CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Gift in memory of MARY STEPHENS SHERMAN, ‘13 from JOHN H. SHERMAN, ’11 Date Due Trans-Allegheny pioneers : historical sk AY/ Hk 4 Sift hetita Pas. = — pe Trans-Allegheny Pioneers HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF THE First White Settlements West of the Alleghenies 1748 AND AFTER WONDERFUL EXPERIENCES OF HARDSHIP AND HEROISM OF THOSE WHO FIRST BRAVED THE DANGERS OF THE INHOSPIT- ABLE WILDERNESS, AND THE SAVAGE TRIBES THAT THEN INHABITED IT. By JOHN P. HALE CHARLESTON, WEST VIRGINIA CINCINNATI . THE GRAPHIC PRESS, 135 MAIN STREET 1886 ENTERED ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS, IN THE YEAR 1886, ° BY JOHN P. HALE, IN THE OFFICE OF THE LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS, AT WASHINGTON, D.C. SYNOPSIS. Progressively advancing settlements along the entire Virginia border, from the New River-Kanawha and tributaries, in the southwest, to the Monongahela and tributaries in the north- west, the intervening country to the Ohio River and into Kentucky. On the above-mentioned first settled western flowing streams, occurred, in after years, the desperate and bloody conflicts of Braddock’s Fields and Point Pleasant, for the possession of, and supremacy in, this fair western country. To the New River-Kanawha, and tributaries, however, more especial attention is here given; all sandwiched throughout with collateral facts and incidents of more or less general or local historical interest. ‘Draper’s Meadows Massacre.—Destruction of the early Green- briar Settlements.—Tragedies of Burke’s Garden and Abb’s Valley —Origin of the American Cotton Trade.—Old time Family Fall Hunt.—Remarkable Clock.—Progressive Changes within a Lifetime.—Davy Crockett and his Wise Motto. Battle of Point Pleasant.—Brief Outline of Events Leading to It.—The First Blood of the Revolution.—A Pivotal Turning Point in American History.—ShortSketches of Some of Those Who Participated in It.—Brief Review of Lord Dunmore’s Relation to It.—Its Influence as a Developing Military High School, etc. Murder of Cornstalk.—Desperate Fight at Donnally’s Fort.—Short Sketch of Daniel Boone’s Life in Kanawha Valley.—Chron- ological Table of Events, of more or less importance or in- terest, that have occurred along the western border. Charleston, West Virginia.—Short Sketch of Its Early Settle- ment and After History.—Dublin, Virginia.—History of Its Name.—Augusta County.—Its Original Vast Extent and Its Subdivisions. INTRODUGTION. IONEER HISTORY does not repeat itself. Our country—and especially our great Western trans- allegheny country—has but recently passed through, and is hardly yet entirely emerged, in the far West, from a period of intensely active, exciting and event- ful history, which*can never be repeated. The discovery, exploration, conquest, settlement and civilization of a continent, once accomplished in this age, is done for all time; there are no more con- tinents to discover; no more worlds to conquer. To McCauley’s imaginary New Zealander who is to stand upon the broken arches of London Bridge, and speculate on the ruins of St. Paul and of London, the opportunity will never come; the ratchets of steam, electricity and printing, will hold the world from ever again retrograding. The course of civil- ization is onward and upward, as that of Empire is Westward. The wilderness, to be settled by the pioneer Ingleses and Drapers, the Harmons and Burkes, the Gists and Tygarts, no longer exists. The occupations of the Boones and Kentons, the Zanes, McCullochs, Bradys and Wetzels, as border settlers and Indian fighters, passed away with them. There is no longer need for the Lewises and Clarkes, as transcontinental explor- . ers. For the Fremonts and Kit Carsons as mountain path finders and path makers. For the Schoolcrafts 8 L ntrod uction. and Catlins to study and portray, with pen and pen- cil, unknown races and tribes; the Pontiacs and Cornstalks, the Logans and Tecumsehs, the Black Hawks and the Girtys, have left the stage forever. The Andrew Lewises and Mad Anthony Waynes, the George Rogers Clarkes, and William Henry Harri- sons, the daring frontier commanders, would have to mold their swords into pruning hooks and plow shares now. The martyrdoms of the Colonel Craw- fords, the Mrs. Moores, and the Flinns, can never occur again. The experiences of captive life and remarkable escapes of the Mary Ingleses, the Bettie Drapers, the Mary Moores, the Hannah Dennises and the Rebecca Davidsons, are, thanks to advancing civilization, the last of their kind, and the Anne Baileys and Bettie Zanes need fear no future rivals for their well-earned laurels. The history that the hundreds of brave actors—of whom these are but the types and exemplars—made, in their day and generation, by their heroic deeds and sufferings, was a history unparalleled in the — past, and that can never be repeated in the future; the conditions no longer exist, and can never exist again. For the present generation, born and reared in these days of safety, law and order, peace and plenty, ease and luxury, in these days of steam and elec- tricity, of rapid transit, more rapid communication, and all the nameless accompaniments of the latest civilization, it is difficult to look back to the days of . our grandfathers, and realize that, in their day, all this vast Western country from the Alleghenies even to the Pacific, now teeming with its many millions of busy, prosperous, and happy people, with their thriv- Introduction. 9 ing cities, towns and villages, and productive valleys and plains, was then one unbroken expanse of wil- derness, lying in a state of nature, roamed by herds of wild animals and tribes of savage men; unknown, or but vaguely known to the white man; never pen- etrated by white men except by a few exceptionably adventurous Spanish and French explorers and traders, accompanied, as usual, by pious Monks and Jesuit Fathers, tempted by the love of God or gold, and the hope of gain or glory. Those who braved the dangers, privations, and hardships of pioneer life, and participated in the stir- ring scenes and events that attended the transform- ation of this wilderness into hives of busy industry, and homes of comfort and luxury, seldom kept diaries, or left written records or histories of their wonderful achievements and thrilling experiences— the circumstances and surroundings not favoring the writing or preserving of such records—nor, indeed, did the tastes of the hardy pioneers run in that direc- tion, and, therefore, as the older generations passed away, many of them carried with them recollections and traditions that can never be recovered, and thus has been lost much of pioneer history probably as interesting as any that has been preserved As the histories of these exciting times will, no doubt, possess deeper interest and be more valued and prized the farther the period in which the events occurred recedes adown the stream of time, it should be the duty of every one who can, to collect and add whatever he can, from authentic and trustworthy records and traditions, to the general fund of reliable history of this interesting period, for permanent preservation. 10 . Lntroduction. The Ingles and Draper families—my maternal ancestors—were pioneers in the then great Western wilderness. The history of these first transalle- gheny settlements is full of interest, and some of their experiences, for daring adventure, terrible suffering, and heroic endurance, are not excelled by anything with which I am acquainted in all the annals of border life. As I am now one of the oldest surviving descend- ants of those early pioneers, and having taken some pains to collect the family records and vanishing traditions relating to the settlements and the families, I have felt constrained to commit them to print to preserve them from the fate of so many others now lost in oblivion, for lack of timely record, and add them to the many other interesting histories of the period. In connection with, and following these histories of the Ingles and Draper settlements and families, I shall endeavor to trace, in chronological order, the progressive frontier explorations and settlements along the entire Virginia border, from the Allghanies to the Ohio, from the New River-Kanawha and tributaties in the South-west, where settlements first began, to the Monongahela and tributaries, in the North-west, when they followed, and the intervening country, and along the Ohio, where the frontier line of settlements was last to be advanced, but I shall give more especial attention to the early history of the region of the New River-Kanawha and tributaries, all sandwitched, throughout, with collateral facts and incidents of more or less local or general historical interest. TRANS-ALLEGHENY PIONEERS. CHAPTER I. THE INGLES FAMILY. HOMAS INGLES, according to family tradition, was descended from a Scotch family, was born and reared in London, lived about 1730 to 1740, in Dublin, Ireland, was a large importing wholesale merchant, was wealthy, owned his own ships and traded with foreign countries, chiefly to the East Indies. ; : Sir Walter Scott states that in the reign of James I., there was a Sir Thomas Inglis who lived and owned baronial estates on the border of England and Scotland. He was much annoyed by the raids and border forays of those days, and, to escape them, exchanged his border estates called “Branx-Holm,” ‘with a Sir William Scott, ancestor of the late Sir Walter, and of the Dukes of Buckcleu, for his Barony of “ Murdiestone,” in Lanarkshire, to which he re- moved for greater peace and security. Branx-Holm or Branksome, in Tiviotdale, on the Scottish border, is still owned by the Dukes of Buckcleu. From the close similarity and possible original identity of the names—both very rare—and now only differing from ito e in the spelling, Thomas Ingles of Dublin, may have descended from the Sir Thomas of “Branx- 12 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Holm Hall,” but, if so, the present Ingles family have no record or knowledge of it. They only trace their line back to the Thomas Ingles of London, Dublin, and America. There are two families in America who spell their names Inglis. The ancestor of one of them emi- grated from Selkirk, Scotland, to Montreal. Those of the other branch came from Paisley, Scotland, to New York. Descendants of the first still live in Canada, but while they spell their name Inglis, they pronounce it Ingles, and say it has always, within their knowledge, been so pronounced. The descend- ants of the Paisley family live in Philadelphia, Balti- more, South Carolina, and Florida. These two fam- ilies, and the descendants of the Ingles who came from London and Dublin, and settled in Virginia, are the only families in America, so far as I know, who spell their names either Inglis or Ingles. In some revolution or political trouble, occurring during the time of his residence in Dublin, Thomas Ingles took a prominent and active part, and hap- pened not to be on the right, or, rather, on the win- ning side, for the winning side is not always the right side, nor the right side the winning side. On the failure of the cause he had espoused, his property was contiscated, and he was lucky to escape with his life. He, with his three sons, William, Matthew, and John—he then being a widower—came to America, and located for a time in Pennsylvania, about Cham- bersburg. Just when they came, and how long they remained there, is not now accurately known; but in 1744, Trans--lllegheny Pioneers. 13 according to the tradition, Thomas Ingles and his eldest son, William, then a youth, made an excursion to the wilds of Southwest Virginia, penetrating the wilderness as far as New River. Of the details of this expedition no record has been preserved. On this trip they probably made the acquaintance of Colonel James Patton, who held a grant for 120,000 acres of land west of the Blue Ridge, and in the valley of Virginia. Colonel Pat- ton, who came from the North of Ireland, about 1735-36, was one of the earliest settlers in the valley, and first located near Staunton. He and his son-in- law, Colonel John Buchanan, located lands on James River, and named the villages which sprang up on opposite sides of the river, Pattonsburg and Bu- chanan, now in Bottetourt County, Virginia. It is also probable that the Ingleses, during the trip above mentioned, first made the acquaintance of the Drapers, then living at Pattonsburg, and whose after history and fates were so closely connected and interblended with their own. George Draper and his ‘young wife, whose maiden name had been Elenor Hardin, came from County Donegal, North of Ireland, in 1729, and settled at the mouth of the Schuylkill River, within the present limits of the City of Philadelphia. Here two chil- dren were born to them, John in 1730, and Mary in 1732. Between 1740 and 1744 they, with their two chil- dren, came to Virginia, and located at Colonel Pat- ton’s settlement (Pattonsburg), on James River. Staunton and Pattonsburg, though the valley was ' but so recently settled, are about the same age as 14 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Richmond and Petersburg. Settlements were begun at the two former about 1738, and at Richmond and Petersburg about 1737-88. The two latter were laid off by Surveyor Mayo, in 1737, for Colonel William Byrd, of Westover. Richmond was. organized as a town in 1742—Colonel Byrd had had plantations here as early as 1732. While the Drapers lived at Pattonsburg, George Draper started out on a game-hunting and land-seek- ing expedition, westward. He never returned, and was never again heard of by his family; it was sup- posed that he was killed by the Indians. There is no account preserved of how far he went, who accompanied him, nor any other details of the trip. CHAPTER II. . N 1848 Doctor Thomas Walker, Colonel James Patton, Colonel John Buchanan, Colonel James Wood, and Major Charles Campbell, accompanied by some hunters, of whom John Findley, who afterward, in 1767, penetrated into Kentucky, and, in 1769, accompanied Daniel Boone from North Carolina to Kentucky, was one, made an excursion through Southwest Virginia and were the first white persons from this direction to penetrate the then unknown region of Kentucky. Dr. Walker, the leader of the expedition, discovered the pass in the mountains, and gave the name of “Cumberland” to the mountain range and gap hitherto called by the Indians ““Wasioto;” “Cumberland River” to the stream hitherto called “Shawanee,” or “Pelisipi;” and “Louisa” to the river called by them “ Che-no-ee,” now Kentucky River. Major Jed Hotchkiss, who, I believe, has seen the MS. diary of Doctor Walker, thinks he did not get on to the Kentucky River, and that the stream he named Louisa was the one now called Coal River, West Virginia, which heads up in . the big Flat-Top Mountain along which he traveled. The earliest maps that lay down Coal River—Jeffer- sons and others—call it Louisa. The Cumberland Mounjains, Gap, and River, were named after the Duke of Cumberland, and Louisa River for his wife, the Duchess of Cumberland. Walker’s Creeks (big and little), of New River, 16 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. which were explored by Dr. Walker and party on this expedition, and Walker’s Mountains (big and little), parallel ranges, were named after Dr. Walker. About this time (1748), probably immediately on the return of Walker, Patton and others—if, indeed, they did not accompany the Walker expedition as far as New River—Thomas Ingles and his three sons, Mrs. Draper and her son and daughter, Adam Har- mon, Henry Lenard, and James Burke “came West to grow up with the country,” and made the first settlement west of the great Allegheny “ divide,” the first on the waters of New River, or Wood’s River, as it was then interchangeably called, and the first on any waters flowing to the undefined, unknown, mys- terious West, whither they knew not. The name given to this locality and settlement was “ Draper’s Meadows.” The first buildings and improvements, which were built of round logs, as all frontier buildings then were, stood upon the present sites of the “ Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College,” and “Soli- tude,” the residence of the late Colonel Robert Preston, near Blacksburg, now Montgomery County, Virginia. Even at the present day, when all Southwest Vir- ginia is settled and highly improved, and is known to excessively abound in grand and beautiful land- scape scenery, few, if any, scenes surpass this little “ Draper’ 8 Meadows” Valley, the original, and at that day, probably, a hap-hazard settlement, as they had not sufficiently explored the country to compare localities and make choice. Its eastern limit is near the crest of the Allegheny, Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 17 2 here a very low “divide” between the waters of the Roanoke on the east and New or Woods River on the west; its western, the beautiful “ Horse-Shoe Bend” of New River; while to the north and south, in the near distance, are parallel mountain ridges. Between is a beautiful undulating plain, with rich limestone, blue-grass soil. There are numerous bold, never- failing limestone springs, and the drainage is to New River, through Toms Creek, Straubles Creek, and Walls Creek. | At the date of this Draper’s Meadows settlement (1748) the entire population of Virginia—which then extended from the Atlantic to the Mississippi (or, as claimed, to the Pacific), and embraced the present States of Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin—was but eighty-two thousand. All but a few hundred of these were east of the Blue Ridge; these few hundred were settled in the Valley of Virginia, so-called, being the territory lying between the Blue Ridge and the Alle- ghany Ranges. This valley it is claimed. but errone- ously, as we shall hereafter see, was first discovered by Governor Spottswood and his “Knights of the Golden Horse-Shoe,” in 1716, penetrating the Blue Ridge at Swift Run Gap, and first settled in 1732 by Joist Hite, John Lewis, Bowman, Green, Chrisman, McKay, Stephens, Duff, and others; followed, in 1734, by Morgan, Allen, Moore, Shephard, Harper, and others, and in 1735 to 1738 by Beverly, Christian, Patton, Preston, Burden, and others. These colonists took up lands and made settlements from Harper’s Ferry to the site of Staunton and above. They were mostly Scotch-Irish families, who had stopped for a 18 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. time in Pennsylvania, and found their way from there into the Valley of Virginia, by way of Harper’s Ferry, taking up the best lands on the waters of the Shenan- doah, the James, and the Roanoke Rivers. The Ingles and Draper families, who were also Scotch-Irish, and who had also come by way of Pennsylvania, were the first to press on beyond these, then frontier settlements, scale the Allegheny, the then limit and western barrier of civilization and discovery, and pitch their tents, as above stated, in the great outside, unknown, and mysterious wilderness beyond. The first map of this region to which I have had access, is a map of 1744, accompanying Rapin de Thoyers’ History of England. This map shows pretty fair knowledge of the coast lines, but wild guesses, based upon small information about the country beyond the mountains. The Tennessee River called Hogoheegee, empties in the Wabash or “ Ou- back.” The head waters of the Hogoheegee are left blank—cut square off. The Cumberland, called Peli- sipi, empties into the Hogoheegee. The Ohio or “Hohio,” empties into the Ouback on the north, and the Ouback unites with the Potomac in a lake common to both, lying south of Lake Erie, and from which they flow their respective ways east and west. The Allegheny mountain is laid down with a fair degree of accuracy as to location and direction. The next map of this part of Virginia was made by Peter Fontaine, Surveyor of Halifax County, at the request of the Governor of Virginia, in 1752. In this map the Allegheny Mountain is put down as “ Mississippi or Allegheny Ridge.’ New River is put down as Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 19 “ New Riv., a branch of Mississippi Riv.,” and all the region west of the Allegheny is left blank, and es SQ St, fltegLestZ2e of jie i ge aaa a EeCOe 7 Wlata tices Gilf *, Ff *, IVI EME FROM RAPIN DE THOYERS’ MAP OF 1744. called “a mountainous tract of land west of the Blue Ridge,” Augusta County, “parts unknown.” The “New River” was first discovered and named in 1654, by Colonel Abraham Wood, who dwelt at Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 20 y ~ wt OSes > ences ees 3 F Boh SSS Ge] y GS a3’ One Seal ON ade i sey) SNR BE GSS Ou eT| SH EE YRE SEES 9 SOUS BENS QRS A wll sy NAR, | Y Chesterfield sh rebeed jo See9: FROM PETER FONTAINE’S MAP OF 1752. the falls of the Ap- pomatox, now the site of Petersburg, Virginia. Being of an adventurous and speculative turn, he gota concession from the Governor of Vir- . ginia to “ explore the country and open up trade with the In- dians to the west.” There is no record as to the particular route he took, but as the line of adventure, exploration, and dis- covery, was then all east of the moun- tains, it is probable that he first struck the river not far from the Blue Ridge, and near the present Vir- ginia and North Car- olina line. From the fact that the gap in the Blue Ridge lying between the heads of Smith’s River branch of the Dan, in Patrick County, and Little Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 21 River branch of New River, in Floyd County, is, to this day, called “ Wood’s Gap.” I think it highly probable that this was his route, and that the gap was named after him; if so, then it is almost certain that New River was first seen by Colonel Wood, probably the first white man who ever saw it, at the mouth of Little River, about a mile and a half above “ Ingles’ Ferry,” and being to him a new river, without a name, he then and there named it after himself, “ Wood’s River.” If this supposition is correct, as I believe it to be, then Colonel Abraham Wood and his party of hum- ble hunters and traders, anticipated, by many years, the famous exploits of the Hon. Governor Spotts- wood and his Knights of the Golden Horseshoe, in passing the then limits of western discovery, the mysterious “Blue Ridge.” As a singular example of the injustice of the Fates: Governor Spottswood was knighted, immortalized, and had his name per- petuated by a Virginia County for what he didn’t do (first cross the Blue Ridge), while Colonel Wood, who did do it, is almost forgotten. CAPTAIN HENRY BATTE, BLUE RIDGE. Even Colonel Wood was not the only one, though the first, who preceeded Governor Spottswood in crossing the Blue Ridge. In 1666, twelve years after Colonel Wood, and fifty years before Governor Spottswood, Governor Sir William Berkely, says Arthur, despatched an ex- ploring party across the mountains, to the west, under Captain Henry Batte, with fourteen Virginians 22 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. and fourteen Indians. They also started from Appo- matox. In seven days they reached the foot of the mountains. After crossing them they came to level, delightful plains, with abundant game, deer, elk, and buffalo, so gentle as not to be frightened by the approach of man. Here they discovered a river flowing westward; having followed it for several days, they came to fields and empty cabins, lately tenanted. Captain Batte left in them some trinkets, in token of friendship. But here the Indian guides stopped and refused to go any farther, saying that there dwelt near here a tribe of Indians that made salt and sold it to other tribes. This tribe was said to be numerous and pow- erful, and never let any one escape who ventured into their towns. Captain Batte finding his Indians resolute in their determination not to venture farther, reluctantly abandoned the trip, and returned to the Province. Governor Berkely was so interested in the report that he determined to go and explore the country himself, but other cares and duties occupied him, and he never did. No mention is made here of Colonel Wood’s trip, but Captain Batte must have known of it, as it had been but twelve years since Colonel Wood started from, and returned to, the same point. From this meager account, it seems probable that Captain Batte followed the same route that Colonel Wood had traveled, crossed the Blue Ridge at the same point—Wood’s Gap—struck New River (Wood’s River), which he calls a western flowing river, at or about the same point that Wood had, and followed it downward several days before reaching the territory occupied by the salt makers Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 23 which, it is highly probable, was in the Kanawha Valley, and the salt made at the old Campbell’s Creek Salt Spring. There were abundant remains of ancient Indian pottery about the spring when the country was first settled by the whites. Colonel Wood when he discovered New River did not know, of course, the extent of the river nor the destination of its waters; but these names (Wood’s River and New River) were intended to attach to the whole course of the stream, from its source to its mouth, wherever that might be. By reference to modern maps, a curious topograph- ical feature in regard to the rivers of this upper New River region will be observed. Within a radious of a few miles four important rivers take their rise; their head waters interlocking with each other; they, however, soon bid each other a final adieu, and flow their several ways to the four points of the compass. , New River rises in North Carolina, a sea-board State, on the slopes of Grandfather Mountain; but, instead of going down through the sunny South to its natural home in the bosom of the Atlantic, it strikes out defiantly, nearly due north, through Vir- ginia, cutting its way through the Blue Ridge, the Allegheny, and parallel ridges, and, finally, finds its way through the waters of the Ohio and Mississippi into the Gulf of Mexico. The Yadkin River, on which, not far from here, Squire Boone and family, including the afterward renowned pioneer, Daniel Boone, settled, in 1750, having come from Berks County, Pennsylvania, rises in Virginia; but, instead of “pooling its issues” and 24 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. joining its fortunes with its close and bold neighbor, New River, it leaves its native State and takes the back track, nearly south, through the Carolinas to the broad Atlantic, through the great Peedee. The Roanoke River, or the Dan branch of it, rises both in Virginia and North Carolina, along the dividing line, flows nearly east until it joins the Staunton River, forming the true Roanoke, and empties into Albemarle Sound; whilst the Tennessee, or Pelisipi, as the Cherokees called it here, now called the Holston, rising similarly along and on both sides of the Virginia and North Carolina line, and in close interlock with the other streams named, starts out on its long western journey, and, finally, mingles its waters with those of the Ohio and Mississippi, or Me-sa-cha-ce-pe, as the aborigines called it, meaning the Big River, or “Father of Waters,’ the “Rio Grande” of De Soto. The dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina, or the part of it which runs through this nest of river heads, was run under commission from the State of Virginia, in 1749, by Colonel Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson, father of Thomas Jefferson; and continued westward to the Mississippi, in 1780, by Dr. Thomas Walker and Colonel Daniel Smythe commissioners. In 1754 Colonel Fry was the senior officer in command of the Virginia army to the Northwest, and Washington his subordinate (or Lieu- tenant-Colonel). CHAPTER III. S so few facts and dates have been preserved in Al relation to the Ingles-Draper frontier settlement, owing, in great measure, to the fact above stated, that. but few records were written in those days, owing to disinclination and the disadvantages under which they labored, and to the additional fact that, a few years later, their houses were burned, and all books, papers, and documents of every sort were de- cirosed, every collateral fact that helps to fix dates, or throws other light upon the subject becomes of interest. Such are the following, of which there is record evidence: In April, 1749, the house of Adam Harmon, one of ' the party, was raided by the Indians, and his furs and skins stolen. This was the first Indian depreda- tion ever committed on the whites west of the Alle- gheny. The theft was reported by Henry Lenard to William Harbison, a Justice of the Peace for Augusta County. The names of Adam Harmon and Henry . Lenard will appear again farther on. In 1751 an allowance was made by the State to Colonel Patton for moving a party of Indians from Williamsburg, the then capital, to Reed Creek, in Augusta County. Reed Creek empties into New River a few miles above Ingles Ferry. In 1753 the Indians stole the skins of George 26 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Hoopaugh and Jacob Harmon, killed their dogs and shot their “ critters.” In 1758 the State sent Captain Robert Wade from “Fort Mayo,” with thirty-five rangers, to this settle- ment to “ Range for enemy Indians.” They came by Goblintown, by Black Water, Pigg River, and Smith’s River, branches of the Dan, and crossed over to the head of Little River, through ‘“ Wood’s Gap,” and down Little River to New River. Probably just the route of Colonel Abraham Wood and Captain Henry Batte many years before. Thence they passed down as far as Draper’s Meadows and back up to Reed Island Creek. They fell in with a party of five Indians and one white man, the latter named Dunkleberry. They let the white man escape, but followed and killed the Indians. The result of the expedition was reported by Cap- tain John Echols, and sworn to before Abraham Maury, a Justice of the Peace for Augusta County. CHAPTER IV. NOTHER adventurous hunter and pioneer had A quietly made his appearance in this Draper’s. Meadows camp. It was the chubby and rosy-cheeked little god of the bow and arrow. He had evidently counted on finding fair and proper game here, and he had not mistaken his reckoning. William Ingles and Mary Draper had fallen victims to his skillful archery. They had surrendered at dis- cretion, and, early in 1750, they were bound by the silken cords, he being then twenty-one and she eighteen years of age. This was the first white wed- ding west of the Alleghenies. Their rose-colored hopes and anticipations of the future, and their youthful dreams of happiness, were not all to be realized, as will soon appear. Mary Draper, having no sister, had spent much of her time in her girlhood days with her only brother, in his outdoor avocations and sports. They played together, walked together, rode together. She could jump a fence or ditch as readily as he; she could stand and jump straight up nearly as high as her head; could stand on the ground, beside her horse, and leap into the saddle unaided; could stand on the floor and jump over a chair-back, etc., ete. It will soon be seen how invaluable to her such physical training was a few years later. In the long after- years she used to delight in telling over to her grand- children of her feats of agility in her youthful days. 28 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. In 1754, John Draper, finding it not good to be alone, had prevailed upon Miss Bettie Robertson to join him in the search for happiness in this wild wilderness home. Notwithstanding the isolation of the Draper’s Meadows settlement, and its remoteness from civili- zation and society, the settlers were reasonably happy, prosperous and contented. They were busy clearing out and improving their lands, adding to their herds of stock, building houses, and increasing their com- forts. Others, influenced by their favorable reports, were coming in and settling near them, and they were laying, as they hoped and believed, the founda- tians of a growing and prosperous community. CHAPTER V. oo times parties of Indians, from north of the Ohio, had passed and repassed this settle- ment to make raids upon the Catawbas, their enemies, living farther south; but they had made no attack upon the white settlers, nor given them any annoy- ance or cause for alarm, except the thieving raids to Harmon’s and Hoopaugh’s above related. The friendliest relations had existed between the whites and the redskins up to this time, but this happy condition of things was not long ‘to last; in- deed, the Indians may already have meditated or determined upon mischief, but disguised their designs by a show of friendship until they had made full observations and matured their plans. On the 8th of July, 1755, being Sunday, and the day before Braddock’s memorable defeat, near Fort Du Quesne, when all was peace, and there was no suspicion of harm or danger, a party of Shawanees, from beyond the Ohio, fell upon the Draper’s Meadows settlement and killed, wounded, or cap- tured every soul there present, as follows: Colonel James Patton, Mrs. George Draper, Casper Barrier and a child of John Draper, killed; Mrs. John Draper, James Cull, wounded; Mrs. William Ingles, Mrs. John Draper, Henry Lenard, prisoners. Mrs. John Draper, being out of doors, a short dis- tance from the house, first discovered the enemy 30 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. approaching, and under circumstances indicating hostile intent. She ran into the house to give the alarm and to get her sleeping infant. Taking the child in her arms she ran out on the opposite side of the house and tried to make her escape. The Indians discov- ered her, however, and fired on her as she ran, break- ing her right arm, and causing the child to fall. She hastily picked it up again with her left hand, and continued her flight. She was soon overtaken, how- ever, and made a prisoner, and the child brained against the end of one of the house logs. The other Indians, meanwhile, were devoting their attention to other members of the families and camp, with the results in killed, wounded, and captured, as above stated. Colonel James Patton, who had large’ landed inter- ests hereabout, was here at this time, and with him his nephew, William Preston. Whether Colonel Patton was only temporarily here, or was then making this his home, I do not know. He had command of the Virginia militia in this region, and had just brought up a supply of powder and lead for use of the settlements, which, I believe, the Indians secured. ; Early on the morning of the attack, Colonel Pat- ton had sent young Preston over to the house of Mr. Philip Lybrook, on Sinking Creek, to get him to come over and help next day with the harvest, which was ready to be cut, and this fortunate absence doubtless saved young Preston’s life. Colonel Patton was sitting at a table writing when the attack was made, with his broadsword, which he Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, 31 always kept with him, lying on the table before him. He was a man of large frame (he was six feet four inches in height), and herculean strength. He cut down two of the Indians with his sword, as they rushed upon him, but was, in turn, shot down him- self by others out of his reach. He was a widower, sixty-three years of age, and full of health and vigor when he met his untimely death. The father-in-law of Colonel Patton was Benjamin Burden, who came over as the general agent of Lord Fairfax, and also had large grants of land himself, chiefly in (now) Rockbridge County. He was a man of great business capacity and integrity, meeting all business obligations and engagements with such scrupulous promptness and exactness, that his habits became standards of comparison for others, and his name a synonym of punctuality and reliability. To say of any one that his promise, note, or bond, was as “good as Ben. Burden’s bill,” was to credit him with the “ne plus ultra” of business solvency and promptness. This phrase is still currant and common in Virginia to this day, though few, perbaps, now know how it originated. CHAPTER VI. AVING everything in their power after the mas- i sacre and capture, the Indians secured all the guns and ammunition on the premises, all the horses and such household valuables as they could carry away. After loading up their stolen plunder, and putting the women and children on the horses, ready tor moving, they set fire to the buildings and consumed everything left. ‘William Ingles, who was in a grain field, some dis- tance from the houses, received his first notice of the attack through the ascending smoke and flames of the burning buildings. He at once started, instinct- ively, towards the scene of the tragedy, with the hope of giving aid to his family; but upon approach- ing near enough to see that there was a large force of well armed Indians, and that, single handed, un- armed resistance would be madness, he turned and sought his own safety in flight; he was seen, how- ever, and pursued by two fleet warriors, each with tamahawk in hand. _ He soon got out of the fields and ran down the slope of the hill through the woods and brush, the enemy, meanwhile, gaining on him slowly. In jump- ing over a fallen tree that lay in his path, he fell, and being concealed by the log and brush, the Indians did not know he had fallen, and passed by him, hay- Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 33 ing run around the upturned roots of the tree, instead of jumping over it as he had done. Seeing that the Indians had overlooked him and passed on, William Ingles hastily got on his feet, changed his course and succeeded in making his escape. Ingles and Draper being without arms or horses, and having ‘no near neighbors at hand to aid or join ‘in pursuit, the Indians were enabled to make good their escape with their prisoners, horses, and stolen plunder, unmolested. Captain Buchanan raised a company from the more eastern settlements and des- patched them in pursuit, but too much time had been lost, and no tidings of them were gotten. About half a mile or a mile to the west, on their route, they stopped at the house of Mr. Philip Bar- ger, an old and white haired man, cut his head off, put it in a bag, and took it with them to the house of Philip Lybrook, on Sinking Creek, where they left it, telling Mrs. Lybrook to look in the bag and she would find an acquaintance. Lybrook and Preston would, probably, bave shared the same fate as Barger, if they had beeu found at Lybrook’s house; but they had started back to Dra- per’s Meadows on foot, by a near pathway across the mountain, and thus missed meeting the Indians, and saved their lives. In 1774, nineteen years later, the family of John Lybrook, son of Philip, was attacked by a party of Indians. Jvhn Lybrook himself succeeded in eluding them, by secreting himself in a cave in the cliffs—five of his children were murdered. About the same time, Margaret McKenzie and three Snidow 3 34 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. boys were captured in the neighborhood, two of them, Jacob and Willian soon escaped and returned, but John, a small boy, was taken on to the Indian towns. He was recovered by his family after some years of captivity, during which he had almost for- gotten his mother tongue, and meanwhile had ac- quired so strong a taste for wild, Indian life, that he. returned to the Indians and spent his life with them. Margaret McKenzie was recovered after eighteen years of captivity, returned to Giles County, married a Mr. Benjamin all, and lived to a very old age, dying about 1850. : The general course of retreat of the Indians with the prisoners and spoils of the Draper’s Meadows: massacre, was down New River, but there is no record preserved of the exact route, and but few details of the trip down. It is presumed that the Indians knew and traveled ridge roads and creek routes for much of the dis- tance, where the river route was impracticable for pack-horses. Terrible as were these experiences generally, they were especially painful and trying to Mrs. Ingles, who was nearly approaching a period of maternity. Neither this, in her case, however, nor a shattered arm in the case of Mrs. Draper, were allowed to stand in the way of their making the trip. They were permitted to ride the horses, carry the children, and make themselves as comfortable as the circumstances allowed, but go they must, whatever the pain and suffering to them. _ It was very fortunate for each that the other was along, as their companionship was uot only a comfort Trans-Al legheny Pioneers. 35 and solace to each other in their trying situations, but they rendered most important services to each other as nurses, as occasion required On the night of the third day out, the course of nature, which waits not upon conveniences nor sur- roundings, was fulfilled, and Mrs. Ingles, far from human habitation, in the wide forest, unbounded by walls, with only the bosom of mother earth for a couch, and covered by the green trees and the blue eanopy of heaven, with a curtain of black darkness around her, gave birth to an infant daughter. Ordinarily, such an occurrence would have been equivalent to a death warrant to the mother and child, for if they had not both died, under the stress of circumstances, the Indians would have toma- hawked them, to avoid the trouble and the necessary delay of their journey; but Mrs. Ingles was an ex- traordinary woman, and equal to any emergency. Owing to her perfect physical constitution, health and training, she seems to have passed through her trouble with almost as little suffering and loss of time as one of the wild Indian squaws themselves. She was next morning able to travel, and did resume the journey, carrying the little stranger in her arms, on horseback. One strong reason—probably “the controlling one, with the Indians—why Mrs. Ingles and infant were not tomahawked, was that they counted upon getting a handsome sum for the ransom of herself and her children. It was not tender humanity, but cold bus- iness calculation that prevailed, and induced them to put up with the small additional trouble and delay for the hope of future gain. 36 . Trans-A llegheny Pioneers. The particulars of the eventful history of this ill- fated babe I get from a short sketch of Mrs. Ingles’ captivity, together with facts relating to the early settlements of the Pattons and Prestons, written by Mrs. Governor John Floyd, nearly half a century ago. Mrs. Floyd was a Preston, born and reared at Smith- field, so that she and Mrs. Ingles were near neigh- bors, and it is probable that she received the facts related, from Mrs. Ingles direct. About forty miles down, as Mrs. Ingles afterwards estimated, the party crossed from the east to the west side of the river; this must have been at or about the mouth of Indian Creek; as this creek was then, and afterwards, known to be in the line of the Indian trail, and there is here a practicable ford across New River. At this point, in 1764, Captain Paul, from Fort Dinwiddie, attacked a party of returning Indians whom he was pursuing; killed several, stampeded the rest, and recovered some prisoners, among whom was Mrs. Catharine Gunn, a neighbor and friend of his. From the mouth of Indian Creek the Draper’s Meadows party came down the river, on the west side, to the mouth of Bluestone River, when they left New River, going” up Bluestone a short distance, thence crossing over Flat Top Mountain, and prob- ably following very much the route of the present Giles, Raleigh and Fayette Turnpike, to about the head of Paint Creek, and thence down Paint Creek to Kanawha River. At some point below the mouth of Paint Creek, probably at Cabin Creek, or Witcher’s Creek Shoals, Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 37 where, in low water, the river was shallow enough to ford or wade, they again crossed over to the north- east side of Kanawha River, and upon reaching the salt spring, just above the mouth of Campbell’s Creek, then well-known to the Indians, they stopped and rested, and feasted themselves on the abundance of fat game they killed, as it came to the “Licks” for salt. Some of the prisoners were treated very roughly on the route down, and suffered very much; but Mrs. Ingles, owing to her delicate condition, and to her having policy and tact enough to simulate a reason- able amount of cheerfulness and contentment under all her trials, and to make herself useful in many ways, was treated with more leniency and respectful consideration than any of the others. She was permitted to ride and to carry her chil- dren. It was made one of her duties, when well enough, as it was also her pleasure, to attend to and aid her wounded sister-in-law, Mrs. Bettie Draper. The Indians instructed her to bathe and poultice the broken arm with the steeped leaves of the wild com- phry plant, and to dress the wounds with a salve made from the comphry plant and deer fat. In searching for this plant in the woods, Mrs. Ingles says she sometimes wandered off some dis- tanee from the camps, and felt strongly tempted to try to make her escape; but the thought of leaving her helpless children restrained her. She determined to share their fate, hoping that, by some good for- tune, deliverance might come to them all, and that they should be saved together. CHAPTER VII. HILE the Indians hunted, rested and feasted themselves at the salt spring, they put the pris- oners to boiling brine and making a supply of salt to take with them to their homes beyond the Ohio. Mrs. Ingles took part in this salt making; boiling salt water in some of her own pots and kettles, that had been brought along on the pack-horses, and she, together with the other prisoners, were undoubtedly the first white persons who ever made salt, not only in this valley, but anywhere else west of the Alle- ghanies. About a hundred years later one of her grandsons, Crockett Ingles, was, for a number of years, a salt- maker almost within sight of the original salt spring; and I, one of her great grandsons, have been a salt manufacturer for more than thirty-five years, within afew hundred yards of where she first made salt in July, 1755. After several days of resting, feasting, and salt- making, the party again loaded up their pack-horses and resumed their onward march down the Kanawha and down the Ohio to the capital town of the Shaw- ances, at the mouth of the Souhioto, or Scioto River, which they reached just one month after leaving the scene of the massacre and capture at Draper’s Meadows. Soon after their arrival at the Indian town there Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 39 was a general gathering of old and young to welcome back the raiding party, to congratulate them on their success, to learn the extent of their good fortune, and to celebrate the event by a general jollification. The prisoners, according to custom, were required to “run the gauntlet,” except Mrs. Ingles, whom, on account of her condition, they excused. Mrs. Draper, notwithstanding her lume arm, not yet recovered, was subjected to this painful ordeal, with much suffering. It was a great comfort to Mrs. Ingles, amidst all the distressing circumstances with which she was surrounded, that her children were left in her own charge, and that she could, in some degree, care for them and promote their comfort. This, however, proved of but short duration. It was but a few days until there was a meeting of the Indians who had made the last raids, to divide out the spoils. The prisoners were all separated, as was the custom, and allotted to different owners, and not again allowed to see or communicate with each other. It was an agonizing experience to Mrs. Ingles to have her young and helpless children, excepting, of course, the infant, torn from her and from each other, but the Indians and the fates had so decreed, and she had to submit with what grace she could. Her eldest son, Thomas, named after his grand- father Ingles, now four years old, was taken up to or near Detroit; her youngest son, George, named after his grandfather Draper, now two years old, was taken somewhere in the interior, not now known, and Mrs. Draper went up to the region of Chillicothe. What became of the other prisoners then or after- ward I do not know. 40 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Shortly after this division of prisoners, some French traders came into the Indian town for the purpose of trading and bartering with the Indians. They had, among other things, a stock of check shirting, and as check shirts were in great demand among the In- dians, and Mrs. Ingles a good sewer, she was put to making check shirts. Her proficiency in this line so increased her value and importance to them that she was treated with unusual leniency and con- sideration. When a shirt would be finished and delivered to its owner, the buck would stick it on the end of a pole, and run through the town exhibiting it, and singing the praises of the “heap good white squaw.” The French traders seeing their interest in encour- aging the shirt trade, were very kind to Mrs. Ingles, who was so important a factor in the business, and induced the Indians to pay her liberally for the sew- ing. This, fortunately, enabled her to supplement her own scanty wardrobe, a matter very essential to her personal comfort. After this trading and shirt making had continued for two or three weeks, a party of Indians with these . Frenchmen was made up to go to the “Big Bone Lick” to make salt. Mrs, Ingles and some other prisoners, among them a Dutch woman, but none of her party or acquaintances were taken along. CHAPTER VIII. HIS Big Bone Lick is about one hundred and fifty miles below Scioto, and about three and a half miles, by the creek, from the Ohio River, on Big Bone Creek, in (now) Boone County, Kentucky. Some of the largest mastodon bones ever dis- covered, and the largest number ever found together, strewed the ground here, or were partially buried beneath the surface. The Lick seems to have been a swampy morass, some eight or ten acres in area, with the sulpho- saline waters oozing up through it, and when the huge animals waded in to get the coveted mineral water, many mired, and being unable to extricate themselves, so perished, with their legs imbedded in the mud, and their bodies resting on the surface. Colonel Thomas Bullitt, and other early explorers and surveying parties, here, in after years, used the immense ribs and tusks for tent poles, and the skulls and vertebra for stools and benches. These huge bones, tusks, and teeth, have been taken from here in large numbers, to enrich many museums both in this country and in Europe. Many of the tusks were eight or ten feet long. “Here Mrs. Ingles again assisted in making salt, thus being the first white person to make salt west of Kanawha, as she had been the first there, and while the first white person in the Kanawha Valley, 42 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. she was the first white woman, so far as I know, who ever saw the Kanawha or New River, and the first white woman ever within the bounds of Ohio, Indi- ana or Kentucky, all then, however, still parts of Virginia. While at the Big Bone Lick, Mrs. Ingles, to escape the ills she suffered, and to fly from others, threat- ened or feared, formed the desperate resolve to make her escape, and, if possible, find her way home. A more hopeless undertaking, apparently, she could not have conceived, but her condition was so distressing, that even death was preferable, and she determined that, come what would, she would make the attempt. She confided her secret to the elderly Dutch woman above mentioned, who had been captured in Western Pennsylvania, somewhere in the region of Fort Du Quesne, and who was the only other white female in the camp. She, at first, discouraged the scheme, and tried to dissuade Mrs. Ingles from throwing her life away on so mad and desperate a venture. Mrs. Ingles was not to be shaken in her resolution, but the Dutch woman, dreading to be left alone with the savages in the wilderness, and dreaming, with freshly stimulated hope, of the comforts and joys of home, listened with more and more favor to the earnest appeals of Mrs. Ingles, and, finally, was com- pletely won over to the desperate scheme, and de- termined to accompany her. They had been in the habit of going out daily from the camp at the Lick, ostensibly to hunt wild grapes, walnuts, hickory nuts, ete., which they would take back, and distribute among the Indians, but the more important matter to them was to discuss the question and the ways and means of escape. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 43 When the Dutch woman gave in her adhesion to the scheme, they stood not upon the order of their going, but prepared to start at once. There was little preparation for the women to make; they could make but little without exciting suspicion. They had each secreted a blanket for the trip, but took no clothes except what they wore, which were scanty enough. They each started with a tomahawk. Mrs. Ingles says she exchanged “hers for a sharper one, just before starting from the camp, witb a Frenchman, who was sitting cracking walnuts with his on one of the mammoth bones, since so noted. Mrs. Ingles had been tried as few women are, but now the supreme moment of her life was upon her. To try to escape, she had determined; but what was to be done with her child? She well knew that if she attempted to take it with her, its cries would betray them both to recapture and death. And, even if she should possibly escape recapture, she knew too well what she would have to encounter and endure to suppose, for a moment, that it was possible to carry the infant and succeed in her effort. Clearly there was but one thing to do, under the circum- stances, and that was to abandon the unhappy Little sufferer to its hard fate. Who can conceive of the agony of a young mother compelled to decide such a question, and to act, with such alternatives before her? But Mrs. Ingles was a woman of no ordinary nerve. She did decide and act, and who will say that she did not decide wisely? Certainly, in the light of subsequent events, her decision and action were wise and fortunate. 44 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. She nestled the dear little babe as cosily as she could in a little bark cradle, gave it her last parting kisses and baptism of tears, tore herself away, and was gone, never to see it again in this world, and knowing, or having every reason to believe, that it would be murdered so soon as it was known that she was gone. They started late in the afternoon, and bent their steps toward the Ohio River, to get a known starting point. ° There were no roads, no guides; they knew but little of routes, distances, or points of the compass. Their only chance out of the wilderness was, to get to, and keep within sight or striking distance of, the Ohio River, and follow that up, through its long, weary course, to the mouth of Kanawha, which Mrs. Ingles felt that she could recognize, and so on up Kanawha and New Rivers to her far-off and longed- for home and friends. It is an interesting fact, as shown by census reports, that this Big-Bone Lick, then in an unknown and seemingly interminable wilderness, is now almost exactly the center of population of the United States. CHAPTER IX. WORD about the history, names and signitica- A tion of the rivers up which these fugitive women were to travel, as guides to their distant homes, may not be without interest here. The first mention of the river now called Ohio is found, I believe, in an old map of 1672, attributed to the French explorer, La Salle. In this the Iroquois name is given as “Oligen-Sipen,” “The Beautiful River.” A map of 1687 calls it “Dono,” or “Albacha.” A Dutch map of 1708 calls it “Cubach.” A map of 1710 calls it “ O-o,” and makes the Ohio and Wabash or Oubache one river. In 1711 it is called “ Ochio.” ‘In 1719 it is called “ Saboqungo.” The Miamis called it Causisseppione. The Delawares, Kitono-cepe, and others Alliwegi-Sipe. The Wyandottes called it “ Oheezuh,” “The Grand or Beautiful.” On the map accompanying Rapin De Thoyers’ History of England . (1744), it is called Hohio, and empties into the Wa- | bash, or “ Ouback,” on the north side. In some of the early treaties of the Pennsylvanians with the Iroquois, they got the spelling “‘Oheeo,” probably intending to represent the same sound as the “ Ohee- zuh” above; this Oheeo became changed in accent, about 1744, by the Virginians, to “ Ohio,” or “ Hohio,” as on the above-mentioned map. When, in 1749, the French called the “ O-y-o” or 46 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. “ Ohio,” “ La Belle Rivere,” they were not giving it a hew uame, but merely rendering into French the numerous Indian designations, most of which were equivalents, and meant “The Beautiful River.” With the later French, as with the Indians, the name included the Allegheny, or Al-le-ge-ning (the impression of feet), which was considered the exten- sion of the main stream, and the Monongahela only a tributary. In addition to all these names, the Ohio, during its early Indian history, was often called the “ River of Blood,” from their own bloody encounters along its shores. The present Big Miami was called Mi-ah-me-zah by some of the Indian tribes; Os-we-ne, by the Dela- wares; La Roque, by the French, meaning the River of Rocks, or Stony River. Licking River was named from the Big Buffalo Licks on its banks, now the celebrated Blue Lick Springs of Kentucky. The Little Miami was: called by the Delawares Pio-quo-nee, or High Bank River. The Scioto was called by different tribes Son- hi-o-to, Si-o-tha, Si-o-to-cepe, ete., its signification was said to be * The Unknown.” _ The Big Sandy gets its name from the prevalence of sand bars in its bed. It has also been called Tat- teroi, Chatteroi, and Chatterawha; but I do not know the signification of this variously spelled term ; they may, like some others, all mean one thing—The River of Sand Bars, or Sandy River. The Miamis called it We-pe-po-co-ne-ce-pe-we. The Delawares called it Si-ke-a-ce-pe, Salt River. And Little Sandy was called Tan-ga-te Si-ke-a-ce- pe-we, or Little Salt River. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 47 One of the upper forks of Big Sandy was named Tug River by some of General (then Major) Andrew Lewis’ soldiers returning from the Big Sandy expe- dition of 1756, when they became so straightened for food that they had to boil and eat their rawhide buffalo thongs and tugs to keep from starving. The La Visee, or Levisa, fork, as commonly called, or Louisa, as sometimes erroneously called, is said to mean the picture, design, or representation. It was so called by an early French explorer in the region, from Indian pictures or signs, painted on trees, near the head of the stream. The Guyandotte River is said to have been named after a tribe of that name. The Miamis called it Lla-ke-we-ke-ton Ce-pe-we. The Delawares called it Se-co-nee, Narrow Bottom River. The locality of Point Pleasant was called, by fhe Wyandottes, Tu-edna-wie, the Junction of fhe Rivers. The present site of Pittsburg, Washington says, was called De-un-da-ga, the Forks of the River. The Great Kanawha River was called by the Miamis Pi-que-me-ta-mi; by the Delawares, Ken-in- she-ka-cepe, White Stone River. The Little Kanawha was called by the Delawares, O-nom-go-how-cepe. The first name given the Great Kanawha trom this end, by the whites, so far as I know, was by a French engineer party, under Captain De Celeron, who, on the 18th of August, 1749, planted an engraved leaden plate at the mouth, giving the river the name of Chi-no-da-che-tha, and claiming for the French crown all the territory drained by its waters. This complicated name is probably Indian, not 48 . Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. French; but what its signification is or was, I do not know. This leaden plate was unearthed in 1846, by a little nephew of Colonel John Beale, then a resident at the Point, and in 1849, just one hundred years after the French had planted it, James M. Laidley, Esq., then a member of the legislature of Virginia, from Kanawha, took it to Richmond, and with appro- priate remarks, submitted it to the Virginia Histori- ical Society, where, I believe, a copy of it is still pre- served, but he was required to return the original to the finder, who was afterwards cheated out of it by the fair and false promises of some itinerant sharper— a duplicate copy of the original plate and inscription is preserved among the French National Archives in Paris. ; Christopher Gist, agent of the “Ohio Land Com- pany” passed down opposite the mouth of Kanawha, on the Ohio side in 1751. The name of Kanawha was not given to the river until between 1760 and 1770. The name is commonly supposed and stated to signify, in the Indian tongue, “River of the Woods;” but this, I think, is clearly a mistake. The stream had been discovered as a New River, at the other end, by Colonel Abraham Wood, long before, as herein above described, and named after him—* Wood’s River”—so when the name Kanawha was given to it, it applied to a river that already had a name, which then became an alias, and thus it was called “Kanawha or Wood’s River,” and not “Kuan- awha, the River of the Woods.” The name Kanawha was probably derived by evo- lution from the name of a tribe of Indians (a branch Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 49 of the Nanticokes), who dwelt along the Potomac and westward, to New River. They were variously called, or spelled by difterent authors, at different times, Conoys, Conoise, Canawese, Cohnawas, Cana- ways and Kanawhas. The spelling of the name has been very various, in addition to the ways men- tioned above, including nearly all practicable methods commencing with C or K. Wyman’s map of the British Empire, in 1770, calls it “The Great Cono- way, or Wood’s River.” The act of legislature of 1789 forming the county spelled it Kenhawa. In an original report of survey made by Daniel Boone, at the mouth of the river, in 1791, and now in my pos- session, he spells it “Conhawway”—the accepted spelling now is “Kanawha,” probably never to be changed again. On some of the old maps the river is called “New River,” or “ Wood’s River” from its source to its mouth; on others it is Kanawha from its mouth to its source. Later it was called “New, or Wood’s River,” from its source to the mouth of Greenbriar, and Kanawha thence to its mouth; still later, and at present, it is Kanawha from its mouth to the mouth of Gauley, and New River from that up, the name of Wood’s River having become obsolete. The legis- latures of Virginia and West Virginia ought to, by joint action, abolish the name of New River, and give one name to the whole stream from source to mouth, and that name should be Kanawha. | “Pocatalico,” it is said, signifies, in the Indian tongue, “The River of Fat Doe.” “Cole River,” as then spelled (the Louisa of the early maps), was named in 1756, by Samuel Cole, 4 50 Trans-illegheny Pioneers. who with some others of the returning “ Big Sandy Expedition” (General, then Major Andrew Lewis among them), got over on to, and followed up this river; their names were cut on a beech tree near the junction of Marsh and Clearforks, and remained leg- ible until the tree was cut down by some vandal, three or four years since, to clear his land. Since the discovery of mineral coal along the river in such vast quantities, the spelling of the name has gradually become changed to c-o-a-l. The Miamis called it Wa-len-de-co-ni-cepe, the Delawares called it Wal-hon-de-cepe, or Hill Creek. On probably the earliest map that laid down Coal River at all—that used at the treaty of peace in 1783—and also on the map illustrating Jefferson’s notes of Virginia, it was called Louisa, probably so named by Dr. Walker, as elsewhere stated. Elk River was called by some of the tribes Tiskel- wah, or River of Fat Elk. By the Miamis it was coed Pe-quo-ni-cepe; by the Delawares eg -que- min-cepe, or Walnut River. Paint Creek was called by the Miamis Mos-coos- vepe, and by the Delawares Ot-to-we-cepe, or Deer Creek. The present name of Paint Creek comes from painted trees, blazed and stained with red ochrous earth, by the Indians, to mark their early trail. It is also said that at a point of crossing of trails, near the head of the creek, returning raiding parties used to record on the trees, in this red eae the number * of sealps taken, and other important events in char- acters understood by them. Gauley River was called by the Miamis Chin-que- ta-na-cepe-we; by the Delawares To-ke-bel-lo-ke, or Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 51 Falling Creek. How the stream got the name of Gauley, or what it signifies, I don’t know. The earliest spelling of the name that I have seen, in Henning Statutes, was Gawly. In the treaty map of 1783, and also Jefferson’s map, the river is not even laid down. Greenbriar River, according to Colonel John Lewis Payton, was named by Colonel John Lewis, in 1751. He with his son (afterwards General Andrew Lewis), were surveying lands along the river, and were very much scratched and annoyed by the greenbriars. John Lewis told his son to note the name of the stream, on his surveys, as Greenbriar River, which was done, and from the river the county was named. The Miami’s name of the river was We-o-to-we-cepe- we. The Delawares called it O-ne-pa-ke-cepe. Blue Stone River was named by the whites from the deep blue valley limestone over which it flows. Its Miami name was Mec-ce-ne-ke-ke-ce-pe-we. The Delawares called it Mo-mon-ga-sen-eka-ce-pe, or Big Stone Creek. East River was named by the whites from the direction of its flow. its Miami name was Nat-weo- ce-pe-we. Its Delaware name Ta-le-mo-te-no-ce-pe. Wolf Creek was so named from the many wolves trapped or killed on it, by the early settlers. Walk- er’s Creek, as hereinbefore stated, was named after Dr. Walker. Many of the foregoing river names are from a list of Indian names and equivalents, compiled by Col- onel William Preston, of the Draper’s Meadows- Smithfield settlements. The suffix of ce-pe or ce-pe- we, to these various names, means, in the Indian tongue, water or river. CHAPTER NX. UT to return to the fugitive women and their daring, desperate, and apparently hopeless under- taking. There were hundreds of miles of wilderness before them. The savage Indians and wild animals would alike seek their blood. Pursuit, exposure, privation, and, possibly, starvation were staring them in the face, but they flinched not; they had deter- mined to start, and start they did. Against all these tremendous odds, it looked like flying in the face of Providence and the Fates that they trusted to help them through, but hope led on, and despair lay behind; they followed the one, and fled from the other. They had not gotten far from the camp at Big Bone Lick before the sun went down and the shades of night gathered around them. They selected an obscure place, raked some leaves into it for a bed, and, with the aid of their blankets, got such rest and sleep as they could; but there was not, as may be supposed, much sleep for them that night. When they failed to return to the camp at or later than the usual time, the Indians became uneasy, thinking they had strayed too far and lost their way, or else had been killed by wild beasts. Some of the Indians went’ some distance in the direction they had started, but which’ course they Trans-A llegheny Pioneers. 53 had reversed so soon as out of sight, and fired guns to attract their attention if they should be lost. They gave up the search that night, however, and did not renew it the next day. Their conclusion was that the women had been destroyed by wild beasts, and gave themselves no farther concern about them. They did not at all suspect that the women had attempted an escape. These facts were learned by William Ingles, from the Indians, many years after, at an Indian treaty, or conference, held at Point Pleasant not long after the battle of the Point, when they (the Indians) learned for the first time what had become of the missing women so long before. The next morning, not having the trouble of inaking their toilets, nor cooking nor eating their breakfasts, they made an early start, from a point near the mouth of Big Bone Creek, fifteen miles below the mouth of the Big Miami, which De Celeron had called “La Roque,’ and about forty miles below the present site of Cincinnati. They kept the Ohio River in view, and tramped and toiled their weary way up its course, cheered by the knowledge that every mile they made took them one mile nearer their far, oh! how far-off homes! Without any special misadventure, after days and days of toil, and nights of uneasy rest, having passed Licking River, the sites of the present cities of Cov- ington and Newport, and of the prond city of Cin- cinnati, just opposite, first called Losantiville; all then an untrodden wilderness. This is a curious patchwork name invented by the cranky pedagogue and historian, John Filson, as a suitable name for 54 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. the town when first started. Lis tor Licking; os, the mouth; anti, opposite; and ville, the village; all meaning (L-os-anti-ville) the village or town opposite the mouth of Licking. Having passed the sites of Foster, Augusta, Maysville, first called Limestone, Concord, Vanceburg, ete., they at last reached the point opposite, or nearly opposite the Shawnee town at the mouth of the Scioto. The main Shawnee town in those days was not above the mouth, where Portsmouth now stands, but a short distance below. This was their chief or capital town. Their council house, built of logs, was ninety feet long and covered with bark. A few years later (1763 to 1765) a very extreme, if not unprecedented flood in the rivers swept off the greater part of the town, and it was never rebuilt at that place; but the tribe moved their head-quarters to the upper Little Miami, and up the Scioto, and built up, successively, the old and the new Chillicothe, or Che-le-co-the, towns. There remained a Shawnee village at the mouth of Scioto, which was then built upon the upper side, the present site of the city of Portsmouth. During the existence of the main Indian town just below the mouth of the Scioto, there was another prominent settlement at the mouth of a creek about four miles above the mouth of Kanawha. This town was also abandoned about the same time as the Scioto town; whether from the same cause, or for what reason, I do not know. The creek, at the mouth of which the town stood, is still known as “ Old Town Creek.” When Mrs. Ingles and her companion reached the point opposite the Scioto Shawnee town, they were Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 55 weary and worn, and almost famished with hunger. They had subsisted, thus far, on walnuts, hickory- nuts, grapes, and paw-paws; here they found a corn- patch and an isolated, untenanted cabin. As it was about dark when they reached it, they slept in the cabin—seeing no sign of any one about it—and enjoyed a hearty supper and breakfast of corn. Some nineteen years later Colonel John Floyd (father of the afterward Governor John Floyd, of Virginia, and grandfather of Governor John B. Floyd), then deputy surveyor under Colonel William Preston, of Draper’s Meadows, or Smithford, father of the afterward Governor James Preston, of Vir- ginia, accompanied by Hancock Taylor, uncle of President Zachary Taylor, located and surveyed for Patrick Henry, afterward Governor of Virginia, two hundred acres of land at this place, binding one and an eighth miles on the river, covering the site of this cabin, corn-patch, and Indian settlement opposite the late site of the main town across the river. Next morning the women discovered an old horse, with a tinkling bell on its neck, grazing about, loose. They “appropriated” this horse, muffled the bell clapper with leaves and rags to prevent its sounding, gathered what corn they could manage to carry, and getting away from the neighborhood of the settle- — ment as quietly and quickly as they could, resumed their onward movement. They could plainly see the town and Indians on the opposite side, but managed to keep themselves unseen. The horse was a most valuable acquisition, and a 56 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. great comfort to them. Sometimes they rode him on the “ride and lead” plan, alternating, and sometimes both would have to walk and lead, depending upon the nature of the ground and route, whether rough or smooth, ete. This day they had a great fright and narrow es- cape. A party of Indian hunters passed very near them, but they secreted theinselves and horse as best they could among the underbrush, to avoid being seen, and waited until the hunters passed out of range, when they again moved on. After several days of travel, having passed the sites of the future towns of Greenup, Riverton, Ash- land and Catlettsburg, they reached a stream (the Big Sandy), which they were unable to cross near its mouth, and they traveled up it a long distance before they could cross. At length they came to a lodg- ment of driftwood, extending clear across the stream. They tried it and found it would bear their weight, but what should be done with the horse? Mrs. Ingles doubted whether he could be gotten over on the drift, but the Dutch woman insisted that he could, aud in this case she prevailed, at least to make the effort. They were already a long way up the stream; they did not know how much farther they might have to go before they could ford or wade it; they thought they might get the horse over (the wish being, no doubt, parent to the thought), and _ they tried it. They had gotten but a short distance from the shore, however, when his legs slipped down through the drift, and there he stood, with his feet. hanging down in the water, and his body resting on the logs above, unable to extricate himself or to move. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 57 It was a sad case. The loss of the horse was most serious, and in their feeble, footsore, and famished condition, might be fatal to them. They were touched with pity to have to leave the poor creature in this sorry and helpless plight; but there was no help for it. There was no choice but to abandon him to his hapless fate, and try to save themselves. They each took a little corn from what was left of their scanty stock, and the old woman, who seems to have had a very practical and provident turn of mind, took the bell off the horse, and carried it through all the after troubles and trials of the journey. This point of crossing of the river was probably . about the forks, and near the site of the present town of Louisa, where fifteen years later, according to Col- lins, Colonel George Washington located, for John Fry, 2,084 acres of land, the first survey ever made in Kentucky. The first settlement made on the Big Sandy was by Charles Vancouver, at this point in 1789, but the settlement was soon after broken up by the Indians. : They now started down the upper or east side of Big Sandy, and retraced, with weary steps, the dis- tance to the Ohio again, and thence up it, sometimes along the river bank, and sometimes along the ridges, with the river in sight. As they did with the Big Sandy, so they had to do with every stream they came-to, from first to last. When they could not wade the stream at the mouth, they had to go up it until they could, and many of the streams required days and days of weary travel up to a point of practicable crossing, and back again to the main stream, their only guide, thus increasing 58 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. very greatly the distance traveled, perhaps nearly doubling a direct river line. Fortunately for them, it was at a season of the year when the waters were comparatively low, or this difficulty, serious as it now was, would have been insurmountable. Frequently, in going up or down these side streams, they could see that the stream made a large bend, and, to save distance, they would go across the ridge, having to pull themselves up the steep hills by the bushes and sods, until they reached the top, when, from fatigue and exhaustion, they would more slide than walk down, bruising and scratching themselves severely as they went. Since the loss of the horse, the old woman had become greatly disheartened and discouraged. She became very illnatured to Mrs. Ingles, blaming her for having pursuaded her to leave the Indians, to starve and perish in the wilderness. In her desperation she threatened to kill Mrs. In- gles, and even attempted violence. The old woman was, physically, much larger and stronger than Mrs. Ingles, but the latter was younger and more active, and managed to keep out of reach, though both were so exhausted from hunger and fatigue that they could little more than walk. By gentleness, kind talk, and delicate little attentions to the old woman, Mrs. Ingles succeeded, at length, in getting her paci- fied, and to some extent reconciled, and on they trudged together again. The weather was getting cold, and they suffered greatly from exposure. They had long since worn out their shoes or moccasins, and their clothes were Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, 59 worn and torn to shreads and rags by the bushes, briars, etc. At nights they slept under shelving rocks or in hollow logs, on leaves, moss, or such stuff as they could rake together. When they failed to find nuts and berries enough to sustain them, they were often driven by hunger to pull up small shrubs or plants, and chew such as had tender bark on their roots, without the slightest idea of what they were, or what their effects might be; the cravings of hunger must be appeased by what- ever they could chew and swallow. On one occasion they found, on the drift, in some stream, a deer’s head, probably cut off and thrown away by the In- dians. This they made a meal of, though it was considerably advanced in decomposition, and strongly odorous. They protected their feet, as best they could, by wrapping them with strips torn from what was left of their dresses, and tied on with strings made from the soft, flexible bark of the young leather-wood shrub. CHAPTER XI. OILING along in this sorry plight day after day, yt having passed the present sites of Huntington and Guyandotte, and crossed Guyandotte River, passed Green Bottom, where Thomas Hannon, in 1796, made the first white settlement within the present limits of Cabell County, the first on the Ohio River from the KXanawha to the Big Sandy, opposite the site of Gallipolis, and under the noted cliff over which Ben. Eulin, years after, made his famous fifty-three feet leap, when pursued by Indians, and was saved from death by falling in the tops of paw-paw bushes and grape vines, they at length reached the mouth of the Kanawha River, not then so called, but New River, or Wood’s River, as they knew it, or the “Chinodachetha” as the French had then recently named it. This point was well remembered by Mrs. Ingles, and the sight of it again, under such circumstances, after her terrible experiences and sufferings for the past few months, stirred within her breast a flood of painful recollections and reflections, and a terrible struggle between hope and despair. Here, at last, after all she had gone through on this desperate effort to regain her liberty and home, was the river that led on to that home and the friends from whom she had been torn by savage hands. These waters came down from them, but brought her no tidings. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 61 If she could but follow up the stream, it would lead her to them, if, indeed, they still survived; but could she ever get there? It seemed impossible, weary and worn as she was by toil and anxiety, reduced as she was by exposure, cold and starvation, and her com- panion, instead of being an aid and comfort to her, had now become a source of danger and dread; but her situation was too horrible to let her mind dwell upon it. She dared not count the odds or weigh the chances too closely. She knew that these odds and chances were largely against her. She knew that there was constant danger from savage Indians, for this was a favorite route for their raids into the Vir- ginia settlements, danger from wild beasts, from starvation, cold, exposure and sickness, and danger from her companion. To give up, or delay, was cer- tain death; to press on was, at least, going in the direction of relief, and of home and friends. She summoned to her aid all her resolution for another effort, and again the toilsome journey was resumed. Day after day they dragged their weary limbs along, suffering and starving; night after night they shivered, starved and suffered, crawling into hollow logs or hollow trees as a partial protection from the increasing cold, and thus they traversed this now beautiful valley, then an unbroken wilderness, never penetrated by foot of white person, until Mrs. Ingles ~ and others passed through it, a few months before, as prisoners. In those days herds of buffalo and’ elk roamed through these valleys and over the hills. There were well beaten paths where they passed through the low gaps, between the hills, on their way to and trom the 62 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Salt Licks or Springs, traces of which were visible to within recent years. The last buffalo killed in this valley was by Archi- bald Price, on the waters of Little Sandy Creek of Elk River, about twelve miles from Charleston, in 1815. The last elk killed in the valley, and probably the last east of the Ohio River, was by Billy Young, on Two Mile Creek of Elk River, about five and a half miles from Charleston, in 1820. One of our venerable citizens, Mr. John Slack, Sr., then a small boy, still alive and vigorous, remembers this elk and its huge horns between which a man c>uld walk up- right, and ate a part of the game. It is said that vast herds of buffalo summered in the Kanawha Valley, “in an early day,” within reach of the Salt Spring, or “ Big Buffalo Lick,” as it was called, and in the fall, went to the grass regions of Ohio and Kentucky, and the cane brakes of the Kentucky streams. Their routes were—for Kentucky,’ down through Teays’ Valley, and for Ohio, down Kanawha to Thirteen Mile Creek, and over to Letart, where they crossed the Ohio River. Colonel Croghan, who came down the Ohio in a boat in 1765, encoun- tered a vast migrating heard crossing at Letart. TENANTS OF THE FOREST. It is curious to note what changes occurred in the tenantry of the forest upon the advent of the white man. The Indians, after a bloody and desperate re- sistance, were driven back. The buffalo, deer, elk, bears and panthers, probably feeling themselves unequal to the contest, tamely submitted to the inevitable, and passed on. Wolves were extremely Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. ~ 63 numerous “in an early day,” but soon became almost extinct. Dr. Doddridge, one of the most observant of the early pioneers, thinks this was occasioned, more than all other causes put together, by hydro- phobia. Probably this was introduced among them by the dogs of the white man. Carnivorous birds, as eagles and buzzards, were very numerous, but rapidly diminished in numbers. Wild turkeys were extremely abundant, but were soon “cleaned out.” Venomous snakes were numerous, and held their own with some tenacity. Gray and black squirrels were very numerous, and, for a time, seemed rather to increase than diminish, and were very destructive to the early corn fields. Every few years, moved by one of the inexplicable . instincts of animals, they migrated, in countless numbers, from west to east. There were no crows nor black birds in the wilder- ness, and no song birds, but they soon followed in -the wake of the white man. There were no rats, but they soon followed. *Possoms were later com- ing, and the fox squirrels still later. There were no wild honey bees, but they came in with the whites, keeping a little in advance. The famishing women daily saw plenty of game and wild animals, but only to be tantalized by them. They could make no use of them. They were only too glad to be let alone by the frightful beasts. As they passed the mouth of Kanawha, they passed in sight of the afterwards bloody battle ground of Point Pleasant, which will be treated of at length in a separate chapter. About eighteen years later (in 1773) there was 64 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, much discussion in the country in reference to estab- lishing a separate colony in the west, with the seat of government at the mouth of Kanawha. General Washington, who owned tracts containing about 30,000 acres of land on the Kanawha and Ohio Rivers, among them a tract of over 10,000 acres on both sides of the Kanawha, commencing a short dis- tance above the mouth, in advertising to sell or lease the latter, in 1773, says, in conclusion: “ And it may not be amiss, further to observe, that if the scheme for establishing a new government on the Ohio, in the manner talked of, should ever be effected, these must be among the most valuable lands in it, not only on account of the goodness of the soil and other advantages above mentioned, but from their contiguity to the seat of government which, it is more than probable, will be fixed at the mouth of the Great Kanawha. paras “@zrorce WASHINGTON.” A few years earlier, Washington and the Lee’s, says Payton, were figuring on a gigantic land scheme in the west. They formed a land company called “The Mississippi Company,” and they modestly asked George III. for a grant of two and a half mil- lion acres inthe West. The company was composed of George Washington, F. L. Lee, R. H. Lee and Arthur Lee. From about 1767 to 1769 or 1770, Washington had Colonel Crawford through the west, off and on, examining and making notes of the best bodies of lands. In 1769, Arthur Lee went over to urge the claims of the Mississippi Company, in per- son, before George IIT. and the parliament. The grant was not made, and the scheme was finally Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 65 abandoned. But suppose it had succeeded, how differ- ent might have been the history of our country! Washington and the Lees might have been the ruling spirits in a great Western Republic, with the seat of government at Point Pleasant. The country west of the Ohio was then sometimes called the “State of Washington.” In 1787, the Legislature of Virginia, in granting a ferry franchise across the Ohio River, says, from lands of so and so, in Ohio County, Virginia, to lands of so and so, in the “State of Washington.” From Point Pleasant the fugitives passed up on the lower or west side of Kanawha, passing opposite the present towns of Leon, Buffalo, Red House and Raymond City, all now built up on the east side, passed by Tackett’s Knob, and the famous pine tree to which Tackett was tied by the Indians, in after years; over the site of Winfield, the present county seat of Putnum County, ete. In passing the mouth of Scary Creek, where the Chesapeake & Ohio Railway now leaves the river, they passsed the site of the first, or one of the very first, battles fought between the Federals and Confederates in the late civil war, being on the 17th of July, 1861, and one week before the first battle of “Bull Run.” The Federals were commanded by Colonel Norton, and the Confederates were under the immediate com- mand of Captain (afterwards Colonel) George S. Patton. Both commanders were wounded; twelve Federals were killed, and three Confederates. Gen- eral Henry A. Wise was then in supreme command of the Kanawha forces, with Colonel C. Q. Tomp- kins next in command. 5 66 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. At the mouth of Coal River the fugitives passed, on the lower side, the future site of Fort Tackett, one of the first forts built in the valley, when the white set- tlements began, and the scene of a bloody tragedy and capture of the fort by the Indians. In after years (1788), from this fort, under cover of dark- ness, John Young escaped, taking in his arms his young wife with a babe of one day old, and the bed or pallet on which she lay, put them in a canoe, and, during the night, through a drenching rain- storm, poled the canoe up to the fort where Charles- ton now stands. Neither father, mother, nor babe suffered from the exposure, the mother lived to be about ninety, and the babe lived to be over ninety, dying but a few years since, leaving a large family of worthy descendants in this valley. Above the mouth of Coal River the fugitive wo- | men passed the site of the present town of St. Albans, a Chesapeake & Ohio Railway station. They had to go up Coal River until they could wade it, as they had done with Licking, Little Sandy, Big Sandy, Guyandotte, Twelve Pole, and other streams. Twelve miles above Coal River, they passed opposite the mouth of Elk River, two miles up which, Simon Kenton, the afterwards renowned pioneer and Indian fighter, and two companions, Yeager and Strader, sixteen years later (1771), built a cabin, and occupied it; engaged in hunting and trapping until the spring of 1773, when they were attacked by In- dians. Yeager was killed, and Kenton and Strader both wounded, though they made their escape to a hunting camp at the mouth of the Kanawha. So far as known, Simon Kenton and companions Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 67 were the first white men who ever built a cabin or camp and lived in the valley. Mrs. Ingles and com- panions having been the first white persons ever here, as above stated. Immediately above the mouth of Eli River, they passed opposite the site of the present city of Charlegton, the capitol of West Virginia, and where I now write. Here, Fort Clendenin was afterwards saved from Indian capture by the heroism of a brave little woman, Ann Bailey, who rode her black pony, called “ Liverpool,” to the fort at Lewisburg, called Camp Union or Fort Savannah, one hundred miles distant, through a wilderness, and back, alone, bring- ing the besieged a supply of powder, ete. Between four and five miles above here, they passed the spot where, thirty odd years later, that prince of pioneers and frontiersmen, Daniel Boone, built a cabin and lived for ten or twelve years. See chapter on Boone. - Opposite this, and just above the mouth of Camp- bell’s Creek, was the Salt Spring where Mrs. Ingles and her companions and captors had stopped to rest and make salt, as they passed down, some months before, as above stated. For many years after the settlement of the country, this locality was the chief source of supply of salt for the great West, until the Pomeroy salt region, and afterwards Saginaw, Michigan, were developed. For full history of the salt interest of Kanawha, see a paper by the author, published by the State, in “ Re- sources of West Virginia.” Ten miles further up the river, having passed oppo- site the afterwards noted Burning Spring, ‘first 68 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. located and owned by Generals Washington and Lewis, in 1775. General Washington in his will, in speaking of this tract says: “The tract of which the 125 acres is a moiety, was taken up by General Andrew Lewis and myself, for and on account of a bituminous spring which it contains, of so inflam- mable a nature as to burn as freely as spirits, and is nearly as difficult to extinguish.” General Washing- ton gave, or intended to give, to the public forever, as a great natural curiosity, two acres of land embrac- ing the Burning Spring, and a right of way to the river; but from oversight, or other reason not now known, the grant was never put on record, and Dr. Lawrence Washington, nephew of his uncle, and to whom it descended, sold it to Messrs. Dickinson & Shrewsberry, who, in 18438, bored on it, striking the largest yield of natural gas ever tapped in the valley. BURNING SPRING. While on the subject of this spring, I will mention a curious and interesting fact that occurred here in 1831 or 1832. Three men who had but recently come to the neighborhood, and were employed at a salt furnace, close by, were standing around the wonderful spring, watching with amazement and awe the bub- bling and boiling of the water, and the gasseous flames leaping up from its surface, when, suddenly, there came, from a passing cloud, a flash of lightning, aud an electrical stroke, or discharge, right into the spring. The shock instantly prostrating the three meu standing around it. One, who was least stunned, soon got up and ran to the furnace and gave the alarm. A second one, after a little time, was able to Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 69 hobble off without help; but the third had to be carried home on a stretcher, and was so seriously shocked that he never entirely recovered from the effects of it. One of our elderly citizens, Mr. Silas Ruffner, was present, and a witness of the facts related. It may be well to explain, for those who do not understand it, that the Burning Spring was not actu- ally a spring of flowing water, but simply a pool, or puddle, up through which issued a stream of natural gas, keeping the water in bubbling motion, resem- bling boiling, and the gas, upon being lighted, would burn ’til put out by rain, or blown out by the wind. Having passed the mouths of Rush, Lens, Fields and Slaughters Creeks, they (the escaping women) next passed the mouth of Cabin Creek, where, about twenty years later, the family of John Flinn, one of the earliest settlers, was in part killed, and the remainder captured by the Indians, for more particu- lars of which, see chapter on Boone. Four miles above here they passed the mouth of Kelly’s Creek, where, in 1773, Walter Kelly made the first family settlement in the valley, and where, in the following year, he lost his life, as elsewhere re- lated. At this place William Morris founded a per- manent settlement soon after Kelly’s death, and built Fort Morris, the first in the valley. The Kelly cabin stood near a ravine, a few rods above, and the Morris Fort on the creek, about 150 yards below the present Tomkins brick church. About the same time his brother, Leonard Morris, made a settlement at the mouth of Slaughters Creek, and not long after, Henry Morris, another brother, settled on Peters Creek of Gauley. 70 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Three miles above Kellys Creek, the fugitives passed the mouth of Paint Creek, the route of the Indian trail down which Mrs. Ingles and her captors came, some months before. About the mouth of Paint Creek there seems to have been a large and very ancient aboriginal settle- ment. There are still remains of extensive stone fortifications on the high hill above the creek, and similar and larger ones, acres in extent, on the high mountain between Armstrong and Loup Creeks, and from an old burying ground, at the river, about the town of Clifton, are still unearthed, from time to time, interesting relics of the “Stone age,” or Mound- builder period. . Fourteen miles above Paint Creek, having passed the present sites of Coal Valley and Cannelton, Mor- ris, Armstrong and Loup Creeks, they passed the Falls of the Great Kanawha—over ‘Van Bibber’s Rock,” where, in 1773, John and Peter Van Bibber, Mathiew Arbuckle and Joseph Alderson spent a night under a shelving rock near the water’s edge, just under the Falls, to secrete themselves from a party of Indians, whose sign they had discovered, and where John Van Bibber pecked his name in the rock with the pole of his tomahawk. This fact is related by David Van Bibber, “nephew of his uncle,” still living, and about ninety. FALLS OF THE GREAT KANAWHA. New RIver CANON. CHAPTER XII. ee miles above the Falls, the fugitives passed, on the opposite side, the mouth of Gauley River, and thence out of the Kanawha Valley proper, and entered the grand canyon of New River. How did they ever get through it? Can the Rail- road Engineers who located the C. & O. Road, or the contractors and others who built it, or any body who ever looked down into that awful chasm from the cliffs and precipitous mountains, 1,000 to 1,500 feet above, or ever looked out at it from the windows of a Chesa- peake & Ohio Railway car—can any of these, looking back, in imagination, to the time when all this wild scene was in a state of nature, tell how these destitute and famished, but heroic women ever made the pas- sage of this terrible gorge from Gauley to Greenbriar? Or conceive of the amount of daring and desperation it required to nerve them to the effort? The how can not now be told in full detail, but the simple and comprehensive answer is: They did it and sur- vived. They passed up by Penitentiary Rocks, the Little Falls, Cotton Hill, the Blue Hole, the Pope’s Nose, the Short. Tunnel, the Lovers’ Leap, the Hawk’s Nest, Sewell, Quimemout, War Ridge, Fire Creek, Stone Cliff, Castle Rock, Stretcher’s Neck, Piney, Glade Creek, New River Falls, etc., ete.—all name- less then. 72 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, They walked, climbed, crept and crawled, through brush and thorns, vines and briars, over and around the huge rocks that have tumbled down from the towering cliffs above, and the avalanches of debris that followed their crushing courses—climbed under or over fallen timber, over slippery banks and inse- cure footings, wading creeks that had to be crossed, wading around cliffs and steep banks that jutted out into the main stream, and when this was impossible, as was sometimes the case, they had to climb over or around the obstruction, however high, however diffi- cult, however tedious, however dangerous, looking down from the dizzy heights upon the rushing, roaring torrents of New River below, madly dashing against the huge rocks and bowlders that obstruct its course, and lashing the bases of the cliffs and the tortuous shores as it furiously rushes on. Suppose, in this terrible struggle, these poor, ee weary and foot-sore women had, in their unrestful slumbers, on couches of leaves or bare earth, in caves or hollow logs, dreamed that their great-grandchil- dren would now be gliding through this wild canyon, the roughest this side of the Rocky Mountains, in luxurious Pullman Palace Cars, at the rate of forty miles an hour—outspeeding the wind—and that time and distance should be annihilated in sending mes- sages through it to far away friends! They probably did not, in their wildest flights, even dream anything so seemingly impossible; and yet, how strangely true it is! View oF Hawx’s NEST, FROM BOWLDER Rocks. iy : ; Wd he ame VIEW OF NEW RIVER, FROM THE HAwk’s NEST. =e SSS a SS=>>= = S== ——— = SSS SS SSS ——— NEw RIVER FaLtLs. —— SSS = SCENE NEAR HINTON. JUNCTION OF NEW AND GREENBRIAR RIVERS. CHAPTER XIII. S they progressed, the way became a little less rough, the mountains a little less precipitous, and the river began to be fringed, here and there, with little, narrow margins of bottoms. They seemed to have passed the worst portion of the New River gorge. They had passed opposite the site of the present town of Hinton and the mouth of Greenbriar River, where the Chesapeake & Ohio Railway leaves New River, and passed the butte of the Big Flat Top Mountain. They next came to the mouth of Blue Stone River, which was a land-mark and remembered point to Mrs. Ingles. Here she and her captors had left the New River on the down trip, and taken the Blue Stone Paint Creek Indian trail. She experienced a strong sense of relief on again reaching this point. She knew about how long it had taken her to reach here on her down trip, and she began to count the weary days that it might take to retrace those steps; if, indeed, she could hold out to accomplish it at all. When she came down she had health and vigor ; now she was hardly able to walk, and scarcely more than the shadow of her former self; but, however desperate her condition, there was no help for it but in pushing forward. If there was relief in any direction, it was up New River. Hope beckoned up 74 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. New River, and up New River they struggled on, still following up the west bank. They had passed Flat Top Mountain, Blue Stone River, Indian Creek, ete., and were about the mouth of East River, up which the New River branch of the Norfolk & Western Railroad now runs, when the old woman again became desperate, and this time more dangerous than ever. In the extremity of her suffering from starvation and exhaustion she threat- ened to kill Mrs. Ingles with’ cannibalistic intent. Mrs. Ingles tried temporizing, by proposing to “draw euts”’ to determine which one should be the victim; to this the old woman consented. The lot fell to Mrs. Ingles; she then appealed to the old woman’s cupidity by offering her large rewards when they got home, if she would spare her; but the pangs of pres- ent hunger were more potent than the hope of future gain, and she undertook, then and there, to immolate her victim. She succeeded in getting Mrs. Ingles in her grasp, and it became a struggle for life or death. How sad that these poor women, after all they had suffered and endured together, should now, in that vast solitude, alone, with no eye to see, nor hand to save or aid, be engaged in a hand to hand, life or death struggle! The old woman, to prevent death by starvation, would kill her companion for food, while Mrs. Ingles was trying to save her life from the murderous hand of her companion, probably to die a lingering death from starvation; the choice seemed worth but little. If they had had more strength, the result might have been more serious; or, possibly, fatal to one or both. But both were so feeble that neither had done Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 75 the other much hurt until Mrs. Ingles, being much the younger (she was then but 23), and, by compari- son, still somewhat more active, succeeded in escaplag from the clutches of her adversary, and started on up the river, leaving the old woman greatly exhausted by the struggle. When well out of sight, she slipped under the river bank and secreted herself until the old woman had recovered breath and passed on, supposing that Mrs. Ingles was still in advance. This scene occurred late in the evening, between sundown and dark. When Mrs. Ingles emerged from her concealment, the moon was up and shining brightly, and by its light she discovered, near at hand, a canoe at the river bank, half full of leaves blown into it by the wind; but there was no paddle, oar or pole; as a sub- stitute, she picked up, after some search, a small slab or sliver from a shattered tree, blown down by storm. She had never before undertaken, literally, to “paddle her own canoe,” and found much difficulty, at first, in guiding it; but, persevering patiently, she caught the knack of steering it, and as the river was low, and not much current at the place, she succeeded in making her way safely across. Here, to her great relief, she found a cabin or camp that had been built by some hunters from the settlements above, and a patch where they had attempted to raisesome corn. Seeing no one about— the place being deserted—she crept into the cabin and spent the night. Next morning she searched the patch for some 76 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. corn, but was sadly disappointed to find that the buffalo, bears, and other wild animals, had utterly destroyed it; she discovered in the ground, however, two small turnips which the animals had failed to find, and on these she made a sumptuous breakfast. Resuming her now solitary journey, she had gone but a short distance when she discovered her late companion on the opposite shore. They halted and held a parley. The old woman professed great remorse and penitence, made all sorts of fair promises for the future, and begged piteously to be brought over, or that Mrs. Ingles would come back to her, that they might continue their journey together. With Mrs. Ingles it was a question between sym- pathy and safety, but a wise discretion prevailed. After all that had occurred, she concluded that it would be safer to keep the river between them, and, accordingly, each went her way on opposite sides. CHAPTER XIV. ieee the best reckoning Mrs. Ingles could make, she concluded that she must now be within about thirty miles of her home; but much of the remain- der of the way was extremely rough, the weather was growing colder, and, worse than all, her physical exhaustion was now so extreme that it seemed impos- sible that she could continue the struggle much longer. She feared that, after all she had suffered and borne, she would at last have to succumb to hunger, exposure and fatigue, and perish in the wil- derness, alone. As her physical strength waned, however, her strong will power bore her up and on, and Hope sustained her as wearily and painfully she made mile after mile, eating what she could find in the forest, if anything; sleeping when and where she could, if at all. She had passed up through the “ New River Nar- rows,” the great rift where New River has cut its way through the solid “ Peter’s Mountain” (so named at the eastern end for Peter Wright, a famous old hunter and pioneer, but here named after a pioneer family named Peters). It is one of the wildest scenes in thé State. She had passed the butte of Wolf Mountain and the mouth of Wolf Creek. Near here Peterstown, on the east side, has since been built. She had passed near the present site of Giles 78 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. C. H., and nearly under the shadows of the towering “ Angel’s Rest” Mountain, on the west side (so named by General Cloyd), 4,000 feet high, with its rock-ribbed sides, and castellated towers, said to strongly resemble Mount Sinai, but it brought no rest nor peace to her. She had passed the cliff near Giles C. H., had crawled around or over the huge cliffs just below the mouth of Stony Creek. She had by some means gotten beyond that grand wall of cliff jutting into the river for two miles, extending from opposite Walker’s Creek to Doe Creek, and, two miles above this, another seemingly impassable cliff had been scaled. She had gotten about two miles beyond these last-named cliffs, and was near the base of the “Salt Pond Mountain,” with its beautiful lake near its summit, 4,000 feet above tide, and one of the greatest natural curiosities of the State; but her mind was not occupied with the grandeur of the scenery, nor the beauty of these then nameless localities she was passing; she only knew that each one passed put her that much nearer home—sweet home! Night was approaching; snow had fallen, and it was bitterly cold (it was now about the last of No- vember); just before her she was confronted by still another gigantic cliff, hundreds of feet high, the base in the water and the crown overhanging. At last her progress seemed utterly barred; there were no ledges, no shelving rocks, no foot-holds of any kind to climb around on. The only chance left, it seemed, was to wade around the base, as she had done in other cases; this she tried, but found that, to her, it was an unfathomable gulf. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 79 Her heart sank within her; night was now upon her; cold before, she was now wet and colder still. She had nothing to eat; she could find no soft couch of leaves, no friendly cave or hollow log. In despair, she threw herself down on the bare ground and rocks, and there lay in that pitiable con- dition, more dead than alive, until next morning. With the dawning of the day there was a feeble revival of hope—for while we live we will hope. She thought of the only possible remaining way of passing this gigantic barrier; this was to climb around and over the top of it, but in attempting to rise she found that her limbs were so stiff, and swollen, and sore from the wet, cold and exposure that she could scarcely stand, much less walk or climb. Still, there was no choice; if she could she must, so again she tried. Slowly, as the effort and exercise relieved her somewhat from the paralyzing chill, she wound her devious, tedious and painful way, hour after hour, getting a little higher, and a little higher. So feeble and faint from hunger, such soreness and pain from her lacerated feet and swollen limbs, that from time to time she looked down from her dizzy heights, almost tempted, from sheer exhaustion and suffering, to let go and tumble down to sudden relief and ever- lasting rest. ; Climbing: and resting, resting and climbing, she at last reached the summit, and the day was far spent. While resting here, her thoughts had wandered on up the river to her home and friends. She knew that she must now be within twelve or fifteen miles 80 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. of that home. “So near and yet so far.” If she had strength, how quickly she would fly to it; but, alas! in her now desperate and deplorable condition the chance of reaching it seemed fainter, even, than when she left Big Bone Lick with strength, hope and resolution. Now, she did not know what hour her powers might utterly fail; what minute nature might yield and she would be lost. As long as she lived, Mrs. Ingles always referred to this as the most terrible day of her eventful life. ANVIL CLIFF. CHSAR’S ARCH. CHAPTER XV. gf | ROUSING herself again to the necessities of the hour, she started on her painful and perilous descent; crawling, falling, slipping and sliding, she at length reached the bottom as the day was about departing. I have talked with a friend of mine, born and reared in this neighborhood, and who is perfectly familiar with all this part of New River. He tells me that this cliff is 280 feet high to the top, meas- ured, the first 100 feet overhanging, and that the water in the pool at the base has never been fathomed. He had often tried it in his youth, with long poles and with weighted lines, but never got bottom. There is, he says, a whirl-pool, or sort of maelstrom, here, down into which, when the river is high, logs, driftwood, ete., are drawn, coming up again some distance below. No wonder Mrs. Ingles could not wade around the cliff; no wonder it took her a whole day, in her exhausted condition, to climb over it. The highest point of this front. cliff, from some real or fancied resemblance to a huge anvil, is called “Anvil Rock.” Just across the river, in a corre- sponding cliff—all of the blue limestone—is a natural arch, which is called “Cresar’s Arch.” and near it a natural column called “Pompey’s Pillar.” “Sinking Creek,” a considerable stream, which, in low water,’ loses itself under ground some miles in. 6 82° Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. the rear, finds its cavernous way under the moun- tains and into the river, below the surface, in the deep pool at the base of Anvil Rock cliff. In fresh- ets, the surplus water finds its way to the river three- fourths of a mile below. Mrs. Ingles, after getting to the bottom of the cliff, had gone but a short distance when, to her joyful surprise, she discovered, just before her, a patch of corn. She approached it as rapidly as she could move her painful limbs along. ° She saw no one, but there were evident signs of persons about. She hallooed; at first there was no response, but relief was near at hand. She was about to be saved, and just in time. She had been heard by Adam Harmon and his two sons, whose patch it was, and who were in it gathering their corn. Suspecting, upon hearing a voice, that there might be an intended attack by Indians, they grabbed their rifles, always kept close at hand, and listened at- tentively. Mrs. Ingles hallooed again. They came out of the corn and towards her, cautiously, rifles in hand. When near enough to distinguish the voice—Mrs. Ingles still hallooing—Adam Harmon remarked to his sons: “Surely, that must be Mrs. Ingles’ voice.” Just then she, too, recognized Harmon, when she was overwhelmed with emotions of joy and relief— poor, overtaxed nature gave way, and she swooned and fell, insensible, to the ground. They picked her up tenderly and conveyed her to to their little cabin, near at hand, where there was protection from the storm, a rousing fire and sub- stantial comfort. Trans-A legheny Pioneers. 83 . Mrs. Ingles soon revived, and the Harmons were unremitting in their kind attentions and efforts to promote her comfort. They had in their cabin a stock of fresh venison and bear meat; they set to work to cook and make a soup of some of this, and, with excellent judg- ment, would permit their patient to take but little at a time, in her famished condition. While answering her hurried questions as to what they knew about her home and friends, they warmed some water in their skillet and bathed her stiff and. swollen feet and limbs, after which they wrapped her in their blankets and stowed her away tenderly on their pallet in the corner, which to her, by compari- ‘son, was “soft as downy pillows are,” and a degree of luxury she had not experienced since she was torn from her own home by ruthless savages, more than four months before. Under these new and favoring conditions of safety and comfort, it is no wonder that “nature’s sweet restorer” soon came to her relief and bathed her wearied senses and aching limbs in balmy, restful and refreshing sleep. CHAPTER XVI. TV\ RS. INGLES had not seen a fire for forty days (since leaving Big Bone Lick); she had not tasted food, except nuts, corn and berries, for forty days; she had not known shelter, except caves, or hollow logs, or deserted camps, for forty days; she had not known a bed, except the bare earth, or leaves or moss, for forty days. She had been con- stantly exposed to the danger of recapture and death by the savages; danger from wild beasts, from sick: ness, accident, exposure and starvation, and danger from her companion. Yet, notwithstanding all these, she had, within these forty days, run, walked, crawled, climbed and waded seven or eight hundred miles, in- cluding detours up and down side streams, through a howling wilderness, and was saved at last. Dr. Tanner’s forty days’ fast, the conditions and circumstances considered, dwindles into insignifi- cance compared with this. Indeed, I do not know, in all history, the record of a more wonderful and heroic performance than that of this brave little woman, all things considered. It is said to be as heroic to endure as to dare; then Mrs. Ingles was doubly heroic, for she dargd and endured all that human can. The immortal “Six Hundred” who “rode into the gates of death and the jaws of hell” were soldiers, under military discipline. When commanded, they Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 85 knew only to obey; they were accustomed to deeds of daring and death. They knew their duty and they did it—grandly, nobly, heroically. When or- dered to charge, they nerved themselves for the shock, which could last but afew minutes. Death might come to them within these few minutes; in- deed, probably would; but if it came, would be sudden and almost painless, and if they escaped, the strain would soon be over, and glory awaited them. Not so with Mrs. Ingles. This delicate woman, reared in comfort and ease, and unaccustomed to hardships, being in the hands of savages, in a vast wilderness, beyond civilization and beyond human aid, coolly and deliberately resolved to attempt her escape, knowing that the odds were overwhelmingly against her; knowing that if recaptured, she would suffer death by torture, and if she escaped recapture it would probably be to suffer a lingering death by _ exposure, fatigue and starvation; but her resolution was fixed; she nerved herself, not for the struggle of a few minutes only, but they were strung to a ten- sion that must be sustained at the highest pitch, by heroic fortitude, for weeks—possibly for months—of mental anxiety and physical suffering, whether she finally escaped or perished. But, to return to the Harmon cabin. Mrs. Ingles awoke next morning greatly rested and refreshed. . She called to Harmon and told him of her experience with the old woman, her com- panion, and begged him to send his boys back down the river in search of her, but the boys, having heard Mrs. Ingles relate the story of her adventure with the old woman, and, very naturally, feeling outraged 86 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. and indignant at her conduct, refused to go, and Harmon, sharing their feelings, declined to compel them; so the old woman was left, for the present, to make her own way, aa best she could. Harmon and his sons had been neighbors of Mrs. Ingles at Draper’s Meadows, before her capture, and before they came down here to make this new clear- ing and settlement. As neighbors on a frontier, where neighbors are scarce, they had known each other well. Harmon considered no attention, labor or pains too great to testify his friendship for Mrs. Ingles and tender regard for her distressful condition. He had brought to this new camp, when he came, two horses and a few cattle to range on the rich wild pea vine which grew here luxuriantly. He had heard in his time, and it impressed itself upon his memory, that beef tea was the best of all nourishing and strengthening diets and restoratives for persons in a famished and exhausted condition; so, although he had, as before stated, plenty of nice, fresh game meat in his cabin, he took his rifle, and, against the protests of Mrs. Ingles, went out, hunted up and shot down a nice, fat beef, to get a little piece as big as his hand, to boil in his tin cup, to make her some beef tea, and make it he did, feeding her, first with the tea alone, and then with tea and beef, until within a couple of days, thanks to her naturally robust constitution and health, she was sufficiently recovered, rested and strengthened to travel; when he put her on one of his horses, himself taking the other, and started with her to her home at Draper’s Meadows, some ten or twelve miles dis- Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 87 tant, up the river; but when they arrived at the settlement there was an Indian alarm, and all the neighbors had congregated at a fort at ‘“Dunkard Bottom,” on the west side of the river, a short dis- tance above “ Ingles’ Ferry,” so they went on to this place, arriving about night, and Mrs. Ingles had, with glad surprise, a joyful meeting with such of her friends as were present in the fort. CHAPTER XVII. HE next morning, after arriving at the Fort, Mrs. Ingles again begged Harmon, now that he had restored her to her friends, to comfort and safety, to go back and hunt for the poor old woman, and, if still alive, to bring her in. This he now consented to do, and started promptly, down the west bank of the river. A few miles after she and Mrs. Ingles had parted company the old woman met with a genuine piece of good luck. She came upon a hunters’ camp, just abandoned, apparently precipitately, for what reason she could not tell—possibly from an Indian alarm— but they had left on the fire a kettle of meat, cook- ing, to which she addressed herself assiduously. She remained here two or three days, resting, eating and recuperating her strength. The hunters had left at the camp an old pair of leather breeches; these the old woman appropriated to her own personal use and adornment, being by no means fastidious about the fit, or the lastest style of cut, or fashion, her own clothes being almost entirely gone. An old horse had also been left by the supposed hunters, loose about the camp, but no sign of saddle or bridle. The old woman remained at the camp, its sole occupant (no one putting in an appearance while she was there) until she had consumed all the meat'in Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 89 the pot; she then made a sort of bridle or halter of leatherwood bark, caught the old horse, put on him that same bell which was found on the horse cap- tured opposite Scioto, and taken off by the practical- minded old woman when that horse had been aban- doned to his fate among the drift logs in Big Sandy, and carried through all her terrible struggles and suffering to this place. Having taken the wrapper from around the clap- per, and so hung the bell on the horse’s neck that it would tinkle as he went, as, being so near the settle- ment, she now hoped to meet settlers or hunters, she mounted him, riding in the style best adapted to her newly acquired dress of leather unmentionables, and again started up the river on her way to the then frontier settlement. Thus slowly jogging along, hallooing from time to time to attract the attention of any one who might be within hearing, she was met in this plight, about the “Horse Shoe,’ or mouth of Back Creek, oppo- site “Buchanan’s Bottom,’ by Adam Harmon, in search of her, and taken on to the Fort. The meeting between Mrs. Ingles and the old woman was very affecting. Their last parting had been in a hand to hand struggle for life or death—not instigated by malice or vindictiveness, but by that first great law of ‘nature, self-preservation, that recognizes no human law; but now that they were both saved, this little episode was tacitly considered as forgotten. Remem- bering only the common dangers they had braved, and the common sufferings they had endured to- gether in the inhospitable wilderness, they fell upon 90 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. each other’s necks and wept, and all was reconcilia- tion and peace. The old woman remained here for a time, awaiting an opportunity to get to her own home and ‘friends in Pennsylvania. Finding, before long, an oppor- tunity of getting as far as Winchester, by wagon, she availed herself of it, and from there, with her precious bell, the sole trophy of her terrible travels and travails, it was hoped and believed that she soon got safely home, though I can not learn that she was ever afterwards heard of in the New River set- thement. , I regret that not even her name has been pre- served. In the traditions of the Ingles family she is known and remembered only as “the old Dutch woman.” Adam Harmon, having accomplished his mission of mercy, and improved the unexpected opportunity of a social reunion with his late neighbors and friends, took an affectionate leave of Mrs. Ingles and her and his friends, and returned to his new camp and clearing down the river. This settlement of Harmon’s was at a point on the east bank of New River, now the site of that well known place of summer resort, the “ New River White Sulphur,” or “Chapman’s,” or. “ Eggleston’s Springs,” which, for grandeur and beauty of scenery, is probably not excelled by any of the beautiful . watering places of the Virginia Mountains. The New River branch of the Norfolk & Western Rail- road runs along the opposite shore of the river, the station for this place being called “Ripple Mead.” Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 91 The formidable cliff described above, the climbing over which occupied Mrs. Ingles one whole day, the most terrible of her life, is immediately below the springs, is a part of the springs estate, and well known to the frequenters of that popular resort. The little cove immediately above the cliff, and the then site of the Harmon cabin and corn patch, is now,.as I am informed, called “Clover Nook.” Tregret that Ido not know the after-history of Adam Harmon and sons, the pioneer settlers of this beauti- ful place; but from every descendant of Mrs. Ingles, now and forever, I bespeak proper appreciation and grateful remembrance of the brave, tender-hearted, sympathetic, noble Adam Harmon. Twenty or thirty years later there was a family of Harmons—Henry and his sons, George and Matthias— who distinguished themselves for their coolness and bravery as Indian fighters in the Clinch settlements of Tazewell. I presume they were of the same Harmon stock, but just what relation to Adam I do not know. I stated above that Mrs. Ingles, on her arrival at the Fort, had a joyftil meeting with such of her friends as she found there; but the two of all others whom she had hoped and expected to find there— the two for whom her heart had yearned with deepest love, and the hope of again seeing whom had sus- tained her in her captivity and nerved her to her desperate exertions in her escape—her husband and her brother—were not there. They had gone, some weeks before, down to the Cherokee Nation in the Tennessee and Georgia re- gion, to see if they could get any tidings of their 92 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. lost families, and, if so, to try, through the Chero- kees—they then being friendly with the whites and also with the Indian tribes north of the Ohio—to ransom and recover them; but their expedition had been fruitless, and they were returning, sad, discon- solate, despairing, almost hopeless. On the night that Mrs. Ingles had reached the Fort, William Ingles and John Draper stayed within a few miles of it, and about where the town of New- bern, Pulaski County, now stands. Next morning they made a daylight start and ar- rived at the Fort to breakfast, and to find, to their inexpressible joy and surprise, that Mrs. Ingles had arrived the night before. Such a meeting, under such circumstances, and after all that had occurred since they last parted, nearly five months before, may be imagined, but can not be described. I shall not attempt it. There is probably no happiness in this life without alloy; no sweet without its bitter; no rose without its thorn. Though William and Mary Ingles were inexpressibly rejoiced to be restored to each other, their happiness was saddened ‘by the bitter thought that their helpless little children were still in the hands of savages; and while John Draper was over- joyed to have his sister return, he could not banish the ever-present and harrowing thought that his wife was still in the far-off wilderness—in the hands of savages, and her fate unknown. CHAPTER XVIII. HE danger of an Indian attack, which had lately been threatening this Fort, now seemed more imminent, and as Mrs. Ingles became very uneasy, her husband took her to another and stronger Fort, called “ Vass’ Fort,” about twenty miles farther east, where the settlers from the headwaters of the Roa- noke had gathered for safety. William Ingles and his wife had been here but a few days when Mrs. Ingles claimed to have a strong presentiment that the Fort was about to be attacked, and prevailed upon her husband to take her to another Fort, or place of safety, down below the Blue Ridge, and not far from the “ Peaks of Otter.” The very day they left Vass’ Fort the presentiment and prediction of Mrs. Ingles was fully realized. The Fort was attacked by a party of Indians and overcome, and every one in it killed or taken prisoner. John and Matthew Ingles, the younger brothers of William Ingles, were at this Fort. John was a bach- elor. Matthew had a wife and one child. Before the attack was made, but after the Fort was surrounded, an Indian climbed a tall poplar tree, which com- manded a view of the interior, to take an observa- tion. He was discovered and fired on from the Fort, and it is the tradition that it was the rifle of John Ingles that brought him down. 94 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Matthew Ingles was out hunting when the attack was made; hearing the firing, he hastened back, and tried to force his way into the Fort, to his wife and child; he shot one Indian with the load in his gun, then clubbed others with the butt until he broke the stock off; by this time the gun-barrel was wrenched from his hands, when he seized a frying-pan that happened to be lying near, and, breaking off the bowl or pan with his foot, he belabored them with the iron handle, right and left, until he was knocked down, overpowered and badly wounded. The tradi- tion says that he killed two Indians with the = ying- pan handle. — His bravery and desperate fighting had so excited the admiration of the Indians that they would not kill him, but carried him off as prisoner. He was either released or made his escape some time after, and returned to the settlement, but never entirely recovered from his wounds. He died at Ingles’ Ferry afew months later. His wife and child were mur- dered in the Fort, as was also his brother John. When the land about the site of this Fort was cleared, the poplar tree from which the Indian was shot was preserved. I have often seen it and the remains of the old Fort, when I was a boy, forty- tive to fifty years ago. The tree was blown down by a storm, thirty to forty years ago. This Fort, the remains of which are itahably still visible, was on the headwaters of the Roanoke River, about ten miles west of where Christiansburg now stands, about two or three miles east of the present town of Lafayette, and near the residence of the late Captain Jacob Kent. The Fort that was destroyed Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 95 was, I believe, a small private Fort, built by the neighbors for their protection; after which the State, under the superintendence of Captain Peter Hogg, built a stronger Fort, and Colonel Washington, then in command of the Virginia forces, came up to see and advise about it. Kercheval, the historian, gives, on the authority of Mrs. Elizabeth Madison, who resided on the Roa- noke, an interesting anecdote relating to this Vass’ Fort. About the time indicated, it was known that Colonel Washington was to be up to inspect the Fort. Seven Indians waylaid the road, intending to kill him. After waiting until long beyond the time at which the party was expected, the Chief in com- mand of the Indians went across a mountain to a nearly parallel road, about a mile distant, to see if Washington and party had passed that way, leaving with the other six positive orders not to fire a gun, under any circumstances, in his absence. He had not been long gone when Colonel Washington, Major Andrew Lewis and Captain William Preston rode safely by, the Indians obeying their Chief’s instruc- tions to the letter, though it lost them their game. At the same time (1756), the State erected a Stock- ade Fort at Draper’s Meadows, under the direction of Captain Stalnaker. In March of this year (1756), the Big Sandy expe- dition, under General (then Major) Lewis, was sent out, with Captains Preston, Paul Alexander, Hogg, Smith, Breckenridge, Woodson and Overton; also, the volunteer companies of Captains Montgomery and Dunlap, and a company of Cherokees, under Captain Paris. a 96 hrans-Allegheny Pioneers. They rendezvoued at Camp Frederick, and went thence by way of Clinch River, Bear Garden, Burk’s Garden, over Tug Mountain and down the Tug Fork of Big Sandy; but the expedition was unsuccessful and returned, or was recalled, before reaching the Ohio. Partly in retaliation for the raid on Vass’ Fort, and others, and to prevent a recurrence of such, a second Big Sandy expedition was contemplated, and preparations for it partly made, but it was after- wards abandoned. Mrs. Ingles remained in the settlement below the Blue Ridge until there seemed a better prospect of peace and security at the frontier; she then returned to New River, where her husband and she perma- nently established themselves at ‘Ingles’ Ferry.” William Ingles built here a Fort for the security of his own family and others who were now settling about him, and several times afterwards the neigh- bors were gathered in this Fort for safety and com- mon defense, when Indian attacks were made or threatened. Once, when there was no one at the house or Fort but William Ingles and his wife, she discovered, stealthily approaching the house, nine armed war- riors in their war paint. She gave the alarm, and William Ingles at once posted himself in a position of defense, but discovered that he had but ohe bullet, and that in his gun. Mrs. Ingles soon got the lead and the ladle, however, and molded bullets as fast as he fired. Having failed to take the place by surprise, as they had evidently expected, the Indians, after a few rounds, fired without effect, abandoned the attack and left. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 97 About this time, Wilham Ingles and a companion, named John Shilling, were on Meadow Creek, a branch of Little River. They were fired on by sev- eral Indians; all took to trees—white men and In- dians—and fought Indian-fashion. The result was that Ingles and Shilling killed two Indians, and the others fled. William Ingles came: near having an eye put out by bark from the tree behind which he stood. Just as he started to look round, at one time, to get a shot, an Indian fired at him; the ball struck the tree and glanced, missing him, but dashed the bark into his face and eyes with great force and painful effect. About 1760, a party of eight or ten Indians passed Ingles’ Ferry and went up Little River and over to a settlement on the head of Smith’s River, east of the Blue Ridge, where they murdered some defenkc- less settlers, took some women and children prison- ers, caught their horses, loaded them with stolen plunder, ‘and were returning by way of the New River settlement. Some one from the Ingles’ Ferry Fort had gone out in search of some strayed horses, and discovered the Indian camp, at night, about six miles from the Fort. He returned at once and reported what he had seen. William Ingles got together, as speedily as pos- sible, fifteen or eighteen men, then at or near the Fort, and, piloted by the man who had made the discovery, they started for the locality, intending to make an attack at daylight next morning. They were a little late, however, and the Indians were up 7 98 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. and preparing to cook their breaktast when the party reached the camp. At a concerted signal the attack was made; the Indians flew to their arms and made fight, but they were taken at a disadvantage and seven of the party shot down; the others fled and made their escape. One white man trom the Fort was killed. The prisoners, horses and plunder were all recovered. This was the last Indian engagement at or near this settlement; thenceforth they were undisturbed ; peace prevailed, and the country began to settle up rapidly. CHAPTER XIN. , RS. BETTIE DRAPER was still a prisoner among the Indiaus. When separated from Mrs. Ingles at Scioto, she was taken up to about the Chillicothe settlement, where she was adopted into the family of an old Chiet’ (name not mentioned) who had recently lost a daughter. Although kindly treated, she, not long after, made an attempt to escape. She was recaptured and condemned to death by burning (the usual penalty in such cases); but the old Chief concealed her for a time, and by his au- thority and influence at length secured her pardon. Finding escape impossible, she set to work earn- estly to secure the favor and regard of the family and the tribe, so as to render her terrible fate as tol- erable as possible. She taught them to sew and to cook, aud was ever willing and ready to nurse the sick or the wounded, and was regarded as a‘‘heap good medicine squaw.” By these means she soon acquired the good will and confidence of the tribe, and secured for herself very kind and considerate treatment. Thus six weary years had passed since her capture, and since her involuntary parting from Mrs. Ingles at Scioto. During this time John Draper had per-_ sonally made several trips, and as often sent agents to try to find and ransom her, but all without effect, until, in 1761, a treaty between the whites and In- 100 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. dians was held somewhere on the border, about the close of the Cherokee war, the locality and particu- lars of which are not now known. John Draper attended this treaty, met the old Chief in whose . family his wife was living, and, after much negotia- tion and a heavy ransom paid, he succeeded in effect- ing her release and restoration to him, when the once more happy couple set out on their return to their home at Draper’s Meadows. In 1761, William Preston married Miss Susanna Smith, of Hanover County, and first settled at Staun- ton; afterwards, when Bottetourt County was cut off trom Augusta (1770), he was made County Surveyor, in those days a most lucrative position, and moved to an estate he called “Greenfield,” situated near Am- sterdam; still later, when Fincastle County was tormed (1772), and he made its Surveyor, he, in 1773, acquired the Draper’s Meadows estate, and, in 1774, moved his family there, changing the name, prob- ably in honor of his wife, to “Smithfield,” which name it still bears, and it is still the seat of the Pres- ton family in the third and fourth generation from Colonel William. The Preston family residence was not built upon the site of the original Ingles-Draper settlement and massacre, but a mile or so distant, nearly south. From this point (Draper’s Meadows or Smithfield), this remarkable family, and its descendants and con- nections, radiated over the State, and to all parts of the South and West; and for talent displayed, for honorable and commanding positions occupied, and for exalted character and worth, I know of no other family connection in the whole country which has, Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, 101 within the last century and a quarter, produced so many distinguished members. Among them may be counted the Pattons, the Prestons, Buchanans, Thomp- sons, Madisons, Breckenridges, Peytons, McDowells, Floyds, Bowyers, Harts, Crittendens, Bentons, Paynes, Smiths, Andersons, Campbells, Browns, Blairs, Gam- bles, Wattses, Carringtons, Hamptons, Johnsons, Lewises, Woodvilles, Logans, Edmunstons, Alexan- ders, Wooleys, Wickliffs, Marshalls, and very many others. When Colonel Preston moved to Smithfield, there came with him a young man named Joseph Cloyd, only son of a widow Cloyd, a near neighbor of Pres- ton’s at Greenfield, and who had recently been mur- dered by the Indians. This Joseph Cloyd settled on the west side of New River, on “Back Creek,” at the foot of Brush or Cloyd’s Mountain, now Pulaski County. He after- wards became the father of General Gordon Cloyd, David and Thomas Cloyd, whom I remember as in- telligent, wealthy and prominent citizens of that region more than half a century ago, and the grand- father of the late aged and venerable Colonel Joseph Cloyd, who, with his family, possessed and enjoyed till his death, recently, a portion of the paternal acres on Back Creek, near which was faught the “battle of Cloyd’s Mountain,” in 1864. This Draper’s-Meadows-Ingles’-Ferry settlement was an outlying, advanced post of civilization, on the edge of the then great Western wilderness, and soon became a place of rendezvous and. point of departure, for individuals, families and parties bent on Western adventure, exploration, emigration, or speculation. 102 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. This way passed Dr. Thomas Walker and his first party of explorers, in 1748, and, also, his second ex- pedition, in 1750. From here, in 1754, started out the first four or five family settlements that are known to have been made, that early, west of New River. James Burke went to Burke’s Garden, in (now) Tazwell County; whether accompanied by others or not I do not know. There were two families (names unknown to me) settled on Back Creek, now the Cloyd settle- ment, in Pulaski County; Ingles’ Ferry, on both sides; Keed at Dublin, McCorkle at Dunkard’s Bot- tom, two families on Cripple Creek, another tribu- tary of New River, now in Wythe County, and near this, just over the divide, one or two families on the headwaters of the Holston, now in Smythe County. From here started, in 1770, a party of hunters and explorers, reinforced at the then Holston and Clinch settlements, under Lieutenant (afterwards Colonel) Knox. They penetrated into Kentucky, were on Cumberland, Green and Kentucky Rivers, and, from the long time they were gone, have ever since been known in border history as “the long hunters.” From here, in 1773, a surveying party, composed of James, George and Robert McAfee, James McCown, Jr., Hancock Taylor and Samuel Adams, started for Kentucky. They came down New River, and were joined on the Kanawha by Colonel Thomas Bullitt and party. Colonel Bullitt, for military ser- vices in the Braddock and Forbes wars, having just located the big bottom survey on which the city of Charleston now stands; they went by canoes down Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 103 the Kanawha and down the Ohio Rivers to the mouth _ of Kentucky River, where the party separated. The McAtees and Hancock Taylor went up the Kentucky River, and on the 16th of July, 1773, surveyed six hundred acres where the city of Frankfort now stands, being the first survey ever made on that river. This river, like most other Western streams, has had a variety of names and spellings before settling down to its present one; thus it has been Milewa- keme-cepewe, Kan-tuck-kee, Che-no-ee, Cut-ta-wa, Louisa and now Kentucky. It is generally believed that Dr. Walker named it Louisa, but this may be a mistake, as elsewhere shown. Bullitt and others stopped at Big Bone Lick and made a survey of land, July 5th; they then went on to the Falls of the Ohio, called by the Miamis “Lewekeomi,” where they surveyed, in August, 17738, a body of land at the mouth of ‘Bear Grass Creek,” the site of the present city of Louisville; so that this surveying party located, on this trip, and within a few weeks of each other, the sites of the now cap- ital cities of two States—West Virginia and Ken- tucky—and one of the largest commercial cities of the Ohio Valley—Louisville. The surveyors returned overland through Ken- tucky, by way of Powell’s Valley and Gap, and, after experiencing extraordinary privation and suffering, made their way back to the New River settlement. From here started, the following year (1774), the surveying parties under John Floyd, Hancock Tay- lor, Douglas, and others, who were in the wilds of Kentucky when the border troubles commenced, which finally culminated in the battle of Point Pleasant; 104 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. and to notify whom of the Indian dangers, and pilot them safely back, Governor Dunmore dispatched Daniel Boone, then at the Clinch settlement. Boone’s mission was successful; the surveyors (except Han- cock Taylor, who was killed), and some colonists, were found, notified, and the surveyors and Boone returned overland, by way of the Clinch settlement; Boone having made eight hundred miles on foot, going and returning, in sixty-two days. From this New River settlement went many of the early, enterprising settlers of Kentucky, whose de- scendants have since made honorable records in the history of the State and the Nation, among whom may be mentioned the Pattons, Prestons, Breckenridges, Floyds, Triggs, Taylors, Todds, Campbells, Overtons, McA fees, etc., ete. CHAPTER XxX. N 1765, John Draper exchanged his interests at Draper’s Meadows for land about twenty miles west of Ingles’ Ferry, and near the present dividing line between Pulaski and Wythe Counties. This land had been originally granted to Colonel James Patton, in 1758, one of the earliest grants in this region. It is described as lying “west of Woods River,” and near the “Peaked Mountain,” now called “Dra- per’s Mountain,” and the end, “Peak Knob.” John Draper called this settlement “Draper’s Valley,” which name it still retains. Here John Draper and Bettie, his wife, and, after her, his second wife, Jane, passed the remainder of their lives, and here their descendants, prominent, honored and influential citizens, have lived ever since, John 8. Draper, a great-grandson, being the present owner and occupant of this beautiful and valuable estate. And so with Ingles’ Ferry, a locality so full of family and general historical associations; it is still owned and occupied by the descendants of William and Mary Ingles, of the third and fourth generation, and after a century and a third of time. Seven children—four sons and three daughters— were born to John and Bettie Draper, after her return from captivity; the sons were George, James, Johu 106 Trans-tllegheny Pioneers. and Silas; the names of the daughters I do not know. I remember Silas Draper, an eccentric old bachelor, very fond of his cups. He was still alive about fifty years ago. I remember a quaint way he had of ex- pressing his contempt for the understanding of any one who was so unfortunate as to differ from him in opinion. Of such an one he would say: “ He is a con- nection of Solomon—a distant connection of Solo- mon—a very distant connection of Solomon.” And, seeming to think that this bit of irony was sufficient to settle the status of his unfortunate adversary, he would leave him to his fate. Mrs. Bettie Draper died in 1774, aged forty-two. John Draper married again, in 1776, a widow, Mrs. Jane Crockett. The issue of this marriage was two daughters, Alice and Rhoda. John Draper lived to the great age of ninety-four. He died at Draper’s Valley, April 18, 1824. John Draper was a Lieutenant in one of the companies— probably Russell's or Herbert’s—at Point Pleasant, in 1774. His commission, signed by Governor Dun- more, is now in possession of his great-grandson, John 8. Draper, of Draper’s Valley. In 1770, Virginia formed from Augusta a new county, covering all this western region, and called it’ Bottetourt, after Governor Lord Bottetourt; and, two years later (1772), another county was formed from part of Bottetourt, extending from the headwaters of the Roanoke northwest to the Ohio River, and west to the Mississippi. This county was named “ Fineastle,” from the seat of Lord Bottetourt in England—* Fin-Castle.” Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 107 The Cota: seat of this county was at “Fort Chis- well,” now in Wythe County, and the seat of the McGavock family. The Fort was built by the State in 1758, under the direction and superintendence of the third Colonel William Boyd, and named by him after his friend, Colonel John Chiswell, the owner and operator of the “New River Lead Mines,” then but recently dis- covered by him, a few miles distant. Colonel Chiswell was a Tory in the Revolutionary troubles, and his property was confiscated. He was, also, so unfortunate as to killa man in a personal encounter, and died in Cumberland County Jail, awaiting trial. A son of his successor, Colonel Stephen Austin, who was born here, was the founder of the city of Austin, Texas. The town of Austin- ville, at the Lead Mines, in Wythe, also took its name from the family. These mines were the chief source of sagt of lead, not only for the Indian border wars, but for the Continental Army during the Revolution, and for the Confederate Army in the late civil war. Fincastle County did not long continue. In 1776, the territory covered by it was divided up into three new counties—Montgomery, Washington and Ken- tucky—and Fincastle County abolished. This Washington County was the first in the United States named after the illustrious George Washington. Now, almost every State in the Union has its Washington County. The first town in America named after the Father of his Country was Washington, Georgia. Now, they are so numerous as to be confusing. 108 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. About this time (1774-75-76), before the boundary line between Virginia and Pennsylvania had been definitely settled, the Ohio River, the Monongahela and the Youghiogheny, in the region of Fort Pitt, where considerable settlements had been made, were supposed to be parts of Virginia territory, and, as such, parts of Augusta County, or “ West Augusta.” So remote were these settlements from the county seat at Staunton that the State of Virginia provided for the holding of courts for Augusta County at both places—Staunton and Fort Pitt—and for some time they were so held, adjourning from one place to the other, alternately. On the return of the expedition of Walker, Patton, and others, in 1748, they organized the “ Loyal Land Company,” based on a grant of 800,000 acres of land, to lie north of the North Carolina line, and west of the mountains, and incorporated their company in June, 1749. CHAPTER XXI. WYILLUM INGLES purchased the land at and about Ingles’-Ferry from the Loyal Land Com- pany—Dr. Thomas Walker, agent. In establishing himself at this point, he foresaw that it would be an important crossing place for Western emigrants, and, so soon as practicable, in order to enhance the value of his property, he located and marked out a line of road from the settlements east of him to the west, on towards Tennessee—no doubt following, in the main, the route he and John Draper had traveled in going down to the Cherokee Nation, in 1755; as above related; and they were, probably, the first white Americans to traverse this route, or this region, throughout. The exploring parties of Dr. Thomas Walker, in their two trips, traveled up and down Walker’s Creek, Wolf Creek, East River and Blue-Stone, streams emptying into New River below here; and by way of Upper New River, Cripple Creek and Reed Creek, above here. It is claimed by Dr. Bickley, historian of Tazwell County, that as early as 1540, more than two hun- dred years before Dr. Walker and party, or Ingles and Draper, the distinguished Spanish explorer and adventurer, Hernando De Soto, visited or passed through a portion of this region of Southwest Vir- ginia. Dr. Bickley, who seems to have examined the 110 Traus-Allegheny Pioneers. subject with cure, satistied himself, from the official reports of the historian of the expedition, that De Soto, after landing, about Tampa Bay, Florida, in 1739, caine, first by Mobile Bay, thence up through what is now Georgia, South and North Carolina, East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. He found a strong and important tribe of Indians settled on the Upper Tennessee, with their capital or head- quarters town, called ‘“Cafitachiqui.” They were governed by a Queen. In that part of Southwest Virginia, now Washington and Smythe, Russell and Tazwell Counties—according to the Doctor’s theory— was another province, called Xuala, inhabited by a peaceable, quiet and hospitable race. They were afterwards driven out or exterminated by the Chero- kees, who then held the country until they, in turn, were driven out by the English. From here, De Soto went on westward, to dis- cover for his country the great Mississippi River, or “Rio Grande,” as he called it, and, for himself, a watery grave beneath its turbid waters. The mistake of Dr. Bickley, probably, was in bringing the De Soto expedition too far North. In- stead of coming by way of Knoxville and Southwest Virginia, his route is believed, by other authorities, to have been by way of the present sites of Atlanta, Georgia, and Chattanooga, Tennessee, and that the tribes he encountered were on that route, and not in East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. Nearly all the emigration that populated South- west Virginia, Tennessee, Southern and Middle Ken- tucky, and parts of Northern Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, passed over this route. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 111 THE WILDERNESS ROAD. Colonel Thos. Speed, of Louisville, Ky., through the “¥ilson Historical Club,” has recently issued, ‘under the above title, a valuable and exceedingly interest- ing contribution to the history of the early routes of travel of the first emigrants to Kentucky. He de- scribes two principal routes—one overland by way of New River, Fort Chiswell, Cumberland Gap and the Boone trace, and the other by the Braddock trail to Red Stone, or to Fort Pitt, and thence down the Ohio River, by boat. I jhinke's thind and mixed route, partly by land and partly by water, passing down through this. (Kanawha) valley, laereee to be mentioned, as it was traveled by a good many, “in au early day.” They came from the settlements along the border, or from farther East, by way of the frontier settlements, to this river, by land, and went from here by water; the mouths of Kelly’s Creek and Hughes’ Creek, where boats were built, being the usual points of embarcation, by the earlier voyagers. This way went the McAfees, James McCown, Samuel Adams, Han- cock Taylor, Colonel Thomas Bullitt, Douglas, John May, Jacob Skyles, Charles Johnson, John Flinn, John Floyd, Volney, and others. And many of the officers and men of Lewis’ army, who afterwards went to Kentucky, followed this route, having learned it in their trip to Point Pleasant. A little later, when settlements began north of the Ohio River, Basten Virginia and “North Carolina sent a very large emigration by this route. The large early travel by way of Ingles’ Ferry 112 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. made it one of the most valuable properties in that region; and long after, when. thriving villages, towns and cities had been built up in this prosperous coun- try, their supplies of dry goods, groceries, hardware, etc., were hauled over this route, first from Balti- more, via Winchester, and afterwards from Richmond and Lynchburg, to, finally, as far West as Nashville, in those picturesque land schooners, or “Tennessee ships of the line”—the Connestoga wagons, with their high-bowed and well-racked canvas covers, and six-horse teams, many of them with the jingling bells that made lively music as they went. I well remember, between fifty and sixty years ago, the long droves of these wagons, going and return- ing, and how the arches of tinkling bells and red flannel rosettes, swinging gracefully over the horses’ shoulders, excited my boyish admiration. The drivers of these teams were a peculiar class; they were a hardy, honest, jolly, good-natured set, who knew and were known by everybody on the route for hundreds of miles. They were greatly trusted by their employers, and were popular all along the road. ORIGIN OF THR COTTON TRADE OF AMERICA. I will mention here, as an interesting historical fact—on the authority of the late John W. Garrett, the distinguished President of the B. & O. R. R.— that the beginning of the cotton trade of America was over this road, and in these same Connestoga wagons. The Southern and Southwestern emigrants had begun to raise a little cotton, at their new homes, for Lrans-Allegheny Pioneers. 113 domestic uses. Their little surpluses were saved up and traded to their merchants to help pay for their groceries and other family supplies, and the country merchant sent a few bags of it, now and then, to- gether with feathers, pelts, dried fruits and other country commodities, by these wagons, to their ’ wholesale merchants in Baltimore, who took the cot- ton to encourage trade; but, as there were then no cotton mills in America, they did not know what to do with it. It began to accumulate on their hands, however, and it became necessary to find some use for it. A meeting was called of the prominent merchants, who traded in this direction, to discuss the matter. After a consideration of the subject, no other sug- gestion having met with favor, an old gentleman present, named .Brown, a successful Scotch-Irish linen draper, proposed that, if the merchants would all contribute to the expense, he would send his son, “Jamie,” to England, to see if it could not be dis- posed of there. This proposition was agreed to, and Jamie went, taking with him samples of the cotton. On his return, he reported that he had not only easily disposed of all they then had on hand, but had made satisfactory arrangements for all they might get in the future. Jamie was so impressed with the belief that there was “money in it,” that he and his brothers formed a copartnership, under the name and style of “Brown Brothers,” to buy, and ship, and trade in cotton. The business rapidly grew to large proportions, and their wealth increased as rapidy, until they _established branch banking houses at several of the 8 114 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. principal commercial centers on both sides of the water, and the honored names of “ Brown Brothers,” “ Brown Brothers & Company,” and “ Brown, Shipley & Company,” are known, to this day, all over the commercial world. They are, probably, worth their millions of dollars, and the cotton trade has grown to millions of bales per year. So much for small beginnings. About 1840, the State of Virginia, to facilitate and encourage the vast overland traffic of this route, macadamized the road from Buchanan, the head of canal navigation on the James River, to the Tennessee line; and Thomas Ingles, the then owner of Ingles’ Ferry, and grandson of William and Mary Ingles, built a fine bridge over New River (the first to cross New River or Kanawha), which was afterward de- stroyed, during the late war. The progressive spirit of the age, however, was working’ @ change in all this; the days of the over- land schoones’s were soon to be numbered—their oc- cupation gone—and the values of Ingles’ Ferry and Bridge numbered with the things that were past. About 1855, the “ Virginia & Tennessee Railroad,” then so called, now’ known, with its connections, as the “Norfolk & Western,” was completed and opened. The iron steed and winged lightning came to the front to fulfill their missions, and the old methods, with Connestogas and stage-coaches, van- ished into the misty realms of the forgotten past. The railroad, for better grade, crosses New River two or three miles below the old Ingles’ Ferry route and macadam road. CHAPTER XXII. O return to the story of William and Mary Lugles and their lost children. These “babes in the wood” were the “skeletons in their closet.” How- ever otherwise happy and prosperous, here was an abiding and ever-present sorrow that marred every pleasure of their lives. The first thing heard from the children was that George, the youngest boy, had died not long after he was taken from the tender care of his mother, at Scioto. This information first came, I believe, through Mrs. Draper, on her return from captivity. Some years later, and after many ineffectual efforts had been made to recover, or even hear from the elder boy, Thomas, they met with a man named Baker, who had recently returned from a captivity among the Shawanees, in the Scioto country. It is believed that this was the William Baker who passed here in 1766 with Colonel James Smith, on his way to explore the then unknown region bebween the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers. Tt turned out that Baker had lived in the same village with the Indian who had last adopted the boy as his son, and*knew them both. William Ingles at once bargained with Baker to go back to the Indian country and ransom his boy and bring him home. Baker went down the Valley of Virginia by Staun- 116 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. ton to Winchester, across by Fort Cumberland (the site of an old Indian town called Cucuvatuc) to Fort Pitt, and thence down the Ohio to the Scioto. He found the Indian and made known his mission. After much negotiation, he succeeded in purchasing the boy, and paid about one hundred dollars for his ran- som; but the boy was not at all pleased with the arrangement; he knew nothing of the white parents they told him about, in the far-off country; he knew only his Indian father and mother, brothers and sis- ters, and playmates, and, last but not least, his sweet- hearts, the pretty little squaws, and he did not want to be sent away from them. Partly by coaxing and fair promises, however, and partly by force, Baker got him started, but kept him bound until they got forty to fifty miles from the In- dian village. As they passed along, the dusky little maidens, as they got a chance to talk, would try to persuade him not to go, or beg him to come back to them. The little fellow could not withstand their appeals unmoved, and determined to escape; but, as the surest means of doing so, he feigned contentment and perfect willingness to go, until Baker ceased to bind him at night, as he at first did, but only took him in his arms when they went to sleep, thinking the boy could not get out of his embrace without awakening him. When he awoke one morning, however, he found, to his surprise and chagrin, that the boy was missing. Fearing to go home and report his carelessness and the loss of the boy to his parents, Baker went all the way back to Indian village to try to recover him; but the squaws had concealed him and would not Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. W7 give him up, and Baker had, at last, to go home without him. This was a sad disappointment and blow to Mr. and Mrs. Ingles, especially to the mother, whose womanly heart had been so strongly yearning for her long lost boy. They had found him now, however, and must re- cover him. William Ingles determined to go for him, himself, and hired Baker to go back with him. They started, and pursued the same circuitous and tedious route, but when they arrived at Fort Pitt they found that hostilities had broken out between the Indians and the frontier white settlements, and it was impossible, then, to prosecute the journey. With deep reluctance, they abandoned the trip, for. the time, and returned to their homes, to await the restoration of peace, It proved to be more than a year before it was con- sidered safe to renew the effort. William Ingles then again employed Baker to accompany him, and started out over the same circuitous route, by Pat- tonsburg, Staunton, Winchester, Fort Cumberland, Fort Pitt, and down the Ohio. When they arrived at the Indian town, they found that a party of Indians, the father of the boy and the boy included, had gone to Detroit, and would not return for several weeks. This was a great dis- appointment, but there was no help for it; they could but wait. ‘ A very unwise move on the part of William Ingles, during this delay, came very near costing him his life. Knowing the fondness of the Indians for strong drink, he had taken with him a keg of the “fire- 118 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. water,’ in addition to some money, and goods and trinkets, for trading, hoping, by one. or other, or all of these, to induce the Indian father to sell him his boy. While waiting the return of the absentees, he was trying to make “fair weather” with the Indians at Scioto, and, thinking to conciliate them, he gave some of them some of his rum. He very soon saw the mistake he had committed, but it was too late to correct it. The Indians, having their appetites inflamed by the small allowance, determined to have more. They seized his rum, drank it all, and were soon wildly and uproariously drunk. They threatened to kill -him, and were about to put their threats into execu- tion, but this time the squaws came to his relief, and, no doubt, saved him from a terrible death. They secreted him and kept him secreted until the Indians got over their drunken debauch, and came to their sober senses. When the Detroit party returned, the Indian father and the boy came home -with them, as expected. Much to the gratification and relief of the white father, the boy took to him kindly at once. The mysterious influence of “blood” and the in- stinct of filial love asserted themselves, and the boy promised, freely and without reserve, to accompany his father whenever and wherever he pleased. The terms of his surrender were then negotiated with his Indian father, and the ransom—this time about the equivalent of one hundred and fifty dol- lars—again paid. All these negotiations and con- ferences were conducted through Baker, as inter- Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 119 pretor; the boy had lost all recollection of his mother, tongue, his Indian father could not speak English, and William Ingles did not speak Indian. Arrangements being completed, there was a gen- eral leave-taking, with good feeling all round. The boy bade a long farewell to his old, and started with his new-found father, and Baker, to the far-off home. After weeks of tedious travel, they at last arrived safely at Ingles’ Ferry, and the long-lost boy, his mother’s first-born, was again in her arms and smoth- ered with a mother’s loving kisses. This was in 1768. He found here, too, four other little relatives to give him affectionate greeting. Mrs. Ingles, since her re- turn from captivity, had borne three daughters and one son. Thomas was absorbed into this family circle, and was a sharer of the family affections. He was very much.of a wild Indian in his habits and training when he first returned. He was now in his seventeenth year, and had been among the In- dians thirteen years. He was dressed in Indian style. He changed his savage dress for that of civilized life with much reluctance; his bow and arrow he would not give up, but carried them with him wherever he went. Notwithstanding he was petted, humored and ca- ressed at home, a wild fit would overcome him now and then, and he would wander off alone in the wil- derness, with his bow and arrow, and stay for days at a time, and, when he returned, would give no account of himself, nor explanation of his conduct. These freaks disturbed his mother very much ;,she feared that he would some day take a notion to re- turn to his Indian friends and wild life, and that she should never see him again. 120 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. He learned pretty rapidly to speak English, but very slowly to read and write. He used often to interest the family and others by’ relating incidents of his Indian life. Once, when quite young, and learning to use the bow and arrow, he tried to shoot a red-headed woodpecker from a tree near the camp. He became so interested in what he was doing that, while looking up at the woodpecker and walking backwards, to get in range, he stepped into a fire of coals the Indians had to cook their dinner on, and so burned his bare feet that they never grew to quite their natural size. When a little older, but still quite young, his In- dian father and another Indian went to the wilder- ness, forty or fifty miles distant from the settlement, to kill a supply of game, as was their wont, and they took the boy along to teach him to hunt and to make himself useful. Not long after they had been in camp his Indian father was taken very sick. The other Indian pro- vided some food, and wood for fire, instructed the boy how to cook and serve the food to his sick father, and what else to do for his comfort, while he went back to the town to get assistance to take the sick man home. The very day after he left, the sick Indian died, and the boy was left alone to watch him until the other Indian returned with help. A heavy snow fell, and the weather became very cold. The boy, to keep warm at night, lay close to the old Indian, and cov- ered with part of his blanket. After some days, decomposition had so far pro- gressed that the odor from the old Indian attracted Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 121 the wolves. They came, howling, to the camp, and the boy could only keep them back by throwing fire- brands at them. Up to that time the boy had never fired a gun, but his Indian father’s gun was standing there, loaded, and he concluded to try what he could do with it. The first thing he saw to practice on was some wild | pigeons. Not being able to hold the gun “off-hand,” he fixed a rest, took aim and fired, and, much to his delight, he killed his pigeon. This gave him confidence in himself, and he now concluded that he could safely defend himself and father from the wolves. Having reloaded the gun, he cut a forked stick with his father’s tomahawk, and drove it in the ground in such position that he could rest the gun in the fork and get the proper range tor the wolves. Sure enough, they came back again that night. He was ready for them, and, when they came within proper distanée, he fired, and again had the proud satisfaction of killing his game. The other wolves fled, and he was not again dis- turbed by them. The messenger Indian soon after returned with assistance, and, having buried his dead father, took him (the boy) back to the town, where he was adopted into the family of another Indian. CHAPTER XNIII. FTER acquiring, at home, some preliminary and rudimentary foundation for an education, his father sent him to the care of his old friend, Dr. Thomas Walker, of “Castle Hill,” Albermarle Coun- ty (the present seat of the Rives family, who are descendants of Dr. Walker), to see what could be done in the way of educating him. There was a school for young men at or near Dr. Walker’s resi- dence, Castle Hill. While in Albermarle, he made some progress in his studies; but books were not to his taste, and study was very irksome to him. While prosecuting his studies here, some three or four years in all, his remarkable history attracted attention, and he made many acquaintances, some of whom were afterwards very distinguished people. Among them were Madison, Monroe, Jefferson, Pat- rick Henry, William Wirt, etc. His friend, Dr. Walker, had been the guardian of young Jefferson, during his minority, after his father’s death. Young Ingles used to relate that he and Jefferson, both being musically inclined, took lessons on the violin together, from the same in- structor. About this time, young Jefferson was appointed, and for a time acted, as Surveyor of Albermarle County, a position which his father had occupied in his lifetime. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 123 In after years, Jefferson, when Governor of Vir- ginia, gave him (Ingles) a commission of Colonel of militia. He formed here another acquaintance, who made a deeper and more lasting impression on his after life. It was that of a young lady who had captured his wild heart. Soon after leaving Albermarle, he volunteered with the forces then being raised to go with General Lewis’ army to Point Pleasant, in 1774. He was made Lieu- tenant in his company, which was part of Colonel Christian’s regiment. Young Ingles was in one of the companies left to garrison the Fort at Point Pleasant during the following winter. When relieved at the Point, he met some of his old Indian friends from Scioto, and, at their earnest solicitation, went home with them, and spent some time in a social, friendly visit. Shortly after his return from this visit—in 1775— he married Miss Eleanor Grills, the Albermarle sweet- heart of his schoolboy days. Being disposed to settle down, but determined to be in the wilderness, his father gave him a tract of land on Wolf Creek, a tributary of New River, in (now) Giles County. He remained here a few years, and had made fair prog- ress in clearing out a farm, when he determined to move to what was then called Absalom’s Valley, now Abb’s Valley, on the Upper Blue Stone, also a branch of New River, some distance below. This stream is called “ Blue Stone” from the deep blue valley lime- stone over which it flows, and which gives such fer- tility to the beautiful valley. The same experience was repeated here. After 124 ‘ Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. one or two years in opening up a farm, he concluded he was too convenient to the Indian Blue Stone trail, for safety, as parties were frequently passing over this route, to make depredations on the settlements farther south. He next located in “Burke’s Garden,” in (now) Tazewell County—a rich and beautiful little lime- stone valley, or oval basin, about ten miles by seven, almost surrounded by high mountains, and one of the most charming spots in the State. It is drained by Wolf Creek, on which, lower down, he had lived some years earlier. I have a copy of an old docu- ment showing that William Ingles had “taken up” the Burke’s Garden lands, under “Loyal Land Com- pany” authority, as early as 1753. James Burke, who came here, from Ingles’ Ferry, in 1754, was the first settler, as elsewhere stated, and gave the place his name and his life. Thomas Ingles had but one neighbor in Burke’s Garden—Joseph Hix, by name, a bachelor, who lived within two miles. Ingles lived here, in peace and apparent contentment, until April, 1782, when a large party of Indians, led by the noted warrior, “Black Wolf,’ surrounded his house, while he was out on the farm, and, after taking his wife, three children and a negro man and woman prisoners, and taking as much as they could carry of whatever they found useful, loading the negro man and woman as well, they burned the house and everything that was left in it. When his attention was attracted by the smoke and fire, and the noise, Thomas Ingles started to his house; but, being unarmed and seeing so large a Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 125 force, he knew he could do no good, so he ran back to where he and a negro man were plowing, unhitched the horses, and, each mounting one, they started to the nearest settlement for help. This settlement was in the “Rich Valley,” or “Rich Patch,” on the North Fork of the Holston, and the present site of the “Washington Salt Works,’ about twenty miles distant. It happened to be a muster day, and most of the settlers round about were congregated here for drill. The messengers arrived about noon, and, so soon as the facts were made known, fifteen or twenty men volunteered to go in pursuit of the Indians. They soon made their preparations and started back, ar- riving at the site of Ingles’ home early next morning; but there was nothing left but a pile of ashes. It so happened that Mr. Hix and his negro man were on their way to Thomas Ingles’ house the morning before, when they discovered that the In- dians had attacked and were destroying it. They at once started, on foot, across the mountain, to a small settlement, six or seven miles distant. Here they got five or six volunteers and returned, reaching Burke’s Garden about the same time that Thomas Ingles’ party got there. They united their forces and started in pursuit. 7 It was expected that the route of the Indians would be through or near the Clinch settlement, and it was about here that the whites first struck their trail. There was a company of militia stationed here for the protection of settlers on the frontier. Some of these joined the pursuing party, and Captain Max- well was put in command of the whole. 126 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. The pursuit was made very cautiously, to prevent alarming the Indians and causing them to murder the prisoners. On the fifth day after the capture, some scouts, sent in advance by the whites, discov- ered the Indians where they had camped for the night, in a gap of Tug Mountain. The pursuers held a consultation and decided that Captain Maxwell should take half the company, flank the Indians, and get round to their front and as near them as practicable, and that Thomas Ingles, with the other half, should remain in the rear, get- ting as close as possible, and at daylight the attack should be made simultaneously by both parties. Unfortunately, the night being very dark and the ground very rough and brushy, Captain Maxwell missed his way, got too far to one side, and did not get back within reach of the Indians by daylight. After waiting for Maxwell beyond the appointed time, and as the Indians began to stir, Thomas Ingles and his party determined to make the attack alone. So soon as a shot was fired, some of the Indians began to tomahawk the prisoners, while others fought and fled. Thomas Ingles rushed in and seized his wife just as she had received a terrible blow on the head with a tomahawk. She fell, covering the infant of a few months old, which she held in her arms. The Indians had no time to devote to it. They bad tomahawked his little five-year-old daugh- ter, named Mary, after his mother, and his little three- year-old son, named William, after his father. His negro servants, a man and woman, captured with his family, escaped without injury. In making their escape, the Indians ran close to Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 127 Captain Maxwell and party, and, firing on them, killed Captain Maxwell, who was conspicuous from . wearing a white hunting shirt. He was the only one of the pursuers killed. The whites remained on the ground until late in the evening, burying Captain Maxwell, who was killed outright, and Thomas Ingles’ little son, who died from his wounds during the day. Mrs. Ingles and the little girl were still alive though badly wounded. It was supposed that several Indians were killed in this engagement, but it was not certainly known. While the whites remained on the ground they heard the groans of apparently dying persons, but, as the sounds came from dense laurel thickets, they did not find them. This mountain pass through Tug Ridge has ever since been known as “Maxwell’s Gap,” after the unfortunate Captain Maxwell who lost his life here. When the dead had been buried, and the wounds of Mrs. Ingles and her little daughter had been dressed as well as practicable under the circum- stances, the party started on their return to the settlements. Although only about twenty miles, it took four days to travel it, on account of the critical condition of Mrs. Ingles and her little girl. News of the capture of Thomas Ingles’ family and the pursuit had reached the settlement at New River, and his father, William Ingles, had started out to Burke’s Garden to see if he could render any assist- ance, and, very thoughtfully, took with him the best _ surgeon he could get. He met the returning party at the Clinch settle- @ 128 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. ment. The little girl was beyond the skill of the doctor; she died from her wounds the next morning; ~ but he rendered invaluable service to Mrs. Ingles, probably saving her life. He extracted several pieces of broken bone from her skull, dressed her wounds and attended her carefully until able to travel safely, when she and her husband and infant returned with William Ingles, to Ingles’ Ferry, and remained there until next season. Mrs. Ingles, in the meantime, entirely recovered from her terrible wound. It is difficult now to appreciate the constant dan- gers which beset the early pioneers, or realize the readiness and cheerfulness with which they accepted the dangers, hardships, self-denials and privations incident to such a life. Probably the fullest and truest description of the conditions of border-life and the state of society exist- ing along the Western frontiers, about the time the first settlements began, was written by Rev. Dr. Joseph Doddridge, who was himself reared on the Western border, on the Upper Ohio, and was an un- usually close and intelligent observer. His minute- ness of detail, and lucidity of style, make his writings invaluable as record-pictures of the primitive condi- tions of life on our Western borders a hundred years and more ago. ‘William Ingles owned a number of slaves at Ingles’ Ferry, and gave servants to his children as they were married and settled. These were, in all probability, the first slaves ever west of the Alleghanies, and those above mentioned, that had been given to Thomas Ingles, when he went to housekeeping, were probably the first to cross New River westward. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 129 Thomas Ingles was now meditating another settle- ment. He could only be satisfied in the wilderness, but he had had enough of Burke’s Garden. As Southwest Virginia was rapidly filling up, he de- termined to go down into Tennessee, where he made a settlement on the Watauga, a branch of the Hol- ston River. There were then but few settlers in this region, and these few were frequently harassed by the depredations of the Cherokees. Thomas Ingles managed to live here several years, and had gotten his family pretty comfortably fixed, when the restless spirit of change again seized him. He sold his improvements to immigrants coming in, and moved about fifty miles farther down the river, to another tributary, called “Mossy Creek,” then on the frontier; but he found good range there for cat- tle, and he was very fond of stock-raising. Here he was constantly subject to the same dangers of Indian depredations. Some of his neighbors suffered greatly, but he, fortunately, escaped. About this time, a military force, under Colonel Knox, was sent still farther down the Holston, to erect a Fort for the protection of the frontier; this was called “Fort Knox.” Thomas Ingles had now remained at “Mossy “Creek” about as long as his restless nature would permit him to live at one place, and he again sold out his land and stock, and moved down to the vicin- ity of Fort Knox. The security given to settlers by the protection of the Fort induced rapid immigration, to this section, and the Fort soon began to grow into the village and town of “ Knoxville.” 9 130 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Thomas Ingles remained on his farm in this neigh- borhood for some years longer; he had improved his estate, added to his acres, had large herds of cattle, was prosperous, comfortable, and, apparently, con- tented. His daughter Rhoda, the infant of Burke’s Garden, who had so narrowly escaped massacre at Maxwell’s Gap, had grown up to womanhood, was a bright and attractive young lady, and was married to Mr. Patrick Campbell, of Knoxville. One of the earliest recollections of my life, when I could not have been over three or four years old, was a visit from this, then, elderly lady, to my grandfather—her uncle—Colonel John Ingles, of Ingles’ Ferry. I re- member the earnest and interesting discussions of the family history and adventures, and how they excited my childish imagination. I was too young, of course, to remember details. I only remember the subject, and the interest it excited in me. CHAPTER XXIV. THE MOORE FAMILY. ie another little gem of a valley, not far distant, called “ Abb’s Valley,” from Absalom Looney, its pioneer settler, who came here in 1771, from about Looney’s Creek, near Pattonsburg, on James River, another bloody tragedy, similar to that of Burke’s Garden, above described, was enacted about four years later. In July, 1786, a party of Shawanees, from the Ohio towns, led by the same stealthy and blood-thirsty Black Wolf, who had devastated the Ingles-Burke’s- Garden settlement, and who had also captured James Moore, Jr., in 1784, came up the Big Sandy, over Tug Ridge and across the heads of Laurel Creek to Abb’s Valley, where, on the 14th, they went to the house of Captain James Moore, who, with his brother-in-law, John Pogue, had located here in 1772. They found Captain Moore salting his stock, a short distance from the house, and shot him down; then, rushing to the house, they killed two of his children, William and Rebecca, and John Simpson, who, I believe, was a hired man or assistant of Mr. Moore, and sick at the time. There were two other men in a harvest field, who fled and made their escape. These disposed of, the savages proceeded to 132 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. make prisoners of Mrs. Moore and her four remain- ing children—John, Jane, Mary and Peggy—and a Miss Martha Evans, of Augusta, who was living with the family. In their rapid retreat, it soon became evident that the boy, John, who was feeble, was an incumbrance and hindrance in their flight, and he was tomahawked and scalped, in his mother’s presence, and left by the wayside. Two days later, little Peggy, the babe, was brained against a tree. Arriving at one of the Indian towns on the Scioto, they heard of the death of some of their warriors, who had been killed in some engagement with the whites in Kentucky, and they determined, in council, that two of these prisoners should be burned at the stake, in retaliation. This terrible doom fell to the lot of Mrs. Moore and her eldest daughter, Jane—a pretty and interesting girl of sixteen. They were tied to stakes, in the presence of the remaining daughter and sister, and Miss Evans, and a vast crowd of exulting savages, and slowly and eruelly tortured, after the manner of the fiendish race, with fire-brands and burning splinters of pine, ete., until Death, a now welcome friend, an angel of mercy and messenger of peace, came to release them from their persecutors and their agonizing sufferings. Can pity lead to inflicting pain? Can kindness kill?) Can mercy commit murder? Aye, even so, under some circumstances. What tender mercy it would have been in Simon Girty to shoot Colonel Crawford, as he piteously begged him to do, to end his fiery tortures! What eruelty it was not to kill him! Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 133 In this case, an old hag of a squaw, with the feeble spark of humanity that survived in her savage breast kindled to a glow, and being surfeited by the exces- sive tortures and sufferings of Mrs. Moore, in gentle mercy and the kindness of her heart, gave the final coup de grace to Mrs. Moore, with a hatchet, thus shortening somewhat her already protracted agonies. Mary Moore remained some years a prisoner among the Indians, and, during the latter part of her stay, with a white family, who treated her far more cruelly than the Indians. In September, 1784, two years prior to the circum- stances above related, James Moore, Jr., aged four- teen—eldest son of the above-mentioned Captain James Moore—had been captured near his father’s home, in Abb’s Valley, by a small party of these In- dians, passing through, composed of the same Black Wolf, his son and one other, and taken, first, to the Shawanee towns of Ohio, and, afterwards, to the Mau- mee settlements in Michigan, and, still later, sold to a white family at or near Detroit. Hearing, through Indian channels, of the terrible fate of his father’s family, and that his sister Mary was a captive, not very far from him, he managed to communicate with her, first by message, and, afterwards, in person, and to comfort her. In October, 1789, James and Mary Moore, and Miss Martha Evans, were all ransomed by their friends, and restored to relatives in the Valley of Virginia, where James Moore, Sr., and wife and Miss Evans had been reared. James Moore, Jr., not long after, returned to Abb’s Valley, where he lived and reared a family, and died, 134 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. in 1851, in the eighty-first year of his age, and where his son, a venerable and honored citizen, now eighty- four, still owns and occupies, in peace and happiness, the possessions secured to him and his descendants by the blood and tears of his ancestors. Mary Moore married a distinguished Presbyterian Minister, Rev. John Brown, of Rockbridge County, and was the mother of a large family, five or six of whom became Presbyterian ministers; one of whom, the late Rev. James Brown, D. D., whose memory is warmly cherished by all the older citizens of this place (Charleston, W. Va.), was, for a quarter of a century, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of this city. Dr. James Brown had but two sons who attained their majority; both were Presbyterian ministers. The eldest, Rev. Samuel Brown, died at his pastorate in Greenbriar County, in early life. The younger, Rev. John Brown, is, and has been for a number of years, pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Malden, Kanawha County. Many years ago, Dr. James Brown, discovering unusual sprightliness in a poor and friendless Irish boy, took him home with him, and, in the kindness of his heart, reared and edu- cated him with his own sons. This (then) poor lad became the late distinguished Rev. Dr. Stuart Robin- son, D.D., LL. D., who achieved a national reputation as a successful teacher, eloquent preacher and able author. The story of the sufferings of James Moore and family, and especially of the survivor, Mary Moore, was very touchingly told by the late Rev. James Brown, her son, in a little volume called “The Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. ; 135 Captives of Abb’s Valley,” published some forty — years ago, and which is well remembered by our elderly citizens. From this little volume, chiefly, I have condensed the foregoing sketch. There is another incident connected with the mur- der and capture of Captain Moore’s family which, I think, is of interest enough to be perpetuated, especially as it illustrates a fact often mentioned by the early pioneers—that is, that civilized (?) horses have a very strong antipathy to Indians. They scent them at a distance, and show their displeasure and fear by snorting, pawing, ete., and will flee, if they can. After the murders and captures, the Indians proceeded to appropriate the horses, as a matter of course. Captain Moore had a fine black horse, called Yorick—a very powerful and a very vicious horse. He was controllable enough by Captain Moore, and by Simpson, who had attended him, but he would let no one else ride him or handle him. One of the In- dians, in attempting to mount him, was knocked down and pawed, and killed or crippled; a second one tried it, and with the same result, when the leader of the party, a very determined and very powerful “man, declared that he would ride him or kill him; he mounted him, but was no sooner on than off, and, while down, the horse sprang upon him and, with hoofs and teeth, killed him before he could re- ~ cover his feet; whereupon the other Indians shot and stabbed the horse to death, after which they buried the large Indian close to the stable and departed. Dr. Brown does not mention this incident in his narrative, but I have taken the pains to ask of Mr. William Moore, by letter, what he knows or believes 136 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. about the tradition. He tells me that he has reason to believe that it is substantially true, and that when his father, Mr. James Moore, Jr., the captive, re- turned to Abb’s Valley, he plowed up, in plowing his fields, near the old stable, a skeleton of unusual size, which was believed to be that of the large man killed by the horse. It is known that the leader of the several parties who captured Thomas Ingles’ family, in Burke’s Garden, in 1782, captured James Moore, Jr., in 1784, and destroyed the family of James Moore, Sr., in 1786, was named Black Wolf. As he is not after- wards heard of along the borders, I think it strongly probable that it was the veritable Black Wolf whose ~ career had been so ingloriously terminated by the horse Yorick; and this suggests the probable identity of Black Wolf and Wolf, the son of Cornstalk. It is said that Cornstalk had a son called Wolf, who went to Williamsburg with Lord Dunmore, after the treaty at Camp Charlotte, ostensibly, I believe, as a hostage, with other Indians, but more likely, really, to be manipulated in the interest of Dunmore and the English against the Colonies. When Governor Dunmore fled, the Indians returned to their wilder- ness homes. I know of no after history of Wolf, unless it be as Black Wolf, who had just the huge physical frame and bold, daring traits of character that we should expect a son to inherit from such a father. This, of course, is not history, but simply conjecture, based upon reasonable probabilities. CHAPTER XXV. REBECCA DAVIDSON. N 1789, about three years after the destruction of Captain James Moore’s family, and about the time of the reovery, from captivity, of James Moore, Jr., and his sister Mary, the family of one of their former neighbors, Andrew Davidson, were the victims of another raid of the Indians into that region. The family of Mr. Davidson consisted of himself and wife, Rebecca, two little girls and a little boy, and two bound children, a girl and boy. Andrew Davidson had himself gone on a trip down to the Shenandoah Valley; during his absence, there being no male protector about his house, the Indians suddenly made their appearance, and, in broken English, told Mrs. Davidson she and her family must go with them. This was a terrible fate, under any circumstances, but to Mrs. D., at the time, it was especially painful and trying, as she was about to become a mother; this, however, was no valid ex- cuse in their eyes. Go she must, whatever the suf- fering to her. She undertook to carry her little boy, less than two years old; seeing that it was too much for her, the Indians took it from her. She expected to see them kill it before her eyes, but was greatly relieved when, instead, they carried it along, good- naturedly, for her. 138 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Somewhere on the route, nature’s period being probably somewhat hastened by the unusual physical exertion and mental anxiety, Mrs. Davidson intro- duced to this world of suffering and sorrow the little expected stranger. Both mother and babe were spared, for the time being; but the circumstance was not allowed to interfere with the progress of the journey. Fortunately for Mrs. Davidson, she enjoyed remarkably fine physical health and strength, un- enervated by the inactive life and luxurious habits of the ladies of this day; she was equal to the emer- gency, and resumed the journey, next morning, with the babe in her arms. After a day or two, the infant became ill and troublesome, when one of the Indians coolly took it from her and pitched it into Tug River and drowned, together, the little life and its sorrows and sufferings, so inauspiciously begun, regardless of the anguish of the sorrowing mother. When they arrived at the Indian towns, her two little girls, to her great horror, were tied to trees and shot to death, for sport. The little two-year-old boy was given to an old squaw, who started away with him in a canoe, which, by some means, was upset and the little fellow drowned. The two bound chil- dren were separated from her, and were never after- wards heard of by her. Two years after this, Andrew Davidson visited the Indian towns in Ohio, in search of his wife; he found some of those who had participated in her capture; they told him she was alive, but would not tell him where she was. Next year, they sent him word that she was somewhere in Canada; so he started again in search of her. In passing a comfortable farm- house, in Canada, about noon one day, he stopped to Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 139 get some dinner, and, while waiting for the meal, a woman passed him, and seemed to examine him very critically; but, as he was deeply absorbed with the thoughts of his wife, and anxious for his dinner, he paid no attention to her. She went on to where the lady of the house (her mistress) was, and said to her, excitedly: “I know who that man is,” and, rushing back into his presence, and throwing herself into his arms, cried out: “Andrew Davidson, I am your wife!” And so she was; but, oh, what changes her grief and sorrows had wrought! She was looking thin and haggard, and her once black and glossy hair had turned snowy white, though she was but a young woman. What happiness! and what sorrow! They were at last restored to each other; but, alas! their little children were all gone. The gentleman with whom Mrs. Davidson was living proved to be a humane man; he gave her up without ransom or reward, and voluntarily contrib- uted to the expense of her return home, though he had paid the Indians a high price for her. They returned to their home, where they lived to rear another family. The Davidsons were related to the Peerys, a prom- inent family of the Clinch settlement. The Peerys were intermarried with the Crocketts, one of the most numerous families of Southwest Virginia, and the Crocketts and Ingles and Draper families were - intermarried. Mrs. Ingles and Mrs. Davidson knew each other well. With what thrilling interest they must have compared notes and discussed their painful captive experiences ! CHAPTER AXVI. HE family of Thomas Ingles were hoping that he had gotten well over his wild, roving disposi- tion, and that he would never care to leave his com- fortable Knoxville farm and home, but results proved otherwise. He met with a person just returned from the far- off settlement of Natchez, in the Mississippi Terri- tory. He told Ingles of a man living there who owed him a considerable sum of money. He, also, gave him (Ingles) a glowing description of the new settlement, and the rich lands of that region. Thomas Ingles at once made up his mind to go to Natchez. He arranged with two traders, who thought they could make a successful trading expedition down the rivers. They procured a boat on joint ac- count, and stocked it with a joint supply of pro- visions for the trip; the traders got their goods aboard. Thomas Ingles took a pair of saddlebags, with some extra clothing, and the wild adventurers were off on their perilous journey to the far-away, promised land. They intended to go all the way by water; they proceeded without mishap until they got to the muscle shoals of Tennessee River; these proved to be much rougher and more dangerous than they had anticipated; their boat was violently capsized, and they came near losing their lives, but were assisted Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 141 by some friendly Indians, who happened to be on the shore, and witnessed their disaster. They were saved, but were left in a destitute and distressing condition; they were several hundred miles from home, and still farther from their destina- tion, among Indian tribes, remote from any white settlement—their goods lost, their provisions lost, their clothing lost, except only the contents of Thomas Ingles’ saddlebags; these he caught with one hand as the boat went over, and he caught and held on to the gunwale of the boat with the other, when it came up again, and until rescued. They held a consultation on the situation; the ‘unanimous decision was not to turn back, but to go forward. They got some provisions from the Indians, and on they went, down the Tennessee, down the Ohio, down the Mississippi—meeting many minor troubles and vexations, but no further disasters—and finally reached their objective point, the Natchez settle- ment. : Thomas Ingles soon found the man he sought; but, of course, he got no money. This he might have known before he went. He was so charmed with the country, however, and the rich Mississippi lands, that he determined to move his family out. He returned to his home, ad- vised his family of his resolution, then made a last visit to his now aged mother and his brother, John Ingles, at Ingles’ Ferry. He spent a week or two with them in pleasant, social and kindred inter- course, talking over and over the terrible scenes and sufferings of their past lives; but the time to part at 142 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. last arrived; he bade them a long, last and affecting farewell, returned to Knoxville, sold his farm, his furniture, his cattle—whatever he had—for less than their value, in order to realize promptly, and again, in 1802, he turned his face towards the setting sun. How long Thomas Ingles lived at Natchez I do not know, but probably not long, as he wag next heard of at Port Gibson, Mississippi Territory. His next remove was an involuntary one, and to that far country whence no traveler returns. Thomas Ingles left a son, Thomas Ingles, Jr., who was born in Tennessee in 1791, and removed to Natchez, with the family, in 1802. He also had a son John, who, somewhat later, is said to have been: drowned in the Mississippi River. I remember Thomas, Jr., in 1833, when he re- turned to Virginia to visit his uncle, Colonel John Ingles, and to talk over with him the wonderfully eventful histories of his grandmother and his father and mother. He urged his uncle to write an outline sketch of these lives for preservation by the family, which he did, briefly, and from which I get many of the facts here related. The younger Thomas was a worthy and honorable, though somewhat eccentric, man. He wrote a short sketch of his father’s life (to which I am also in- debted for many facts). He also wrote a short auto- . biographical sketch of himself. He seems to have been “all things by turns, and nothing long.” He says he studied law, medicine, theology and politics, but did not practice any profession. He was a book-keeper, deputy sheriff, school teacher, militia commander, trustee, treasurer, sec- TUOMAS INGLES. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 148 retary, etc., of several corporations—business, re- ligious and literary—a merchant and a planter; but, perhaps, more than anything else, postmaster. I met him again in 1848, at Augusta, Ky., where, for many years, he was their postmaster, and they never had a better. Some years later he moved to Cincinnati, where he died in 1863, aged seventy-two. He had been twice married, first to Miss Barnes, the issue being four sons and three daughters; and, second, to Miss Warren, the issue being three sons and two daughters. CHAPTER NXXVII. YUL LIAM INGLES (the elder) died at Ingles’ Ferry, in the prime of life, in the fall of 1782, aged fifty-three. Colonel William Christian and Colonel Daniel Trigg were the executors of his will, and received three hundred and forty-six acres of Burke’s Garden land for their services. Mrs. Mary Ingles, his widow, lived to a ripe old age, dying at Ingles’ Ferry in February, 1815, in her eighty-fourth year. She retained a large amount of physical vigor and mental clearness to the last. Mrs. Governor John Floyd, who lived near her and knew her well, writing about her in 1848, speaks of meeting her (Mrs. I.) at a religious association, or convention, which she had attended on horseback, thirty miles from home, * when past eighty. Her step was then still elastic, her figure erect, and her complexion florid and healthy, though her hair was white as snow. About this time, some one started a rumor that her brother, John Draper, who was two years older than she, and the second time a widower, was about to marry a young girl. She was very much worried by the report, and, fearing that it might be true, de- termined to go to her brother’s, about twenty miles distant, and learn the facts for herself. She ordered her favorite saddle-horse, “Bonny,” and started, although it was late in the afternoon. When her son, John Ingles, with whom she was living, or, rather, near whom, for she kept up her Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 145 separate establishment as long as he lived, having her own house and garden, servants, horses, cows, etc.—came to the house and learned what had oc- curred, he was very much disturbed about it, ordered another horse saddled immediately, and started his son, Crockett Ingles, in pursuit, to assure the old lady that it was all a joke, and to bring her back; but Crockett could not overtake her. She got to Draper’s Valley after dark, and, satisfying herself that she was the victim of a practical joke, she started back early next morning, and was at home to dinner. Crockett, having failed to overtake his grandmother the night before, stayed all night at a farm-house by the way, and joined her and returned home with her next morning. Illustrating her wonderful nerve and cool presence of mind, it is related of her that once, when walking in her kitchen garden, among the cabbages and other _ vegetables, she stepped upon the neck of a large black snake, before seeing it. Instantly the snake, writhing in its pain, coiled itself about her leg. She appreciated the situation at once, but. instead of screaming, or fainting, or running away, she stood perfectly still, her weight holding the snake firmly in place, until she called to her cook to fetch her the butcher-knife, with which she soon released herself by cutting the snake in two. In her youth, Mrs. Ingles had learned to spin on the “little wheel,” a most useful and valuable accom- plishment in those days, and especially on the fron- tier, where the pioneers raised their own flax and wool, and where most of their clothes were of home manufacture. 10 146 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Stores were then very remote, and “store clothes” almost unattainable. She kept up her habit of spin- ning to her latest years. Her temperament was so restless and active that she could not and would not be idle. When she found nothing else to do, instead of sewing or knitting, as most old ladies do, she would get her wheel and put in her time at spinning, often despite the remonstrances of her family, who would have preferred to have her spend her declining years in restful quiet. Once her wheel got out of order, and she had asked her son, more than once, to send it to a workman and have it repaired. He had neglected to do so, prob- ably intentionally, in order to discourage her spinning efforts; but when he was away from home one day, she ordered her favorite “Bonny” saddled, took the wheel in her lap, rode eight miles to a carpenter, or wheelwright, had it repaired and brought it home; after which the spinning went on as usual, though she was then over eighty years of age. The old lady delighted, in her latter years, to tell over to her children and grandchildren, the story of her terrible captivity and wonderful escape. What the theological views or religious professions of these old pioneers of the Ingles and Draper fami- lies were I do not know; that they were as honest, moral and kind-hearted people, as true to their own consciences and as charitable to their neighbors as the average church-going people of the present day, I doubt not; but, in the nature of things, it is not probable that actual church-going or other devotional services, public or private, had much part either in their week day or Sunday exercises. Mrs. MALINDA CHARLTON. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 147 As they were mostly of Scotch-Irish descent, it is probable that their denominational proclivities—if they had any—were towards Presbyterianism. Those of their descendants who were or are church mem- bers, so far as I know, were or are, with very few ex- ceptions, Presbyterians. William and Mary Ingles had four children, three daughters and one son, born to them after her return from captivity. They were: Mary, Susan, Rhoda and John. Mary married Mr. John Grills, of Montgomery County, and had two children. Susan married General Abram Trigg, of Buchan- an’s Bottom, New River, and had ten children. Rhoda married Colonel Byrd Smith, of Dunkard Bottom, and had eight children. John Ingles, the youngest child, born in 1766, mar- ried, first, Margaret Crockett, of Wythe County, and, second, Mary Saunders, of Franklin County; had nine children—all by his first wife. MRS. CHARLTON. One of the children of John Ingles and Margaret Crockett, now Mrs. Malinda Charlton, an aged and venerable lady, in her eighty-fifth year, is the last surviving grandchild of William and Mary Ingles. She is still clear in mind, and in a fair state of health and physical preservation. She remembers her grandmother well, having lived in the same house with her from her own infancy until the death of the old lady, in 1815. To her remarkable memory I am indebted for many facts and incidents related in the foregoing sketches of the family. 148 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. She is a wonderful connecting link between the past and the present—the old and the new—bringing down the days of her grandmother to those of her own grandchildren, the two lives spanning the great time of one hundred and fifty-four years, or more than a century and a half, from the birth of Mary Draper, at Philadelphia, in 1782, to the present writing, in 1886, and she (Mrs. Charlton) still living. What wonderful changes the world has witnessed in these one hundred and fifty-four years! What a wonderful fact, that a person yet living should have known, and should still remember, the first white woman (at least, of English descent) ever between the Alleghenies and the Pacific; and that woman her own grandmother ! From another branch of this Crockett family sprang the eccentric and renowned Davy Crockett. This Davy Crockett formulated a motto which, for plain matter of fact, concentrated common sense, is _ one of the wisest ever enunciated. Its authorship alone was enough to immortalize him. Everybody knows Davy Crockett’s motto: ‘Be sure you are right, then go ahead!” as they do, also, that other grand formula, propounded by the great moral teacher, combining the substance and essence of all moral wisdom: “Do unto others as you would have others do unto you.” These two companion pictures might be—and, indeed, are—amplified into volumes and libraries, teaching wisdom and purity in all the relations of life—political, social, business, moral and general. Unfortunately, not every one who is familiar with these wise formule governs himself by them, or . either of them. * ae CHAPTER XXVIII. A “FALL HUNT” OF THE OLDEN TIME. N illustration of the.customs of half a century and more ago, it may not be without interest to describe here an old-time “family Fall hunt,’ an institution now obsolete in this part of the world, and even the the recollections of which are fast fading away. In those days game was very abundant, and the Fall hunt was one of the events of the year. It was looked forward to for months in advance with pleas- urable anticipations, by old and young, male and female. In the days of my youth and earlier, my grand- father, John Ingles, owned large boundaries of wild land on the “ Little River,” herein above mentioned, and Reed Island Creek, and had a hunting station between them, on “ Greasy Creek,” a tributary of the latter. There were several log cabins on the prem- ises, for the accommodation of the hunters. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 171 The last survey made by Boone, before leaving the valley, was on September 8th, 1798; Daniel Boone, marker; Daniel Boone, Jr., and Mathias Van Bibber, chainmen, as shown by the surveyor’s books. In one of Boone’s hunting and trapping expedi- tions, up Gauley River, he brought back the top of a _sprout of yew pine, an unusual growth, and hitherto unknown to him. He left the brush of pine needles to the end to show to his friends; when it had served this purpose, the end with the needles was cut off, leaving a nice walking-stick. When he left Kan- awha, he gave this to his friend, “Tice” Van Bibber, and he left it to his son, David Van Bibber, still liv- ing, at about ninety. The cane was pre: ented to me a few years ago, and is now in my possession. “Tn an early. day,” exact date not known, the fam- ily of John Flinn, the earliest settlers on Cabin Creek, this county, wcre attacked by Indians, and Flinn and wife killed. One daughter made her escape alone to Donnelly’s Fort, Greenbriar, and one daughter and son, Cloe and John, were captured by the Indians. This daughter, Cloe, was afterwards rescued by Boone, and, being an orphan, was reared by Boone in his own family, so states Mr. St. Clair Ballard, her grandson, who was a member of the Legislature from Logan County, in 1847. When it was proposed to form a new county from Kanawha and Logan, Mr. Ballard related the circumstances of this capture and recovery, and the generous action of Mr. Boone, and proposed, in personal gratitude, and by way of public acknowledgment to Boone, that the new. county be called Boone, and his motion was carried by a unanimous vote. The son, John Flinn, who had escaped, or been 172 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. rescued, was afterwards recaptured by the Indians, going down the Ohio, with Skyles, May and Johnson, and burned at the stale, Jesse Boone, son of Daniel, was the first State Salt Inspector here, when salt was the dominant interest of this valley. His son, Colonel Albert Galletin Boone, himself a famous early explorer, true to the Boone instinct, in the Far West, was born here. He was the first white man to camp on the present site of the city of Denver, in 1825. I have examined the old assessors’ books to see what property Daniel Boone had, when here. I find he was not blessed, or cursed, with a large share of this world’s goods. He was assessed for taxation with two horses, one negro and five hundred acres of “land; the land remained on the books in his name until 1808. Boone left here for Missouri in 1799. His starting was the occasion of the gathering of his friends and admirers, from all the region round about, to bid him a fvienilly adieu and God-speed. They came by land and water—on boats, by horseback and in canoes— and, at the final leave-taking, it is said there was many a dimmed eye and moistened cheek among those hardy, weather-beaten warriors, hunters and pioneers. Boone started from here by water, 11 canoes, embarking at the junction of Elk and Kanawha Rivers. His friend and companion, Tice Van Bibber, went with him to Missouri, but returned to Kanawha. Boone was never again in Kanawha, but twice re- turned to Kentucky, once to identify the beginning corner of an important survey, made some twenty or twenty-five years before, and again to liquidate some long-standing, scattering indebtedness, which he had Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 173 been unable to pay, owing to the loss of all his lands by the gross wrong done him, or permitted, by the State of Kentucky and the General Government. The final payments of these debts, which had so long borne upon and disturbed his peace of mind, was, by his own account, one of the happiest inci- dents and reliefs of his life. While he had but little, it was, he said, a consolation to know that he did not owe a dollar, and that no man could say he had ever wronged him out of a cent. Boone died at the house of his youngest son, Colonel Nathan Boone, on the Feme-Osage River, Missouri, September 26th, 1820. Colonel Albert Gal- letin Boone, his grandson, still living, told me, some years ago, that he was with him at the time, and says he passed off gently, after a short illness, almost without pain or suffering. Thus ended the mortal career of one of the most remarkable men the country has ever produced, leav- ing an imperishable name and fame to after ages. He stands out in history as the great type, model and exemplar of the pioneer, frontiersman, hunter, ex- plorer, Indian fighter and pilot of civilization. His fame is secure forever, without the fear of a rival. The world does not now, and can never again, present an opportunity to duplicate or parallel his life and history. His praises have been sung in the glowing lines of Lord Byron (in “ Don Juan”), and by the eloquent tongues and pens of Tom Marshall, Bryan, Flint, Bogart, Filson, Abbott, and others, and the history of his wonderful adventures is read with thrilling interest in the mansions of the rich, and the humblest log cabins of the remotest Far West. CHAPTER XNXATI. THE BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT. HE battle of Point Pleasant, considered merely in relation to the numbers engaged, or the num- bers slain, on either side, or both sides, was but an insignificant affair, compared with many of the con- flicts of the Revolution, which immediately followed, or the mighty shocks of arms of the late Civil War; but, up to the time of its occurrence, it was the most evenly balanced, longest continued and desperately contested battle that had occurred in our Western country, and its results were freighted with greater, more lasting and far-reaching effects than any other that had occurred. It was a pivotal turning-point, upon which hinged, in great measure, the future destinies of the country. The result of this battle was probably the determin- ing weight in the scale of Fortune, so evenly balanced, that decided the fate of the colonies in their struggle for independence. It is, indeed, generally considered, in view of the relations then existing between the colonies and the mother country, and the course pursued by the Governor, as the initiatory battle of the Revolution; and, by demoralizing the Indian tribes, checking for a time their aggressions on the Western frontiers, and their co-operation with the English, it gave the Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 175 colonies, who were correspondingly encouraged by their success, time and better opportunities to con- centrate their powers and efforts for the mighty -struggle about to be, or already, inaugurated. Instead of relating simply the isolated story of the fight at the Point, with which persons in this region are already more or less familiar, I have thought that it might add to the general understanding of the battle and its relations, and a fuller appreciation of its extraordinary importance, to pass in review, briefly and unincumbered by voluminous details, the long series of preceding steps that led up to, and prepared the way for, this event and the following revolution- ary struggle. Beginning this outline review, I shall go back to 1748, the date of the Ingles-Draper pioneer-trans- allegheny settlement, the first on western-flowing waters. At this time, the French occupied Canada and Louisiana, and, by virtue of the earlier discoveries of La Salle, Marquette, and others, they were claiming the entire Mississippi and Ohio Valleys, while Vir- ginia claimed that her boundaries extended from ocean to ocean. The French, to make their claim to the Ohio Valley more formal, sent a company of engineers down the Ohio, in 1749, with engraved leaden plates, which they planted at the mouths of prominent tributaries of the Ohio, claiming for the French crown all the lands drained by the respective streams. About the same time, the “Ohio Land Company,” recently organized, was making a move to acquire and colonize five hundred thousand acres of lands 176 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. lying along the Ohio, and the “Loyal Land Com- pany” was organized, based upon a grant of eight hundred thousand acres, lying north of the North Carolina line and west of the mountains and New River. In 1750-51, Christopher Gist was dispatched by the “Ohio Company” to examine and select desirable lands along the Ohio. The French, meanwhile, were establishing fortified trading posts, intending to have a chain of them from the Lakes to the Gulf. In 1753, when serious trouble seemed to be brew- ing between the French’ and English, the conflicting claimants of this vast Western region, Governor Dinwiddie, of Virginia, dispatched George Washing- ton, a then promising young man, who had been private surveyor of Lord Fairfax, official surveyor of Culpepper County, etc., on a tour of observation, with letters of inquiry and protest, addressed to the French commander on the Upper Allegheny. Wash- ington took with him John Davidson, Indian inter- preter; Jacob Van Brahm, French interpreter; Chris- topher Gist as guide, and four attendants. He was courteously received at head-quarters by the French commander, M. De St. Piere, as a matter of course, but as positively as politely informed that they should maintain their claims to the country. Washington returned at once to Williamsburg, the - then seat of government, and in his report, which was printed, and copies of which were sent to Eng- land, he laid stress, among other things, upon the very eligible site for a fortification at the forks of the Ohio, which would command both streams. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 177 In 1754, the “Ohio Company” sent a force there, accompanied by a force of forty Virginia militia, under Lieutenant Trent, sent by the State. Before their work was completed, the French commander, Captain Contrecour, sent down a largely superior force, drove them off, took possession of their Fort, built it stronger, and called it Fort Du Quesne, after the Governor of Canada. This was the overt act that launched the long and bloody French and Eng- lish war which raged with violence on both conti- nents for several years. Virginia immediately organized a large force, un- der Colonel Joshua Fry and Lieutenant-Colonel _ Washington, to recapture the position; Colonel Fry dying, en route, the command devolved upon Colonel Washington. The expedition resulted in the sur- prise of a party of French, under Captain Joumond- ville, near the Great Meadows, in which the leader, Captain Joumondville, was killed, and all his party either killed or captured. Later, Washington was attacked at Fort Necessity, which he had hastily for- tified, by a largely superior French force, and was obliged to capitulate. In the following year (1755), the English Govern- ment sent over General Braddock, with two regi- ments of English regulars, to co-operate with the Virginia troops. This expedition ended in the dis- astrous defeat of Braddock’s army, almost in sight of Fort Du Quesne, by the French and their Indian allies. In 1758, another and more formidable army was organized, under command of General Forbes, who finally sueceeded in capturing and holding Fort Du 12 178 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. Quesne, and, the following year, a formidable strong- hold was built and called Fort Pitt, after the then English Premier. The subsequent engagements between the English and French along the Lakes and the St. Lawrence need not be followed here (being beyond the geo- graphical limits treated of), except to state that, upon the capture of Quebec, the French finally surrendered, to the English, Canada and all] their possessions and claims east of the Mississippi, thus terminating the long and bloody war—the final treaty of peace being ratified at Paris in 1768. The French were now out of the way of settle- ments, but their savage allies, whom they had insti- gated and encouraged to resist the encroachments of the whites upon their territory, were still there to dispute every advance upon their hunting grounds; and, although the march of settlement continued steadily westward, every pioneer trail was a trail of blood, and every pioneer family numbered among its members victims of the tomahawk and scalping knife. 3 The expedition sent out from Fort Pitt in 1764, under Colonel] Boquet, into the Indian country, re- sulted in checking their atrocities for a time, in the recovery of over three hundred ‘white prisoners, mostly from the Virginia borders, and a treaty of peace, concluded with Sir William Johnson, the fol- lowing year. This peace gave an impetus to Western emigration, and by 1772-73 settlements had reached the Ohio at several points, and the main tributary streams and their smaller branches. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, 179 Another serious and general colonial trouble was now brewing, growing out of the levying of taxes on the colonies by the mother country, for the ex- penses of the French and Indian wars, and for a standing army to protect them from the Indians. These and other measures the colonies: considered unjust and onerous, and they protested against them with great earnestness and strong feeling. In this state of the case, it was charged that the English instigated the Indians to harass the Western borders, so as to occupy the attention of the colonial forces in their protection, and thus prevent resistance to the oppressive measures contemplated by the English in the East. Early in the Spring of 1774, it was evident that the Indians were combining for aggressive action. About this time, several murders were committed by ‘both parties, on the Upper Ohio. A white man in a trading boat was killed by Indians, some distance above Wheeling Creek; within a few days, early in April, Captain Michael Cresap and party killed two Indians, near Wheeling, in a canoe, and followed a larger party down the river, to about the mouth of Captina, where they were surprised in camp and nearly all killed. Within a few days, still in April, Daniel Greathouse and a party of whites attacked an encampment of Indians, about the mouth of Yellow Creek, near Baker’s house, opposite; after plying them with whisky, they were nearly all murdered. In these two Indian parties—at Captina and Yellow Creek—some in each, were all of Logan’s family, and they were all killed. Logan charged Captain Cresap with the murder of his kin at Yellow Creek, but 180 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. this is probably a mistake. He was undoubtedly re- sponsible for the killing at Captina (whether justi- fiable or not, it is impossible to decide now), but it has been pretty conclusively shown that he was not present at the Yellow Creek massacre. About this time, Bald Eagle, an old and friendly Delaware Chief, was wantonly murdered by some straggling whites, set up in his canoe, with a pipe in his mouth, and sent floating down the Monongahela, not the Kanawha, as stated by some. The Indians were terribly exasperated by these murders, and it was soon unmistakably evident that they meant to be avenged. Dr. Connally and Captain Cresap sent messengers to Williamsburg to apprise the Governor of the state of affairs. He dispatched Colonel Angus McDonald, with four hundred Vir- ginia militia, in June, to make an incursion into In- dian territory, to occupy them at hqme and prevent their raids on the border settlements. Later, when the Indians seemed determined on a general border war, Connally and Cresap again com- municated with the Governor, who sent for General Andrew Lewis, then a member of the House of Burgesses for Bottetourt County, to consult about a plan of campaign. It was decided that an army of two divisions should be organized as speedily as practicable—one to be commanded by General Lewis, and the other by Lord Dunmore, in person. General Andrew and his brother, Colonel Charles, then a member from Augusta County, started at once to the Valley of Virginia to get together their army from Augusta, Bottetourt and Fincastle Coun- ties, while the forces of Governor Dunmore were to Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. — 181 be raised in Frederick, Dunmore (now Shenandoah) and adjacent counties. The Governor dispatched Daniel Boone and Michael Stoner to Kentucky, to notify the several surveying "parties and the few land hunters and explorers then there; while from the Greenbriar region, Captain John Stewart dispatched two runners (tradition says Philip Hammond and John Pryor) to warn the few settlers on Kanawha, from Kelly’s Creek to Camp- bell’s Creek, of the approaching danger. General Lewis’ army rendezvoused at Camp Union (Lewisburg), about September Ist, and was to march from there to the mouth of Kanawha; while Gov- ernor Dunmore was to go the Northwest route, over the Braddock trail, by way of Fort Pitt, and thence down the Ohio River, and form a junction with Gen- eral Lewis at the mouth of Kanawha. The army of General Lewis was made up as follows: 1. Regiment of Augusta troops, under Colonel Charles Lewin, the Captains being George Mathews (in whose company not a man was under six feet in height, and most of them over six feet two inches), Alexander McClannahan, John Dickinson, John Lewis (son of William), Benjamin Harrison, William Paul, Joseph Haynes and Samuel Wilson. _ 2. Bottetourt Regiment, under Colonel William Fleming. The Captains were Matthew Arbuckle, John Murray, John Lewis (son of Andrew), James . Robertson, Robert McClannahan; James Ward and John Stewart (author of memoir, ete.). 38. An independent company of seventy men, under Colonel John Field, raised by him in Culpep- per County. 182 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. +. The force under Colonel Willian Christian » consisted of three independent companies. under Captains Evan Shelby, William Russel] and —— Her- bert, from the Holston, Clinch and New River settle- ments, then Fincastle County; a company of scouts under Captain John Draper, of Draper’s Valley, and an independent company under Captain Thomas Buford, of Bedford County. The aggregate strength of this Southern division of the army was about eleven hundred; the strength of the Northern division, under Led Dimon, was about fifteen hundred. On the 11th of September, General Lewis broke camp, and, with Captain Matthew Arbuckle, an intel- ligent and experienced frontiersman, as pilot, marched through a pathless wilderness, making, as they went, such road as was necessary to get the pack-horses, bearing ammunition and provisions, and their beef cattle over. Their route was by Muddy Creek, Keeny’s Knobs, Rich Creek, Gauley, Twenty Mile, Bell Creek and Kelly’s Creek, to Kanawha, and down Kanawha to the mouth, following the Indian trail at the base of the hills, instead of along the river bank, for the ob- vious reason that it was thus easier to cross or avoid the creeks and ravines. They reached the Point on the 80th day of Pepeemb, after a fatiguing march of nineteen days. When Lewis’ army started its march from Camp © Union for the mouth of Kanawha, Colonel Field, who, in previous service with Lewis in the North- west, had been the senior in command, now mani- fested some unwillingness to take position under . Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 183 General Lewis, and, as his company was an inde- pendent one, raised by himself ouside of the State _ order for troops, and as he had recently twice passed through the wilderness, from Camp Union to Kelly’s Creek and back, and knew something of its topog- raphy, he started out with his command by a route of his own; on the next or following day, however, two of his men, named Clay and Coward, strayed from the main body to hunt; they were attacked by two Indians, probably spies watching the movements of the army. Clay was shot and killed by one of them, while the other was killed by Coward. | After this, Colonel Field, acting with judicious discretion, joined the main body of the army, and they marched together harmoniously the remainder of the way. At the mouth of Elk (the present site of Charles- ton) the army halted long enough to construct some canoes, or “dug-outs,” into which the commissary stores, ammunition, etc., were transferred from the backs of pack-horses, and taken the remainder of the way by river. In most or all the accounts of the battle, it is stated that Colonel Christian and his regiment were delayed in getting together, and did not arrive in time for the battle. This is, in part at least, an error. Colonel Christian did not arrive until late in the afternoon, when the fighting was nearly over, _ bringing with him the portions of his companies that had been too late in reaching the rendezvous; but Captains Russell, Shelby and Buford, and parts of their companies, were certainly on the ground at the beginning of the fight. 184 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. The four men who had made a daylight hunting excursion up the Ohio River bank, on the morning of the 10th, who were the first to see the Indians, and one of whom (Hickman) was killed—the first blood drawn—were members of Captains Russell’s and Shelby’s companies; and Captain Buford was present, and himself wounded during the day. The army had been gotten together hastily, as were, also, the supplies, which were not overly abundant. The army was neither well clad nor well fed; they were, perforce, “teetotalers.” They had no spirit rations, and neither tea nor coffee, yet they were in good health and spirits, though tired and worn by the hard march through the wilderness. General Lewis waited several days, anxiously ex- pecting the arrival of Lord Dunmore, who, by ap- pointment, was to have joined him here on the 2d of October. Having no intelligence from him, Lewis dispatched messengers up the Ohio River to meet him, or learn what had become of him. Before his messengers returned, however, three messengers (probably McCulloch, Kenton and Girty) arrived at his camp on Sunday, the 9th of October, with orders from Lord Dunmore to cross the river and meet him before the Indian towns in Ohio. This is, substantially, the current version of mat- ters; but authorities differ. Some say the messen- gers arrived on the night of the 10th, after the battle was fought; others say they did not arrive until the 11th, the day after the battle, and Colonel Andrew ” Lewis, son of General Andrew, says his father re- ceived no communication whatever from Lord Dun- more after he (Lewis) left Camp Union, until after Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 3 185 the battle had been fought, and Lewis, of his own motion, had gone on into Ohio, expecting to join Dunmore and to punish the Indians, when he received an order to stop and return to the point. This order (by messenger) Lewis disregarded, when Lord Dun- more came in person, and, after a conference and as- surances from Dunmore that he was about nego- tiating a peace, Lewis reluctantly retraced his steps. In the very excited state of fecling then existing between the colonies and the mother country, it was but natural that the sympathies of Lord Dunmore, a titled English nobleman, and holding his commission as Governor of Virginia at the pleasure of the crown, should be with his own country; but it was not only strongly suspeeted, but generally charged, that, while he was yet acting as Governor of Virginia, and be- fore he had declared himself against the colonies, he was unfairly using his position and influence to the prejudice of his subjects. These suspicions, and the supposed grounds for them, will be more fully discussed in a subsequent chapter on Lord Dunmore. According to the account of Colonel Stewart, when the interview was over between General Lewis and the messengers of Lord Dunmore, on the 9th, Lewis gave orders to break camp at an early hour next morning, cross the river, and take up their march towards the Indian towns; but the Fates had decreed otherwise. At the hour for starting, they found themselves confronted by an army of Indian braves, eight hundred to one thousand strong, in their war paint, and commanded by their able and trusted leaders, Cornstalk, Logan, Red Hawk, Blue Jacket 186 Trans-A llegheny Pioneers. and Elinipsico, and some authors mention two or three others. Instead of a hard day’s marching, Lewis’ army had a harder day’s fighting—the important, desper- ately contested, finally victorious, and ever-mem- orable battle of Point Pleasant. No “official report” of this battle has been pre- served, or was ever written, so far as I can learn. There are several good reasons, apparently, for this omission. In the first place, the time, place and cir- cumstances were not favorable for preparing a formal official report. In the second place, Lord Dunmore, the superior officer, to whom General Lewis should, ordinarily, have reported, was himself in the field, but a few miles distant, and General Lewis was ex- pecting that the two divisions of the army would be united within a few days; and, in the third place, the “strained relations” between the colonies and the mother country were such, and the recent action of Governor Dunmore so ambiguous, that General Lewis was probably not inclined to report to him at all. In the absence of an official report, I give below an account of the battle which, I think, comes nearer to it than anything else extant. Being in Belfast, Ireland, in 1874, a short time be- fore the centennial celebration of the battle at Point Pleasant, and knowing that Belfast, Ulster district, and the North of Ireland generally, had sent a large early emigration to the Valley of Virginia, many of whose descendants were, no doubt, in General Lewis’ army, and in this battle, I went to the City Library to see if I could find anything there relating to the battle. In examining the files of the “Belfast News Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. : 187 Letter,” a city paper, which I found preserved in annual bound volumes from its commencement, in 1737 (and now nearly one hundred and fifty years old), I turned to 1774, and my search was soon re- warded by finding the following very interesting letter, a copy of which I sent to the “Charleston Courier” in time for publication and circulation at the Point Pleasant celebration: BELFAST. Yesterday arrived a mail from New York, brought to Fal- . mouth by the Harriot packet boat. Captain Lee. Wriiamsgure, Va., November 10th. The following letter is just received here from the camp on Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa [as then spelled], dated October 17, 1774: “The following is a true statement of a battle fought at this _place on the 10th instant: On Monday morning, about half an hour before sunrise, two of Captain Russell’s company discov- ered a large party of Indians about a mile from the camp, one of which men was shot down by the Indians; the other made his escape, and brought in the intelligence. In two or three min- utes after, two of Captain Shelby’s company came in and con- firmed the account. “ Colonel Andrew Lewis, being informed thereof, immediately ordered out Colonel Charles Lewis, to take command of one hundred and fifty of the Augusta troops, and with him went Captain Dickinson, Captain Harrison, Captain Wilson, Captain John Lewis, of Augusta, and Captain Lockridge, which made the first division. Colonel Fleming was also ordered to take command of one hundred and fifty more of the Bottetourt, Bed- ford and Fincastle troops, viz.: Captain Thomas Buford, from Bedford; Captain Love, of Bottetourt; Captain Shelby and Cap- tain Russell, of Fincastle, which made the second division. “Colonel Charles Lewis’ division marched to the right, some distance from the Ohio, and Colonel Fleming, with his division, on the bank of the Ohio, to the left. “ Colonel Charles Lewis’ division had not marched quite half a mile from the camp when, about sunrise, an attack was made 188 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. on the front of his division, in a most vigorous manner, by the united tribes of Indians—Shawnees, Delawares, Mingoes, Tawas, and of several other nations—in number not less than eight hun- dred, and by many thought to be one thousand. “Tn this heavy attack, Colonel Charles Lewis received a wound which, in a few hours, caused his death, and several of his men fell on the spot; in fact, the Augusta division was obliged to give way to the heavy fire of the enemy. In abouta second of a minute after the attack on Colonel Lewis’s division, the enemy engaged the front of Colonel Fleming’s division on the Ohio, and in a short time the Colonel received two balls through his left arm, and one through his breast, and, after animating the officers and soldiers in a most calm manner to the pursuit of victory, retired to the camp. “The loss in the field was sensibly felt by the officers in par- ticular; but the Augusta troops, being shortly after reinforced from the camp by Colonel Field, with his company, together with Captain McDowell, Captain Mathews and Captain Stewart, from Augusta; Captain Paulin, Captain Arbuckle and Captain McClannahan, from Bottetourt, the enemy, no longer able to maintain their ground, was forced to give way till they were in a line with the troops, Colonel] Fleming being left in action on the bank of the Ohio. “In this precipitate retreat Colonel Field was killed. During this time, which was till after twelve, the action in a small degree abated, but continued, except at short intervals, sharp enough till after one o’clock. Their long retreat gave them a most advan- tageous spot of ground, from whence it appeared to the officers so difficult to dislodge them that it was thought most advisable to stand as the line was then formed, which was about a mile und a quarter in length, and had sustained till then a constant and equal weight of the action, from wing to wing. “Tt was till about half an hour of sunset they continued firing on us scattering shots, which we returned to their disadvantage. At length, the night coming on, they found a safe retreat. “They had not the satisfaction of carrying off any of our men’s scalps, save one or two stragglers whom they killed before the engagement. Many of their dead they scalped, rather than we should have them, but our troops scalped upwards of twenty of their men that were first killed. “Tt is beyond doubt their loss, in number, far exceeded ours, which is considerable. Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 189 “The return of the killed and wounded in the above battle, same as our last, as follows: “‘ Killed—Colonels Charles Lewis and John Field, Captains John Murray, R. McClannahan, Samuel Wilson, James Ward, Lieutenant Hugh Allen, Ensigns Cantiff and Bracken, and forty- four privates. Total killed, fifty-three. “Wounded—Colonel William Fleming, Captains John Dick- inson, Thomas Buford and I. Skidman, Lieutenants Goldman, Robinson, Lard and Vance, and seventy-nine privates. Total wounded, eighty-seven; killed and wounded, one hundred and forty.” Looking further through the “Belfast News Let- ter’ to see if I could find any additional particulars, I found the following Williamsburg letter in relation to the movements of Governor Dunmore: “ AMERICA. “ WILLIAMSBURG, IN Virainta, December 1, 1774, “We have it from good authority that His Excellency, the (rovernor, is on his way to this capital, having concluded a peace with the several tribes of Indians that have been at war with us, and taken hostages of them for their faithful complying with the terms of it, the principal of which are that they shall totally abandon the lands on this side of the Ohio River, which river is to be the boundary between them and the white people, and never more take up the hatchet against the English. “Thus, in a little more than the space of five months, an end is put to a war which portended much trouble and mischief to the inhabitants on the frontier, owing to the zeal and good con- duct of the officers and commanders who went out in their country’s defense, and the bravery and perseverance of all the troops.’’—Copied from the ‘“ Belfast News Letter” of February © 10, 1775.” It will be observed that the foregoing Point Pleas- ant letter has no signature to it. The letter was, doubtles, signed when written, but why the name was omitted at Williamsburg or Belfast is not known. 190 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. While there is no name to the letter as printed, it is circumstantially conclusive, I think, that it was written by Captain Matthew Arbuckle, whom Gen- eral Lewis had left in command of the garrison, and charged with the care of the wounded at the Point. There were no enterprising newspaper correspond- ents at the front in those days; no literary camp- followers or hangers-on; no amateur aids-de-camp, or other fancy gentlemen, to write sensational battle reports; there was no Point Pleasant town there then; no citizens nor neighbors to write army letters or battle reports. Outside of Captain Arbuckle’s camp, there was absolutely not a white man within one hundred miles of Point Pleasant, or nearer than the armies then out on Pickaway Plains. I assume, therefore, that the letter was written by Captain Arbuckle, possibly by order of General Lewis, to be forwarded to the State capital. It was, probably, sent by runners to Camp Union, forwarded thence to Williamsburg, and published in the little weekly “Virginia Gazette,” published by Purdie & Dixon, and the only newpaper then published in the State. This report of the battle is quite meager, it is true, and it is to be regretted that it had not given more of detail; but, as far as it goes, it is evidently a true and accurate account of what transpired, as seen by the writer, himself an active participant throughout. The style of the letter is plain, simple and clear, with no effort at fine writing; no thought of making or glorifying pet heroes, and no wish to be sensational. It was written on the ground, just one week after the battle, with all the facts fresh and clear upon his Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 191 own mind, and the memories of his garrison and wounded, with whom, doubtless, he had discussed the exciting events over and over, and compared notes, day by day, during the week past. Though short, the simple and unpretentious style of the report is probably calculated to give the av- erage general reader as clear a comprehension of the prominent facts and features of the battle as a half- dozen-column article from a modern army corre- spondent, largely made up of fulsome flattery of in- cipient heroes, and of sensational incidents of doubt- ful authenticity. , About ten years after the battle, Colonel John Stewart, who had been one of the first permanent settlers of Greenbriar, and who had taken a most active and efficient part in the prominent Indian wars and raids of the period, in this region, wrote a not very full, but exceedingly interesting, memoir of these early times and troubles, including the battle of the Point; and to this memoir, probably more than to any other one document, we are indebted for what has been preserved of the eventful history of this valley at that period, and it is the basis of much of the history of the region since written. Many years later, Dr. 8. L. Campbell, of Rock- bridge, wrote a somewhat similar sketch, the mate- rial being gathered from the recollections of those who had taken part in the events described, chiefly from Mr. Alexander Reed and Mr. William Moore, of Rockbridge. Later, Colonel Andrew Lewis, of the Bent Mount- ain, Va., son of General Andrew, gave, briefly, his recollections of the long ago; and many other longer 192 Trans Allegheny Pioneers. or shorter sketches relating to the battle of the Point, and other events of this region, have been written mostly from traditions, more or less imper- fectly and inaccurately transmitted from those who were personal actors or witnesses. Each of these sketches contains some fact, item or incident unknown to or omitted by the others, but as each item fills a gap and helps to make up the general picture, it is only possible now to get a tol- erably full and clear idea and understanding of the conditions then existing by gleaning from all the ac- counts, each of which, alone, gives so little of circum- stantial detail. That there are some discrepancies, and conflicts of statement is but natural and to be expected under the circumstances; they are generally unimportant, however, and must be reconciled by comparisons and weight of probabilities. Colonel Stewart, one of the first to write about the battle, after Arbuckle’s short account, was himself present, was well known to General Lewis (and a rel- ative by marriage), says General Lewis received a message from Governor Dunmore, on the 9th, telling him to cross the Ohio and join him, and he (Stewart) mentions McCulloch as one of the messengers. Burk, and others, say the messengers came after the battle, and mention Simon Kenton and Simon Girty among the messengers. Colonel Andrew Lewis says his father received no communication of any sort from Governor Dunmore, until ordered to return from Ohio. Dr. Campbell says there was considerable dissatis- faction in Lewis’ camp, for some days before the Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 193 battle, growing out of the manner of serving the rations, and especially the beef rations; the men claimed that the good and bad beef were not dealt out impartially. On the 9th, General Lewis ordered that the poorest beeves be killed first, and distributed to all alike. The beef was so poor that the men were unwilling to eat it, and, although it was posi- tively against orders to leave camp without permis- sion, about one hundred men started out before day, next morning (the 10th), in different directions, to hunt and provide their own meat. Many of these did not get back, nor know of the battle, until night, when it was all over. © This was a serious reduction of the army at such a time. This circumstance has not been mentioned, so far as I know, by any other of the early writers. Of the several men belonging to Captains Russell’s and Shelby’s companies who went immediately up the bank of the Ohio, the two (Hickman and Robin- son) who first encountered the Indians belonged, as Arbuckle tells us, to Captain Russell’s company. Of these, Hickman was killed, as above stated, and Rob- inson escaped to the camp with all speed, and re- ported an army of Indians that would cover four acres or more. When the approach of the Indians was reported, it is said that General Lewis first quietly lighted his pipe, and then coolly gave his orders for the disposi- tion of the forces as described by Captain Arbuckle, -and generally confirmed by others. Nearly all the accounts of the battle state that Colonel Charles Lewis was shot down on the first round, and soon expired at the root of a tree. Dr. Doddridge 13 194 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, says he was carried to his tent by Captain Morrow and Mr. Blair, from Captain Paul’s company, while Colonel Andrew Lewis says he received his wound early in the action, but did not let it be known until: he had gotten the line of battle extended from the Ohio to Crooked Creek; he then asked Captain Murray, his brother-in-law, to let him lean on his shoulder and walk with him to his tent, where he ex- pired about twelve o’clock. This does not conflict with the statement of Captain Arbuckle, who says: “He received a wound which, in a few hours, caused his death.” The terrific grandeur of a battle scene can not well be described in cold, common-place language. I shall not attempt the elevated strain necessary to do the subject justice, but will quote, briefly, from two authors who have written on this battle. De Hass Says: “The battle scene was now terribly grand. There stood the combatants—terror, rage, disappointment and despair riveted upon the painted faces of one, while calm resolution and the un- bending will to do or die were marked upon the other. Neither party would retreat, neither could advance. The noise of the firing was tremendous. No single gun could be distinguished— was one common roar. “The rifle and the tomahawk now did their work with dread- ful certainty. The confusion and perturbation of the camp had now arrived at its greatest height. The confused sounds and wild uproar of the battle added greatly to the terror of the scene. The shouting of the whites, the continued roar of fire- arms, the war-whoop and dismal yelling of the Indians, were discordant and terrific.” Colonel J. L. Peyton, in his valuable history of Augusta County, says: Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 195 “It was, throughout, a terrible scene—the ring of rifles and the roar of muskets, the clubbed guns, the flashing knives—the fight, hand to hand—the scream for mercy, smothered in the death-groan—the crushing through the brush—the advance—the retreat—the pursuit, every man for himself, with his enemy in view—the scattering on every side—the sounds of battle, dying away into a pistol-shot here and there through the wood, and a shriek—the collecting again of the whites, covered with gore and sweat, bearing trophies of the slain, their dripping knives in one hand, and rifle-barrel, bent and smeared with brains and hair, in the other. No language can adequately describe it.” _ After these eloquent and thrilling descriptions of the desperate conflict, one can hardly fail to be sur- prised, when he comes to foot up results, to tind that the casualties are so few. Different accounts of the battle state the losses on the part of the whites, in killed and wounded, at one hundred and forty to two hundred and fifteen; but I assume that Captain Arbuckle’s account, above given, is correct; that is, nine officers and forty-four privates (53) killed, and eight officers and seventy- nine privates (87) wounded; total, killed and wounded, one hundred and forty. All the early writers claim that the losses of the Indians were greater than those of the whites, but this, I think, admits of much doubt. The historians all claim that the Indians were seen throwing their dead into the river all day, but it seems only a vague “they say” sort of statement, not given upon the positive authority of any reliable person who saw it. While, per contra, Colonel James Smith, who was several years a prisoner among the Indians, spoke. their language, knew many of them well, and com- municated with them after this battle, says they only admitted the loss of twenty-eight killed outright, 196 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. and eight who died from their wounds—total, thirty- six; but as they had no muster-rolls, and the tribes scattered, they had probably overlooked at least five, as twenty-one were found lying as they fell, and twelve where their friends had partially buried or secreted them, making thirty-three, and the eight who afterwards died from their wounds would in- crease their loss to forty-one—one of whom Corn- stalk himself had killed. This Colonel Smith was one of the most intelli- gent and observant of the many early pioneers who had the hard fate to serve a captivity of several years among the Indians; but to his misfortune we are in- debted for his published narrative, after his release, of his personal adventures and results of his obser- vations, which is probably the best record extant, of the manners and customs, and every-day life of the Indians at that period of their history. Among the eighty-seven wounded whites, it would seem probable that some died of their wounds in the hospital; but, if so, I have seen no list or mention of them. To Colonel Christian, who, as generally stated, ar- rived about four o’clock, when the battle was nearly over, was assigned the duty of gathering up and burying the dead whites; most of them were buried in a common grave or trench, with only their blankets for coffins and shrouds. A few, whose friends wished to remove them, were buried in separate graves. . The Indians were not given burial at all, but left to pollute the air until the birds, the animals and the elements had disposed of them. The Indians, during the battle, had some of their Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 197 warriors stationed on both sides of the river, below the Point, to prevent the possible escape of the whites by swimming the river from the extreme point, in the event of defeat. Colonel Fleming was early wounded by two balls through his left wrist, but he contined to give his orders with coolness and presence of mind, calling loudly to his men: “Don’t lose an inch of ground! Try to outflank the enemy! Get between them and the river!” but he was about to be outflanked him- self, and was only saved by the timely coming up of Colonel Field, with reinforcements, when he was again shot, through the lungs, and carried off the field. Several times the Indians retreated, to draw out the whites from cover—a favorite ruse of theirs— and then advanced again. During one of these moves, Colonel Field was leading on his men in pur- suit, when he was fatally shot. General Lewis, warned by the loss of so many brave officers and men, of the danger of possible dis- aster, put a large force of his reserves to cutting and felling trees in a line across the angle between the rivers, making a breastwork for his men, and protec- tion for the camp, if he should be driven back to it. It is rather remarkable that not one of the Indian leaders was killed or wounded. They certainly fought bravely. During the battle, it is said that the stentorian voice of Cornstalk was often heard, commanding and encouraging his men. Captain Stewart at one time asked some one near him, who understood something of the Indian lan- guage, what it was that Cornstalk was saying; in ° 198 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. reply he said, the English equivalent of the expres- sion was: “Be strong! Be strong!” To punish an individual act of cowardice, during the battle, and to serve as a warning to others, and, possibly, prevent demoralization in his army, it was said that Cornstalk cleft the skull of one of his own men with his tomahawk. This, I believe, is given on the authority of Cornstalk himself, subsequently obtained; he also stated that he had opposed the battle, and advised a conference with General Lewis, on the eve of the fight, to treat for peace, but he was overruled, when he said to them: “Then if you will fight, you shall fight, and I will see that you do fight!” It was about four o’clock in the afternoon when General Lewis detailed Captains Shelby, Matthews and Stewart to makea detour and flank movement up: Crooked Creek. This was entirely successful, and was the decisive move of the day. As soon as the Indians discovered it, thinking it was Colonel Chris- tian arriving with fresh reinforcements, they began their final retreat. They kept up a show of fighting by desultory firing, to keep the whites in check while getting away with their wounded, which they accom- plished with entire success. Some historians of the battle claim that the In- dians were pursued, on their retreat, by the whites, from one to three miles, but the evidence is not sat- isfactory. General Lewis’ army had fought from sunrise to sunset, without food or rest, and were, con- sequently, fatigued, hungry and exhausted, and in no condition to pursue. To have attempted it in the darkness of night would have been to risk being Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 199 ambushed and exterminated. In the exhausted con- dition of the armies, I assume that one side was as glad to be let alone as the other, and that there was no pursuit. Probably the first man killed when the battle opened, and after the hunter, Hickman, had been killed a mile above the camp, was Captain Frogg. He was not commanding a company, but was a sut- ler. When the order was given to advance, he took his gun and volunteered to fight with the rest. He was a nervous, excitable man, and kept not only even with the front rank, but generally several steps in advance, as there were yet no Indians in sight. He was gaudily dressed in bright colors, and had his hat rigged with ribbons or feathers; suddenly the Indians arose from an ambush in a pawpaw thicket, and fired a volley into the advance. Captain Frogg, from his advanced position and gaudy dress, had probably been mistaken for an officer of rank, and was rid- dled with bullets. He had, unfortunately for himeelf, drawn the fire of the enemy, and, possibly, saved the lives of several others. A few days after the battle, there was a sale, at auction, of sundry articles captured from, or lost by, the Indians during the day. They brought, in the aggregate, £74. 4s. 6d. These two last items I give on the authority of Colonel B. H. Smith’s centennial address at Point Pleasant in 1874, and he got them from the tradi- tions of his ancestors, who were in the battle. It is said that three Indians were successively shot down over one body in the, at last, unsuccessful effort to secure a much-coveted scalp. 200 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. The wonderful powers of endurance of the In- dians may be estimated from the facts that they occupied the night of the 9th in crossing the river, marched three miles by sunrise on the morning of the 10th, fought from sunrise till dark, remarched three miles, and recrossed the river on the night of the 10th, with little or no opportunity for food or rest. Collins, in his admirable history of Kentucky, says that Captain James Harrod, who had a company of forty-two colonists in Kentucky, taking up lands and building improvers’ cabins, in 1774, left the country with the surveyors and others, when warned out by Boone, took most of them with him up to the Point, and “lent a helping hand” in the bloody fight. The weather. on the 10th of October, the day of the memorable battle, was clear and pleasant, and the rivers were low. On Tuesday, the 11th, General Lewis strengthened the Fort, provided for the wounded and prepared for the march, and on Wednes- day, the 12th, crossed the Ohio and started to join Lord Dunmore. It is believed that he crossed not far below the mouth of “Old Town Creek,” and about where the Indians had crossed and recrossed. The original camp and Fort at the Point stood in the angle of the rivers, a little nearer the Ohio, and a little below the present Virginia street; and here the brave Virginians, who had lost their lives in de- tense of her borders and their own homes, were laid to rest. Since that day the Ohio has cut away its banks very much, encroaching upon the site. One of the last official acts of Governor Dunmore, Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, 201 before fleeing from the wrath of his unloving sub- jects, was to order the disbanding of the garrison at the Point, in 1775, hoping thus to encourage and facilitate Indian raids upon the Western settlements. The Governor was then fully committed to the Eng- lish side in the Revolutionary struggle. It was not long, however, till a larger Fort was constructed, changing the location to the site of the large brick storehouse of the late James Capeheart, and it was called Fort Randolph. How long this Fort stood, I do not know, but Colonel Andrew Lewis says he was at the Point in 1784, when there was little or no sign of it left. CHAPTER XXXIII. LORD DUNMORE. T has been stated that there were not only suspi- cions, but grave charges, that Governor Dunmore acted a double part, and that he was untrue and treacherous to the interests of the colony he gov- erned. As he is inseparably connected with this campaign (often called the Dunmore war), and its accompany- ing history, and the inauguration of the Revolution, it may be well to briefly allude to his official course just before, during and after the campaign, that his true relations to it, and to the colony, may be under- stood; and, also, to show that the “ Revolution” was really in progress; that this campaign was one of the important early moves on the historical chess-board, and that the battle of Point Pleasant was, as gen- erally claimed, the initiatory battle of the great drama. In the Summer of 1773, Governor Dunmore made, ostensibly, a pleasure trip to Fort Pitt; here he established close relations with Dr. Connally, making him Indian Agent, Land Agent, ete. Connally was an able, active and efficient man, who thereafter ad- hered to Dunmore and the English cause. It, is charged that Connally at once began foment- ing trouble and ill-feeling between the colonies of Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 203 Virginia and Pennsylvania in regard to the Western frontier of Pennsylvania, then claimed by both col- onies, but held by Virginia, hoping by such course to prevent the friendly co-operation of these colonies against English designs; and, also, to incite the In- dian tribes to resistance of Western white encroach- ments upon their hunting grounds, and prepare the way for getting their co-operation with England against the colonies, when the rupture should come. In December, 1773, the famous “cold-water tea” was made in Boston harbor. In retaliation, the English Government blockaded the port of Boston, and moved the capital of the colony to Salem. When this news came, in 1774, the Virginia Assembly, being in session, passed resolutions of sympathy with Mas- sachusetts, and strong disapproval of the course of England; whereupon Governor Dunmore peremp- torily dissolved the Assembly. They met privately, opened correspondence with the other colonies, and proposed co-operation and a Colonial Congress. On the 4th of September, 1774, met, in Philadel- phia, the first Continental Congress—Peyton Ran- dolph, of Virginia, President; George Washington, R. H. Lee, Richard Bland, Patrick Henry, Benjamin Harrison and Edmund Pendleton members from Virginia. They passed strong resolutions; among others, to resist taxation and other obnoxious measures; to raise minute men to forcibly resist coercion; and, finally, resolved to cease all official intercourse with the English Government. In the meantime, Dr. Connally had been carrying out the programme of the Northwest. He had taken 204 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. possession of the Fort at Fort Pitt, and renamed it Fort Dunmore; was claiming lands under patents from Governor Dunmore, and making settlements on them; had been, himself, arrested and imprisoned for atime by Pennsylvania; had the Indian tribes highly excited, united in a strong confederacy and threatening war; then came the massacre of Indians above Wheeling, at Captina and at Yellow Creek, said to have grown out of Connally’s orders. While the Continental Congress was passing the resolutions above mentioned, and which created a breach between the colonies and the mother country past healing, Governor Dunmore and General Lewis were organizing and marching their armies to the West. Instead of uniting the forces into one army, and marching straight to the Indian towns and con- quering or dictating a lasting peace, Lord Dunmore took the larger portion of the army by a long detour by Fort Pitt, and thence down the Ohio, picking up, on the way, Dr. Connally and Simon Girty, whom he made useful. At Fort Pitt, it is said, he had held a conference with some of the Indian Chiefs, and came to some understanding with them, the particulars of which are not known. Instead of uniting with Lewis at the mouth of Kan- awha, as had been arranged, but which was probably not intended, he struck off from the Ohio River at the mouth of the Hockhocking and marched for the Indian towns on the Pickaway plains, without the support of Lewis’ army, delaying long enough for the Indians to have annihilated Lewis’ division, if events had turned out as Cornstalk had planned. He Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 205 (Cornstalk) said it was first their intention to attack the “Long Knives” and destroy them, as they crossed the river, and this plan would have been car- ried out, or attempted, but for the long delay of Lewis, awaiting the arrival of Lord Dunmore. They afterwards, upon consultation, changed their plans, and determined to let Lewis cross the river, and then ambush him somewhere nearer their own homes, and farther from his (Lewis’) base; but the Indians have no organized commissary or transportation arrange- ments, and can only transport such amount of food as each brave can carry for his own sustenance; this is, necessarily, a limited amount, and Lewis’ delay in crossing had run their rations so short that they were obliged to cross, themselves, and force a fight, or break camp and go to hunting food. They crossed in the night, about three miles above the Point, on rafts previously constructed, and expected to take Lewis’ army by surprise; and it has been seen how near they came to accomplishing it. It was pre- vented by the accident of the early hunters, who were out before daylight, in violation of orders. Colonel Andrew Lewis (son of General Andrew), in his account of the Point Pleasant campaign, says: “Tt is known that Blue Jacket, a Shawanee Chief, visited Lord Dunmore’s camp, on the 9th, the day before the battle, and went straight from there to the Point, and some of them went to confer with Lord Dunmore immediately after the battle.” It is also said that Lord Dunmore, in conversation with Dr. Connally, and others, on the 10th, the day of the battle, remarked that “ Lewis is probably hav- ing hot work about this time.” 206 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. When Lewis had crossed the river, after the battle, and was marching to join Dunmore, a messenger was dispatched to him twice in one day, ordering him to stop and retrace his steps—the messenger, in both instances, being the afterwards notorious Simon Girty. General Lewis had, very naturally, become very much incensed at the conduct of Lord Dun- more, and took the high-handed responsibility—ad- vised and sanctioned by his officers and men—of dis- obeying the order of his superior in command, and boldly marching on towards his camp. When within about two and a half miles of Lord Dunmore’s head-quarters, which he called Camp Charlotte, after Queen Charlotte, wife of ‘his master, George ITI., he came out to meet Lewis in person, bringing with him Cornstalk, White Eyes (another noted Shawanee Chief), and others, and insisted on Lewis’ returning, as he (Dunmore) was negotiating a treaty of peace with the Indians. He sought an in- troduction to Lewis’ officers, and paid them some flattering compliments, etc. Evidently, it did not comport with Lord Dunmore’s plans to have General Lewis present at the treaty, to help the negotiation by his suggestions, or to have the moral support of his army to support them. So much did Lewis’ army feel the disappointment and this indignity, that Colonel Andrew, his son, says it was with difficulty General Lewis could re- strain his men (not under very rigid discipline, at best) from killing Lord Dunmore and his Indian escort. But the result of the personal conference was that General Lewis, with the utmost reluctance of himself and army, consented to return, and to dis- Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 207 band his army upon his arrival at Camp Union, as ordered. - Suppose Lewis had attempted to cross the river, and been destroyed, or had crossed and been am- bushed and demolished in the forest thickets of Ohio, or that Cornstalk had succeeded, as he came so near doing, in surprising him in his own camp, on the morning of the 10th, or after that; suppose the In- dians had succeeded in turning the so evenly bal- anced scale in their favor, during the fight, as they came so near doing, and had annihilated Lewis’ army, as they might then have done, having them pen- ned up in the angle of two rivers, who can doubt, in view of all the facts above noted, that Lord Dun- more would have been responsible for the disaster? Who can doubt, as it was, that he was responsible for the unnecessary sacrifice of life, at the Point, on the 10th? Who can doubt that, with the two divi- sions of the army united, as per agreement, and Lord Dunmore and Lewis acting in unison and good ‘faith, they could have marched, unopposed, to the Indian towns, and utterly destroyed them, or dictated a favorable and lasting peace, and maintained it as long as they pleased, by holding important hostages? But, clearly, the policy of the Governor was dictated by ulterior and sinister motives; his actions were not single-minded. Colonel Andrew Lewis says: “It was evidently the intention of the old Scotch villain to cut off General Lewis’ army.” Burk, the historian, says: “The division under Lewis was devoted to destruc- tion, for the purpose of breaking the spirit of the Virginians.” Withers, Doddridge, and others, ex- 208 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. press the same views. General Lewis and his army were convinced of the fact; Colonel Stewart had no doubt of it, and nearly every one who has written on the subject has taken the same view of it.