windows nailed up, had
passed up with soldiers all around it and at the
door of the cabin. Two Colonels were on board
and twenty-five soldiers. It went on to Wadi
Halfa, where camels were waiting for the inmates
of the diabeyah. Who do you think was in it
but my friend Ismail Pasha Sadyk! According
to what I picked up, it appears that the Khedive
himself drove down with him to the Cairo Arsenal
about November 11; went over a steamer which
had her steam up; went with him into the cabin,
and, leaving the cabin, said to him, “ Restez ici.”
Ismail tried to follow, but was prevented. The
Khedive got into his carriage, and Ismail steamed

 

 

 
200 “THE SHOALS OF HONOUR.” [December,

 

off, without a single thing or servant, up to
Assuan, where he was put on board the diabeyah
and the windows nailed up. At Siout a single
box of clothes, sent from Cairo, was put on
board; and there the poor man was, with no
servant or food, going on a journey which, in
all my health and strength, I find a terrible one.
He tried, by setting fire to the cushions of the
diabeyah, to smother himself; but the fire was
smelt and put out, and since then eight soldiers
watch him day and night. He is allowed no
light or cigarette; he eats very little, has only
bread and dates, and is ill. I do not vouch for
the mode of his arrest, but that is what I heard.

Fancy a man of the position he had—palaces
and every luxury which an eastern Pasha of his
rank and wealth would have—being thus sud-
denly sent off into the wilds of the Soudan. The
reason of his arrest is not known to me. It was
known in Cairo that he had enriched himself in
the matter of the loans, but he was supposed to
be hand and glove with H.H. about them. Cave
and Rivers Wilson’s missions may have caused
some disclosures that brought about this déno#-
ment. How God works! When I was going up
to the Soudan he was all-powerful; when I am
coming down, few would envy his lot. Poor
man! poor man! He was a Turk, had charge
of the stables of Abbas Pasha and Seid Pasha
(the predecessors of the present Khedive), and
he was made Finance Minister by the latter. He
is believed to own millions made out of the
loan. What an affair! Every one speaks in bated
breath of it. I have (p.v.) made up my mind to
serve H.H. no longer.
1876.] BACK IN ENGLAND. 201

 

Carro, December 2.—I1 arrived here to-day at
seven in the morning, twenty days from Khar-
toum. I called on Cherif Pasha, who is Minister
for Foreign Affairs, and he was very civil; but I
do not think he relished telling the Khedive I
would not stay in his service. It appears H.H.
was quite right in exiling Ismail Sadyk Pasha.

Colonel Gordon arrived in London on December 24, 1876.
202

BANKS OF THE NILE.

 

DESCRIPTION OF THE NILE FROM RAGEEF TO DUFFLI.

—+

WEST BANK.

The country on the west bank between Rageef
and Kerri is open, well cultivated and peopled, and
interspersed with fine trees. Between the torrent
Kya and the station Kerri the slope of the ground
is more rapid, is rocky, and covered with brush-
wood. The ‘‘Lima” isa considerable stream dur-
ing the rains; it flows steadily and with consider-
able volume, and would seem to have a long
course. The ‘'Kya,” with a much larger rocky
bed, is a mere torrent, but from the water marks,
r would seem at times to rise fifteen or sixteen

eet.

From Kerri to about twelve miles north of La-
boré station, the country is open, rather more
thickly interspersed with trees, well peopled, and
cultivated. From twelve miles north of Laboré
to the junction with the Nile of the river Asua, the
valley of the Nile gets narrower and narrower, the
country is cut up by torrent beds, rocks, and is
covered with brushwood and trees ; it is, however,
well peopled up to the river or torrent Iyoo, which
resembles the Kya, and appears to flow through a
gorge in the Neri hills.

About four miles from the torrent Iyoo, the
route leaves the river, and mounting the uplands,
follows the mountains to near Duffli station; this
part is a complete wilderness, no inhabitants, it is
cut up by torrent beds, and is sterile and rocky,
and covered with brushwood.

The river Nile from the junction of the river
Asua with it, for upwards of seven miles is very
narrow in places. The west tank here descends
like a scarp to deep water; numerous torrents
join the Nile and render progress very difficult
along the bank, which is some thirty to forty feet
above the river. The escarpment of the bank
renders any towing-up of boats impossible.

In this seven miles are the Fola Rapids. They
are a shoot of water for some three miles, the
angle of descent about twelve degrees. Numerous
rocks split up the water and form an insurmount-
able obstacle, even if a vessel could stem the
violent current; for she could not steer amidst
such eddies.

In this seven miles there occurs the marked dif-
ference of level between the plains of Duffli and
Gondokoro. Here also may be considered the
line of demarcation between the Bari and Madi
tribes.

After this seven miles the plain of Duffli is en-
tered, and the banks of the Nile become marshy,
the current not more than two knots per hour, and
the river much wider.

Were it not for the rapids of Fola, a vessel
could come up to the Lake from Cairo, for the
water is deep throughout, and the other rapids on
the river can be passed with care.

The Nile rises (during the rains) above the Fola
Rapids some two to three feet; it rises fourteen
to sixteen feet below the Fola Rapids to Kerri,
and sometimes exceeds this in narrow places,

The best channel is that by the east bank—
there are less rapids than on the west bank. Al-
together, it would have been better to have placed
the stations on the east bank, but the hostility of
the natives prevented it, On the west bank the
natives are hemmed in between the mountains of
Neri and the river, and are more amenable to
reason,—13-3-'76.

EAST BANK.

From Rageef to Kerri the country on the east
bank resembles that on the west bank; but oppo-
site the debouche of the Kya torrent a rocky
slope covered with brushwood extends up to
Kerri, forming a gorge, and making the river
very narrow.

The same remarks apply to this bank as to the
west bank up to vis-a-vis the torrent Iyoo. The
mountains now come down close to the river, and
the inhabitants are obliged to terrace the sides of
the same to grow their crops.

The level space at the foot of the mountains,
and between them and the river becomes nar-
rower and narrower, and ceases near the junction
of the Asua with the Nile.

The same remark applies also to the country
on the east bank. The bank is a scarp down
to the river.

A protruding rock in the higher land, percep-
tible from some distance, marks the middle of
these rapids.

The same remark applies also to the country
on the east bank. The Unyama and Jaifi rivers
never dry up. The plain of Duffli is a great
resort for all sorts of game in consequence of
these two streams.
GOVERNOR-GENERAL. 203

 

CHAPTER IV.—1877.

CoLoneL Gorpon had been so much thwarted in the best part
of his work by Ismail Pasha Yacoub, the Governor-General of
the Soudan, that he was most unwilling to return to his post.
As one of his friends said, ‘‘ He had successfully checked slave-
driving in his own province, but he could do nothing to stop it
in the extensive Soudan district, where Khartoum is the head-
quarters of the system.” A strong pressure was, however, put
upon him by the Khedive; and at the same time, shortly after
his arrival in England, he was informed by those in authority at
home, that, for certain reasons into which it is needless to enter,
they thought that he was bound to go back. He yielded so far
as to consent to return to Cairo, there to talk over the whole
question with the Khedive. As will be seen by the extracts from
his letters that follow, the chief difficulty was quickly removed
——nay, more, he was put in the place of the man who had so
troubled him. This was not all; for the duties of the Governor-
General of the Soudan were extended, and a vast country was
put under hisrule. ‘Setting a just value,” wrote the Khedive*
to Colonel Gordon, on February 17, 1877, “on your honour-
able character, on your zeal, and on the great services that you
have already done me, I have resolved to bring the Soudan,
Darfour, and the provinces of the Equator, into one great pro-
vince, and to place it under you as Governor-General. As the
country which you are thus to govern is so vast,t you must
have beneath you three vakeels (or deputy-governors) : the first
for the Soudan properly so-called, the second for Darfour, and

* The letter was in French.

+ The length of the province is 1640 miles; the breadth is very
irregular, but it may be taken on an average as about 660 miles. The
province is larger than the British Isles, Portugal, Spain, France, Belgium,
Holland, Germany, and Austria taken together.
204 EGYPT AND ABYSSINIA.

 

the third for the shores of the Red Sea and the Eastern Soudan.
. ... There are two matters to which I would draw your atten-
tion : the first the suppression of slavery, the second the improve-
ment of the means of communication.

“ As Abyssinia for a great distance lies along the borders of
the Soudan, I beg you, when you are on the spot, to look care-
fully into the state of affairs there ; and I give you power, should
you think well, to enter into negotiations with the authorities of
that kingdom, to the end that a settlement may be arrived at of
the matters in dispute between us and them.”

It was to these eastern borders of his government, as will be
presently seen, that Colonel Gordon’s first duty led him. The
following sketch may be of some service to my reader, as he
follows the new Governor-General through the troubled course
of the dealings between Egypt and Abyssinia.

SKETCH OF AFFAIRS IN ABYSSINIA SINCE THE ENGLISH
EXPEDITION.*

When, in the beginning of the year 1868, the English under
Sir Robert Napier+ invaded Abyssinia, King Theodore fell
back to Magdala. Thereupon throughout his dominions the
great chieftains broke out into revolt. In the province of Tigré
Prince Kassai took the lead. He overthrew Theodore’s men
in a fight, and proclaimed himself king of that province. From
the English general he received a present of four cannons and
a thousand stand of arms. From Cairo he managed to get an
Abouna,{ and by him he was crowned king of Abyssinia. In
accordance with the custom of the country, and after the fashion
of the popes, he took at his coronation a new name, and hence-
forth was known as Johannis.§ Goobasie, who had been the
heir to Theodore’s throne, rose in rebellion against the new
king, but he was taken prisoner, and punished by the loss of
his eyesight. || In time Johannis brought all the country under
his sway, but the provinces of Bogos to the north, and Shoa

* This sketch is almost altogether founded on documents drawn up by
Colonel Gordon.

+ Lord Napier of Magdala. t See p. 332.

§ Ina Dissertation on Lobo’s Voyage to Abyssinia (p. 260) it is stated
that ‘“‘the Emperors of Athiopia [the Kings of Abyssinia, that is to say]
when they mount the throne take an adscititious name without laying
aside their former.” Theodore’s name before his coronation was also
Kassai. He and his successor were not, however, related.

|| See p.“421.- \
WALAD EL MICHAEL. 205

 

to the south, In 1874 Bogos was seized by the Egyptian
governor of Massawa—a Swiss of the name of Munzinger
—and held for the Khedive. This adventurer had great
influence with the Abyssinians, and it was said that he even
aimed at making himself in the end their king. He urged
his master not to rest content with Bogos, but to add to
his dominions the neighbouring province of Hamagem. The
Khedive presently received £4,000,000 from the English
Government in payment for the shares in the Suez Canal, so
that he was ready for a war of aggression. Munzinger’s advice
was accordingly taken, but he himself was deprived of his
governorship, and of the command of the expedition. He was
sent with a small force to Tajurah, in the south-east, while his
place in the north was taken by a nephew of Nubar Pasha,
Arakol Bey, and by a Danish officer, Arendrup Bey.

Walad el Michael* was at this time hereditary prince, not
only of Hamacem but also of Bogos. A few years earlier he
had sought the aid of the Emperor Napoleon III. against
Johannis ; but tidings of this had reached the king’s ear, and
he had been arrested and thrown into prison. In the alarm
caused by the Egyptian invasion his freedom had been given
him, and he had been sent back to his country to raise his
people against the strangers. The Khedive’s generals, in utter
ignorance of the strength of the king’s army, scattered their
forces, which, even had they been massed, were none too
strong. One detachment after another was cut to pieces by
the Abyssinians. At Gondet, an American commanding a
body of black troops made a gallant fight, but his small force
was outnumbered, and they and their leader perished. A large
supply of arms and ammunition fell into the hands of Walad
el Michael. About the same time Munzinger also was killed
near lake Aoussa by the Danakli tribe. To avenge their defeat,
the Egyptians, in 1876, invaded Abyssinia, under the command
of Ratib Pasha and Loring Pasha.t Walad el Michael, in-
dignant with the King who had taken from him the spoils of
war, like a second Hotspur broke out in revolt, and joined them

* Contracted into Wadenkal.

+ “‘Ratib Pasha was a young man, a Circassian purchase of Said Pasha,
the Viceroy before Ismail, ex-Khedive. He was a brave, good man,
One day Said Pasha struck him. He went home and shot himself; the
ball passed through the roof of his mouth, and came out of his nose. This
showed that he had something in him more than the generality of these
Pashas. He afterwards was Minister of War in the Nubar Ministry,
Loring was an American by birth.”—From a note by Colonel Gordon.
206 BATTLE OF GURA.

 

with a strong band. Prince Hassan accompanied the expedi-
tion, but did not hold a regular command. They marched up
the country southwards from Massawa. On the table-land
near Gura, they made two strong forts, and armed them with
cannon. In the larger of the two, which was garrisoned by
15,000 men, were the three commanders; most of the soldiers
were camped just outside intents. On the morning of March 18,
1876, the Abyssinians, commanded by their king, were seen
coming up from a small stream, and advancing between the
two forts. There was a sharp contention between the two
Pashas. ‘Stayin the forts,” said Ratib. “No,” replied Loring,
“march out on them. You are afraid!” Stung by this reproach
the Egyptian general gave in, and leaving his tents standing
round the fort, advanced against the enemy. He took with him
his artillery. The Abyssinians let them come down, and then
dashed in on them. The Egyptians at once broke, and in less
than an hour all was over. The king’s main force never came
into action, and it was by his van that the day was won. They
rushed up the hill to the larger fort, and plundered all the tents.
They were on the point of storming it when Johannis, thinking
that for that day enough had been done, beat the great drum
of recall. It was said that gooo Egyptians fell in this disastrous
battle, though many prisoners were made. All the tents, twenty-
‘five cannons, 10,000 Remington rifles, and a great treasure, were
among the spoils of the conquerors. So ignorant were they of
the value of one part of their booty, that they mistook the
English gold coins for brass counters. Thirty sovereigns were
sold for four dollars. When the king returned to his camp he
found it—so it 1s reported—pillaged by his own people, who
had believed that he would be conquered and would never
return. Prince Hassan and the two Pashas escaped to the
woods, and under cover of the night made their way to the
lesser fort. The commander there had all along kept within
the walls, and had contented himself with playing his cannon
on the enemy. On the morrow the Abyssinians attacked the
larger fort, carrying up bags full of earth wherewith to fill the
ditches. But, meanwhile, it had been strengthened by fresh
troops, and they were driven off with great slaughter. Yet the
king could have cut off the retreat of the Egyptian army, had
he not listened to negotiations that were chiefly made to gain
time. He consented to a truce; his army withdrew nearly a
day’s march, and the Egyptians returned to Massawa. Walad
el Michael, with 7000 of his men, and with 700 Remington
THE ABYSSINIAN ENVOY. 207

 

rifles which he had received from Ratib Pasha, went back to
Bogos. Had it not been for him, the negotiations that were
still going on between the king and Ratib might have led
to a lasting peace. But there was nothing that this man
dreaded more than harmony between the two courts. He
suddenly invaded Hamacem, plundered the country, and killed
Hailyou, the governor of the province. Thereupon Johannis
would have nothing more to do with Ratib, but sent off an
envoy to Cairo. So eager was he to punish Walad el Michael,
and so much did he dread his power, that he was ready, if he
were surrendered to him, to give up Hamacem to Egypt. The
Khedive could not decently abandon his ally, and yet was not
willing to give a downright answer. For more than ten weeks
he detained the unhappy envoy and his suite in a kind ot
honourable confinement. He would neither give him an audi-
ence, nor let him go home. The Abyssinian—who seems to
have been not over-brave—became alarmed, and secretly sent
a message to the French Consul-General, complaining of the
treatment that he was receiving. This gentleman laid the
matter before his English colleague. The result was, that after
a further delay of nearly three weeks, an audience was granted.
The next day the envoy was to set out on his return. But he
had got into his head “that there were designs upon his life,
that it was dangerous to trust himself to the Viceroy, and that
he had better seek shelter with the English Consul-General.”
He arrived suddenly at the Consulate “with a ragged suite
and a mob of people.” The hootings that he received from
this rabble added to his alarm. It was with some difficulty that
he was convinced that his life was in no danger, and that it
would be his wisest course to start at once. He took back
from the Khedive rich presents to the king, but no letter.
Johannis was greatly angered at the injurious treatment of his
envoy, and at not receiving an answer to his proposals: still
more angered was he by the inroads which Walad el Michael,
starting from Egyptian territory, made into his country.

It was when matters were in this state that Colonel Gordon
returned to Egypt, and was appointed Governor-General of the
Soudan. He was at once sent to Massawa to make a treaty, if
he could, with the King. His position was a most difficult
one. On the one hand, the Khedive did not give him full
powers. His instructions, which were in Arabic, were utterly
useless for the chief purpose of his mission. At the request
of the English Consul-General His Highness had added
208 THE KING'S LETTERS.

 

to them—not in Arabic but in French—the following words :
“Jl y a sur la frontitre d’Abyssinie des disputes; je vous
charge de les arranger.” On the other hand, his new and
vast province demanded his whole attention. Darfour was
in revolt, and the garrisons of Egyptian soldiers were besieged
by the insurgents. Further south the slave-dealers, under
the lead of Suleiman, the son of Sebehr Pasha, were also
theatening to rise. While he was thus hard pressed a
large part of his troops was withdrawn, and sent to
Constantinople to support the Sultan in his war with Russia.
With the handful of men that were in garrison in Bogos it was
idle for him to think of bringing force to bear on Walad el
Michael. Yet as long as this robber chief harried Abyssinia,
so long there was no chance that Johannis would listen to terms
of peace. Even Ratib Pasha with his army had not been able
to put a stop to his inroads. Colonel Gordon’s only hope
was to gain time. He agreed to supply Walad el Michael with
money and provisions on condition that he no longer troubled
Abyssinia.

At the same time he proposed to the king a line of frontier
by which Egypt would retain Bogos, but should be answerable
for Walad el Michael’s good behaviour. The King replied
“You are a Christian. I write to you. You are my brother.
I will never write to the Turks. The Khedive ill-treated my
envoys. God will judge him. You speak of the frontier of
Abyssinia. The whole world knows the ancient frontier.” In
the belief that for the present he was secure against any of
Walad el Michael’s inroads, the King thereupon went off to the
south to fight his other enemy Menelek, King of Shoa. In
August of this year (1877) he sent Colonel Gordon the
following letter :—

“JT have received your letter of March. 1 and my soldiers
are well. I have destroyed him [‘him’ is used when a man is
hated. It alluded to Menelek]. I have taken cattle. His
wife deserted him [alluding to Menelek’s wife having revolted
against her husband because he had taken another concubine
when he was in the field against Johannis]. I declared I would
never write again to Mussulmans. You area Christian. You
are English. You are my brother. Ismail Pasha treated my
envoys badly. I received his envoys with my crown on, and
fired guns. Had not the English Consul-General sheltered
them, Ismail would have killed them. With people without
God one can never finish. God judge between me and Ismail.
MISSION TO ABYSSINIA. 209

 

You, you others, speak of the Abyssinian frontier is this and
that. All the world knows the Abyssinian frontier.”

Meanwhile the Governor-General had gone to Darfour and
had put an end to the revolt. But in the autumn of the year(1877)
he learnt by telegraph that Walad el Michael had returned to
his old courses, and was once more plundering the Abyssinians.
He went straightway to Bogos and visited the robber-chief in
his fortress at Hallal. Walad urged him to join their forces
and to fall upon Johannis, who was still fighting against the
King of Shoa. Colonel Gordon refused, and in his turn begged
him to make peace with the King. At the same time he
warned him that, if he went on with his attacks on Abyssinia,
Egypt would break with him once for all. He soon saw that
no trust could be put in the man, and so he sent word to the
King that he would no longer be answerable for his conduct.
In the same letter he proposed that they should together seize
him and send him to Cairo. His troops were to be offered a
full pardon, so that they might not be made desperate by
finding both Egypt and Abyssinia closed to them. Walad el
Michael meanwhile had spread the report that Theodore’s son,
Alamayou, was coming back from England. In the alarm that
these tidings caused, Johannis had at once made peace with
the King of Shoa, but he returned no answer to Colonel
Gordon’s proposal.

Walad el Michael went on in much the same way as before
till March, 1878, when, with all his men, he left the Egyptian
territory and invaded Abyssinia. He had received a supply of
ammunition from Colonel Gordon’s vakeel or deputy. At the
very time that the Governor-General was doing his utmost to
keep the brigand at peace, his deputy in these parts had thus
secretly equipped him, while the Khedive’s Minister of War
wrote to congratulate him on a victory that he soon won, and
to urge him to press onwards in his conquest. This advice he
did not, however, follow, for before long he came to terms
with the King, and, without laying down his arms, received a
pardon. Everything seemed quiet on the side of Abyssinia till
the summer of 1879, when Aloula, the King’s Commander-in-
Chief, and Walad el Michael threatened an attack both on
Massawa and the Soudan. Colonel Gordon was thereupon
sent on a mission to Abyssinia, both to announce the accession
of the new Khedive and to arrange terms of peace. Shortly
after he landed at Massawa news came to him that Metfin,
the son of Walad el Michael, had been waylaid and shot dead

P
210 RETURN TO CAIRO. L/January,

 

by the son of Hailyou, that Governor of Hamacem whom
Walad had killed three years earlier. The murderer was
thrown into prison by the King, but in three days he was
let out; while Walad el Michael and all his officers were
suddenly arrested. The rest of the story of the Mission is
in its proper place given in Colonel Gordon’s own words.*

Lonvon, January 31, 1877.1 have promised
that if His Highness will not give me the
Province of Soudan I will not go back to the
Lakes. I do not think he will give it, and I
think you will see me back in six weeks. ....
I hope to start to-night. I will make a stand at
Cairo; and, if I see it is no use going up, I will
give it up.

Cartro, February 9.—I wrote to Cherif Pasha
to ask him to send me his Secretary, to whom I
would express my views, etc., as both he and
H.H. would be too much engaged to hear me to
the length I would wish. The Master of the
Ceremonies called on me, on the part of H.H.,
to ask me to dinner to-night. I pleaded fatigue ;
I am tired of this work, and have set my face, as
a flint, to stand frm. If I go to dinner H.H.
will only humbug me into some admission or
promise.

Catro, February 7z7.—Yesterday Cherif Pasha
sent his Secretary to hear what I had to say; so
I told my story, and then gave in my ultimatum—
either give me the Soudan, or I will not go. I
said there was only one compromise I would
accept, viz,, ‘‘Send the son of the Khedive to the
Soudan, and I will go to my province.” The son
was educated in England, at Oxford. He will
thank me for this—will he not? I do not yet

 

* See p. 401.
1877.] INTERVIEW WITH THE KHEDIVE. 211

 

know if this was wise of me or not. I do not
care, for He rules.

A fternoon.—Vivian* saw the Khedive to-day,
who got from him where the trouble was with
me; and, after a long conversation, said, “I will
give Gordon the Soudan.” Vivian told H.H.
that Her Majesty’s Government would gladly see
H.H. make peace with Abyssinia, and asked him
to do so; he (the Khedive) proposed I should do
so on my way to Khartoum.

February 13.—I went to see H.H.

He looked at me reproachfully, and my conscience
smote me. He led me in, and Cherif Pasha
came in. Then I began, and told him all; and
then he gave me the Soudan, and I leave on
Saturday morning. I have to see him to-morrow.
I am so very glad to get away; for I am very
weary. I go up alone with an infinite Almighty
God to direct and guide me, and am glad to so
trust Him as to fear nothing, and, indeed, to feel
sure of success.

On February 18, 1877, Colonel Gordon left Cairo for Suez,
on his way to Massawa, where he arrived on the 26th of that
month.

Massawa, JZarch 7.—The war has pressed
very heavily on the Abyssinian frontier peasantry.
Like all savage and undisciplined troops who
have no regular commissariat, but live on the
country people, the soldiery, when they come down
to attack us, pillage every one, whether friends
or foes. This having gone on for nearly eighteen
months, the peasantry are nearly ruined, and are
as anxious for peace as even Egypt is. Where

* The English Consul-General.—Eb.
P 2
212 A FIELD-MARSHAL. (March,

 

Johannis is, there he is king; but as soon as he
leaves the locality, he is naught.

March 8—e are much troubled with an
Abyssinian chief, whose name is Walad el Michael.
This man is a rebel to King Johannis; he is in
our territory, and our ally; he has some 3,000
men, and we feed him, but he makes forays into
King Johannis’s territory whenever he likes, and
of course this makes Johannis doubt our sin-
cerity. Michael is too strong for us to attempt
to put him down; we cannot even think of it.
What can we do with him?  Johannis will not
make peace till Michael is made to be quiet, and
Michael does not care for us one jot.

March rz.—TYhe Khedive has made me a
Muchir, or Marshal; so I and the Duke [of
Cambridge] are equals! He has sent me the
uniform; the coat is worth £150, covered with
gold lace. He has given me all the coast of
the Red Sea, even to Berberah, opposite Aden.
It is an immense command.

Between Massawa and Keren, March r5-
20.— .... Our route has been over an un-
dulating desert country, skirting the Abyssinian
Mountains; we have now turned more westerly,
and are passing through a gorge in the spur
of these mountains. To-night (the 18th) there
was a herd of dog-faced baboons sitting on
the edge of the gorge watching us; they
have a regular mane, and look as if they were
tippetted. They grunt and bark in an extra-
ordinary way. The little ones have no tippets.
As among us, constant quarrels go on among
them, in which we hear the little ones yelp. ....
Now that I am launched again into these soli-
1877. ] A LIVING SACRIFICE. 213,

 

tudes, and with those extraordinary animals (the
camels), I think over my position. I have sent
to offer Johannis fair conditions, and I hope to
see Aloula, his great general, near Senheit. If I
succeed there, I go on to Khartoum, and thence,
after a short stay, to Darfour, which is, they say,
in revolt ; but I do not altogether believe it... .,
Nothing could exceed the kindness of all the
Khedive’s despatches. He has put Zeila, Ber-
berah, and Harrar under me. ‘Ask of me, and
I will give thee to the half of my kingdom.”
And now for the reverse of the medal. It is the
sacrifice of a dzveng life. To give your life to be
taken at once, is one thing; to live a life such as
is before me is another and more trying ordeal.
I have set my face to the work, and will give my
life to it. I feel as if I had naught to do with
the Government. God must undertake the work,
and I am for the moment used as His instrument.
I am not one jot, or, I suppose J must say, only
very, very slightly elated by the honours and power
given me; and this elation arises from a feeling of
satisfaction that H.H. has confidence in me. I
think how many would be weighed down by
this immense charge; how they would shrink
from accepting it without some other help, for
fear of their reputation. But for me, I never
gave the question a thought. I feel sure of
success; for I do not lean on my own under-
standing, and He directs my path. The events
of the future are all written, and are mapped out
in all their detail for each one of us. The
Negro, the Arab, and the Bedouin’s course —
their meeting with me, etc.,—is decreed. How
214 ‘THOUGHT FOLLOWING THOUGHT.”  [MMarch,

 

These interminable deserts and arid mountains
fill the heart with far different thoughts than
civilised lands would do. It was for this that the
Israelites were led through them. You must not
imagine the desert as a flat, sandy country; the
features of the ground are what they are in other
countries. There are scrubby trees and stubbly
grasses, but no water, though there are water-
courses. Water these lands, and they would
blossom as the rose. I would infinitely sooner
travel alone in these countries than with a com-
panion. Of course I never can converse with the
Arabs ; so on one goes stalking along—the camel’s
cushioned-foot makes no noise, and you learn
yourself!

The district was once a sort of neutral ground,
neither Egyptian nor Abyssinian. It is called
Bogos by the Abyssinians, and Senheit by the
Arabs. The capital is Keren—Senheit it is also
called. Munzinger placed a fort at Keren, and
though Johannis agreed to it, this annexation led to
the war. I cannot give it up, for it cuts off the road
to Kasala. The telegraph passes along the road.
. ... I am writing in the open air by a candle-
lamp, in a savage gorge; not asound to be heard.
The baboons are in bed in the rocks,

March 19.—We started at dawn, and made a
good march; then halted on the other side of a
very high pass..... Here I met two hundred
cavalry and infantry, who had come to meet us.
I am most carefully guarded—at six yards radius
round this tree where I am sitting are six or eight
sentries, and the other men are in a circle round
them. Now, just imagine this, and put yourself
in my position. However, I know they will all
1877. ] A GRAND PROCESSION. 215

 

go to sleep, so I do not fret myself. I can say
truly, no man has ever been so forced into a high
position as I have. How many I know to whom
the incense would be the breath of their nostrils.
To me it is irksome beyond measure. Eight or
ten men to help me off my camel! as if I were
an invalid. If I walk, every one gets off and
walks ; so, furious, I get on again.

KEREN, March 20.—\ arrived here at nine this
morning; a grand procession. We were met
half-way by a body of Abyssinians in our employ-
ment, with musicians and people who danced
before me; three horsemen, with kettle-drums,
rode before them, beating their little drums.
When we got here the troops were all drawn up
in line; there are four officers who were in Mexico;
they are all black. Among the people who came
to meet me was a man with a very white face,
dressed as the Abyssinians are, viz., in a sheet
wrapped round him. 1 could not make it out, so
I called him, as I heard he spoke French. To
my surprise he answered, “I am an Irishman. I
have been in this country sixteen years. My
name is Macilvrey. I came here with Consul
Cameron.” . . . . When he was a lad of fourteen
he went up with Consul Cameron to Theodore.
He was taken prisoner, and .released by Napier.
He then went back to Abyssinia, and has remained
there till last July, when he was taken prisoner
by Walad el Michael, in one of his raids into
Johannis’s territory. He has a wife and two
children—he wants to go back, so I shall let
IW, aig My clerk amuses me; he comes in
in a mysterious way, looks round, crawls up to
me, whispers two or three words, looks swiftly
216 THE FORT AT KEREN. (fares,

 

round to see if any one approaches, says another
word, looks around again, etc. It is quite absurd,
for at any time I am not a good Arabic scholar,
and these interruptions and the low tone dis-
concert me. The substance of some of these
communications is about as important as ‘ So-
and-so has a hole in his sock.”

Keren, March 23.—To-day, at 9 a.m., Walad
el Michael, at the head of about two hundred
infantry and sixty cavalry, approached this place.
I had pitched tents outside the fort for them,
and Walad el Michael came up into the fort,
and I took him into my house. I had pre-
viously written a paper explaining that Egypt,
deferring to the wishes of Europe, had determined
not to carry on the war, and proposing to
him that I should demand a government for
him under Johannis, or else I could give him
a government in my territory. The French
missionaries translated this to him, and then I left
the room for them to talk it over with him. After
a time, he said he would like an hour to think it
over, but I gave him till to-morrow. Having
given him some good presents, I let him go. I
should think he was glad to be out of the fort,
and among his own people. He asked me not
to make peace unless Johannis gave up Hamacem;
but I have not the face to ask that, for we never
took that country from Johannis. It is, in fact,
two treaties of peace that one has to make—one
with Johannis, and the other with Walad el
Wichaél,» «> 3 The latter is a man of sixty; he
has not to my mind a very taking face. His
priest was with him, and the missionaries say, in
the quaintest way, ‘that it is the priests I have
1877.] A LOAD OF WORK. aie

 

to fear, for that ¢hey always are the mischief-
makers.” As for his dress, it was nothing
remarkable—a sort of embroidered damask gown
and a baldrick of skin round his neck. The
priest, of whom he is afraid, was a mean sort of
FellOWy 9. gx) There is an immense amount of
work to be done in this country: so many affairs
which have never been brought to any conclusion.
The widows and orphans of the troops killed
under Arendrup are all here, and a number of
men mutilated in all sorts of ways. The pro-
motion of men, etc.—all these things come on
me. I often think how small the office-work
generally is with us in England in our great offices,
in comparison with the questions one has to decide
here. In one case a few pounds are in dispute; in
the other case the whole tenure, and the destiny of
human beings are in question. In reality both are
equally important as far as the effects on ourselves
are concerned. The procuring and boiling of
potatoes is as much to a poor woman as the
reorganising of the army is to Cardwell. We are
all hens, and never were such eggs laid as our
own! .... I take my chair to sit outside in the
evening, and up come three or four applicants
with petitions. These have to be acted on; often
in discussing them other things come to light,
which one has never heard of, and then these
things have to be gone into, and one never finishes.
I go on the principle that any decision is better
than none.

Keren, March 25.—These populations are most
remarkable. Some of the Barea and Bazi tribe are
pagans, some are Mussulmans, and some are

Christians. The priest of Walad el Michael said
218 ABYSSINIAN PRIESTS. (March,

 

that Jesus was killed by accident; he did not
seem to know that He died for the world. The
Abyssinian priests would, if they could, and they
do sometimes, cut off the hands of any who will
not conform to their rites. They are a most
ignorant set, and fanatical to a degree. The
people fear them, for their excommunication is
a fjinalé to any one on whom it falls... .. The
priest of Walad el Michael carried an iron cross,
very like a key, with him; which he used to hold
up to his mouth if I looked at him—to avoid the
evil eye, I suppose. From what I have seen of
these Abyssinians, I do not like them at all; they
are a set of deceitful brigands according to all
accounts, and they look a furtive, pole-cat race.

. The more I see of these lands, the more I
feel you ought to congratulate yourself on being
born in England, instead of here, where such is
the insecurity, that you might any night have to
flee in your chemise. We get into the habit of
thinking our civilised state of life is the normal
state of man, but it is not so; the normal state is
the chemise state, and the risk of being attacked
at any moment..... We have had a hard
day’s work, what with Walad el Michael's papers,
and the treaty I have sent to Johannis. I called
on Walad el Michael and gave him his paper.
He was a great deal too humble, and would get
down to kiss my feet. He goes to his home
to-morrow.

Keren, March 26.—The Egyptians feared this
war with Abyssinia, because tradition said that
Mahomet had pronounced a curse against any
Mussulman making war on Abyssinia. The affair
was thus: In the fifth year of the Prophet’s mis-
1877. ] A PORT FOR ABYSSINIA. 219

 

sion, his adherents were so pushed by the Koreish,
the reigning family at Mecca, that Mahomet sent
over to Abyssinia some eighty of his people. The
Koreish sent to demand them, but the King of
Abyssinia would not give them up. Thence,
in gratitude, Mahomet denounced any attack
on Abyssinia. This was well known by the
Egyptian soldiers, and they only entered into the
war with half-heartedness. The Mussulmans have
a tradition, also from Mahomet, that the Caaba*
at Mecca shall, in the last times, be destroyed by
the Abyssinians; after which it will never be
rebuilt. You can, therefore, understand that
there would be a great feeling against giving
Abyssinia a port; for she might thus own vessels,
and be able to carry out the destruction of the
Caaba.

Menelek, King of Shoa, has attacked Gondar ;
and that poor Johannis has collected all his
troops, and has gone to meet him. I am much
afraid that Walad el Michael will make an
advance on Hamagem, and complicate matters
between me and Johannis. If Johannis gets
beaten I do not know what will happen. ....
I wish Walad el Michael was out of our way; I
am afraid of him and his hordes. If I armed
the people here they would dispose of him, but
they would dispose of us also.

Keren, March 28.—Abyssinia is a cock-pit—
every one is a brigand or soldier (terms which are
synonymous), deeply fanatical against all rites
except their own. The ignorant priests rule
the country. Johannis can do us little harm; he
cannot, owing to want of food, keep an army

* The Temple.—ED.
220 EXCOMMUNICATION. | March,

 

together; and his people, taken away from the
tillage of their lands, are in a sad plight, so I
hope he will be sensible. Against Egypt every
one is united, but the moment the Egyptians
retired they began to fight among themselves
again. I expect they are Irishmen. The
excommunication of the priests is the great
weapon—it is terrible; far worse than, or quite
as bad as, that of the Inquisition.* It amuses
me to hear the Catholic priests here complain of
it, and say that the priests want to keep the
people ignorant, so as to rule them. Is it not
what ¢hey would do elsewhere, if they could ?
Keren, March 30.—The envoy, Hassan, I
sent to Aloula, has returned, and gives me a
favourable idea of Aloula’s mission. Aloula told
him that the invasion of Menelek was true, and
that he, Aloula, was going to assist Johannis
against him. I have, therefore, sent to Johannis
to say, ‘That as he is occupied, and will be so
for some time, I will not wait for him; that I
consider he has accepted my terms, and that at
any rate he must accept them for the present ;
but that, if he wishes to discuss them further, he
must let me know, and I will come back and see
him in a couple of months.” The son of Walad
el Michael has been here, a conceited puppy,
dressed in European clothes. He went over to
the French Mission before he came to see me,
and said, ‘‘ My father has finished his affairs very

* «There is no nation where excommunication carries greater terrors than
among the Abyssins, which puts it in the power of the priests to abuse
this religious temper of the people, as well as the authority they receive
from it, by excommunicating them, as they often do, for the least trifle in
which their interest is concerned.”—FATHER Logo’s Voyage to Abyssinia
in 1625, p. 61.—Eb.
1877. ] GIVING AUDIENCE. 221

 

well, but he forgot me. I want a government to
myself; I am a prince, and I want this and that.”
Well, then he came to see me, but I looked
vicious, so he dared not say anything to me.
He went away, and again sought the mission-
aries; but when he came again to tell me, his
heart again failed him, and he dared not say a
word; so now he has left. He and his father
are not on the best of terms, I expect. The son
I at once took an antipathy to, and I could easily
calculate with him; his father is the real power I
have to fear.

DuccaM, EN ROUTE To KasaLa, April 8.—
The marches I make are seldom less than thirty
miles a-day, in great heat; this is not all, for I
have always very many orders to give, and letters
to write, and applications to attend to at the
different stations. Each person at each station
has something to say, for they have been much
neglected, and, poor people! to them my visit is
a great chance of ventilating their wants. It is
rare for them to find any one to attend to them,
though their own governor only lately passed
through here. Of course it spreads like wild-fire
that every one who has anything to say is
admitted, and I consequently suffer ; but to them
individually, to be listened to, and their wants
attended to, is their everything, and I must not
complain if they have no thought of what I have
already gone through. There is only one issue
to it, that is death, and I often feel I wish it
would come and relieve me, more especially as ]
think I have to go through this life for at least a
year. How many jolting journeys I have before
me, to Darfour, to Wadi Halfa, and back here;
222 A HOLY MAN. (April,

 

to Massawa, to Berberah, etc., and then back to
Khartoum, and then up to those Lakes. I do
not care, for as far as the pleasure of living goes,
I have to a great measure lost it. The difficulty
is in being always amiable to every new person
one sees. I live a prisoner; I cannot move
without an escort of some sort. This is the life
of the ambitious, and for this men strive and are
discontented.

April 9.—Yesterday I had an odd visit. The
secretary came in, and told me a very great man
had called to see me—a man of religion of the
family of Mahomet. He (the secretary) was in
trepidation, and evidently much awed. I said,
“Show him in.” In came a well-dressed Arab of
about twenty-nine or thirty years of age. He
was very stately, and just touched my hand, and
sat down. He had great staring black eyes, and
scarcely spoke at all. I tried to be as civil as
possible, but he never thawed a bit, and my
secretary was in an awe-stricken state all the
time. I accompanied him to his horse; and this
was a great compliment on my part. Later in
the day I thought I would go to see him, for I
heard he had great influence with the Arabs
(Bedouins) : so I went over to his house. There
are generally three divans, or sofas, in all Arab
houses—one at the end of the room, and one at
each side thereof. Asa rule, I go to the sofa at
the upper end of the room, as supreme; and I
did so on this occasion. The great man kept me
waiting for a long time, during which my people
all seemed awe-struck. At last he came in, and
I got up to meet him. He just touched my hand,
and waved to me to sit down on the sofa at the
1877.] ‘““LEAVING WRECKS BEHIND.” 223

 

side, while he mounted the central sofa, tucked u
his legs on the same, and sat still, while all my
people crawled up with the greatest veneration,
and kissed his hand. I waited for some time,
making a few remarks, which were scarcely replied
to by the holy man; and when I took my leave
he did not come to see me off. The history of it
is this. The man’s name is Shereef Seid Hacim.
He is of Mecca; he comes over from thence, and
visits the Bedouin tribes yearly; he is of direct
descent from the prophet Mahomet, and is looked
upon as a man of God. Every word he says is
looked upon as a prophecy. The Bedouins obey
his slightest wish ; and I believe the Khedive has
to make obeisance to him, so I did very wrong in
sitting on the end sofa, and evidently it was the
difficulty he was in how to turn me off that caused
the delay, as it is quite unusual for a pasha to
get up when a visitor arrives. At any rate, it was
fortunate I acted politely at his coming in, other-
wise he was, I expect, quite capable of telling me to
get off his throne. He kept my clerk after I left ;
and, though he had not been very civil to me,
he asked me to restore the stipend which the
Khedive had promised him, and which Ismail
Pasha, my predecessor, had cut off... .. I can-
not tell you how wearisome it is, to be continually
finding fault, and turning out officials, etc. That
is my constant work; and as I go along I am like
a fire, leaving wrecks behind me. I will (p.v.) do
my duty, troublesome and even dangerous as it
may be: there is no use being gentle over it—the
disease is too grave for gentle remedies.

EN ROUTE FROM KasaLa TO KATARIF ON THE
Atpara, Agril 20.—I left Kasala last night, slept
224 ANCIENT ARMOUR. (April,

 

on the road, and arrived here at 9 a.m.—some
fiity miles. 4s +4 There was a great féfe as we
came into this settlement, and I noticed a very
odd thing. There were a number of men in
regular chain-shirts of links, with a gorget; they
reached to their feet. They had helmets of iron,
with a nose-piece and fringe of chain-armour.
They rode on horses which had a head and cheek
defence, and were covered with a sort of quilt
of different colours, that reached down to their
feet. It reminded me of the /éfes at Charlton,
where they used to represent the ancient tourna-
ments. All their swords were like the old
Crusaders’ — straight, two-handed, and cross -
hilted. Evidently, these people have not changed
since the Crusades.

I have written to Vivian to say, that if anything
happens to me the Khedive is to be defended
from all blame, and the accident is not to be put
down to the suppression of slavery. I have to con-
tend with many vested interests: with fanaticism,
with the abolition of hundreds of Arnauts,* Turks,
etc., now acting as Bashi-Bazouks, with ‘nemeient
governors, with wild independent tribes of Be-
douins, and with a large semi-independent province,
lately under Sebehr Pasha, at Bahr Gazelle.

Katarir, Aprel 22.—1 got here to-day after a
hot journey. We did it in a very short time—
sixty hours, 150 miles... .. With terrific exer-
tion, in two or three years’ time, I may, with
God's administration, make a good province, with
a good army and a fair revenue, and peace and an
increased trade, and also have suppressed slave
raids; and then I will come home and go to

* Greek Mohammedans from Albania.
1877.] DOMESTIC SLAVERY. 225

 

bed, and never get up again till noon every day,
and never walk more than a mile.

SENNAAR, ON THE BiuE Nite, AZgril 28. —1
arrived here last night from Katarif, which I left
on the evening of the 24th. We went very fast,
generally travelling forty-five miles a day, in the
mornings and evenings—or rather, nights. The
biting beetles are awful here—in myriads! No
one can have an idea of these lands. If ever you
repine you ought to be shot, for your lot might
have been so different. There were at least eighty
large beetles on my night-shirt last night, when I
lit the candle.

Kuartoum, JZay g.—I have no easy task be-
fore me, but (p.v.) I have solved the difficulty.
My scheme is not yet matured or approved. You
have little idea of the great difficulty and the
many questions involved in it, viz., in domestic
slavery. First, I have to disband, some 6,000
Turks and Bashi-Bazouks, who are the frontier
guards, and who must be replaced, for they let
the caravans pass. You might as well order the
sea to stop the caravans as these men! Now,
think of disbanding suddenly 6,000 men. You
must do it neatly ; you must see to replace them
with trustworthy men. Let me ask who that
had not the Almighty with him could do that?
I have the Almighty with me, and I will do it.
Second, Consider the effect of harsh measures
among an essentially Mussulman population car-
ried out brusquely by a Nazarene—measures
which touch the pocket of every one. Who
that had not the Almighty with him would dare
to do that? I will do it; for I value my life as
naught, and should only leave much weariness for

Q
226 THE SLAVE-TRADE. [May,

 

perfect peace. No man ever had a harder task
than I, unaided, have before me; but it sits as a
feather on me. As Solomon asked, I ask wisdom
to govern this great people; and not only will
He give me it, but all else besides. And why?

Because I value not the “all besides.” I am
quite as averse to slavery, and even more so
than most people. I show it by sacrificing my-
self in these lands, which are no Paradise. 1
have naught to gain in name or riches. I do not
care what man may say. I do what I think is
pleasing to my God; and, as far as man goes, I
need nothing from any one. The Khedive never
had directly gained any revenue from slaves. I
now hold his place here; and I, who am on the
spot with unlimited power, am able to judge how
impotent he, at Cairo, is to stop the slave-trade.
I can do it with God’s help, and I have the con-
viction He has destined me to do it; for it was
much against my will I came here again. What
I have to do is so to settle matters that I do not
cause a revolution on my own death—not that I
value life. I have done with its comforts in
coming here. My work is great, but does not
weigh me down. I go on as straight as I can.
I feel my own weakness, and look to Him who is
almighty, and I leave the issue, without inordinate
care, to Him. I expect to ride 5,000 miles this
year, if I am spared. I am quite alone, and like
it. I have become what people call a great
fatalist, viz., I trust God will pull me through
every difficulty. The solitary grandeur of the
desert makes one feel how vain is the effort of
man. ‘This carries me through my troubles, and
enables me to look on death as a coming relief,
1877.] REGISTRATION OF SLAVES. 227

 

when it is His will. The heat is sometimes
terrible. I am now accustomed to the camel.
It is a wonderful creature, and so comfortable,
with its silent, cushion-like tread.

It is only my firm conviction that I am only an
instrument put in use for a time that enables me
to bear up; and in my present state, during my
long, long, hot, weary rides, I think my thoughts
better and clearer than I should with a com-
panion. Any European would be a disadvantage
at present. They are not always wise, are
apt to be too energetic; and would thus get
me into scrapes. I have upset so many vested
interests, that the only people I can count on
are the Ulemas, to whom | gave back all their
ancient privileges, which had been taken away
from them by Ismail Pasha Yacoob. If I take
officers I make the army antagonistic, and only
hold my place on sufferance. When I have
laid a bit of the foundation, and mastered the
alphabet of the province, then I may want men,
and shall take them. I hope I have solved the
slave question, by recommending to H.M. Consul.
General, Mr. Vivian, the following scheme :—
1st. By enforcing the law which compels runaway
slaves to return to their masters except when
cruelly treated. 2nd. By requiring masters to’
register their slaves prior to January 1, 1878.
3rd. By not enforcing law No. 1 if not so
registered. 4th. By stopping all registration of
slaves after January 1, 1878. By this I pre-
vent, after January 1, 1878, any new slaves being
considered as property, which they are rightly
considered to be until either the masters are
compensated or a term of years has elapsed —

Q 2
228 COMPENSATION OF OWNERS. [Zay,

 

we here being in the same state now as the
West Indian colonies were at the passing of the
Abolition of Slavery Act. I also meditate an
attack upon the European holders of slaves in
these parts. If they declare they are foreign
subjects, I mean to liberate their slaves; if they
say they are Egyptian subjects, I shall tax them
heavily. Europeans come here, hold slaves, cul-
tivate the ground, and pay no taxes. I won't
have this. You will think I might do more. I
cannot. Slaves are, to all intents and purposes,
property until their owners are compensated, or
till a certain number of years has elapsed. We
cannot compensate, but we can decree their
liberation after a term of years. Slave-hunting
must be put down; but when men see that they
have no hold over slaves acquired after January 1,
1878, they will not buy them. At any rate, slaves
acquired after that date can run away, and the
Government will not force them to go back. I
consider this will succeed (p.v.) I feel that I
have been most unjust to the Khedive, knowing,
as I now do, the great difficulties in abolishing
slavery. That the question of domestic slavery
is no easy one, the debates on the Abolition
of Slavery in our Colonies would show. There
it was a question of colonies only: here it is
a question of home interests. You are, no
doubt, better versed than I] am in the history
of our Abolition of Slavery. Men possessed
slaves; to liberate them without compensation
was ruin to the owners,* and our people,

_* “Let me congratulate the House that the slave does not add to our
difficulties, by himself demanding compensation; for I confess I know
not how we should resist his claim, if he said to us, ‘I have been kept in
1877.] ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. 229

 

feeling that to do so would be robbery, did
compensate them. Now, in our case, England
dealt only with a colony. The question did not
affect us directly, but still she gave compensation.
How different is this case! Here slavery abo-
lition touches every one. How can you deal with
it so as to avoid a servile war or a rising of the
people? You must either pay compensation, or
you must allow a term of years in order that
slavery may die out. Egypt is ahead of us if we
consider the state of affairs as before the Abo-
lition: Act. . 2s I have an enormous province to
look after; but it is a great blessing to me to
know that God has undertaken the administration
of it, and it is His work and not mine. If I fail,
it is His will; if I succeed, it is His work. Cer-
tainly He has given me the joy of not regarding
the honours of this world, and to value my union
with Him above all things. May I be humbled
to the dust and fail, so that He may glorify
Himself. The greatness of my position only
depresses me, and I cannot help wishing that
the time had come when he will lay me aside
and use some other worm to do His work. You
have reached your happy eventide. I would that
the heat of my life-day was over; but He will aid
me, and not suffer me again to put down anchors
to this world.

Kuartoum, May 7.—I have been four days
here, and have got through a great deal of work.

bondage during the best years of my life. I have been compelled to labour
—not for myself, or my children—but for a hard taskmaster, who, with the
value of my toil in his pocket, comes before you to demand compensation.
If then you have money to spare pay me first.’””—Speech of Mr. M. D. Hill
in the House of Commons in 1833.—See 4 Memoir of Matthew Davenport
Hill by His DAUGHTERS, p. 126. :
230 THE PETITION-BOX. [4Zay,

 

I have a number of servants and cavasses* of the
late Moufettisht Ismail Pasha, who now ride before
me when I go out. I am guarded like an ingot
of gold. I must not rise to give a chair to a
guest; if I get up, every one else does the same.
It is misery, and I now feel what work princes
must go through. I take advantage of their
ignorance of English to say to the sheikhs,
“Now, old bird, it is time for you to go;” they
are delighted. The sister of the late Governor,
Ismail Pasha, hearing of my appointment instead
of her brother, broke all the windows of the
palace—some hundred-and-thirty—and cut the
divans in pieces out of spite. My predecessors
never allowed any one to come near them. I
admit the people, and have a large petition-box
with a slit in the lid, which is filled up daily.
Kuartoum, May 78.—1 think the people like
me, and it is an immense comfort that, while in
the old régzme ten or fifteen people were flogged
daily, now none get flogged. A huge crowd
stand around the palatial gates all day, but only
a few are privileged with an interview; for I keep
a box with a slit in the lid for petitions at the
door, and every one can put his petition in it.
Hitherto the people could never approach the
Governor, unless they bribed the clerks. £600,
4300, ten ounces of gold, £100, and £80 have
been given to my head-clerk merely in the hope of
getting a place; these places are not worth gene-
rally more than £240 a year—even the highest
—so it is evident that the holders get much more
than their pay out of the people. This has been
brought to me by him, and put by me into the

* «A species of protective orderlies.”” + A gatherer of taxes,
1877.] THE WHIP DETHRONED. 231

 

treasury ; but I never punish the givers, for they
are brought up-to te... I leave for Darfour
in a few days. My second in command, Halid
Pasha, came four days ago. He wanted to bully
me, but I will rule. He was very rude and
assuming. Before he had been with me five
minutes I saw I might as well go home at once
if I gave way to him, so we had a tussle for two
days, and now he has given in, and is my dear
friend and obedient servant. The palace is on the
banks of the river. It is as large as Marlborough
House, and the servants—useless creatures |—
swarm. It is all nonsense for the Turks to say
that the people would oppose the nomination of
a Christian Governor. The people want justice,
and surely if in an entirely Mussulman population
like this the people accept me, in Bulgaria—where
two-thirds are Christians—they would also accept
a Christian Governor. I am breaking up, to the
great joy of the people, the Bashi-Bazouks, who,
of course, do not love me. A great sorrow has
been taken off the land. The reign of the
courbatch (whip) has ceased, and I do believe the
people rejoice at my being here. I was installed
in due form on the 5th. It was a regular investi-
ture: the Firman was read by the Cadi and an
address ; a royal salute was fired. I had to make
a speech, which was, ‘“‘ With the help of God I
will hold the balance level,’ which pleased the
people much. I have decided on pumping the
river water up into the town. This will cost
little, and will be a great boon, for many of the
houses are far inland, and the labour of carrying
water is very great..... I go to Darfour on
the rgth, and shall not return here for four months.
232 REVOLT IN DARFOUR. (May,

 

Ninety-seven days of camel-riding before I am
back again at Khartoum! I need the physical
exertion, and am not afraid of these vast deserts.
I have thirty camels, and four elephants are on
their way from Cairo... .. I am a sufferer from
the courash of Baker, a sort of eczema. It is very
trying, just as if you were being bitten by mos-
quitoes all night. Baker says it comes from the
water.* It attacks the extremities—the itching is
intolerable at night. Truly this country is no
Paradise! Suffer as people may in England, it is
one comfort that those who are well do not suffer.
Here, whether you are well or ill, you have enough
physical sufferings to make you realise your feeble-
ness.

Near Oserp, CapiraL or Korporan, May 27,—
I have got over a bit of my long journey, and am
very well... .. I have a first-rate secretary.
He was the secretary of my predecessor, Ismail
Pasha. The Khedive is exceedingly kind to me
in every way, and I will use my very life to aid
him. .. . . The Darfourians are Mussulmans.
I think, perhaps, I may tell you in the strictest
confidence what has happened, or what did happen,
in February. The Darfourians rose in revolt, and
hemmed in Fascher, Dara, and Kolkol.t They
are still shut up, and from some motive or other
the force sent from Fogia to relieve them has
not done so yet. However, I hope to do this,
and this is the reason of my voyage.{ If I succeed
I shall go down to Wadi Halfa, and see about the

* The Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia, by SIR SAMUEL. BAKER, p.156.—ED.

+ See p. 208.—Ep.

t ‘You know,” wrote Colonel Gordon two years later, ‘‘all about the
Darfour affair, when Hassan Pasha had some 16,000 men, and J relieved
him with 300 men.” —ED.
1877.] “T DRIFT ALONG.” e325

 

railway; if I do not I shall have no more worries ;
but I feel I shall succeed, and this feeling—not
one of any elation—has accompanied me when in
China and in the Lake District [of Africa]. Why ?
may be asked. I think that it is because I do not
care for glories or rewards, or the world’s praise or
blame. I may really say that in the Government
of the Soudan I avzft along, and however im-
perfectly, do my best with all my might and power.
My great desire is to be a shelter to the people,
to ease their burdens, and to soften their hard
lot in these inhospitable lands.

Foctsa—FRonTiER OF Darrour, /une 7.—I
arrived here to-day. If you will look at a good
map (and you can get a good, cheap one at
Stanford's, Charing Cross, entitled, “Map of
Africa,” by J. Arrowsmith), you will find the
place I write from marked as Oba. You will
see that I am not so very far from Lake Tchad,—
in fact, fifteen days from Kakabieh would take
mete: that Lake. s+ s I am now in one of the
four Mudirats, or Governments — Fogia, alas
Oba. A force left Fogia some two months ago
to relieve a place called Fascher, which, with
Dara and Kakabieh, is hemmed in. Nothing has
been heard of them for ten days, when they were
half-way between Fogia and Fascher. Now I
think God will enable me to make friends with
the different tribes between Fascher and Fogia,
and I trust He will enable me to go to Fascher
with 200 men, and escorted by the chiefs who are
at present rebels. He may not do this, and we may
have to fight our way; but, as the hearts of men
are in His hands, He turneth them as He will.
He can do it if He thinks well; and who would
234 “MY FACE SET AS A FLINT.” LJune,

 

have it otherwise than as He, in His wisdom,
should rule? The danger to me, if He does
this, is that I may be puffed up. But He can, and
will, prevent that. Search myself as I will, I find
that, in all my career, I can lay no claim to
cleverness, discretion, or wisdom. My _ success
has been due to a series of (called by the world)
Nokes. es ea My sense of independence is gone.
I own nothing, and am nothing. Iam a pauper,
and seem to have ceased to exist. A sack of
rice jolting along on a camel would do as much
as / think I do. But how different in appear-_
ance it is to the world!! I do thank God for
using me as His instrument, and look forward
to my rest. I do participate in His happiness
when the sorrows of men are alleviated by Him,
not by me, though He may use me as _ the
mouthpiece.

These countries are very curious: they seem
to be peopled with huge tribes of Bedouin Arabs,
with a small nucleus of more settled people, who
congregate in the larger villages... .. I have
been obliged to ask the Khedive to remove my
second in command, Halid Pasha, who only
reigned three weeks. He was a mere obstacle,
and no extremes could be further apart than we
two were in every way. The wrecks left on my
passage are numerous. I have set my face asa
flint; and, regardless of consequences, have been
hard right and left. I do not wish to be so; I
should like to praise, not blame; but seeing what
I know of the suffering of the people, I cannot
force myself to let things slide... .. I have a
splendid camel—none like it; it flies along, and
quite astonishes even the Arabs. I came flying
1877.] “LIKE THE DRIVING OF JEHU.” 235

 

into this station in marshal’s uniform; and before
the men had had time to unpile their arms I had
arrived with only one man with me. I could
not help it; the escort did not come in for an
hour-and-a-half afterwards. The Arab chief who
came with me said it was the telegraph. The
Gordons and the camels are of the same race,—
let them take an idea into their heads, and nothing
will take it out. If my camel feels inclined to go
in any particular direction, there he will go, pull
as much as you like. The grand cordon* was
given to a man who guaranteed to give it to me
as we approached the station; but alas!—it did
not come for an hour afterwards. It is fearful
to see the Governor-General arrayed in gold
clothes flying along like a madman, with only
a guide, as if he was pursued. The Mudir had
not time to gather himself together before the
enemy was on him. Some of the guards were
down at a well, drinking; it was no use; before
they had got half-way to their arms the goal was
won. Specks had been seen in the vast plain
around the station moving towards it (like Jehu’s
advance), but the specks were few—only two or
three—and were supposed to be the advanced
guard, and before the men of Fogia knew
where they were the station was taken! The
artillery-men were the only ones ready.
Oomcuanca, june r5.—I arrived here from
Fogia to-day, and am now four or five days from
Fascher. The country is most miserable—a
sandy, bush-covered desert—quite useless for any
good purpose, with no water for distances of forty

* The order of the Medjidie of the first-class had been conferred on
Colonel Gordon by the Khedive.—Ep.
236 MISGOVERNMENT OF DARFOUR. [ June,

 

or fifty miles. I have determined to call in all
detached parties, and to concentrate them on the
main trunk road to Fascher, and to vacate all the
outer country ; it is not worth keeping. .... All
these troubles have been caused by these Bashi-
Bazouks, Arnauts,* Turks, etc.—the scum of Cairo
and Stamboul. I have my troubles with the
Bashi-Bazouks, as the European nations have ;
and it has made me angry to find so many troops
have been sent here, when I had to struggle on
with such a handful at the Lakes. You would, I
feel sure, feel sickened at this horrid, useless-
looking country, and feel disposed to leave it ; and
yet I am bound to hold on to it. Such a waste
of money, and all this revolt is caused by the
shameful misgovernment of the country. A few
months ago you could go from here to Fascher
without arms, and now 2,000 men can scarce go.

9g ~.m.—The rescuing force, which started to
reach Fascher three months ago, I have just
heard has reached it, for which I am very thankful.
I have about 2,700 men of a nondescript sort
coming up to me. What is so trying is the wait-
ing. Two or three of the out-stations are still
blockaded, and these must be relieved before I can
get away. 6 yw « It appears that the only produce
of these countries is ostrich feathers. This, like
ivory, must have an end, for neither ostriches nor
elephants will last forever. One Syrian merchant
is buying up all the black feathers, because, he
says, they will be wanted for mourning by those
who lose friends in the war.t

My old country is far more promising than these
torrid wastes. If there were only water, the

* See p. 224.—ED. + The war between Russia and Turkey.—Ep.
1877.] BEDOUIN TRIBES. 237

 

country is not ugly; it is undulating, and some
parts are picturesque. When past Fascher, we
cross over the watershed of the Nile Basin, and
get into the Basin of Lake Tchad, or the Gulf of
Guinea.

Oomcuanca, June 21.—The immense difficulty
there is in causing this slave traffic to cease
has now come home to me. I wish one of
the Anti-Slavery Society, capable of understand-
ing the question, would come here and give me
the solution of it. JI have complete power—civil
and military. No one would say a word if I put
one or ten men to death; and therefore I must
be considered entirely responsible if the slave trade
goes on; but here is my position. Darfour and
Kordofan are peopled by huge Bedouin tribes
under their own sheikhs, who are rather more
than semi-independent. The country, for the most
part, is a vast desert, with wells few and far
between, some of which are only known to these
tribes. Some of these tribes can put from 2,000
to 6,000 horse- or camel-men into the field; anda
revolt, as I know to my cost, is no small thing in
such a country.* Now these tribes raid on the
Negro tribes to the south, or else exchange cloth
for slaves with the Bedouin tribes beyond even
the pretended boundary of Egypt. The slaves
thus enter the Egyptian territory four or five at a
time. Nothing would prevent their coming ina
hundred at a time, for we have no range of sen-
tinels on our borders like the Cossacks of Russia.
The tribes sell these slaves to the little merchants

* In a later letter, Colonel Gordon says, ‘‘ The Darfourians use a long
lance with a huge blade like a potato-hoe, and also assegais which they
throw with great skill.” —Eb.
238 SLAVE CARAVANS. [ June,

 

of all kinds who flock into these lands. These
merchants, who come from all parts of Egypt, then
come down to more populous places with their
three or four slaves, and there sell them to others.
The slave caravans of a hundred at a time, de-
picted by the various writers on slavery, have
ceased in Egyptian territory, I consider ;* but the
little caravans of four or five continue, and will do
so, unless I can find some remedy, which I cannot
as yet see. The fact is, that even with the British
Government in possession of these countries, I do
not see how this slave trade could be stopped,
unless the British Government pushed its frontier
to the frontier of the Negro tribes, and there estab-
lished a line of frontier posts. I need scarcely
remark that no British Government would be so
foolish as to go to the expense of doing this, for
it would be at a dead loss, and further, that the
frontier would have to extend to Lake Tchad.
I therefore say that the large slave caravans, with
the “ sheybas” + around the neck, will cease, and, I
consider, have ceased ; but that it is impossible to
prevent slaves passing down in small numbers with
the petty merchants; and I do not think it will
ever be prevented until the frontier of Egypt ex-
tends up to the Negro frontier, which it cannot do
for thirty years—if then.

Oomcnanca, /une 22.—Still here, waiting for
the troops. When they will come | have no idea,
and leave this I cannot till something is settled.
.... Tf all [our soldiers stationed here] had
been killed, I would not try to re-conquer Darfour

* See, however, pp. 319, 369.—Ep.
+ ‘In one of their convoys were some poor, miserable slaves, almost too

emaciated to bear the heavy yoke (the sheyba) that was fastened to their
necks.” —SCHWEINFURTH’S Heart of Africa, Vol. 11., p 414.—ED.
1877.] THE BASHI-BAZOUKS. 239

 

—it is quite worthless. Your letter of the
3rd May reached me to-day, when in a diabolical
temper, at this place—so bad that if I had had the
object of it (a captain) here, I declare [I think I
would have hanged him without any trial. The
way these Bashi-Bazouks have treated their
fellow-religionists here is far worse than in Bul-
garia. I am glad to be analytical chemist enough
to detect in my indignation three-eighths anger at
the cruelties committed, and five-eighths anger
at being kept in this hot dull place—owing to
these cruelties—and so it is as well I did not
do more than dismiss the captain from functions
he never ought to have held. I am still waiting
for tag-rag and bob-tail troops, to enable me to
go to Fascher, for the troops there seem little
inclined to help me to get there. However, I
will pay them out when I do. My second in
command, Halid Pasha, only stayed ten days in
his post. He tried to thwart me, so I telegraphed
to Cairo, and in twenty-four hours he was ordered
off. I feel sure it is waste of time to argue with
a Turk or a Circassian, the only way is to coerce
him; you could never convince him. This is
twelve years’ experience of them. All this revolt
is the fault of the Bashi-Bazouks. I said the
other day “If the people of this country were
Rayahs or Christians | might understand your
bad treatment of them, but I do not when I see
they are Mussulmans, as you.” Upon which the
Darfourians were delighted and clapped their
hands. Now the Darfourians were so fanatical
that they would never let a Christian into their
country, and now they ask me to send Christian
Governors.
240 “YOU OUGHT TO PARDON ME.” LJune,

 

June 25.—Very many of the Darfourians have
come in for pardon. I speak my mind, and I can-
not help saying to some, “You ought to pardon
me.” Really no people could have been treated
worse than these people. Domestzc ties, so sacred
with the Mussulman, were totally disregarded.
However, I hope that the remedy may be found
by the removal of the soldiers—nothing short of
that will do.

June 27.—I hold my house on a rock—viz.,
to do what I think fair and just, and not to heed
what it may cost. That one can always be so
is not human, but at any rate it is my pole-star ;
and in a way, I do not care if my mission is a
success or not, so that I can have the conscience
of not having sought my own ends, followed my
own spites, or acted to get the world’s praise.
I know this is a perilous route. Napoleon III.
said, in a letter to his nephew Jéréme, ‘‘ You act
as if you had nothing to reproach yourself with in
the past, and as if you were secure of the future.”
Well, I act thus; if I am to fall or fail, so be it;
I will go down with a crash, at any rate. So if
an employé is found wanting, I have no second
thoughts about dismissing him, let him be sup-
ported at Cairo as he may. I certainly have this
advantage, that I fear nothing. To be removed
would not be a punishment, for I give my life in
being in these lands cut off from all society. H.H.
has done all for me, and I cannot say how much
I feelit. I hope to show it by not sparing myself.

OomcHanca, June 29.—We have made peace
with the tribes around here and half-way to
Fascher on the direct road there from this place.
I propose going to Toashia, thence to Dara, and
1877.] CISTERNS IN FIG-TREES. 2AI

 

thence to Fascher. Haroun, the only member of
the Sultan of Darfour’s family alive,* is at Tanné
in revolt. Hassan Pasha Helmit has, for some
unaccountable reason, gone to Kobeyt, the other
Pasha is at Fascher, neither of them caring a jot
about opening the road for me to come to
Fascher. Haroun has a number of men with
him. I shall (p.v.) evacuate Toashia and Dara
and Kadjmour, and, with their united garrisons,
move on him. I shall have nearly 4,000 men.
I thus reduce these useless exposed stations,
and get rid of them, gaining the troops, saving
expense, and saving the people from pillage—
the cause of revolts. I keep then only the trunk-
road to Fascher, which is all we need.

June 30.—We started to-day for Toashia.
Along the road there are huge fig-trees, with
very few leaves, but with huge trunks of fan-
tastic shape. Some are hollow, and get filled
with water in the storms. Others, that have
no orifice or hollow in the crown, have a
hollow cut in them by the natives, through
which they fill the trunks with water, and then
seal it up. Some of the trunks hold a ton of
water, cool and fresh. They are all owned by
individuals, and, were it not for them, the country
would be a greater desert than it is. Some own
eighty trees—they are very rich. The Bashi-
Bazouks, to save trouble in getting up to draw
the water out of the trunk, used to fire into the
trunk and drink by the hole made by the bullet.
Some of these trees are twelve and fourteen
feet in diameter. Those which have the hole
made in them, instead of being grateful for the

* See, however, p. 355.—ED. + The Governor of Darfour.—Ed.

R
242 HAROUN. [ July,

 

cool water put into their stomachs, resent it, and
try to close up the hole ; so that it has to be recut
every two years.

July 1.—We have got half-way to Toashia, and
have seen no enemies. Dar For and Dar Fertit
mean ¢he land of Fors and the land of Fertits. The
Fors and the Fertits were the original negro in-
habitants; then came in the Bedouin tribes, par-
tially conquered the country, and made the Fors
Mussulmans, giving themasultan. The Fors and
the Bedouin tribes, the one stationary and the
other nomadic, live in peace, for their habits are
different. When the Egyptians invaded the
country three years ago, the Bedouin tribes did
not help the Sultan, so the conquest over the
Fors was easy; now the Bedouins have revolted
with the Fors. Haroun has a vast number of
men with him, but I think that they will desert
him ; for it is seed-time, and they do not like to
stay long away from their districts. If tribe A goes
into the country of tribe B as their allies, they will
steal from tribe B, just as if they were enemies to
B: this soon breaks up coalitions. I sincerely hope
not to have to fire a shot in this revolt. The
poor people have been driven into it, and Haroun
has only taken advantage of the discontent... . .
I have with me 500 nondescript troops; there
are 350 more at Toashia, which we vacate, and
this will make 850; then at Dara, which I shall
vacate, there are 1,200, so I shall have 2,000.
Kadjmour has 1,000, but these must march to
Kolkol, as it is nearer to that place. One might
make out that one is making a fine strategic
campaign: but, no, I am going that way because |
want troops, and because I want to vacate the
1877.] THE CAVE OF ADULLAM. 243

 

robber dens. I have not such confidence in my
troops as to run any risks at all, or to carry out
any strategy. I want not to fire a shot—in fact,
I am very “‘ Peace-Society” inclined. At Shaka
are the hordes of Sebehr Pasha, who, you know,
has been sent to Stamboul.* His son is there.
... . Shaka is the Cave of Adullam; all mur-
derers, robbers, etc., assembled there, and thence
made raids upon the negro tribes for slaves.
They can put 10,000 men into the field. Alto-
gether it was as well I came to the Soudan.
Another year would have left little Soudan to
come to, what with these gentlemen, Darfour, and
Abyssinia. Iam overwhelmed with debts. Some
of the men have had no pay for three years!
Near Toasuia, /uly 2.—My black secretary
and I have many a laugh at the two pashas, and
he tells me queer stories of them. One of them
went into his harem at Fascher, and, making a
great to-do, accused the women of stealing 2,000
dollars. They denied it, so he takes them with
his cavassest into the market, and made them
accuse people, saying that they had given this
man forty dollars, another fifty, and so on, till he
got the 2,000 dollars. It is inconceivable, is it
not? He, Hassan Pasha Helmi, is said to be
mad : anyway I am going to send him to Cairo, for
he has done his best to ruin the province. ....
The country is a sandy waste, with scrub and the
fig-trees—not a soul to be seen. We are now
near Toashia. The ants are of all sorts, some
jet black, some a bright vermilion, like ripe red

* He had been sent there, on the staff of Hassan Pasha, on the breaking
out of the war with Russia. —Eb,

+ See p. 230.—Ep.
R 2
244 THREE YEARS WITHOUT PAY. LJuly,

 

currants; these sting viciously, and attack the
black ones, hovering about their heaps. The
ants form these heaps with a hollow to conduct
the rain into them; I expect that they thus keep
reservoirs of water during dry seasons. Some
of them are mighty hunters; they carry their
tails cocked up, out of the way. I have seen
jumping ants; they hop about two or three feet.

[t is absurd in the morning to see some of
the ants trying to prevent the black-beetles, which
at dawn enter their nests, from leaving. The
beetle is too strong for them, and being in armour
cannot be hurt, so he forces his way out with the
ants hanging on to his legs.

I have sent Johannis a splendid set of filigree
work that cost me £60. I did this to induce him
to keep quiet dll J get there. « 2c. Ask
whether it would not be possible to make a very
light mountain-gun of platinum. Its tenacity is
so great that it would not need to be thick. I
cannot understand why mountain-guns are made
of such thickness—they bear such a little charge.
What is wanted for these wars is a large shell
smooth-bore howitzer, very light.*

Toasuia, /wly 3.—Arrived last night. We
have been two whole days without meat. To-day
the wretched nondescript garrison has come out
to me ex masse. They have been ¢hree years
without pay. It is indeed in a nice imbroglio,
this Darfour! They say that there is no dhoora
corn at Dara, and that the soldiers are in a state
of semi-revolt, and will not move. They will
have the option of being left to starve or of

 

* Tn another letter Colonel Gordon suggests that mountain-guns should
be made in two pieces. —ED.
1877.] REVOLT OF THE TRIBES. 245

 

coming with me..... Haroun, who claims to
be Sultan of Darfour, has retreated to Toura, in
the mountains, where the old sultans used to be
proclaimed, and where they are buried. This
looks as if he had given up. I hope it is so, for
I have little heart for this war/ The revolted
tribes suffered a good deal here. They tried to
surprise the station, and made sure they would
take it; they failed, and a great number died of
thirst before they could get to the other wells.
When they attacked this place they came up to
the stockades armed only with their lances, and
tried to pull down the stakes. They threw dust
into the faces of their adversaries. (Thence, I
suppose, the expression). What a country, where
wells are thirty and forty miles apart! The camels
are all ailing; three days’ quick marching knocks
them up.

En route From Toasuta To Dara, July r7.—
I had hoped by the release of the brother of one
of the most important sheikhs on the route to get
the sheikh himself to make peace. He sent a
letter saying he would do so, and would come to
Toashia in two days. Well! poisoned by the putrid
water at Toashia, I determined to push on and meet
him. On the strength of his having made peace
I decided not to take the garrison of Toashia on
with me; they were a wretched set—some 500
armed with flint-lock muskets, and were a mere
set of brigands. I sent them back to Kordofan
to be disbanded, and I started with about 500 of
all sorts—flint-locks and every description of arm—
indeed, a very poor set, with the exception of
about 150. When we arrived where we ought
to have met the sheikh no sheikh appeared, and
246 IN GREAT DANGER. LJuly,

 

indeed he declined to appear. However, we
admitted to pardon (!) a number of other sheikhs,
and pursued our way. Now what I want to
impress on you is the position I have been in
over and over again, both at the equator and now
here. That is, that being with troops in whom
one has not the least confidence you feel sure that
should the enemy attack you, you will be utterly
destroyed; you have not a chance..... We
have, thank God, passed our dangers. Whether
they were imaginary or not | do not know, but
we were threatened by an attack from thousands
of determined blacks who knew I was here.
Now very few Englishmen know what it is to be
with troops they have not a bit of confidence in.
I prayed heartily for an issue, but it gave me a
pain in the heart like that | had when surrounded
at Masindi.* I do not fear death, but I fear,
from want of faith, the results of my death—for the
whole country would have risen. It is, indeed,
most painful to be in such a position—it takes
a year’s work out of one. However, thank
God, it is over, and I hope to reach Dara to-
morrow. I had written to that place; but, of
course, they never attempted to meet me half-
way as I had ordered them to do, although I
have come all this way to help them. No! Egypt
is not a conquering power—not a bit like one!
Although out of this very imminent danger—for
there was no hope of release or escape—I still
feel the effects, and can only compare this feeling
to that which one has in dreams, when you feel
some danger approaching and have no means of
moving. Nightmare is the only thing equal to

* See p. 193.—ED.
1877.] RELIEF OF DARA, 247

 

it. How often have I sworn that I would never
put myself in a similar fix again, and yet I do.
However much I try and persuade myself that all
is for the best, yet that hard pain in my heart
remains—a real physical pain. I declare I have
suffered physically in this sort of thing more than
most men in the world. This morning I gave
my express rifle to a man to carry. When I had
got through my dangers I saw some deer, and
took my rifle. Of course he had thrown it down
and broken the stock. Thus, had I been attacked,

We had thirty or forty donkeys with us. When
I heard one bray I knew the forty would have to
bray, and so it went on last night. It wasacomfort
when the whole forty had answered the challenge,
and you trembled when you heard No. 1 begin
again. It generally took five minutes for the
whole to perform. The Darfour donkey gives a
series of low groans; he does not go up the scale
like the others, and never gets out the shrill notes
which appear the acme of delight.

Dara, July 13.—Arrived yesterday about
2 p.m., and took them by complete surprise. I
find they did send out troops to meet me, but
they went some other road, and so I missed them.
Hassan Pasha Helmi had ordered these 1,800 men
to stay here, and not to move. Thence their in-
action. They had been six months without news
from without; it was like the relief of Lucknow.
Everything was at famine prices. .... The
two Pashas, the one at Fascher and this other
at Kobeyt, have been doing nothing with their
7,000 troops — waiting for reinforcements. I
am so grateful to have got here. The camels
248 ANCIENT ARMOUR. Lu,

 

are all ill from eating grass, and I am not well
owing to the bad water at Toashia. In all events
in this world there is the harrowing of the ground,
and ploughing, then the seed-time—all painful
work—and then comes the harvest; and this I
have gone through in this work.

Dara, /uly 77.—Shaka [the stronghold of the
slave-dealers| is still a mystery. They are at
sixes and sevens with one another whether to
fight the Government or not. I have an expedi-
tion out against Haroun. There will be no quiet
till he is caught or killed. I cannot leave Dara,
for fear that he should attack it, till reinforcements
come.

There are a number of very ancient swords
here, just like those the crusaders used to use.*
It is a pity these things are in a way lost.
Hassan Pasha Helmi ordered all these old swords
to be broken up. I have, however, secured some
chain-armour, and shall send it to the Khedive.
It was on the men who accompanied the Sultan

Ibrahim when he was killed.t When the Egyp-

* “When the Crusaders ceased their attacks on the Mussulmans of the
Arabian Peninsula the latter found their land too crowded, and began
to emigrate. One band went up the Nile, and swept along to the west.
They did not go further south than 10° N. lat., because their camels could
not live beyond this line. When they first settled in these lands, in the
belt which stretches along 10° N. lat., they were few in number. They
squatted and lived with the negro tribes. They increased and multiplied,
and then began to influence these tribes, and induced them to become
Mussulmans. These Bedouins still maintained their nomadic life, and to
this day are a distinct people from the negro aboriginals. The armour,
I believe, came up with the emigrants. The people of these lands say
that it is as old as David, King of Israel. Anyway, it never was manu-
factured in these countries, and must have come from Syria. Kordofan,
Darfour, Wadi, Fertit, Bagirmi, Bornou, and Sokoto are Mussulman
states founded by these settlers."—From a Note by Colonel Gordon.
It would appear then that Mahometanism has spread as far southwards
as the camel can exist. The tenth degree of north latitude is the limit
of both.—Ep.

+ See p. xxxix.—Ep.
1877.] RESTORATION OF A MOSQUE. 249

 

tians seized the country, they took the mosque
here for a powder-magazine. I had it cleared
out and restored for worship, and endowed the
priests and the crier, and had a great ceremony
at the opening of it. This is a great coup. They
blessed me and cursed Sebehr Pasha who took the
mosque from them. To me it appears that the
Mussulman worships God as well as I do, and is
as acceptable, if sincere, as any Christian. What
caused the lot to fall on those who occupy the
“Hill,” to be born in Christian lands, while others
are born in Mussulman lands? ... .

The money of Darfour is cloth. Certain pieces
have certain values.

Dara, /wly 24.—Still waiting! I expect the
troops which went out on an expedition in two
days’ time. I have no news from Fascher nor
from Shaka, and am worn to a shadow with doing
nothing for days and days. There is more work
before me in Kordofan. A tribe there has never
been properly subdued. Really the Soudan is
work for six men! If I had the railway off my
hands, I would not mind so much, for I should be
free to stay here and finish off the affairs. Look
at my list :-—

Trouble with Aboubec'r.*

Trouble with Abyssinia.

Trouble with a chief about slaves.
Trouble with railway.t

Trouble with tribe which has revolted.
Trouble with Darfour.

Trouble with Shaka—Sebehr’s son.

h. Trouble with Mtesa.

Add to this, Finance, War Department, the

* See p. 290.—Ep. + See pp. 315, 321.—Eb.

RAYS Rs wg
250 MURMURINGS FOR WATER. LJuh,

 

management of soldiers, men who have not been
paid for two or three years, and it will make you
wink again! Add to this the worry of your own
existence, and the minor troubles of the Govern-
ment. And for what? I really cannot say.
What am I to gain from all this? The knowledge
of my weakness. Imagine the weariness of
Moses for forty years in Mount Sinai—a man
accustomed to a court life! He must have
suffered a good deal... ..

What a very little sin in comparison was the
murmuring of the Israelites for water. What
was it to them that they had seen wonders ?
When their little ones were thirsty, that would
not make them less thirsty. And yet how hardly
the pulpits judge them. The most religious per-
son would cry out if deprived of water in these
hot deserts, and would complain of their chief for
leading them there.

Dara, /uly 26.—To-day came in the chief of
the Razagat tribe from near Shaka. This tribe
is one of the most powerful in the country. The
son of Sebehr has tormented and pillaged them
till they can stand it no longer, and so about 600
with their sheikh fled to me. They say the son
of Sebehr has 5,000 men with him..... The
whole of this Shaka trouble is due to the tacit
approval of slavery by the Government. This
has allowed arms to be brought up the country,
and allowed the formation of these independent
armies. Now, you must not be surprised at
anything happening to me. Supposing we sub-
due Sebehr’s son, and he happens to be killed,
some of his people may avenge themselves on
me. This is not improbable. You must screw
1877.] SEBEHR’S ARMED SLAVES. 251

 

yourself up to bear it, and will remember that a
quick departure is better than a long and linger-
ing one, and also that I did not seek the position
up here. If it is so decided, depend upon it, it is
because my work is finished upon this earth.... .
What are we to do with the slaves now armed of
Sebehr’s son? They are too many to disarm,
and it would be dangerous to keep them together
anywhere, after being accustomed to hear treason
spoken and to despise the Government, as they
have been for so many years. .... The whole
tribe of Razagat threatens to come tome. How
am I to feed them? It is like a white elephant as
a present! This is the second tribe which has
left Shaka, and they say two more are under
way for this place. These tribes move off
without any trouble, it appears—they never
have baggage. They ride without stirrups.....
I have just heard that a tribe, only one-half-day
from here, has attacked the post and taken some
letters. I never heard of this tribe before, which
shows what a blissful state of ignorance one is in;
and here is that creature I sent out from here
quietly camped with 8,000 men a day’s journey
off, on the road I came from Toashia, where we
never saw a soul the whole way! The best of it
is that I only hear he is there. He takes good
care not to write.

July 27.—\ have heard of my expeditionary
force. They have had two days’ battle!! and
have taken a great deal of booty. I have sent
out a party to subdue the hostile tribe half-a-
day’s journey from here. I have tried to arrange
matters so that I can stay here till the affairs of
Shaka and Darfour are satisfactorily finished.
252 ROBBING THE POST. Lyuly,

 

This may be two or three months hence. I told
you that the tribe half-a-day’s journey from here
had stopped the post. Three of the men carrying
the post escaped, the fourth was taken. They
found the letter in the amulet which he carried
on his arm, pulled it out, and tried to read it; but
it was in Turkish. They tied the man with ropes,
and said they would kill him on the morrow.
However, in the interim the three men who
escaped had come to me, and I had sent out the
troops against them. Some of these troops fired
en route. The natives heard the shots and were
disturbed in their minds. In the confusion the
bound man slipped his cords and got away. I have
now put him on my camel and sent him with fifty
soldiers to return the compliments they had paid
him, for they had beaten him terribly.

3 p.m—tThe little expedition has attacked the
tribe. Two of the attacking party were killed,
and four wounded. I am sorry for it, and sorry
for the foe. It is not a bit to my liking. The
son of the chief of this tribe was here the very
day his tribe attacked my post. He was evi-
dently a spy, so I have put him in prison. He
had been given the usual robes of honour. With
all these expeditions there go a flock of Gallabats *
—little petty merchants on donkeys. It is they
that take down the slaves from those who make
the raids. They are the vultures.

Dara, /uly 28.—I have just been out to see
the 210 slaves they captured near here. These
210 are either slaves which were owned by the
tribe, or else they are Fors, z.e., natives of Darfour.

* «These professed slave-traders, the Gellahba.”—SCHWEINFURTH’S
ffeart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 228.—Epb.
1877.] CAPTURED SLAVES. 253

 

If they are Fors, then they are Mussulmans and
ought to be set free; if they are slaves who have
been possessed by the vanquished tribes, then
they need not be given back. It is a sad sight to
see the poor little starved creatures looking so
wistfully at one. What can I do? I could only
address the Arabs with me, and tell them that if
they took Mussulmans as slaves, they did it against
the command of the Koran; and I took sand and
washed my hands in order that they might see I
put on them the responsibility of the decision.
What could I do? Poor souls, I cannot feed or
look after them. I must leave it to God who will
arrange all in kindness. I must trust to these
people, my soldiers, etc.; for else what am I to
do? Some of them were so miserably thin.
Think what it would have been, had you been
born in this climate! I have sent them some
dhoora. I declare solemnly that I would give
my life willingly to save the sufferings of these
people; and if I would do this, how much more
does He care for them than such imperfection
as I am. You would have felt sick had you
seen them. Poor creatures! thirty-six hours
without food.

I have so little dhoora here that I do not know
what I shall do. In the face of these troubles
and sorrows you can imagine that one cannot feel
elated. I can only feel that I would not leave
this Government for anything that could be
offered me, for it would be indeed cowardly.....
I fear that there is a general want of food in this
country; three years or more of almost anarchy
have caused a scarcity. They write from Fascher
that when they attacked Haroun there were
254 GRASS-FEEDING. Lyuly,

 

hundreds dying and dead of starvation and small-
pox. Poor children and women, each of whom
values his poor wretched life as much as we do.
Tam glad to say my Arabs have decided on letting
the captives go free. They went off, 235 of them,
arm-in-arm like a long string. They did this
to prevent the vultures, the Gallabats, taking
them as slaves, which they wanted to do. I
hope they will get back safe... .. There were
some poor little wretches, only stomachs and
heads with antenne for legs and arms. I wonder
whether life is to them as precious as it is to us.
The enormous stomachs are from grass-feeding.

. A swarm of starved wretches has invaded
the court- yard, and it is quite impossible to feed
them, so I have been obliged to send them off till,
at any rate, to-morrow, when I can get some
dhoora. I wish you would send me the Anti-
Slavery Society's publication. I do not know
the name or where it is published... .. People
think you have only to say the word, and slavery
will cease. Now here the Gallabat merchants, I
have told you of, have taken thirty of this tribe.
I am trying to search them out, but I dare not do
anything against these Gallabats on account of my
present position with respect to Shaka. I fear to
raise these men against me; they are well-disposed
at present.

Of course I must let time soften down the ill
effects of what is written against me in the papers,
on account of my purchasing the slaves now in
possession of individuals in order to obtain the
troops necessary to put down slavery. I need
troops—how am I to get them but thus? If
I do not buy these slaves, unless I liberate them
1877.] BUYING SLAVES FOR SOLDIERS. 255

 

at once, they still remain slaves, while, when
they are soldiers, they are free from that re-
proach. I cannot liberate them from their owners
without compensation, for fear of a general
revolt. I cannot compensate the owners, and then
let the men go free, for they would only be a
danger. Though the slaves may not like to be
soldiers, still it is the fate of many in lands where
there is the conscription, and, indeed, it is the only
way in which I can break up the bands of armed
men, which are owned by private people—slave
dealers—and get these bands under discipline.
When I have those bands of which Sebehr’s son
and others are the chiefs, then the slave-dealers
will have no power to make raids; while at the
same time I get troops able to prevent any such
like attempt. I want you to understand this, for
I doubt not people will write and say—r. Colonel
Gordon buys slaves for the Government. 2.
Colonel Gordon lets the Gallabats take slaves. To
No. 1, I say: ‘‘True, for I need the purchased
slaves, to put down the slave-dealers, and to break
up their semi-independent bands.” To No. 2, I
say: ‘True, for I dare not stop it to any extent, for
fear of adding to my enemies, before I have
broken up the nest of slave-dealers at Shaka.”
I should be mad if I did. We should not, if at
war with Russia, choose that moment to bring
about any change affecting the social life of the
Hindoos. The slaves I buy are already torn
from their homes; and whether I buy them or not,
they will, till twelve years have elapsed, remain
slaves. After twelve years they will be free,
according to the Treaty. It is not as if I en-
couraged raids, for the purpose of getting slaves
256 DARFOUR IS A COCKPIT. Lyuly,

 

as soldiers. But people will, of course, say: “By
buying slaves you increase the demand, and in-
directly encourage raids.” I say: ‘Yes, I
should do so, if, after buying them, I still allowed
the raids to continue, which of course I shall
not do.” Z

This slave question is most troublesome and
difficult to manage. A number of the slaves who
were taken in the last raid, made near here on
the sly by the Gallabats, refuse to go back, for they
find they are better fed with their new masters than
they were with their old..... It is a queer country.
A tribe friendly to us, went out with the troops to
subdue another tribe between this and Toashia.
To-day I hear that another hostile tribe has
attacked the friendly tribes’ kraals, during the
absence of the fighting men, and taken 3,500
cows and killed one man. Darfour is a regular
COCepien a <4 4

One thing troubles me. What am I to do with
the three or four thousand slaves, women and
children, that are now at Shaka, if we take it?
I cannot take them back to their own country; I
cannot feed them. Solve this problem for me.
I must let them be taken by my auxiliaries, or by
my soldiers, or by the merchants. There is no
help for it. If I let them loose they will be
picked up in every direction, for an escaped slave
is like an escaped sheep—the property of him
who finds him or her. One must consider what
is best for the individual himself, not what may
seem best to the judgment of Europe; it is the
slave who suffers, not Europe. There is not the
slightest doubt but that if I let the slaves be
taken by my soldiers, by the tribes, or by the
1877.] HOW TO FREE THE SLAVES ? 257

 

Galabat merchants, instead of there being a cessa-
tion of the slave caravans, there will be a great
increase of them for two or three months, and a
corresponding outcry against me. But, at any
rate, the slaves will go by frequented routes, and
will not die on the road. I could let the matter
solve itself, 2.2. let the slaves stay as they are, and
let the owners run the cordon as they best can ;
but I should thus cause the slaves to undergo
great suffering, and perhaps the death of one-half
of them. Shall I be cowardly and do this, for
fear of what ill-informed Europe may say ?* No,
I will legitimise their transport, and let them say
what they will. There are the slaves; around
them the hungry vultures, and only one man to
protect them, and that man has no means of
feeding them or of sending them back to their
friends. Had I a strong man to help me, who
could stay at Shaka and see each slave personally,
and ask him his wish, it would be better; but that
man is not forthcoming, and there is only one who
could do it, viz., Burton.t Strange to say, these
wretched slaves have their likes and dislikes.
Some would sooner go with their Galabat mer- -
chants, some with the tribes, and some with the
soldiers. They are of different minds. Even if they
could they would not go back to their now deso-
late homes ; if they did they would be attacked by
more powerful tribes, and be made slaves to them.
Their own country is probably a desert, their

* “My dear ,” wrote Colonel Gordon to a clergyman, in a letter
which was not, however, sent, ‘‘I have been hard on you, but not on you
individually. I am hard on your class. You are bigots. Whether it be
the churchyard, or the temperance question, or any other, you do not think
of the other side. Men who travel much are seldom bigots. Paul was

not—he let that badly-behaved Corinthian off very easily.”—Eb.,
+ The African traveller.—Ep.

 

Ss
258 THE SECRETARY'S ADVICE. [August,

 

people dispersed, and the land run over with
weeds. It would be a long time ere they could
get their crops again. .... It makes one wink
to think how on earth the slaves of all these
Bedouin tribes are to be freed in twelve years!
Who is'to free them? Will Great Britain? When
the trees hear my voice and obey me, then will
the tribes liberate their slaves! The only thing
the Government can do is to prevent their
getting new ones.

I told you that during the absence of a friendly
tribe, a hostile tribe attacked their kraals, and
took from them 3,500 cows. I sent out an
expedition against the hostile tribe, which they
met in the return war-path from an attack on
another friendly tribe. The expedition fell on
them and restored the captured cattle, and also
carried off a number of other cattle. The hostile
tribes are now coming in from great distances to
ask pardon.

Dara, August 2.—A man escaped from Shaka
to-day. He brought a letter from Edrees, one of
the chiefs of Sebehr’s son, who has got away to
Bahr Gazelle. He had to pay £600 for liberty
to leave. He tells me that the number of men
under Sebehr’s son is 3,500 in all. Sebehr’s son
cannot escape till the rains are over—that is for
three months. He has no idea that I mean to
come to Shaka. .... The chief says Sebehr’s
son has an intention of coming here to ask for
pardon, but with the design, if he finds me weak,
of attacking me.

August 3.—My black secretary and mentor is
for letting Suleiman (Sebehr’s son) come here,
and for letting him enter the fort, and then taking
1877.] THE LEOPARD TRIBE. 259

 

him prisoner, and if he resists killing him. I
cannot do this; it is too Asiatic.

Colonel Gordon learnt that Toashia was threatened with an
attack by the Leopard tribe, who held the road between that
place and Dara.

Wapar, August 7.—I had in consequence gone
to attack the Leopard tribe, who lay between
Dara and Toashia at this place Wadar. Well!
we started on August 5, and at 6 p.m., before we
had all collected, down came a fearful thunder-
storm; it lasted for hours—indeed, nearlyall night—
and every one halted where he was caught by the
storm. I put on my great coat, put up my
umbrella, and wished for dawn. It was pleasant,
but I had my blanket and rolled myself up in it,
and slept well. The next day we went but a
short march, for the rain had taken half our
strength out of us. We halted for the night, and
to-day we came on to Wadar, where the great
fight was to come off. My faithful Darfour tribes,
however, would not wait for my troops, who ave
slow, and attacked the enemy, who, in spite of
all they say, were not more than 160, and killed
them all. My allies have three men wounded—
one, I fear, mortally. One is a chief. I am sorry
for the 160, and I am sorry for the three men. I
wish people could see what the suffering of human
creatures is—I mean those who wish for war. I
am a fool, I dare say, but I cannot see the suffer-
ings of any of these people without tears in my
EVES) «5. © & Of course many of the Fors were
taken; some of them were with children. What
can I do with them? An officer declared to me
that at the revolt of Darfour a woman who lived

Ss 2
260 COWARDICE OF THE TROOPS. [August,

 

with an officer escaped with the child he had by
her, and taking the child to the chief of the
insurgents asked him to kill it, as “the child of
a Turk,” which the chief did.

I had scarcely written these words when the
chief of the Masharin tribe (Ahmed Neurva)
came to my tent, and we had a council on what
we should do. At that moment the Leopard
tribe appeared in sight, in two parties of about
350 each. They advanced boldly on, and some
of the chiefs rode out to meet them. They, how-
ever, kept moving on; and in spite of the
musketry, came close up to the bushes of my
camp, when they were driven back. We had
3,500 at least, against their 700, and yet they
nearly beat us. I was dragged against my will
into the stockade ; the poor chief of the Masharin
was mortally wounded.

August 8—To-day I advanced on Fufar, and
never saw the enemy. Well, neither you, nor any
one else who is not here, can conceive what my
officers and troops are! I will say no more than
that, for my own personal safety, I must get
200 men as a body-guard. I do not think one of
the enemy was killed at the assault of the station.
Not one ought to have escaped. I was sickened
to see twenty brave men of the tribes in alliance
with me ride out to meet the Leopard tribe,
unsupported by my men who crowded into the
stockade! It was terribly painful. The only
thing which restrained me from riding out to
the attack was the sheep-like state in which my
people would have been had I been killed.
What, also, would have become of the pro-
vince? . . . . The wretched Bashi-Bazouks,
1377.] | THE WATERING-PLACES. 261

 

who prance up to me, waving their swords, are
a set of atrant cowards. | hate their brag, when
I see their really arrant fear. Ihe way that the
artillery handled their guns and the rocket tube
made one creep. Fancy, that the enemy came
within ten yards of the stockade, and I think got
off scot free. ...-. We have now driven the
Leopard tribe from three of their watering-places,
and they have only one other left; if they go into
the territory of any other tribe, that tribe will rob
them. Do you understand that these waterins-
places vaty in distance, being as far apart as
London from Chatham or Gravesend—that is to
Say, in distances equal to these there is no water F
If you, therefore, seize the waterine-places, the
tribe must Ssutrender, or die of thirst. | would
Spare the women and children and cattle this trial,
but] have no option, if | wish to quell the insurgents.

, . . A man has fired at a man Of another tribe,
and is supposed to have mortally wounded him.
lf the man who is wounded dies, the man who
has wounded him must be shot. My soul revolts
at these horrors, of which I used to think nothing.
All these troubles come in quarrels for plunder—
some miserable srain or an earthenware pot. The
men find the stores of grain by catching some of
the stray-aways from the enemy, and forcing them
to show the depots. 1 have just disposed of the
man who shot the other, who, I am sorry to say,
died. 1 called the chiefs of the tribe to whom the
dead man belonged, and the prisoner; and |
asked the chiefs whether they would prefer me to
shoot the murderer, or to give him to them to
Serve as an assistant to the family of the dead
man. Ihis latter course they acceded to, 1 am
262 HOW TO DEAL WITH MURDERERS.  [4zeusi,

 

glad to say. The murderer was the slave (I have
let Out the word) of one of the soldiers before;
so 1 have only changed his master. You should
have seen the fright of every one around me—
even the chiefs of the tribe of the murdered man—
as | took the rifle and cocked it, with the pretence
of shooting the poor, black, ivory-teethed mur-
derer. | need not say | felt quite sure that the
tribe would not wish it. In all natures, however
Savage, there is good; but, nevertheless, every-
one around me thought | would shoot him if they
did not intercede. 1 said, “Shall I] shoot him
now, and leave him a stinking carcase ? or will
you take him, and make him work for the family
he has bereaved?” |... Ihe chief of the
Masharin died of his wounds in the night.  To-
day the chief of the Leopard tribe, before he
retreated, called out, ““ Where is Ahined Neurva?”
The answer was, “He is in the camp. The
chiei—** Ha! ha! He is dead!” This shows
that I have some of the Arabs with me who must
have told the enemy. it appears that they did
lose Sixty men in their two attacks,

After a quiet night | sent out the cavalry to
find the whereabouts of the enemy. Just now a
detachment of the Leopard tribe came in to ask
for pardon. This | have sranted, but I will take
their lances: Their chief, with his people, are
near here, and do not know where to go. The
Quantity of dhoora is wonderful. The men find
it by probing the sround, and by the “question”
applied to captives, which I cannot prevent. The
detachment of the Leopards are without water,
and have been so for a day. 1 am sorry for it.
Consider it as we may, war is a brutal, cruel
1377. FLYING DOWN TO THE WATER, 262

 

allait. 0 you notice how often, in the wars of
the Israelites, the people were in want of water?
Those wars were the same as our wars here
(see 2 Kings ii. 9). I fear we are like them,
for we take captives——in fact, the whole of
the circumstances are just as they were im the
time of the kings of Israel, even the cloth
Wrapped round the men, and the immense spears.
To a man who knew the Scriptures, and could
write well, it would be a grand chance. The
chiefs are now, as then, men of known personal
courage, like the commander-in-chiet of David.
The small portion of the Leopard tribe, which is
near here, has got my letter of pardon, and some
of them are flying down to the water. Fancy,
What a comfort to them in this fearful sun! You
see the people coming over the sand, like fies
on a wall. The poor fugitives cannot stand the
thirst, and are coming down, one by one, to water.
You have not the very least idea of the fearful
effect of want of water in this scorched-up country,
yet this Leopard tribe would rise in rebellion,
though it had never been molested by the
Government. Ihe effect of crushing it will
be reat: never before have they been so
disastrously situated. iunger is nothing to
thirst; the one can be eased by eating grass, the
other 1s swift and insupportable.

The cavairy have returned, bringing in some
prisoners—— one of them a notable chief, who,
thirsty beyond measure, gave himself up. 1 have
with pleasure pardoned him, and sent him to the
others to tell them to give up their spears, and
come and drink»... . He says they are in a
Great perplexity; half of the tribe being in one
264 SWEARING ON THE KORAN. (August,

 

direction, the other hali in another. The chiefs
son Was taken——a boy of fifteen. As they sat tied
im my tent, | Saw the poor boy was so thirsty; it
Was a comfort to sive him a lone drink. Neither
half of the tribe can escape unless they cross a
three days desert, which they have no means of
doing. The swearing of the forgiven chief to
fidelity was curious. A Koran was sent for, and
then a clean cloth. The Koran must not be
touched by the unclean hand, though it came out
Of the breast of one of the officers. It was opened ;
a Passage read, which the forgiven man repeated,
and then, aiter washing his hand in the sand, he
put it on the Koran, with some further words, and
the ceremony was finished.

August 12-—A windy night has brought out
Quantities of scorpions. J! killed six in my tent—
two of them five inches ions. he Leopard tribe
keep sending in for pardon, but they only want
us t0 90 away, so | am firm against them. We
propose to attack Ducoam to-morrow morning,
where a body of the enemy is posted. Jhere is
a dreadful mixture of tribes. Some of these were
hostile to us from fear of the stronger tribes, and
Some Wish to sulrender, while their chiefs do not.
Altogether, it is very dificult to decide how to
act, and | fear that injustice Occurs very often.
»... Lhe camels of the Arabs, which are not
accustomed to eat grain, are obliged fo be fed
by the hand for three or four days, before they
can eat by themselves. They do not appear to
be able to scoop up the dhoora.

August T7.— The Leopard tribe has gone off to
Gebel Heres.

DUGGAM, Aveust 77.— We started this morning
1877. | A CRIER TO PRAYER. 265

 

tO join the expeditionary force, which set off in
the might of the 12th against Dugeam. This
force came upon the Leopards and took 1,000
cattle, and a large number of the tribe surren-
dered. 2... We are not far from Fascher—the
hemmed-in capital, with its 3,000 soldiers. i hey
must Nave seen our fires...” . I am Starting
thither to see what they are about.

PASCHER, Aweust r6.——-Aiter an abominable
road for thirty miles through quagmires, | arrived
with 150 men at night. hey had no notion of
my coming, and were agreeably surprised. I found
here four times as many soldiers as 1 had with
me, and there were ten times as many with
Fiassan Pasha Helmi, three days from here; yet
these troops had neither opened the road to Dara
or Oomchanga, and the enemy had come up close
to Fascher only a few days ago. Hassan Pasha
‘had quietly lett this place, and had been absent,
doing little or nothing, for eight weeks. JI Nave
sent for him to return here at once, and then | shall
move on to Gebei Heres. The son of Sebehr
has sent me a penitent letter, but itis too late... ..
. rode round Pascher—such a miserable place!
and yet it was Once a very populous, flourishine
town, during the time of the sultans. [ will
relate to you a little intrioue against me, got up
by the Arab Lieutenant-Colone!, and, | expect,
some of the useless Arab officers. A Mueézzin or
Crier to Prayer, has been accustomed to cry the
hour of prayer near the place where my tent is
pitched. -1he Lieutenant-Colonel told him not
to do so, as it would disturb me; fortunately, my
black secretary missed hearine the man, and
asked the Lieutenant-Colonel who gave the order.
266 ORGANISED MURDER. [Aucust,

 

You see the object was to raise the fanaticism
Of the people against me by making out that
1 had stopped the crier. I gave the crier 42,
and 1 bundled off my friend, the Lieutenant-
Colonel, into banishment at Katarif, where he will
have time to meditate. 1 never hesitate a moment
in coming down on such fellows.

august 29,—| hear that Harouns men, having
Deen in poor quarters for so jong, have now got
into fat quarters, and have preat mortality among
them numbers dying every day. It will be
terrible if | have to encamp near them. The
Spies say that the stench is fearful around their
camp. People have little idea how little slorious
War is; it is Organised miurder, pillage, and
cruelty, and it is seldom that the weight falls on
the fighting men—it is on the women, children,
and old people. The Crimea was the exception.

Now read this: You know I sent out an expe-
dition from Dara, that it stayed out nineteen days
and did nothing. 1 hear to night that the officer
in command took a heavy bribe from the chief of
the iribe he was to attack, not to attack him!
Now, is not this enough to sicken the best of
beings? and this man is a Lieutenant-Colonel.
I am guite disheartened by this. However, it is
permitted, and i must accept it. 1 will have this
man judged, and if it is proved to be true, | will
have him shot, and not wait for the Khedive’s
sanction. How little do we Enoelish appreciate
the blessings God has given to us in a Sood
Government !

August 24.—Hiter a most fatiouins ride, |
reached Kario this evening, and found that Gebel
Heres and the neighbourhood had been swept
1877.] NO CHAIN OF RESPONSIBILITY. 267

 

clean, and that all the Leopard tribe had come in
for pardon.

August 25.—— such a thunderstorm, lasting
nearly all night! Such a pig-stye the camp!
and sucii enormous misery all round! They
took a notable chief prisoner, and asked me what
they were to do with him. I said, “I cannot
decide on the question, for | do not know what
the man has done.” I expect that he has been
Shot. It is quite impossible to know in these
Cases what to do. Ihe man was in the custody
of the chief of the tribe who had suffered most
from him, and therefore was the Dest judge of the
necessity. God forgive me if he has been un-
righteously put to death. J! lone to close with

aroun, SO aS to be rid Of these #2207 wusae7s.
The whole country is suffering terribly from
famine, and it will get worse | fear. The smell
of the putretying dead (men and animals) is
feariul. Apart from political reasons, | fear to
let the slave-dealers into this country; for they
kill men, women, and children. It appears that
Sebehrs son is with his hordes two days from
Dara, plundering right and left. Ihe Darfour
tribes keep escaping from them, taking refuge at
Dara, and bessing me to come to their heip.
But | am bound to go atter Haroun. My black
Secretary has drooped, and is very feeble to-day—
morally more than physically) My position is
deliohtiul with ail this. For the very smallest
thing men come direct to me, and force their way
in, let me be as engaged as possible. There is no
chain of responsibility. Every one thinks he has
a periect right to come to me, and also thinks him-
self agorieved if | do not sive him an immediate
265 BRIBERY. [ August,

 

heating. Besides this, in giving or taking a paper
to you they take two or three minutes. You
never Saw such a dilatory set! Ihe consequence
is that papers are snatched out of their hands, and
also thrown at them. All very undignified, but |
cannot help it. If you send for a man, he takes
a nice funeral pace to come to you. You see
him afar off long before he arrives, and some-
times | am So undignified as to rush to meet him.
Aull this is not good, for my post is a very hich
one; but i cannot heip it, and Ido not care. |
Nave the power if | have not the glory, and, at
any tate, | get through a mint of work) | am
trying hard to get proved the bribery of that
Lieutenant-Colonel who kept me nineteen days at
Dara, but I fear the case will not be proved; for
the witnesses, being of the same species, gulity
Of the same sort of actions, will try to screen
him, and in the end | shall be obliged to fall
back On my despotic powers, and arbitrarily
crush him. He took £206 in money, 450
Worth Of feathers, and ten camel-loads of dhoora,
as his bribe mot to attack the tribe.
sebenrs son, with his 3,000 men, xow wants
to help me (22 ravage the country) against
my will! Haroun is ravaging the country to
the north, and | am placed between these two
forces. Ihe whole of the tribes around Sebehrs
son are hostile to him, and partialiy hostile
to we, and im favour of Haroun—but asking
me to help them against the armed force of
sebehr Ss soii—a triangular duel.

PUFAR, August 27.—On the way here we
Caught a messenger from one of the chiefs |
had pardoned with a letter, saying, that | was
1877.) AN INTERCEPTED LETTER. 260

 

coming to Hadji Achmet, the chief who stops
the road between Fascher and Oomchanga.
Enclosed is the intercepted letter -—

‘TRANSLATION.

“The Pasha left to-day, and as soon as you
receive this letter he will be on you. You must
take Care to remove all our things, women, and
children, from Erzoots to Eragat, and not leave
any Of our things. I will march alone with the
soldiers of the Pasha, and when |] know his
intentions | will come to you. Ihe Pasha has
a Very strong force, and it will be difficult to beat
them.”

I aim worn to a shadow by the utter uselessness
of the Bashi-Bazouks. The very sight of them
excites my ire. | never saw such a useless,
expensive set. | hate (there is no other word
for it) these Arabs; and I like the blacks—
patient, enduring, and friendly, as much as the
fitab 1s Cowardly, cruel, and effeminate. All the
misery is due to these Arab and Circassian
Pashas and authorities. | would not stay a day
here for these wretched creatures, but I would
give my life for these poor blacks. No Anti-
Slavery Society man could conceive the intense
hatred | have for these Arabs. I have another
trouble—the want of orain for the troops. We do
not know what to do. Some of my chiefs of
tribes hate the pardonine system, for they get no
COWS. .... Every fortnight | have a new skin
to my face. Thanks to some glycerine, it is not
Paintul; but the sun is fearfully hot. Ihe ups
and downs of my Spirit are great. At times |
think | must evacuate Darfour; at other times ail
270 A STORMY NIGHT. [Augusi,
looks rose-coloured. This is all very well, but it
is a terrible wear to ones mind. Jt might suit a
gamester, but | am tired of the strain. | just as |
wrote this there came down a terrific storm of
dust, and tain, and wind. Down came my tent,
and I got wet through. 1 feel for the poor
soldiers. What misery this revolt has caused
to every one! WDurine the storm | found a
scorpion in my boot—evidently there to set
out of the rain. It was the fourth | have killed
to-day. | have two expeditions out, one of $00
men to collect $rain; another of 500 against the
insurgents near here. Where are they? It is
pitch-dark, and raining, with heavy gusts of wind,
which make me tremble for my newly-put-up tent.
- » +. 1 must leave the sheikh who) bribed my
Colonel for the present. Our forces are most
evenly matched, and the slightest advantase on
either side would be great in its consequences; for
all the pardoned chiefs are only bowing to the
apparently inevitable, and all are ready to turn
again. ... . | hear that Haroun has retired,
and no one knows where he is. |

August 37.—\n the midst of my operations
against the imsurgent tribes, while everything is
tending to the end of the revolt, I have re-
ceived intelligence that the slave-traders, with
their troops Of atined slaves numbering some
6,000, have camped near Dara. I am obliged
to 90 there at once... .. started for Dara.
Met ez youre the Lieutenant-Colonel who was
bribed coming to join me. i would not see him.
He has allowed his men to rob right and /eft, and
the people came running to me all along the road.
, [hese irregulars steal a boy or a girl with as little
1877.] A GALLOP TO DARA. 271

 

compunction as a fowl. It is really terrible. The
Dieutenant-Colonel has had another sorrow. He
tied the bag with the despatches to the Khedive—
thirty-one in number—to the saddle of a camel,
and did not remove the bag forthe night. The
camel broke away, and all the despatches were
lost. Poor wretch! Hecried to mycierk. He
knew something was hanging over him, and the
loss of those letters overfilied his cup of sorrow.
However, the letters have since come to hand,
. | got to Dara alone about 4 p.m., iong beiore
my escort, having ridden eighty-five miles in a
day-and-a-half. About seven miies from Dara |
Pot into a swarm of flies; and they annoyed me
and my camel so much, that we jolted alone as
fast as we could. Upwards of 300 were on the
came!s head, and [| was covered with them.
I suppose that the queen fly was among them.
If | had no escort of men, | had a large escort
of these flies. | came on my people like a
thunderbolt. As soon as they had recovered,
the salute was fired. My poor escort! where 1s
itt Imagine to yourself a single, dirty, red-faced
man On a camel, ornamented with fies—arriving
im the divan all of a sudden. The people were
Paralyzed, and could not believe their eyes.

Dara, September 2—No Ginner alter my long
ride, but a quiet night, forgetting my museries.
At dawn | got up, and puttine on the golden
armour the _Khedive gave me, went out to see my
troops, and then mounted my horse, and with an
escort of #27 robbers of Bashi-Bazouks, rode out
to the camp of the other robbers three miles off.
I was met by the son of Sebeht—a nice-looking
lad of twenty-two yeats—and rode through the
272 THE SLAVE-DEALERS CAMP. [ September,

 

robber bands. There were about 3,000 of them—
men and boys. i rode to the tent in the camp;
the whole body of chieis were dumb-foundered at
my coming among them. After a glass of water
I went back, telling the son oi Sebehr to come
with his family to my divan. They all came,
and sitting there in a circle, | gave them in choice
Arabic my ideas: Ihat they meditated revolt;
that | knew it, and that they should now have
my ultimatum, viz., that [ would disarm them and
break them up. They listened in silence, and then
went off to consider what I hadsaid. They have
just now sent in a letter stating their submission,
and I thank God forit. They have pillaged the
country all round, and I cannot help it. | feel
very sorry for the poor people, for they were my
allies at Wadar, and through their absence with
me, their possessions were exposed to the attacks
of these scoundrels. What misery!!!) But the
Higher than the Highest regardeth it and can
help them. I cannot. The sort of stupiied way
in which they heard me go to the point about
their doings, the pantomime Of signs, the bad
Arabic, etc., was quite absurd. Fancy, the son of
Sebehr Only three days avo took his pistol and
fired three shots close to my cavass,* because the
poor fellow, who was ill; did not get up when he
came to him... . You should have seen his
face when | told him all this, when he protested
his fidelity. Mowever, I said it was all forgiven.
Maduppa Bey has come here, and says, when the
son of Sebehr got home, he laid down and said
not a word, and that the Arabs say 7 ave
potsoned hiw!/!/ with the cofice. A huge post

* See p. 230.—ED,
1877.1 | SEBEHRS SON. 273

 

has brought me a number of unpleasant letters.
,... there is a famine at the Equator, and the
poor blacks are dying in numbers! God look to
it! Then there are quarrels at Khartoum; and
woise than all, | hear my black secretary has been
taking huge bribes everywhere—a man whom |
trusted as myself. Js there an honest man in the
world? JI declare; with all my miseries | am
sick at heart, and did not my kind God give
me strength, | should faint under it... . - Fancy
that my biack secretary took 43,000 backsheesh!
Is it not horrible?™ . . . | Sebehrsson is a nice-
looking boy of twenty or twenty-two, but looks a
Spoilt child that a good shaking would do good
to. J have tried to be kind to him, but he looks
daggers at me. Poor little chap! he has a bitter
time of it before him, and before he realises the
nothingness of the world; brought up in the
midst of the most obsequious people and slaves,
accustomed to do just what he liked, to think
nothing of killing people, or of their misery, and
now to be worsimg/ “And David said; ‘ Deal
gently, for my sake, with the young man.” [|
will try to do so if |] can... .. He is a little
chap, and wears a blue velvet riding jacket. All
the family came to my divan armed to the teeth.
This is altogether against Oriental customs. |
hope soon to get out of Darfour.

 Seplremver 3.—1 have sent for Fiassan Pasha,
and shall hand over to him ali the aftairs, and
then leave. I hope to be at Dongola in twenty-
one days. Ihe swallows in my hut, when | was

* **I fear he will be very hardly dealt with. He has deceived me too
grossly to be forgiven. 1 have ordered him to be sent as a prisoner to
Khartoum, there to be judged.”——Letter of September 11.—ED.

-
274 THE SECESSION BEGINS: [Sepremver,

 

last here, were building their nests ; now the nests
are full of young fellows, who, peering out, are
a contrast to the wats and miseties around them.

Iam sending off men to Shaka to take
possession of it. | will clear out the slave nest of
Every one of them.

2 p~pm—The cub is still silent. Just now
came iff one of his Officers, commanding 120
men, asking me to let him and his men go
home. 1 said, “Of course. Why not® He
Said Sebehrs son would not let him go, though
he was ready to give up, for himself and his
men, all pay due to them. 1 gave him the
order for himself and his men to go when
they liked; he was delighted. Sebehrs son had
evidently got all these men up to fight me. This
is the second secession from his forces, and my
Opinion is that all will leave him, and that he will
come to me for protection to-night or to-morrow ;
for he will fear to stay outside the fort, as he
must have a host of enemies. What a terrible
downtall! Hie told the chiefs on the way here
that he was sultan. |

6 ~.m.—I\t appears that the Sebehr faction are
not inclined to sive up the afiair, but are hoping
for €vents to turn up, by which they can keep
their men, and avoid a conflict with the Govern-
ment. So | have written to the son of Sebehr,
to order him to return to Shaka, and to leave three
Sandjaks,* Or 600 men, here with Nour Bey, one
of his commanders now faithful to us. Whether
he will obey or not, | do not know. However,
things will come to a head any way. My advisers

* Sandjak is used indifferently for either a company of irregular troops,
or the commander of the company.—ED,
1377.) SEBEHRS SON YIELDS. 275

 

Wanted me to use treachery; but | said, “li |
use treachery to them, how could you ever trust
mer \ coniess to having been too sanguine,
but God orders all things for the best.

wepremoery 5-1 think all has gone well.
sebehrs son has sent in to say he is of (in
accordance with my order) to Shaka, leaving
three sandjaks here with Nour Bey. They say
that they were up all night discussing the ques-
tion, Sebehrs son being for the attack on Dara
at once; the others against it. Ii he goes to
Shaka and escapes into the interior—weli! The
attair will be long, but it will be sure in the end,
“for little by little his men will desert him (a
number have already done so); at any rate we get
the division of the chaff and the wheat, z.2., those
for war, and those for peace. Sebehrs son sent
to ask me for some robes; these are generally
given when the Governor-General is content. 1
replied right plainty—first, that | had no robes;
second, that he had not filled me with over-much
conndence in his fidelity; and third, that he had
been very rude to me, when | had shown him every
attention, atid gone Olt of my way to be civil to
him—a boy—and had done my best for him and
tried to protect him. 1 said this right out, and
I expect he will be somewhat disgusted. I hear
that the “chafi” are packing up. | am glad of
a riddance of such material; for my Fort and
troops are of the weakest; | dare not strengthen
the former, for fear of frightening the people and
my “sheep” soldiers. Whe chiefs are disousted —
with me for not using treachery, but 1 will not
do it, couie gue coute. Even putting aside moral
considerations, 22 mever pays.

T 2
276 NO TRUST IN THE TROOPS. (September,

I have not the least confidence in my officers
or my men. Three hundred determined men
would cause them to rush to my house... ~ .
fear | have before me a disagreeable task, viz.,
to make my Absalom (Sebehrs son) a prisoner
with his three adherents. It is terrible to me, but
| fear there is no hope of any peace without it.
The little chap is very irate with mein fact,
furious; and 1 doubt if he will ever forgive me.
I wish he would, for 1 cannot help feeling for
him, and he is a smart little fellow—the terror in
which he has kept the mightiest of these free-
booters is somethine wondertul. They are all
afraid of their life of him, and he made men of
all Sorts prisoners. . =~. I believe that over and
Over again Since the “friendlies have given in
their submission they have discussed attacking
me. Ihe people of these lands, through years
of bad government, have lost all sense of anything
beyond their own advantage; and 1] smile in-
wardly when my black clerk swears them on the
Koran to be faithful) 1 know mo amount of
Sweating on the Koran will keep a man truthful
—that has a tar deeper root.

7 p.m.— The debacle, or thaw, has taken place—
the wheat has separated from the chafi; Sebehrs
Son, with four chiefs and 1,400 men have gone to
Shaka. Nour Bey and nine chiefs and 1,500 men
Stay, and give in tothe Government. Now what to
do with them—the stayers, | mean, for as for the
goers, | hope to do for them soon. {here are 200
men at Shaka under Aroud, who is favourable to
us. Sebehr’s son has had a considerable loss in
the 1,500 men coming here; the little wretch must
be in a great way at the defection of So many.
1377.) AN UNDUTIFUL SON. 27/

 

5 p.m.— Whey are still, | hear, disputing whether
to fight me or not, and, as usual, I speculated too
much on the adhesion of the nine chiefs.

6 p.m.— ebehr § son sent me by several of his
chieis a letter saying, “ fie was my son (undutiful
enough, I thought), and J his father, etc, and
would i sive hima government?” 1 have replied
to him that [am glad to hear he gives in, but
“that until he either soes to Cairo to salute Flis
Highness or else shows some other proof of his
fidelity, | would never give him a place, even if
reiusing it cost me my life’ J told the chiefs
this, and asked them whether, if they were in my
place; they would do so, and they said “No.
Even now my clerk doubts whether they will not
fightme. Whata state of atiairs! J asked one of
the chiefs ii he wasafather. Hesaid “Yes; and |
asked him if he did not think a good flossing would
do the cub good, to which he agreed. ‘Ruitians as
they are, | rather like having a chat with them.

»epremver 7.— his morning there came a letter
from Fascher,* saying that a regular panic had

**Vasser le 7bre 1377

* “EXELLENEC.—J ai expliquer vos intentions a Hassan Pacha. Mais
a Melit on se passe de choses bien Graves. Une lettre venue de Kobi a
Hamza Bey datee de 19 Chaban (Schaban the seventh month in the
Mahommedan calendar) dit que Melik Saat et Adam Dua ils sont dirigee
vers Melit, une autre letire arrivee aujourd hui dit que Melk Saat 4 ordone
de |ui construire une maison a “Zagaria’ entre Melit et Passer, Votre ami
Harrun Mercredi passee devait partir de “Sakami” pour se unir avec Melek
et Adam. Selen Ja lettre aujourd hui devait Gtre chez eux.

* L intention de Melek Saat en venant a *Zagaria’ cest de fermer Ia route
de Kobéa Passer. Depeéchez-vous, exellenec, daller 4 sa rencentre. Cette
Nouvelle repandu ici a mit le monde a une panique, craignant que Melek Saat
vien ici une segende fois et metire la ville én centrus.

«* Je vous souaitte une reusite complete.

** Votre humble serviteur,
«© Vendredi midi. ** GEORGIADE.

*P.5.—Depuis deux jour Hassan Pacha a ecrit 4 votre exellence pour
tout ce que se passe la-bas.”
276 A SECOND ISHMAEL. [Sepiember
occutred there. ... . | wrote back, “‘ Do not be
in Such a fright; the Slave-dealers are coming to
your rescue. 1 declare it is disgraceful. At
FPascher they have at least 5,000 men, while at
Erzoots there are asmany. ... . l had @ painful
night of it last night, for 1 much feared an attack
from sebehrs son, rendered desperate by my last
refusal... . Do you know that there are 4,000
more of these slave-dealers to be dealt with at
Bahr Gazelle? But the chief of the greater
number (Edrees) is with me, and so I do not fear
them, ‘You will see on Schweinfurth’s map the
enormous way inland these stations extend, and
you May imagine the difficulty there will be in
putting them Gown, for you cannot discharge
10,000: men accustomed to arms and drive them
into idle fife! . . . . Sebehrs son was in a fearful
rage when he went away. ... . I have just come
back from a visit to my new soldiers, the brigands.
| like to show them I am not airaid, and went with
ten men. Some of the brisands scowled, some
smiled.

DARA, September 7.—A sheikh of a powertul
tribe came to see me yesterday. He was a nice
little fellow of fourteen years oid, like what |
think ishmael was. ie spoke to me in quite a
dignified way, his followers sitting at his feet, and
evidently taking a pride in the little mans deport-
ment. I! wish I couid put mto each government
a kind man, but it is impossible. 1 want in each
Sovernor three qualities : 1, Courage; 2, Honesty ;
3, Kindness. | find men with No. i who lack
No. 2 and No. 3. | find men—tew it is true—
with Nos. 2 and 3 who lack No.1. J cannot

* In the 772a77 07 Ajvica.— ED.
1877.1 SLAVE-TRADERS RIGHTS. 270

 

find one man with the three qualities. No. 1 is
never very prominent.

Seprembery 9.— Started for Shaka with four
companies.

wepremver 70.—A very hot march. 4% vouze
[ have complamts on all sides of the pillage
committed by the slave-dealers people. 1 cannot
help it. The heat and flies on these marches are
terrible... .. ] am running a great risk in
eoing into the slavers nest with only four com-
panies, but I will trust to God to help me, and
the best policy with these people is a bold one.

EN ROUTE TO SHAKA, Seprember 1r7.— There
"are some 6,000 more siave-dealers in the interior,
who will obey me now they have heard that
~ebent s son and the other chiefs have given in,
You can imagine what a difficulty there is in
dealing with all these armed men. 1 have
Sepatated them here and there, and in course
of time will tid myself of the mass. Would
you shoot them all? Have they no rights? Are
they not to be considered? Had the planters
no rights? Did not our Government once aliow
slave-tradins’ Do you know that cargoes of
slaves came into Bristol Harbour in the time of
our fathers?* I would have given £500 to have
had you and the Anti-Slavery Society in Dara
curing the three days of doubt whether the slave-
dealers would fight or not. A bad fort, a cowed
Saitison, and mot one who did not tremble;—a
strong determined set of men accustomed to war,

* The Quakers took the Jead amongst the ¢mancipationists. Yet in the
year 1772, Join Woolman, the Quaker, wrote :—* Great is the trade to
Airica for slaves! and in loading these ships, abundance of people are
employed in the factories ; amongst whom ave many of our society.” —T he
Life and Travels of John Woolman, p. 196.—ED. -
250 SLAVES FOR SOLDIERS. | Sepiember,

 

good shots, with two field-pieces. [I would have
liked to hear what you would all have said
then. I do not Say this in bras, for God knows
what My anxiety was, oz for my life, for 1 died
years ago to all ties in this world, and to ail its
comforts, honours, and glories, but for my sheep
in Darfour and elsewhere. 1 do not believe in
you all’ You say this and that, and you do not
do it; you give your money and you have done
your duty: yOu praise One another, etc. 1 do not
wonder at it. God has given you ties and anchors
to this Garth, you have wives and families, J,
thank God; have none of them and am free,
Now understand me. If it suits me J will
buy slaves. I will jet captured slaves go down
to Egypt and not molest them, and I will do
what | like, and what God in His mercy may
direct me to do about domestic slaves; but |
will break the neck of Slave-raids even if it
cost me my life. 1 will buy slaves for my
army ; for this purpose | will make soldiers against
their will to enable me to prevent raids. I will
do this in the light of day and defy your reso-
lutions and your actions. Would my neart be
' broken if | was ousted from this command?
Should I reoret the eternal camel-riding, the heat,
the misery | am forced to witness, the discomforts
Of Everything around my domestic life? [ook at
my travels in seven months. Thousands of miles
on camels, and no hope of rest for another year.
You are only called on at intervals to rely on
your God: with me | am obliged continually to do
so. [mean by this that you have only great
trials, such as the illness of a child; when you feel
yourself utterly weak, now and then. 1 am
i877.) “THE TERROR OF CENTRAL AFRICA. 2061

 

constantly inanxiety. The body rebels against this
constant leaning on God: it is a heavy strain on it;
it Causes appetite to cease. [Find me the man
—-and 1 will take him as my help—who utterly
despises money, name, glory, honour—one who
never wishes to see his home again—one who
looks to God as the Source of good, and Con-
troller of evil—one who has a healthy body and
enervetic spirit, and one who looks on death as a
release from misery; and 1 you cannot find him,
then leave me alone. To carry myself 1s enough
for me—] want no other baseave.

I must notice to you one thing which is very
different among the society here and that of the
planters in the colonies. One never hears of
Ownets of slaves keeping sangs of them for field-
labour or for cultivation. Ihey are kept for slave-
Servants, or by the slave-dealers as Slave-troops.
They are smart dapper-looking fellows, like ante-
lopes; fierce, unsparing, the terror of Central
' Africa, havine a prestige far beyond that of the
Government troops. Ihese are the tools of the
slave-dealers. Certain Greeks are now at Katarif
on whom I lave my eye, who have gangs of
slaves cultivating cotton. I mean to make a ~
Swoop on them. In fact the condition of the
nesro is incomparably better in these lands than
ever it Was in the West Indies, and | therefore
claim for my people a greater kindness of heart
than was possessed by the planters, with all their
Christian profession and Civilisation.

You speak of _Mahomedanism being imperilled:
Not so. J find the Mussulman quite as good a
Christian as many a Christian, and do not believe
he is in any peril. All of us are more or less
252 MODERN CHRISTIANITY.  —“[ September,

 

Pagans. Have you read Modern Christzanizy
A Civilised Tieathentsm? 1 had those views long
before | read the book. | like the /Miussulman ;
he is not ashamed of his God; his life is a fairly
pure one; certainly, he gives himself’ a good
Margin in the wile-line, but, at any tate, he never
poaches on Others. Can our Christian people say
the same?

What have the Foreion Office to do with me,
or | with them? | do not want-their aid. I
Should be unfaithful to H.H. were I to accept it.
Besides, “those with me are more than those with
them.  [ want no alliance beyond the Almighty.
_ =. » NO, my dear , act Up to your relision,
and then you will enjoy it. The Christianity of
the mass is a vapid tasteless thing, and of no use
"to any one. The people of Eneland care more
for their dinners than they do for anything else;
and you may depend upon it, it is Only an active
few whom God pushes on to take an interest in
the [slave] question. “It is very shocking! Will
you take some more Salmon ? ~

Sepiember [4.— six hours from Shaka. Such
a road through the Forest! You are nearly toin
to ribbons by the thorny trees. On arrival at our
haltine-place, Sebehrs son sent me a letter saying
“| was his father, and would | stop in his Houser
I have accepted his invitation. Now, i want
you to consider what | ain todo with him. Jf |
take him down to Cairo | make a great man of
him ; whereas, if | leave him up here, he can do
me no harm, and he will not be a martyr, which
he would be considered if | took nim to Cairo.
He is now inofiensive for evil; then why should
I trouble myself about him, and make him a

 
1377.] SEBEHRS SON IN HIS HOME. 253

 

name? I think J shall give him a place with my
officer at Bahr Gazelie . |) . Half-an-hour
from Shaka: We halted here in order to enter in
State to-morrow. sebehrs son and all the notables
came Out this evening. All are now very, very
submissive. JIhey want me to do this and that
for them, but | keep to my words to the others.
The son seems now more amenable to reason.

wepiembey 75.—rtived at Shaka, and met
With a good reception. J would not wait, so |
Save My Orders at once, sending Sebehrs son to
Bahr Gazelle and the other chiefs to different
places. 1 amin the sons house. He never used
to let any one sit in his presence, and must be
shocked at the familiarity with which every one
Was treated by me. He is sittine out in the
verandah—-I expect toexcite my pity. However,
a short diet of humble pie will not be bad for him.
What an amount of trouble he has given me and
every one! No velvet coat was worn to-day. ... «
There is a regular thaw: every one wants to leave
and get out of the radius of a contaminated
atmosphere. ... . I had the band here with me
to play Salaam LE jfendina—Vive le Khéawe! An
enormous country comes under His Highness by
the fall of Shaka. Ihe populations of the Nile
fad emiprated mto the Bahr Gazelle regions to
escape from the Government exactions. ... . I
Shall now conclude my letters on Darfour and
shaka, etc., with sincere thanks to God for so
ruling ¢vents that many lives have not been lost
in either afiair.*

* Colonel Gordon, writing on June 27 and july 1, 1379, says: ““1 saw
the servant of Sebehrs son, who has escaped to Gessi. He said that they
all meditated taking me when I was at Shaka in 1877. Fancy my being
23 a SHAKA, [Sepiemscer,

 

DHAKA TO OBEID, Sepiember 70-29.— The cub
is Now very friendly, and comes to sit with me.
I have given hima gun, with which he is delishted.
| do not think that he 1s very brave, for when |
fired off a oun he flinched back, as ii he was not
accustomed to tt. ‘shaka is a much larger place
than any other | have been at—larcer than Obeid:
it iS Quite a town and is full of slaves... .. Two
huge tribes refuse to accept the chiefs who are
now at their head; now this is a very difficult
matter, for the sheikhdom 1s hereditary, and | do
not see how | can dethrone them, although their
Subjects refuse to obey them. such an uproar
outside! The Arabs quarrelline who should be
their head chief. | let them come in, and, |
hope, settled it by saying, “ Those who wished for
A. could go with A, and those who wished for B
could go with B. I would force no one. They
had crowned one chief with corn-léaves.

Seprember 77.—I1 am (v.v.) leaving to-day for
Obeid, and shall be glad to 90, for this is not a
healthy place, and 1 fear the humidity for my
Servants sake. Jhe cub has been at me for hours
begsing me to give him the nomination as chiet
of the seribas. This I will not do, for it would
put things into his hands; as I told him, he had
not acted hitherto in a way which would justify

there without sentries! I dare say I was safer without them.

There is a large tree on the leit-hand side of the road from Obeid to Shaka—
about two miles from Shaka. Under this tree Sebehr assembled his oincers
when he went to Cairo, and swore them to obey him-—if he ordered them
**to attend to the arrangement made under the tree,” they were to revolt.
After he had seen me at Cairo, and found 1 would not heip: aim, he sent up
orders, *‘ Put into efiect my orders given under the tree.” ‘So the revolt
began. The chiefs of Sebehrs forces swore on the Koran to attack the
Government when they where at Dara, dzjore 7 yoae down. Then again
they assembled after I had seen them at Dara, and some wanted to swear
to attack the place that might; some were against it, and that Jed to a split,
and then to dispersion. So it appears that I had a narrow escape.” ED.
1877.] A CARAVAN OF SLAVES. 265

 

this confidence. He came last night twice when
I was going to sleep, and embraced my feet for
this boon, and to-day offered me a wedge of gold!
Seprembey 75.—1 lett yesterday at 2 p.m. the
slave-nest shaka: only one foreigner—an Ametican
named Mason—had ever been there before... --
I hope that the Shaka business is satisfactorily
disposed of, but looking at the mass of slaves
there it will be lone ere that work is ended... -.
Sebehrs son 7s a cub. He has no sense of pro-
priety—lolis about, yawns, fondles his naked feet,
and speaks as if he were a street boy. I do not
think he cares a jot about his father. As for
"business he has no ideas about it, and his requests
are most cool, He quietly ignores all the past,
and asked me for his back-pay! ie does not
Seem in the least put out at any hard words |
may Say. He would have suffered nicely, if he
had fallen into the hands of an Arab Pasha.
Entre nous, {| think | am conveying from Shaka
to Obeid a caravan of slaves. J cannot help if.
One man says that seven women who are with
him are his wives! I cannot disprove it. There
are numbers of children——the men Say that they
are all their ofispring!.... When you have
got the ink which has soaked into blotting-paper
Out of it, then slavery will cease in these lands.
Seprember 7o.— This morming I came on a
Caravan Of Slaves, which is accompanying me—
some sixty or eighty men, women, and children,
chained. WhatamlItodo? If | released them;
who would care for them or feed them? Their
homes were too far of to send them to; so |
decided to make the slave-merchant take off their
chaifis as scandalous, and then to leave them with
230 COOKING UTENSILS. [September,

 

him. He, looking on them as valuable cows, will
look well after them. Don Quixote would have
liberated them, and made an attempt to send
them back some forty days march, through hos-
tile tribes, to their homes——which they would
mever have reached. Ihe siave-merchant had
done no harm in buying them, for it is permissible
in Egypt, and he nad not taken them from their
homes. Ihe only remedy is to stop slave raids
on the frontier; and this will only be done when
I have put the slave-traders’ seribas under my
Own people. You must stop it at its source.
Once the slaves have left the source, it 15 use-
less to try. Jhe frontier is the place on which
to stop it... .. Being to some desree quiet
as to aflairs of state, | have made an inspec-
tion of my domestic establishment—a thine [ have
not been able to do since | leit Cairo. 1 knew
it was very bad, by its effects or products. [| found
a heap of cooking utensils of all sorts, enough for
a French cook. All this has been pitched away.

| ihe water on the way consists of pools of
rain. Caravan A. Comes and drinks and bathes
in it; then Caravan B. comes and does the same;
then Caravan ©., and soon. It is dreadful; but
I have given up all ideas of this sort. J have no
pleasure in eating or drinking, and do both to
keep myself alive; and with these ideas, it makes
little matter if the water 1s a solution of blacks or
not. If I were fastidious, | should be as many”
weeks as | now am days om the road; 1 gain
a great deal of Avesizge by these unheard-of
marches. It makes the people fear me much
more than if | were slow. 1 consider that the
camel, though wonderful in endurance, has been
1877.] NO SUNDAYS. 287

 

over-rated in this respect: they cannot go ten
days consecutively without being considerably
distressed. Six days is the average for good
camels.

September 23.—I am tired-out to-day—what
with the camel-riding, the trouble of the govern-
ment, and the incessant work. No Sundays ever
come to me now; it is every, every day thesamething
—work from morning to night, either on camel or
in my tent. I calculate that when I get to Obeid
I shall have ridden on camel 2,300 miles since I
left Massawa in March; and what a great many

There is no doubt I could stop the slave gangs in
one way—viz., by telling the tribes to capture and
keep all the gangs that pass. They would soon
do it, but then they would use no discrimination,
and would plunder every one; besides which I
think the slaves would prefer servitude with the
Arabs of the towns to servitude with the Bedouins.
. When I was in my hut at Edowa a big
black woman crept in. I did not see her come
in, but heard her sobs. She could not stay
with the Bedouin she was with: so I sent for
the man whose slave she was, gave her thirty
dollars, and made her give them to him. She
then chose another master, and so had her
way. She was a huge woman, and had a nice
black fae@: 4.3.x: We are in an Arab village.
I am obliged to warn them that my escort is
coming, so that they may remove all that might
tempt people of predatory habits.
September 28.—When near the end of our long
weary march, I noticed a very small black boy
in the path, who would not get out of it. As he
288 THE PRICE OF A BOY. [September,

 

looked quite a scrap to be left thus in the road,
I immediately suspected something ; and on going
on I came across a lad with a chain of slaves, and
I noticed a number more chained together under
some trees. My little friend, who had been put
on the croup of my clerk’s camel, denied belonging
to the slave-party ; but it was evident that he did
so, and that the slaves had pressed their march
when they heard I was coming, and the little chap
was left behind. I asked the lad in charge of the
gang to whom they belonged. As he hesitated, |
gave him a cut across the face with my whip,
which was cruel and cowardly; but I was enraged
to see the poor women and children so utterly
forlorn, and could not help it. Well, I got the
whole gang together, and told them to go on to
the watering-place ; for, poor wretches! they would
otherwise have been kept there in the sun out of
my way. Now, what was I to do? I could not
with the three men undertake the convoy of them
to Obeid; and when there, how much better off
would they be?.... The little chap perched
up behind my clerk said to him, ‘Give my master
a piece of cloth for me. I should like to stay with
you.” Poor little soul! he valued himself at a dollar,
which is the price of the piece of cloth he named.
He said this in quite a ‘“chirpy” way, as if he
did not think any one would give more for him.
I shall pay for him. It is melancholy work: one
poor woman shocked me, she did look so piteous ;
and I felt angry with God for not stopping it.
I feel quite sure I am right in keeping to the
law, and in not breaking it; and God will find a
way out of this trouble. For me what would be so
nice as to have shot the slave-leaders, and avenged
1877.] SLAVE-MARKETS. 289

 

myself? I would not fear to do it in the least.
The only thing that restrained me was the sense
of injustice if I did so. The head slave-dealer
has just been to me to get me to order the Arabs
of the village to give the slaves water—which
they had refused to do. For the poor slaves’ sake
I did it. I noticed a bronze-coloured boy among
the slaves, and saw he was an Arab Bedouin.
I had him and two others freed, though I felt
certain that they would soon be captured again
by some one else. No person under fifteen years
of age is safe in Darfour or Kordofan. The
people are bent on slave-traffic. They look on
the capture of a slave in the same way as people
would look on appropriating an article found on
the road. The slave is alone, and therefore may
be taken; if reclaimed, he is given up without
trouble. I declare I see no human way to stop it.
The little boy is like a spider, with legs like a
fly's: he is about seven years old. He has just
come up to return me a biscuit of which he does
not approve : he wants some dhoora, which I have
NOt BOs 44:05 I have not yet made up my mind
what to do about the slaves and the slave ques-
tion; but I mean to stop, and that at once, the
slave-markets at Katarif, Galabat, and Shaka;
next, I must prevent the raids on the black
tribes near the Bahr Gazelle, for which I have
given orders. Galabat is a place under a semi-
independent chief of the Tokrookis. The Tok-
rookis are immigrants from Darfour, and are a
fierce set. Now for this I must concentrate troops
to awe the semi-independent chief, and I must be
prepared for a war; for he may cause a revolt,
and he may claim Abyssinian protection, for
U
290 THE ABC OF EGYPTIAN LIFE. [ October,

 

Galabat was stolen from Abyssinia by Egypt:
that is one affair. Then ] have Walad el Michael
and Johannis to settle with. Then at Zeila there
is another semi-independent chief, of much power
with the tribes, named Aboubec’r. He is a great
slave exporter, and is too strong to touch unless
you have plenty of troops..... It turns out
that the men of Sebehr’s son had naught to do
with one of the slave-gangs I met. The slaves
came from Dara, and had been captured and sold
to the pedlars by my own officers and men. ... .
One of the Shaka men who is riding with me tells
me hundreds and hundreds die on the road, and
that when they are too weak to go the pedlars
shoot them. I believe this man to be quite truth-
fle sce 2.3 In all previous emancipations either
there has been a strong government to enforce
obedience, or a majority of the nation wished it.
Here in this country there is not one who wishes
it, or who would aid it even by advice. I know there
are many who would willingly see the sufferings of
the slave-gangs cease, and also the raids on the
Negro tribes ; but there they would stop. Besides
this, the tenure of slaves is the A B C of life here to
rich and poor : o ove is uninterested in the matter.

OxeIp, October 3.—I arrived here on Septem-
ber 30, and had a warm reception from the
people, who were much surprised at the finale
at Shaka, .. s. I have had to trust in God
much more than my flesh would have wished—
things were so black that human help was evi-
dently useless. Do you know that with a seden-
tary life people seldom realise the leaning on God,
except in sickness or in trade losses—indeed, only
when they see maz cannot help them?
1877.] KING JOHANNIS’S LETTER. 291

 

En route To Kuartoum, October 79.—In came
three immense posts which had been travelling
after me, and among them the enclosed letter
from Johannis.

“Lettre* du Roi des Rois d’Ethiopie, Johannis, envoyée 4
Gordon Pacha, comment vous portez vous, moi et mon armée
nous nous portons bien, grace 4 Dieu.

“Jetais allérapidement 4 Godjam pour finir des affaires. Ilt
est échappé et retourné dans son pays. Sa femmes, tous ses
amis lui ont abandonné, méme aussi ses soldats. J’ai attendu,
jusqu’ a présent sans avoir donné reponse.

“Ismail Pacha n’a pas fait bien & moi ne pas peu, mais
beaucoup. Il m’a envoyé des cadeaux, j’ai mis ma couronne
sur ma téte, j’ai fait tiré les canons, j’ai honoré les envoyés
militairement. Moi aussi, par amitié, j’ai envoyé des cadeaux,
mais lui n’a pas recu mon envoyé, et il a fait lui attendre trop,
par la force de Dieu et par lintervention des Anglais il était
delivré et ronvoyé.

“ Autrefois la frontiére d’Ethiopie et d’Egypte était connue,
maintenant vous autres par votre volonté, vous avez fait la
frontiére, qui dit, cella-la, soit la frontiére.

“Je vous reponde a cause de votre amitié, mon frére, aussi
mon frere de foi. Avant j’ai dit aux Muselmans de me n’écrire
pas, et moi, je n’ai pas écrit plus 4 eux. Le Dieu juge entre
Ismail Pacha et moi, les gens sans Dieu ne finissent pas.

“«Débre Tabor, Ze r2 Seni 18 (sic) 1869 [18 Fuin 1877).”

Kuartoum, October 15.— Arrived yesterday
evening. The six elephants which had come up
from Cairo since I left salaamed me on my
arrival.

October 17—The family of Ibrahim, my black
secretary, on hearing of the scrape he had got
into, are said to have strangled a female slave
who knew where his money was lodged, and then
thrown her into a well. The woman was found in

* I have not corrected the French or the punctuation.—Ep,
t+ See page 416.—Ep.
U 2
292 HANGING A MURDERER. [ October,

 

the well, and the Doctor says that she had been
strangled before she was thrown in. The family
feared the slave would tell where Ibrahim had
hid his money.*

October z9.—Thanks for your letter. I am
glad you are well. JI am a shadow; and in three
days (p.v.) I start on my tour to Berber, Don-
gola, Wadi Halfa, Assuan; thence I cross to
Berenice on the Red Sea, and go thence to
Massawa; from Massawa to Bogos; thence I
hope to go to meet Johannis; thence return to
Massawa, and go to Berberah, and perhaps
Harrar; then back to this place.

En ROUTE TO BERBER FROM KuHartToum, Océo-
ber 23.—I had a hard time of it at Khartoum.
I hung, at eighteen hours’ notice, a noted mur-
derer, which will tend to keep the town quiet for
some months. You can have little idea of the
amount of work I have to do,.and I never have a
Sunday or day of rest. Now that I have given
up all drinking of wine or spirits I am much
better, and sleep well; but it is a fever-life I
lead. Were it not for the very great comfort
I have in communion with God, and the know-
ledge that He is Governor-General, I could not
Set of atall, «4%.

The /étes were somewhat damped by the
knowledge that I was hatching something about
the slaves. The proclamation is to go out on
November 4. My huge palace is again desolate.
It isa dreary place. I cannot go out of it without
having people howling after me with petitions that
I will let their sons out of prison, or such-like

* “The black interpreter will not disgorge his money ; so he is going to
the equator.”—Letter of February 2, 1878.—Ep,
1877.] GIVING AUDIENCE. 293

 

things; and they follow me wherever I go,
yelling all the time. I will not let them be
beaten away, as is usually the case, but I take
no notice; for how can I release every prisoner ?
.... Your brother is much feared and, I think,
respected, but not overmuch liked. His re-
fusals are definitive, and very strongly couched.

“Never!” is the answer to many requests,
shouted with a loud voice, and followed with,
“Do you understand?” and, ‘Have you

finished?” Pashas are threatened that if they
do not move swiftly, I will come after them
myself. I pursued one all the way from Dara,
and he barely got out of Khartoum in time.
He halted at five days’ distance, thinking the
pursuit at an end; but I gave him a telegram,
and started him again..... Every one wants
money, and we have it not.

The people in the Soudan tremble before your
brother. .. . . Sometimes I take my watch and
say, ‘Now you may talk for an hour.” They
do talk for a long time; then I say, ‘“‘ Have you
finished?” They begin again. At last, worn
out (for I give them no answer till they say they
have finished), I say I will not hear of it. Then
they begin again, and when they own to having
finished, I give them the same answer. They
then give up, and go away. I am a Job for
patience in these things. Some are ceremonious,
and when told to sit down, will not. They are
sometimes dragged to a seat and seated, and
that quite upsets them; or else yelled at till they
forget their mission from fear. Altogether, scenes
are constant, and cause great amusement to the
bystanders.
294 ILLUMINATIONS. [ October,

 

BERBER, October 25.—I have a telegram from
the Khedive about the man | hanged so sum-
marily. He approves, but he says he will write
me a letter about it. Now, for trading in slaves
the order is death, after judgment before a
council of war; and surely a man who killed
one, and wounded five men in one night, ought,
after due judgment, to receive summary punish-
ment. However, I do not care. Had JI left
the process to go through the usual routine, it
would have taken six months, and at any rate
the robbers are now afraid, and the man has been
hanged.

October 26.—It is customary to have three
nights of illumination when-the Governor-General
comes to a Mudirate,* and he, poor devil! is
supposed to go out and see the same, at least for
one or two nights. I wandered last night for a
couple of hours looking at a few dingy lamps.
It was a regular sacrifice! If a man makes a
good illumination he expects you to raise his pay,
or give hima place. It also costs money—some
410 to £20—in presents to the attendants. I
need not say how the ordeal bores me. The
people are most unreasonable—they expect me to
do the Governor's work, and to investigate all
squabbles. One man writes that he and his wife
have quarrelled, that his neighbour has interfered,
and that he wants me to investigate the case!
.... Men telegraph to me from hundreds of
miles off, to say their slave has escaped; will I
see to it? Now they have a Governor on the
spot, as good a one as I can get, and yet they
will not go to him. [I carefully avoid interfering

* The seat of a Government.—Ep.
1877.] CAMELS. 295

 

with the Governors, if they are in any way
respectable ; for it injures their influence and my
interference can do no good. The chances are,
the Governors will simply disregard my orders
when my back is turned... . . I always go over
the hospitals, barracks, and prisons, to see how
these establishments are managed.

EN ROUTE FROM BERBER TO Doncota, October
28.—My new camels are not equal to my old ones ;
they have not been properly fed and are weak.
.... Only gentlemen camels travel, the ladies
stay at home looking after their families ; the boy-
camels travel with their fathers for a year or so,
but carry nothing, so as to accustom them to
their work. I was very tired last night, and felt
as if I should fall off my camel: you have but
little idea how fatiguing it is. The quiet of the
desert is something wonderful—you never hear
a sound; the camel’s cushion foot makes no noise,
and the air is perfectly pure; no dew falls. This
is very unlike the country near Shaka, and some
parts of Darfour during the rains, where the dew
ie like rain. 4. ss

You will be near the festive season of Christ-
mas, with the usual eating, when you get this.
I detest Christmas and Easter, and never feel
relieved till they are over. First, because
there are two Sundays. Second, because every
one thinks it right to put on different man-
ners. Third, because it is a time for gorging
and giving ‘“backsheesh” to every one. I am
sure we are starved spiritually by our shepherds :
I do not know one who feeds his people.* It is
always the same thing—if you do well you will

* «The hungry sheep look up, and are not fed.” ——MILTon’s Lycidas.—Ep,
296 PURSUED BY PETITIONERS. [Movember,

 

be saved; if you do ill, you will be damned ;
no comfort, for the law tells us that. What
martyrs we are to custom! Baal was never in-
voked with more entreaties than our God is at
some prayer-meetings. They entirely ignore ‘‘it
is finished.” No earthly king would require the
same amount of supplications; the fact is, the
prayers are from the mouth in many instances,
and are mere empty words poured forth in
torrents. The heathen religions were permitted ;
and it is remarkable in history that men who were
guilty of sacrilege were generally overtaken by
Divine vengeance, though the religion was false.
I think that is also one of the reasons of the
Russians’ ill-success : they would uproot Islamism
before God’s own time. Ass far as life goes you
would think the Mussulman as good as the
Christian. I am sure you see no difference,
except in rites and ceremonies, between the two
religions—both worship golden images.

Merowa or Meroe, Movember 1.—We arrived
here this morning, and left three hours afterwards
by river, for Dongola; the Donglowas who in-
habit this part, had not for years seen a Governor
here, and they were full of complaints. I did
what I could to satisfy them... .. Never had
the people a better chance, for they accompanied
me on foot, and yelled their complaints all the
way for two hours; throwing dust on their heads,
and taking off their clothes and waving them.
I was quite covered with dust. Very few people
come along here. From not having worn a
bandage across the chest, I have shaken my
heart or my lungs out of their places; and I
have the same feeling in my chest, as you have
1877.] ““WE ARE MISERABLE.” 297

 

when you have a crick in the neck. In camel-
riding you ought to wear a sash round the waist,
and another close up under the arm-pits; other-
wise all the internal machinery gets disturbed. I
say sincerely that, though I prefer to be here
sooner than anywhere else, I would sooner be
dead than live this life. I have told my clerk,
to his horror, to bury me when I die, and to
make the Arabs each throw a stone on my
grave, so that I may have a good monument.
It is strange, fatalists as they are in theory,
how they dislike any conversation like this ; they
consider it ill-omened, though they agree that it
is written when we are to die.

I expect to do very, very little to ameliorate
these countries: they are too vast, and no one
could supervise them properly; the cost of good
men would be far too great. The whole way
we go, we are accompanied by people on the
bank who cry out, ‘‘We are miserable.” I de-
clare I am the same, and sometimes I tell them
so. If I could get a European, who, for 4150
a-year would devote himself to going along the
river and investigating the mode of taxation, I
would rejoice; but, dear me! no European will
look at any salary under £500, and would require
a heap of things besides.

On November 10 Colonel Gordon was stopped in his
progress northwards by news that “Sennaar and Fazolie were
threatened by Ras* Arya (one of King Johannis’s Generals) and
with an invasion from Abyssinia.” He at once turned back
towards Khartoum, where he arrived on November 22, and
found the news false. On the 26th he started for Massawa by
way of Abou Haraz, Katarif, and Kasala.

* ¢ There is now a Generalissimo established under the title of Ras, or
Chief.’—Loso’s Voyage to Abyssinia, p. 262.—ED.
298 A TYRANNICAL GOVERNOR. [Movember,

 

En route To Asou Haraz, WHERE THE RIVER
RauwaT JOINS THE BLUE Nive, Movember 26.—As
an instance how God helps me, there was a
Governor of Khartoum whom I heard evil of
and turned out. The evil I heard was not very
great, but it turns out that the man was a terrible
tyrant. On the evening of the day he received his
dismissal and sentence of exile, before he knew of
it, he had prepared razors to shave the beards of
some twenty sheikhs who had not pleased him.
So, when the order came, the sheikhs, who knew
of his designs, rejoiced, and said ‘ Allah had told
me in time to save them.” To shave a man’s
beard is a great degradation. I make no hesi-
tation—/lettres de cachet are signed, and people
are whisked off into exile at once with no trial;
for trials are mockeries when a man is rich. This
scoundrel, just before I came up, gave a Captain
1,200 courbatch | whip] blows, which cut the flesh
from the-poor devil's. feet, and he is still lame ;
yet there are people who beg for his pardon.

Axsou Haraz, November 27.—I arrived this
evening here, and found of the twenty-eight
camels I owned, and of which I had _ boasted
to you, fourteen ill of small-pox and four dead.
So I must cut down my establishment to the
necessary degree.

EN ROUTE FROM KatTarir TO Kasata, December
3-—We have such wonderful nights with the new
moon. You see the crescent and also the whole
circle—the air is so clear. For astronomers this
country would be splendid.

I intend to come down on the Greeks at Kasala
and Katarif. They have gangs of slaves, culti-
vating tobacco, etc.—regular slave plantations.
1877.] “MOST QUIET WATCHMEN.” 299

 

Orders have gone forth to seize the slaves; for
their masters, as Europeans, cannot hold any.
Kasaa, December 6.—1 arrived this morning,
and meant to have camped at a little village near
here ; but it was no use, for they pitched my tents
close to the gate of the town, and all the ideas I
had of any quiet vanished. The consequence is,
that I shall start to-morrow, and go to a station
three hours from here, and rest there; for I am
tired out with these long camel journeys.
December 7.—Before the blush of dawn I fled
from my camp. Only just as I was moving off
did the two sentries near my camp knowit. I
had seen my camp at dusk surrounded by sen-
tries; but this gave me no concern, for I knew
their habits, and that the sentry arrangement was
only for show. I was sure they would quietly
go to sleep, whether they were in a tent or not.
And, true enough, the caravan was on the point
of starting when the guard awoke. You may
imagine what their horror would have been
if it had so happened that on awaking they
had found the tents empty. This, however, they
were spared. I crept away to avoid the heat
and the official leave-taking. . ... I hada
visit and paid one to Shereef Seid Hacim, the
man of God of these countries (you know I
had met him before, and that he turned me
off the divan).* This time I gave him the
ively 4-2 a4 I put neatly under his cushion,
when I left him, £20 in an envelope, and I left
my clerk with him, so that if he wanted any-
thing, and felt himself too big to tell me,
he could tell him. I told the clerk that the

* See p. 222,—Ep.
300 THE MAN OF GOD. [December,

 

man of God would eagerly look at the packet
when I had gone; and true enough he did, and
was much gratified. His second stopped me, and
I thought he wanted something ; which indeed he
did, viz., that I should become a Mussulman! I
expect that Elijah and Elisha were just like this
man (a sort of superior dervish), except this one
is dressed in splendid silks... .. The day be-
fore yesterday I met a caravan of camels going
to Galabat. The men flew at me at once. One
kissed the camel’s feet.* They had not been paid
some £30 that was due to them for the camels that
we were riding. I ordered them to come with me,
and asked the Governor why he had not paid
them. He had no money. So I gave him £200,
and yet the next day I was flown at again by these
men. They wanted some forty-five dollars which
had not been paid them. I gave them £9 out of
my purse, which shamed the Mudir to whom I
had given the £200; and he paid them, and
returned me the £9. This sort of things, tours
de force, though expensive, give me great influ-
ence with the people; for everything one does is
known, and the only regret is that | am a Chris-
tian. Yet they would be the first to despise me
if I recanted and became a Mussulman. Now,
this strong feeling and attachment of Mussulmans
to their religion, is it to be considered as uncon-
trolled by God? There are many millions of
this creed. Does He still wv at it?t You
know Mahomet claimed only a divine mission:

* The camels ridden by Colonel Gordon and his party had been hired
for Government purposes by the Pasha who was accompanying him.—Ep.

+ “And the times of this ignorance God winked at.”— The Acts of the
Apostles xvii. 30.
1877.] WALAD EL MICHAEL'S CAMP. 301

 

he did not claim divinity. He does not deny
that our Saviour had a divine mission, but he
denies his divinity. I do not see the sect of
Pharisees among the Mussulmans. Whatever
they may think, they never assume, as our
Pharisees do, that A and B are doomed to be
burnt; and you never see the very unamiable
features which are shown by our Pharisees.

On December 11 Colonel Gordon learnt that ‘‘a sheikh,
who neither owns Johannis nor the Egyptian Government,”
had made a raid on the Egyptian territory. ‘He is now,” the
Colonel writes, ‘on the road I was to take to go to Senheit. I
have sent to Walad el Michael to attack him, and I shall turn
off the main road.”

SENHEIT OR KEREN, December z5.—I am going
(p.v.) to-morrow to see Walad el Michael at his
camp, six hours from this place.

Watap EL MicHaet’s Camp at HELLAL,
December 16.—After much conversation, in which
I found the residents at Senheit very timid and
without any decided ideas, I determined to place
myself in God’s hands, and came on here to-day.
The road over two mountains was simply fearful.
It was terrible work indeed to scale the last. The
camp of Walad el Michael and his brigands is
on a sort of plateau on an immense mountain.
He has fully 7,000 men here, all armed with
muskets. They were all drawn up to receive
me, and his son met me on the road. Michael
was ill, or pretended to be; I was met by a troop
of priests with sacred pictures, and I was pre-
ceded by a young man, his General-in-Chief.
Michael received me on his couch, as he pre-
tends to have a very bad knee; all sham, the
people of Senheit say. I was shown my hut, and
302 IN THE LION’S DEN. [December,

 

I must say I could not help thinking I was in the
lion’s den. He had boxed us all up ina little space
with a ten-foot fence around it. The huts were so
close as to touch one another. __[ was vexed and
angry, for I at once saw the faces of my servants
and the few people with me (ten soldiers) fall ;
and it was not an over-pleasant position. I spoke
to the interpreter and told him, that if Michael
wanted to make me prisoner he could do so; but
that he would suffer in the end. It was a want
of faith on my part to say this. However, he
and Michael’s son were so profuse in their
apologies that I feel sure that, as yet, I am
not a prisoner. I excused myself to them for
my remark by saying that if the news arrived at
Senheit that I was so boxed up, it would be taken
for granted that I was a prisoner, and it would be
telegraphed to His Highness at Cairo.

I had no talk on business with Michael. It is
to come off to-morrow. I went and inspected all
his men, which seemed to please them, though,
like Sebehr’s soldiers,* some looked daggers at me.
As I rode in gorgeous apparel I could not help
thinking of ‘‘The Divine Figure from the North.” t
Every one at Senheit was dead against my
coming here; but they could not explain the
grounds of their fears, and a sort of instinct kept
me to my resolution to face the difficulty. J do
try and think, and try to put in practice, that God
is the supreme ower in the world, and that He
is Almighty ; and, though “ Use-your-judgment-”

* See p. 278.—Ep.
+ During the war between Russia and Turkey one of the newspaper-
correspondents reported that the Bulgarian people hailed with delight the

arrival of The Divine Figure from the North—the Emperor of Russia, that
is to say.—ED.
1877.] BLACK-MAIL. 303

 

people may say “you tempt God, in putting your-
self in positions like my present one,” yet I do not
care. I do not do it to tempt Him; I do it
because I wish to trust in His promises, and I feel
sure, however trying it may be (and it is trying
to me in a great degree), that I gain in strength
and faith by it. If He wills me to fail, so be it.

December 17.,—After being tormented with fleas
all night and scarcely sleeping at all, a number of
priests came outside my prison and sang hymns
for some time*—I suppose to exorcise me. The
fleas, oddly, enough, do not descend from the
summits of the mountains. They cannot stand
the heat. They are always to be found on the
elevated Jlateaux.

It almost passes belief, but the troops from
Amadep, without my orders, have attacked a
number of the tribes belonging to Johannis, beyond
my frontier, and this when I am slaving for peace.
I have given it nicely to the Commandant.
How can I expect Johannis to have any faith
in me? These idiots, also, would be the first to
cry out for help if he came down on them. With
all due deference to what the son of Michael said
about the stockade having been made six months
ago, I cannot help seeing that the wood of which
it is composed is gveez// and recently cut.

I have just finished a long conversation with
Michael. I put the case before him respecting
Johannis, and recommended his asking pardon.
This, however, he at once said was impossible,
and so there was no use discussing it. He asked
for more districts (to plunder), which I com-
promised by a payment of £1,000 a month. He

* See p. 407.—Eb,
304 KING JOHANNIS’S DEMANDS. [December,

 

said if I would only give him a tacit permission,
he would go up (and he spoke with the greatest
assurance) and take Adowa [the Abyssinian
town]. This, however much I could wish it
(for he would be sure to be eventually crushed
by Johannis) I could not accede to, for though
I have every reason to believe Johannis does
mean to recover all the pilfered territory taken
by Egypt as soon as he has done with Shoa’s
King Menelek, yet I have written to him to
say I would not attack him; secondly, I do
not like to indirectly urge Michael to his destruc-
tion. Johannis never asked for a port, nor
does he desire one. He only wants back
the territory which Egypt pilfered from Abys-
sinia, which territory is a useless expense to
us..... I leave (p.v.) the robbers’ den to-morrow
for Senheit. I feel extremely glad I have been
here, for certainly the minds of the Senheit people
are a perfect maze as to the state of the affairs,
and as to the nature of the men of these parts.
I have done my best, and I hope that things will
end quietly. As to fighting it is out of the ques-
tion for us in these countries.*

SENHEIT oR Keren, December 20.—How I
hate these Abyssinians—Walad el Michael, etc. I
see nothing attractive about them. Their Chris-
tianity is only in form, for they seem very little
more civilised than the Equatorial tribes. I would
care but little for Johannis, were it not for the

* The Governor of Senheit had sent an envoy to Walad el Michael. The
following curious passage is in the report which this man drew up on his
return. (I make no change in the spelling). ‘‘Welda Michaél ma prié
@écrire dans le gourneaux d’Europe en sa faveur, et de lui reeommander
oft je puisse faire cela.” This brigand chief in the wilds of Abyssinia had
learnt the power of the newspaper press of Europe.—ED.

 
1877.] BEDOUIN ARABS. 305

 

European governments. My Bedouzn Arabs of
Darfour and hereabouts are fine handsome fellows
and quite gentlemen. Some of the younger ones
have a style and carriage which I envy. I never
was dignified or grand, and could not be, but these
young Ishmaels are every bit the Prince. They
do not loll about, or spit about, or smell like these
Abyssinians, though I expect neither wash at any
time.

Massawa, December 26.—I am now waiting
for a letter from Ras Bariou, the Frontier-General.

. . . T want to get Johannis to give a pardon
to Walad el Michael’s men, in order that, if I
have to attack them, I may = able to give them
the chance of getting away. If I attack them
now, with Abyssinia closed to them, they would
fight desperately.*

Colonel Gordon found nothing but delays on the part of
Johannis, and so returned to Khartoum. He went by way
of Suakin and Berber.

In the year 1877 he rode 3,840 miles through the deserts
on camels.

* See p. 209.—Eb.
306 SUMMONED TO CAIRO. [January,

 

CHAPTER V.—1878.

EN ROUTE FROM SUAKIN TO BERBER, January
16, z878.—You ask me what my ideas are of a
future life. I think that this life is only one of a
series of lives, which our incarnated part has lived.
I have little doubt of our having pre-existed ; and
that also in the time of our pre-existence we were
actively employed. So, therefore, I believe in
our active employment in a future life, and like
the thought. We shall, I think, be far more
perfect in a future life, and, indeed, go on ¢owards
perfection, but never attain it.

Ew route To Kuartoum, January 25.—As |
passed Shendy I received a long telegram from
H.H. asking me if it was possible for me to leave
the Soudan, and come down to Cairo to arrange
his financial affairs.

Colonel Gordon started for Cairo on February 7.

Doncora, February 20.—I arrived here last
night, after a long, bitter cold journey all the
way from Khartoum; a cold, piercing north
wind, with dust flying in my eyes. I have still
a big bit more of route to get over from here to
Wadi Halfa, with the same disagreeables. Ex
route a man ran after me with some Darfour things
1878.] ““T HAVE CUT DOWN MY PAY.” 307

 

which I bought for H.H. There was a helmet,
a guard for the arm, a buckler, the spear, and the
sceptre. The date on them was 280 of Hegira,
which would make them 1,015 years of age.
They were evidently taken by some one at the
capture of Fascher, and will make a nice present
for H.H. I fear I had to give £100 for the
things, but as they are a sort of regalia and as
the money stays in the country, I did not grudge
it. The buckler has many small figures around
it in gilt, of men on horses hunting deer, and of
falcons killing geese.*

Ew ROUTE FROM Doncota To Catro, February
28.—I do not like at all going to Cairo, but there
was no help for it. I have now been one year
(on February 17) Governor-General, and I have
lived a very rough sort of life, so much so that
I have lost all my civilised tastes, and have an
aversion to my meals that I can scarcely express.
The idea of dinners at Cairo makes me quail. |
do not exaggerate when I say ten minutes per
diem is sufficient for all my meals, and there is
no greater happiness to me than when they are
finished; and this though I am quite well.

March 4.—\ have cut down my pay from £6,000
a year to £3,000 a year, because of this appoint-
ment of , which certainly I cannot take

 

* Colonel Gordon writing on January 10, 1879, says, ‘‘I am perfectly
furious with H.H., for I see that he has given the whole of the splendid
collection of arms and trophies which I had sent him from the Equator
and the Soudan to a museum in Paris. Among them were the shield and
helmet, etc., for which I gave £100 zz solid coin of my own, and
which I gave to H.H. ever, never will I send H.H. a single thing
more. Fancy H.H. giving a national collection like this, which would
have sold for £15,000, toa French museum, when we are wanting £5 in
this country. I cannot tell you how angry I am with the loss of the
4100. However, these things were settled years, 1,000,000,000,000
years, ago.”—Ep,

x 2
308 THE PALACE AT CAIRO. [March,

 

quietly. I do not want the larger sum, and as
this appointment costs £3,000 a year, by my giving
up this sum I save the revenue to that extent.
But I have done this more in anger, I fear, than
1 1OVE. a at & The more one lives the more one
learns to act towards people as if they were in-
animate objects, viz., todo what you can for them
and to utterly disregard whether they are grateful
or not. This is what God does to us. He lets
His rain fall on the just and unjust. He never
gets gratitude, and is furthermore totally ignored
in the ordinary circumstances of life.

March 7.—I had a telegram from H.H. very
kindly asking me to dine on my arrival! at 8 p.m.
We did not arrive at the station till 9 p.m., and,
dusty and dirty as I was, I was whisked off to
the Palace, where H.H. was waiting dinner for
me!* He was exceedingly kind, and I sat at his
right hand, dirty and covered with dust. After
some little conversation I was taken off to the
Palace that General Grant, U.S., had lately
vacated, where the Prince of Wales lodged when
here!!_ I am now writing from this place, and you
may imagine my feelings at the splendour. My
people are all dazed! and so am I, and wish for
my camel. I cannot say exactly why I came
down, but it is about the finance affairs. Certainly
the honours are overwhelming. Fancy a palace
full of lights, mirrors, gentlemen to wait on you,
and the building itself one of the finest in Cairo.

Fancy again their waiting dinner an hour-and-a-
half!!!

* “ Before dinner, late as it was, H.H. took me aside, and asked me
to be President of an Enquiry into the state of the Finances of the
Country." —From a Memorandum by Colonel Gordon.—Ev.
1878,] THE END OF THE FARCE. 309

 

Cartro, March r5.—I am much bothered, but
I get to bed at 8 p.m. which is a comfort;
for I do not dine out, and consequently do not
drink wine. Every one laughs at me, and I do
not care.

Cartro, March 16.—I have little to tell you but
that I am much worn, and wish I had my rest ;
but it will not come till I have done His work.
: . I am almost desperate in my position in
the Soudan. My crop of troubles is never to be
got under: slave questions, finance, government—
all seems at sixes-and-sevens: there is no peace
or rest, and were it not for H.H. I declare I
would come home next mail for good. H.H.
appoints men to my government, with pay, etc.,
and then, if they do not fit into their places, he
says to me, “Settle with them.” I was not
quiet in my lands, but even H.H. sends me
firebrands, as if there was not enough inflamma-
tory matter. I see scarcely any one; but remain
in my sulks, wishing and wishing that my end had
come.

Carro, March 22.—H.H. threw me over com-
pletely at the last moment; but far from being
angry, I was very glad, for it relieved me of a
deal of trouble; and he said I might go at the
end of next week. [ laugh at all this farce... . .
I left Cairo with no honours, by the ordinary
train, paying my passage. The sun, which rose
with such splendour, set in the deepest obscurity.
I calculate this financial episode of mine cost me
4800. H.H. was bored with me after my failure,
and could not bear the sight of me, which those
around him soon knew. I dare say I may have
been imprudent in speech. I have no doubt it
310 RAOUF PASHA. (April,

 

is better as it is. I have no doubt H.H. and I
would have fallen out about the composition of
the Court of Enquiry, for I feel sure that it was
meant to be packed, and that I was only to be
figure-head. ....

I failed in the finance scheme through the
weakness of H.H. I think I could have satis-
factorily settled the question. .... 1 do not
know how matters will end with me, for I was
too outspoken at Cairo to have strengthened my
position. When one depends on one man, a bit
of cheese or a fig will cause, perhaps, a change
in that man’s digestion and temper. Thank God
you live in a land where cheese and figs produce
no effect.

On March 30 Colonel Gordon left Cairo for Suez. Thence
he went to Aden, whence he crossed over to Berberah, on the
African coast. Thence he went to Zeila.

ZeriLa, April r7.— Zeila used to belong to

Turkey. H.H. got it in exchange for some
415,000 a-year extra tribute!! and then he
annexed Harrar..... I hope to leave for Harrar
this afternoon: it is eight days’ journey. Raouf
Pasha is there; the same man who was at the
equator with Baker and with me, and whom I
deposed from that province exactly four years ago
yesterday. I am going to turn him out again;
for he seems to be a regular tyrant.* ..
I must say, that, since my visit to Cairo, I feel
very different about the Soudan and H.H. It is
only a sort of sense of one’s duty that keeps
one up to the work.

* This man is now Governor-General of the Soudan. This ‘regular

tyrant” has been chosen by the present Khedive as the successor to
Colonel Gordon.—ED,
1878.] NO HOPE IN KHEDIVES. OTT

 

April 20.—I am still on the road to Harrar ;
and have to go on horseback, for the camels will
not carry anything but baggage. The road is
terrible—one mass of loose stones. ... .

Notice the strip of country between the frontier
of Abyssinia and the sea. All this strip is in-
habited by fanatic Mussulmans ; and from the ports
all along the coasts the slaves pass to Hodeidah
[on the Arabian coast]. This I must try to stop.
The vastness of these lands is against any hope of
ever doing much in them; and since my visit to
Cairo, I feel quite different to what I did before.
I have no hope whatever in any change for the
better in head-quarters: another Khedive would
be just the same. Our [English] Government
lives on a hand-to-mouth policy. They are very
ignorant of these lands, yet, some day or other,
they or some other government will have to know
them, for things at Cairo cannot stay as they are.
H.H. will be curbed in, and will no longer be
absolute sovereign: then will come the question
of these countries. It is an uphill game now I
have before me. I feel sure H.H. does not a bit
like me, but he fears me; and feels—or rather,
thinks—I am xecessary (though with our ideas no
one is necessary). This thought makes me act
very differently: I now look only to benefit the
peoples. I do not care for H.H.’s praise or
blame, and sometimes I wish I could see my
way out of the whole affair ; but I think this is a
cowardly thought. I am on an incline, and down
it I must go: there is no stopping..... I feel
that I and H.H. are not unlikely to squabble on
the old question of making bricks without straw—
z.¢., he has put on the Soudan every expense
312 BERBERAH. [April

 

possible, and J consequently am determined to keep
down all unnecessary expenses : this he does not
like, and so a collision is probable. This country
is a desert; and it is wonderful how people can
exist in it. I met some £2,000 worth of coffee,
which my friend Raouf Pasha had sent down to
be sold on his private account at Aden, meaning
to buy merchandise and retail the same at exorbi-
tant prices to the soldiers at Harrar. I have con-
fiscated it all. It is the only way to punish him;
for H.H., doing much the same thing, will never
do so. They have spent at Berberah some 470,000
in a lighthouse (which is useless), in the water-
supply, in a mosque, a wharf, etc.; and some
440,000 in keeping the steamers and troops there,
while the total revenue is some £170 a-year! The
British Government insists on Berberah being a
free port, and will not let us levy a tax on the
10,000 cows and 60,000 sheep which are exported
[to Aden].

April 26.—Still two days’ journey from Harrar.
A detachment of Bashi-Bazouks with camels and
horses has just come in from Harrar, bringing a
letter from Raouf, saying he acknowledges my
order turning him out..... A merchant said
when he heard that Raouf was to be turned out,
that it would need the Khedive to come and do
it, and then he doubted it..... My course is
clear, “Will you or will you not obey my
orders?” It appears that the old Sultan, or
Ameer (whom Burton knew*), some three years
ago, oppressed his people at Harrar; and favour-
ing the Gala tribes, bullied the Mussulman part
of the population. The people asked H.H. to

* See First Footsteps in East Africa, p. 298. By R, F, Burron.—Ep.
1878.] HARRAR. 313

 

come and take possession, which he did—sending
Raovf. .. + « He went up, and had no opposi-
tion shown him worth speaking ; but eight days
after, he had the poor Sultan, or Ameer, strangled
—an unnecessary act on his part.* The son of
the Sultan went to Cairo, and complained. H.H.
is said to have been very angry, but did nothing.
Raouf had a great chief of the Gala tribes a
prisoner in irons; but when he heard I was
coming he released him.

Harrar, April 28.—After a really terrible jour-
ney, I reached Harrar to-day. At the entrance of
the walled town I came across the palpitating
carcases of two cows, whose throats had been cut
in honour of my arrival; and at the entrance of
the divan there was another cow sobbing out
her life, with streams of blood flowing over the
threshold. It made me quite sad and forgetful
of Raouf, who met me at the divan. He was
very downcast..... I have just had the plea-
sure of paying some £5 for the three sacrificed
cows whose death so much distressed me. [I am
living in the palace (!) that Burton was received in.
The Ameer lived in a small tower (not twenty feet
square) of two stages, surrounded by the harem.

April 30.—Raouf has just gone, and I hope to
leave to-morrow.

Massawa, Jay 2z.—I have just heard that
Walad el Michael has attacked Johannis’s Gene-
ral Ras Bariou, and defeated and killed him.

* «T was wrong,” Colonel Gordon writes later on, ‘‘in saying that the
Ameer Mahomet strangled by Raouf was the brother of the Sultan or
Ameer Ahmad (Burton’s friend). It appears that Ameer Ahmad died very
soon after Burton’s departure, and that the citizens of Harrar made
Khalifa Citra Ameer. He was deposed after three days’ reign by Ma-
homet, who was the Ameer strangled.” —Ep.
314 REVOLT OF SEBEHR’S SON. [May,

 

This is a nice state of affairs; for Ras Bariou
was bosom friend with me, and had only just
received a £10 present from me. Walad el
Michael will get hold of my letters to him; but,
as he knew my sentiments before, it will not
make much difference, for our relations were as
bad as they could be. I find that Osman Pasha,
in my absence, gave orders to give eight boxes of
ammunition to Walad el Michael. With this he
conquered Ras Bariou, so Johannis will fall on
me. It is inconceivable what owls these Egyp-
tians are.

On May 22 Colonel Gordon left Massawa for Khartoum by
way of Suakin and Berber. For many months after his arrival
at the capital of his province, he was for the most part
engaged on questions of finance and on the general settlement
of affairs.

En route To Kuartoum, Jay 28.—In one
month I have turned out three Generals of Di-
visions, one General of Brigade, and four
Lieutenant-Colonels. It is no use mincing
matters.

Kuartoum, June z9.—As I expected, and am
not sorry for, the letters I had written to King
Johannis and to the unfortunate Ras Bariou, have
fallen into the hands of Walad el Michael, and
now he knows that he has nothing more to hope
for from Egypt. In these letters I had dis-
countenanced his actions, but had stipulated that
his life should be spared if he were taken.

Kuartoum, /uly 7.—Sebehr’s son went up to
the Bahr Gazelle, and has driven out the old
Vakeel; so I have confiscated all the goods of
Sebehr’s family, and am sending up an expedition
1878.] THE SOUDANESE RAILWAY. 315

 

against the son.* .. . . I haveadeal to do; for I
have now, for the first time, regularly taken up
the government, and what with the prisons, law
questions, etc., | have enough to do. The prisons
were dens of injustice, and I am glad to have had
time to go into the question of each individual
prisoner.

Among the matters which occupied Colonel Gordon’s
attention at this time was the Soudanese Railway, which he
had found in course of construction when he entered upon
his Governorship. In a note which he has drawn up, he has
thus described both the aim and the utter failure of this under-
taking.

Ismail, the ex-Khedive, fully considered that to
maintain his hold of the Soudan, he must improve
his communications with it and Egypt proper.
Unfortunately, in his wish to bring the Soudan
trade down the Nile through Egypt proper, he
was led to abandon its natural outlet by the route
from Berber to Suakin, across the 280-mile
desert, and determined to make a railway through
the desert along the Nile past the Cataracts from
Wadi Halfa to Hanneck, a distance of 180 miles.
Contracts were made, and some £450,000 were
spent on the line; but financial difficulties arose,
and in 1877 it came to a standstill some fifty or
sixty £zloméetrest south of Wadi Halfa.

It was evident that on this grand scale the
continuation of the line could not be hoped for,
so I studied the question. There was the line
made from Wadi Halfa for—say fifty miles; and
therefore 130 miles remained to be got over
before this barrier of desert was passed. By the

* See p. xl. t A dilomitre is equal to 1093 yards.—Ep,
316 THE SOUDANESE RAILWAY. [/July,

 

researches of Colonel Mason and Mr. Gooding,
and also by my own personal examination, the
river for this 130 miles was shown to be not
continuously encumbered by rocks. There were,
as it were, long strips of open water between the
ridges of rocks,—one of these strips was forty
miles in length. Now steamers built in England
had in full flood been hauled up every one of
these ridges, and had thus been brought to
Khartoum and had plied to Gondokoro. My
idea was to bring up small steamers during high
Nile, place them on all the open strips of water
of any reasonable extent, and thus work them
from ridge to ridge in these open spaces. I
proposed further to have only one crew, and to
ship them from steamer to steamer so as to
save expense. At those places where the ridge
was of any great length, I proposed to use
tramways to get over the space between the
debarking landing-place of one open water-way
to the embarking wharf of the other open water-
way. Thus, by using the water-way where open,
and tramways where the river was encumbered,
I should get over these 130 miles. I calculated
that the cost of all this work, steamers and
tramways, etc., would be £70,000, while the
railway, if carried, would have cost over a
million -and-a-half. However, the revolts,
troubles of different kinds, and other things,
prevented this being carried out, and the con-
trollers would not take it up; so, after an expense
of nearly half-a-million, the railway exists with its
end ex /’azr, with its valuable stores perishing,
while Egypt proper has no more hold over the
Soudan than was had by ancient Egypt.
1878.] DEFICIT IN THE SOUDAN. 317

 

Kuartoum, /uly rz.—The finances are in a
sad state. Last year we spent £259,000 more
than we had. This year I have cut down this,
and we have spent £50,600 more than our re-
ceipts. This is a great reduction, but still it
is a deficit. You do not know how completely
I have to look after every detail. There is no
one to help me in the least. Then the people
at Cairo have shown signs of troubling me.
I mean etc. When Goschen’s scheme
was made, Goschen was told that the Soudan
gave a tribute of £143,000 a year, which was
false ; for the Soudan always cost Cairo money—
never gave any. It is only since I have been
Governor that nothing has been given on either
side. I hear that Walad el Michael, who is very,
very angry with me, is trying to make peace with
Johannis. I am more or less in the “doles,” ze.,
tired of eighteen months’ ceaseless work. The
heat is very great, and the water of the Nile
gives every one, more or less, the nettle-rash and
boils. I scarcely ever go out, for there is so
much ceremony. I am, however, in for this
work, and will keep to it, and trust He will
deliver me from my troubles. If one could only
entirely separate oneself from the events of this
life, and accept all things as ordained, what a
relief it would be. Do not think I am despond-
ing to any degree; but when I find, in spite of
all I do, no real progress is made, I feel sickened,
and wish I were at rest. I can say truly that my
life is one long series of flesh-vexing telegrams,
of rows, of disputes, etc. A regular Ishmaelite
existence. I am at war with nearly every one at
Cairo, and my crest isa thistle. I could justify my

 
318 LITTLE HIPPOPOTAMUSES. [ July,

 

rows ; for they arise from dishonest officials, undue
interference of Consuls, etc. Since the lonely
camel rides are at an end, I have no nice thoughts.

Kuartoum, /uly 25.— .... I am stronger
than ever in my belief that if H.H. had taken
my advice, he would be in a better plight than he
is now, and, at any rate, would have fallen with
dignity. Now, I see by the papers, he is offering
to abdicate, etc. This sort of thing cannot last,
and I fear for him. He cannot go straight—even
his despatches to me are all evasive. ... . The
continual wars which I carry on, and cannot help,
are very wearisome; and I| feel more and more
daily, ‘“ How long ? how long?” I never have a
quiet day now, and indeed I have not had one for
many days.

Kuartoum, /uly 27.—We have taken twelve
caravans of slaves in two months, which is not
bad; and I hope to stop this work ere long. I
intercepted a letter from a man up in the Bahr
Gazelle, saying he had a lot of slaves, but he
could not find a way to send them down. So I
have come down on him, and on those to whom
he wrote. .... If I can I will stop this slave work.

Kuartoum, August z.—The steamer has just
brought four little hippopotamuses, which are in
my yard, and which are very tame. They are
like huge pigs, and are so plump and soft and
cool-skinned. They have only little teeth. The
little elephant smelt them, but did not like them
at all (a nasty fishy smell no doubt he said).
The hippopotamuses, however, would have been
friendly with the elephant, but after a few
overtures on their part he butted at them, and
when in the pond with them he flicked water
1878.] CARAVANS OF SLAVES. 319

 

at them with his trunk. We have taken another
caravan of 250 slaves in Darfour. This is the
fourteenth caravan in two months.

Kuartoum, August 8&—The hippopotamuses
are very well—like fat pigs, not a crease in their
skins—and they have such huge mouths, which
they always open to you, showing little bits of
teeth. They lie in the water, with their heads
under it for hours. They do not smell a bit, and
are loveable animals. Eight were taken, but four
died ex route. They are to go to Cairo, with
eight cows for milk, and a huge sheep, quite like
a donkey.

As for myself I am exceedingly weary, and
wish, with a degree of bitterness, that it was all
over. I am cooped up here now, and am much
occupied with the finances, which are in a very
low state. My life is burthensome and weary ;
but I feel that it is better to be employed here
than to be idle elsewhere. I am striking daily
deadly blows against the slave-trade, and am
establishing a sort of Government of Terror about
it. I have hanged a man for mutilating a little
boy, and would not ask leave to do so. I do not
care if H.H. likes it or not. I have a nasty
revolt in Bahr Gazelle, and do not know how it
will end. I should like to go there, but cannot
leave Khartoum.

Kuartoum, August 19.—I am much troubled
with the slave-trade business; a caravan of 400
with some eighty irregular soldiers met one of
my Mudirs, refused to obey him, and even
threatened to fire on him. I am trying to
catch the leader, but I do not know if I shall
manage it.
320 ‘ALONE IN MY HUGE HOUSE.”  [Seftember,

 

Kuartoum, September 4.—A steamer coming
up from Berber caught a quarter of the caravan
of slaves, which refused to obey the Mudir of
Darfour. The sight of these ninety slaves was
terrible. I did not see them, but a friend of mine
says that there were few over sixteen years of
age—some of them had babies, some were little
mites of boys and girls!! Fancy, they had come
over 500 miles of deserts, and were a residue of
four times their number. It is much for me to
do to keep myself from cruel illegal acts towards
the slave-dealers; yet I think I must not forget
that God suffers it, and that one must keep to the
law. I have done the best I can, and He is
Governor-General.

Kuartoum, September 16.—The Khedive and
I are on the worst of terms. He has not tele-
graphed to me for a month, though I have laid
several important questions before him.

Kuartoum, September 23.—I was so unwell
for two or three days in my vast lonely house,
quite alone. I used to wander up and down it
and think, think for hours. It is a very great
comfort to me never to have the least fear of
death when I am ill.

Kuartoum, October 13.—Thank God, I am
nearly well, but I have been so sec for two days.
The whole town is sick this year—scarcely one
well. In spite of my illness (and contem-
poraneously with it the sickness of all my servants)
I was glad I was alone in my huge house, and
that I did not bore any one with my illness, .

I declare I never did more work than I did in
my brain uselessly during those two nights.
Imaginary petitions, etc., were presented; I gave
1878.] THE SOUDANESE BUDGET. 321

 

the answers, but over and over again they came
up, till one was almost wild with them... .. I
wonder if one was asked this question how one
would answer it, ‘Would you like to go through
life without a pain or a trouble, and return to
perfect happiness of a small dimension ; or would
you like to go through a sea of trials, and return
to perfect happiness of a larger dimension?”*
Notice perfect happiness, whatever your choice
may be. What would be one’s choice I do not
know. Man and dard as I am, I would rather not
answer the question, for really this life is a terrible
ordeal.

Kuartoum, October 23-27.—We have just
made out our accounts for the Soudan. The
expenditure exceeds the receipts by £72,000 a
year, all through Darfour, and we have a debt
of £327,000! I hope to make the balance meet
and in time to pay this debt. But you can
imagine itis no bed of roses, this Soudan, with

all its revolts and troubles. .... I have not £1
In. the treasury, « 0» « You may be interested in
the following :—
The debt of the Soudan is......... 4 327,000.
The revenue of the Soudan is .... 579,000.
The expenses of the Soudan are 651,000.
The deficit is therefore scsss15acu 72,000.

I will inflict on you the Appleby contract.
Appleby was to sell H.H. railway material to the
value of £600,000 in five years, which five years
will finish in 1879—next year. If H.H. did
not take the whole of the £600,000 worth,
H.H. was to pay ten or twenty per cent. on

* See an interesting conversation on perfect happiness in BoswELL’s
Life of Johnson, wnder the date of April 15, 1778.—Eb.

Y
322 THE RAILWAY-CONTRACT. [ October,

 

what he did not take. H.H. only took £150,000
worth, and so he must pay ten or twenty
per cent. on £450,000 worth which he did
not take (that is, 445,000 if ten per cent., or
490,000 if twenty per cent.). Now this is for
material. It will cost 4300,000 to put this on
the railway, in the transport from Alexandria to
Wadi Halfa, and in labour on the railway line ;
so that £450,000+ £300,000=£750,000 is
wanted. I say, ‘ Better offer Appleby £30,000
and get off the bargain.” H.H. gave the railway
and contract over to me in 1877, and thinks with
our debt of £327,000 and yearly deficit I can
pay this £750,000!!! I say, ‘No, you made the
contract, and must get out of the mess.” Then
Cairo writes to me that two steamers are to
be added to the Soudan, costing £20,000 a year.
I say, ‘No, I do not want any steamers.” Now
these steamers are the private property of H.H.,
and H.H. wants to shunt these expenses on the
Soudan, and to pocket the gains they make.
This I will not have. Altogether things look
as if they were coming to a crisis in every
direction. 24 You have little idea how very
sickly we have all been here. Scarcely any one
is well, and though we ought to have the cool
winds they have not yet come. It has been more
unhealthy here than at the Equator. People say
in the papers that the Soudan and most of the good
places in Egypt are in the hands of the English.
I declare I do not think you would get a man to
take the Soudan. You might get him to come up,
but he would soon go down again, and require
compensation for having come. I am nearly always
nauseated—not ill, but with a feeling of sickness.
1878.] REPAIRING CLOCKS. 323

 

Kuartoum, Movember 4.—I have been very
hard at work with the accounts, and have done
a good business. Cairo asked the Soudan for
430,000, which they said the Soudan owed. [|
went into the accounts, and find that instead of
owing Cairo £30,000, the Cairo Government
owes the Soudan £9,000!

Kuartoum, Movember 6.—I have been working
for the last ten days at a big map of the Soudan ;
but now it is finished J am again utterly at a loss
how to employ my time. You see, one lacks
books, and I scarcely ever see any one except
on business, for I have no associates here.

November 12.—Pulled another clock to pieces
and put it together again, which is more difficult.
I am getting quite an adept. How I wish I had
learnt some smattering of trades. It would have
been a great deal of use to me. I wonder women
do not take to watch and clock-making. That is
such a clean, nice trade, and it is just the sort of
work women would be neat at. I would guarantee
that you could take the clocks in the house to
pieces and put them together after three days’
tuition. As for a watch, I confess it is beyond
me; but that is because I have never been shewn
the way by a watchmaker. What a deal of
amusement I should have here, did I know the
elements of watch-making !

November 13.—A cuckoo clock has beaten me
to-day. I cannot make it go. The dulness is
almost insupportable. From 4.30 p.m. till I go
to bed, I have not a single thing to do. Judging
of my life here, and a labourer’s life, I unquestion-
ably give the preference to the latter. Yet how
many would envy my position!

v2
324 “NO FEARING OR DOUBTING.”  [WNovember,

 

I am rather cheerful about the revolted slave-
dealers at Bahr Gazelle. I have entirely block-
aded them, and in four or six months they
will be hard up for anything like luxuries or even
essentials. . ... It is really almost laughable
to how few people it is given to stand the
climate; not one in ten thousand Europeans
can exist. In one department there are twelve
out of twenty Arabs sick, or who say they are.
As for money, we owe tens of thousands, and lack
tens of pounds ; you can form little idea to what
shifts I am put for fifty pounds. There is no
initiative, no counsel to be taken with these
people—all falls on me. They are perfect sheep.
If you ever, in a moment of weakness, ask them
anything, they give a sickly smile, and say, ‘“‘ You
know best.” Just as H.H. and Nubar telegraph
to me.

Kuartoum, Movember 15.—There are not nine
Europeans in the Soudan, and they vegetate and
do not live. Can you conceive what it is never to
have any desire to eat? That is my case. |
hate the operation. ... . My angina pectoris has
not troubled me lately. According to medical
books it is not known what occasions this. It is
heart disease, and makes you think you are on
the brink of death. A rush of blood takes place
to the head, and you think all is over. I may
say I have died suddenly over a hundred times ;
but in these deaths I have never felt the least
doubt of our salvation. Nothing can be more
abject and miserable than the usual conception of
God. Accept what I say, viz., that He has put
us in a painful position (I believe, with our per-
fect consent, for if Christ came to do His will, so
1878. ] THE YOKE OF BONDAGE. 325

 

did we, His members) to learn what He is, and
that He will extricate us. Imagine to yourself
what pleasure would it be to Him to burn us or to
torture us? Can we believe any human being
capable of creating us for such a purpose ? Would
it show His power? Why, He is omnipotent!
Would it show His justice? He is righteous—no
one will deny it. We credit God with attributes
which are utterly hateful to the meanest of men.
Looking at our darkness of vision, how can He be
what we credit Him with? I quite wonder at the
long time it has taken us to see that the general
doctrine of the Church is so erroneous.* Think
over what I say. Is not the preaching of every
place of worship you have ever entered, this ?
“Tf you do well, you will be saved; if you do ill,
you will be damned.” Where is the Gospel or
“Good News” in this? I know it, for the law
says it; it is implanted in every human being,
but the “Good News” is, ‘Whatever you do,
God, for His son’s sake, pardons you ;” and thus,
the love of God constraineth us from evil. For
one feels that, enticing as evil is, it is not to be
compared to the peace one derives from being
in accord with Him. When one thinks of the
millions on whom weighs this yoke of bondage,
one wonders. I do not know one single person
who says this straight out. I say the Christian

* «¢Think,’ my father used to say, ‘of a being who would make a
Hell—who would create the human race with the infallible foreknowledge,
and therefore with the intention, that the great majority of them were to
be consigned to horrible and everlasting torment.’ The time, I believe, is
drawing near when this dreadful conception of an object of worship will
be no longer identified with Christianity; and when all persons, with any
sense of moral good and evil, will look upon it with the same indignation
with which my father regarded it.’—Fohn Stuart Mill's Autobiography,
p- 41.—Eb.
326 AN OLD STORY. [November,

 

Pharisees deny Christ. They ignore Him, or at
the most throw Him in as a make-weight. I see
no resemblance to Him in them. A hard, cruel set
they are, from high to low. When one thinks of the
real agony one has gone through in consequence
of false teaching, it makes human nature angry
with the teachers, who have added to the bitter-
ness of life. You can form some idea of what
Christ was like. Do you know any single one of
His pretended successors, clergymen or dissenters,
who are like Him? Pure religion and undefiled,
to visit the poor and affitcted, and to keep unspotted
Srom the world. Tell me one you know who
professes to teach you, who does this. “I am
sick of your burnt offerings and your prayer-
meetings, my soul hateth them, they are a
trouble to me. I am weary of them.” See
Isaiah i. 11 and 13.

I will tell you a story of 1,848 years ago.
There was a workman of Bethlehem who did
not agree with the great teachers of an old
religion, who answered them roughly, and who
did not conform to their views, or pay them the
attention to which they were accustomed. He
was always in the slums with very dubious
characters. This annoyed the church class.
“Why do you frequent those slums?” He
said, ‘These slums need me to go to them;
for they are sick at heart, and I bear them
good news. I tell them they are worth some-
thing, in spite of their ill-deeds. I tell them
their God is a merciful God, and that He has
worked out their salvation not for their merits.”
Now, these slum people liked their visitor. He
had kind words for them. He did not look on
1878.] AN OLD STORY. 407

 

them as pariahs. He did not think it beneath
Him to call on worse than “ Divorced.” He
rather encouraged these people, and He never
said a word against their evil ways; but He
pointed out that happiness resulted from a holy
life. His strong rebukes were against the white-
robed, clean, respectable people, who thought they
were everything that was good because they had
prayer-meetings and sacrifices, and washed their
hands before eating. Well, you know this story.
The good people could not bear the home-thrusts
they received, and so they murdered Him. They
were too good to do it directly, but they worked
up others to do it. The slum people liked this
man, in spite of His being called a drunkard.
He was never hard on them. Some very dubious
characters were well received by Him; but He
was not polite to those who thought themselves
good. He found fault with the invitations they
gave to dinner, though He was their guest. He
would have called on “ Divorced.” He would
have tried to cheer their life, and have aided
them to see that, though the clerical party would
not notice them, they were still God’s children.
Fancy that none of those slum people ever went
to church, or ever gave a sacrifice. They were
like our own slum people. They would not
have liked any of the clerical people to come
among them; for the clerical people would have
claimed, “I am better than you;” and human
nature does not like that, and will never crush
and crowd to hear it.

Kuartoum, Movember 30.—Yesterday a steamer
came down from the obstruction in the river.

They had opened the “Sudd” out three or four
328 CLIMATE OF KHARTOUM. [December,

 

times, and it had closed up again persistently.
So now I am sending up two more steamers,
and hope to get it opened. There are a great
many grass-isles to come down; till they do
come down, ‘the stoppages will occur again
and again..... I will give you an instance
of the miserable way the Cairo Government
treats the Soudan. I asked H.H., a long time
ago, to send up a man, A. H.H. replied he
wanted the man A., and could not send him.
To-day I got a request for £7 10s., stating that I
had asked for A., who was at Port Said; that, in
consequence, A. went to Cairo and said he did not
want to come; so they ask me to pay the £7 Ios.
for his passage from Port Said to Cairo and re-
turn—which I have refused to do.

The weather is very cold, and the wind very
high—dquite like March weather in England. It
has, however, made the people almost as ill as
they were during the rainy season, but in another
way.

Kuartoum, December rz.—H.H. is going to
take Harrar and Zeila from me, and I am glad of
it; for they are a deal of trouble and expense.

Kuartoum, December 15.—The weather is
wonderful. It is clear and bright, with a fine
fresh breeze and hot sun; but there is a sort of
bitter nip in the wind which makes every one
more or less ill. It is like a sharp knife in one,
and you can tell itina moment. I have had an
influenza like none I have ever had before.

Kuartoum, December 22.—Walad el Michael
has left, with 300 men, to make his submission to
Johannis. I hear, at the same time, that Johannis
has sent an envoy to Kasala to see me, with a
1878.] STARTING FOR KATARIF. 329

 

letter about the Frontier. I have ordered the
envoy to be sent to me here, and to be well
TREAECGy ow 4 I am starting to-morrow (Decem-
ber 24) for Katarif to see the Envoy. I do this
so that Johannis can get my answer before he
sees Walad el Michael, who cannot be at Gondar,
where Johannis is, for five weeks; while I can
communicate with the King through Galabat in
fifteen days.

Colonel Gordon went up the Blue Nile to Abou Haraz, and
thence on a camel across the desert to Katarif. He was away
from Khartoum only fourteen days, three of which were spent
in negotiations at Katarif. He rode in this short time 240
miles.

In the year 1878 he rode 1,620 miles through the
deserts on camels.
330 WALAD EL MICHAEL. [January,

 

CHAPTER VI~—1879.

January TO JULY.

Kuartoum, January 9, 1879.—My last letter
told you that Walad el Michael had given in his
submission to Johannis, and had gone with 300 men
to Gondar to pay his respects to the king. He
will have to pick up a big stone, and put it on his
neck, and go before the king thus. He will then
lie down before the throne. The king, if he
means to pardon him, will tell one of his officers,
“Touch him with your hand on the neck.” If he
does not mean to do so, he says, “Touch him on
the neck with your foot:” that means the affair
is not settled. Then come pour parlers, etc. ;
and Walad el Michael is either imprisoned on a
mountain which has no exit from it, but where
there is water; or else is pardoned.

I heard also that Menelek, the King of Shoa,
is with King Johannis. He has been allowed to
keep his title of Vassal-King. I do not know
whether I told you in the same letter that the son
of Ras Arya, Johannis’s prime minister, had come
to Kasala with a letter from the king to me.*

* Colonel Gordon, writing in the close of the year, says: ‘‘The em-

bassy that Ras Arya sent me in January with a letter in the King’s name,

was a false embassy. The King never knew anything of it till he had my
answer.” —ED.
1879.] THE ABYSSINIAN ENVOY. 331

 

I telegraphed for the envoy to come to me. He
said, “He could not without the order of the
king :” so I had the contents of the letter tele-
graphed to me. It was to the effect that he
(Johannis) would not make peace with H.H., but
he would with me; that he would be glad for me
to see his envoy, who had verbal instructions
from him to tell me. In this letter the king
keeps calling me Sultan of Soudan! I then
determined, as I had told you, to go to Katarif
and see the man. I got there in five days,
arriving at night at the same moment as the
envoy came in from Casala.

I gave him a salute of nine guns as he came
to see me, and nine guns when he left, and had
the soldiers out to salute him. I had prepared a
fine present for Johannis, which cost me 4175.

[The following is the king’s acknowledgment of this present :

“From His Majesty Yohanis king of kings of Ethopia
“To Garden Pasha
“ My beloved friend by the grace of God I and my people
are well, the things which you presented me I have received
by the hand of winstandling, [Mr. Winstanley] velvet, 1 silver
sadle 2 golden dress, 5 yard read bannate 2 read dress broad
hand, silver plate with 12 silivir cups, out of them one is gold,
one best gun with her carlagas 1 good carpate My friend Iam
very thankful for your kindness which you did tome I have
told all my words what is in my wishes he will tell you all, I
hope I will see you soon.”
In the Arabic letter which accompanied this, the king called
Colonel Gordon “Sultan of Soudan.”

The envoy came in, and would not talk till I
had cleared the room. He then wrote down
what he had to say, which was to the effect that
the king would not look to H.H., but only to
02 THE ABOUNA. [ January,

 

me. I put a f over his speech, and then wrote
my answer ( ( being put over it), then he
replied, etc. The result was, that as I found
he would not speak out, I was obliged to do so.
I explained that he could not have a port, and that
the lands we robbed him of were of no use to him.
Further, if the king would be quiet, I would see
that he got an archbishop from the Coptic Church
of Alexandria.* I would try to get from Her
Majesty's Government the crown of Theodore
which looted. I would facilitate the passage
of his people at Massawa and Galabat; would
give him a consul at Massawa; and would send
Winstanley with the envoy to see the king. All
this was written down with ~ and ( over the
speeches, and a copy was sent to Johannis. In
the meantime Nubar very grandly writes to me
a telegram, saying, ‘Give up nothing ;” and
telling me to wait for a letter from H.H. You
must know, Johannis, in his letter to me, asks me

 

* Colonel Gordon, in a letter to the Editor of the 7imes on January
I, 1881, says: ‘‘The other question is the demand of the King for an
Archbishop—an Abouna. The Church of Abyssinia has for centuries
taken this Abouna from the Coptic Church at Alexandria. This is im-
portant, as it is only the Abouna who can ordain priests ; and so, from the
difficulties between the Governments, the King has been without any
ordination for years.”

In FATHER Loso’s Voyage to Abyssinia (p. 390) we read : ‘* The Church
of Abyssinia is governed by the Metropolitan whom they call Adwna, that
is, Our Father ; and this Metropolitan has no other Bishop subordinate to
him. He is named and consecrated by the Patriarch of Alexandria, who,
to keep this Church in a more absolute dependence, never gives them a
prelate of their own country, so that the Abuna neither understanding the
language, nor being able to make himself understood, it may easily be
conceived how the Church is governed, and with what justice the pastor
may say, / know my sheep and my sheep know me. Yet, ignorant and
unacquainted as he was with the people, he has formerly had so much
power, that no man was acknowledged as King till he had been con-
secrated by the hands of the Abuna..... The Abunas are incapable
of instructing the people, since they understand neither the language nor
the customs of the country. Their whole office is to ordain priests yet
more ignorant than themselves, and often of corrupt morals.”—Eb,
1879.] THE KHEDIVE’S INSTRUCTIONS. 333

 

to send for his inspection my powers to treat with
him on the part of H.H. Now H.H., pressed
by Vivian, when I first went to Massawa, gave
me reluctantly zz french, at the end of my nomi-
nation as Governor-General, a paragraph thus :—
“The Abyssinian frontier joins the Soudan.
Some disputes about the frontier exist. I autho-
rise you, if you think fit, to settle these ques-
tions with the Abyssinian authorities. (Signed)
‘Ismail.’” Well, these were poor full-powers.
However, as I had nothing whatever written
about Abyssinia in Arabic with H.H.’s seal, I
was obliged to send the whole letter to Johannis.
I hope he will take the miserable paragraph as
full-powers! H.H. was much opposed to giving
me anything: it was only on Vivian’s urging him
that he did so; and then he took good care
not to write in Arabic! Nubar said that H.H.
might perhaps give the abouna and the consul.
Now this telegram of Nubar came defore [ had
seen the ambassador; and I answered, that, pro-
viding Johannis did demand Bogos, and the lands
we robbed him of, we must give them; for I had
no money or troops to defend them ; but that, as
for waiting a month for a letter of H.H., it was
out of the question, and so I would act on my
own responsibility. Well, as soon as the inter-
view of the crosses and crescents was over, I
telegraphed down a résumé of the same to H.H.
I gave the envoy a number of presents and a re-
peating rifle, and I got Winstanley ready to start.
An Abyssinian woman of good family, wife to
one of my officers, got the envoy to come and
see her. He drank half-a-bottle of cognac, and
said, ‘“Johannis will never make a treaty with
334 A GREEK IMPOSTOR. [ January

 

the Khedive, by which he signs away any of the
original territory of Abyssinia, but he will not
fight Gordon.” The Abyssinian woman was
closely questioned by the envoy, if I was on good
terms with H.H.; and he said that if Gordon
would arrange with Johannis, independently of
H.H., the king would even give Gordon more
land. So, then, having seen the drift of the
affair, I telegraphed to H.H., “There is no fear
of the king’s fighting us, so you can do what you
like about the treaty.”

If H.H. will not give the abouna, then I will
get him myself from the Patriarch of the Coptic
Church at Cairo. If England will not give the
crown, I will get a copy of it made, and will tell
Johannis the English Government cannot spare the
original. JI then wrote to Johannis, and sent him
the decrees of H.H., whereby H.H. established
a responsible ministry, and I civilly told him that
England and France were represented in the
same. To end a long story, I have no doubt
Johannis will not fight me. I shall have to
give him a number of presents. He wants the
abouna, or high priest, for with him he will be
more powerful—the abouna excommunicating, at
his beck or call, all his enemies, which is most
effectual among fanatics like the Abyssinians.

I have lately heard of a Greek coming up from
Cairo to Dongola, who mounted a grand uniform
with plenty of decorations, a grand cordon,* and
who proclaimed himself Pasha, and was getting
money right and left by making promises to get
the givers appointments. However, I have had
him arrested.

* He wore also the dress of a Freemason.—Ep.
1879.] SLAVE-SOLDIERS. 335

 

Now for the Bahr Gazelle. I hear that
Sebehr’s son is very hardly pushed. Now that
he has been hemmed in for eight months he
ought to be badly off. I expect that six months
will finish the affair. They say that Gessi has
driven him out of his forts.

January 17.—Gessi's last letters are dated
August. What a river the Nile is, and what
extraordinary difficulties are thrown in the way
of reaching those lands.

A week later Colonel Gordon received a telegram from
Gessi, dated January 1, informing him of the repulse of
Sebehr’s son on the last days of December.*

Kuartoum, January 24.—I am quite perplexed
what to do with some 1,300 of these slave sol-
diers (Bazingirs,t as they are called) who have
remained faithful to the Government. I cannot
put them in the regular army, for they would
never stand the discipline. I have for the mo-
ment given them a zone of country on the frontier
of Wadai and Darfour, and there I must keep
them for the present. I almost wish that the
whole band had revolted, for then one’s duty
would be clear. I am going to send two Euro-
peansf{ with their chief, who was one of the best
and bravest of Sebehr’s chiefs—by name Nuehr

Bey Angara. These chiefs are all alike de trop

* See p. 378.—Eb.
+ ‘*The second class includes the greater part of the full-grown natives
in the Seribas. They are termed ‘Farookh,’ ‘Narakeek,’ or ‘ Bazingir,’
. whose duty it is to accompany the natives in all their expeditions,
whether for war or for trading purposes. These black soldiers constitute
nearly half the fighting force in all the Seribas, and play a prominent part
in time of war..... In every action the hardest work is put upon their
shoulders.” -SCHWEINFURTH’S Heart of Africa, Vol. 11., p. 421.

+ The two Europeans were to keep a watch over the slave-trade,—Eb,
336 SEBEHR PACHA. [ Yanuary,

 

on the earthe They have been brought up
brigands, and will never change.

Sebehr’s system was to kidnap boys and train
them as soldiers. When they became twenty-
five they were truly formidable; for he taught
them to shoot with a tripod, which they carry
with them. You may imagine how these armed
slaves, accustomed to brigandage, rule their nomi-
nal chiefs, like the Pretorian Guards of Rome
and the Janizaries of Turkey..... What I
complain of in Cairo is the complete callousness
with which they treat all these great questions,
while they worry me for money, knowing by my
budgets I cannot make my expenses meet my
revenue by £90,000 a year. The destruction of
Sebehr's gang is the turning-point of the slave-
trade question, and yet never do I /get one word
from Cairo to support me. ’s letter says,
‘Issue a proclamation that you will hang the
head of any caravan of slaves.” Now, this cara-
van that I may catch may have been bought
legally at Obeid, and how can I override all
the laws and conventions of H.H. and do this?

By the decree of H.H. the punishment is from
five months’ to five years’ imprisonment. But even
this punishment is vitiated by the despatch Nubar
sent me, saying that the purchase of slaves in the
Egyptian territory was legal. The only notice
from Cairo on the question of these slave bri-
gands was an offer from Nubar to send Sebehr up
here—Sebehr having promised Nubar to pay a
revenue of £25,000 a year. Now, how could
Sebehr pay this revenue? Only by sending
down slaves. I declined Nubar’s offer, and said
I wanted no help from Cairo in that way.....

 
1879.] COURT FAVOURITES. aoe

 

The way that the Cairo Government support
Sebehr, who is in Cairo, makes a very bad im-
pression; for every one here thinks that I am
the only obstacle to his return. Now H.H.
knows that Sebehr has egged on his people to
this revolt; that it was he who devastated the
whole country, and that he alone is responsible
for the slave-trade of the last ten years; and yet
Sebehr has the entrée partout..... I am putting
in all the frontier posts European Vakeels, to see
that no slave caravans come through the frontier.
I do not think that any now try to pass, but the
least neglect of vigilance would bring it on again
in no time. I shall give Gessi £1,000 if he
succeeds in catching Sebehr’s son. I hope he
will hang him, for if he is sent to Cairo he will
be made much of.

P.S.—H.H. never punishes the men I send
down. They appear at his balls with the greatest
coolness. So well do I know this, that I punish
the offenders as far as I can up here before I send
them to Cairo.

We never get in so much as five-sixths of our
revenue, and this is the cause: the collectors of
revenue say to the heads of communities, ‘“ Pay
me four-sixths of the sum due, and give as dack-
sheesh to me one-sixth; then I will certify that
you cannot pay the remaining sixth.” I almost
despair of being able to check this peculation in
so vast a country.

february 18.—To-day there came a third order
for me to goto Cairo. JI answered that I could not
come till July, and backed my refusal by sending
a telegram to Vivian, asking him not to interfere ;
but, if possible, to see that my successor was a

Z
338 NUBAR PASHA. [Zebruary,

 

European, and saying that, if I am forced to
come to Cairo, I mean to resign. So you may
see me soon.*

Kuartoum, february r9.—This morning, with-
out any apparent reason, the two ostriches (kept
in the palace grounds) with one accord rushed at
a black slave in the garden, and, striking at him
with their toes, nearly killed him. One stroke
from their toes tore off the poor man’s nose.
The culprits I have ordered to be sold into
slavery and to be annually plucked. The pro-
ceeds of their sale is to be devoted to purchasing
the freedom of the wounded slave, and to giving
him a good éacksheesh. It will be a just retri-
bution. I have a gentleman and two lady
sheep of extraordinary size. They are really
enormous. They and the gazelles hate the tor-
toise. They settle down in a corner, and up he
comes and turns them out. To them he is a
moving stone, and they cannot make him out,
moving on so slowly and surely.

february 20.—This morning I went down to.
Divan, and my black scribe came hurrying in beam-
ing. I could not make it out, for I expected to-
day my dismissal. He said, ‘“‘ Nubar is dismissed.”

Kuartoum, February 2g.— Here is another letter
from Gessi, about whom I feel anxious. You
will see that the poor devil thinks I sent up troops
to help him. Why! J had none to send, owing
to Nubar’s refusing me the regiment. Fancy
his offering to send me Sebehr Pasha instead.t

* See Appendix A for a statement of Colonel Gordon’s reasons for
refusing to go to Cairo.—Eb.

+ ‘We have,” wrote Colonel Gordon, a few days later, ‘‘a serious
insurrection to contend with, which I am obliged to starve down in the
way of supplies, etc., from want of funds.”—Ep.
1879.] THE SLAVE-DEALERS’ REBELLION, 339

 

Kuartoum, March g.—I cannot help feeling
very anxious about Gessi, and have telegraphed to
H.H. to let me go to Shaka and see after him.

Kuartoum, March 5.—I feel a great wish to
come back to England, but I feel God must rule
my way, and I must stay on and on till I am
relieved. He does help me, but in so slow a way
that I forget it—it is a daily gathering of manna,
and only a little every day. Ze alone has helped
me to be rid of Walad el Michael ; yet it has been
a two years’ work. Now I have asked H.H. for
permission to go to Kordofan and Shaka; in order,
in my ideas, to deal a death-blow to the slave-
trade. Well, it is a terrible trouble for me to go
there; and I feel ““Why should I do it?” when He
could stop it at once, if He willed. These are my
thoughts, but He knows what is best for a poor
worm like me. , who has just come from Cairo,
says that the Nubar ministry could not bear my
name. I was the Mordecai who would not bow
to them. Even the Europeans were all against
me. Why? Because I -will not strip the Soudan
to give them money. The last despatch I sent
[to Cairo, in answer to repeated and pressing
requests for money] was thus: “ You have my
accounts; you see our yearly deficit is £109,000,
our debts 4 300,000. If you do not believe it,
send up and examine the affairs; or else take the
finance of the Soudan under you.”

Kuartoum, JZarch ro.—H.H. has given me
leave to go to Kordofan. (p.v.) I leave in a few
days.

 

Not only was there the rebellion of the slave-dealers in the
Bahr Gazelle, but also there were risings in Darfour and
Kordofan. In Darfour, Haroun, who two years earlier had

Z 2
340 REVOLTS IN KORDOFAN AND DARFOUR. [March,

 

fled to the hills,* had come once more into the field, to
maintain his claim to the throne of his forefathers. In
Kordofan the insurgents were led by a man named Sabahi,
who had been one of the chiefs of Sebehr’s gang. He had-
taken to pillaging and slave-dealing on his own account. In
the previous September he had murdered a governor whom
Colonel Gordon had sent to Edowa, and like Haroun had also
fled to the hills. ‘Ever since that time,” wrote Colonel
Gordon on March 15, “I have been ordering and ordering
him to be crushed; but no, not a bit of it. He is in the
mountains, and the 400 troops or more are in the plain, where
they have been for three months, doing nothing I expect but
collecting slaves. Hassan Pasha Helmi has been at Obeid a
month, but has made no move to go against him, though, as
far as his words went, he was going to eat him.”

Colonel Gordon thus briefly describes the three chief objects
that he had in view in the expedition which he now under-
took :—

“T went up to aid Gessi—

“1. To prevent the adherents of Sebehr’s son in Kordofan
sending up aid to the slave-dealers with whom the people of
Kordofan were in sympathy from slave-dealing affairs.

“2. To cut off runaways, and to prevent Sebehr’s bands
breaking into Darfour and joining a soz-disant¢ Sultan there who
was in revolt in the hills.

“3. To give Gessi moral support, and to send him up all he
wanted in munitions of war.”

EN ROUTE To OseEip, March r5.—We are
wending our way. It is very hot. I hear from
Shaka that Mustafa Bey, the Mudir there, has
been ill-treating the Razagat tribes, and that the
people are very discontented. Now, this wretched
place (Shaka), nearly 400 miles from Obeid, costs
us some £12,000 a year, and is a nest of slavers.
I shall break it up entirely, and evacuate it.
These are the places whence the slaves come,
and which are so utterly useless.

March 16.—\magine yourself journeying on

* See p. 245.—ED.
1879, ] JOURNEYING IN THE DESERT. 341

 

some twenty-six to thirty miles a day, starting
at half-past three in the morning, and halting at
nine or ten; and then starting again at three in
the afternoon, and going on till seven, day after
day, through a sandy plain covered with dried-up
yellow grass and scrub-trees.... . The heat is
terrible during the day, and the nights are bitterly
aid oe ar x The country is dried up, and my
shortest march with no water is three days. It
is indeed a great difficulty for me to go to Shaka
at all. They try to persuade me to go direct,
and to let the camels be six days hard marching
without water; but I cannot do that, when three
days is the general time they are without it. I
shall have to make a long détour to reach Shaka.
What a country—with districts as much as two
hundred miles long and broad without water!
. . . . This morning, after I had gone on the road
for two hours, and the sun was rising, I met three
Bashi-Bazouks. They looked so very guilty, that
I looked among the trees, and thought I saw some
figures. I remarked to Berzati Bey, my secretary,
“T smell slaves; look under those trees.” He
said, “No.” So I went on though I was still
suspicious. I could see no more of the figures
under the trees. When my caravan came up, it
appears they saw the Bashi-Bazouks, and these
same figures creeping along in the grass off
the road. These figures sank down in the
grass when they saw they were noticed. Then
my people captured the lot, and brought them
here. The first thing was to give away the
camel, saddle, two donkeys, 415 in cash, and
the clothes of the Bashi-Bazouks. Every one
took from them what they liked, till they were
342 TRADE ONCE MORE RUINED. [Yarch,

 

despoiled. They were then beaten and dismissed.
There were fourteen slaves—four young men,
seven young women, and three little girls... . .
They are quite delighted, and making such a
noise. They had had no water for a day; for
the Bashi-Bazouks were afraid of coming to the
well last night, as they had heard that I was
there. Poor creatures! and yet they now seem
quite to have forgotten it. It is entirely against
the law that slaves should be taken from Darfour,
which is a Mussulman state. There is one bad
thing about letting the Bashi-Bazouks go so
easily, for it will be known that I only flogged
and despoiled them; but I had no help for it.
How could I have escorted them to Obeid?
Having the slaves with me is bad enough.
Until the law is changed, it is almost hopeless
to try to do anything. It was only the want of
power and legality which prevented them being
now on their backs, looking at the skies; for I
had every wish to shoot them.

EN ROUTE FROM OBEID TO SHAKA, March 24.—
Hassan Pasha Helmi caught thirty-seven slaves
the day I came, and twenty-two yesterday. The
people of Obeid look very black at me, and every
one complains that trade is ruined by the stopping
of the slave-trade. It is weary, up-hill work.

March 25.—Our road is now through the
jungle, and the path is overhung with the prickly
boughs of trees, through which your camel will
drag you if you do not look out. He sees he
can get through, and does not care how you get
served. We cannot go a yard at night; so all
our travelling is by day, which is very hot work.
The air is like a furnace. Everybody is filthy
1879. ] HOW TO CRUSH THE SLAVE-TRADE. 343

 

for want of water. My caravan has not been
seen for three days, and will not be seen for two

I have just heard from Gessi, under date of
“February 24.” He wants powder and some
more troops, which I hope to send him up at
once from Shaka. I shall go up as near as [|
can to him; but I cannot run the risk of having
my communications cut off with the Soudan—
otherwise I would go all the way. I am very
anxious about him, amid all that gang of scoundrels;
however, I trust in God to deliver him.

March 27—The caravan came in last night,
and we started at 1.30 a.m., and got to the ancient
frontier between Kordofan and Darfour, where I
had hoped to find water; but the wells are nearly
dry, and I fear we shall have to stay here a day
to water the camels. I have never, in China or

elsewhere, felt such heat... .. We expected to
find water here sufficient for the camels—some
forty; there is not enough for two!!! The

nearest wells are one-and-a-half days off, and
the camels are exhausted. I must go all night,
and try thus to avoid the heat. Happily they
are lightly loaded. What a country! Of course
we have no meat, for there are no animals. This
is the normal state of things during the dry season.
In fact, it is impossible to move about.

Epowa, March 28.—We started last night at
6.30, and marched till 3.30 next morning, when I
halted for two hours. During the long ride |
was able to see my way to crush out the slave-
trade—it is thus:—‘“ AW persons residing im
Darfour must have a permis de séjour; adl
persons travelling to and from Darfour must
344 SABAHI THE REBEL. [March,

 

have passports for themselves and suite.” Now,
I want you to read these two rules carefully.
As Darfour surrounds the Soudan, and all slaves
must pass through Darfour before coming to the
Soudan, no one can reside in Darfour without
an ostensible mode of livelihood, and no one
can go to or from Darfour without Government
permission for himself and his followers. I
have added to these rules, “All infractions of
these orders will be punished with imprisonment
and by confiscation of property.” (If you lack
wisdom, ask it of God, who is liberal, and up-
braideth not.) So far for my night thoughts. At
3.30 a.m. I laid down and slept; at 5.30 a.m. I
started again, and after two hours I met some
chiefs of the Arab tribes, who had come to meet
me. As I halted my camel, to salute them, I felt
a very sharp sting in my knee. I knew what it
was; but there was no chance of getting at it, so
I adopted the only course, which was to crush
him on my knee. A small scorpion had, when I
was asleep, crawled up my trowsers.

March 29.—1 got to Edowa at 1.30 p.m., tired
out. Now, Sabahi, with four hundred troops in
revolt, is three or four days from here, while I
have with me only fifteen men, and there are
forty-five in the stations—total, sixty. If he came
down on me he could take me prisoner.

March 30.—The soldiers here are all in arrears
of pay some fourteen months, and are in rags. I
have remedied this; but it does not make me feel
amiable to & Co., who have been
howling at me to give them money for Fowler
and Appleby [the railway engineer and con-
tractor |.

 

 
1879. ] THE SLAVERY LAWS. 345

 

Epowa, March 31.—This evening a party of
seven slave-dealers with twenty-three slaves were
captured and brought to me, together with two
camels. Nothing could exceed the misery of
these poor wretches—some were children of not
more than three years old; they had come across
that torrid zone from Shaka, a journey from which
I on my camel shrink. I got the slave-dealers
chained at once, and then decided about the
slaves. The men and boys were put in the ranks;
the women were told off to be wives (!) of the
soldiers; the children were to be sent to Obeid
when the rains begin. Now the slave-dealers
are to be put in prison till I am pleased to release
them; for by the present state of the law the
seizure is illegal, as I have pointed out to you.*
I should like to have shot them, but could not
do it, in spite of the hint of Mr. (a Reverend),
“T might stretch the law a bit.” When I had
just begun this letter, another caravan, with
two slave-dealers and seventeen slaves, was
brought in, and I hear others are on the way.
Some of the poor women were quite nude. I
have disposed of them in the same way, for what
else can I do? Both these caravans came from

 

* Colonel Gordon, in the letter of March 15, thus describes ‘‘the im-
perfect state of the law” :—

‘©r, I have an order signed by the Khedive to put to death all slave-
dealers, or persons taking slaves.

“2, I have the Conventiont which calls slave-taking ‘robbery with
murder.’

“¢3, I have the Khedive’s decree, which came out with the Convention,
that this crime is to be punished with five months to five years prison.

‘4, I have a telegram from Nubar Pasha, saying that ‘the sale and
purchase of slaves in Egypt is legal.’ ”

+ Convention between the British and Egyptian Governments for the
Suppression of the Slave Trade.” Signed at Alexandria, August 4, 1877.
—ED.
346 SUFFERING OF THE SLAVES. [March,

 

Shaka, where I mean to make a clear sweep of
the slave-dealers. .... These captures make
the total of captured caravans since June, 1878,
sixty-three. I am not good at a description, but
you can scarcely conceive the misery and suffer-
ing of these poor slaves. I heard at Khartoum
from one who came from Cairo that some of
the Consuls-General did not take the least inte-
rest in the suppression of the slave-trade; they
only moved in it because their government,
fearful of public opinion, obliged them to do
so. I do not believe it: no one who has had
a mother, or sisters, or children, could be callous
to the intense human suffering which these
poor wretches undergo.* All the place is agog
to-night, and I expect parties will go out to
intercept those ex route; and, I dare say, will
quietly take for themselves the slaves they may
fancy. Yet I cannot help it. Now I have been
here only two days, and yet these two captures!
I feel sure that several caravans passed me ez
route from Obeid to this place, but they were
warned off the road before I came along it. What
I shall try to do is to get up a subscription for
42,000 a year, and get English consuls at
Obeid and Khartoum with £1,000 a year each.
What are the £1 1s. which are now given by rich
people to the Anti-Slavery Society? Let them
give £204 year; they will not feel it.

Just to show you the tricks that are played,

* In a letter to the Zimes, dated March 23, 1881, Colonel Gordon
writes: ‘‘I appeal to my countrymen who have wives and families, and
who can realise to some degree the bitterness of parting with them—to
God—what it must be for those poor black peoples to have their happy
households rent asunder for an effete, alien set, like the Pashas of Egypt
and Turkey.”—Ep.
1879.] LIVELONG DYING. 347

 

when the last caravan came in, I noticed the
captured camel had no water-bags on him; now
I felt sure the camel would not have come unladen.
I made inquiry, and found that the men who
captured the caravan took five of the slaves and
two donkeys and the water-bags. .... I declare
if I could stop this traffic I would willingly be
shot this night: this shows my ardent desire; and
yet strive as I can I can scarcely see any hope
of arresting the evil. Now comes the question,
Could I sacrifice my life and remain in Kordofan
and Darfour? To die quickly would be to me
nothing, but the long crucifixion that a residence
in these horrid countries entails appals me. Yet I
feel that, if I could screw my mind up to it, I could
cause the trade to cease, for its roots are in these
countries. The East Soudan is now quiet and
free from the slave-trade. But I do not think I
can face the cross of staying here, simply on
physical grounds. I have written to the Khedive
to say I will not remain as Governor-General, for
I feel I’ cannot govern the country to satisfy
myself. If you put aside the suppression of the
slave-trade, now that there is no revolt or war in
the East Soudan, I have no hesitation in saying
that an Arab governor suits the people better, and
is more agreeable to them than a European. If
there are revolts or wars it is another thing. Now
as I will not stay as Governor-General of the
whole of the Soudan, query, shall I stay as
Governor of the West Soudan, and crush the
slave-dealers ? Many will say it is a worthy cause
to die in. I agree, if the death was speedy, but
oh! it is a long and weary one, and for the
moment I cannot face it.
348 THE DEN OF INIQUITY. [April

 

April 2.—I leave to-night for Shaka. This
morning when | got up my servant told me that
on coming in early, before | was awake, he found
a female slave sleeping very quietly in the corner
of my hut. She had crept in during the night,
and one must hope she had a good night’s rest.
She was chained, and had escaped from her
master. This shows how little worth were the
three sentries who were posted around my hut.

One Day From Suaxa, April g.—To-day I
met a post from Gessi. He has done splendidly,
and I am greatly relieved. I really believe that
we shall put an end to the slave-trade entirely.
Gessi had most inadequate means for his work—
at least five-sixths of those with him were, in their
hearts, friends of Sebehr’s son, and wished for his
success. They knew that with the fall of Sebehr’s
son there was an end of the slave-trade.... .
We have had a very trying time of it, and all my
party are nearly dead from fatigue... . . I hope
to make a clean sweep of Shaka when I get there.
Never had the Government such a chance of giving
a death-blow to the slave-dealers.

Suaka, April 7.—I arrived at this den of
iniquity at 7.30 am.; the grief of the slave-
dealers, of whom there are some hundred, on
hearing that they were to clear out was great.
The heat is terrible.

Suaka, April rr.—Last night Gessi sent word
that he wanted no more troops or ammunition,
and so those ez route are recalled to Dara. I
hope to go there in ten days at the furthest, and
then work for the capture of Haroun.

When one thinks of the enormous number of
slaves which have passed into Egypt from these
1879.] THE RULE OF EGYPT. 349

 

parts in the last few years, one can scarcely
conceive what has become of them. There must
have been thousands on thousands of them—and
then again, where do they all come from? for
the lands of the natives which I have seen are
not densely peopled. ... . We must have caught
2,000 in less than nine months, and I expect we
did not catch one-fifth of the caravans. Again,
how many died ex route? The slaves are most
undemonstrative. They make no signs of joy
at being released. I suppose the long marches
have taken all the life out of them. :
I doubt much the liberation of the slaves in the
twelve years. There now remain nine years.
Who will do it? The Government of the Egyp-
tians in these far-off countries is nothing else but
one of brigandage of the very worst description.
It is so bad that all hope of ameliorating it is hope-
less ; so I do the only thing possible, that is, vacate
them. I even have given up blaming the Governors,
for it is useless—so I send them to Cairo. One
thing is certain, that the Egyptian should never
be allowed out of his own country. You know that
I have withdrawn from more than half the country
which we held at the Equator, and 300 miles will
separate us from Mtesa. If they made the tele-
graph through Africa,* each station would be a
nest of robbers in the shape of slave-dealers.
April 16.—1 have telegraphed to H.H. to
send up the son of Sultan Ibrahim, in order to
reinstate the Sultan’s family in Darfour.t With
my thievish employés I see that it is hopeless to

* A proposal had been made that the telegraph to our Cape Colonies
should be carried overland from one end of Africa to the other.—EbD.

+ See p. 355.—ED.
350 ARREARS OF PAY. (April,

 

expect quiet or just government. The only hope
is to restore the old régime as soon as possible.

The slave-dealers have departed from
Shaka, and this place is clean of them, I hope, for
ever. The heat still continues terrible, and it is
difficult to exist—far more to do any work, Ina
month the rains will begin, and although it will be
less healthy, it will be cooler.

SHaka, Apr 77.—All the neighbouring nations
of Central Africa will hear of the fall of Sebehr’s
gang, for they had pushed their expeditions for
miles into the interior. They will also know why
he was crushed, z.e., on account of the slave-trade,
and by whom, ze., the Christians. ... . Last
night four of the clerks and other employés of
Sebehr’s son came in here, having escaped from
Gessi. I have captured them, and am only
waiting fora little before I shoot them. They had
been sent down by Sebehr’s son to make out that
he had never wavered in his allegiance to H.H.
He has, however, tried this trick too often to be
successful, and he will now suffer for it... ..

You know the Budget, the debts, and receipts
of the Soudan. Well, they write to me from
Cairo to send them down £12,000! Now the
men in camp here are fifteen months to two years
in arrears of pay; it is very fortunate there are
only black ladies here, for the poor wretches are
not clad. So I answered—‘“ When the naked-
ness of my troops is partially covered, I may talk
to you; in the meantime, send me up at once the
412,000 you unfairly took in customs on goods
in transit to the Soudan.” I do not care what
I say, for I feel very confident that the way I
could pay these people off best, would be to leave
1879. ] ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. 351

 

the post; for no one would keep the incendiary
materials of the Soudan quiet until he had been
here some years, and it would end in the Cairo
Finance having to meet the Soudan Deficit. It is
only by hard camel-riding that I hold my position
among the people.

SHaka, Agril 20.—If the liberation of slaves
takes place in 1884 [in Egypt proper], and the
present system of Government goes on, there
cannot fail to be a revolt of the whole country ;
but our Government will go on sleeping till it
comes, and then have to act @ l’zmproviste. If
you had read the account of the tremendous
debates which took place in 1833 on the liberation
of the West-Indian slaves, even on payment of
420,000,000, you would have some idea how
owners of slaves (even Christians) hold to their
property: » «+ It is rather amusing to think that
the people of Cairo are quite oblivious that in
1884 their revenue will fall to one-half, and that the
country will need many more troops to keep it
quiet. Seven-eighths of the population of the
Soudan are slaves, and the loss of revenue in 1889
[the date fixed for the liberation of slaves in Egypt's
outlying territories] will be more than two-thirds,
if it is ever carried out. Truly in a small way the
Egyptian problem is a very thorny one, if you look
beyond your nose. The 25,000 black troops I have
here are either captured slaves or bought slaves.
How are we to recruit if the slave-trade ceases ?

Suaxa, April 25.—Remember that no one is
ever obliged to enter the service of one of these
states, and that if he does he has to blame him-
self, and not the Oriental state. If the Oriental
state is well governed, then it is very sure he will
259 THE KHEDIVE. [April,

 

never be wanted. The rottenness of the state is
his vazson d’étre , and it is absurd for him to be
surprised at things not being as they ought to be
according to his ideas. He ought to be surprised
that they are not more rotten. I admire the
Khedive exceedingly; he is the perfect type of
his people, thoroughly consistent to all their
principles—a splendid leopard! Look at the
numberless cages out of which he has broken his
way, when it seemed quite impossible for him to
do so. Nubar once summed him up thus: “ He
is a man of no principle, but capable of very
chivalrous impulses; and if he was with a better
entourage he would do well.” They tried to drive
him, but leopards will not be driven. What I
have written is from my own experience, and
from constant conversations with intelligent Arabs,
who endorse every word. My black writer’s eyes
twinkle with delight when I portray what I think
are the Arab ideas. Europe wants to wash them
—they do not want to be washed. Li Hung
Chang* had just the same ideas. He granted
the advantage of Europeans, but he counted
the moral cost, and found it too expensive. It
is a very depressing feeling to be convinced
that, do all that you can, you are not liked, but
the reverse; that everything you order will be
cancelled when you leave, if it in any way galls
themo¢ sn The mass of Europeans at Cairo
think they know Egypt, as the people at Shanghai
think they know China. They know painted or
varnished Egypt, and no further... . . I hope you
will understand that, though I estimate Asiatics as
I do, I in no way advocate that our Government

* See pp. xxvi. and 429,
1879.] NEWSPAPER PRAISE. 353

 

should submit to their tricks when a really Govern-
ment matter is concerned ; but let us keep clear of
interfering with their internal affairs; let us leave
reforms to them and their peoples. When the
rulers become outrageously bad, the peoples will
slough them off. And let our Government abstain
from being mixed up with the money affairs of
the people here who in morality differ very little
from Asiatics. ....

I see by the last papers that two regiments
have been defeated in Afghanistan. It is just as
well that we have these lessons taught us ez pefzt.
We are a great deal too confident in ourselves,
and despise ordinary precautions. The press
is greatly answerable for this over-confidence.
Men now risk dangers in the hope of paper
distinction. However savage or despicable your
enemy may be, you never should despise precau-
tions which you would take against a European
TG ay I like Nelson’s signal — “ England
expects buty.” Now the race is for honours,
not honour, and newspaper praise. I hate all the
boasting of our papers—the curious smallness of
mind which cries out if A. happens to be men-
tioned in the papers more than B., who was
in command. What does it signify? Did not
each owe their lives and duty to their country ?
C. spikes a gun (some one says) before he was
killed. His family should have a V.C.!! and
such-like trivialities.*

* Towards the close of this year Colonel Gordon received the following
letter from an old friend of his, a general in the British army.—EbD. :—

‘‘Well, my dear Gordon, we are told to ‘rejoice with them that do
rejoice, and weep with them that weep ;’ evgo, I now rejoice with your
friends and I weep with the slaves on the occasion of your retirement from
the Government of the Soudan—if it is true that you have retired, as the

AA
354. EXECUTION OF SEBEHR’S SECRETARY, [4pr7,

 

The officers who had to judge the emissaries of
Sebehr's son have pronounced them guilty, and
they will be shot to-morrow. One of them is
the chief secretary of Sebehr Pasha, and all the
others are long offenders against the Government.
Had Sebehr’s son not massacred the unfortunate
Government soldiers in the Bahr Gazelle I might
have pardoned them; but now I shall not do so.
I hear the slave-dealers are hurrying out of the
country in all directions, and the execution of
these men will hasten the exodus.

April 28, ro a.m.—I\ have just heard the volley
which has executed the emissaries of Sebehr’s son.
At the same time came ina post from Gessi. He
says that he has not yet advanced on the position
held by Sebehr’s son, but that he has ample muni-
tions and troops, and was about to do so.....
1 hope soon to leave for Dara, for I am not exactly
safe here. If Sebehr’s son knew how few men I

papers tell us. In any case, whether you remain or come away, your:
name is already—and will ever continue to be~a proverb throughout that
benighted and unhappy land, and memorabile nomen gentibus.

“‘Tf you receive and read the newspapers at present, I am sure they
must make you sick. We are overflowing with heroes. Such speechify-
ing, such puffing of each other, such presentations of swords, such eating
and drinking—from the generals to the drummers—we are all demigods ;
and some of us have actually done our duty by fighting for our lives!
What a fickle creature is John Bull! A neighbour and old friend of mine,
tells me of his landing at Dover with his regiment (the 14th) fresh from
Waterloo. Immediately he and the other officers were marched to the
Custom House and most minutely searched ; then along with the men to a
naked room without bed, table, or chair—nothing but the bare boards to
pass the night upon, besides being well hissed in the streets, accompanied
by shouts of ‘Down with the Army! Why should we have to pay you
fellows ?’ and other words of welcome... ..

‘*There is one valuable class which we are now amply supplied with,
and which will enable us to defy the rest of the world for half-a-century to
come. I mean the abundant crop of Wellingtons from Zululand ; and it is
probable that we shall have more from Afghanistan. I must add,
however, that many, if not all, of the parties thus honoured would have
avoided it if they could. John Bull seems to have gone mad on the
subject.” —Ep.
1879.) « THE SULTANRY OF DARFOUR. 355

 

have, and could break away from Gessi, he might
pay mea visit... .. A suspicion having arisen
in my mind that the marauding Arabs did not so
effectually rout out the slave-dealers from Kalaka
as I could wish, I have determined to go there
myself to-night, and see to it.

En route To Karaka, April 30.—Do you
remember I wrote to you from Suakin, in
December, 1877, that I had found there an ex-
vizier of Darfour? He was in prison for life,
against H.H.’s wishes. I took him out, and let
him go to Darfour. I am now intending, with
this ex-vizier and the ex-commander-in-chief of
the dead Sultan, to form a regency till the heir to
the Sultanry can arrive from Cairo. The chiefs
and people of Darfour all know me, and have
confidence, so that I can go with very few troops,
knowing that the people will not interfere with
me. I mean to write to Haroun—who with
300 men still holds out—and tell him that H.H.
has made the son of the deceased Sultan, Sultan
of Darfour, and that it is of no use for him to
contend with the new Sultan and with Egypt
combined; that IJ could attack him, but that in
so doing I should cause much misery; and that
therefore I invite him either to remain quiet, or
to come in and help me to regulate the country
for the reception of the new Sultan.*

En route To Karaka, April 30 (Berzati, my
Secretary, says it is April 26).—I am inclined to
think that Sebehr’s son and the other Arabs are
more or less prisoners of three liberated black slaves,
who command their soldiers. These three know

* Colonel Gordon, writing in March, 1881, says: ‘‘The heir is still at
Cairo, to the best of my belief.” —Ep.

A A 2
356 FLIGHT OF THE SLAVE-DEALERS. LApril,

 

what will be their fate, even if Sebehr’s son and
the rest of his family are spared ; so they keep him
as a sort of hostage, and compel him to continue
the revolt. Perhaps they also meditate plunder-
ing him, and escaping with the plunder into the
neighbouring countries. .... Perhaps he has
buried his gold and killed the slaves who buried
it (this is often done), and the three blacks do not
know where it is. They hope perhaps to per-
suade him to take it out of its cache, and then
they will get hold of it.

I have been talking to some of the chiefs of
Darfour, and it is lamentable to learn that more
than one-third of the population has been carried
off into slavery. .... I hear that Kalaka is in
a great state, for they have heard of my coming.
Four slave-dealers were stopped by the Arab
tribes. One of the slave-dealers shot a man, for
which I will shoot him when I get to Kalaka. I
expect to catch a great number of them there.
They are at their wits’ end where to go, for there
is no refuge left—the Bedouin tribes being on the
look-out. J am in some degree to blame for not
having taken decisive measures before, but I have
been too much engaged until the present time.
p.v. I will make a clean sweep of it now, whether
His Highness likes it or not.

The donkeys with us are a terrible nuisance—
one begins to bray, and then all the others follow.
Last night a soldier slept near each donkey, with
orders to beat it if it began; but it was of little
use.

One Day From Kataxa (I do not know the
day of the month, it is either May 2 or April
30)—I find Kalaka is only two days from
1879.] SLAVE-DEALERS CAMPING-PLACES. 25°

 

Hofrat el Nahas, or the copper mines, which
indirectly caused the invasion of Darfour by
exciting the cupidity of the Khedive, and which
eventually turned out to be valueless; for the
value of the copper was surpassed by the cost
of transport..... We are also quite close to
a running river—the Bahr el Arab. It runs all
the year. You may wonder at my noticing this ;
but the reason is that there are no rivers—except
the Nile and the Saubat—in the whole Soudan,
besides this river, which run all the year.....
All the road from here to Shaka is marked by the
camping-places of the slave-dealers, and there are
numerous skulls by the side of the road. What
thousands have passed along here! .... I hear
some districts are completely depopulated, all the
inhabitants having been captured or starved to
death. If our Government, instead of bothering
the Khedive about that wretched debt, had spent
41,000 a-year in sending up a Consul here, what
a deal of suffering might have been saved!

May 3 or 1.—To-day we came on an estab-
lishment of slave-dealers which had been gutted
by the Arabs the day before. This showed
me that Maduppa Bey [the commander of the
first party which had been sent against them]
had been bribed not to disturb them, and so
had left them alone. However, the second
party which came was not so inclined, and they
routed them. This shows you how little you
can trust these people. I heard that a party of
runaways from Sebehr’s son had come into
Kalaka, so I have halted three-quarters of a day's
march from that place to obtain information.
A man has come in to say that my marauding
358 SEIZED FOR STRAYS. [May,

 

Arabs, and not the runaways of Sebehr’s son,
have possession of Kalaka; and that they have
captured a caravan of six slave-dealers and forty
slaves, which had come down from the direction
of Sebehr’s son; so we have advanced, and are
now three hours from Kalaka. To give you an
instance of these people—I took the chief of the
Kalaka tribe (who came to ask me favours, which
I granted him) as my guide; and I paid him on
purpose twice the value of the sheep and cows he
gave us. Well, to-day he said that after four hours’
march we should come to his village, sleep there,
and then in two hours reach Kalaka; and that
there were wells at his village. I went on quietly
for four hours, and then asked if we were near
the wells or the village, when he coolly said that
there was no water till we got to Kalaka. He
did this so as to avoid his own village! So here
we are camped, with no water except that in our
water-bags. This with nearly 300 men is no
joke.

Karaka (I do not know the date, four-and-a-
half days from Shaka).—We arrived here to-day.
The Arabs, whom I had sent on before, had se-
cured ten or twelve slave-dealers, and the six who
had come down with forty slaves from Sebehr’s
son. The other slave-dealers had escaped, had
been pursued, had made a sort of fort, which the
native Arabs had captured, losing three men in
doing so. I hear these runaways had a number
of slaves with them. They have not yet come
in. The quantity of slaves wandering about is
great. They are snapped up by the native Arabs
in all directions, as if they were sheep. ....
We have captured a great quantity of ivory. I
1879.] SCRAMBLING FOR SLAVES. 359

 

have let the six slave-dealers who were caught
with the forty slaves go. One cannot kill every
ONG.-« +5 « A whole flock of ostriches have been
released, and are running about the country. As
for slaves, I am sick of them, and hope soon to
see the last of them; poor creatures! I am sorry
I cannot take them back to their own countries,
but it is impossible to do so... .. There must
have been over 1,000 slaves in this den, and yet
the slave-dealers had had warning of my approach ;
and at least as many as 500 must have got away
from me. The Bedouin Arabs are up all over
the country, and so are the black tribes I hear at
Bahr Gazelle. We have got at the heart of them
this time, but for how many years has this been
going on ?

Just as I wrote this I heard a very great
tumult going on among the Arabs, and I feared a
fight. However, it turned out to be caused by the
division of the slaves among the tribes; and now
the country is covered by strings of slaves going
off in all directions with their new owners. The
ostriches are running all about, and do not know
what to make of their liberty. What a terrible
time of it these poor, patient slaves have had for
the last three days—hurried on all sides, and
forced first one day’s march in one direction, then
back again, and then off again in another. It
appears that the slaves were not divided, but
were scrambled for. It is a horrid idea, for of
course families get separated ; but I cannot help it,
and the slaves seem to be perfectly indifferent to
anything whatsoever. Imagine what it must be, to
be dragged from your home to places so far off—
even farther than Marseilles or Rome. In their
360 THE HOMES OF THE SLAVES. [Aay,

 

own lands some of these slaves have delightful
abodes, close to running water, with pleasant
glades of trees, and seem so happy; and then to
be dragged off into these torrid water-forsaken
countries, where to exzs¢ only is a struggle against
nature. All the neighbouring tribes of Central
‘Africa will hear of this revolt and all its conse-
quences with astonishment; for Sebehr’s name
was known far and wide.

May 1 (so they say).—We left Kalaka for
Dara to-day..... I am going to leave the
100 soldiers behind me, for I am sick of the
white Egyptian Commander, and shall push on
quickly to Dara. The whole country is the
same—a sandy plain with jungly trees.....
I cannot bear these Egyptian officers. They
have no good quality. The Gallabats* are, at
any rate, enterprising. I like the blacks.

May 2.—We made a long march this morning,
on the supposition that we were about to overtake
a slave-caravan; however, it was not true, and
we halted at the village of a Sultan of the Fors
of whose existence I was not aware. We found
here a self-constituted Collector of Taxes of the
Egyptian Government. I asked for his authority,
and he had none; so he was sent off.

Colonel Gordon arrived at Dara on May 4. Thence he
marched to Fascher, where he arrived on the r4th, “after
having driven out all the slave-dealers of Kario.”

Kosryt, May 2z.—I left Fascher yesterday
morning for Kobeyt or Kobé, which I reached
this morning, e route for Kolkol where there are

* See p. 252.—Ep.
1879.] ATTACK OF THE FORS. 361

 

2,000 troops, of whom we have not heard for
some time. I had ordered them to return to
Fascher months ago, so now I am going to look
after them.

May 23.—We have made a long march to-
day, and we met three men who said that seven,
of their companions had been murdered the night
before at a little distance further on. We knew
the road was unsafe. They say that the brigands
are all at Kakabieh. It is too bad for the troops
at Kolkol, two days from Kakabieh, to allow this
brigandage ex masse.

KaxasieH, May 24.—After a long march we
reached this place to-day. Ten brigands attacked
and tried to rob the rear of our column near here.
The country is a desert, though I believe it was once
well cultivated: our troops have ruined it.

May 25.—This morning we had started for
Kolkol. When we had got some three miles on
the way, we met about 150 to 180 men on the
road, who cried out ‘‘We want your camels, and
your things, and will kill you.” Well, we halted
and they rushed on us; the soldiers fired and
drove them off, and we continued our road. They
followed us closely and now and then made
determined rushes at us, coming as close as eighty
or a hundred yards, in spite of our Remingtons ;
so I was obliged to take a Remington and shoot
one of the foremost. He fell at once, and then
they kept farther from us. | However, for four or
five hours we had a bad time, to keep the camels
going, and to prevent the Fors from getting ahead
of us. They had a rifle which they fired at the
caravan. However, we dosed them for this, and
they left us. We marched from 6 a.m. to 7 p.m.
362 “EMINENT SERVICES.” LMay,

 

in the hot sun, and camped dead-beat nine miles
from Kolkol.

Korxot, AfZay 26.—We got here to-day dead-
beat—having marched thirty-five miles yesterday.
The state of the soldiers is deplorable, The
escort which I took with me consisted of sixty
men. No one had passed along this road for
over two years—in fact Kolkol was a prison.
Nothing could describe the misery of these utterly
useless lands—they have been made perfect deserts
by the Government.

May 27.—We are now drinking water from a
stream which either flows into Lake Tchad, or
into a small lake south of this place... . . I shall
write no more letters to the Khedive about the
misery of these lands. I know he has not time
even to think of them. In fact one almost doubts
if he is still Khedive.

May 29.—1 hope to start to-morrow night; but
as I hear Haroun has sent every available man
to bar my way to Fascher, I have taken 300 more
men to escort me through the worst of the road.
It is the least that this garrison can do, after my
running such risk, and being at so much trouble
to comis here to eee after then, 1. «

For some years I have been more or less peace-
ably disposed. I no longer delight in war or
fights like this one now before me. I look on the
accounts one reads of wars as so much romance
writing, and somewhat like the Chinese people I
have rather a contempt for the warrior. I do not
believe in his prowess as he relates affairs: out of
very little indeed you can make such a great
deal. Eminent services, etc., are eminent nonsense.
“They loved the praise of men more than the
1879.] A GOVERNMENT-MADE DESERT. 363

 

praise of God”—which liking is an effectual barrier
against any faith or trust in Him. It is astonishing
what a universal sin this is, and how deeply rooted
in the most strict of the Pharisees. gle
Many take to the seeking of a religious notoriety,
because they have been disappointed in obtaining
a worldly notoriety. Women, in particular, are
subject to this failing. Owing to their social
position they have no career of arms, etc., open
to them. Take No one would notice her
if she were quiet; while, when she comes out
as a district visitor, etc., she has a following.....
A true perception of the Gospel is entire emptiness
of self, an utter absence of any pretension, a
complete and entire refusal to accept the world’s
praise or judgment. Any conversation with so-
called serious people on religious subjects is, for
me, at an end for ever.

To-night there left for Khartoum, a gang of
400 useless Arab officers, soldiers, women, and
children. A more miserable set were not to be
found. I have sent them round by Dara, a round-
about way, to preserve them from danger. It is
a great deliverance of useless mouths. Here
they would have stayed for years and years, had
I not come, and, as it were, carried them out.

May 31.—1| heard to-day, that these districts
were quite quiet and contented, under one of the
viziers of the old Sultan, who gave in his adhesion
to the Egyptian Government, and kept the country
quiet. However, Hassan Pasha Helmi chose to
hang him, and the consequence is that the country
is a desert. I found the son of this vizier to-day,
and gave him what I could, and a good place.
My troubles have come much more from my own

 
364 ESCAPE OF THE BRIGAND CHIEFS. [ June,

 

people than from without. I despair of this
Government! Over and over again, one can
trace the miseries to the lust of some official for
the paltry sum of £15 or so.

EN ROUTE FROM KoLkou To FascHer, /une 3.
—We have got on all right, and are half-way
to Fascher, and as yet we have not seen any
enemies. The road between the two towns
had never been traversed since 1877, till I re-
opened it this time. I had been kept in perfect
ignorance of it till I came to Fascher.

June 5.—Arrived at Fascher. The Khedive
telegraphs to me to come to Cairo at once. I
found awaiting me a letter from Gessi, which
describes the capture of the stronghold of
Sebehr’s son. You will be glad to hear the fixaéé.

Colonel Gordon, in the belief that Gessi had crushed Sebehr’s
son, started for Oomchanga on his way to Khartoum and Cairo.
He was stopped by the news that the brigand chiefs, with a
large body of followers, had escaped from Shaka, and were
marching into the heart of Darfour. Should these forces join
with those of Haroun, “the combination would be extremely
dangerous.” At the same time, wrote Colonel Gordon, both
Gessi and Yussuf Bey, the cormmanders of the troops which
defeated Sebehr’s son, were away from the main body of their
forces, separated from them by a river that, at any time,
might be swelled into a torrent which might be impassable for
weeks. He therefore started for Dara, through Toashia, “to
be ready for all eventualities.” At Dara he would be at no
great distance from Haroun’s stronghold.

EN ROUTE FROM OOMCHANGA TO TOASCHIA,
June 16.—I left Oomchanga at 12.30 a.m. this
morning. At 2 am. I saw in the moonlight,
some figures approaching ; they were two slave-
dealers and six female slaves. We caught one
of the slave-dealers and the two donkeys and
1879.] OVER-RIGHTEOUS SLAVE-DEALERS. 365

 

the slaves; the other slave-dealer escaped. |
gave the captured slave-dealer a good flogging
and let him go, and gave the six slaves
to a tribe near the spot. The slave - dealers
were horrified at falling into my hands. I
hear there are a number at Toashia. Soon
after writing this, my black secretary came to me,
and said in an off-hand way, ‘‘ Two slave-dealers
have just come along the road; they have two
donkeys and a few ostrich feathers with them:
they said they knew your orders against bringing
slaves, and had heard you were on the road,
and so did not bring any.” This seemed to me
to be too over-righteous pleading on their part ;
so I detained them, and gave orders that a
sharp look-out should be kept for the slaves,
which I felt sure were not far off. Well, in an
hour my soldiers ferreted out near here some
forty-five slaves, male, female, and children, with
two more slave-dealers, and a number of donkeys
and camels. The slave-dealers were entirely
stripped of everything, and dismissed with a
warning. As for the forty-five slaves, what can |
do with them? The road, for three days’ journey,
is without water, and I cannot march with this
escort, which, if I am not mistaken, will be
doubled before I get much farther. I must give
them to some tribe near here.

I have almost entirely given up smoking, for
I am much affected in my circulation; if I had
gone on with it much longer, I believe my
heart would have stopped altogether. I may,
indeed, say that I have lost every desire, in
a material way, for things of this life; and
have no wish for eating, drinking, or comforts.
366 A TRACK MARKED BY SKULLS. L/une,

 

If I have a wish for anything, it would be for
a dreamless sleep. However, do not think that
I am in the least depressed. I am delighted to
find that I have reached a resting stage, where
the world’s storms, or its smiles, do not affect me.
. . . . Why should I, at every mile, be stared at
by the grinning skulls of those who are at rest ?
I say to Yussuf Bey, who is a noted slave-dealer,
“ The inmate of that ball has told Allah what you
and your people have done to him and his.”
Yussuf Bey says, “I did not do it;” and I say,
“Your nation did, and the curse of God will be
on your land till this traffic ceases.” .... Just
as I wrote these words they came and told me
that another caravan of eighteen slaves had been
captured, with two camels. I went to see the
poor creatures. They were mostly children and
women—such skeletons some of them. Two
slave-dealers had escaped. Now fancy all this
going on after all the examples I have made!
Fancy, that in less than twenty-four hours I have
caught seventy! There is no reason to doubt
but that seventy a day have been passing for the
last year or so. You know how many caravans
I have caught—some seventy or eighty ; besides
those 1,000 I liberated (?) at Kalaka. It is
enough to cause despair.

June 17.—This morning we started at 1 a.m.
and halted at 7 a.m. Soon afterwards we caught
nine slave-dealers, twenty slaves, a camel, and
two donkeys. Some of these poor slaves are
mere skeletons. No female child, however young,
passes unscathed by these scoundrels!!! The
only thing I can do to these slave-dealers is to
flog them and strip them, and send them like
1879. | GUARDING THE WELLS. 367

 

Adams into the desert... .. I caught two more
slaves to-night, and captured a donkey. The
slave-dealers escaped. I am now ten miles from
Toashia, where I hear there is a host of slaves.
I hope to catch them at dawn to-morrow.

June 18.—I arrived at Toashia at 8 a.m., and
found that there were neither slave-dealers nor
slaves here!!! So said Abel Bey. However, by
great menaces I soon had roo slave-dealers, 50
donkeys and camels, and 300 slaves captured.
They had quietly gone into the environs, thinking
I would be quiet, and intending to get their water
from the well at night, and thus evade me. They
had deceived in this way an Italian whom I had
sent with two hundred soldiers only four days
ago. I hear as many more slaves and slave-
dealers escaped on the roads to Kordofan, but I
hope to catch most of them. We captured a
number of muskets, pieces of cloth, feathers,
etc. Thus, in three days, we have caught 400
slaves. The number of skulls along the road is
appalling. We shall capture a number more at
the wells to-night, for as the slave-dealers thought
I should act on what Abel Bey told me (ze., that
there were no slaves or slave-dealers here), and as
they had deceived the Italian, they had not taken
the precaution of filling their water-bags. Thus
they are unable to flee, as there lies three days’
journey around here without water. Now, the
wells here are guarded. The number of slaves
captured from the dealers in this campaign must
be close upon 1,700! I have no doubt that very
great suffering is going on among the poor slaves
still at large; for the dealers not yet captured
will not be able to go to the wells to-night, and
368 ““WRETCHES UNCAPABLE OF PITY.” — [ June,

 

they will not surrender till pounced on to-morrow.
The slaves are delighted ; they are mostly women
and children. One little wretch, named Capsule,
is not yet four years old, but he has given capital
information about the slave-dealers. He is all
belly and head, with mere pins of legs.

We have caught more slaves during
last night and to-day. The slave-dealers, seeing
the wells guarded, let them go. However, some
huge caravans, regardless of their having no
water, and of the three days’ desert, have escaped.
They were pursued by some of the natives, but
the slave-dealers fired on them, and so the natives
returned here. They noticed that one of the
fugitives had died ex route. It is very terrible to
think of the great sufferings of the poor slaves thus
dragged away ; but I had no option in the matter,
for I could not catch them. The water here is
horrible,—it smells even when fresh from the
wells. I have ordered the skulls, which lay
about here in great numbers, to be piled in a
heap, as a memento to the natives of what the
slave-dealers have done to their people. . . . To
give you an idea of the callousness of the people
in these lands, I will tell you what happened
to-day. I heard a voice complaining and moaning
for some hours, and at last I sent to inquire what
it was. It turned out to be an Egyptian soldier,
who was ill and wanted water. There were
within hearing some thirty or forty people,—some
of them his fellow-soldiers,—yet not one, though
they understood his language, would give a
thought to him.

June r9.—The soldier died last night. We
caught six more slaves last night. I have just
1879.] A BILL OF MORTALITY. 369

 

made a calculation of the loss of life in Darfour
during the years 1875-1879. It comes to 16,000
Egyptians, and some 50,000 natives of Darfour.
Add to this the loss of life on the Bahr Gazelle,
some 15,000, and you will have a fine total of
81,000; and this exclusive of the slave-trade,
which one may put down for these years at from
80,000 to 100,000.

Upwards of 470 slave-dealers have been driven
out of this place since I came here two days
ago. This evening we were surprised at a
caravan of 122 slaves coming in; the slave-
dealers had come on here with them, and hear-
ing I was here, and having no water, they
abandoned their slaves and fled. The slaves
were sadly distressed by thirst,—thirty had died
on the road. They had come from _ near
Dara. Though the water here is putrid, and
everything is wretched enough, I feel revived
when I make these captures. You must count
them up. From Oomchanga to Toashia during
—say a week—we must have caught from
500 to 600; I suppose we may consider that
nearly that number must have been passing every
week for the last year-and-a-half, or two years
along this road!!! And this during my tenure
of office!!!— which is very creditable to me.
These slaves just captured have been four to five
days without water. They were in the most
terrible distress. To show that the passion of
the female sex for finery exists even in the midst
of the greatest suffering, three black sluts were
brought before me to be questioned as to the
escaped slave-dealers. I saw one carefully undo
the corner of a filthy bit of cloth she had on, and

BB
370 ARRIVAL OF GESSI. [Fune,

 

produce a necklace of a few paltry beads, which
she put on, and then looked quite happy. These
slaves had naught to eat for five days; for, of
course, as they could carry no water, they could
carry no food..... Capsule never smiles,—he
has gone through too much bitterness to feel any
joy. I asked him to-day if he had got over his
fatigues. He said, ‘No, no—lI still feel the
effects of my journey, and (patting his globe)
want of water.” He is only stomach and head,—
one globe on the top of another.

June 21.—More slaves caught. T-o-day I was
obliged to come to a decision as to the future of
the 450 slaves I had here ; who—of course eating
—were a real burden. After a long discussion, |
have decided to give them over to the natives of
the place, who are of their own blood. When I
sent for the slaves, and told them they could not be
sent back to their own homes whence they were
torn, but that they were free to go where they
liked, they all decided to stay with their fellow-
countrymen here, and now they are all streaming
over the country on their way to their new
homes.

June 25.—Yesterday the post came in from

Gest... 2.55 He says that the last of the bands
of robber slave-dealers is crushed. I am waiting
for Wim here. . «+s He has just arrived, looking

much older. Having arranged with him for the
future of the Bahr Gazelle, I am now starting
for Khartoum. He is going back to follow up
Sebehr's Son, 4 4/5 « He is very much gratified
at having been made a Pasha, with the second
class of Osmanlie, and with my gift—z.e., Soudan

gift—of £2000.
1879.] GESSI'S CAMPAIGN. a7%

 

EN ROUTE FROM ToasuiA TO Foci, June 29.—
Gessi says that Sebehr and his son always sleep
away from their soldiers when on a march,—they
fear assassination. What a life! Among the
papers left by Sebehr’s son were some documents
which showed that people, here and there, owed
his father £15,000. These debts I am going to
collect for the Government. .... Sebehr’s son,
with some 500 fugitives and very little powder, is
close to some very fierce native tribes, who will
not spare them. .. .. Whenever the natives
got a chance they killed the slave-dealers. In
the two great flights they hung on their skirts
till the enemy was routed, and then they
dogged them in the retreat. Sometimes they
would fall on an isolated party; and, on one
occasion, they fell on 7oo, and killed them
all. The slave-dealers brought this on themselves
through robbing the natives of their children.
The natives killed the women who were with the
slave-dealers for fear any of the breed might be
born. They came from long distances to help
Gessi.

Tue Campaicn or Gesst PasHa.*

I wave already sketched the growth of the monstrous
power of Sebehr Pasha, and have shown how that scourge of
Central Africa had gone up to Cairo to claim the high office
of Governor of Darfour.t He had foreseen the risk he ran
of being detained by the Khedive, and had, as he hoped,
taken such measures as would secure his discharge. Should
in his absence a revolt of the slave-dealers break out, he
trusted to be sent back to the Bahr Gazelle as the only man

* [have drawn up the following account from the voluminous despatches
which Colonel Gordon received from Gessi Pasha during the years 1878
and 1879. These despatches are in French.—Eb.

+ See p. xl.—Ep.

BB2
372 THE TREE NEAR SHAKA. (1878.

 

who was able to bring it to a close. That he was not far out
in his reckoning was shown later on, when Nubar Pasha met
the Governor -General’s request for more troops by offering
to send up Sebehr to his aid. “There is a large tree,”
wrote Colonel Gordon, “on the left-hand side of the road
from Obeid to Shaka, about two miles from Shaka. Under
this tree Sebehr assembled his officers, and swore them
to obey him. If he sent word to them to attend to the
arrangements made under the tree, they were to revolt. After
he had seen me at Cairo, and found that I would not help
him, he sent up the command, ‘Put into effect my orders
given under the tree,’ and so the revolt began.” But he had
not taken into account the strong character of the Governor-
General of the Soudan. It was with no Egyptian or Turk
that he had to deal, as he soon found out.

The full extent of the insurrection was at first only known
to those who were engaged in it. Later on it was learnt that
the chief slave-dealers had already, in their plan, divided the
provinces of the Soudan among themselves, and had given out
that they would plant their standards on the walls of Cairo.
Nor was this plan merely an idle dream. In spite of the
heavy blow that has been struck at revolt, any great leader,
says Colonel Gordon, could still make himself master of the
Soudan. It was not merely with the slave-dealers that the
Government had to deal. They, indeed, by themselves were
powerful enough to tax all the strength of Egypt; but their
strength was doubled by the, support which they so largely
received from the tribes that many hundreds of years earlier
had passed over from Arabia, and had settled in Central Africa.
These Arabs were men of long descent, proud of their birth,
and fond of war. When tried by the standard of Turkish
morality, their social life was even pure. Moreover, both in
their modes of life and their ways of thinking, they were far
more akin than either Turks or Egyptians to the black races, in
the midst of whom they and their forefathers had so long lived.
It was from these Arabs, indeed, that many of the slave-dealers
were drawn. These children of the desert hated the Egyptian
tule, and looked with scorn upon the effeminate and grasping
rulers who were sent up from Cairo to govern them. They
were ready—and are still ready—to seize the first chance of
shaking off the yoke of Egypt. Their war-cry, so Gessi reported,
was “This is our land—we know no Effendina [Khedive]
here.” “Had it not been,” writes Colonel Gordon, “that
1878.] GESSIS CHARACTER. 373

 

Sebehr and his party were the most inveterate slave-hunters,
and had committed the most fearful cruelties, it might have
been better for the peoples of the Soudan had the revolt been
successful, There is no doubt,” he adds, “that if the Govern-
ments of France and England do not pay more attention to
the Soudan—if they do not establish at Khartoum a branch
of the Mixed Tribunals, and see that justice is done, the
disruption of the Soudan from Cairo is only a question of
time. This disruption, moreover, will not end the troubles,
for the Soudanese, through their allies in Lower Egypt — the
Black soldiers I mean—will carry on their efforts in Cairo
itself. Now these Black soldiers are the only troops in the
Egyptian service that are worth anything.”

Though all this was not known to its full extent at the time
when the revolt began, yet enough was known to make it
clear that there was no time to lose, and that strong measures
should at once be taken. Whatever sympathy might have been
felt for the patriots of Darfour and Kordofan had they stood
by themselves, the cruelties of Sebehr and his gang could no
longer be endured. He, at all events, had to be crushed, and
slave-hunting brought to anend. All those who stood by him
must either be terrified into deserting him, or must be over-
whelmed in his fall, Colonel Gordon was not long in striking
a blow. Writing from Khartoum, on July 11, 1878, he said,
“The son of Sebehr, either by intrigue or collusion with
the governor of the Bahr Gazelle, has got possession of that
province again. I am sending up an expedition there, and
have imprisoned all of his family whom I can find, and have
confiscated their goods.” The commander of the expedition
was Romulus Gessi. It is thus that he is described by his
old chief :—‘‘ Romulus Gessi, Italian subject ; aged forty-nine.
Short, compact figure; cool, most determined man. Born
genius for practical ingenuity in mechanics. Ought to have
been born in 1560 not 1832. Same disposition as Francis
Drake. Had been engaged in many petty political affairs.
Was interpreter to Her Majesty’s Forces in the Crimea, and
attached to the Head-Quarters of the Royal Artillery.”

On his way up the Nile this brave soldier found proofs
enough of the favour shown to the slave-dealers by the
Egyptian governors. Not only were slave-laden nuggars
coming down the river, but even the Government steamers had
their cargoes of men. One of these boats had 292 slaves on
board. Among these unhappy wretches were some porters—
374 DETAINED BY THE FLOODS. | September,

 

hitherto freemen—who had come to Lardo laden with ivory
and corn. The Governor, Ibrahim Fansi, had seized them,
and sent them down the river to be sold into slavery. Happily
for them they had met with one to deliver them. Gessi first
went southwards towards the Lakes to gather reinforcements
from the different stations. Returning, he landed his troops
at Rabatchambé. The country to the west through which
his march lay was flooded. There was, moreover, a great
scarcity of porters, so that it was not till August 26 that he
was able to make a start. The water he found out every-
where; for three hours one day it came up to the soldiers’
necks. After a march of five days through the floods he
arrived at Rumbek, the landing-place* on the river Rohl.
There news reached him that Suleiman, the son of Sebehr,
had broken out into open revolt, and had proclaimed himself
Lord of the Bahr Gazelle. He had surprised an Egyptian
garrison in Demft Idris, had massacred the troops, and had
seized upon a large store of Government ammunition. Those
of the neighbouring chieftains who would not own his rule he
had attacked in their strongholds, and had put to the sword.
The women and children he had either butchered or carried
away into slavery. He had everywhere robbed the people of
their stores of grain. In some places there was nothing left
for them to eat but the leaves of trees, and they were dying
of hunger.

Eager though Gessi was to open the campaign, it was
nevertheless many a long day before he was able to move.
At the end of the first week of September, 1878, he had
arrived at Rumbek; he did not leave it till November was far
advanced. Day after day the rains fell, till for a whole week’s
march the country was turned into a vast pool. The Arabs
of the Bahr Gazelle, who at first had appeared to be friendly,
were cooling in their zeal. Whichever side should show itself
the stronger, with that they meant to throw in their lot. Before
long they had all withdrawn from Gessi, and were joining his
enemy. Suleiman’s forces soon numbered 6,000 men. So
strong he was that he meditated, it was said, an attack on
Rumbek. To meet him, if he came, Gessi had but 300 regular
soldiers, two guns, and 700 irregular troops, who were for

* A curious account of the formation of one of these landing-places, or
Mesheras as they are called, is given in SCHWEINFURTH’s Heart of Africa,
Vol. 1., p. 130.—Ep.

+ ‘‘Dehm is an equivalent for a ‘town.’ »—Jb7d., Vol. Il., p. 355-—Eb.
1878.] MEASURES OF REFORM. 375

 

the most part very badly armed. The reinforcements that
were on the way would raise his army to nearly 1,300 men
in all. He at once began to fortify Rumbek, and he wrote
both to a neighbouring governor and to Colonel Gordon
pressing requests for reinforcements. Some of his letters to
Khartoum were five months on their way, for the ‘“Sudd,”
that great grassy barrier, had again formed in the Nile, and
had cut off the passage of the boats. It hindered, moreover,
the flow of the waters, and to it, no doubt, was in part due
the wide spread and the depth of the floods. His difficulties,
which were great enough in themselves, were increased by the
villainy of some of the Egyptian officers. In one district the
commander of the troops was carrying off not only the flocks
and herds of the natives, but their young girls.* Gessi ordered
him to come to Rumbek. He refused. He ordered him to
send his troops. That also he refused.

The floods at last began to fall, but November 15 was the
earliest day that the general could fix for his onward march.
By that time, as he advanced, he would find the grain ripe in
the uplands, and the long grass ready for firing. While he
was kept waiting he reviewed the state of the province. The
staff of officials, he said, was much too large, and must be cut
down. Posts were needlessly multiplied for the creatures and
the relations of the governors. In Dem Idris there was a
“fabulous number” of officials who spent the whole day in
playing at tric-trac. One of his own army-doctors seemed to
have a strange mode of healing, for, wrote Gessi, “ Jamais je
n’ai pas vu médecin battre les soldats malades.” Yussuf Bey’s
administration was ‘“Quelque chose de pyramidal ”—almost
portentous in the enormity of its wickedness. The greatest
crimes were committed by him, and the greatest secrecy was
maintained, for all who were under him were his nephews, his
cousins, or his creatures. While these gross abuses must be
with all speed cured, steps, Gessi strongly urged, should at the
same time be taken to increase the fertility of the land.
Cotton-seed should be supplied, for a vast crop might easily
be raised. In two years it would produce a greater revenue
than the ivory.

Gessi’s men, losing heart through his forced delays, began to
desert in large bodies. One of the ringleaders he shot in the

* Of the ineradicable propensity to slave-dealing which has always
shown itself in every Government official, be he Turk or Egyptian, I will
say nothing.” -SCHWEINFURTH’s Heart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 383.—ED.
376 PASSAGE OF THE DYOOR. [November,

 

presence of all the troops, and seven others he flogged. On
November 17 the onward march began. All the reinforce-
ments had not yet come in; but, nevertheless, he would not
wait, for news had reached him that the enemy had given
orders for firing the standing grain along the line that they
knew he must follow. His march was greatly delayed by the
luxuriance of the vegetation, and by the roundabout way that
he was forced to take in order to avoid the floods. He had,
moreover, to drag in his train, as he bitterly complained, a vast
number of women, children, and slaves. ‘I could not,” he
wrote, “leave them behind, for I feared to provoke the dis-
content of the soldiers. When I arrive at Djouir Ghattas I
shall take with me none but those who can fight.” As he
advanced he found in many places an utter solitude. The
remnant of the inhabitants, that had escaped Suleiman’s raids,
had fled, abandoning their huts and their crops. On three
wide rivers which broke his path all the boats had been
destroyed, and he had to carry his army across them on rafts
made of reeds. The fourth river, the Dyoor, was wide and
deep,* and swarming with crocodiles. To attempt to cross it
on rafts of reeds seemed an almost desperate venture. More-
over, on the other bank, a great band of men was seen, who at
once opened fire. In the first discharge the bullets whistled
harmlessly over-head. ‘Wait where you are two days,” the
enemy shouted out across the river, ‘‘and then you will see
something.” Gessi at once began to entrench himself on the
bank. In a few moments his servant, who was holding his
horse, was wounded in the foot. He made his men throw
themselves flat in the grass, while he fired a shell at the enemy.
Many were seen to fall, and their village was soon in flames.
The next morning not a sound could be heard from the other
bank, and tidings soon came that the foe had fled. A friendly
chieftain lent three fishing-boats, and the troops were ferried
over. On December 5 the little army crossed the River Wau,

* “The breadth of the bed at this spot,” writes Dr. Schweinfurth, ‘was
rather more than 400 feet ; but at this season [the beginning of May] the
running water was reduced to eighty feet wide and four feet deep.” He
relates how his Nubian servant was ‘‘ attacked bya sentimental fit of home-
sickness” as he was fording it. ‘‘Stopping midway in the channel, as
though lost in contemplation, he suddenly apostrophised the waters:
“Yonder lies Khartoum ; yonder flows the Nile. Pass on, O stream, pass
on in peace! and bear my greeting to the dear old Bahr-el-Nil!’? An
Egyptian,” he adds, ‘‘would have been too stolid to be moved like this
son of Nubia.”—Heart of Africa, Vol. 1., p. 186.—ED.
1878.] DEM IDRIS. a7

 

and occupied a village of the same name. There the General
made a stockade, in which he could leave behind the women, the
children, and the wounded. The natives flocked in to welcome
his approach. Nearly ten thousand men, women, and children
had been swept away from the villages of the Bahr Gazelle,
and dragged into slavery by Suleiman. ‘“ At every moment,”
wrote Gessi, “natives arrive, asking, one for his wife, another
for his sister, and so on. I shall,” he adds, ‘take with me one
man from each village, who will be able to recognise and claim
his own people.” So eager were they, that they were rising on
all sides, and seizing on the slave-dealers who were settled
in the country: those who refused to yield they killed.

On December 11 a friendly sheikh arrived, bringing with him
7oo armed men, and other reinforcements soon poured in. As
Gessi marched out of Wau, he was met by the head-man of a
tribe, with loud cries that a band of Arabs had just carried off
all the people of one of his villages. A strong body of troops
at once gave chase to the raiders, and soon brought back the
captured villagers—160 men, women, and children—with twelve
of their kidnappers. The army next marched on Dem Idris,
but here its advance was checked for many a weary day. It
was about the middle of December when they entered this
stronghold, and they did not march out of it till the end of
April, 1879. A body of Egyptian troops had been stationed
here, but they had been surprised and massacred by Suleiman.
The post had been afterwards held for him by Abdulgassin,
one of his captains. When this man first set up his standard
of revolt, the wind had brought it to the ground. To turn
away the anger of Heaven four oxen had been slaughtered,
and then a Negro boy. In the poor wretch’s blood a flag
was dipped, and the standard was raised a second time, a
second time to fall.*

Slow though the advance of the troops had been, it had
taken Suleiman by surprise. He had thought that for that
season he was secured by the floods from an attack from the
south, and so was making ready to march north-eastwards
against Shaka. He at once turned round, and attacked Gessi
in his post at Dem Idris, with a host composed of thirty-four

* «7 heard just as I left Massawa that the last of the leaders of Sebehr’s
‘ slave-dealers had been taken, and I ordered him to be shot. He is the
man who killed the child, and shed its blood over the flag when it was
blown down.”—Letter of Colonel Gordon, September 11, 1879. See
p. 402.—Eb.
378 SULEIMAN’S ATTACKS. [ January,

 

companies each of 300 men—more than 10,000 in all. So sure
was he of success, that he had brought cords with him
wherewith to bind his prisoners. It was on the afternoon of
December 27 that Gessi first heard of the approach of the
enemy. They were then only a few miles off. All that night
his men worked hard at strengthening their camp with a barri-
cade formed of large pieces of timber and earth. At seven
o’clock next morning the attack began. Every side of the
camp was assaulted at one and the same time. The standard-
bearers boldly set up their standards within fifty yards of the
ramparts: when one fell, another at once grasped the flag.
Four times the enemy tried to carry the barricade by storm, and
four times they were driven back. At last they turned and fled,
leaving more than a thousand dead, among whom were counted
104 Arabs. Five standards were taken. Gessi did not dare
to follow up his victory ; for hidden away in the bush hard by,
were some companies which had taken no part in the fight.

In spite of his losses, Suleiman had still by far the stronger
army. He posted himself on a height at about an hour’s
distance, and sent for his two guns, bent on trying a second
assault. Gessi, in his turn, added fresh defences to his camp ;
and round about it had rifle-pits dug. His ammunition,
however, was failing. He had enough, he wrote, to meet one
or two more attacks, but not enough for a long struggle. He
was worn with cares and with want of sleep. He had, he
said, to pass the night in going the rounds; for his sentinels
slept at their posts. A more deadly foe soon began to show
itself, in the form of fever. He could not get his men, he
complained, to take the trouble to bury the dead who were
lying everywhere about.

On January 12, 1879, Suleiman, encouraged by strong
reinforcements, attacked Gessi’s camp with the utmost fury.
He and all his captains, at a great council, had sworn on the
Koran to conquer or to die. Tidings of this had reached
Gessi through deserters. He and his men, he wrote, knew
well what fate awaited them if they were conquered, and were
resolved on selling their lives as dearly as they could. He
posted his troops in the long grass and brushwood outside his
camp, where they greeted the enemy, at a distance of fifty
yards, with a shower of bullets. The first attack was driven
back, but later on in the day the slave-dealers made a fresh
onset. Their black soldiers had but little heart left for fighting.
Gessi could see them driven on by the Arabs, who, with drawn
1879.] SULEIMAN’S CAMP STORMED. 376

 

swords, brought up the rear, and cut off the heads of any who
faltered. The second attack was as unsuccessful as the first.
But meanwhile his ammunition was running so short, that his
men had to pick up the bullets that fell in the camp, and cast
them anew. Early on the following morning the enemy, for
the third time, returned to the attack. For seven hours they
fought with stubbornness; but at last they gave ground, and
were chased as far as the edge of the forest. Suleiman, it was
said, had in his despair leapt down from his horse, and refused
to retreat, crying out that he would go and look for death, if
death would not come to him. His guards had seized him in
their arms, and had carried him away by main force. Had
Gessi only had a good supply of ammunition, he would at
once have marched on Suleiman’s stronghold and stormed it ;
but, as it was, he could do nothing more than hold his own
ground. For the next fortnight Gessi was not molested, but
on January 28 the enemy once more came up to the assault.
Again could he see the black soldiers hanging back, and the
Arabs in their rear beheading those who refused to advance.
Though this day also the slave-dealers were repulsed, yet they
learnt from a deserter that the stock of ammunition was now
almost spent. They thereupon resolved on an immediate
assault with all their forces. Happily that same night a small
supply of powder and shot was brought in. The following
morning Suleiman opened fire with his bombshells. One of
these fell into a hut in the camp and set it on fire. A high
wind was blowing, and the flames were carried on all sides.
His troops hastened up to the assault, but Gessi met them in
the open ground between the camp ‘and the forest. In less
than three hours he had once more gained a victory, and
chased the enemy to their fortifications.

On March 11 he received two barrels of powder and three
ingots of lead; and now, at length, he felt himself strong
enough to attack the enemy on their heights. Suleiman’s camp
was enclosed by a double line of barricades formed of the
trunks of large trees, piled up to more than the height of a
man. In the middle was a small but strong enclosure, which
could hold 600 or 800 men, while the rest of the ground was
covered by huts. Among these one of Géessi’s congreve
rockets fell. In a moment they were all ina blaze. Three hours
later the outer barricades caught fire. It was in vain that the
rebels tried to check the spread of the flames by casting earth
on the burning timber ; for a strong wind was blowing, and the
380 “DELIVERANCE TO THE CAPTIVES.” = [March,

 

fire was borne rapidly along. The brigands sallied forth and
fell upon their enemy, but were driven back with heavy
losses. At last they turned and fled, leaving eleven of their
leaders dead on the field of battle. Night had come on, and
Gessi’s troops were faint with toil and want of food. For
thirteen hours they had scarcely eaten a morsel. Next
morning, when they entered Suleiman’s camp, not a soul could
be seen. Hundreds of charred bodies were lying scattered
about, while the road along which he had fled was strewn with
those who had sunk in the flight. Again did the want of
ammunition stop the pursuit. In answer to urgent letters
for an instant supply, Gessi received from the Governor of
Shaka nothing but promises. Meanwhile his camp at Dem
Idris was rapidly becoming a hot-bed of fever. Small-pox also
had broken out, and in five days, among the followers of a
single chief, had carried off 150 men. In defiance of the
General’s orders, the soldiers’ wives and children had accom-
panied his onward march. Others had joined them, and there
were at Dem Idris 12,000 of these camp-followers. Though
the country was most fertile, food was beginning to fail.

Yet Gessi could boast that, during his prolonged stay, he
had done some great things. The country had been open
in his rear, and from time to time he had sent out strong
bands to attack the gangs of brigands who on all sides were
sweeping off the natives into slavery. By the beginning
of February he had, he said, restored more than ten thousand
of these unhappy people to their homes. One day eight
slave-dealers were brought into his camp, and with them
twenty-eight children, whom they had chained together. He
had the guilty wretches shot in the sight of all his troops.
A few days later he hanged another batch of these ruffians.
“ Quant a la population,” he wrote, “elle est au paroxysme du
contentement.” It was no wonder that the people were wild
with delight. The news of the punishment of their oppressors
had spread like wild-fire. To village after village the poor
captives had been restored—rescued from what had seemed an
endless and hopeless slavery. Not a day passed, he wrote, but
that the head-men came to throw themselves at his feet, and to
thank him for all that he had done for them and their people.
They now at last believed that the Government really wished
to watch over them.

At length a full supply of ammunition reached him from the
Bahr Gazelle in the east, while a large force was advancing
1879.] DEM SULEIMAN. 381

 

to his support from the north. But the march of these
reinforcements he sent to check; for it was ammunition, he
said, that he needed, and not men. Everything was now
ready for an advance, while the troops were in good heart at
leaving a camp in which they had been cooped up for more
than eighteen weeks. On May-day he marched out to go and
seek the son of Sebehr in the Dem which bore his own name—
Suleiman. Three days later, when he was now within four
miles or so of this stronghold, and close to the entrance of a
woody ravine, he was received by a shower of bullets from an
unseen foe. Nothing dismayed, his men rushed up at so rapid
a pace that the enemy had not time to reload. Most of them
turned and fled; the Arabs alone stood their ground. But the
leaders soon fell pierced with bullets, and their followers there-
upon took to flight with the rest. By a quick advance their
line of retreat was turned, and the whole body of fugitives was
cut off from the stronghold. When Gessi, from the higher
ground, looked down into Dem Suleiman, it seemed deserted.
Yet Suleiman himself was recognised seated before the gate,
awaiting, no doubt, the return of his men. The signal for the
assault was at once given, and the troops rushed in with a great
shout. As they entered by one gate, the brigand chief, accom-
panied by only two horsemen, fled out by the other. Some
shots had been heard within the Dem as the troops advanced.
Suleiman had given one last order before he fled. He had
four unhappy prisoners. He butchered them in cold blood.
Gessi hastened through the camp in full chase of the murderer.
For an hour he followed him; but finding at last that he and
one other were left alone in the pursuit, he dared not go any
further. His troops meanwhile had turned to the plunder of
the camp, and with some reason too, he wrote; for they were
in want of everything. All Suleiman’s treasure that had not
yet been plundered he did his best to secure for the State ;
but much that he rescued from the common soldiers was after-
wards stolen by a man high in the service of the Government.
The scattered forces of the rebels soon gathered into large
bands, fleeing some one way and some another. The Arab
chieftains were little used to walking, and every kind of beast
was in high demand. For a single ass as much as fifteen slaves
was paid.* The strong columns that Gessi sent out in pursuit,
* ‘6 All the slave-traders ride asses, and it may safely be asserted that

they pass the greater part of their lives on the backs of these animals.”—
SCHWEINFURTH’S Heart of Africa, Vol. 11., p. 412.—ED,
382 PURSUIT OF SULEIMAN. [May,

 

through the weakness or the wickedness of their commanders,
did next to nothing. Suleiman, a deserter brought word, was
in one of his villages to the west. With him was Rabi, the
most dreaded of the rebel chiefs. The same day that Gessi
received these tidings—it was May 9—he started, with a band
of 600 men, on their track. On the second day he reached
the village, but found no one in it but one poor sick woman,
the wife of a rebel soldier, who had been too weak to keep up
with the flight. From her he learnt that Suleiman and Rabi
had fled two days before. The villagers, in their alarm, had
abandoned their huts and fields, and had hidden in the long
grass. Nota single man could be found to act as guide. In
the hopes of catching some straggler, Gessi spread out his
troops over a wide line. Mounted on his mule, and riding
before them, he saw among the bushes a lance glittering in the
rays of the sun. Bidding his men follow him, and riding up
at full speed, he found a soldier crouching down in a thicket.
Whether the man was a deserter or a spy was not clear.
Besides his lance, he had a five-barrelled revolver of English
make. In Gessi’s troop a man was serving who had lately
been one of Suleiman’s servants. He at once recognised the
weapon. It had belonged, he said, to Rabi. By this time the
rain had begun to fall, and was washing out the trail which
they had hitherto followed; but their prisoner became their
guide. They had brought with them food for only three or
four days at most; and none, they found, was to be had on
the way, for all the dhoora had been either burnt or carried off
by the enemy. ‘Their supply was running very short, but they
durst not turn back, for behind them lay what was now a wilder-
ness. Towards night-fall they caught some women crouching
down in the long grass, carrying large bundles of strips of ante-
lope’s flesh, smoked and dried. They belonged to Suleiman’s
soldiers, and had stayed behind to cure the meat. Late
that night Gessi halted amid the ruins of a little village. The
houses had been all burnt, not a grain of dhoora could be
found, and the rain was steadily falling. His men were turning
sullen. When day broke he called them together, and told
them that he had nothing to give them. The enemy, however,
was close at hand, and all that they took from them was theirs.
The soldiers thereupon taking heart, went off almost at a run.
They soon came upon an empty litter in which, no doubt, a
wounded chief had been carried. Twenty paces further on
they found a fresh grave, and then another. Far off a flock of
1879.] THE CAMP IN THE FOREST. 383

 

birds of prey was hovering in the air; beneath them, as was
soon discovered, some dead bodies were lying. They learnt
from their guide that they were close upon a great village.
The traces of the enemy became more frequent every moment,
and the fresh footprints showed that they had but lately passed.
When the troops were close upon the first houses, a few
shots were fired by the outposts of the rebels. The soldiers
pressed on, and had nearly reached the middle of the village
when a white woman, almost naked, and holding a baby to her
breast, ran out of a hut to meet her deliverers. Her hair hung
down her shoulders, and her face bore the marks of terror and
long suffering. She could hardly utter a word; the tears ran
down her cheeks, and she tried to kiss the General’s feet. Her
husband, an officer in the Artillery, had been massacred by the
slave-dealers in their revolt at Dem Idris, and she had been
carried off as their prey.

In the houses grain enough was found to give the mena
meal. They still pressed on, and that night they bivouacked
in a thick forest. Scouts were at once sent out. In two hours
they returned with the news that they had seen a camp, and
many fires burning. It was, they thought, a caravan of slaves ;
for the main body of the rebels was in a village still further on.
Gessi at once got ready to start. His plan was to leave the
caravan on one side, and to fall first on the rebels. But one
of his columns, missing its way, came across the slave-drivers,
and shots were fired. In a few minutes the gang of ruffians
took to flight. But many were killed, and some were seized
and loaded with the chains which their helpless victims had
hitherto borne. Their leader was Abu Shnep* (so Gessi calls
him), a man reckoned for one of the greatest slave-traders in all
the country of the Bahr Gazelle. At the noise of the firing, the
rebels hard-by had taken the alarm. Day had not yet dawned,
and in the darkness a bright light was suddenly seen. They
had fired the village. When Gessi reached it in the early
morning, it was a heap of ashes and smouldering wood. Not
a soul could be seen but one little slave-child, who, in the
midst of the alarm, had stolen away and hidden. He showed
them the spot where Suleiman himself had passed the night
only twenty-four hours before. Just beyond the village was a
kind of pound, in which the flocks of slaves had been folded
for the night on their way down to Egypt. Some way further

* Perhaps the Aboo Sammat often mentioned by Dr. Schweinfurth.—Ep.
384 RABI AND SULTAN IDRIS. [aay,

 

on they came upon the little body of a child—freshly mur-
dered—and then upon six others, not lying together, but one
here and one there. The poor wretches had not been able to
keep up with the flight, and so had been ruthlessly butchered.
That evening Gessi halted by a brook in a forest, uncheered
by the light of a single camp-fire. The highway all day long
he had purposely left on one side, so that no tidings of his
rapid march might reach the enemy, whose encampment, as
his scouts soon brought word, was only a few miles off.
Though his men were well-nigh spent with toil, he resolved
nevertheless to make the attack at daybreak. An hour after
midnight seven men came to his outposts, asking to see Rabi,
who was, it seems, the Captain of the neighbouring band.
Gessi’s camp, in the darkness, they had mistaken for his.
They came, they said, from Sultan Idris, who, with many men
and much merchandise, was only a short way behind. Rabi
therefore was entreated not to hasten his start, but to give the
Sultan time to catch him up, that they might thus travel
together. Gessi would not see the men himself, for he knew
that his speech would bewray him ; but he sent back word that
he had many wounded with him, and therefore he durst not
delay. He would, however, halt further on, and there await
his coming. One of the men took back the answer, the other
six were pressed to stay and sup. As soon as their comrade
had started, they were seized and secured. Gessi’s plan was
to attack Rabi first, and then to fall upon Sultan Idris, who,
for all his grand title, was nothing but a mighty hunter of
men.* At daybreak he burst upon Rabi just as he was
breaking up his camp. The fight was a short one. Many
of the rebels were slain, and others were taken. Unfortu-
nately their Captain escaped, being saved by the swiftness of
his horse. His flag and all his stores fell into the hands of his
enemy. Gessi, with all speed, had the ground cleared of the
dead and wounded. He pitched his tent in a glade of the
dense forest, and by its side he hoisted the captured flag. Not
a trace was left of the late fight to arouse suspicion. Five or
six men were sent out on the way along which Sultan Idris
would come, and they fell in with him as if by chance. “To

* Dr. Schweinfurth (Heart of Africa, Vol. 11., p. 349) describes his
chief Seriba. ‘‘It was composed of large farmsteads, shut in, almost with
the seclusion of monasteries, by tall hedges of straw-work. They were
occupied by the various great slave-traders who had settled in the
country.” —Ep.
1879.] GESSI’S AMBUSH. 385

 

whom do you belong?” he asked them. “To Rabi,” they
answered ; ‘“we have come out hunting.” “Very good,” he
replied; “go and tell him that I shall be with him in an hour.”
Gessi posted his men round the glade, and made them crouch
down in the long grass. A storm of wind and rain broke
suddenly upon them, and the enemy came hurrying up in
utter disorder to seek for shelter. The glade was soon
thronged. Then the signal was given, and a deadly fire was
opened upon them. So great was their bewilderment, that
not a man thought of striking a blow in return. Some threw
themselves flat on their faces in the grass, others tried to break
through the ring. Everywhere they were met and forced back
into the glade. At last not a man was left standing, and then
at length the firing ceased. Among the dead the Sultan’s
body was not found. With five or six of his Arabs he had
taken shelter under a tree when the storm came on. He had
heard the shots, and had saved himself by flight. His mer-
chandise became the spoil of the soldiers, who found a rich
prize in horses, oxen, asses, carpets, linen-cloth, and copper
vessels. That night they rested on the field of the fight, and
refreshed themselves with the provisions which they had taken
from the enemy ; but the pursuit they were forced to abandon
for a time. Before them lay a march of nearly two days
through a wild forest, where there were no villages, and there-.
fore no stores of dhoora. The food which they had just’
seized was enough, and no more than enough, to carry them
home. On their way back they found that the country people
had risen against their cruel oppressors as they were scattered
in flight, and had attacked them with their lances and bows
and arrows. After an absence of nine days Gessi entered
Dem Suleiman in triumph. The leaders among the slave-
traders were dragged along in chains, while the long line
of common prisoners bore the great stores of ivory which had
been found among the spoils, and set apart as the property of
the State.

The soldiers enjoyed a few days’ well-earned rest. Their
leader himself was ill and needed repose even more than his
men. He looked much older, wrote Colonel Gordon, when
the two met a little later. He sent out more than one expedi-
tion, but little was done to end the war in that part of the
country till he was well enough to lead the troops. He had,
moreover, been over-confident that the revolt was crushed, and
for a time he had bestowed on the transport of the ivory that

cc
386 THE VILLAGE OF GARA. [Fuly,

 

thought which would have been better given to the rebel chiefs.
So great was the stock of elephants’ tusks that one week no
less than 1,500 porters laden with them were sent off, to be
followed by another train in a few days. For some weeks he
could get no sure tidings of Suleiman. The rebels, however,
were gathering once more, and once more he started to break up
their bands. In the first days of July a deserter brought word
that the brigand chief was at a distance of less than three days’
march. Suleiman had meant, it was said, to join Haroun, the
pretender to the throne of Darfour, but as yet he had not
enough beasts of burthen, though he had already exchanged a
thousand slaves for oxen. Hearing of Gessi’s approach he had
broken up his camp, and once more was in flight. Followed by
nearly g00 men, he had gone one way to the hill country of Gebel
Marah, while Rabi with 700 men had gone another. Gessi at
once sent a pressing order for reinforcements, but they did not
meet him on the line of march as he had ordered. If he had
delayed, his enemy would have slipped from his grasp, so he
hastened forward with only three companies. They were well
armed, however, for each man carried a Remington rifle.
His baggage he left in a village, under the guard of twenty-
two of his men, who were not strong enough to bear the toil
of a forced march. In the hope of outstripping the rebels,
and barring their passage, he struck into a side-path through
the forest. The rain was falling heavily, and the ground was
turned into mud. For three days and nights he pushed on,
with but short times of rest. On the night of July 15 he was
abreast of the enemy, and at a distance from them of only
a few miles, With the break of day he surprised them in
their sleep in the village of Gara. How many peaceful
villages in days gone by had these packs of wolves burst upon
in the dead of night! How many homes had they sacked,
what rivers of blood had they caused to flow! What thousands
and ten thousands of lives had they wasted in slow misery
whose dumb cry had reached no ear but Heaven’s! Their
day had come at last, and had come none too soon.

With Gessi there were but 290 men in all, while the rebels
numbered full 7oo. The smallness of his force was perhaps
more than made up by the excellence of their rifles. Yet he
durst not divide his men, and surround the village. He did
not even dare to let them be seen, but he concealed their
fewness by posting them among the trees. He gave Suleiman
ten minutes to lay down his arms and surrender. If he allowed
1879. ] DEATH OF SULEIMAN. 387

 

that time to pass he would at once fall upon him. The slave-
dealers were all utterly bewildered : they knew not the strength
of the band which had thus caught them in their slumbers,
and they sent word that they yielded. They were ordered to
come forward a hundred yards from the village, and lay their
arms on the ground. This most of them did, yet many at
the first alarm had escaped into the woods. When Suleiman
learnt how small was the company to which he had surrendered,

he said to Gessi, ‘What! have you no other troops?” ‘No,
they were enough,” was the answer. “And I,” he cried out,
“had 700 men!” Hereupon he began to weep, and turning

to one of his chiefs, he said, ‘They have not more than 300
men, and you told me that there were 3,000 of them. If
only my father had been here to take the command,” he
added, “we should never have been beaten.” The prisoners
at first were not bound, but all that day were kept in the
village under close guard. But after dark had set in Gessi
was alarmed by the news that they were plotting with the
runaways who were in hiding in the woods. They meant in
the dead of night to give him the slip, and to march off in
a body to join the rebel Abdulgassin, who, with a strong band,
was no great.way ahead. A search was made, and the horses
of the slave-dealers were found saddled, and furnished with
a supply of food and with arms. ‘ Then,” wrote Gessi, “I
saw that the time had come to have done with these people
once for all.” He divided them into three sets. To the
common soldiers, who were little better than slaves, he was
ready to grant life and liberty on condition that they returned
to their own country, and settled down to a peaceful life.
They willingly accepted his offer, and were at once sent off
under an escort. The smaller slave-dealers—157 in number—
he next sent off by another road as prisoners. The eleven
chiefs he shot. Two years earlier they had in their very den
been warned by the Governor-General, that if they went on
with their slave-hunting, they should answer for it with their
lives. The warning had fallen on deaf ears. None, said
Gessi, showed any signs of sorrow. Suleiman’s courage failed
him at the last, and he sank down on the earth. One other
shed tears, but the rest died doggedly. Abdulgassin’s band
on hearing the news broke up, while Rabi fled far away
within the country.

The neck of the revolt had been broken, but Gessi’s work
was not yet finished. There were many wandering bands of

CC 2
388 SEBEHR PASHA AT COURT. [ September,

 

brigands that had still to be dealt with. The rains were
falling heavily, and in the country of the Bahr Gazelle the
floods were again out. ‘With the best will in the world,” he
wrote some weeks later on, “we could not march through the
mud more than three hours a day, and we have already passed
twenty-two days in this agony.” He was greatly aided in his
heavy task by the native chieftains, who everywhere fell upon
the men who had wronged them so long and so deeply. No-
where could the slave-dealers find a place of shelter. At last
Abdulgassin—“‘ the hyzena of these parts,” wrote Gessi, ‘‘ who
had massacred whole villages”—was caught and shot, and
Rabi alone remained. Where he was, no one knew. Every-
where there was peace. ‘‘ The negroes were no longer troubled,”
their deliverer could say, “and were very happy.” On one great
criminal had not yet fallen the punishment due to his bound-
less wickedness. Sebehr Pasha had been a king among the
slave-traders of the world. His strongholds had been pushed
far into the heart of Africa, and over hundreds of miles of
fertile lands, whose fruits had once nourished a teeming and a
happy population, he had spread desolation and sorrow. He
had kept up an almost princely court; but the flood of his
prosperity had been swollen to its monstrous height by the
tears of thousands and tens of thousands. The ebb had
at length come, and for a time that vast stream of human
misery had ceased to flow. To adda yet deeper stain to his
guilt, he had been a traitor to the Government under which he
held high office. He was a Pasha of Egypt, and against
Egypt he had raised this fierce revolt. By his orders her
troops had been treacherously surprised and massacred. His
secret papers, which had been left behind by his son in his
flight, were laid before the Council. His guilt was proved and
his sentence was death. “I expect they will do nothing to
him,” wrote Colonel Gordon on hearing the news. He is now
living in Cairo, the Khedive’s pensioner, with an allowance of
one hundred pounds a month. May-be he came unto His
Highness delicately, saying surely the bitterness of death is
past. “As thy sword hath made women childless, so shall thy
mother be childless among women,” might well have been the
answer. But the Khedive is more merciful than the fierce old
prophet. He pardons—and not only he pardons, he pensions.
What pensions have the widows and orphans whom Sebehr has
made by the thousands? what allowance have the poor worn-
out bodies of men strong enough till he dragged them from their
1879.] ““SCOTCHED, NOT KILLED.” 389

 

homes, who are now draining the last bitter dregs of life in cruel
slavery? What recompense has been made to those whose
bleached bones mark the track of his trade over many and
many a league of ground? His refuge is in the city of
princes that have gold, who fill their houses with silver.
Theirs is where the prisoners rest together ; where they hear not
the voice of the oppressor. The small and great are there;
and the servant is free from his master.

Let us beware of thinking that, because this mighty blow has
been struck at the Egyptian slave-trade, there is nothing more
to be done. It has been crushed for a time, but it will spring up
on the very day on which the last of the European governors 1s
withdrawn.  Gessi’s term of office comes to an end this
summer (1881). If his place is taken by an Egyptian, the
door will once more be flung open wide to the most cruel of all
cruel deeds of wrong. The fairest reports will be issued and
the foulest injustice will be done. This hateful trade is
carried on far from our own shores, but pity surely is not like
sound that dies away overcome by mere distance. Pity can
overfly space and outlive time. Most touchingly still fall on our
ears the words of one who died more than a hundred years
ago, and who laboured long to rouse up England and America
to a sense of their great guilt in upholding slavery and the
slave-trade.

‘* Many groans arise from dying men which we hear not.

‘*Many cries are uttered by widows and fatherless children, which reach
not our ears.

‘* Many cheeks are wet with tears, and faces sad with unutterable grief,
which we see not.

“Cruel tyranny is encouraged. The hands of robbers are strengthened,
and thousands reduced to the most abject slavery, who never injured us.

‘“ Were we for the term of one year only to be eye-witnesses to what
passes in getting these slaves:

‘* Were the blood which is there shed to be sprinkled on our garments:

‘*Were the poor captives bound with thongs, heavily laden with
elephants’ teeth, to pass before our eyes on their way to the sea:

“Were their bitter lamentations day after day to ring in our ears, and
their mournful cries in the night to hinder us from sleeping:

‘*What pious man could be a witness to these things, and see a trade
carried on in this manner, without being deeply affected with sorrow?” *

* The Works of John Woolman, p. 284. ‘‘Get the Writings of John
Woolman by heart; and love the early Quakers,” writes CHARLES LAMB,
in his Essay on a Quaker’s Meeting. ‘‘Try to read John we often did,”
said De QuiNcEY, ‘‘but read John we did not.” (De Quincey’s Works,
Vol. XI., p. 93). So much the worse for De Quincey.—ED,
390 GESSI’S RETURN. [ September,

March 23, 1881.

The end of all honest attempts to put a stop to slave-hunting
has come even sooner than I feared. Gessi Pasha, in a letter
dated Khartoum, February 8, 1881, informs Colonel Gordon
that he has found his position intolerable, and that he has
retired from the Bahr Gazelle. He has been ousted from his
post by the acts of Raouf Pasha, Governor-General of the
Soudan, the man who had formerly played the part of a tyrant
at Harrar.* I have drawn up the following abstract of Gessi’s
letter :—

“T had turned the country of the Bahr Gazelle into a
garden. The people were all with me, and so I had been
able to discharge a large number of my soldiers. My strength
lay, not in brutal force, but in the love of the chieftains and of
their followers. From all sides, ivory, caoutchouc, and other
products were brought in. <A just government had done what
seven-and-twenty thousand muskets had never been able to do
—it had increased the revenue by ten-fold. Still larger would
the increase have been, had I had means of transport. But
Raouf Pasha had dismantled the best steamers, and the navi-
gation had almost come to an end. For eight months not a
single boat had arrived at the Bahr Gazelle from Khartoum :
for a longer time even than that I had received no supplies of
food or clothing. We were all reduced to a state of utter
misery. Notwithstanding, by way of encouragement, Raouf
charged us to keep him well supplied with ivory. When he
had finished paying his debts, he would, he said, think about
sending us some money. At the same time, by a stroke of his
pen, he cut off two years’ pay that was due to all the servants
of the Government, both civil and military, on the Upper Nile.
By another stroke of his pen he cut down my powers, and
reduced the extent of my province. To dismiss almost the
humblest man in the service, or punish a wrong-doer, I must
first obtain his authority.

“There was nothing left for me but to retire. A steamer
had come up, and I took passage on her on the twenty-fifth
day of September, 1880. Too late I discovered my folly. The
grassy barrier had formed once more in the Nile, and the boat
was utterly unfit for the heavy service that awaited her. Her
engine was very weak—of only forty-horse power. Through
the shameful neglect of the captain she had no supply of wood,

* See p. 310.—Ep.
1880. ] A FAMINE-STRICKEN CREW. 391

 

and her crew was too small for their duties. When we tried
to haul her along through the ‘“‘ Sudd,” the cables broke. Our
supply of food was for only twenty-five days. I have had the
hardest trial that ever man endured since first the world was
the world. Never on any river has such a disaster befallen a
crew as befell us. We were 560 souls in all. Though we
worked day and night, we scarcely made any way. The days
passed on, and our food was drawing to an end. My men
soon lost all their cheerfulness, and whatever was done was
done sullenly. On either side of us were vast marshes and
hostile tribes. Famine with all its horrors came with no halt-
ing foot. We had some Arab slave-dealers on board, whom,
against their will, I was taking down to Khartoum. These
men spread the report that I had sixty sacks of meal hidden
away. The soldiers were roused against me, but I bade their
officers and sergeants go down and search the ship. They
might, I said, take all the food that they could find. The
slave-dealers then laid to my charge that I had sold the meal.
Threats were uttered; and from that time I never let my rifles
be out of my sight. The famine grew worse and worse. First
the leathern coverings of the beds were eaten, and then the
shoes. Some nourishment was got from a plant that grew in
the river, but unhappily, it did not grow in any abundance.
At last the living began to prey upon the dead. I myself was
kept alive by some little fish which my servants from time to
time caught by a hook made out of iron wire. We were
accompanied by a nuggar; and so long as its owner had had
any food, he had generously shared it with me.

“ Had we been able, we would have retraced our course ; but
the storms had driven along the dense masses of vegetation,
and had raised behind us, as well as in front, a barrier of grass.
The rain had fallen, and the country was flooded far and wide.
We could cut no timber for the engine-fire, so I broke up a
boat and burnt it. Death began to run his course. The
children died first, and then the women. The commander of
the soldiers shut ‘himself up in his cabin, and there awaited
the coming of fate. No one would set hand to work : they all
let death come upon them. Yet the ship’s captain, the two
engineers, four sailors, and the helmsman, stood by me. Past
many a barrier we forced the ship, but what could we do,
unaided, with our famine-stricken bodies? We seemed, with
our steamer, to be in the midst of a vast meadow. The dead
lay round us, for no one would move them. The air was
392 SLAVERY IN EGYPT. [December,

 

tainted, and the water too. Our only guests were the birds of
prey. Of five hundred and fifty who had embarked, at the end
of two months scarcely one hundred were left—one hundred
skeletons, not bodies of men. On the last day of the year I
made my will, and placed it on the table in the cabin. Two
days later on I heard some shots: it was the signal of the
steamer ‘“ Bordeen,” from Khartoum. News of our starting had
been given by telegraph, but the Governor-General had been slow
indeed in sending us relief. The engine of the “ Bordeen” was
powerful ; and we were soon carried past the grassy barrier.

“On board her we found a band of slave-hunters, who were
going up the country to begin once more their old course of
plundering. Fresh raids, fresh murders, fresh persecutions
awaited those poor tribes, who had begun at length to breathe
the air of prosperity. Blood was again to be spilt freely, and a
little ivory to be got. At one of the stations we found herds
of stolen oxen, and thousands of slaves. The slave-dealers,
coming up from all sides like grasshoppers, were buying and
driving off the unhappy wretches.

“When I arrived at Khartoum His Excellency was out, but I
met I almost burst with laughter when I saw the wonder-
ful change that had come over this great man. So stiff did he
hold himself, that for a moment I thought he was empaled,
To turn his head he turns all his body. His pace is calculated.
his movements studied, his steps measured. He lets his words
escape him, as if each came from an oracle. He has managed
to win Raouf’s confidence—nay, he has taken the Governor-
General under his mighty safe-guard. He will answer all the
attacks that are made on His Excellency, and will make it clear to
all the world that Raouf Pasha is the very pearl of all governors.

“Raouf, however, has taken alarm about the slaves whom I
saw, but nothing, Iam sure, will be done. The whole strength
of the Government is turned on amassing money, on outward
forms of state, and on ruining the country by taxes and burthen-
some charges. .... My work is in the Bahr Gazelle, and
there the memory of my government will not pass away.”

 

Note By COLONEL GORDON ON SLAVERY IN EcypT.

The passage in the enclosed Address* quoted below shows
what, I think, would alone be both jws¢ to the people and

* Address from the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society to the
Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone.
1880.] REGISTRATION OF SLAVES. 393

 

practicable to carry out. As long as Khedive and Pashas keep
eunuchs and slaves, so long one must doubt their sincerity
whatever they may say. Let these officials give their slaves a
certificate of liberty, and let the slave have the right to leave if
he likes... .. Let us act for the present, and leave the past
with this reflection—Have the Khedive or the Pashas ever
moved a little finger against the slave-trade except under
coercion from without? Is it not true that the moment this
coercion ceases the slave trade recommences? It is engrained
in the bones of the people. Sir Samuel Baker’s appointment,
my appointment, and the appointment of every European in the
Soudan respecting the slave-trade, have been the result of either
Government or public (European) opinion forced on Khedives
or Pashas. From this I say with confidence that Egypt will
never do or act fairly to the slaves, of her own will, and that
therefore some such agreement as that given below ought to
be come to. I have drawn this paragraph up, and I am con-
vinced that it would not hurt the people, or be difficult to carry
out. It gzves each slave-holder the slave he possesses zow, but
it prevents his taking new ones. .... It has been my study for
the whole time that I was in the Soudan, and has been discussed
with many Arabs, who saw that it could not hurt them.

“The plan suggested in June last by this Society to Earl
Granville, for the appointment of Consuls in the Soudan and
the Red Sea has not yet been tried ; and whilst still advocating
such appointments, the Anti-Slavery Society would now further
propose a complete REGISTRATION of existing slaves, by which
they believe a great check would be placed upon the increase
of domestic slavery in Egypt. Such a check could not fail to
render slave-hunting less remunerative in the future.

“The following mode of Registration is respectfully sub-
mitted :—

“ 7,—Registration of all existing slaves in the Mudiriehs of
the Soudan and of Cairo (Lower Egypt), by the Governors.

“ 2, Registers to be kept in each Government Office of the
names of slaves and their owners, with description of each.

“2.__Fvery slave to be free, if not registered, after expiration
of six months (the period given for Registration). All slaves
born after signature of this Decree to be free.

“ 4,-Register Books to be closed for ever after the expira-
tion of six months.
394 A MIXED COMMISSION.

 

‘“‘s.—Owners of slaves thus registered to be bound to
produce Government Certificates, corresponding with the
Register Books, when required to do so by the Government of
Egypt.

“‘6.—The Governors of Egypt and of the Soudan to pro-
claim this throughout the land.

“¢7,—All purchases or sales of slaves from family to family
are to be endorsed on the Registration Papers, and inscribed
in the Government Books of Registry.

“ Assuming that the Khedive will issue a Decree adopting
these provisions, it may be justly asked, ‘ Where is the guarantee
that they will be effectually enforced?’ It is on this point that
the Society have to submit to Her Majesty’s Government the
one executive arrangement which appears to them essential,
and without which, experience has shewn that all other pro-
visions will prove of little value. They would urge that Her
Majesty’s Government, in concert with that of France, obtain
the establishment of a Mixed Commission, whose function it
shall be to exercise the same kind of supervision over the Slave
Trade department in Egypt, as is now done in the control of
its financial offices. If Europe may supersede one of the
primary rights of self-government in Egypt on behalf of her
bond-holders, it is not too much to say that she has a far
stronger right to interfere on behalf of the claims of humanity,
and to arrest that stupendous evil, which is a chronic violation
of ‘the law of nature and of nations.’”
1879. ] THE NEW KHEDIVE. 395

 

CHAPTER VII~—1879.

Juty To DEcEMBER.

Focra, /wly z.—I arrived here to-day and
found a telegram from Cherif Pasha, saying
the Sultan had named Tewfik Pasha Khedive,
and that I was to proclaim it in the Soudan
with salutes. It did not affect me in the least.
I telegraphed the necessary orders, and also
acknowledged to Cherif Pasha the receipt of his
telegram—nothing more.

In this summer Colonel Gordon received the enclosed letter
from Li Hung Chang.* It is interesting in itself; it is doubly
interesting as being written by a Chinese statesman to an
Englishman who, some seventeen years earlier, had crushed an
insurrection that threatened the empire of China, and had now
crushed another insurrection that threatened the power of

Egypt.
“TIENTSIN, March 22, 1879.
“To His Excellency CoLoneL C. G. Gorpon,
“ Khartoum, Egypt.

“ Dear Srr,—I am instructed by His Excellency the Grand
Secretary, Li, to answer your esteemed favour, dated the 27th
October, 1878, from Khartoum, which was duly received. I
am right glad to hear from you. It is now over fourteen years
since we parted from each other. Although I have not

* See pp. xxvi. and 429.—Ep.
396 LI HUNG CHANG. [July,

 

written to you, but I often speak of you, and remember you
with very great interest. The benefit you have conferred on
China does not disappear with your person, but is felt
throughout the regions in which you played so important and
active a part. All those people bless you for the blessings of
peace and prosperity which they now enjoy.

“Your achievements in Egypt are well known throughout
the civilised world. I see often in the papers of your noble
works on the Upper Nile. You are a man of ample resources,
with which you suit yourself to any kind of emergency. My
hope is that you may long be spared to improve the conditions
of the people amongst whom your lot is cast.

“T am striving hard to advance my people to a higher state
of development, and to unite both this and all other nations
within the “ Four Seas,” under one common brotherhood.

“To the several questions put in your note, the following
are the answers :—Kwoh Sung Ling has retired from official
life, and is now living at home. Yang Ta Yén died a great
many years ago. Na Wong’s adopted son is doing well, and is
the colonel of a regiment, with five hundred men under him.
The Pa to’ Chiaow bridge, which you destroyed, was rebuilt very
soon after you left China, and it is now in very good condition.

“Kwoh Ta jén, the Chinese Minister, wrote to me that he
had the pleasure of seeing you in London. I wished I had
been there also to see you; but the responsibilities of life are
so distributed to different individuals in different parts of the
world, that it is a wise economy of Providence that we are not
all in the same spot.

“IT wish you all manner of happiness and prosperity. With
my highest regards,

“T remain, yours very truly,
“(For Li Hunc Cuanc)
“ Tsinc Larsun.”

Kuartoum, /#ly 2z.—I shall (p.v.) leave for
Cairo in ten days, and I hope to see you soon;
but I may have to go to Johannis before I go to
Cairo. I am a wreck, like the portion of the
“Victory” towed into Gibraltar after Trafalgar ;
but God has enabled me, or rather has used me, to
1879.] MISSION TO KING JOHANNIS. 397

 

do what J wished to do—that is, break down the
slave-trade. .... To-day I had a telegram from
Darfour, saying, “Haroun had been killed and
his forces dispersed.” God has been truly good
to me. “Those that honour me I will honour.”
May I be ground to dust, if He will glorify
Himself in me; but give me a humble heart, for
then He dwells there in comfort.

I wrote you a letter and tore it up about my
illnesses. Thank God, I am pretty well now, but
I passed the grave once lately, and never thought
to see Khartoum. The new Khedive is more
civil, but I no longer distress myself with such
things. God is the sole ruler, and I try to walk
sincerely before Him..... It pains me what
sufferings my poor Khedive Ismail has had to go
through.

Colonel Gordon left Khartoum on July 29, and arrived at
Cairo on August 23. On August 30 he left for Massawa on
a mission to King Johannis. In the following letter are con-
tained his instructions :—

“Mon cher Pacha.

“Tl existe, comme vous le savez, un différend entre
lEgypte et Abyssinie.

“Pour le bien des deux pays il importe de mettre un terme
ace différend.

“J’ai une entitre confiance dans votre loyauté, dans votre
' expérience, et dans votre dévouement; la cause de mon
Gouvernement ne saurait étre mieux placée qu’entre vos mains.
Je vous charge donc, par la présente lettre de créance, de vous
rendre auprés du Roi Johannés pour arranger la situation.

‘“‘ Vous n’ignorez pas que cette situation n’est nullement mon
fait, et que mon plus grand désir est de vivre en paix avec
mes voisins. Mes sentiments vous sont parfaitement connus:
Rétablir les meilleurs rapports entre les deux Gouvernements ;
Sauvegarder les droits de l’Egypte; Conserver intactes les
frontitres du Pays, sans qu’il soit obligé & aucune redevance
 

mmission. tele

   

gue la pais er le tévelcpperment des rele-
tions incustrielles et commerciales.
 Azrcez, mon cher Pacha, lexpressicr ce moon arnt.

“ Palais d’Ismailieh,
“28 Aoiit, 1879.

“Son Excellence Gordon Pacha Giiverne cr: Gener cu
Soudan.”

Rep SrA, EN ROUTE TO Massaws. August 327.
—I arrived at Cairo, August 23. at 7.30 p.m.,
very cross at the dismissal of Ismail. I refused
a special train Tewfik had ordered me, for in all
probability they would have charged me for it.
The Prefect of Police met me, and told me that
the new H.H. had put the palace at my disposal.
I said “ No, I am going to the Hotel.” How-
ever, after conferring with the black imp, my
secretary,* I thought I should not be justified

* When Colonel Gordon’s Secretary was dismissed for dishonesty (as
recounted on p. 273), Berzati Bey, who up to that time had been second
secretary, was appointed in his stead. ‘‘ He is,” writes Colonel Gordon,
‘of a very ancient Mussulman family of Khartoum—of its aristocracy, in
fact. They have been always known as most respected, and many of
them rose to great renown for their sanctity and learning. Berzati’s
grandfather was perhaps the most respected man of his generation. This
family is not of Cairo, but of the Hedjaz, and came over from the opposite
coast some 300 or 400 years ago, and settled at Khartoum, or rather
at Shendy, for Khartoum was founded by Mahomet Ali.

“ Berzati was educated at Khartoum school by a famous savant, and had
an education which quite equalled generally the best education in Europe.
There was scarcely any topic he could not converse upon with a good deal
of sense. He knew the government of the country, its taxes, its history,
in a wonderful way; could write in several cyphers without looking at the
1879.] INTERVIEW WITH THE KHEDIVE. 399

 

attack in such a snub, so I went to the Palace,
and an hour after was sent for to the new
Khedive...« «Om the sath, [ went again
(our conversation till 11.30 p.m. the night before
having been on the menaced attack of Johannis’s
Generals Aloula and my old friend Walad el
Michael on the Bogos territory), and I told the
Khedive I would not stay any longer, but would
go to Massawa, settle with Johannis, and go
home. I could see he was pleased, and I do not
wonder at his being glad to get his land back
from a too powerful satrap. I saw him a good
deal afterwards. He told me that my enemies
with his father and with him had urged my dis-
missal; that he had terrible complaints against
me, at which I laughed and he did also.....
Then I took up the Foreign Office (Egyptian)
duty, and wrote to the Consuls-General of France
and England, and told them they had interfered
to get sweet things, and now they must interfere
to avoid bitter things. I telegraphed to Aden
and Jeddah for gunboats, and also to the Jeddah
consul to come to Massawa; in fact, I may say
I was active in the affair. I attacked in an official
letter the Italian Consul-General, for it is an
Italian who has put Johannis up to this, and I

keys. He was my most intimate friend for three years; and though we
have had tiffs, I always had a great respect for his opinion. I owe him
very much in every way; for, though he was a thorough patriot and devout
Mussulman, he advised me honestly for the welfare of the people. He is
about twenty-nine years of age, yet perfectly self-possessed and dignified ;
and I can say that, in all our perils, I never saw him afraid.

“‘His family was a great tie to him; for he had four wives, and some
find one enough.

‘© A few men like Berzati Bey would regenerate Egypt, but they are rare.

‘* Scoffers called him the ‘ black imp.’

‘© P.S.—Berzati had the invaluable quality of telling me when he dis-
agreed with me.”—Eb.
400 EVIL-SPEAKERS THREATENED. [August,

 

expect I made him ashamed. I have ordered the
tribes on the frontier to retire their flocks and
families, and to prepare their warriors for defence.
I have sent down to double the garrisons, and
told the Commissioners of Debt (privately) I
expect that I shall need £333,333 125. 6d. -for
the war which is impending. I am going to see
Johannis if I can, and mean to get the “ Black
Imp” a French passport, in case Johannis seizes

The Khedive said, after some circumlocution,
“Was I not too friendly with Johannis?” In
fact, the general report in Cairo was that I was
going in for being Sultan; but it would not suit
our family. I hope to finish off Johannis soon, and
then to come home..... Serrigee, the black boy
I brought down from Khartoum, has become a
Mussulman—which evidently shows that he does
not appreciate modern Christianity. I paid for
the rite, and I expect to be blamed by for
doing so.....

The Pashas all thought I should be badly
received, because I was so friendly to the ‘‘ Incur-
able.” They are now non-plussed and cannot
make it out; but, as I have said, they all hate me.
Knowing this, I wrote to the Secretary of the
Foreign Office man, who is a friend of mine,
asking him to tell his chief, who is of the Council,
“That if, on my return, I hear any of the Council
of Ministers have said anything against me, I
will beg the Khedive to make the evil speaker
Governor-General of the Soudan,” which is equi-
valent to a sentence of death to these Cairo
Pa NAS an I have telegraphed to the Com-
missioners of the Debt that “If the Abyssinians

 
 

BERZATI BEY.
1879. ] ARREST OF WALAD EL MICHAEL. 401

 

Egypt I shall have at once to apply for £300,000
from Cairo, for that H.H. cannot let his subjects
be massacred ; and that they had better get their
Governments to stop Johannis, if they want to see
the 4 300,000.”

En route To Massawa, Rep Sega, September 2.
—The heat is terrible, but I am quiet and that
isa great thing. I fear, through this Abyssinian
affair, I shall have to wend my weary way to
Senheit ; however, God knows what is best for me.
I would sooner have come home straight, but I
had it not in my heart to forsake Tewfik till this
affair is finished... .. I have begun to be very
tired of the continual wear and tear of my last
six years. However, I cannot think of leaving
Egypt exposed to her enemies.

Massawa, September 6.—I arrived here to-day.
I find the Abyssinians are in virtual possession of
Bogos, and that it is not a question of ceding or
not ceding the country, but of retaking it.

September r1.—I leave to-night to meet Aloula,
if he will receive me.

En route To Axouta’s, September rz.—I left
this evening having, just before I started, had a
telegram from H.H. to cede nothing, though he
wished to avoid a war! So I go with empty
hands. I am low to a degree, covered with the
prickly heat-rash.

September 12.—We have met a caravan coming
from Aloula’s. « . « They confirm the news
that Walad el Michael and all his officers are
prisoners by orders sent to Aloula by King
Johannis, and that Metfin (Walad el Michael’s
son) is dead—killed by some one. I heard just as
I left Massawa that Abdulgassin—the last of the

DD
402 THE KHEDIVE’S INSTRUCTIONS. [September,

 

leaders of Sebehr’s slave-dealers—had been taken,
and I ordered him to be shot. He is the man
who killed the child, and shed its blood over the
flag when it was blown down.* Thus gaps, one by
one, are made in my prayers for my enemies. All
the chiefs of Sebehr, Metfin the son of Walad el
Michael—all were in the list. I confess I am fear-
fully weary of my life, and contemplate with no
trouble the chance that Walad el Michael’s soldiers
(computing that my arrival at Massawa coincided
with the death of Metfin, their chief's son, and
with the imprisonment of their chief, and my
visit to Aloula,) may waylay me on my way to
Bogos.

September 13.— We started at 2 am. this
morning. The road was simply terrible, and I
got off my mule and walked, in a diabolical
temper, for I had that palpitation of the heart
which reduces one to zero.

September 14. — We have only three hours’
more march ere we reach the place of rendezvous.
I am glad of it, for this prickly heat-rash has
turned into boils, so that I am a perfect Job.
I have sad misgivings whether I can do anything
or not. I see no mean on which we can meet, if
Johannis is determined to have Bogos; for only
yesterday H.H. telegraphed for the second time,
‘Give up nothing, but do not fight;” as if it
were in our option to avoid it! I have steadfastly
kept one policy in view for the whole time I have
been in Abyssinia: viz., to get rid, either w7th or
wrthout Johannis’s help, of Walad el Michael
and his men, and then to come to terms with
Johannis. Now Johannis will not give me his help

* See p. 377.—Eb.
1879.] ALOULA’S SHED. 403

 

for nothing, when I persist in keeping what we
have stolen from him. I do not mean physical help,
but moral help, z.e., that he should offer a pardon—
that is an asylum, to which Walad el Michael’s men
can go when they leave Bogos. Otherwise they
will fight with desperation against us.

September 15.—We halted till 3 p.m. at the
place I named as the rendezvous, when a man
came to say Aloula would see me at Gura, so we
started at once and crossed the frontier.

September 16.—We reached Gura, after great
fatigue, at 3.30 p.m. Aloula’s shed is on the top of
the steepest of hills—almost insurmountable—
near the crest. Of course I was in the Muchir'’s
[Field-Marshal’s] uniform. When I came near
the soldiers who were drawn up on each side of
the entrance to Aloula’s palisade, I found my mule
so fatigued that I got down and walked. The
soldiers were sitting on their heels and never rose—
only one or two acknowledged my salute. Near the
entrance the soldiers were standing up well. The
Commander-in-Chief,* who preceded me on foot,
kept making lowly reverences every yard to some
one invisible in front ; while I could see no one till
we got to the entrance of a long shed of branches,
full of people, at the end of which was a couch,
on which a figure was sitting wrapped up in white
even to his face, nose alone appearing. Solemn
silence prevailed ; nearly every one had his robe
to his mouth as if something poisonous had
arrived. The figure at the end never moved, and
I got quite distressed, for he was so muffled up
that I felt inclined to feel his pulse. He must be

* Ras Aloula’s Commander-in-Chief, who had met Colonel Gordon at
the frontier.—Eb,

DD 2
404 SMOKING IN ABYSSINIA. [September,

 

ill, I thought. No, this was my friend Aloula.
He just saluted me, and motioned me to a very
low seat, covered with silk, at his side. There was
no other seat, so Berzati Bey, the black imp,
looking daggers, was motioned by me to sit on the
ground. I slightly avenged myself by kicking
aside the fine silk on the low stool and in dis-
ordering the general arrangement of it; and then
there was general silence. Then I got up and
gave Aloula the Khedive’s letter announcing his
accession and my mission. He did not seem the
least impressed, but slightingly put the gold-
tasselled green-silk bag on the pistol which lay
by his side. Dead silence again. So I took a
look around me, and then behind me, and there I
saw about ten priests of the holy of holiest sitting
glaring at me; so I smiled benignantly on them,
and then had another look at the invalid on the
couch (Aloula). I then sent the black imp off,
for I saw he was angry. Aloula said ‘You may
smoke, if you like, though the King has forbidden
his people to doso.” * However, I did not think it
well to smoke, so I only thought to myself ““ How
little worth any alliance with such a meddling king
would be to Egypt; if he forbids smoking he

* “The King has issued an edict, that if any of his subjects are found
smoking they shall lose hand and foot. I mean to ask him, as a favour to
me, to cancel the order. I am allowed to smoke by special order.” (From
a Memorandum by Colonel Gordon). This Christian King is almost as
intolerant as the Wahhabees on the other side of the Red Sea. Mr.
Palgrave tells how he once asked a great doctor of that sect which were
the great sins. ‘ Putting on a profound air, . . . . he uttered his oracle,
that ‘the first of the great sins is the giving divine honours to a creature.’
. .. . ‘Of course,’ I replied, ‘the enormity of such a sin is beyond all
doubt. But, if this be the first, there must be a second; what is it?’
‘Drinking the shameful’ (in English, ‘Smoking tobacco’) was the un-
hesitating answer. ‘And murder, and adultery, and false witness,’ I
suggested. ‘God is merciful and forgiving,’ rejoined my friend.” —Central
and Eastern Arabia, by W. G, PALGRAVE, page 282.—Ep.
1879.] “YOU ARE ENGLISH.” 405

 

will end in forbidding other things, and so lose his
crown!” Well, it was uncommonly dull, and the
invalid was not lively ; so I took another good look
at my priests which seemed to amuse them, and
then I looked closer at my neighbours. By making
inquiries, I found a German in Abyssinian clothes,
and a native of Syria. There were two inter-
preters, one for French and one for English—both
Abyssinians. [I have an innate hatred of inter-
preters, but, as Berzati Bey had retired, I had
to talk to enliven the company. Then came in
hydromel, at which every one was delighted, like
children at dessert... . . Aloula said once or
twice, ‘ You are English, and your nation are my
brothers.” I quietly denied the soft impeachment,
and said that ‘here I could only be looked on as
the Envoy of the Khedive, and a Mussulman for
the time ;” adding “if I were to pretend to be
anything else, anything I arranged with him
would be useless, if the Khedive knew of my false
pretences.” Well, after some time, I took leave
of the invalid, and left. He had once or twice
removed his face-muffler, and I found him a good-
looking young man of about thirty or thirty-five.
The poisonous effect had also gone off to some
degree, for the others also removed their mufflers.
Aloula positively wanted to camp me at the bottom
of the hill, and thus force me to come up this
precipice every time I wanted to see him; this I
struck at, and said “If you do that, I shall be so
cross when J arrive at Aloula’s shed, that nothing
can hope to be arranged;” so they camped me
near him. I went out to have a stroll around,
and soon after was politely ordered back to my
circle. Egypt treated Abyssinia very badly and
406 AMBAS. [ September,

 

unjustly, and that is why I do not feel in the least
put out at their queer ways of treating me; but
to-morrow I shall ask to bring my Soudan throne
and a stool for Berzati Bey. I have also sent
Aloula a paper asking him to state clearly the
complaints of Abyssinia against Egypt, and
saying that all conversation must be in Arabic,
and that Iam an Egyptian.....

The hill on which his hut is built is at least
twice as high as Shooter’s Hill and very steep.
Men at the top, seen from the bottom, look like
ants ; and this hill I was to go up and down every
day! ... . South of this occurred the battles
between the Egyptians and Johannis. Scarcely
anything but Remingtons are to be seen with
the Abyssinians. They must have captured an
immense number. Wadenkal* has been taken to
Gebel, or rather Amba Gelali, near Adowa. The
Abyssinians imprison their political prisoners on
inaccessible mountains which are called ‘“Ambas.’’t
‘They are of three descriptions. First class, in
which the prisoner is hoisted up by means of a
basket and pullies, there being no possible road ;
second, in which there is one road ; third, in which

* Walad el Michael.—Ep.

+ In FaTHER Loso’s Voyage to Abyssinia the following account is given
of these Ambas:—‘‘ The Kingdom of Amhara is yet more mountainous.
The Abyssins call these steep rocks Amba. There are many of them
which appear to the sight like great cities; and one is scarcely convinced,
even upon a near view, that one doth not see walls, towers, and bastions.
It was on the barren summit of Ambaguexa that the Princes of the Blood-
Royal passed their melancholy life, being guarded by officers who treated
them often with great rigour and severity.”—P. 204. An English trans-
lation of this work was, as is well known, Dr. Johnson’s first venture in
literature. Had he not been thus led to study Abyssinia, he might never
have written Rasse/as. It is curious that in this tale he places the prison
of the princes, not on the mountain-top, but in a spacious valley. That
he had in mind the passage in Loso is shown by his placing the valley in
the Kingdom of Amhara.—Ep.
1879. ] NEWSPAPERS FOR THE KING. 407

 

there are two or three roads. There is water and
cultivable ground on these ambas, and on them
the prisoners pass their existence, forgotten and in
meditation, till perhaps some new revolution may
put them on the throne.*

September r8.—1 sent Aloula a memorandum
to-day. In it I pointed out the advantages which
a direct communication with Egypt's ruler would
be to the King, etc. He then sent forme. He was
very civil, and I took my chair. He said he could
not definitely settle the matter, and that I must
see the King. So I agreed to go, if he would not
attack Egypt while I was away. He agreed to
this: so I leave to-morrow for Debra Tabor, near
Gondar, twelve days from here!!!

Near Apowa, September 24.—1 am pretty
well, wending my way over the worst of roads
and steepest of mountains. Will you kindly tell
my newspaper man to send to “H.M. King
Johannis, of Abyssinia,” the Weekly Times,
Pall Mall Budget, and either the Graphic or
Illustrated London News, and to address them
to Massawa, Red Sea. Please subscribe for a
year.t I have worked hard, and I hope my visit
will be a success; for the moment I have got a
truce for four months.

Near Apowa, September 25, 1879.—We are
still slowly crawling over the world’s crust... ..
When we were camped near Ras Aloula, the
priests used to gather at 3 a.m. in knots of two and
three, and chant for an hour, in a wild, melodious

* Ina letter of September 25 Colonel Gordon says:—‘‘ On the tops of
these ‘Ambas’ are huts, water, and trees. Some of them have precipices
of 800 or 900 feet around them, and are of several miles in extent.” —Ep,

+ The King’s interpreter had asked for these papers to be sent.—Ep,
408 CHANTING THE PSALMS. [ September,

 

manner, the Psalms of David.* Awakened by
this in the quiet of the night, no one could help
being impressed. Some of them had children who
also chanted. . . . . You cannot help liking these
poor, simple-minded, brave peasantry—people and
I have abused them; for they (“e ws) want an
eye for an eye, and twenty shillings for one pound.
Amba Appa SALAMI, Sepéember 27.—We arrived
here to-day, and are camped quite close to the
Amba of Wadenkal. When you get close to it
you have to be hauled up in a basket. There
was a tent pitched on the top, in which—to-day
being the first of the Abyssinian year, as the
King’s interpreter told me—they were feasting.
October 2.—Yesterday we passed near a famous
convent. The great Priest, who only comes out
to meet the King, and who is supposed to be the
King’s right hand in religious questions, came out
to meet me. _I had some splendid silk brocade,
which I gave him. He helda gold cross in his hand,
and spoke of the love of Christ. He seemed to be
a man who was deeply wrapped up in religion.
This is a long and terrible journey: we have
been on the march from September 11. We
go on mules. The mountain-tracks are very
bad. We are now about one day’s march from the

* Nocountry in the world is so full of churches, monasteries, and eccle-
siastics as Abyssinia. It is not possible to sing in one church or monastery
without being heard by another, and perhaps by several. They sing the
Psalms of David, of which they have a very exact translation in their own
language. . . . . They begin their concert by stamping their feet on the
ground, and playing gently on their instruments; but when they have
heated themselves by degrees, they leave off drumming, and fall to leaping,
dancing, and clapping their hands, at the same time straining their voices
to their utmost pitch, till at length they have no regard either to the tune
or the pauses, and seem rather a riotous, than a religious, assembly. For
this manner of worship they cite the psalm of David, ‘ O clap your hands,
all ye nations.’”—FATHER Loso’s Voyage to Abyssinia, p. 61.—ED.
1879. ] “THE LITTLE KHEDIVE.” 409

 

river Tacazzi, afzas the Atbara, which joins the
Nile at Berber. 1 fear that it will be December
before I get home. I do fear Christmas and New
Year's Day—the feast days—also Easter. An-
other thing troubles me—the thought of those
fearful sermons. How I liked those old curtained
pews! I remember one somewhere, which was
like a small hut, where you could have made your
toilet, and no one would have been the wiser.

River Tacazzi, October r2.—I send you Gessi’s
letters, which tell of the end of Sebehr’s son. I
have no compunction about his death. I told him
that, if he fought the Government, God would slay
him. Gessi only obeyed my orders in shooting
Bits a 4 «2 I have written in Arabic a pamphlet
with all the history of Sebehr, and I am going to
print it, and send it to all the great people. ... .
Do not fret about Ismail Pasha—he is a philoso-
pher, and has plenty of money. He played high
stakes and lost... .. He is the cleverest man in
Europe. I am one of those he fooled, but I bear
no grudge. It is a blessing for Egypt that he
Has SON. vw « « The Khedive and every one in
Egypt will be glad when they hear that “the
Little Khedive” (they call me this) has gone. I
am in hot water with the English, French, and
Italian Governments; and though the Khedive
likes me personally, he fears me, and the Council
hates me 2.4. Thanks for sending my photo-
graph to Li Hung Chang. I like the Chinese
better than the Egyptians.

River Tacazzt, October 17.—Yesterday I heard
that a chief, who is in revolt against the King, was
kindly waiting for me on the road close here ; and
last night the news came to the officer of Aloula,
410 ARRIVAL AT THE COURT. [ October,

 

who is with me, that this man was approaching.
The Aloula man started off with his men to see
about it. The rebel has 300 men with him. He
said, when the people told him I had only a few
boxes with me, and that the presents for the King
were coming behind, ‘‘ Never mind, I will take
the Pasha and the black imp, and get the boxes
afterwards.” It would have been a terrible dis-
grace to the King had I been captured. Even
now he will be very much put out; for it would
appear from this that he is not master in his own
house. I hear of another robber being on the
road, between Galabat and Debra Tabor, who
has a great number of guns. I have only six
black soldiers with me.

With this letter of October 13 Colonel Gordon’s Abyssinian
Correspondence unhappily comes to an end. The following
notes that he drew up later on must fill the gap. In one or
two places I have abridged his narrative; in others I have
changed the arrangement.

Notes on ABYSSINIA.

NV.B.—Having thought it advisable to burn my
report in detail on November 14, these notes are
written in a condensed form.

.... October 27.—Having been taken over
the worst road in the country (according to the
King’s own words) we arrived at Debra Tabor.
Ras Aloula had sent me by this road across all
the right-bank tributaries of the River Tacazzi,
on purpose to prevent my seeing a good road.
Every tributary represented a descent and ascent
of some thousand feet. On my arrival, I was
admitted to the King, who sat upon a raised dais,
1879. ] INTERVIEW WITH THE KING. 4IlI

 

with the Itagé or Chief Priest and Ras Arya on
the ground on his left, and a stool for me on his
right. Then guns were fired, and his Majesty
said, “ That is in your honour,” and then said I
could retire, which I did, to some wretched huts,
half finished, which had been ordered ten days
before by the King. The psalm-singing at day-
break went on at the court just as it had in Ras
Aloula’s camp.

I found at Debra Tabor the Greek Consul of
Suez, Bianchi (an Italian of Mateucci’s party),
and two other Italians, named Neretti, one of
whom had been with the King for eight years and
a-half. At night fifteen black soldiers, whom the
King had taken at Gondet in November, 1875,
and nine Arab soldiers whom Ras Aloula had
taken at Ailat in January, 1877, came and begged
me to try to get their release. On October 28,
the King sent to say he would see me at dawn.
I went there, and on my entry, the King said to
Ras Arya—

“My father, do you not see Gordon has
come? Have I not told you I wish to see him
alone? Please retire and see after your business.”

So off went Ras Arya. .... , a great scamp,
was interpreter. The King recounted his griefs
against Egypt at a tedious length; I agreed to
them. He then said—

Kinc.—‘ What have you come for ?”

G.—‘ Have you not read H.H.’s letters?”
(One announcing his accession, the other accredit-
ing me.)

Kinc.—‘“ No.” (Well, after a great search,
the letters were found, and ordered to be trans-
lated, the chief clerk receiving forty blows for not

 
412 THE KING'S DEMANDS. [ October,

 

having done so before : among the heap of letters
was the one from Her Majesty’s Consul-General,
saying that Her Majesty's Government would
view with extreme concern any attack on Egypt.
It was quite disregarded, as also its brother letter
from the French Government.)

Kinc.—‘ You want peace; well, I want retro-
cession of Metemma, Changallas, and Bogos, cession
of Zetla and Amphilla (ports), an Abouna, and
a sum of money from one to two million pounds ;
or, if His Highness likes better than paying
money, then I will take Bogos, Massawa, and
the Abouna. I could claim Dongola, Berber,
Nubia, and Sennaar, but will not do so. Also I
want certain territory near Harrar.” (Here H.M.
seemed out in his geography, so he added that
he would waive that claim for the moment.)

G.—“ This is the first time, in spite of three
years’ continued efforts, that Egypt has been able
to know what Your Majesty wants from her.”

Kinc.—‘ How could I trust you?”

G.—‘ There was no question of trust in sayin
what Your Majesty wanted.” (I could have added,
you confided to me a letter to the Queen. V.B.—
Fully six times—from 1877 to 1879—I have tried
to get the King to state the demands on Egypt.)
“Will Your Majesty write these demands, seal
them, and give H.H. six months for a reply?”

Kinc.—‘ Yes. I am going to some hot baths
two days from here ; come with me.”

G.— I have been away from my government
many days, and in the face of Your Majesty’s de-
mands, no good can result from my going with you.”

Kinc.— Why in such a hurry ?”

G.—‘ H.H. must know at once of these
1879. ] THE ROYAL BATHS. 413

 

demands, and arrangements must be made for the
frontier. Will Your Majesty answer me a question,
which is not obligatory? If these demands are
not granted, what will Your Majesty do?”

Kinc.—‘‘I shall then know that you hate me,
and I shall fight you. What will you do then?
Will Egypt fight me ?”

G.—“ That is the Khedive’s function to reply:
but, personally, I think your demands will not be
granted.”

Kine.—“ Will Egypt fight me with Christian
or Mussulman soldiers ?”

G.—‘‘I1 do not know; most likely, if she fights,
she will fight with Soudan soldiers.”

Kinc.—‘ I do not know if I shall fight. I will
not cross over the frontier; but you will never
stay in your frontier. You will come over it, and
then I will fight you. Come to the baths, and |
will consider the letter; or wait till I come back
from the baths.”

I then asked him to let the nine Arabs and the
fifteen Soudanese soldiers go back with me. I|
told him I had seen them. He twice replied that
they wanted to stay with him, and I twice said
they did not. Then I left, and Berzati Bey gave
him some £200 of presents, and he left at once for
the Baths. (Quite fashionable! the baths consist
of a hot spring coming up through a bamboo in
an old hut.)

From that day, October 28 to November 6,
nothing particular passed, beyond that I found
out a good deal of what was going on. The King
had been put up to these claims by the Greek
Consul and the interpreter combined, who had
persuaded him that he had only to ask in order
414 ATTEMPTS AT BRIBERY. [Wovember,

 

to obtain. I was so much pressed to go to the
Baths, that I felt sure that the object of the King
and the Greek Consul was to try and detach
me from the Khedive. Indeed the King kept
appealing to my being English and Christian,
and spoke much in that strain, as did the
Greek Consul, the interpreter adding glowing
accounts of the wonderful presents preparing for
me—alas! never to be received. However,
when he saw that I would not give in, he tried
to get me to give him 1,000 dollars, on the
promise that he would arrange the affair; but it
was no good. Soon November 6 back came the
King, with his unfulfilled promise of writing his
demands, and granting six months’ truce. The
King saw he had got into a mess, for it was diffi-
cult for him to withdraw his demands, and yet he
did not like to write them. It was my policy to
keep him officially to his word, though I let him
know privately what I would aid him to obtain—
viz., an Abouna, free import for arms and letters
for himself at Massawa, and Bogos. Now I have
positive orders not to cede Bogos. I told the
King this, and that I could only promise him my
good graces for the cession [of this district], which
is useless to Egypt, but which H.H. will not give
up. I know the Greek Consul scoffed at what I
offered to concede, and wanted, in conjunction with
the King and the interpreter, to cajole me into
conversations which might lead to my promising
more of my good graces. This I would not have ;
so on the whole of November 7 | kept pressing
for the etter of demands which had been pro-
mised. The Itagé sent to me to say that the
King wished to moderate his demands; and at
1879. ] THE KING'S LETTER. 415

 

last the Greek Consul came, and I gave him a
paper in which I said that His Majesty stated
that he wanted A, B, C, and D, or else D and E.*
He said he would write these demands, seal it, and
give six months for a reply. The Consul went
with the interpreter to the King, and came back
to say that on November 8 I should have the letter
and take leave. On that day the King received
me; the Greek Consul placed himself by my side.
I said to him, “‘ Please go over to the other side.”

Kine (very sulky).—‘‘ Have you anything to

say ?”
G.— No.”
Kinc.—‘ Go back to your master. I will send
a letter.’
G.— Will you give me the Egyptian soldiers?”
INTERPRETER.—“ Pray do not ask now.”

G.—“ Do your duty.” (He does it.)

Krnc (furious).—‘‘ Why do you ask me this ?
You keep many of my subjects prisoners.”

G.—* No; every one is free. Ask the Consul.”
(Consul silent.)

Kinc.—“ I have written one letter, and I will
write another about this. Go.”

Sol made my exit, and started an hour afterwards.
Just as I was starting, the interpreter brought me
the letter, and also 1,000 dollars which I sent
back. When I halted, I opened the letter. I felt
sure there was some trick. It was some twelve
lines. I counted two for salutations at the begin-
ning, and two for salutations at the end, and |
saw that the remaining eight lines would not be
enough for the demands, so I had it translated.
The King says, ‘‘I have received the letters you

* These letters are used for the King’s alternatives. See p. 412.—ED.
416 ON THE WAY TO KHARTOUM. [Movember,

 

sent me by ¢hat man. 1 will not make a secret
peace with you. If you want peace, ask the
Sultans of Europe.”

When angry, the expression of contempt, chad
man is used—never the poor individual’s name.

I had a right, as Vakeel to the Khedive, to
open the letter, for it behoved me to know, as
Governor-General of the Soudan, whether the six
months’ truce was granted. Well, I wrote to the
Greek Consul, and said, “You told me that the
King would write a certain letter, and on your
word, I said nothing to the King when I took
leave of him. Did the King say to you that he
would write the promised letter, or did he not?
You have to explain this.” The Greek Consul
wrote back to say, that the King, when spoken
to about the letter he had written, had said “that
he had written to H.H. as he thought fit, and
should write other letters if he judged right :” so
I went on my way towards Galabat.* I saw
Ras Arya on November 12, in a village on the
water-shed of Lake Tsana and the River Atbara.
Stopping at the place of poor Theodore at Jenda,
I reached Chelga on the 13th. Here the soldiers
of Ras Arya left me, as they were afraid to pass
further owing to a revolted chief—Gadassi, who
attacked all the King’s troops. We were there-
fore virtually free on the 14th, when we left
Chelga for Galabat, two days distant. But as I
was not very comfortable as to what reception
Gadassi would give me, I sent on to Galabat to
order 200 soldiers to come and meet me; and |
halted myself and caravan at Char Amba, the
gate of Abyssinia, about two hours from Chelga.

* Colonel Gordon was on his way to Khartoum w/é Katarif.—Ep.
1879.] ARRESTED. 417

 

At five o’clock that evening, just as we were
enjoying the splendid view of the Soudan plains
and the defile before us, down swooped 120 soldiers
with three high officers of Ras Arya, with a letter
of which they would only show the King’s seal,
and ordered us all back. We were considerably
bothered by these troops all night, and back we
all marched in the morning, knowing nothing of
our fate, or what the reason of our recall was,
until the 16th, when we reached Ras Arya’s
village again. On the road thither, as there was a
chance of our personal seizure, I was afraid of my
detailed journal being captured, and so I burnt it.

Ras Arya sent word to say he could not see
me, for he had taken medicine. (Every Abys-
sinian takes ‘“‘ Kossoo” at certain fixed epochs—
say, every ten days —to kill the tape-worms
engendered by eating raw meat; but this was not
the regular day for Ras Arya to take ‘ Kossoo,”
so I knew he lied.) At dusk he sent to me to
send Berzati Bey to him, which I did. At the
same time he sent the man who had acted as the
false ambassador at Katarif,* to me, to say that
he would, in spite of the King, for a consideration
bien entendu send any telegrams to Galabat I
wanted, I jumped at the chance, and sent him
a huge present—some £70 of things. Berzati
Bey came back, and said that Ras Arya had said
the King was a thoroughly bad man, that he had
ruined the country, and was rapidly going mad.
(Ras Arya is the King’s uncle; and though
neither he nor the King has any right to the
throne, he has more right than the King.) He
(Ras Arya) said, “Why do not the Egyptians

* See p. 330.—EbD.
EE
418 THE WAY BACK. [November,

 

take the country ? Nothing is more easy ; every-
’ one is angry with Johannis, etc. The King treats
me like a dog. When I asked him for some
presents that Gordon had given him, he said,
‘No, you have had enough from Egypt.’ More-
over, the King turned me out when Gordon came.
I will not obey his orders to cut off all communi-
cation with Galabat.” He then said that the
orders of the King were, that I was to go back to
Egypt by Massawa, and that every care was to
be taken that I sent no letter or person to Galabat.
The next day I had to see Ras Arya before I
started. There he sat, with his son, Prince Kassai,
at his feet, with three mules at kicking distance.
I had to get up and swear to look after his son
(who is to be married to Ras Adal’s daughter),
which I did heartily.

Leaving Ras Arya’s on November 17, we
passed Gondar on the 18th, and crossing over a
good bridge, reached Ras Garamudhiri. He is
the uncle of Alamayou and brother of the King
Wobay. We were fearfully bullied up to this
point, and then went on to Prince Hagos. Both
this Prince and the Ras said that the King
was wrong. We then became free,* and made
great marches to Axum, where we got mobbed,
and were rescued by two little boys, sons of a
Prince killed at Gura, who took us in. (Needless
to say we paid our way throughout with gold.
41,400 were expended before we reached Mas-
sawa.) The mountains were covered with snow,
and we, having given up our tents, suffered a
good deal. At Axum a sister of the King sent

* Here the King’s escort left us, which up to this place had fixed our
marches and worried us in many ways.
1879.] SAFE AT MASSAWA. 419

 

for one of my men. She abused the King
roundly, and sent me two disks of bread. We
then pushed on, and passed near Adowa, to
which I sent one of my people to take presents
to Ras Arya Salam, the King’s son, a boy of
thirteen. There we heard that the King, after
his row with me, had sent an order putting this
boy over Ras Aloula, his best General. This he
did because he was apprehensive that Aloula,
who was friendly to me, might revolt. This had
made Ras Aloula furious. Well! the King’s son
said he (thirteen years!) thought his father wrong
in what he had done, and sent me salutations.
We pushed on to the frontier, near which is a
village (Kya Khor). There we were again
arrested and bullied. Upwards of twenty times
they pulled my handkerchief out of my pocket,
and tried to rob me. They took many things
from my people. At last we got away, and
reached Massawa on December 8. I was de-
lighted to see our man-of-war, the “Sea Gull,”
there. The English Government helped me im-
mensely by sending her. H.H., occupied with
his debts, has paid no attention to me.* The
people here were delighted at my return—such
rejoicings were never seen. I do not write the
details of my misery. They are over, thank God ;
and though “the King of Kings” [Johannis,

* “JT asked your Highness,” Colonel Gordon telegraphed to the
Khedive on December 15, ‘‘when I was taken by King John on No-
vember 14, by telegraph, to send a regiment and a steamer with two
guns to Massawa. Your Highness has not done so; and had not the
English gunboat been here, the place might have been sacked. Some
8,000 refugees are in the isle, and they run the risk of their water-conduit
being cut off. The English and French Governments have given orders
that their gunboats are only to protect their own national subjects, and
have even taken pains to inform the King of their intention not to inter-
fere.”—Eb,

EE 2
420 JOHANNIS’S LETTERS. [December,

 

King of the Kings of Ethiopia] has made me
uncomfortable, I have made him uncomfortable
also. Sleeping with an Abyssinian at the foot,
and one on each side of you, is not comfortable ;
and so I passed my last night in Abyssinia.

I append the letters of the King to the
Khedive. They are insulting. The letters
of H.H. the Khedive to King Johannis were
couched in the most civil language. H.H.
expressed his regret at the past, and his desire
to renew the old friendship between Egypt
and Abyssinia. The King answers H.H. with
no titles, thus :-—

‘How are you, Mohamed Towfik? I and my soldiers are
well. Your letter you sent me by your man I have received,
respecting Peace. You fought me before like a robber.
Eight Kings* knew not of this affair. To want to make peace
like robbers is not good. You want peace, but you prevent the
Abyssinian merchants to go to Massawa. You have taken
land not your own. What you say and what I say eight
Kings must have cognizance of.” t

The King calls himself the ‘God-given Ruler.”
He calls H.H. “thou,” which is never used
except to a person of very inferior rank.

Translation of another letter from King Jo-
hannis to the Khedive :—

“Que la lettre de l’élu de Dieu, Johannes, Roi de Sion,t
Roi des Rois d’Ethiopie parvienne &4 Mohammed Tewfik.
Comment as-tu passé la semaine? Moi, Dieu soit béni, je

* The Kings of England, France, Germany, Austria, Prussia, Italy,
Turkey, and Greece.

+ This letter was translated by the French Consul at Massawa.—Eb.

t The full title was King of the Stone of Sion. In FATHER Loso’s
Voyage to Abyssinia we read that ‘‘The Kings of Aithiopia draw their
1879.] JOHANNIS’S CHARACTER. aot

 

vais bien ainsi que tous mes soldats. La lettre que tu m’as
envoyée nest parvenue. Et c’est pour faire la paix, dis-tu que
tu m’envoies lettre et homme! Aprés m/’avoir volé, vous
m’avez combattu, sans que les Rois Vapprennent; mais les
Rois le sauront! Et pour recommencer ferons-nous la paix
(en cachette) comme des voleurs ?

“Comment parler de paix pendant que vous entravez les
marchands et que vous arrétez les gens du pays?

“Les Rois apprendront ma condulte et la vétre !

“‘Ecrite en 1872 année de miséricorde le 29 Octobre* dans
la place de Semra.” fF

I write in haste, but I will sum up my im-
pression of Abyssinia. The King is rapidly
growing mad. He cuts off the noses of those
who take snuff, and the lips of those who smoke.
The other day a man went to salute Ras Aloula.
In saluting him his tobacco-box dropped out.
Ras Aloula struck him with his sword, and his
people finished him. The King is hated more
than Theodore was. Cruel to a degree, he does
not, however, take life. He cuts off the feet
and hands of people who offend him. He puts
out their eyes by pouring hot tallow into their
ears.{ Several came to me to tell me this.
I remonstrated with the King against his edict
forcing men to become Christian from Mussulman.
He satd they wished it. 1 also remonstrated
about the tobacco edict, but it was of no use.

boasted pedigree from Minilech (or Menelech), the son of the Queen of

Sheba and Solomon. .... This son, after having educated him herself
for some years, she sent to Solomon to be farther instructed, by whom he
was taken care of..... He was sent back to the Queen attended by

many Doctors of the Law of Moses, and great men of Solomon’s Court,
the chief of whom was Azarias the son of Zadoc the High Priest, who
stole and carried with him the Ark and one of the Tables of the Law,
which are still preserved in the Church of Axuma.”—Pp, 45 and 281.—Eb.

* November 8, 1879, of our era.

+ This letter was translated by the Catholic Mission of Massawa.

+ It is said to destroy the optic nerve. The eyes remain ‘‘clear to
outward view of blemish or of spot.”—Eb.
Ase JOHANNIS’S CHARACTER. [December,

 

No one can travel without the King’s order
if he is a foreigner. You can buy nothing with-
out the King’s order; no one will shelter you
without his order—in fact, no more complete
despotism could exist. It cannot last; for the
King will go on from one madness to another.
Orders were given that no one was to approach
me; nor was I to speak to any. The officer who
conducted me to the King, the second in com-
mand to Aloula, met his uncle and cousin in
chains, and durst not ask why they were chained.
The King is a man of some forty-five years, a
sour, ill-favoured looking being. He never looks
you in the face, but when you look away he
glares at you like a tiger. He never smiles; his
look, always changing, is one of thorough sus-
picion. Hated and hating all, I can imagine no
more unhappy man. Avaricious above all his
people, who do not lack this quality, his idea of
a free port is that fleets of steamers will arrive
from the Powers of Europe with presents for
him, to which he will reply by sending a letter
with the Lion seal,* saying, ‘“‘ You are my brother,
my mother, etc. How are you?” Johannis is
delighted with Her Majesty, because she called
him her son. He carries with him all his great
prisoners—the poor Goobasie,t with his eyes out,
and the rest. At the great feast, on September
27, he had ove bullock killed for some hundreds
of persons.

Lascelles, the Consul-General, wrote him a letter
with the Great Seal of England, saying, “ 7had¢

* «The escutcheon is a Lion holding a Cross, with this motto, ‘ Vicit
Leo de Tribu Juda.’”—Loso’s Abyssinia, p. 260,—Ep.

“ See p. 204.—Eb,
1879.] JOHANNIS’S CHARACTER. 423

 

will please the King.” He pitched it, with its
brother letter of France, on the ground with the
greatest contempt.

The following description of the King and the country I
have extracted from two letters written to Colonel Gordon by
one of his envoys :—‘ The King is a melancholy-looking man,
and, I should say, has hardly ever smiled in his life. His life
is simplicity itself. His palace consists of two large, round,
conical-roofed, thatched houses ; one for a reception-room, the
other his dwelling-room—no attempt at the simplest window
or door. His horses were in it as well as himself, but this is
partly due to tradition. A holy priest is his constant atten-
dant. .... The country is far less advanced than I had
anticipated. There are no houses beyond the ordinary round,
single-roomed hut. These houses—even those of the sheikhs—
were so terribly dirty, that I preferred usually to camp in the
open, although the rains had begun, and we had much wet.
In the place where I had my first interview with Ras Arya, I
changed my clothes for the great man; but as I was in the
open plain, and it was pouring cats and dogs, you may imagine
what an absurd business it was. Everything was wet through
in the act of changing..... You have far abler men to deal
with than I had anticipated—men of stern, simple habits and
utter freedom from bombast, or ordinary uncivilised tinsel and
show. It is a race of warriors, hardy, and, though utterly
undisciplined, religious fanatics. Their weakest point is greed.
On leaving Ras Arya his last words were, ‘Have you a watch
to spare?’ I had not; but I seized a splendid silver one of
Ibrahim’s and gave it to him. The countenance of that
Dragoman was a study. I told him, however, to fix a price,
which I paid him. Really, for a presentation watch to a
Prime Minister, the sum—twenty-two dollars—could not be
considered excessive.”

In returning, I passed all the battle-fields of the
poor Egyptians; nothing could exceed the blun-
ders they had made in every way. The cruelties
the King and his people committed were atrocious.
Forty Soudan soldiers were mutilated altogether,
and sent to Bogos with the message that if H.H.
wanted eunuchs he could have these. Two
424 JOHANNIS’S CHARACTER. [December,

 

thousand Egyptians were taken prisoners. They
had no food for three days, and then were ordered
to march—they objected. They were all naked.
The Abyssinians fell on them, and ordering some
hundreds to lie on the rocks, shot at them as
targets. The. King has taken some 9000 Reming-
tons and twenty-five cannon, but he is getting
short of ammunition. You know I have seen
many peoples, but I never met with a more fierce,
savage set than these. The peasantry are good
enough. The King says he can beat united
Europe, except Russia. All the great men do
not want a war with Egypt, and the King fears
it when sober, for he drinks to excess at night.
He talks like the Old Testament. He is of
the strictest sect of the Pharisees—drunk over
night, at dawn he is up reading the Psalms. He
never would miss a prayer-meeting, and would
have a Bible as big as a Portmanteau if he were in
England. No women are allowed within 300 yards
of his palace—his hut I should say. He is furious
at my opening his letter to the Khedive. I know,
and indeed knew, that I was rash in provoking
him while in his power; but I leant on the verse,
‘The hearts of kings are in the hands of the
Lord; as the rivers of water He turneth them
as He willeth.” Ismail, the ex-Khedive, knew
the King well. He said to me, ‘Never go
near him; it is perfectly useless.” He has one
legitimate son, Ras Arya Salam, and one illegiti-
mate. Two sons of Theodore are with him.
Poor Alamayou! I am very sorry that he is
dead. His name was known in all the land, and
the people thought that our Government would
send him here.
1879.] JOHANNIS’S CHARACTER. 425

 

The night before we were taken prisoners at
Char Amba, I received the post, telling me that
the Nyanza Mission were prisoners at Mtesa’s.
I rather laughed at this, for I had foretold it.*
I was well paid out when the next day I had the
same experience. Mtesa and King Johannis are
of the same family! . . . . At Char Amba I had
written a full description of all that had passed.
When we were taken I was loathe to destroy
the papers with all the sketches. I opened my
pillow and put the letters in it. No good! I split
my portmanteau, and put them into it. No good!
I put them under a stone. No good. I offered
420 for their transmission. No good! At last
I burnt them; all my people who knew of their
existence were happy.

Massawa, December r7.—Accustomed to be
most obsequiously spoken to, the King could not
realise that he would have the truth told him in his
own den, amid his own people. He, the King of
Kings, to be told that his demands were impossible,
that Egypt would resist him, and would arm his
enemies, etc.! I told him this as a friend, and
said and wrote to him that he ought to be obliged
to me; for I could have deceived him and got
away quietly, therefore he ought to be obliged to
me, and not angry..... We must remember
that the King was also very angry at his people
liking me for my presents. He was angry that a
power equal to his was visible to his court. I did

* Gessi Pasha, writing on September 12, 1879, says:—‘‘Je crois que leur
Mission est terminée, et que c’est un insuccé. Lady Bertha Kutz (qy.

Burdett-Coutts?) aurait pti mieux employer son argent.” Gessi, I may
here remark, was a much better soldier than French scholar.—Ep,
426 JOHANNIS'S CHARACTER. [December,

 

“worrit” him, I know, by remarks which were
carried to him—such as, he would be better if he
would not try and be God; that six feet of earth
would hold me and would hold him; that he was
not his own master; that God held his heart in
His hand, and could turn it whither He would.
All these things were told him: besides which,
around my camp came all the beggars of the
place, and not to him, for he is too stingy to
give anything. Every one used to come and
whisper, which I would not have. I also walked
about without soldiers, on foot, and joked with
the people of all grades. ....

The natives about here have great trouble to
milk the cows. They therefore kill the calf,
and keep its skin. When the mother is
wanted to be milked, they take out the skin of
the deceased calf to the field, and hold it up.
The bereaved mother smells the skin, follows
it, and, while smelling it, is tied by the legs
and milked. After four months the aroma of
the deceased goes off, and the cow can be no
longer milked.*

Massawa, December 27.—Part of my caravan
was delayed behind me. It came in on the 18th.
The chief had been captured by Ras Aloula, and
chained for two days to an Abyssinian prisoner.
Why? Because Ras Aloula was furious that I
had got away without going to him, by which he

* «A Tulchan is—or rather was, for the thing is long since obsolete—a
calf-skin stuffed into the rude similitude of a calf, similar enough to deceive
the imperfect perceptive organs of a cow. At milking-time the Tulchan,
with head duly bent, was set as if to suck; the fond cow, looking round,
fancied that her calf was busy, and that all was right, and so gave her
milk freely, which the cunning maid was straining in white abundance into
her pail all the while!”—Okver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, by
THoMAS CARLYLE, edition 1857, Vol. I., p. 33.-—Eb.
1879.] RETURN HOME. 427

 

had lost some presents. He considers himself,
therefore, robbed of his due.

In 1879 Colonel Gordon rode 2,230 miles through the
deserts on camels, and 800 miles in Abyssinia on mules.

In the three years—1877, 1878, and 1879—he rode 8,490
miles on camels and mules. His average day’s journey on
camels was 3214 miles, and on mules ro miles.

It was none too soon that Colonel Gordon brought his work
to an end, and returned home. Even his iron frame and un-
conquerable will must soon have given way under the vast strain
that had so long been upon him. He had indeed ruled the
great country over which he had been set. On his shoulders
each man’s burden lay, and such a burden had brought, as it
ever must, dangers, troubles, cares, and sleepless nights. He
had been ill—very ill, as some of his letters show—when he
set out on his mission to Abyssinia. The hard usage which he
had undergone, and the risks which he had run in that kingdom,
had still more tried his health. On his return to Alexanaria,
he was examined by Dr. Mackie, the surgeon to the British
Consulate, who certified that he was “suffering from symptoms
of nervous exhaustion, and alteration of the blood—giving rise
to hemorrhagic (purpuric) spots in the skin, or cicatrices of
former sores or wounds. I have recommended him,” the
doctor adds, “to retire for several months for complete rest
and quiet—and that he may be able to enjoy fresh and whole-

‘some food, as I consider that much of what he is suffering
from is the effect of continued bodily fatigue, anxiety, and
indigestible food. I have strongly insisted on his abstaining
from all exciting work—especially such as implies business or
political excitement.”

The advice was good, but it was not easy to follow. None
find it harder to take rest than those who need it most. The
over-wrought brain too often will not own to itself its own
wants; and, even if it does, too often it knows not how to set
about the task of idleness. Colonel Gordon had more than
once pictured to himself the life that he would lead when his
retirement should at last come. He would lie in bed till
noon; he would only take short strolls; he would never go
on a railway journey, and never accept an invitation to dinner.
He would have oysters for lunch. He had scarcely begun
428 SECRETARY TO THE VICEROY. [ Fune,

 

even to make trial of the life of an idle man, when unhappily
fresh employment was offered him. “In a moment of weak-
ness,” he writes, “‘I took the appointment of Private Secretary
to Lord Ripon, the new Governor-General of India. No
sooner had I landed at Bombay than I saw that, in my
irresponsible position, I could not hope to do anything really
to the purpose, in the face of the vested interests out there.
Seeing this, and seeing moreover, that my views were so dia-
metrically opposed to those of the official classes, I resigned.
Lord Ripon’s position was certainly a great consideration with
me. It was assumed by some that my views of the state of
affairs were the Viceroy’s, and thus I felt that I should do him
harm by staying with him. We parted perfect friends. The
brusqueness of my leaving was unavoidable, inasmuch as my
stay would have put me into the possession of secrets of state,
that—considering my decision eventually to leave—I ought not
to know. Certainly I might have stayed a month or two, had
a pain in the hand, and gone quietly; but the whole duties
were so distasteful that I felt, being pretty callous as to what
the world says, that it was better to go at once.”

It was on June 3 that he resigned his appointment under
Lord Ripon. News of his resignation appeared in the London
papers of the following day, and was read, among other people,
by Mr. J. D. Campbell, the agent in England of Mr. Hart, the
Chinese Commissioner of Customs at Pekin. This gentleman
thereupon forwarded to Colonel Gordon a telegram which he
had received from Mr. Hart. ‘You were supposed,” wrote
Mr. Campbell later on, “to be in England ; and I was expected
to deliver the message to you zz propria persona. I should
never have thought of telegraphing it on to you in India, had I
not seen in the newspaper of June 4 that you had resigned the
post of Private Secretary to the Marquis of Ripon.” The
following is Mr. Hart’s telegram :—

“I am directed to invite you here [to China, that is to say].
Please come and see for yourself. This opportunity for doing
really useful work on a large scale ought not to be lost. Work,
position, conditions can all be arranged with yourself here to
your satisfaction. Do take six months’ leave and come.”

The following was Colonel Gordon’s answer :—

“TInform Hart, Gordon will leave for Shanghai first oppor-
tunity. As for conditions Gordon indifferent.”

He had been on the point of leaving for Aden on his way
to Zanzibar, where he had hoped to be able to strike yet
1880. ] ENGAGEMENT IN CHINA. 429

 

another blow at the slave-trade. He gave up at once his
intended journey, and applied to the Home Government for
leave of absence on the grounds that he was invited to go to
China. He was asked to state “more specifically” his purpose
in going and the position that he was to hold. ‘Iam ignorant”
was all the answer that he was able at the time to send. This
was not considered sufficient, and permission was refused.
He thereupon referred the Government to Mr. Campbell for
an explanation of the steps that had been taken in the whole
matter, and sent in to the War Office the resignation of his
commission. At the same time he said that his “counsel, if
asked,” would be ‘‘peace, not war.” Thereupon he left for
China. So soon as Mr. Campbell had been consulted the
facts of the case were at once understood, and Colonel Gordon’s
resignation was refused. He might go to China on condition
that he took no military service. His reply was easy, for he
had never intended to do so. His great hope was to ward off
the war which seemed so likely to break out between China
and Russia. Any effort that he could make to avert so
dreadful a disaster would be, he said, cheaply bought at any
sacrifice of himself. He felt sure, moreover, that the Chinese
Government would make up to him any loss in money that
he might incur.

He went to Tientsin, and there he had an interview with
his old friend, the statesman Li Hung Chang. From him he
learnt the posture of affairs. He felt that to gain full freedom
of speech and action he must no longer remain in the English
army. He sent accordingly the following telegram to London:
“July 27, 1880. I have seen Li Hung Chang, and he wishes
me to stay with him. I cannot desert China in her present
crisis, and would be free to act as I think fit. I therefore beg
to resign my commission in Her Majesty’s service.”

His stay in China was not long. It was long enough, how-
ever, to give him time to render the world a priceless service ;
and he left with the knowledge that peace was maintained
between those two great empires. He was never told by
whom it was that Mr. Hart had been “directed” to invite him
to China. There can, however, be scarcely any doubt that the
invitation had come from the Imperial Court. The side that
he took, nevertheless, was not likely to please the courtiers.
They, as he found, all gave their sentence for war. Li Hung
Chang, to the great peril of his life, was no less strong for peace.
With him Colonel Gordon at once sided, speaking out his mind
430 CONCLUSION.

 

strongly to the Court party as he set before them the dangers of
a war with Russia. Most happily, his warning was not in vain.*

His work was finished, and he returned to Shanghai. There,
on August 14, he received tidings that his resignation had once
more been refused, but that his leave of absence was cancelled.
He had already taken his passage for Aden. On arriving at
that port he sent the following telegram in answer :—“‘ You
might have trusted me. My passage from China was taken
before the arrival of telegram of August 14, which states leave
cancelled, &c. Do you insist on rescinding the same?” On
the following day, September 20, the brief reply arrived—
“ Leave granted to February 28.” He was much touched by
the kindness that had been shown him throughout by those
placed in authority athome. Towards the Duke of Cambridge,
Sir Lintorn Simmons, General Eyre, and Colonel J. M. Grant,
he feels most of all indebted. They doubtless felt that in
honouring him they were honouring themselves; and that in
refusing to accept his resignation they were retaining for their
country the services of a man whose like cannot easily be
found in the world of letters or of men.

* The following extracts from an article on Russia and China that was
published in the Zimes of April 18, 1881, confirm this statement, which
was, I may add, already in type when the article appeared :—

“‘The outbreak of hostilities seemed imminent, when one more attempt
was made to bring about a peaceful solution. The Marquis Tséng, Chinese
Ambassador at the Court of St. James’s, was ordered to St. Petersburg to
endeavour to amend the action of his predecessor; and Colonel Gordon, in
response, it is understood, to an indirect invitation from the Imperial
Government, went personally to Pekin and threw the weight of his great
personal influence into the scale of peace. The efforts of both were so far
successful that the danger of immediate collision was staved off... ..

“‘This, then, in the spring of 1880, seems to have been the political
position at Pekin. Prince Chun and the Empresses-Regent were eager for
war, and Tso Tsung-tang, with the tattered legions which had never dared
to meet the army of Yakoob Khan, vainly believed himself able to cope
with the Russian forces; while Li Hung-chang and other great satraps,
who, with a juster appreciation of the relative strength of China and
Russia, desired peace, were dominated by the power of the Imperial name.
There is no need to dwell on the circumstances of Colonel Gordon’s visit,
or on the intrigues which attended his advent. It is enough to say that he
paid a visit of several days to the great Viceroy, with whom he had acted
in the days of the Taeping rebellion, and both to him and subsequently to
the high authorities at the capital urged every argument in favour of peace.
Exposing the weakness of their forts and ships, and the unwieldiness and
imperfection of their whole military organisation, he is said to have warned
them that the outbreak of hostilities at Kuldja would be followed by the
invasion of Manchuria from the Amoor, and that they might expect a
hostile army within two months before the gates of Pekin.”—Ep,
EGYPTIAN FINANCE. 431

 

APPENDIX A.

MEMORANDUM ON THE COUNCIL OF
MINISTERS AT CAIRO.*

My reasons, beyond those I have already adduced (which
are the necessity of my remaining in the Soudan, until the
taxes of the past year-are collected, and until the revolt in the
Bahr Gazelle is suppressed), for not appearing before the
Council of responsible Ministers, are as follows, viz :—

That the composition of this Council is an anomaly, and
that it would not be fair to force from me my opinions, to my
hurt. a

I presume the Council of Ministers has been charged with the
Government of the country—/rs?, with the view of keeping the
country’s interests as paramount to all others; secondly, in
order that Egypt should be quiet and prosperous, and not a
source of anxiety to the Foreign Powers; and ¢hirdly, that
the creditors of Egypt should be as fairly treated as it is
possible for them to be treated, in accordance with the two
first views.

It will not be doubted, that of this Ministry, the Finance
Minister has a parti pris. He is pledged not to reduce the
interest on the Debt. That being the first and paramount view
he takes, any remarks in the interest of Egypt, or its tran-
quility, which affect his views on the Debt, must be considered
as antagonistic to him, although those opinions may have been
held by me long ere he was ever named Minister of Finance.
I ask, therefore, if I have not done right, even if I had no
further reason, for not desiring to meet the Council of
Ministers, when the very first question would put me in
antagonism with the Minister of Finance.

* See p. 338.—Eb.
432 EGYPTIAN FINANCE.

 

It may be observed, that there would be no necessity for my
entering on the question of the Finances of Egypt, but the
fact is, such immixion must be inevitable, for the Soudan is a
part of Egypt, and the Cairo Government abstract a certain
portion of the revenues of the Soudan, by taking the custom
dues, at Suez, on goods in transit to the Soudan, and by calling
on the Soudan to carry on and meet the expenses of the Soudan
Railway, when it is known to the Minister of Finance that the
Expenditure of the Soudan exceeds the Receipts of the Soudan
by £109,000 annually, and that the Debts of the Soudan are
300,000. Now this deficit of £109,000 exists if all the taxes
due to Government are received; up to this time not more
than one-half have been gathered, and some £72,000 of the
estimated Receipts are said to be impossible to recover. The
estimated Revenue is £551,000 a year; we have not got in
more than £200,000 of this sum. We have a serious insur-
rection in existence to contend with, which I am obliged to
starve down, in the way of supplies, etc., from want of funds.
The Finance Minister, quite ignoring all this, and also ignoring
the detailed accounts I have sent down to him, asks me to pay
this and that sum, for the Railway.

This would be incomprehensible, were it not that he, in
some way, is pledged to keep paying the interest of the Debt,
as it now stands.

It is not my business to criticise the importation of high-
paid Europeans into Egypt at this time: but it seems to me a
most unwise policy to pursue. I would not dare in the
presence of the financial state of the Soudan to do so, and
our financial state, bad as it is, is better than that of Cairo.
I have been obliged to do my finance business alone.

To return to my original remark, that I do wisely not to come
to Cairo. I say that should I do so, I must be in immediate
variance with the Finance Minister, and in such a way, that
either he or I would be impossible. With me, I should have
the people at large and the creditors of the floating debt ; with
him, would be the Governments of Europe and the creditors
of the Debt. I should not fear the issue, for the Governments
of Europe would think twice ere they interfered directly, but
why, when I have so many good reasons for not coming
down, should the inevitable trouble be brought about?

When at Cairo in 1878, I believe that, with me, Lesseps
would have signed a memorandum to His Highness, re-
commending the temporary suspension of the Decrees, and the
EGYPTIAN FINANCE. 433

 

immediate payment of the floating debt and employés, and a
payment of four per cent. on the great Debt. Through certain
circumstances this scheme fell through, and the consequence
was, that since then two coupons have been paid, without
alleviating in the least the floating debt or employés, and with
the sure prospect that eventually the four per cent. will have to
be paid.

Beyond the loss of the money, paid in these coupons, what has
happened? The power of the Khedive is shaken, and a uni-
versal dissatisfaction exists.

When a man enters the service of a foreign state, he should
entirely enter into consideration for that state: he should act
for that state as for his own country. Of course, if he comes
into the service of a foreign state by the orders of his own
Government, and that ts understood by the Ruler in whose service
he enters, he is bound to follow the orders of his own Govern-
ment; but in that case he has no right or status to sit in the
Privy Council of the Ruler.

I will take an instance of what would be sure to happen, did
I go to Cairo, The question of Berberah and Tajurah would be
sure to arise. I would—and I think I should be right in doing
so— urge the evacuation of those places, unless the Cairo
Government paid their expenses: this the Finance Minister
would refuse to do, true to his idea that such a proceeding
would force him to reduce the interest on the Debt; and he
would try and force me to say I can keep them up, though I
know I cannot do so. He would then or might report me to
our Government for urging a matter which was antagonistic
to our Government’s interests, and in which his French col-
league would be for me. Certainly those questions should be
avoided ; for although I have never concealed my opinion that
the forced occupation of Tajurah and Berberah, without the
power of taking taxes at Berberah,* is not fair to Egypt, yet it
has never been brought to any decided crisis, which this
would be.

My line of action is clear: it is to keep aloof from Cairo,
and to do my best in the Soudan, leaving those at Cairo to
involve, as I think they are doing, the country more and more.

The people of the Soudan watch all that passes. They
see H.H. put aside: they know the assumption of vice-regal
honours by, to them, nobodies; for Nubar Pasha has never

* See p. 312.—ED.
F F
434 EGYPTIAN FINANCE,

 

been to Egypt more than a comparatively low-born Armenian,
who was clever enough to dispute with the Consuls-General,
and who, when Minister of Foreign Affairs, and in the Privy
Council, was fully aware of all the loans, &c., of the Moufetish.*
In England one inquires how So-and-So becomes rich in the
Government service—might not the same question be asked in

this case ?
Cc. G. GORDON.
KHARTOUM,

March 8th, 1879.

* The gatherer of taxes.
APPENDIX |B.

FOREIGNERS IN THE SERVICE OF ORIENTAL
STATES.

In considering this question, it is necessary to examine the
existing state of affairs in Oriental countries, and then the
raison @étre, fagon @agir, and object in view of the foreigner
who enters the service of an Oriental country: in the same
way as before a war, the theatre of operations, in the first
instance, and the plan and object of the contemplated
campaign, in the second instance, are studied.

Although Oriental countries resemble one another com-
pletely in every way, it is convenient to take one as a type
—namely, Egypt; and so I will confine my remarks to
that land, claiming that what I state applies to Turkey and
China, and indeed to all existing Oriental countries possessing
independence.

I put aside, in the first place, the fact that God has made
the people of Egypt what they are; that it is by His will the
Khedive is their ruler; and go on to say, that, after European
ideas, the Egyptian people are a servile race, as foretold they
should be; and that, not only do they not deserve a better
government than they have, but they would not be content
under a better government. The government is the outcoming
of the people, it fitly represents them: it is a fallacy to suppose
a good government would alter their nature—it can never do so.
If the people were raised, the bad government would disappear.
It is a fault to attempt a remedy in the branches: seek it in the
roots.

It can be easily understood how hateful to any people is
the occupation of high places by strangers, however good or

F F 2
436 FOREIGNERS SERVING ORIENTAL STATES.

 

honest they may be, unless the country is truly annexed by the
Governinent of those strangers. So we may write down as
sure that the whole of Egypt’s population are, in a primary
manner, averse to strangers: nothing on the latter’s part will
destroy this natural feeling which is implanted in every man.

Add to this the general desire to peculation which exists,
not only among the upper, but in the lower strata. All love
muddy water; none wish it clear. We may blame them for
this, and we may blame the sturgeon for the same fault; but
it is true, and it is as God has ruled it.

Untruthfulness is the rule everywhere throughout the country :
high and low are steady to that. Again, the bird in the hand
is worth any number in the bush. It is useless to reason ; they
are deaf to it. They have the bird, and they prefer it: in words
they are fatalists, in acts they are the reverse. These are the
characteristics of the Egyptians and of all Asiatics, let them be
brought up in Paris or London, and let them be high or low
placed. To my mind we have no more reason to blame them
than we would have to object to the colour of their eyes—any
way, these are the people as they exist, and from the people
springs a Government actuated with the same ideas. When-
ever one of these governments led by a genius tries to improve
or to reform abuses, or exceeds the general acceptation of how
far peculation or oppression may go, that government falls, and
one after the old model succeeds. The reason is that the
people make their governments; and the Khedives, Sultans,
Ameers, are simply the types of their people.

Acknowledge this, and much of the difficulties attending
the relations between Oriental states and Europe will end.
A Sultan, or Khedive, or Ameer, may make a spasmodic effort
to really benefit his people, but unless some definite and
considerable advantage is sure to be gained—1, by him, 2,
by his surroundings ; and 3, by his people —it will soon be
abandoned (remark, I say, that the #47ee parties must gain).

To remedy the state of these Oriental countries (and I
speak of those Oriental countries which are purely such) there
are two ways: either for European nations to annex them zz
zoto, or exterminate their populations—there is no middle
route ; the first is a bad speculation ; the second is impossible ;
and the best way is to let them alone, and not be philanthropic
to those who do not need it. ©

I have now considered the existing state of affairs in Oriental
countries—z.e., studied the theatre of war.
FOREIGNERS SERVING ORIENTAL STATES. 437

 

Now for the vazson d’étre, fagon d’agir, and object in a
foreigner entering the service of one of these Oriental states.
I put aside any calculation as to reasons which induce im-
pecunious men—men desirous of clap-trap reputations—to
take service; also the inducements which may lead men to
enter the service of one of these states, for the purpose of
knowing its capabilities, its peoples, its habits, with a view of
his own country eventually owning that state: he may do this,
without view of reward to be eventually gained from his own
Government when it does annex, but simply to add to the
glory of his native land.

I simply lay down what reasons may actuate a foreigner who
enters Oriental service, devoid of any of the above objects.
The only reason which, to me, justifies his taking service
is—that he wishes to benefit his fellow-creatures, and to lead
(not drive) them to raise themselves in the scale of civilisation,
when, by a natural sequence, if he succeeds, the people
will improve their Government; though he may be quite sure
that even if, by that sequence, such an event does take place,
he will not be benefited, he may feel that, if he succeeds
and the Government is improved, his native country may be
benefited if it is interested in the welfare of that Oriental
state.

With this idea he enters the service, with the full conviction
that, if reforms are to be made and are to be permanent, they
must be the spontaneous desire of the mass of the people, and
not forced, like exotics, to perish in a day ; he is fully convinced
that he is not liked, that he is not trusted, that he is de ¢rop
to all, that they grudge him the air he breathes. Even with
the ruler he cannot fail to feel he is merely a necessary evil,
to be borne with for a time, but he sets his face as a rock to
persevere in his attempt. So far as to the justification of a
foreigner in Oriental service.

As to his fagon d’agir, I maintain the foreigner should, for
the time, entirely abandon his relations with his native land ;
he should resist his own Government, and those of other
powers, and keep intact the sovereignty of the Oriental state
whose bread he eats; he should put himself into the place of
a native when he has to advise the Sultan, Ameer, or Khedive,
on any question which his own, native, or any foreign Govern-
ment, may wish settled, and his advice should be sealed by—
first, what is universally right throughout the world; and,
secondly, by what is best for the Oriental state he serves. I
438 FOREIGNERS SERVING ORIENTAL STATES.

 

do not mean best for the ruler of the Oriental state, but best
for the people. Thus, acting as a native of the country, he
will take care that the peculiar habits and customs are con-
sidered.

In his acts he will see he has the general public opinion of
the better class of these depraved countries with him (for there
are grades), and if he would succeed in raising the people, he
will not rush into- reforms of ancient usages, however righteous
or beneficial they may seem to him.

By working at the suppression of smaller and universally-
acknowledged abuses, he will gain support in the land, quite
irrespective of the Sultan, Ameer, or Khedive; he may then
go on to attack the greater abuses, until, if God blesses him,
he will raise a spirit in the people, that no Sultan, Ameer,
or Khedive can lay, and which will live for ever. He should
weigh the fact, that strict justice to twenty petty individuals
is worth more than the same to one richer individual, for he
then has twenty tongues versus one. I have already stated
what I consider the object which the foreigner can have, and
which alone justifies his taking service.

Now the above is my ideal, which J have tried to work up
to: whether I have done so or not is my own affair, and it
matters very little to me however the world may pronounce,
for the simple reason, that the world at large is incapable of
giving any opinion. I believe that a continuance in the ideal
course I have sketched would insure the desired result.

I have not truckled to the Khedive. I am plus Lgyptien
gue le Vicerot; and if it is said that I combated the late
hermaphrodite administration, I have done so; but I have
done so on the principles which I have written, and with no
desire to benefit myself.

I have never disguised my sentiments towards the ex-
administrators. I should never have combated, had the
English and French Governments come openly forward, but
should have left ; but when men came in who had no greater
status in Egypt than I had, and grasped, through unfair means,
the Government, I was justified in refusing to obey them. I
maintain that the reins of government were unfairly taken from
the Khedive, that neither the French nor English government
wished that matters should go so far, unless by the perfectly
free and willing consent of the Khedive, which it is absurd to
say that he, an Asiatic, ever gave. I opposed the clique also
on account of what one could not fail to see would be the
FOREIGNERS SERVING ORIENTAL STATES. 439

 

sequel—ze,, that the two Foreign Powers would inevitably be
drifted by circumstances into action they were far from con-
templating, and were using every effort to avoid.

To blame the Khedive for his actions you must blame his
people, and blame their Creator; they act after their kind, and
in the fashion they were made. Is it supposed that the
capitalists who floated these loans did not know very fairly the
eventual result of operations with such states? Where is there
one state, except Japan, which has met its engagements P—and
we have yet to see how Japan will act. Who persuaded
clergymen and widows to invest? Was it not the speculators
of Europe, with their phantasmagoria? If people go on
what is evidently rotten ice, it is their own fault if they fall
through.

1. Any foreigner entering the service of an Oriental state
may be sure that no native official will ever be punished,
except in name, for any thing he may do; he may be certain
also that, unless he can hold his own by his own right hand, he
will fall; and that it is not in the power, even if it is the
inclination (?) of the Ruler of that state to help him.

z. A foreigner cannot go one-tenth as far in the use of—or
rather abuse of—his authority as a native; the people will put
up with the one, but not with the other if he exceeds a certain
limit.

3. A foreigner, seeing axiom No. 1, is obliged, if he is to
hold his place, to depart from European rules, and use, to
some extent, arbitrary (ze, Oriental) means for defence and
offence.

4. A foreigner, if conjointly charged with other natives to
carry out any work, may rest assured that his great enemies,
and most formidable, are those with whom he takes counsel,
and that they are ready to be crushed if they can bring him
down with them, and he may generally be sure that the ruler is
not likely to do more than regret (?) his fall.

5. A foreigner, to succeed, must so regulate his affairs that
no gain but sheer loss to the many would be incurred by his
fall (I mean ¢angible gain—patriotic sentiments, or advantage to
the country, or glory, are sentiments which never weigh in the
scale. Actual coin is Allah, and “there is none, but” it).
When men reason thus then fomenters of trouble find no
hearers ; but neglect this, and every one is ears. This is very
natural, and not indigenous to the East. When a foreigner
has so regulated affairs, that his fall will be a loss to the
440 FOREIGNERS SERVING ORIENTAL STATES.

 

many, ¢hex he may afford to look his enemies in the face,
and not need the smile of the Sultan or Ameer.

These are my views formed from experience ; and they are
true for Turkey, Egypt, and China, and I expect for all the
East.

C. E. GORDON.

SHaka, DARFOUR,

April 24th, 1879.

P.S.—Joseph was the first foreigner in the service of Egypt;
he took good care to have the masses indebted to him, through
his having the means to help them. A minister of finance
should never fall—for he holds the purse.
TABLE OF DISTANCES.

 

I,

THE PROVINCES OF THE EQUATOR.

  
 
 

MILES
Khartoum to Fashoda ......... 490
Fashoda to River Saubat ...... 60
Saubat to Rabatchambé... 270
Rabatchambé to Bohr 90
Bohr to Lardo............. 90
Lardo to Gondokoro .... 10
Gondokoro to Rageef.... 16
Rageef to Bedden .... 5 13.
Bedden to Kerri ..............06 . 28
Kerri to Moogie ....... ne 2S
Moogie to Laboré .... ia 27
Laboré to Duffli ....... 45
Duffli to Magungo ........... eee 135
Magungo to Murchison Falls... 18

Murchison Fallsto Anfina’sIsle 42

 

MILES
Anfina’s Isle to Foweira......... 10
Foweira to Mrooli .............. 4 73
Mrooli to Nyamyongo ......... 80
Nyamyongo to Urundogani ... 14

Urundogani to Cossitza (Ripon
Falls)

 

 

Ii
CAMEL ROUTES ACROSS THE DESERTS,

 

 

MILES
Massawa to Keren .........00068 120
Keren to Kasala +» 160
Kasala to Katarif oo... 120
Katarif to Sennaar ...........06 . 120
Sennaar to Abou Haraz........ » 50
Khartoum to Obeid
Obeid to Fogia ......csecseenseee
Fogia to Oomchanga
Oomchanga to Fascher ........ . 60
Fascher to Kobeyt ........ss0008 35
Kobeyt to Kolkol  ........ eevee 160

Fascher to Dara
Dara to Shaka
Shaka to Obeid

 

 

  

sjedu inside dadenslsSemaweeis 40
Duffli to Fatiko wee 54
Fatiko to Foweira ..........00.. . 76
Duffli to Fashelie .......cscs we «@
Magungo to Keroto...........00 54
Keroto to Masindi .. 44
MILES
Oomchanga to Toashia ......... 80
Toashia to Dara .......cceeeeee eee 80
Dara to Kalaka .... 90
Kalaka to Shaka..........ceeeeeee 120
Dara to Fufar .......... isinsdceseee- (60)
Suakin to Berber.........ceseeeees

Berber to Merowa ...

 

Khartoum to Debbe

soho dagenes 220
Dongola to Wadi Halfa......... 200
Zeila to Harrar .....scceseeseeees 200
 

OBSERVATIONS DETERMINING THE ALTITUDES ABOVE
SEA OF PLACES NAMED BELOW, CALCULATED BY
CAPTAIN C. M. WATSON, R.E., FROM OBSERVATIONS

MADE BY COLONEL GORDON AND CAPTAIN WATSON
DURING 1874-1876.

 

 

 

g
eae ee Ep oe
a
FEET.

9 & 10/8/1874...... Khartoum ...} 1402 | Level of Nile.
23/10/1874 wecceeee Fashoda ...... 1446 | Level of Nile.
6/2/ 187 iC rd axeacasite Bahr Gazelle | 1476 | Level of Nile.
19 & 21/11/1874...] Gondokoro ...| 1763 | Level of Nile.
4/12/1874 weseseeee Rageef......... 1775 | Level of Nile.
5/5/1870 <excouswnses Kerri a....... 1819 | Level of Nile.
8 & 29/8/1875...... Moogie ...... 1821 | Level of Nile.
10 & 12/10/1875...| Duffli ......... 2053 | Level of Nile.
27/10/1875 .........| Fashelie ...... 2237 a nae ace ele
12/4/1876 ......
28/7/1876 0...
2/8/1876 ..seceeee Lake Albert | 2069 | Level of Lake.
12/4/1876 ......
28/7/1876...
6/8/1876 wocceceeeeee Shoa Moru ...} 2365 a ao wee
SPO riniveciard Mapieicsen| Bsa ee ee
10/8/1876 we... Anfina’s Isle | 3146 | Level of Victoria Nile.
18/1/1876......... . Seer
F5/RP BIG cece } Foweira ......) 3369 | Level of Victoria Nile,
5/1/1876 Fatiko ......00 3541

 

 

 

 

WV. B.—Average number of instruments used at each observation :—
Aneroids, four; Boiling-point Thermometers, five,
INDEX.

—1

A

ABDUL Aziz deposed, 183

Abdulgassin, 377, 387, 388, 401

Abel Bey, 367

Abou Saoud, 42, 136; engaged, 1,
39; feelings towards him at
Khartoum, 5, 8, 9; ill, 41; dis-
missed, 43, 45; double-dealing,
44, 46; employed again, 50;
finally dismissed, 52

Aboubec’r, 249, 290

Abouna, The, 204, 332, 334

Abu Shnep, 383

Abyssinia—sketch of affairs, 204-
210; Kings, 204, 420; peasantry
nearly ruined, 211; the Abouna,
204, 332, 334; religion and priests,
217, 219, 220, 303, 304, 407, 408,
411; fanaticism, 218, 334; cha-
racter of people, 218, 305, 408,
424; Mahomet’s prophecy, 219;
a ‘‘cockpit,” 219; roads, 402, 407 ;
smoking, 404, 421; Ambas, 406 ;
first day of the year, 408; ‘‘kos-
soo” (medicine), 417; Tulchan
calves, 426. See also Johannis.

Aden, 312

Afghanistan, 353

Aide-de-Camp, Egyptian, 2, 4

Ahmed Nuerva, 260-2

Alamayou, 209, 424

Albert Nyanza, 57, 62, 150, 1543
explored by Gessi, 169; visited
by Col. G., 177, 195

Aloula, Ras, 209, 213, 220, 401,
410, 419, 426; his shed, 403

Ambas, 406

Ambatch-wood canoes, 37

Anfina, xlii., 145, 154, 179

 

Anfina station, 180

Anson, Mr. W., on Col. G.’s staff,
16; dies, 33, 41

Anti-Slavery Society, 254, 279, 346,
392

Ants on the march, 29; on the
steamer, 30, 38; in the stores,
93; nest in a tree, 81; in the
halting-places, 149; in Darfour,

243

Ant-lions, 86

Antelopes, 20

Appleby, Mr., 321, 344

Arabs, Bedouin, 222, 287; of Dar-
four, 234, 242, 305, 356 § settle-
ment in Africa, 248, 372

Arabs. See Egypt

Arakol Bey, 205

Armour, Ancient, 224, 248, 307

Arnauts, 224, 236

Arendrup Bey, 205, 217

Artillery, 48, 2613 firing salutes,
88; for mountains, 244

Arya, Ras, 297, 330, 411, 416, 417,

423 !

Asses, 31, 167, 3813 braying, 247,
356

Asua, River, 75, 127, 132

B

BABOONS, 212, 214
Bahr el Abiad (Bahr el Arab), 34,

36, 38, 357
Bahr Gazelle, 5, 12, 133; floods,

374 :
Bahr Gazelle, country of the, xxxvi.,

283, 374, 388
Bahr Giraffe, 13, 22, 34, 36
444

INDEX.

 

Baker, Sir Samuel, Governor of
the Equatorial Nile Basin, xxx.,
393; regards Col. G.’s appoint-
ment as a sham, I ; employed old
slave-hunters, 64; health of his
party, 67; garden-pump, 85;
steam-boat engines, 1643; the
“courash,” 232; his Jsmalia
referred to—slave-trade, xxxvii. 5
Kaba Rega, xli., 66, I15, 153,
186; the ‘‘sudd,” xxxill., 13,
35; Abou Saoud, I, 136; Raouf
Pasha, 39, 310; ‘‘ Forty Thieves,”
42; Bedden, 69; a gorge in the
Nile, 131; Fowooka, 145; Mr.
Higginbotham, 148; Rionga and
the magic stool, 153; Masindi,
181, 193

Balaam and Balak, 120-124

Bari Tribe, 95, 99, 116, 132, 134,
195

Baringo Lake, 151

Bariou, Ras, 305, 313

Bashi-Bazouks, 224, 225, 231, 236,
239, 241, 269, 341

Bazingirs, 335

Beads, 84

Bedden, Sheikh, 69-73, 78

Bedden Rapids, 80

Bedouins. See Arabs,

Bellal, xxxix.

Berberah, 312, 433

Berber, Illuminations, 294

Berzati Bey (Col. G.’s Secretary),
341 352, 404, 417 ; his character,
39

Berberans, 31, 34

Birds, Nile, 10, 23, 33, 60, 63

Bismarck, Prince, 188

Bogos or Senheit seized by Egyp-
tians, 205, 208, 214, 333, 402

Bows and Arrows, 105, 197

Browning, Mr., 185

Buddha’s tooth, 154

Buffaloes, 11

Burdett-Coutts, Lady, 425

Burton, Mr. R. F., 257, 312

Cc
CAABA, 219

Camelopards, 11, 24
Camels for the Province of the

 

Equator, 63, 142, 160; in the
deserts, 213, 214, 227, 295, 3183
Col. G.’s camels, 232, 235, 247,
295, 298; endurance, 245, 286,
341, 3433 their southern limit
same as that of Mahometanism,
248; fed with hand, 264; not
paid for, 300; dangers from,
3423 proper dress for camel-
riding, 296; number of miles
Col. G. rode, 305, 329, 427

Campbell, Major, 16, 41

Campbell, Mr. J. D., 428

Capsule, 368, 370

Captain, Suicide of a, 103

Cardwell, Viscount, 217

Carlyle, Mr., quoted, xii., 27, 426

Cameron, Consul, 215

Cavass, 230

Cherif Pasha, 1, 199, 201, 210, 395

Chibero, 195

China, Col. G.’s services in, xxi.-
xxix., 95, 113, 122, 395, 428;
medal, 59; Chinese superior to
Egyptians, 31, 409; contempt for
the warrior, 362 ; wheelbarrows,
58; salutes, 88

Chippendall, Lieut., on Col. G.’s
staff, 16; his explorations, 57,
58, 78, 81, 155 5 ill, 62, 67, 693
returns to England, 69

Circassian Pashas, 269

Climate. See Province of the
Equator and the Soudan

Clock-making, 323

Consuls, English, to watch slave-
trade, 346, 357, 393

Cotton-seed, 375

Coojoor or Magicians—striking the
water, 96; magic arrows, 993
magic fires, 102, 123; waving
weeds, 102; at Mtesa’s Court,
1153 magicians on a rock, 120;
magic cow, 123; magic stool,
153, 159

Copper mines, 357

Courbatch (whip), its reign at an
end, 231

Cows used for riding, 33; crossing
rivers, 33, 373 capture of (cow-
tax), 70, 72; 76, 79, 98, 119, 124,
129, 147; cow-taking a proof of
manhood, 120; can only live in
certain places, 167
INDEX.

445

 

Crocodiles carried down by the
“‘sudd,” 7; glistering in the sun,
8, 103 one attacks steamer, 38;
in the Victoria Nile, 179; in the
Dyoor, 376

Crusades, The, 224, 248

D

Dana RIVER, I5I

Dara relieved, 247; Col. G. meets
Suleiman there, 271

Dar Fertit and Dar For, 63, 242

Darfour—Sultans, xxxix., 63, 241,
349, 3553 conquered, xxxix., 63 ;
a worthless conquest, 236, 2393
a ‘‘cockpit,” 256; oppressed,
236, 239, 240, 242, 253, 265, 349,
362, 363; hatred of the Turks,
260; revolt of 1877, 209, 2323
revolt of 1879, 339; soil, 235,
243, 360; water-supply, 235, 241,
245, 250, 261, 263, 286, 341, 343,
368 ; produce, 236; population,
237, 242, 372; arms, 237; ancient
armour, 248, 307; religion, 239,
248; money, 249, 2883 trees,
241, 282; climate, 269, 295, 341,
343; corn-leaves used as a crown,
284; slaves, 237, 281, 284, 289,
342, 3445; a great part of its
population enslaved, xxxix., 356;
loss of life in, 369

De Quincey, 389

De Witt, Mr., 41

Dem Idris, 374, 377, 383

Dem Suleiman, 381

Deserts, The, 214, 226, 295

Dhoora, 17, 20; used as a medium
of exchange, 146

Dinka Tribe, xxxvii., 11, 243 two
chiefs, 12, 22, 23

Discipline, benefits of, 140

“Doles,” The, 92, 132

Dongola, natives of, 34, 1443 their
misery, 297

Duffli, 131, 134

Dyoor River, 376

E

Enowa, 344
Edrees. See Idris.

 

Egypt—as a conquering power,
XXxvV., 126, 246; in danger from
the slave-dealers’ power, xxxviii.,
372; rottenness, 4; needs civi-
lising, 78, 80, 93, 139, 143, 1635
official class, xxxvii., 18, 41, 52,
56, 67, 78, 84, 1555 163, 171, 200,
203, 221, 230, 243, 266, 269, 300,
312, 337s 349, 357, 364, 375, 381,
393; no subordinates under the
Governor, 165, 267; oppressive
government, xxxvil., 146, 198,
236, 269, 283, 297, 349, 362,
364, 373; ruined by bad Govern-
ments, 162; the mass not fanati-
cal, 163, 231; dislike of English
interference, 183; war with
Abyssinia, 205, 218, 303, 423;
dread of giving Abyssinia a port,
219; slavery the A B C of life,
290; dislike of talk about death,
297; finances, 3, I17, 306-10,
312, 317, 321, 323, 337, 339%
350, 400, 431, 439; indifference
to great questions, 336; no
energy, 31, 34, 126, 128; im-
providence, 127, 133, 166;
neglect of routine duties, 137;
do not understand general orders,
140; cannot co-operate, 140,
162; keep no faith, 155; help-
lessness, 324; callousness, 368;
untruthfulness, 436

Egyptian Troops—a set of brigands,
54, 77, 86, 90, 139, 143, 161,
162, 245, 270, 287, 375; cowards,
128, 135, 142, I51, 246, 261,
276; worthless, 77, 94, 112, 128,
139, 151, 192, 265, 269; sent to
Equatorial Provinces as a punish-
ment, 25, 128; sickliness there,
25, 63, 64, 134; threaten to
revolt, 44; bad marksmen, 89,
III, 114; accompanied by wives
and children, 89, 94, 96, I09,
128, 376, 380; watch Col. G.,
53, OI, 134, 214; weeded out, 92;
some prefer being slaves, 1043
no discipline, 112, 151; cannot
use the bayonet, 116; desert,
123, 375; good marchers, 1513
love idleness, 168, 184; left
without pay, 243, 244, 344, 350,
362; recruited from the slaves,
446

INDEX.

 

103, 255, 351; sentries sleep at
their posts, 112, 124, 136, 215,
299; circular about sentries, 151

Elephants, Herds of, 14, 1763; one
wounded, 63; enter Col. G.’s
garden, 84, 1703 indiscriminate
slaughter, 136; block up the
paths, 150, 192 ; mode of feeding,
177 ; elephants at Khartoum, 291,
318

Elijah, 300

Elizabeth, Queen, 27

European officers, 133, 2273 slave-
holders, 228, 281, 298; in employ-
ment of Oriental states, 297, 352,
4353 ignorant of Egypt, 352

Examinations, 84

Explorers, 116, 147, 171

F

FASCHER, 233, 265

Fashelie, 137, 141

Fashoda, the hot-bed of slavery,
146

Fatiko, 153; Mudir of, cut off from
the world for four years, 116

Fig-trees, 241

Fire-flies, 22

Fleas, 166, 303

Fola Rapids, 132, 158

Formosa Bay, 151

Foweira, 149

Fowler, Mr., 344

French, The, fitted for dealing with
savage races, 141

GADASSI, 416
Gala Tribe, 312
Gallabats (petty slave-dealers), 252,

254

Geographical Society, Royal, 61,
go, 148

Germans, Official, unfit for dealing
with savage races, 141

German servants, Col. G.’s, 23, 36,
41, 47, 48

 

Gessi Romulus (Gessi Pasha) on
Col. G.’s staff, 16, 43; ill, 33,
40; suppresses revolt of Shil-
looks, 1473; explores Albert
Nyanza, 150, 156, 1693; sent up
against Suleiman, xl., 314, 335;
340, 343, 348, 354; meets Col.
G., 370, 385; account of his
campaign, 371 ; rewarded by Col.
G., 337, 3703; suggests measures
of reform, 375; end of his term
of office, 389; his return voy-
age, 390; writes about Uganda
mission, 425; his character,
373- Ls

Gondokoro, xxxiii., xl., 153 aban-
doned, 43, 58, 60, 89

Goobasie, 204, 422

Gooding, Mr., 316

Gordon, Colonel—trust in God, 5,
59, 85, 193, 198, 280, 290, 302,
324; God’s government, 28,
139, 176, 225, 3973 an instru-
ment in God’s hands, 152, 175,
213, 227, 2343 credit lists with
God, 152; God’s revelation of
Himself, 173; the usual concep-
tion of God, 3243; Christ and
modern Christians, 26, 56, 82,
282, 326; future life, 152, 184,
306, 321; worldly and religious
people, 138; Pharisees and Pub-
licans, 174; fatalism, 42, 54, 213,
226, 307, 317, 4363 missions,
81, 143, 183; bigotry, 257;
church festivals, 295, 409;
spiritual starvation, 295 ; prayer-
meetings, 296, 424; agony
caused by false teaching, 326 ;
Mahometanism, 23, 54, 249,
265, 281, 296, 300, 4003 prayers
of the heathen, 117, 123, 1733
estimate of life, 25, 153, 221, 225 ;
discontented people, 138, 197 ;
the world’s praise and blame,
56, 59, 93, 144, 152, 156, 175,
353, 362; medals and honours,
59, 90, 148, 157, 280; an ex-
plorer’s honours, 116, 147, 1573
state and etiquette, 2-5, 91, 214,
222, 230, 235, 268, 271, 293,
308, 398; dinner parties and
amusements, 25, 26, 90, 152,
309; establishment of servants,
INDEX. 447

 

140; blessing of civilised life,
184, 218, 266, 310; no need of
companions, 10, 13, 30, 61, 92,
133, 170, 2273 loneliness of the
deserts, 214, 226; his dislike of
the Arabs, 77, 80, 125-128, 269 ;
sympathy for the natives, 105,
14, 119, 120, 125, 143, 253,
269; hatred of war, 259, 262,
266, 3623 his daily life, 17, 60,
92, 122, 161, 323; no Sundays,
183, 287, 292; his meals, 40, 92,
100, 131, 286, 307, 324, 365;
hatred of inaction, 85, 168, 184;
hauls boats, 5, 165; makes a
“log,” 9 ; turns tailor, 34 ; mends
musical boxes, 66 ; makes a rocket
machine, 85 ; works in the maga-
zines, 88; cleans a gun, 91 ; makes
a cover to it, 93; repairs clocks,
323; turns doctor and nurse, 41,
43, 55, 60; makes maps and sur-
veys, 154, 177, 182, 323; rapid
marches, 153, 195, 221, 225, 235,
286, 341, 351; has no trained
subordinates, 16, 84, 93, 165,
267; his knowledge of Arabic,
47, 61, 124, 216, 272; his letters
are his journal, 16, 131, 176, 197.
His birth, xix, ; serves in the Cri-
mea, xix. ; in Roumania and Ar-
menia, xx.3 in China, xxi. ; the
**ever-victorious army,” xxvi. ;
the Thames Defences, xxx. ; Go-
vernor-General of the Province
of the Equator, xxxi. xl; at
Cairo, 1; at Khartoum, 5; his
title, 6; voyage up the Nile, 8;
hates excuses, 13 ; at Gondokoro,
15; loses count of the days,
16, 355, 358; at Berber, his
staff, 16; at Saubat River, gets
natives to plant, 173 catches
slave-convoys, 183 drives out
slavers, 22, 645; finds a dying
woman, 273 troubled by rats,
31; captures a slave cargo, 37;
at Gondokoro, 39; his staff
ill, 40; dismisses Raouf Bey,
42; and Abou Saoud, 43; does
honour to a Mudir, 45; at
Rageef, 48; opens a shop, intro-
duces money, 49; pays by piece-
work, 50; finds natives hostile,

 

525 captures a slave-convoy, 525
builds a mosque, 54; at Gondo-
koro, 55; in danger from snakes,
55, 166, 1943 tribes friendly, 57;
abandons Gondokoro, 58; Chinese
gold medal, 59; sets up work-
shops at Lardo, 62; Mombaz
Bay route, 65; stung by a scor-
pion, 66, 344; establishes
stations up the Nile, 67; at-
tacks Bedden’s seriba, 70; un-
willingly ‘‘ taxes” the natives, 73;
in danger from hippopotamuses,
73, 83; ‘‘ taxes” a friendly chief,
76; at Kerri, 77 ; meets Bedden,
78; at Bedden Rapids, 80; at
Lardo, 83; remembers his exa-
minations, 84; wins the trust of
the natives, 86; firing salutes, 88 ;
soldiers’ wives, 89 ; no book but
one, 933; at Googi Rapids, 95 ;
magicians, 102; attacked by
natives, 103; at Moogie, 106;
death of Linant, 107; retreats,
109 ; tells Khedive his troops are
worthless, 112; increases revenue,
1173 separates his province from
the Soudan, 118; releases a
sheikh’s daughter, 119; Balaam
and Balak, 120; the steamer on
the rocks, 123; releases a patriot,
125; at Laboré, 127; establishes
a secure line of posts, 129; at
Duffli, 131; Fola Falls, 1323
loses his interpreter, 133; suffers
from ague, 137 ; at Fashelie, 1413
in a sea of grass, 143; suffers in
his liver, 145; loses his servant,
attacks the Moogie tribe, 147 ; at
Foweira, sees iron ore, 149; starts
for Mrooli, 150; will not join the
Juba expedition, 1515; restores
Rionga, 153; at Fatiko, 1533
surveys the Nile, 154; ill, 156;
at Duffli, sends Gessi to the Lake,
157 5 surveys Fola Rapids, 158;

Mtesa’s letter, 159; at Kerri,
camels, 160; places station at
the Tyoo, 1613; neglected by
the Government, gets steam-boat
engines, 164 ; falls into the river,
165; tastes a poisonous fig, 167 3
at Kerri, 168; Gessi returns,
169; receives two shocks from
448

INDEX.

 

lightning, 171 ; liked by his men,
175; from Duffli to Magungo,
176; on Albert Nyanza, 1773
surveys Victoria Nile, 178 ; with-
draws his troops from Uganda,
181 ; proposes to Mtesa a treaty,
gives advice to the missionaries,
183; stung by a hornet, 189;
attacked by natives, 190; his
farthest advance southwards, 191
starts for Masindi, 192; in great
danger, 193; listens to his men’s
complaints, on Albert Nyanza,
1953 receives the ‘‘ Medjidieh,”
starts homewards, 196; at Khar-
toum, 197; Ismail Pasha Sadyk,
199; at Cairo, London, 201;
appointed Governor-General of
the Soudan, 203, 210; at Cairo,
210; mission to Abyssinia, 211;
a Field-Marshal, 212; through
the desert to Keren, 212; a pro-
cession, an: Irishman, his myste-
rious clerk, 215; meets Walad
el Michael, 216 ; hears petitions,
217, 221; through the desert to
Kasala, 221 ; visits a Holy Man,
222, 299; turns out officials, 223;
sees men in armour, 224; at Khar-
toum, 225; registration of slaves,
227; his palace, the petition-box,
bribery, 230; dethrones the cour-
batch (whip), installed in office,
2313; suffers from courash, 232;
starts for Darfour, 232; ‘‘flies
along like a madman,” 235, 271;
reproaches the Egyptians, 239 ;
reduces garrisons, 241 ; sends Jo-
hannis a present, relieves Toashia,
244; in great danger, 246; re-
lieves Dara, 2473; restores a
mosque, 249; meets chief of
the Razagats, 250; washes his
hands in sand, captures convoy
of slaves, 253; turns slaves
into soldiers, 2553; indifferent
to European opinion, 257; at-
tacks Leopard Tribe, 259;
deals with a murderer, 261 ;
relieves Fascher, punishes a
Lieut.-Colonel, 265; threatened
by Sebehr’s son, and Haroun,
267; intercepts a letter, 269;
gallops to Dara, 270; a swarm of

 

flies, 271; meets Sebehr’s son,
271-277; dismisses his Secre-
tary, 273; a letter from Fascher,
277; a second Ishmael, 278; at
Shaka, 283; starts for Obeid,
284; throws away cooking uten-
sils, 286; his escort plunders,
finds a slave-boy, 287; his
troops deal in slaves, 290; letter
from Johannis, at Khartoum,
291; hangs a murderer, receives
petitions, 292; at Berber, illu-
minations, 294; inspects prisons,
etc., 295; at Merowa, pursued
by petitioners, 296; recalled to
Khartoum, 297; starts for Mas-
sawa, turns out Governor of
Khartoum, 298; at Kasala, flees
from his camp, sees the holy
man, 299; meets camel-drivers,
300; at Walad el Michael’s
camp, 301; pays him black-mail,
303; returns to Khartoum, 305;
summoned to Cairo on finance
questions, 306; gives ancient
armour to Khedive, cuts down
his own pay, 307; thrown over
by Khedive, 309; at Zeila, 310;
at Harrar, turns out Raouf Pasha,
313; at Khartoum, sends expe-
dition against Sebehr’s son, 3143
the Soudanese Railway, 315;
reduces expenditure, 317; exceed-
ingly weary, strikes deadly blows
at slave-trade, 319; very ill, 320,
324; Soudanese budget, 321;
tells an old story, 326; starts for
Katarif, 329; meets Abyssinian
envoy, 330; the Khedive’s in-
structions, 333; at Khartoum,
3353 receives no support from
Cairo, 336; his criminals re-
warded at Court, 337; sum-
moned to Cairo, refuses to
go, 337; troops refused him,
338; starts for Kordofan and
Darfour, 339; supports Gessi,
340; through the desert to
Obeid, 341: catches  slave-
convoys, 341-370; in distress
for water, 343; devises rules for
crushing the slave-trade, 343;
will not stretch the law, 345; his
life ‘fa long crucifixion,” 347;
INDEX. 449

 

at Shaka, news from Gessi, 348;
proposes to restore the dynasty
of Darfour, 349; holds his place
by hard camel-riding, 351; news-
paper praise, 353; has Sebehr’s
Secretary shot, 354; breaks up
slave-den in Kalaka, 358; starts
for Kolkol, in great danger, 361;
summoned to Cairo, turns back
to support Gessi, 364; wishes for
a dreamless sleep, stared at by
skulls, 366; finds ‘‘Capsule,”
makes a pile of the skulls, 368;
rewards Gessi, 370; proposes
regulations of slavery, 392;
Tewfik’s accession, a letter from
Li Hung Chang, 395; returns
to Khartoum ‘‘a wreck,” 396;
mission to Johannis, 397; inter-
view with Tewfik, 398; friendship
for Berzati Bey, 398; gives in his
resignation, 399; threatens the
Cairo Pashas, 400; starts to meet
Aloula, 401 ; ‘‘ gaps in the prayers
for his enemies,” very ill, 402; at
Aloula’s shed, 403; on the road
to Debra Tabor, 407; called
“‘The Little Khedive,” 409;
burns his correspondence, 410,
425; interviews with Johannis,
410, 415; starts for Khartoum,
415; arrested, 417; returns to
Massawa, 418; neglected by the
Khedive, 419; at Alexandria,
need of repose, 427; Private
Secretary to the Viceroy of India,
428; intends to go to Zanzibar,
429; goes to China, hinders a
a war between that empire and
Russia, 429; memorandum on
the Council of Ministers at Cairo,
431; foreigners in the service of
Oriental States, 435. See also
Slavery, Slave-traders, and
Slaves.

Goschen, Mr., 317

Grant, Hope, 113

Grass, seeds, 134, 1433 burning,
136, 141, 195, 3753 a sea of, 137,
143; cuts like glass, 167

Grassy barrier. See ‘‘Sudd”

Greek impostor, 334

Greek slave-holders, 281, 298

Gura Battle of, 206, 423

G

 

H

HAILYOU, 207, 210

Halid Pasha, 231, 234, 239

Hamag¢em, 205, 207

Hanneck, 315

Haroun, xxxix., 241, 242, 245, 248,
253, 266, 268, 270, 339, 348, 355,
362, 364, 397

Harrar, 310, 328

Hart, Mr., 428

Hassan, Prince, 206

Hassan Pasha Helmi, 232, 241,
243, 247, 248, 265, 273, 340, 363

Hatchets of meteoric stone, 172

Higginbotham, Mr., 148, 157

Hill, Mr. M. D., on slavery, 229

Hippopotamuses carried down by
the ‘‘sudd,” 73; seen at night,
10, 47, 53, 703 fired at, 20, 48;
attacks steamer, 34; rushing
through the water, 52, 83; their
flesh, 73, 100; attack boats, 75,
83; at Khartoum, 318

Horses, 167

I

IBRAHIM, SULTAN, killed, xxxix.,
63; his son, 349

Ibraham Fansi, 374

Ibrahim, the Engineer, 155

Ibrahim, the Secretary, 232, 243,
258, 267; bribed, 273, 291

Idris, or Edrees, Sultan, 258, 278,
384

Illuminations, 294

Lilustrated London News, 14

Insect pests, 166, 225. See Mos-
quitoes

Interpreter, The, opens letters, 18 ;
indifference to justice, 76, 79;
interprets nautical terms, 123;
death, 133

Iron-ore, 149, 166

Ishmael, A second, 278

Isib Agah, 44

Islam, the track of, 166

Ismail Khedive — instructions to
Col. G. in 1874, xxxi.; object in
engaging Col. G., 1; slavery and
the slave-traders, xxxii., xxxviii.,

65, 226, 228, 330, 345, 372, 3933
G
450 INDEX.

 

feelings towards Col. G., 42, 57,
92, 145, 213, 232, 309, 3205
confers on Col. G. the Medjidieh,
196, 235; Mombaz Bay route,
65, 146, 151; informed of the
worthlessness of his troops, 112,
144; sends Mtesa sheikhs, 16;
and presents, 115; interested in
explorations, 148; a, ‘‘ Hindoo”
prince, 151; his chief aim an
increased revenue, 163; treat-
ment of Ismail Pasha Sadyk, 199 ;
urges Col. G. to return in 1877,
203 ; instructions to Col. G., 203,
211; war and negotiations with
Abyssinia, 205, 207, 214, 3333
detains Johannis’s envoy, 207,
291; telegraph about an execu-
tion, 294; consults Col. G. about
finances, 306-310; gives armour
to French Museum, 307 ; position
insecure, xxxviii., 198, 311, 318,
322, 433; annexes the Province
of the Equator, xxxvi. ; Darfour,
xxxix., 63; Bogos, 205; Zeila,
310; Harrar, 312; the copper
mines, 3573; plans Soudanese
railway, 315, 321; wishes to
sell his steamers, 322; answers,
‘You know best,” 324; indif-
ferent to great questions, 336;
receives Sebehr and other crimi-
nals at his court, 337; summons
Col. G. to Cairo, 337, 364; in-
formed by Col. G. that he will
resign, 347; deposed, 395; Col.
G.’s_ pity for, 3973 describes
Johannis’s character, 424; un-
fairly treated by European govern-
ments, 438; his character, 352,409

Ismail Pasha Sadyk, 199

Ismail Pasha, the Moufettish, 230

Ismail Pasha Yacoob, invades Dar-
four, xxxix. ; hostile to Col. G.
xli., 203; meets him at Khar-
toum, 5; tries to-cajole him, 11;
untruthfulness, 16; clears away
the ‘‘sudd,” 7, 13; superseded
as Governor of the Soudan, 203;
his sister’s conduct, 230

Israelites, 214, 250, 263

Ivory, trade in, xxxvi., 136 ; confis-
cated, 37, 385 ; Government pro-
perty in, 6, 43, 143

 

J

JéROME, Prince, 240

Johannis—becomes King of Abys-
sinia, 204; arrests Walad el
Michael, 205, 210, 401; wars
with Egypt, 205-207 ; sends an
envoy to Cairo, 207; letters to
Col. G., 208, 291, 3313 war with
King Menelek, 208, 219, 3043
receives a message from Col. G.,
220; his character, 417, 421-6; his
son, 419; his title, 420; receives
presents from Col. G., 244, 331,
413 ; demands restoration of terri-
tory, 304, 412 ; Walad el Michael
and Menelek submit to him, 330;
calls Col. G. Sultan of Soudan,
3313 wants Col. G. to be inde-
pendent of the Khedive, 334;
demands the Abouna, 332; asks
for Theodore’s crown, 332, 3343
Col. G.’s mission to him in 1879,
397 ; punishes smokers, 404, 421 ;
orders English newspapers, 407 5
interviews with Col. G., 410, 415;
letters to the Khedive, 415, 420

Johnson, Dr., 321, 406

Juba, 146, 151

K

Kapa ReGa—treacherous and hos-
tile character, xli., 55, 64, 65,
81, 169, 185; proposed attack on,
78, 93 126, 153, 179, 193, 1943
magic stool, 153, 159; Col. G.
sends him a letter, 196

Kalaka, 358

Kasala, 299

Katarif, 281, 289, 298

Kemp, Mr., the engineer, 16, 40,

Keren—a grand procession, 215

Kerri, 76, 165-8

Khartoum—ancient ruins, xxxv.3 its
houses, 6; mode of salutation, 6;
schools, 6, 398; convent, 198 ;
palace, 230, 231, 292; prisons,
315; water-supply, 231, 232; heat,
227; cold winds, 328; sickness,
232, 320; slave-dealers, xxxvi.,
20-24, 203; ‘‘Imshi Khartoum,”
INDEX.

451

 

62; Col. G.’s Botany Bay, 92;
English sparrows, 197; tyran-
nical governor, 298
Khedives. See Ismail and Tewfik
Kolkol, 362
Koran, Swearing on, 264, 276
Kordofan conquered, xxxv.; suffer-
ings of people, 198 ; population,
237; slavery, 289 ; revolt, 339
Kutchuk Ali, 52, 56
Kya, River, 83

L

LAISH, 100

Lamb, Charles, xxii., 389

Larco, 72, 79

Lardo, New station at, 60

Lascelles, Mr., 423

Leopard Tribe, 259-267

Lesseps, M. de, 432

Li Hung Chang, xxvi., 352, 400,
429; letter to Col. G., 395

Lima, River, 83

Linant, Mr. A., on Col. G.’s staff,
16; ill, 41; dies, 43

Linant, Mr. (the younger), ill, 58;
recovers, 60; starts for Victoria
Nyanza, 60; visits Mtesa, 106,
115, 178; returns, 106, 119;
proposes to attack natives, 107 ;
killed, 108-111, 114 ; endurance,
129 ; a good surveyor, 155

Livingstone, Dr,--the character of
the natives, 24, 82; missionaries,
81; dread of companions, 92, 170

Lobo’s Voyage to Abyssinia —the
kings, 204; excommunication,
220; Ras, 297; the Abouna, 332;
ambas, 406; psalm-singing, 408;
the title of the kings of Abyssinia,
420, 422

Lococo, 72, 79

Long, Colonel—joins expedition, 3,
16; envoy to Mtesa, 41, 115;
returns, 54; discovers a lake, 55,
171; brings up troops, 62, 64;
sent to Juba, 146, 151

Loring Pasha, 205

M

MACILVREY, 215
Mackie, Dr., 427

GG

 

Madi Tribe, 95

Maduppa Bey, 272, 357

Magic-lantern, 50

Magicians. See Coojoor

Magungo, 177

Mahomet (the Prophet), 218, 300

Mahometanism, 54, 166, 248, 281,
296, 300

Masharin Tribe, 260

Masindi, 192, 246

Mason, Colonel, 316

Mason, Mr., 285

Maundrell’s travels, xxxvii.

Mc‘Killop, Admiral, 146, 151

Medal, Gold, 59

Mehemet Ali, his conquests, xxxv.3
destroyed Shillook dynasty, 161;
policy of his house, 163; his
son killed by a hippopotamus,
8

3

Melotes (spades) 75

Menelek. See Shoa.

Merissa, 121

Merowa, xxxv., 296

Metfin, son of Walad el Michael,
209, 220, 401

Middle classes in England, 26

Military Academy, Royal — exa-
minations, 84; master, French,

9

Mill, J. S., 325

Miller, Canon, 59

Milton quoted, xii., 295

Minister of War, Egyptian, 151

Mission, Austrian, 14

Mission, Uganda, 183, 425

Mission, Universities, 81

Missionaries, French, in Abyssinia,
216, 220

Missionaries, Modern, 81, 143

Mohammed Kher, xxxvii.

Mombaz Bay Route, 65, 68, 151

Money, Use of, 49; dhoora used as
money, 146; also cloth, 249, 288

Moogie, new station at, 106

Moogie Tribe, 114, 120, 143, 145,
147

Moses, 5, 250

Mosque, built by Col. G., 543
restored, 249

Mosquitoes, 12, 14, 60, 91, 134,
153, 155, 161, 190

Mountain-guns, 244

Mrooli, 153

9
452 INDEX.

 

Mtesa, King, the advance of Egypt
towards him, xlii., 94, 178, 349;
sheikhs sent him by Khedive, 16,
115 ; and presents, 41, 115 ; route
to hiscountry, 65; nine weeks from
England, 156; sends watches to
be mended, 81; receives mission-
aries, 81, 183, 425; the glory of
his conversion, 82; visited by
Colonel Long, 41; and Mr.
Linant, 115; his court, 115, 181,
188; Arab secretary, 181; reli-
gious studies, 185-9; doctor,
185, 187-9 ; Egyptian soldiers at
his capital, 178, 180; war with
Sassé, 178 ; proposed treaty, 183;
letters from, 159, 160, 181, 192

Mudir, a governor of a district, 18

Mules, 167, 427

Munzinger, 205, 214

Murchison, Sir R, 30

Murchison Falls, 178

N
NapPierR, Lord, of Magdala, 204,

215

Napoleon III., 205, 240

Nassar, 21-4, 32

Natives of the Province of the
Equator—dress, 10, 14, 15, 36,
47, 67, 103, 118; spit, by way
of greeting, 12; villages, 11, 132,
186 ; seribas or kraals, 71, 132;
misery, 14; happiness, 26, 82,
154; affection and want of affec-
tion, 17, 19, 24, 28, 32; babies,
23, 29, 34, 168; look all alike, 47;
cannot count, 96; never combine,
98; unknown tribes on eastern
bank of Nile, 99, 168 ; no regular
laws yet little crime, 99; wars
not bloody, 100; not ambitious,
101; gracefulness, 103; bows and
arrows, 105, 197; lances, 190;
dread of spirits, 117 ; war-dance,
124; terrace the banksof Nile, 131;
cannot be civilised, 154 ; improvi-
dence, 166; oppression of, xxxvi.,
15, 18, 21, 67, 77> 146, 3733
do not sow for fear of plunder,
17; desolation of their country,
Xxxvil., 24, 147; hatred of the

 

Turks, 169; proposed emigration,
25; trust in Col. G., 39, 57, 79,
86, 90; taught use of money, 49 ;
paid by piecework, 50; sell food
for spades, 75 ; maxims for dealing
with, 80; hostility, 51, 97, IOI-
115, 142, 146, 169, 190; ‘‘taxed,”
97, 119, 120, 124, 129; a match
for the soldiers, 112; mode of
attacking them, 113; fight for
their independence, 114, 120,
125, 143. See also Coojoor, the
Province of the Equator, and
Slave-traders

Nelson, Lord, 353

Newspapers, 304, 353, 407

Niam Niam, 44, 47, 76, 116, 117

Nile—rapids (above Gondokoro),
xxxii., 80, 83, 95, 131, 158; cata-
racts (below Khartoum), xxxv.,
315; choked by the ‘‘sudd,”
xxxlil., 5, 34, 327, 335) 375) 3913
bursting of the ‘‘sudd,” 7 ; for-
mation of the ‘‘sudd,” 7, 13, 353
its banks, 10, 12, 30, 1493
marshes, 30, 66, 149, 150; landing-
places, 88, 191; ‘‘a deserted
river,” 32; water bad for drinking,
13, 35, 38, 137, 232, 3173 rate of
its current, 47, 87, 177; fertilising
power, 138; how far navigable,
55, 74, 80, 84, 96, 129, 132, 1585
traders on Upper Nile, xxxvi. ;
lives lost in exploring it, 12, 62 ;
its mystery destroyed, 63; route
by it to the Lakes, 68; survey of,
69, 154; supposed branches, 169,
171; from Rageef to Duffli, 202 ;
from Duffli to Magungo, 176

Nile, Victoria, xxxvii., 154, 171,
177, 179, 191; surveyed by Col.
G., 177

Nour Bey, 274, 276

Nubar Pasha—meets Col. G., xxx.
I-3, 199; answers, ‘‘ You know
best,” 324; Abyssinian negotia-
tions, 332; slavery question, 336 ;
offers to send Sebehr to the Bahr
Gazelle, 336, 338; dismissed,
338; refuses Col. G. troops, 338 ;
describes Khedive Ismail, 352;
his character, 433; his nephew,
205

Nuehr or Nueir Tribe, 21
INDEX.

453

 

Nuehr Agha, 119, 178, 182

Nuehr Bey Angara, 335

Nuggars, 75; helplessness of the
crews, 87, 973 hauled up the
rapids, 95, 125; wrecked, 97,
IIo

Nyamyongo, 190

Nyassa, Lake, 81

oO

OBEID, 290

Oomchanga, 235

Oriental states, service in, 351, 435
Osman Pasha, 314

Ostriches, 236, 338, 359

Ozy River, 151

P

PALGRAVE, Mr. W. G., 404

Papyrus, 36, 150, 177, 178

Pearson, Rev. C. W., 160

Percy, Professor, 167

Petherick, Mr., quotations from his
book, xxxvi., 12, 44, 121

Petition-Box, 230

Pharisees, 301, 326, 363

Piaggia, Mr., 171

Polish peasantry, 160

Porters, run away, 46; not fed, 143

Post robbed, 251, 252

Postal communications, 5, 55, 67,
85, 94, 117, 141, 156, 183

Prout, Colonel, 198

Province of the Equator—consisted
of three forts, xxxiii., xl., 15; deso-
lation, xxxvii., 24, 25, 147; nor-
thern parts, 66, 68; southern parts,
65, 68, 134, 149, 150, 154, 166,
168, 179; motto, 42; Stations and
Posts formed by Col. G., xli.,
67, 74, 161; all on the western
bank of the Nile, 98; a chain
of them, xli., 129, 141, 1573
revenue, II7; separated from
the Soudan, 118; southern
limit drawn in, 349; Arabs
sent there as a punishment,
25, 128; vegetable productions
bitter, thorny, &c., 167 ; famine,
2733; effects of the climate on

 

young men, 25, 33, 62, 67, 69,
166 ; withstood only by hard
work, 134, 1703; heat, 60, 138,
145, 153, 161; rainfall, 29, 47,
91, 99, 130, 169 ; dew, 141, 150;
hail, 195. Sce also Natives

R

Rasl, 382, 384, 386

Railway. See the Soudan

Rainfall. See Province
Equator

Ramadan, 115

Ramadhan, 54

Raouf Bey, Governor of Gondokoro,
xl, 39; dismissed, 41, 42;
Governor of Harrar, 310; dis-
missed, 313; Governor-General
of the Soudan, 390; rids himself
of Gessi Pasha, 390

Ras, 297

Rasselas, 406

Ratib Pasha, 205-8

Rats, 31

Rattaz or Ghattas, 52, 56

Rawlinson, Sir Henry, 154

Razagat Tribe, 250

Reis (captain of a boat), 97

Rionga, xlii., 65, 153, 185

Ripon, Marquis of, 428

Rockets, 48, 85, 261

Russell, Mr., 16, 41

of the

Ss

SABAHI, 340, 344

Sandjak, 274

Sanford, Lieutenant-Colonel, 30

Sassé, Isle of, 178

Saubat, River, xxxviil., II, 17, 24,
45, 66; its water good for drink-
ing, 32, 34

Schweinfurth, Dr., his Heartof Africa
quoted — slave-hunters, xxxvil. ;
Sebehr’s Court, xxxviii.; dhoora,
17; Nueir Tribe, 21; ties of kin-
dred, 24; water of the Saubat
and Nile, 34; canoes, 37; Niam
Niam, 44; Ghattas, 52; wheel-
barrows, 58; seribas, 70; nug-
gars, 753 ivory, 136; the track
454

INDEX.

 

of Islam, 166; smelting-furnaces,
167; love of botany, 168;
branches of the Nile, 177;
*“sheybas,” 238; the Gellahba,
252; his map, 278; Bazingirs,
335; landing-places on the Nile,
374; Dem or Dehm, 374; in-
eradicable propensity of Turks
and Egyptians to slave-dealing,
xxxvili., 375; River Dyoor, 376;
the asses used by the slave-
traders, 381; Idris’s Seriba, 384
Scorpions, 66, 264, 270, 344
Sebehr Rahama—his power and
state, xxxviii., 278, 372, 388; aBey
and then Pasha, xxxix.; kills Bellal
and invades Darfour, xxxix.; his
ambition, xl., 372; goes to
Cairo, xl., 371; sent to Con-
stantinople, 243; closes a mosque,
249; sends orders to revolt, 284,
372, 388; mode of raising his
forces, 336; Nubar Pasha pro-
poses to send him to Col. G.,
336, 3723 at Court, 337, 388;
answerable for the slave-trade,
337; news of his fall, 350, 360;
his Secretary shot, 354; dread of
assassination, 371; sentenced to
death, 388; a pensioner, 388;

Col. G.’s pamphlet on him,
409
Sebehr’s son. See Suleiman
Secretaries. See Ibrahim and Ber-
zati Bey

Senheit, 214

Sennaar, xxxv.

Seribas, 70

Shaka—the cave of Adullam, 243,
248; fall of, 283; the tree near
to, 284, 372; its cost, 340; a
great slave-market, 289, 340;
Col. G. makes a clean sweep of
it, 348

Shereef Pacha. See Cherif

Shereef Seid Hacim, 222, 299

Shillooks—their habits, 10, 17, 36;
gain confidence, 17; their sheikh
shows that he is alive, 19; death
of one, 34, 36; two boys, 47, 48,
53; rebel, 146, 160; dynasty of
200 years, 161; population, 161

Shoa, 204, 208, 209, 219, 304, 330

Simmons, Sir Lintorn, xx., 430

 

Slavery—tenure of slaves the A B
C of Egyptian life, 290, 393;
allowed by the laws, 228, 286,
336, 342, 345; contradictory
laws, 336, 3453 Khedive’s indif-
ference, 250, 336, 393; proposed
abolition in 1884 and 1889, 255,
351; West Indian slavery, 228,
281; compensation of owners,
228; difficulties in regulating the
slave-trade, 237, 253-8, 286;
Khedive’s instructions, xxxi., 204;
Khedive impotent to stop it, 226;
regulations proposed by Col. G.,
227, 343, 392; address of the
Anti-Slavery Society, 392; Con-
vention of 1877 between Great
Britain and Egypt, 345; proposed
appointment of English Consuls,
346, 357, 393 .

Slave-traders’ advance into the heart
of Africa, xxxi, xxxvi.; their seri-
bas or fortified posts, xxxvi.,
XxxVill., 18, 21, 144, 278, 286,
350, 384; their soldiers, xxxvi.,
XXXViiL, xl., 21, 251, 255, 278, 281,
335, 336; threaten Egypt, xl., 208,
372; turn the land into a desert,
XXxxvil., Xxxvili., 24, 376, 3883
cleared out of the Province of the
Equator, 22, 643; Gallabats (the
smaller slave-merchants), 237,
252; slave-raids and caravans,
xxxvi., 18-23, 39, 52, 225, 238,
252, 254, 285, 288, 318-20, 341,
342, 345, 346, 349; 358, 365-9,
373, 377, 380, 392; campaigns
of Col. G. and Gessi against the
slave-traders, 225-90, 340-89; re-
vival of slave-trade, 389, 392;
Red Sea slave-trade, 311

Slaves seek refuge in Col. G.’s tent,
22, 101, 287, 348; death of a
‘black - sister,” 27; runaway
slaves, 103; the ‘sheyba,”
238; fed on grass, 2543 an
escaped slave like an escaped
sheep, 256, 289, 358; liberated
slaves, 257, 359, 370, 380; not
kept in gangs in Darfour, 281;
better off in towns, 287; price of
a slave-boy, 288; dying on the
road, 290, 349, 357; 366, 367, 369;
dreadful suffering, 345, 346, 369;
INDEX. 455

 

number of slaves carried off, 349,
369; undemonstrative, 349 ;
scrambled for, 359; their homes,
360; female children, 366; love
of finery, 369

Snakes, 55, 166, 194

Soldiers. See Egyptian troops

Soudan, The, ‘‘the country of the
Blacks,” separated by deserts
from Egypt, xxxv.; its extent,
203; soldiers, 77, 89, 91, 1273
railway, 249, 315, 321, 4325
finances, 243, 311, 317, 321, 323,
328, 336, 339, 340, 350, 4315
frauds in collection of revenue,
337; seven-eighths of its popula-
tion slaves, 351 ; danger of revolt,
3723; misery of governing it, 322,
400

Speke, Captain, xxxvi., 14

Staff, Col. G.’s list of, 163 ill-
health, 40, 55, 69

Stanley, Mr., 106, 148, 150, ISI,
159, 185

Steamers on Nile, 7, 9, 316; fuel, 11,
34, 68; struck by a hippopotamus,
343 convey slaves, 37, 3733 an
ill-constructed one, 67 ; delay in
arrival, 85; new steamer, 94;
need repairs, 1643 on a rock,
121-124, 131; transport of one
in sections, xli., 47, 54, 74,
148 ; engines in the desert, 164 ;
proposed steamers for the Cata-
racts, 316

Storks, Laughing, 10

“*Sudd,” The. See Nile

Suez Canal shares, 205

Suleiman (son of Sebehr Pasha), his
father’s deputy, xl.; threatens
to revolt, 208 ; his cave of Adul-
lam, 243 ; oppresses tribes of Dar-
four, 250; his armed slaves, 251 ;
intends to attack Col. G., 258,
283; sends penitent letter, 265 ;
plundering, 267 ; encamped near
Dara, 270; interviews with Col.
G., 271-7, 283, 284; descrip-
tion of him, 271, 273, 276, 284,
371 ; would be honoured in Cairo,
282 ; his servant, 283, 382; tries
to bribe Col. G., 285; revolts,
314, 324, 335, 348, 3743 sends
his secretary to Col. G., 3503

 

massacres Egyptian troops, 354,
374, 3773 perhaps the prisoner of
three black slaves, 355 ; escapes
from Shaka, 364; Gessi’s cam-
paign against him, 371-388 ; his
death, 387, 409

ae

TAMARISK tree, 38

“Taxing” the natives. See Cows
Tchad Lake, 233, 237, 238, 362
Telegraph proposed, through Africa,

349

Tewfik Pasha, 199; Khedive, 395,
397; sends Col. G. on a mission
to Johannis, 209, 397; Col. G.’s
interview with, 399; neglect of
Col. G., 419

Theodore, King, 204, 215, 332, 421 ;
his sons, 209, 424

Toashia, 244

Tokrooki Tribe, 289

Tortoise, The, 338

Tulchan calves, 426

Turks, xxxvii., 25, 169, 375

Tyoo River, 161

U

ULEMAS, 227

Vv

VAKEEL, or lieutenant, 20

Victoria Nyanza, 68, 78, 106, 126,
150, 151, 172

Victoria Nile. See Nile

Vivian, Hon. H.C., 211, 224, 227,

333) 337
Vultures, 91

Ww

Wan! HALFa, 315

Wahhabees, 404

Walad-el-Mek, 64, 67

Walad el Michael (Wadenkal), seeks
aid of Napoleon III., 205; re-
volts, 205 ; harries Abyssinian
456

INDEX.

 

land, 207, 209, 212; agreement
with Col. G., 208, 303; supplied by
Egyptians with ammunition, 209,
314; his son, 209, 220, 401;
arrested by Johannis, 210, 401 ;
meets Col. G., 216, 301 ; a great
difficulty, 219, 402; his camp,
301 ; seeks support of newspaper-
press, 304; kills Ras Bariou, 313;
gets Col. G.’s letters, 314 ; submits
to Johannis, 317, 328, 330; in
prison, 205, 406, 408

Watson, Lieut., on Col. G.’s staff,
16; his explorations, 57, 58, 68 ;
ill, 62, 67; returns to England,
68

Watson on Contentment, 26, 138

Water boiled for drinking, 13; Nile
and Saubat water, 34, 137, 232,
317; onland routes, 130; Israelites
murmuring for, 250. See also
Darfour

 

Wheatstone magnetic exploder, 50
Wheel-barrows, 58, 63

Wilson, Mr. Rivers, 200
Winstanley, Mr., 331-3
Woolman, John, 279, 389
Wordsworth quoted, 82, 174

Y

YussuF Bey, 364, 366, 375

Z

ZANZIBAR, 65, 68, 178, 181, 429
Zanzibar Arabs, 187

Zeila, 310, 328

Zululand, 354

FINIS.

 

THOS. DE LA RUE AND CO., PRINTERS, BUNHILL ROW, LONDON.
  

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