CORNELL
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
Gift in memory of
MARY STEPHENS SHERMAN, ‘13
from
JOHN H. SHERMAN, ’11
Date Due
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Trans-Allegheny Pioneers
HISTORICAL SKETCHES
OF THE
First White Settlements West of the Alleghenies
1748 AND AFTER
WONDERFUL EXPERIENCES OF HARDSHIP AND HEROISM OF THOSE
WHO FIRST BRAVED THE DANGERS OF THE INHOSPIT-
ABLE WILDERNESS, AND THE SAVAGE TRIBES
THAT THEN INHABITED IT.
By JOHN P. HALE
CHARLESTON, WEST VIRGINIA
CINCINNATI .
THE GRAPHIC PRESS, 135 MAIN STREET
1886
ENTERED ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS, IN THE YEAR 1886,
°
BY JOHN P. HALE,
IN THE OFFICE OF THE LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS, AT WASHINGTON, D.C.
SYNOPSIS.
Progressively advancing settlements along the entire Virginia
border, from the New River-Kanawha and tributaries, in the
southwest, to the Monongahela and tributaries in the north-
west, the intervening country to the Ohio River and into
Kentucky.
On the above-mentioned first settled western flowing streams,
occurred, in after years, the desperate and bloody conflicts
of Braddock’s Fields and Point Pleasant, for the possession
of, and supremacy in, this fair western country.
To the New River-Kanawha, and tributaries, however, more
especial attention is here given; all sandwiched throughout
with collateral facts and incidents of more or less general or
local historical interest.
‘Draper’s Meadows Massacre.—Destruction of the early Green-
briar Settlements.—Tragedies of Burke’s Garden and Abb’s
Valley —Origin of the American Cotton Trade.—Old time
Family Fall Hunt.—Remarkable Clock.—Progressive Changes
within a Lifetime.—Davy Crockett and his Wise Motto.
Battle of Point Pleasant.—Brief Outline of Events Leading to
It.—The First Blood of the Revolution.—A Pivotal Turning
Point in American History.—ShortSketches of Some of Those
Who Participated in It.—Brief Review of Lord Dunmore’s
Relation to It.—Its Influence as a Developing Military High
School, etc.
Murder of Cornstalk.—Desperate Fight at Donnally’s Fort.—Short
Sketch of Daniel Boone’s Life in Kanawha Valley.—Chron-
ological Table of Events, of more or less importance or in-
terest, that have occurred along the western border.
Charleston, West Virginia.—Short Sketch of Its Early Settle-
ment and After History.—Dublin, Virginia.—History of Its
Name.—Augusta County.—Its Original Vast Extent and Its
Subdivisions.
INTRODUGTION.
IONEER HISTORY does not repeat itself. Our
country—and especially our great Western trans-
allegheny country—has but recently passed through,
and is hardly yet entirely emerged, in the far West,
from a period of intensely active, exciting and event-
ful history, which*can never be repeated.
The discovery, exploration, conquest, settlement
and civilization of a continent, once accomplished in
this age, is done for all time; there are no more con-
tinents to discover; no more worlds to conquer.
To McCauley’s imaginary New Zealander who is
to stand upon the broken arches of London Bridge,
and speculate on the ruins of St. Paul and of London,
the opportunity will never come; the ratchets of
steam, electricity and printing, will hold the world
from ever again retrograding. The course of civil-
ization is onward and upward, as that of Empire is
Westward.
The wilderness, to be settled by the pioneer Ingleses
and Drapers, the Harmons and Burkes, the Gists and
Tygarts, no longer exists. The occupations of the
Boones and Kentons, the Zanes, McCullochs, Bradys
and Wetzels, as border settlers and Indian fighters,
passed away with them. There is no longer need for
the Lewises and Clarkes, as transcontinental explor- .
ers. For the Fremonts and Kit Carsons as mountain
path finders and path makers. For the Schoolcrafts
8 L ntrod uction.
and Catlins to study and portray, with pen and pen-
cil, unknown races and tribes; the Pontiacs and
Cornstalks, the Logans and Tecumsehs, the Black
Hawks and the Girtys, have left the stage forever.
The Andrew Lewises and Mad Anthony Waynes, the
George Rogers Clarkes, and William Henry Harri-
sons, the daring frontier commanders, would have to
mold their swords into pruning hooks and plow
shares now. The martyrdoms of the Colonel Craw-
fords, the Mrs. Moores, and the Flinns, can never
occur again. The experiences of captive life and
remarkable escapes of the Mary Ingleses, the Bettie
Drapers, the Mary Moores, the Hannah Dennises
and the Rebecca Davidsons, are, thanks to advancing
civilization, the last of their kind, and the Anne
Baileys and Bettie Zanes need fear no future rivals
for their well-earned laurels.
The history that the hundreds of brave actors—of
whom these are but the types and exemplars—made,
in their day and generation, by their heroic deeds
and sufferings, was a history unparalleled in the —
past, and that can never be repeated in the future;
the conditions no longer exist, and can never exist
again.
For the present generation, born and reared in
these days of safety, law and order, peace and plenty,
ease and luxury, in these days of steam and elec-
tricity, of rapid transit, more rapid communication,
and all the nameless accompaniments of the latest
civilization, it is difficult to look back to the days of
. our grandfathers, and realize that, in their day, all
this vast Western country from the Alleghenies even
to the Pacific, now teeming with its many millions of
busy, prosperous, and happy people, with their thriv-
Introduction. 9
ing cities, towns and villages, and productive valleys
and plains, was then one unbroken expanse of wil-
derness, lying in a state of nature, roamed by herds
of wild animals and tribes of savage men; unknown,
or but vaguely known to the white man; never pen-
etrated by white men except by a few exceptionably
adventurous Spanish and French explorers and
traders, accompanied, as usual, by pious Monks and
Jesuit Fathers, tempted by the love of God or gold,
and the hope of gain or glory.
Those who braved the dangers, privations, and
hardships of pioneer life, and participated in the stir-
ring scenes and events that attended the transform-
ation of this wilderness into hives of busy industry,
and homes of comfort and luxury, seldom kept
diaries, or left written records or histories of their
wonderful achievements and thrilling experiences—
the circumstances and surroundings not favoring the
writing or preserving of such records—nor, indeed,
did the tastes of the hardy pioneers run in that direc-
tion, and, therefore, as the older generations passed
away, many of them carried with them recollections
and traditions that can never be recovered, and thus
has been lost much of pioneer history probably as
interesting as any that has been preserved
As the histories of these exciting times will, no
doubt, possess deeper interest and be more valued and
prized the farther the period in which the events
occurred recedes adown the stream of time, it should
be the duty of every one who can, to collect and add
whatever he can, from authentic and trustworthy
records and traditions, to the general fund of reliable
history of this interesting period, for permanent
preservation.
10 . Lntroduction.
The Ingles and Draper families—my maternal
ancestors—were pioneers in the then great Western
wilderness. The history of these first transalle-
gheny settlements is full of interest, and some of
their experiences, for daring adventure, terrible
suffering, and heroic endurance, are not excelled by
anything with which I am acquainted in all the
annals of border life.
As I am now one of the oldest surviving descend-
ants of those early pioneers, and having taken some
pains to collect the family records and vanishing
traditions relating to the settlements and the families,
I have felt constrained to commit them to print to
preserve them from the fate of so many others now
lost in oblivion, for lack of timely record, and add
them to the many other interesting histories of the
period.
In connection with, and following these histories
of the Ingles and Draper settlements and families, I
shall endeavor to trace, in chronological order, the
progressive frontier explorations and settlements
along the entire Virginia border, from the Allghanies
to the Ohio, from the New River-Kanawha and
tributaties in the South-west, where settlements first
began, to the Monongahela and tributaries, in the
North-west, when they followed, and the intervening
country, and along the Ohio, where the frontier line
of settlements was last to be advanced, but I shall
give more especial attention to the early history of the
region of the New River-Kanawha and tributaries,
all sandwitched, throughout, with collateral facts and
incidents of more or less local or general historical
interest.
TRANS-ALLEGHENY PIONEERS.
CHAPTER I.
THE INGLES FAMILY.
HOMAS INGLES, according to family tradition,
was descended from a Scotch family, was born
and reared in London, lived about 1730 to 1740, in
Dublin, Ireland, was a large importing wholesale
merchant, was wealthy, owned his own ships and
traded with foreign countries, chiefly to the East
Indies. ; :
Sir Walter Scott states that in the reign of James
I., there was a Sir Thomas Inglis who lived and
owned baronial estates on the border of England and
Scotland. He was much annoyed by the raids and
border forays of those days, and, to escape them,
exchanged his border estates called “Branx-Holm,”
‘with a Sir William Scott, ancestor of the late Sir
Walter, and of the Dukes of Buckcleu, for his Barony
of “ Murdiestone,” in Lanarkshire, to which he re-
moved for greater peace and security. Branx-Holm
or Branksome, in Tiviotdale, on the Scottish border,
is still owned by the Dukes of Buckcleu. From the
close similarity and possible original identity of the
names—both very rare—and now only differing from
ito e in the spelling, Thomas Ingles of Dublin, may
have descended from the Sir Thomas of “Branx-
12 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Holm Hall,” but, if so, the present Ingles family
have no record or knowledge of it. They only trace
their line back to the Thomas Ingles of London,
Dublin, and America.
There are two families in America who spell their
names Inglis. The ancestor of one of them emi-
grated from Selkirk, Scotland, to Montreal. Those
of the other branch came from Paisley, Scotland, to
New York. Descendants of the first still live in
Canada, but while they spell their name Inglis, they
pronounce it Ingles, and say it has always, within
their knowledge, been so pronounced. The descend-
ants of the Paisley family live in Philadelphia, Balti-
more, South Carolina, and Florida. These two fam-
ilies, and the descendants of the Ingles who came
from London and Dublin, and settled in Virginia,
are the only families in America, so far as I know,
who spell their names either Inglis or Ingles.
In some revolution or political trouble, occurring
during the time of his residence in Dublin, Thomas
Ingles took a prominent and active part, and hap-
pened not to be on the right, or, rather, on the win-
ning side, for the winning side is not always the
right side, nor the right side the winning side.
On the failure of the cause he had espoused, his
property was contiscated, and he was lucky to escape
with his life.
He, with his three sons, William, Matthew, and
John—he then being a widower—came to America,
and located for a time in Pennsylvania, about Cham-
bersburg.
Just when they came, and how long they remained
there, is not now accurately known; but in 1744,
Trans--lllegheny Pioneers. 13
according to the tradition, Thomas Ingles and his
eldest son, William, then a youth, made an excursion
to the wilds of Southwest Virginia, penetrating the
wilderness as far as New River.
Of the details of this expedition no record has
been preserved. On this trip they probably made the
acquaintance of Colonel James Patton, who held a
grant for 120,000 acres of land west of the Blue
Ridge, and in the valley of Virginia. Colonel Pat-
ton, who came from the North of Ireland, about
1735-36, was one of the earliest settlers in the valley,
and first located near Staunton. He and his son-in-
law, Colonel John Buchanan, located lands on James
River, and named the villages which sprang up on
opposite sides of the river, Pattonsburg and Bu-
chanan, now in Bottetourt County, Virginia.
It is also probable that the Ingleses, during the
trip above mentioned, first made the acquaintance of
the Drapers, then living at Pattonsburg, and whose
after history and fates were so closely connected and
interblended with their own.
George Draper and his ‘young wife, whose maiden
name had been Elenor Hardin, came from County
Donegal, North of Ireland, in 1729, and settled at the
mouth of the Schuylkill River, within the present
limits of the City of Philadelphia. Here two chil-
dren were born to them, John in 1730, and Mary in
1732.
Between 1740 and 1744 they, with their two chil-
dren, came to Virginia, and located at Colonel Pat-
ton’s settlement (Pattonsburg), on James River.
Staunton and Pattonsburg, though the valley was
' but so recently settled, are about the same age as
14 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Richmond and Petersburg. Settlements were begun
at the two former about 1738, and at Richmond and
Petersburg about 1737-88. The two latter were laid
off by Surveyor Mayo, in 1737, for Colonel William
Byrd, of Westover. Richmond was. organized as a
town in 1742—Colonel Byrd had had plantations
here as early as 1732.
While the Drapers lived at Pattonsburg, George
Draper started out on a game-hunting and land-seek-
ing expedition, westward. He never returned, and
was never again heard of by his family; it was sup-
posed that he was killed by the Indians.
There is no account preserved of how far he went,
who accompanied him, nor any other details of the
trip.
CHAPTER II. .
N 1848 Doctor Thomas Walker, Colonel James
Patton, Colonel John Buchanan, Colonel James
Wood, and Major Charles Campbell, accompanied by
some hunters, of whom John Findley, who afterward,
in 1767, penetrated into Kentucky, and, in 1769,
accompanied Daniel Boone from North Carolina to
Kentucky, was one, made an excursion through
Southwest Virginia and were the first white persons
from this direction to penetrate the then unknown
region of Kentucky. Dr. Walker, the leader of the
expedition, discovered the pass in the mountains, and
gave the name of “Cumberland” to the mountain
range and gap hitherto called by the Indians
““Wasioto;” “Cumberland River” to the stream
hitherto called “Shawanee,” or “Pelisipi;” and
“Louisa” to the river called by them “ Che-no-ee,”
now Kentucky River. Major Jed Hotchkiss, who,
I believe, has seen the MS. diary of Doctor Walker,
thinks he did not get on to the Kentucky River, and
that the stream he named Louisa was the one now
called Coal River, West Virginia, which heads up in
. the big Flat-Top Mountain along which he traveled.
The earliest maps that lay down Coal River—Jeffer-
sons and others—call it Louisa.
The Cumberland Mounjains, Gap, and River, were
named after the Duke of Cumberland, and Louisa
River for his wife, the Duchess of Cumberland.
Walker’s Creeks (big and little), of New River,
16 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
which were explored by Dr. Walker and party on
this expedition, and Walker’s Mountains (big and
little), parallel ranges, were named after Dr. Walker.
About this time (1748), probably immediately on
the return of Walker, Patton and others—if, indeed,
they did not accompany the Walker expedition as
far as New River—Thomas Ingles and his three sons,
Mrs. Draper and her son and daughter, Adam Har-
mon, Henry Lenard, and James Burke “came West
to grow up with the country,” and made the first
settlement west of the great Allegheny “ divide,” the
first on the waters of New River, or Wood’s River, as
it was then interchangeably called, and the first on
any waters flowing to the undefined, unknown, mys-
terious West, whither they knew not.
The name given to this locality and settlement was
“ Draper’s Meadows.”
The first buildings and improvements, which were
built of round logs, as all frontier buildings then
were, stood upon the present sites of the “ Virginia
Agricultural and Mechanical College,” and “Soli-
tude,” the residence of the late Colonel Robert
Preston, near Blacksburg, now Montgomery County,
Virginia.
Even at the present day, when all Southwest Vir-
ginia is settled and highly improved, and is known
to excessively abound in grand and beautiful land-
scape scenery, few, if any, scenes surpass this little
“ Draper’ 8 Meadows” Valley, the original, and at
that day, probably, a hap-hazard settlement, as they
had not sufficiently explored the country to compare
localities and make choice.
Its eastern limit is near the crest of the Allegheny,
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 17
2
here a very low “divide” between the waters of the
Roanoke on the east and New or Woods River on the
west; its western, the beautiful “ Horse-Shoe Bend”
of New River; while to the north and south, in the
near distance, are parallel mountain ridges. Between
is a beautiful undulating plain, with rich limestone,
blue-grass soil. There are numerous bold, never-
failing limestone springs, and the drainage is to New
River, through Toms Creek, Straubles Creek, and
Walls Creek. |
At the date of this Draper’s Meadows settlement
(1748) the entire population of Virginia—which then
extended from the Atlantic to the Mississippi (or, as
claimed, to the Pacific), and embraced the present
States of Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio,
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin—was but
eighty-two thousand. All but a few hundred of these
were east of the Blue Ridge; these few hundred were
settled in the Valley of Virginia, so-called, being the
territory lying between the Blue Ridge and the Alle-
ghany Ranges. This valley it is claimed. but errone-
ously, as we shall hereafter see, was first discovered
by Governor Spottswood and his “Knights of the
Golden Horse-Shoe,” in 1716, penetrating the Blue
Ridge at Swift Run Gap, and first settled in 1732 by
Joist Hite, John Lewis, Bowman, Green, Chrisman,
McKay, Stephens, Duff, and others; followed, in
1734, by Morgan, Allen, Moore, Shephard, Harper,
and others, and in 1735 to 1738 by Beverly, Christian,
Patton, Preston, Burden, and others. These colonists
took up lands and made settlements from Harper’s
Ferry to the site of Staunton and above. They were
mostly Scotch-Irish families, who had stopped for a
18 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
time in Pennsylvania, and found their way from there
into the Valley of Virginia, by way of Harper’s Ferry,
taking up the best lands on the waters of the Shenan-
doah, the James, and the Roanoke Rivers.
The Ingles and Draper families, who were also
Scotch-Irish, and who had also come by way of
Pennsylvania, were the first to press on beyond these,
then frontier settlements, scale the Allegheny, the
then limit and western barrier of civilization and
discovery, and pitch their tents, as above stated, in the
great outside, unknown, and mysterious wilderness
beyond.
The first map of this region to which I have had
access, is a map of 1744, accompanying Rapin de
Thoyers’ History of England. This map shows
pretty fair knowledge of the coast lines, but wild
guesses, based upon small information about the
country beyond the mountains. The Tennessee River
called Hogoheegee, empties in the Wabash or “ Ou-
back.” The head waters of the Hogoheegee are left
blank—cut square off. The Cumberland, called Peli-
sipi, empties into the Hogoheegee. The Ohio or
“Hohio,” empties into the Ouback on the north,
and the Ouback unites with the Potomac in a lake
common to both, lying south of Lake Erie, and from
which they flow their respective ways east and west.
The Allegheny mountain is laid down with a fair
degree of accuracy as to location and direction. The
next map of this part of Virginia was made by Peter
Fontaine, Surveyor of Halifax County, at the request
of the Governor of Virginia, in 1752. In this map
the Allegheny Mountain is put down as “ Mississippi
or Allegheny Ridge.’ New River is put down as
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 19
“ New Riv., a branch of Mississippi Riv.,” and all the
region west of the Allegheny is left blank, and
es
SQ St, fltegLestZ2e of jie
i ge aaa
a EeCOe
7 Wlata tices
Gilf *, Ff
*,
IVI EME
FROM RAPIN DE THOYERS’ MAP OF 1744.
called “a mountainous tract of land west of the
Blue Ridge,” Augusta County, “parts unknown.”
The “New River” was first discovered and named
in 1654, by Colonel Abraham Wood, who dwelt at
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
20
y ~ wt OSes >
ences
ees 3 F
Boh SSS Ge] y GS
a3’ One Seal
ON ade i
sey) SNR
BE GSS Ou eT| SH
EE YRE SEES 9
SOUS BENS
QRS A wll sy
NAR, | Y
Chesterfield
sh
rebeed jo
See9:
FROM PETER FONTAINE’S MAP OF 1752.
the falls of the Ap-
pomatox, now the
site of Petersburg,
Virginia. Being of
an adventurous and
speculative turn, he
gota concession from
the Governor of Vir-
. ginia to “ explore the
country and open up
trade with the In-
dians to the west.”
There is no record
as to the particular
route he took, but as
the line of adventure,
exploration, and dis-
covery, was then all
east of the moun-
tains, it is probable
that he first struck
the river not far from
the Blue Ridge, and
near the present Vir-
ginia and North Car-
olina line.
From the fact that
the gap in the Blue
Ridge lying between
the heads of Smith’s
River branch of the
Dan, in Patrick
County, and Little
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 21
River branch of New River, in Floyd County, is, to
this day, called “ Wood’s Gap.” I think it highly
probable that this was his route, and that the gap was
named after him; if so, then it is almost certain that
New River was first seen by Colonel Wood, probably
the first white man who ever saw it, at the mouth of
Little River, about a mile and a half above “ Ingles’
Ferry,” and being to him a new river, without a name,
he then and there named it after himself, “ Wood’s
River.”
If this supposition is correct, as I believe it to be,
then Colonel Abraham Wood and his party of hum-
ble hunters and traders, anticipated, by many years,
the famous exploits of the Hon. Governor Spotts-
wood and his Knights of the Golden Horseshoe,
in passing the then limits of western discovery, the
mysterious “Blue Ridge.” As a singular example
of the injustice of the Fates: Governor Spottswood
was knighted, immortalized, and had his name per-
petuated by a Virginia County for what he didn’t do
(first cross the Blue Ridge), while Colonel Wood,
who did do it, is almost forgotten.
CAPTAIN HENRY BATTE, BLUE RIDGE.
Even Colonel Wood was not the only one, though
the first, who preceeded Governor Spottswood in
crossing the Blue Ridge.
In 1666, twelve years after Colonel Wood, and fifty
years before Governor Spottswood, Governor Sir
William Berkely, says Arthur, despatched an ex-
ploring party across the mountains, to the west,
under Captain Henry Batte, with fourteen Virginians
22 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
and fourteen Indians. They also started from Appo-
matox. In seven days they reached the foot of the
mountains. After crossing them they came to level,
delightful plains, with abundant game, deer, elk, and
buffalo, so gentle as not to be frightened by the
approach of man. Here they discovered a river
flowing westward; having followed it for several
days, they came to fields and empty cabins, lately
tenanted. Captain Batte left in them some trinkets,
in token of friendship.
But here the Indian guides stopped and refused
to go any farther, saying that there dwelt near here
a tribe of Indians that made salt and sold it to other
tribes. This tribe was said to be numerous and pow-
erful, and never let any one escape who ventured
into their towns. Captain Batte finding his Indians
resolute in their determination not to venture farther,
reluctantly abandoned the trip, and returned to the
Province. Governor Berkely was so interested in
the report that he determined to go and explore the
country himself, but other cares and duties occupied
him, and he never did. No mention is made here of
Colonel Wood’s trip, but Captain Batte must have
known of it, as it had been but twelve years since
Colonel Wood started from, and returned to, the
same point. From this meager account, it seems
probable that Captain Batte followed the same route
that Colonel Wood had traveled, crossed the Blue
Ridge at the same point—Wood’s Gap—struck New
River (Wood’s River), which he calls a western
flowing river, at or about the same point that Wood
had, and followed it downward several days before
reaching the territory occupied by the salt makers
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 23
which, it is highly probable, was in the Kanawha
Valley, and the salt made at the old Campbell’s
Creek Salt Spring. There were abundant remains
of ancient Indian pottery about the spring when the
country was first settled by the whites.
Colonel Wood when he discovered New River did
not know, of course, the extent of the river nor the
destination of its waters; but these names (Wood’s
River and New River) were intended to attach to the
whole course of the stream, from its source to its
mouth, wherever that might be.
By reference to modern maps, a curious topograph-
ical feature in regard to the rivers of this upper New
River region will be observed.
Within a radious of a few miles four important
rivers take their rise; their head waters interlocking
with each other; they, however, soon bid each other
a final adieu, and flow their several ways to the four
points of the compass. ,
New River rises in North Carolina, a sea-board
State, on the slopes of Grandfather Mountain; but,
instead of going down through the sunny South to
its natural home in the bosom of the Atlantic, it
strikes out defiantly, nearly due north, through Vir-
ginia, cutting its way through the Blue Ridge, the
Allegheny, and parallel ridges, and, finally, finds its
way through the waters of the Ohio and Mississippi
into the Gulf of Mexico.
The Yadkin River, on which, not far from here,
Squire Boone and family, including the afterward
renowned pioneer, Daniel Boone, settled, in 1750,
having come from Berks County, Pennsylvania, rises
in Virginia; but, instead of “pooling its issues” and
24 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
joining its fortunes with its close and bold neighbor,
New River, it leaves its native State and takes the
back track, nearly south, through the Carolinas to
the broad Atlantic, through the great Peedee.
The Roanoke River, or the Dan branch of it, rises
both in Virginia and North Carolina, along the
dividing line, flows nearly east until it joins the
Staunton River, forming the true Roanoke, and
empties into Albemarle Sound; whilst the Tennessee,
or Pelisipi, as the Cherokees called it here, now called
the Holston, rising similarly along and on both sides
of the Virginia and North Carolina line, and in close
interlock with the other streams named, starts out
on its long western journey, and, finally, mingles its
waters with those of the Ohio and Mississippi, or
Me-sa-cha-ce-pe, as the aborigines called it, meaning
the Big River, or “Father of Waters,’ the “Rio
Grande” of De Soto.
The dividing line between Virginia and North
Carolina, or the part of it which runs through this
nest of river heads, was run under commission from
the State of Virginia, in 1749, by Colonel Joshua Fry
and Peter Jefferson, father of Thomas Jefferson; and
continued westward to the Mississippi, in 1780, by
Dr. Thomas Walker and Colonel Daniel Smythe
commissioners. In 1754 Colonel Fry was the senior
officer in command of the Virginia army to the
Northwest, and Washington his subordinate (or Lieu-
tenant-Colonel).
CHAPTER III.
S so few facts and dates have been preserved in
Al relation to the Ingles-Draper frontier settlement,
owing, in great measure, to the fact above stated,
that. but few records were written in those days,
owing to disinclination and the disadvantages under
which they labored, and to the additional fact that, a
few years later, their houses were burned, and all
books, papers, and documents of every sort were de-
cirosed, every collateral fact that helps to fix dates,
or throws other light upon the subject becomes of
interest.
Such are the following, of which there is record
evidence:
In April, 1749, the house of Adam Harmon, one of
' the party, was raided by the Indians, and his furs
and skins stolen. This was the first Indian depreda-
tion ever committed on the whites west of the Alle-
gheny. The theft was reported by Henry Lenard to
William Harbison, a Justice of the Peace for Augusta
County. The names of Adam Harmon and Henry
. Lenard will appear again farther on.
In 1751 an allowance was made by the State to
Colonel Patton for moving a party of Indians from
Williamsburg, the then capital, to Reed Creek, in
Augusta County. Reed Creek empties into New
River a few miles above Ingles Ferry.
In 1753 the Indians stole the skins of George
26 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Hoopaugh and Jacob Harmon, killed their dogs and
shot their “ critters.”
In 1758 the State sent Captain Robert Wade from
“Fort Mayo,” with thirty-five rangers, to this settle-
ment to “ Range for enemy Indians.” They came by
Goblintown, by Black Water, Pigg River, and Smith’s
River, branches of the Dan, and crossed over to the
head of Little River, through ‘“ Wood’s Gap,” and
down Little River to New River. Probably just the
route of Colonel Abraham Wood and Captain Henry
Batte many years before. Thence they passed down
as far as Draper’s Meadows and back up to Reed
Island Creek.
They fell in with a party of five Indians and one
white man, the latter named Dunkleberry. They let
the white man escape, but followed and killed the
Indians.
The result of the expedition was reported by Cap-
tain John Echols, and sworn to before Abraham
Maury, a Justice of the Peace for Augusta County.
CHAPTER IV.
NOTHER adventurous hunter and pioneer had
A quietly made his appearance in this Draper’s.
Meadows camp. It was the chubby and rosy-cheeked
little god of the bow and arrow. He had evidently
counted on finding fair and proper game here, and
he had not mistaken his reckoning.
William Ingles and Mary Draper had fallen victims
to his skillful archery. They had surrendered at dis-
cretion, and, early in 1750, they were bound by the
silken cords, he being then twenty-one and she
eighteen years of age. This was the first white wed-
ding west of the Alleghenies.
Their rose-colored hopes and anticipations of the
future, and their youthful dreams of happiness, were
not all to be realized, as will soon appear.
Mary Draper, having no sister, had spent much of
her time in her girlhood days with her only brother,
in his outdoor avocations and sports. They played
together, walked together, rode together. She could
jump a fence or ditch as readily as he; she could
stand and jump straight up nearly as high as her
head; could stand on the ground, beside her horse,
and leap into the saddle unaided; could stand on the
floor and jump over a chair-back, etc., ete. It will
soon be seen how invaluable to her such physical
training was a few years later. In the long after-
years she used to delight in telling over to her grand-
children of her feats of agility in her youthful days.
28 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
In 1754, John Draper, finding it not good to be
alone, had prevailed upon Miss Bettie Robertson to
join him in the search for happiness in this wild
wilderness home.
Notwithstanding the isolation of the Draper’s
Meadows settlement, and its remoteness from civili-
zation and society, the settlers were reasonably happy,
prosperous and contented. They were busy clearing
out and improving their lands, adding to their herds
of stock, building houses, and increasing their com-
forts. Others, influenced by their favorable reports,
were coming in and settling near them, and they
were laying, as they hoped and believed, the founda-
tians of a growing and prosperous community.
CHAPTER V.
oo times parties of Indians, from north of
the Ohio, had passed and repassed this settle-
ment to make raids upon the Catawbas, their enemies,
living farther south; but they had made no attack
upon the white settlers, nor given them any annoy-
ance or cause for alarm, except the thieving raids to
Harmon’s and Hoopaugh’s above related.
The friendliest relations had existed between the
whites and the redskins up to this time, but this
happy condition of things was not long ‘to last; in-
deed, the Indians may already have meditated or
determined upon mischief, but disguised their designs
by a show of friendship until they had made full
observations and matured their plans.
On the 8th of July, 1755, being Sunday, and the
day before Braddock’s memorable defeat, near Fort
Du Quesne, when all was peace, and there was no
suspicion of harm or danger, a party of Shawanees,
from beyond the Ohio, fell upon the Draper’s
Meadows settlement and killed, wounded, or cap-
tured every soul there present, as follows:
Colonel James Patton, Mrs. George Draper, Casper
Barrier and a child of John Draper, killed; Mrs.
John Draper, James Cull, wounded; Mrs. William
Ingles, Mrs. John Draper, Henry Lenard, prisoners.
Mrs. John Draper, being out of doors, a short dis-
tance from the house, first discovered the enemy
30 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
approaching, and under circumstances indicating
hostile intent.
She ran into the house to give the alarm and to
get her sleeping infant. Taking the child in her
arms she ran out on the opposite side of the house
and tried to make her escape. The Indians discov-
ered her, however, and fired on her as she ran, break-
ing her right arm, and causing the child to fall. She
hastily picked it up again with her left hand, and
continued her flight. She was soon overtaken, how-
ever, and made a prisoner, and the child brained
against the end of one of the house logs. The other
Indians, meanwhile, were devoting their attention to
other members of the families and camp, with the
results in killed, wounded, and captured, as above
stated.
Colonel James Patton, who had large’ landed inter-
ests hereabout, was here at this time, and with him
his nephew, William Preston.
Whether Colonel Patton was only temporarily
here, or was then making this his home, I do not
know. He had command of the Virginia militia in
this region, and had just brought up a supply of
powder and lead for use of the settlements, which, I
believe, the Indians secured. ;
Early on the morning of the attack, Colonel Pat-
ton had sent young Preston over to the house of Mr.
Philip Lybrook, on Sinking Creek, to get him to
come over and help next day with the harvest,
which was ready to be cut, and this fortunate absence
doubtless saved young Preston’s life.
Colonel Patton was sitting at a table writing when
the attack was made, with his broadsword, which he
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, 31
always kept with him, lying on the table before him.
He was a man of large frame (he was six feet four
inches in height), and herculean strength. He cut
down two of the Indians with his sword, as they
rushed upon him, but was, in turn, shot down him-
self by others out of his reach. He was a widower,
sixty-three years of age, and full of health and vigor
when he met his untimely death.
The father-in-law of Colonel Patton was Benjamin
Burden, who came over as the general agent of Lord
Fairfax, and also had large grants of land himself,
chiefly in (now) Rockbridge County. He was a man
of great business capacity and integrity, meeting all
business obligations and engagements with such
scrupulous promptness and exactness, that his habits
became standards of comparison for others, and his
name a synonym of punctuality and reliability. To
say of any one that his promise, note, or bond, was
as “good as Ben. Burden’s bill,” was to credit him
with the “ne plus ultra” of business solvency and
promptness.
This phrase is still currant and common in Virginia
to this day, though few, perbaps, now know how it
originated.
CHAPTER VI.
AVING everything in their power after the mas-
i sacre and capture, the Indians secured all the
guns and ammunition on the premises, all the horses
and such household valuables as they could carry
away.
After loading up their stolen plunder, and putting
the women and children on the horses, ready tor
moving, they set fire to the buildings and consumed
everything left.
‘William Ingles, who was in a grain field, some dis-
tance from the houses, received his first notice of the
attack through the ascending smoke and flames of
the burning buildings. He at once started, instinct-
ively, towards the scene of the tragedy, with the
hope of giving aid to his family; but upon approach-
ing near enough to see that there was a large force
of well armed Indians, and that, single handed, un-
armed resistance would be madness, he turned and
sought his own safety in flight; he was seen, how-
ever, and pursued by two fleet warriors, each with
tamahawk in hand.
_ He soon got out of the fields and ran down the
slope of the hill through the woods and brush, the
enemy, meanwhile, gaining on him slowly. In jump-
ing over a fallen tree that lay in his path, he fell, and
being concealed by the log and brush, the Indians
did not know he had fallen, and passed by him, hay-
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 33
ing run around the upturned roots of the tree, instead
of jumping over it as he had done.
Seeing that the Indians had overlooked him and
passed on, William Ingles hastily got on his feet,
changed his course and succeeded in making his
escape.
Ingles and Draper being without arms or horses,
and having ‘no near neighbors at hand to aid or join
‘in pursuit, the Indians were enabled to make good
their escape with their prisoners, horses, and stolen
plunder, unmolested. Captain Buchanan raised a
company from the more eastern settlements and des-
patched them in pursuit, but too much time had been
lost, and no tidings of them were gotten.
About half a mile or a mile to the west, on their
route, they stopped at the house of Mr. Philip Bar-
ger, an old and white haired man, cut his head off,
put it in a bag, and took it with them to the house
of Philip Lybrook, on Sinking Creek, where they
left it, telling Mrs. Lybrook to look in the bag and
she would find an acquaintance.
Lybrook and Preston would, probably, bave shared
the same fate as Barger, if they had beeu found at
Lybrook’s house; but they had started back to Dra-
per’s Meadows on foot, by a near pathway across the
mountain, and thus missed meeting the Indians, and
saved their lives.
In 1774, nineteen years later, the family of John
Lybrook, son of Philip, was attacked by a party
of Indians. Jvhn Lybrook himself succeeded in
eluding them, by secreting himself in a cave in the
cliffs—five of his children were murdered. About
the same time, Margaret McKenzie and three Snidow
3
34 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
boys were captured in the neighborhood, two of
them, Jacob and Willian soon escaped and returned,
but John, a small boy, was taken on to the Indian
towns. He was recovered by his family after some
years of captivity, during which he had almost for-
gotten his mother tongue, and meanwhile had ac-
quired so strong a taste for wild, Indian life, that he.
returned to the Indians and spent his life with them.
Margaret McKenzie was recovered after eighteen
years of captivity, returned to Giles County, married
a Mr. Benjamin all, and lived to a very old age,
dying about 1850. :
The general course of retreat of the Indians with
the prisoners and spoils of the Draper’s Meadows:
massacre, was down New River, but there is no record
preserved of the exact route, and but few details of
the trip down.
It is presumed that the Indians knew and traveled
ridge roads and creek routes for much of the dis-
tance, where the river route was impracticable for
pack-horses.
Terrible as were these experiences generally, they
were especially painful and trying to Mrs. Ingles,
who was nearly approaching a period of maternity.
Neither this, in her case, however, nor a shattered
arm in the case of Mrs. Draper, were allowed to stand
in the way of their making the trip. They were
permitted to ride the horses, carry the children, and
make themselves as comfortable as the circumstances
allowed, but go they must, whatever the pain and
suffering to them. _
It was very fortunate for each that the other was
along, as their companionship was uot only a comfort
Trans-Al legheny Pioneers. 35
and solace to each other in their trying situations,
but they rendered most important services to each
other as nurses, as occasion required
On the night of the third day out, the course of
nature, which waits not upon conveniences nor sur-
roundings, was fulfilled, and Mrs. Ingles, far from
human habitation, in the wide forest, unbounded by
walls, with only the bosom of mother earth for a
couch, and covered by the green trees and the blue
eanopy of heaven, with a curtain of black darkness
around her, gave birth to an infant daughter.
Ordinarily, such an occurrence would have been
equivalent to a death warrant to the mother and
child, for if they had not both died, under the stress
of circumstances, the Indians would have toma-
hawked them, to avoid the trouble and the necessary
delay of their journey; but Mrs. Ingles was an ex-
traordinary woman, and equal to any emergency.
Owing to her perfect physical constitution, health
and training, she seems to have passed through her
trouble with almost as little suffering and loss of
time as one of the wild Indian squaws themselves.
She was next morning able to travel, and did resume
the journey, carrying the little stranger in her arms,
on horseback.
One strong reason—probably “the controlling one,
with the Indians—why Mrs. Ingles and infant were
not tomahawked, was that they counted upon getting
a handsome sum for the ransom of herself and her
children. It was not tender humanity, but cold bus-
iness calculation that prevailed, and induced them to
put up with the small additional trouble and delay
for the hope of future gain.
36 . Trans-A llegheny Pioneers.
The particulars of the eventful history of this ill-
fated babe I get from a short sketch of Mrs. Ingles’
captivity, together with facts relating to the early
settlements of the Pattons and Prestons, written by
Mrs. Governor John Floyd, nearly half a century ago.
Mrs. Floyd was a Preston, born and reared at Smith-
field, so that she and Mrs. Ingles were near neigh-
bors, and it is probable that she received the facts
related, from Mrs. Ingles direct.
About forty miles down, as Mrs. Ingles afterwards
estimated, the party crossed from the east to the west
side of the river; this must have been at or about the
mouth of Indian Creek; as this creek was then, and
afterwards, known to be in the line of the Indian
trail, and there is here a practicable ford across New
River.
At this point, in 1764, Captain Paul, from Fort
Dinwiddie, attacked a party of returning Indians
whom he was pursuing; killed several, stampeded
the rest, and recovered some prisoners, among whom
was Mrs. Catharine Gunn, a neighbor and friend
of his.
From the mouth of Indian Creek the Draper’s
Meadows party came down the river, on the west
side, to the mouth of Bluestone River, when they left
New River, going” up Bluestone a short distance,
thence crossing over Flat Top Mountain, and prob-
ably following very much the route of the present
Giles, Raleigh and Fayette Turnpike, to about the
head of Paint Creek, and thence down Paint Creek
to Kanawha River.
At some point below the mouth of Paint Creek,
probably at Cabin Creek, or Witcher’s Creek Shoals,
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 37
where, in low water, the river was shallow enough to
ford or wade, they again crossed over to the north-
east side of Kanawha River, and upon reaching the
salt spring, just above the mouth of Campbell’s
Creek, then well-known to the Indians, they stopped
and rested, and feasted themselves on the abundance
of fat game they killed, as it came to the “Licks”
for salt.
Some of the prisoners were treated very roughly
on the route down, and suffered very much; but Mrs.
Ingles, owing to her delicate condition, and to her
having policy and tact enough to simulate a reason-
able amount of cheerfulness and contentment under
all her trials, and to make herself useful in many
ways, was treated with more leniency and respectful
consideration than any of the others.
She was permitted to ride and to carry her chil-
dren. It was made one of her duties, when well
enough, as it was also her pleasure, to attend to and
aid her wounded sister-in-law, Mrs. Bettie Draper.
The Indians instructed her to bathe and poultice the
broken arm with the steeped leaves of the wild com-
phry plant, and to dress the wounds with a salve
made from the comphry plant and deer fat.
In searching for this plant in the woods, Mrs.
Ingles says she sometimes wandered off some dis-
tanee from the camps, and felt strongly tempted to
try to make her escape; but the thought of leaving
her helpless children restrained her. She determined
to share their fate, hoping that, by some good for-
tune, deliverance might come to them all, and that
they should be saved together.
CHAPTER VII.
HILE the Indians hunted, rested and feasted
themselves at the salt spring, they put the pris-
oners to boiling brine and making a supply of salt to
take with them to their homes beyond the Ohio.
Mrs. Ingles took part in this salt making; boiling
salt water in some of her own pots and kettles, that
had been brought along on the pack-horses, and she,
together with the other prisoners, were undoubtedly
the first white persons who ever made salt, not only
in this valley, but anywhere else west of the Alle-
ghanies.
About a hundred years later one of her grandsons,
Crockett Ingles, was, for a number of years, a salt-
maker almost within sight of the original salt spring;
and I, one of her great grandsons, have been a salt
manufacturer for more than thirty-five years, within
afew hundred yards of where she first made salt in
July, 1755.
After several days of resting, feasting, and salt-
making, the party again loaded up their pack-horses
and resumed their onward march down the Kanawha
and down the Ohio to the capital town of the Shaw-
ances, at the mouth of the Souhioto, or Scioto River,
which they reached just one month after leaving
the scene of the massacre and capture at Draper’s
Meadows.
Soon after their arrival at the Indian town there
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 39
was a general gathering of old and young to welcome
back the raiding party, to congratulate them on their
success, to learn the extent of their good fortune, and
to celebrate the event by a general jollification.
The prisoners, according to custom, were required
to “run the gauntlet,” except Mrs. Ingles, whom, on
account of her condition, they excused. Mrs. Draper,
notwithstanding her lume arm, not yet recovered, was
subjected to this painful ordeal, with much suffering.
It was a great comfort to Mrs. Ingles, amidst all
the distressing circumstances with which she was
surrounded, that her children were left in her own
charge, and that she could, in some degree, care for
them and promote their comfort. This, however,
proved of but short duration. It was but a few days
until there was a meeting of the Indians who had
made the last raids, to divide out the spoils. The
prisoners were all separated, as was the custom, and
allotted to different owners, and not again allowed to
see or communicate with each other.
It was an agonizing experience to Mrs. Ingles to
have her young and helpless children, excepting, of
course, the infant, torn from her and from each
other, but the Indians and the fates had so decreed,
and she had to submit with what grace she could.
Her eldest son, Thomas, named after his grand-
father Ingles, now four years old, was taken up to or
near Detroit; her youngest son, George, named after
his grandfather Draper, now two years old, was
taken somewhere in the interior, not now known,
and Mrs. Draper went up to the region of Chillicothe.
What became of the other prisoners then or after-
ward I do not know.
40 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Shortly after this division of prisoners, some French
traders came into the Indian town for the purpose of
trading and bartering with the Indians. They had,
among other things, a stock of check shirting, and
as check shirts were in great demand among the In-
dians, and Mrs. Ingles a good sewer, she was put to
making check shirts. Her proficiency in this line
so increased her value and importance to them that
she was treated with unusual leniency and con-
sideration.
When a shirt would be finished and delivered to
its owner, the buck would stick it on the end of a
pole, and run through the town exhibiting it, and
singing the praises of the “heap good white squaw.”
The French traders seeing their interest in encour-
aging the shirt trade, were very kind to Mrs. Ingles,
who was so important a factor in the business, and
induced the Indians to pay her liberally for the sew-
ing. This, fortunately, enabled her to supplement
her own scanty wardrobe, a matter very essential to
her personal comfort.
After this trading and shirt making had continued
for two or three weeks, a party of Indians with these .
Frenchmen was made up to go to the “Big Bone
Lick” to make salt. Mrs, Ingles and some other
prisoners, among them a Dutch woman, but none of
her party or acquaintances were taken along.
CHAPTER VIII.
HIS Big Bone Lick is about one hundred and
fifty miles below Scioto, and about three and a
half miles, by the creek, from the Ohio River, on Big
Bone Creek, in (now) Boone County, Kentucky.
Some of the largest mastodon bones ever dis-
covered, and the largest number ever found together,
strewed the ground here, or were partially buried
beneath the surface.
The Lick seems to have been a swampy morass,
some eight or ten acres in area, with the sulpho-
saline waters oozing up through it, and when the
huge animals waded in to get the coveted mineral
water, many mired, and being unable to extricate
themselves, so perished, with their legs imbedded in
the mud, and their bodies resting on the surface.
Colonel Thomas Bullitt, and other early explorers
and surveying parties, here, in after years, used the
immense ribs and tusks for tent poles, and the skulls
and vertebra for stools and benches. These huge
bones, tusks, and teeth, have been taken from here
in large numbers, to enrich many museums both in
this country and in Europe. Many of the tusks
were eight or ten feet long.
“Here Mrs. Ingles again assisted in making salt,
thus being the first white person to make salt west
of Kanawha, as she had been the first there, and
while the first white person in the Kanawha Valley,
42 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
she was the first white woman, so far as I know, who
ever saw the Kanawha or New River, and the first
white woman ever within the bounds of Ohio, Indi-
ana or Kentucky, all then, however, still parts of
Virginia.
While at the Big Bone Lick, Mrs. Ingles, to escape
the ills she suffered, and to fly from others, threat-
ened or feared, formed the desperate resolve to make
her escape, and, if possible, find her way home. A
more hopeless undertaking, apparently, she could not
have conceived, but her condition was so distressing,
that even death was preferable, and she determined
that, come what would, she would make the attempt.
She confided her secret to the elderly Dutch woman
above mentioned, who had been captured in Western
Pennsylvania, somewhere in the region of Fort Du
Quesne, and who was the only other white female
in the camp. She, at first, discouraged the scheme,
and tried to dissuade Mrs. Ingles from throwing her
life away on so mad and desperate a venture.
Mrs. Ingles was not to be shaken in her resolution,
but the Dutch woman, dreading to be left alone with
the savages in the wilderness, and dreaming, with
freshly stimulated hope, of the comforts and joys of
home, listened with more and more favor to the
earnest appeals of Mrs. Ingles, and, finally, was com-
pletely won over to the desperate scheme, and de-
termined to accompany her.
They had been in the habit of going out daily
from the camp at the Lick, ostensibly to hunt wild
grapes, walnuts, hickory nuts, ete., which they would
take back, and distribute among the Indians, but the
more important matter to them was to discuss the
question and the ways and means of escape.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 43
When the Dutch woman gave in her adhesion to
the scheme, they stood not upon the order of their
going, but prepared to start at once.
There was little preparation for the women to
make; they could make but little without exciting
suspicion.
They had each secreted a blanket for the trip, but
took no clothes except what they wore, which were
scanty enough. They each started with a tomahawk.
Mrs. Ingles says she exchanged “hers for a sharper
one, just before starting from the camp, witb a
Frenchman, who was sitting cracking walnuts with
his on one of the mammoth bones, since so noted.
Mrs. Ingles had been tried as few women are, but
now the supreme moment of her life was upon her.
To try to escape, she had determined; but what was
to be done with her child? She well knew that if
she attempted to take it with her, its cries would
betray them both to recapture and death. And, even
if she should possibly escape recapture, she knew too
well what she would have to encounter and endure
to suppose, for a moment, that it was possible to
carry the infant and succeed in her effort. Clearly
there was but one thing to do, under the circum-
stances, and that was to abandon the unhappy Little
sufferer to its hard fate.
Who can conceive of the agony of a young mother
compelled to decide such a question, and to act, with
such alternatives before her? But Mrs. Ingles was
a woman of no ordinary nerve. She did decide and
act, and who will say that she did not decide wisely?
Certainly, in the light of subsequent events, her
decision and action were wise and fortunate.
44 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
She nestled the dear little babe as cosily as she
could in a little bark cradle, gave it her last parting
kisses and baptism of tears, tore herself away, and
was gone, never to see it again in this world, and
knowing, or having every reason to believe, that it
would be murdered so soon as it was known that she
was gone.
They started late in the afternoon, and bent their
steps toward the Ohio River, to get a known starting
point. °
There were no roads, no guides; they knew but
little of routes, distances, or points of the compass.
Their only chance out of the wilderness was, to
get to, and keep within sight or striking distance of,
the Ohio River, and follow that up, through its long,
weary course, to the mouth of Kanawha, which Mrs.
Ingles felt that she could recognize, and so on up
Kanawha and New Rivers to her far-off and longed-
for home and friends.
It is an interesting fact, as shown by census reports,
that this Big-Bone Lick, then in an unknown and
seemingly interminable wilderness, is now almost
exactly the center of population of the United States.
CHAPTER IX.
WORD about the history, names and signitica-
A tion of the rivers up which these fugitive women
were to travel, as guides to their distant homes, may
not be without interest here.
The first mention of the river now called Ohio is
found, I believe, in an old map of 1672, attributed to
the French explorer, La Salle. In this the Iroquois
name is given as “Oligen-Sipen,” “The Beautiful
River.”
A map of 1687 calls it “Dono,” or “Albacha.” A
Dutch map of 1708 calls it “Cubach.” A map of
1710 calls it “ O-o,” and makes the Ohio and Wabash
or Oubache one river. In 1711 it is called “ Ochio.”
‘In 1719 it is called “ Saboqungo.” The Miamis called
it Causisseppione. The Delawares, Kitono-cepe, and
others Alliwegi-Sipe. The Wyandottes called it
“ Oheezuh,” “The Grand or Beautiful.” On the map
accompanying Rapin De Thoyers’ History of England
. (1744), it is called Hohio, and empties into the Wa- |
bash, or “ Ouback,” on the north side. In some of
the early treaties of the Pennsylvanians with the
Iroquois, they got the spelling “‘Oheeo,” probably
intending to represent the same sound as the “ Ohee-
zuh” above; this Oheeo became changed in accent,
about 1744, by the Virginians, to “ Ohio,” or “ Hohio,”
as on the above-mentioned map.
When, in 1749, the French called the “ O-y-o” or
46 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
“ Ohio,” “ La Belle Rivere,” they were not giving it a
hew uame, but merely rendering into French the
numerous Indian designations, most of which were
equivalents, and meant “The Beautiful River.”
With the later French, as with the Indians, the
name included the Allegheny, or Al-le-ge-ning (the
impression of feet), which was considered the exten-
sion of the main stream, and the Monongahela only
a tributary. In addition to all these names, the
Ohio, during its early Indian history, was often
called the “ River of Blood,” from their own bloody
encounters along its shores.
The present Big Miami was called Mi-ah-me-zah
by some of the Indian tribes; Os-we-ne, by the Dela-
wares; La Roque, by the French, meaning the River
of Rocks, or Stony River.
Licking River was named from the Big Buffalo
Licks on its banks, now the celebrated Blue Lick
Springs of Kentucky.
The Little Miami was: called by the Delawares
Pio-quo-nee, or High Bank River.
The Scioto was called by different tribes Son-
hi-o-to, Si-o-tha, Si-o-to-cepe, ete., its signification
was said to be * The Unknown.”
_ The Big Sandy gets its name from the prevalence
of sand bars in its bed. It has also been called Tat-
teroi, Chatteroi, and Chatterawha; but I do not
know the signification of this variously spelled term ;
they may, like some others, all mean one thing—The
River of Sand Bars, or Sandy River.
The Miamis called it We-pe-po-co-ne-ce-pe-we.
The Delawares called it Si-ke-a-ce-pe, Salt River.
And Little Sandy was called Tan-ga-te Si-ke-a-ce-
pe-we, or Little Salt River.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 47
One of the upper forks of Big Sandy was named
Tug River by some of General (then Major) Andrew
Lewis’ soldiers returning from the Big Sandy expe-
dition of 1756, when they became so straightened for
food that they had to boil and eat their rawhide
buffalo thongs and tugs to keep from starving.
The La Visee, or Levisa, fork, as commonly called,
or Louisa, as sometimes erroneously called, is said to
mean the picture, design, or representation. It was
so called by an early French explorer in the region,
from Indian pictures or signs, painted on trees, near
the head of the stream.
The Guyandotte River is said to have been named
after a tribe of that name. The Miamis called it
Lla-ke-we-ke-ton Ce-pe-we. The Delawares called it
Se-co-nee, Narrow Bottom River.
The locality of Point Pleasant was called, by fhe
Wyandottes, Tu-edna-wie, the Junction of fhe Rivers.
The present site of Pittsburg, Washington says, was
called De-un-da-ga, the Forks of the River.
The Great Kanawha River was called by the
Miamis Pi-que-me-ta-mi; by the Delawares, Ken-in-
she-ka-cepe, White Stone River.
The Little Kanawha was called by the Delawares,
O-nom-go-how-cepe.
The first name given the Great Kanawha trom this
end, by the whites, so far as I know, was by a French
engineer party, under Captain De Celeron, who, on
the 18th of August, 1749, planted an engraved leaden
plate at the mouth, giving the river the name of
Chi-no-da-che-tha, and claiming for the French
crown all the territory drained by its waters.
This complicated name is probably Indian, not
48 . Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
French; but what its signification is or was, I do not
know.
This leaden plate was unearthed in 1846, by a
little nephew of Colonel John Beale, then a resident
at the Point, and in 1849, just one hundred years
after the French had planted it, James M. Laidley,
Esq., then a member of the legislature of Virginia,
from Kanawha, took it to Richmond, and with appro-
priate remarks, submitted it to the Virginia Histori-
ical Society, where, I believe, a copy of it is still pre-
served, but he was required to return the original to
the finder, who was afterwards cheated out of it by
the fair and false promises of some itinerant sharper—
a duplicate copy of the original plate and inscription
is preserved among the French National Archives
in Paris. ;
Christopher Gist, agent of the “Ohio Land Com-
pany” passed down opposite the mouth of Kanawha,
on the Ohio side in 1751. The name of Kanawha
was not given to the river until between 1760 and
1770. The name is commonly supposed and stated
to signify, in the Indian tongue, “River of the
Woods;” but this, I think, is clearly a mistake.
The stream had been discovered as a New River, at
the other end, by Colonel Abraham Wood, long
before, as herein above described, and named after
him—* Wood’s River”—so when the name Kanawha
was given to it, it applied to a river that already had
a name, which then became an alias, and thus it was
called “Kanawha or Wood’s River,” and not “Kuan-
awha, the River of the Woods.”
The name Kanawha was probably derived by evo-
lution from the name of a tribe of Indians (a branch
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 49
of the Nanticokes), who dwelt along the Potomac
and westward, to New River. They were variously
called, or spelled by difterent authors, at different
times, Conoys, Conoise, Canawese, Cohnawas, Cana-
ways and Kanawhas. The spelling of the name has
been very various, in addition to the ways men-
tioned above, including nearly all practicable methods
commencing with C or K. Wyman’s map of the
British Empire, in 1770, calls it “The Great Cono-
way, or Wood’s River.” The act of legislature of
1789 forming the county spelled it Kenhawa. In an
original report of survey made by Daniel Boone, at
the mouth of the river, in 1791, and now in my pos-
session, he spells it “Conhawway”—the accepted
spelling now is “Kanawha,” probably never to be
changed again.
On some of the old maps the river is called “New
River,” or “ Wood’s River” from its source to its
mouth; on others it is Kanawha from its mouth to
its source. Later it was called “New, or Wood’s
River,” from its source to the mouth of Greenbriar,
and Kanawha thence to its mouth; still later, and at
present, it is Kanawha from its mouth to the mouth
of Gauley, and New River from that up, the name
of Wood’s River having become obsolete. The legis-
latures of Virginia and West Virginia ought to, by
joint action, abolish the name of New River, and give
one name to the whole stream from source to mouth,
and that name should be Kanawha. |
“Pocatalico,” it is said, signifies, in the Indian
tongue, “The River of Fat Doe.”
“Cole River,” as then spelled (the Louisa of the
early maps), was named in 1756, by Samuel Cole,
4
50 Trans-illegheny Pioneers.
who with some others of the returning “ Big Sandy
Expedition” (General, then Major Andrew Lewis
among them), got over on to, and followed up this
river; their names were cut on a beech tree near the
junction of Marsh and Clearforks, and remained leg-
ible until the tree was cut down by some vandal, three
or four years since, to clear his land.
Since the discovery of mineral coal along the river
in such vast quantities, the spelling of the name has
gradually become changed to c-o-a-l. The Miamis
called it Wa-len-de-co-ni-cepe, the Delawares called
it Wal-hon-de-cepe, or Hill Creek. On probably the
earliest map that laid down Coal River at all—that
used at the treaty of peace in 1783—and also on the
map illustrating Jefferson’s notes of Virginia, it was
called Louisa, probably so named by Dr. Walker, as
elsewhere stated.
Elk River was called by some of the tribes Tiskel-
wah, or River of Fat Elk. By the Miamis it was
coed Pe-quo-ni-cepe; by the Delawares eg -que-
min-cepe, or Walnut River.
Paint Creek was called by the Miamis Mos-coos-
vepe, and by the Delawares Ot-to-we-cepe, or Deer
Creek.
The present name of Paint Creek comes from
painted trees, blazed and stained with red ochrous
earth, by the Indians, to mark their early trail. It
is also said that at a point of crossing of trails, near
the head of the creek, returning raiding parties used
to record on the trees, in this red eae the number *
of sealps taken, and other important events in char-
acters understood by them.
Gauley River was called by the Miamis Chin-que-
ta-na-cepe-we; by the Delawares To-ke-bel-lo-ke, or
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 51
Falling Creek. How the stream got the name of
Gauley, or what it signifies, I don’t know. The
earliest spelling of the name that I have seen, in
Henning Statutes, was Gawly. In the treaty map
of 1783, and also Jefferson’s map, the river is not
even laid down.
Greenbriar River, according to Colonel John Lewis
Payton, was named by Colonel John Lewis, in 1751.
He with his son (afterwards General Andrew Lewis),
were surveying lands along the river, and were very
much scratched and annoyed by the greenbriars.
John Lewis told his son to note the name of the
stream, on his surveys, as Greenbriar River, which
was done, and from the river the county was named.
The Miami’s name of the river was We-o-to-we-cepe-
we. The Delawares called it O-ne-pa-ke-cepe.
Blue Stone River was named by the whites from
the deep blue valley limestone over which it flows.
Its Miami name was Mec-ce-ne-ke-ke-ce-pe-we. The
Delawares called it Mo-mon-ga-sen-eka-ce-pe, or Big
Stone Creek.
East River was named by the whites from the
direction of its flow. its Miami name was Nat-weo-
ce-pe-we. Its Delaware name Ta-le-mo-te-no-ce-pe.
Wolf Creek was so named from the many wolves
trapped or killed on it, by the early settlers. Walk-
er’s Creek, as hereinbefore stated, was named after
Dr. Walker.
Many of the foregoing river names are from a list
of Indian names and equivalents, compiled by Col-
onel William Preston, of the Draper’s Meadows-
Smithfield settlements. The suffix of ce-pe or ce-pe-
we, to these various names, means, in the Indian
tongue, water or river.
CHAPTER NX.
UT to return to the fugitive women and their
daring, desperate, and apparently hopeless under-
taking. There were hundreds of miles of wilderness
before them. The savage Indians and wild animals
would alike seek their blood. Pursuit, exposure,
privation, and, possibly, starvation were staring them
in the face, but they flinched not; they had deter-
mined to start, and start they did.
Against all these tremendous odds, it looked like
flying in the face of Providence and the Fates that
they trusted to help them through, but hope led on,
and despair lay behind; they followed the one, and
fled from the other.
They had not gotten far from the camp at Big
Bone Lick before the sun went down and the shades
of night gathered around them.
They selected an obscure place, raked some leaves
into it for a bed, and, with the aid of their blankets,
got such rest and sleep as they could; but there was
not, as may be supposed, much sleep for them that
night.
When they failed to return to the camp at or later
than the usual time, the Indians became uneasy,
thinking they had strayed too far and lost their way,
or else had been killed by wild beasts.
Some of the Indians went’ some distance in the
direction they had started, but which’ course they
Trans-A llegheny Pioneers. 53
had reversed so soon as out of sight, and fired guns
to attract their attention if they should be lost. They
gave up the search that night, however, and did not
renew it the next day.
Their conclusion was that the women had been
destroyed by wild beasts, and gave themselves no
farther concern about them. They did not at all
suspect that the women had attempted an escape.
These facts were learned by William Ingles, from
the Indians, many years after, at an Indian treaty, or
conference, held at Point Pleasant not long after the
battle of the Point, when they (the Indians) learned
for the first time what had become of the missing
women so long before.
The next morning, not having the trouble of
inaking their toilets, nor cooking nor eating their
breakfasts, they made an early start, from a point
near the mouth of Big Bone Creek, fifteen miles
below the mouth of the Big Miami, which De Celeron
had called “La Roque,’ and about forty miles below
the present site of Cincinnati.
They kept the Ohio River in view, and tramped
and toiled their weary way up its course, cheered by
the knowledge that every mile they made took them
one mile nearer their far, oh! how far-off homes!
Without any special misadventure, after days and
days of toil, and nights of uneasy rest, having passed
Licking River, the sites of the present cities of Cov-
ington and Newport, and of the prond city of Cin-
cinnati, just opposite, first called Losantiville; all
then an untrodden wilderness. This is a curious
patchwork name invented by the cranky pedagogue
and historian, John Filson, as a suitable name for
54 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
the town when first started. Lis tor Licking; os,
the mouth; anti, opposite; and ville, the village; all
meaning (L-os-anti-ville) the village or town opposite
the mouth of Licking. Having passed the sites of
Foster, Augusta, Maysville, first called Limestone,
Concord, Vanceburg, ete., they at last reached the
point opposite, or nearly opposite the Shawnee town
at the mouth of the Scioto. The main Shawnee
town in those days was not above the mouth, where
Portsmouth now stands, but a short distance below.
This was their chief or capital town. Their council
house, built of logs, was ninety feet long and covered
with bark.
A few years later (1763 to 1765) a very extreme, if
not unprecedented flood in the rivers swept off the
greater part of the town, and it was never rebuilt at
that place; but the tribe moved their head-quarters
to the upper Little Miami, and up the Scioto, and
built up, successively, the old and the new Chillicothe,
or Che-le-co-the, towns.
There remained a Shawnee village at the mouth of
Scioto, which was then built upon the upper side,
the present site of the city of Portsmouth. During
the existence of the main Indian town just below the
mouth of the Scioto, there was another prominent
settlement at the mouth of a creek about four miles
above the mouth of Kanawha. This town was also
abandoned about the same time as the Scioto town;
whether from the same cause, or for what reason, I
do not know. The creek, at the mouth of which the
town stood, is still known as “ Old Town Creek.”
When Mrs. Ingles and her companion reached the
point opposite the Scioto Shawnee town, they were
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 55
weary and worn, and almost famished with hunger.
They had subsisted, thus far, on walnuts, hickory-
nuts, grapes, and paw-paws; here they found a corn-
patch and an isolated, untenanted cabin.
As it was about dark when they reached it, they
slept in the cabin—seeing no sign of any one about
it—and enjoyed a hearty supper and breakfast of
corn.
Some nineteen years later Colonel John Floyd
(father of the afterward Governor John Floyd, of
Virginia, and grandfather of Governor John B.
Floyd), then deputy surveyor under Colonel William
Preston, of Draper’s Meadows, or Smithford, father
of the afterward Governor James Preston, of Vir-
ginia, accompanied by Hancock Taylor, uncle of
President Zachary Taylor, located and surveyed for
Patrick Henry, afterward Governor of Virginia, two
hundred acres of land at this place, binding one and
an eighth miles on the river, covering the site of this
cabin, corn-patch, and Indian settlement opposite the
late site of the main town across the river.
Next morning the women discovered an old horse,
with a tinkling bell on its neck, grazing about, loose.
They “appropriated” this horse, muffled the bell
clapper with leaves and rags to prevent its sounding,
gathered what corn they could manage to carry, and
getting away from the neighborhood of the settle- —
ment as quietly and quickly as they could, resumed
their onward movement.
They could plainly see the town and Indians on
the opposite side, but managed to keep themselves
unseen.
The horse was a most valuable acquisition, and a
56 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
great comfort to them. Sometimes they rode him on
the “ride and lead” plan, alternating, and sometimes
both would have to walk and lead, depending upon
the nature of the ground and route, whether rough
or smooth, ete.
This day they had a great fright and narrow es-
cape. A party of Indian hunters passed very near
them, but they secreted theinselves and horse as best
they could among the underbrush, to avoid being
seen, and waited until the hunters passed out of
range, when they again moved on.
After several days of travel, having passed the
sites of the future towns of Greenup, Riverton, Ash-
land and Catlettsburg, they reached a stream (the
Big Sandy), which they were unable to cross near its
mouth, and they traveled up it a long distance before
they could cross. At length they came to a lodg-
ment of driftwood, extending clear across the stream.
They tried it and found it would bear their weight,
but what should be done with the horse?
Mrs. Ingles doubted whether he could be gotten
over on the drift, but the Dutch woman insisted that
he could, aud in this case she prevailed, at least to
make the effort. They were already a long way up
the stream; they did not know how much farther
they might have to go before they could ford or wade
it; they thought they might get the horse over (the
wish being, no doubt, parent to the thought), and
_ they tried it.
They had gotten but a short distance from the
shore, however, when his legs slipped down through
the drift, and there he stood, with his feet. hanging
down in the water, and his body resting on the logs
above, unable to extricate himself or to move.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 57
It was a sad case. The loss of the horse was most
serious, and in their feeble, footsore, and famished
condition, might be fatal to them. They were
touched with pity to have to leave the poor creature
in this sorry and helpless plight; but there was no
help for it. There was no choice but to abandon
him to his hapless fate, and try to save themselves.
They each took a little corn from what was left of
their scanty stock, and the old woman, who seems to
have had a very practical and provident turn of
mind, took the bell off the horse, and carried it
through all the after troubles and trials of the journey.
This point of crossing of the river was probably .
about the forks, and near the site of the present town
of Louisa, where fifteen years later, according to Col-
lins, Colonel George Washington located, for John
Fry, 2,084 acres of land, the first survey ever made in
Kentucky. The first settlement made on the Big
Sandy was by Charles Vancouver, at this point in
1789, but the settlement was soon after broken up by
the Indians. :
They now started down the upper or east side of
Big Sandy, and retraced, with weary steps, the dis-
tance to the Ohio again, and thence up it, sometimes
along the river bank, and sometimes along the ridges,
with the river in sight.
As they did with the Big Sandy, so they had to do
with every stream they came-to, from first to last.
When they could not wade the stream at the mouth,
they had to go up it until they could, and many of
the streams required days and days of weary travel
up to a point of practicable crossing, and back again
to the main stream, their only guide, thus increasing
58 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
very greatly the distance traveled, perhaps nearly
doubling a direct river line.
Fortunately for them, it was at a season of the year
when the waters were comparatively low, or this
difficulty, serious as it now was, would have been
insurmountable.
Frequently, in going up or down these side streams,
they could see that the stream made a large bend,
and, to save distance, they would go across the ridge,
having to pull themselves up the steep hills by the
bushes and sods, until they reached the top, when,
from fatigue and exhaustion, they would more slide
than walk down, bruising and scratching themselves
severely as they went.
Since the loss of the horse, the old woman had
become greatly disheartened and discouraged. She
became very illnatured to Mrs. Ingles, blaming her
for having pursuaded her to leave the Indians, to
starve and perish in the wilderness.
In her desperation she threatened to kill Mrs. In-
gles, and even attempted violence. The old woman
was, physically, much larger and stronger than Mrs.
Ingles, but the latter was younger and more active,
and managed to keep out of reach, though both were
so exhausted from hunger and fatigue that they
could little more than walk. By gentleness, kind
talk, and delicate little attentions to the old woman,
Mrs. Ingles succeeded, at length, in getting her paci-
fied, and to some extent reconciled, and on they
trudged together again.
The weather was getting cold, and they suffered
greatly from exposure. They had long since worn
out their shoes or moccasins, and their clothes were
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, 59
worn and torn to shreads and rags by the bushes,
briars, etc. At nights they slept under shelving
rocks or in hollow logs, on leaves, moss, or such stuff
as they could rake together.
When they failed to find nuts and berries enough to
sustain them, they were often driven by hunger to
pull up small shrubs or plants, and chew such as had
tender bark on their roots, without the slightest idea
of what they were, or what their effects might be;
the cravings of hunger must be appeased by what-
ever they could chew and swallow. On one occasion
they found, on the drift, in some stream, a deer’s
head, probably cut off and thrown away by the In-
dians. This they made a meal of, though it was
considerably advanced in decomposition, and strongly
odorous.
They protected their feet, as best they could, by
wrapping them with strips torn from what was left
of their dresses, and tied on with strings made from
the soft, flexible bark of the young leather-wood
shrub.
CHAPTER XI.
OILING along in this sorry plight day after day,
yt having passed the present sites of Huntington
and Guyandotte, and crossed Guyandotte River, passed
Green Bottom, where Thomas Hannon, in 1796, made
the first white settlement within the present limits of
Cabell County, the first on the Ohio River from the
KXanawha to the Big Sandy, opposite the site of
Gallipolis, and under the noted cliff over which Ben.
Eulin, years after, made his famous fifty-three feet
leap, when pursued by Indians, and was saved from
death by falling in the tops of paw-paw bushes and
grape vines, they at length reached the mouth of
the Kanawha River, not then so called, but New
River, or Wood’s River, as they knew it, or the
“Chinodachetha” as the French had then recently
named it.
This point was well remembered by Mrs. Ingles,
and the sight of it again, under such circumstances,
after her terrible experiences and sufferings for the
past few months, stirred within her breast a flood of
painful recollections and reflections, and a terrible
struggle between hope and despair. Here, at last,
after all she had gone through on this desperate effort
to regain her liberty and home, was the river that led
on to that home and the friends from whom she had
been torn by savage hands.
These waters came down from them, but brought
her no tidings.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 61
If she could but follow up the stream, it would lead
her to them, if, indeed, they still survived; but could
she ever get there? It seemed impossible, weary and
worn as she was by toil and anxiety, reduced as she
was by exposure, cold and starvation, and her com-
panion, instead of being an aid and comfort to her,
had now become a source of danger and dread; but
her situation was too horrible to let her mind dwell
upon it. She dared not count the odds or weigh the
chances too closely. She knew that these odds and
chances were largely against her. She knew that
there was constant danger from savage Indians, for
this was a favorite route for their raids into the Vir-
ginia settlements, danger from wild beasts, from
starvation, cold, exposure and sickness, and danger
from her companion. To give up, or delay, was cer-
tain death; to press on was, at least, going in the
direction of relief, and of home and friends. She
summoned to her aid all her resolution for another
effort, and again the toilsome journey was resumed.
Day after day they dragged their weary limbs
along, suffering and starving; night after night they
shivered, starved and suffered, crawling into hollow
logs or hollow trees as a partial protection from the
increasing cold, and thus they traversed this now
beautiful valley, then an unbroken wilderness, never
penetrated by foot of white person, until Mrs. Ingles
~ and others passed through it, a few months before, as
prisoners.
In those days herds of buffalo and’ elk roamed
through these valleys and over the hills. There were
well beaten paths where they passed through the low
gaps, between the hills, on their way to and trom the
62 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Salt Licks or Springs, traces of which were visible to
within recent years.
The last buffalo killed in this valley was by Archi-
bald Price, on the waters of Little Sandy Creek of
Elk River, about twelve miles from Charleston, in
1815. The last elk killed in the valley, and probably
the last east of the Ohio River, was by Billy Young,
on Two Mile Creek of Elk River, about five and a
half miles from Charleston, in 1820. One of our
venerable citizens, Mr. John Slack, Sr., then a small
boy, still alive and vigorous, remembers this elk and
its huge horns between which a man c>uld walk up-
right, and ate a part of the game.
It is said that vast herds of buffalo summered in
the Kanawha Valley, “in an early day,” within
reach of the Salt Spring, or “ Big Buffalo Lick,” as
it was called, and in the fall, went to the grass regions
of Ohio and Kentucky, and the cane brakes of the
Kentucky streams. Their routes were—for Kentucky,’
down through Teays’ Valley, and for Ohio, down
Kanawha to Thirteen Mile Creek, and over to Letart,
where they crossed the Ohio River. Colonel Croghan,
who came down the Ohio in a boat in 1765, encoun-
tered a vast migrating heard crossing at Letart.
TENANTS OF THE FOREST.
It is curious to note what changes occurred in the
tenantry of the forest upon the advent of the white
man. The Indians, after a bloody and desperate re-
sistance, were driven back. The buffalo, deer, elk,
bears and panthers, probably feeling themselves
unequal to the contest, tamely submitted to the
inevitable, and passed on. Wolves were extremely
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. ~ 63
numerous “in an early day,” but soon became almost
extinct. Dr. Doddridge, one of the most observant
of the early pioneers, thinks this was occasioned,
more than all other causes put together, by hydro-
phobia. Probably this was introduced among them
by the dogs of the white man. Carnivorous birds,
as eagles and buzzards, were very numerous, but
rapidly diminished in numbers. Wild turkeys were
extremely abundant, but were soon “cleaned out.”
Venomous snakes were numerous, and held their
own with some tenacity.
Gray and black squirrels were very numerous, and,
for a time, seemed rather to increase than diminish,
and were very destructive to the early corn fields.
Every few years, moved by one of the inexplicable .
instincts of animals, they migrated, in countless
numbers, from west to east.
There were no crows nor black birds in the wilder-
ness, and no song birds, but they soon followed in
-the wake of the white man. There were no rats,
but they soon followed. *Possoms were later com-
ing, and the fox squirrels still later. There were no
wild honey bees, but they came in with the whites,
keeping a little in advance.
The famishing women daily saw plenty of game
and wild animals, but only to be tantalized by them.
They could make no use of them. They were only
too glad to be let alone by the frightful beasts.
As they passed the mouth of Kanawha, they passed
in sight of the afterwards bloody battle ground of
Point Pleasant, which will be treated of at length in
a separate chapter.
About eighteen years later (in 1773) there was
64 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers,
much discussion in the country in reference to estab-
lishing a separate colony in the west, with the seat of
government at the mouth of Kanawha.
General Washington, who owned tracts containing
about 30,000 acres of land on the Kanawha and Ohio
Rivers, among them a tract of over 10,000 acres on
both sides of the Kanawha, commencing a short dis-
tance above the mouth, in advertising to sell or
lease the latter, in 1773, says, in conclusion:
“ And it may not be amiss, further to observe, that
if the scheme for establishing a new government on
the Ohio, in the manner talked of, should ever be
effected, these must be among the most valuable lands
in it, not only on account of the goodness of the soil
and other advantages above mentioned, but from
their contiguity to the seat of government which, it
is more than probable, will be fixed at the mouth of
the Great Kanawha.
paras “@zrorce WASHINGTON.”
A few years earlier, Washington and the Lee’s,
says Payton, were figuring on a gigantic land scheme
in the west. They formed a land company called
“The Mississippi Company,” and they modestly asked
George III. for a grant of two and a half mil-
lion acres inthe West. The company was composed
of George Washington, F. L. Lee, R. H. Lee and
Arthur Lee. From about 1767 to 1769 or 1770,
Washington had Colonel Crawford through the west,
off and on, examining and making notes of the best
bodies of lands. In 1769, Arthur Lee went over to
urge the claims of the Mississippi Company, in per-
son, before George IIT. and the parliament.
The grant was not made, and the scheme was finally
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 65
abandoned. But suppose it had succeeded, how differ-
ent might have been the history of our country!
Washington and the Lees might have been the
ruling spirits in a great Western Republic, with the
seat of government at Point Pleasant.
The country west of the Ohio was then sometimes
called the “State of Washington.” In 1787, the
Legislature of Virginia, in granting a ferry franchise
across the Ohio River, says, from lands of so and so,
in Ohio County, Virginia, to lands of so and so, in
the “State of Washington.”
From Point Pleasant the fugitives passed up on
the lower or west side of Kanawha, passing opposite
the present towns of Leon, Buffalo, Red House and
Raymond City, all now built up on the east side,
passed by Tackett’s Knob, and the famous pine tree
to which Tackett was tied by the Indians, in after
years; over the site of Winfield, the present county
seat of Putnum County, ete.
In passing the mouth of Scary Creek, where the
Chesapeake & Ohio Railway now leaves the river, they
passsed the site of the first, or one of the very first,
battles fought between the Federals and Confederates
in the late civil war, being on the 17th of July, 1861,
and one week before the first battle of “Bull Run.”
The Federals were commanded by Colonel Norton,
and the Confederates were under the immediate com-
mand of Captain (afterwards Colonel) George S.
Patton. Both commanders were wounded; twelve
Federals were killed, and three Confederates. Gen-
eral Henry A. Wise was then in supreme command
of the Kanawha forces, with Colonel C. Q. Tomp-
kins next in command.
5
66 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
At the mouth of Coal River the fugitives passed, on
the lower side, the future site of Fort Tackett, one of
the first forts built in the valley, when the white set-
tlements began, and the scene of a bloody tragedy
and capture of the fort by the Indians. In after
years (1788), from this fort, under cover of dark-
ness, John Young escaped, taking in his arms his
young wife with a babe of one day old, and the bed
or pallet on which she lay, put them in a canoe,
and, during the night, through a drenching rain-
storm, poled the canoe up to the fort where Charles-
ton now stands. Neither father, mother, nor babe
suffered from the exposure, the mother lived to be
about ninety, and the babe lived to be over ninety,
dying but a few years since, leaving a large family of
worthy descendants in this valley.
Above the mouth of Coal River the fugitive wo- |
men passed the site of the present town of St. Albans,
a Chesapeake & Ohio Railway station.
They had to go up Coal River until they could
wade it, as they had done with Licking, Little Sandy,
Big Sandy, Guyandotte, Twelve Pole, and other
streams. Twelve miles above Coal River, they passed
opposite the mouth of Elk River, two miles up which,
Simon Kenton, the afterwards renowned pioneer and
Indian fighter, and two companions, Yeager and
Strader, sixteen years later (1771), built a cabin, and
occupied it; engaged in hunting and trapping until
the spring of 1773, when they were attacked by In-
dians. Yeager was killed, and Kenton and Strader
both wounded, though they made their escape to a
hunting camp at the mouth of the Kanawha.
So far as known, Simon Kenton and companions
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 67
were the first white men who ever built a cabin or
camp and lived in the valley. Mrs. Ingles and com-
panions having been the first white persons ever
here, as above stated.
Immediately above the mouth of Eli River, they
passed opposite the site of the present city of
Charlegton, the capitol of West Virginia, and where
I now write. Here, Fort Clendenin was afterwards
saved from Indian capture by the heroism of a brave
little woman, Ann Bailey, who rode her black pony,
called “ Liverpool,” to the fort at Lewisburg, called
Camp Union or Fort Savannah, one hundred miles
distant, through a wilderness, and back, alone, bring-
ing the besieged a supply of powder, ete.
Between four and five miles above here, they
passed the spot where, thirty odd years later, that
prince of pioneers and frontiersmen, Daniel Boone,
built a cabin and lived for ten or twelve years. See
chapter on Boone.
- Opposite this, and just above the mouth of Camp-
bell’s Creek, was the Salt Spring where Mrs. Ingles
and her companions and captors had stopped to rest
and make salt, as they passed down, some months
before, as above stated.
For many years after the settlement of the country,
this locality was the chief source of supply of salt
for the great West, until the Pomeroy salt region, and
afterwards Saginaw, Michigan, were developed. For
full history of the salt interest of Kanawha, see a
paper by the author, published by the State, in “ Re-
sources of West Virginia.”
Ten miles further up the river, having passed oppo-
site the afterwards noted Burning Spring, ‘first
68 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
located and owned by Generals Washington and
Lewis, in 1775. General Washington in his will, in
speaking of this tract says: “The tract of which
the 125 acres is a moiety, was taken up by General
Andrew Lewis and myself, for and on account of a
bituminous spring which it contains, of so inflam-
mable a nature as to burn as freely as spirits, and is
nearly as difficult to extinguish.” General Washing-
ton gave, or intended to give, to the public forever,
as a great natural curiosity, two acres of land embrac-
ing the Burning Spring, and a right of way to the
river; but from oversight, or other reason not now
known, the grant was never put on record, and Dr.
Lawrence Washington, nephew of his uncle, and to
whom it descended, sold it to Messrs. Dickinson &
Shrewsberry, who, in 18438, bored on it, striking the
largest yield of natural gas ever tapped in the valley.
BURNING SPRING.
While on the subject of this spring, I will mention
a curious and interesting fact that occurred here in
1831 or 1832. Three men who had but recently come
to the neighborhood, and were employed at a salt
furnace, close by, were standing around the wonderful
spring, watching with amazement and awe the bub-
bling and boiling of the water, and the gasseous
flames leaping up from its surface, when, suddenly,
there came, from a passing cloud, a flash of lightning,
aud an electrical stroke, or discharge, right into the
spring. The shock instantly prostrating the three
meu standing around it. One, who was least stunned,
soon got up and ran to the furnace and gave the
alarm. A second one, after a little time, was able to
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 69
hobble off without help; but the third had to be
carried home on a stretcher, and was so seriously
shocked that he never entirely recovered from the
effects of it. One of our elderly citizens, Mr. Silas
Ruffner, was present, and a witness of the facts related.
It may be well to explain, for those who do not
understand it, that the Burning Spring was not actu-
ally a spring of flowing water, but simply a pool, or
puddle, up through which issued a stream of natural
gas, keeping the water in bubbling motion, resem-
bling boiling, and the gas, upon being lighted, would
burn ’til put out by rain, or blown out by the wind.
Having passed the mouths of Rush, Lens, Fields
and Slaughters Creeks, they (the escaping women)
next passed the mouth of Cabin Creek, where, about
twenty years later, the family of John Flinn, one of
the earliest settlers, was in part killed, and the
remainder captured by the Indians, for more particu-
lars of which, see chapter on Boone.
Four miles above here they passed the mouth of
Kelly’s Creek, where, in 1773, Walter Kelly made the
first family settlement in the valley, and where, in
the following year, he lost his life, as elsewhere re-
lated. At this place William Morris founded a per-
manent settlement soon after Kelly’s death, and built
Fort Morris, the first in the valley. The Kelly cabin
stood near a ravine, a few rods above, and the
Morris Fort on the creek, about 150 yards below the
present Tomkins brick church. About the same
time his brother, Leonard Morris, made a settlement
at the mouth of Slaughters Creek, and not long after,
Henry Morris, another brother, settled on Peters
Creek of Gauley.
70 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Three miles above Kellys Creek, the fugitives
passed the mouth of Paint Creek, the route of the
Indian trail down which Mrs. Ingles and her captors
came, some months before.
About the mouth of Paint Creek there seems to
have been a large and very ancient aboriginal settle-
ment. There are still remains of extensive stone
fortifications on the high hill above the creek, and
similar and larger ones, acres in extent, on the high
mountain between Armstrong and Loup Creeks, and
from an old burying ground, at the river, about the
town of Clifton, are still unearthed, from time to
time, interesting relics of the “Stone age,” or Mound-
builder period. .
Fourteen miles above Paint Creek, having passed
the present sites of Coal Valley and Cannelton, Mor-
ris, Armstrong and Loup Creeks, they passed the Falls
of the Great Kanawha—over ‘Van Bibber’s Rock,”
where, in 1773, John and Peter Van Bibber, Mathiew
Arbuckle and Joseph Alderson spent a night under a
shelving rock near the water’s edge, just under the
Falls, to secrete themselves from a party of Indians,
whose sign they had discovered, and where John
Van Bibber pecked his name in the rock with the
pole of his tomahawk. This fact is related by David
Van Bibber, “nephew of his uncle,” still living, and
about ninety.
FALLS OF THE GREAT KANAWHA.
New RIver CANON.
CHAPTER XII.
ee miles above the Falls, the fugitives passed, on
the opposite side, the mouth of Gauley River, and
thence out of the Kanawha Valley proper, and entered
the grand canyon of New River.
How did they ever get through it? Can the Rail-
road Engineers who located the C. & O. Road, or the
contractors and others who built it, or any body who
ever looked down into that awful chasm from the cliffs
and precipitous mountains, 1,000 to 1,500 feet above,
or ever looked out at it from the windows of a Chesa-
peake & Ohio Railway car—can any of these, looking
back, in imagination, to the time when all this wild
scene was in a state of nature, tell how these destitute
and famished, but heroic women ever made the pas-
sage of this terrible gorge from Gauley to Greenbriar?
Or conceive of the amount of daring and desperation
it required to nerve them to the effort? The how
can not now be told in full detail, but the simple
and comprehensive answer is: They did it and sur-
vived.
They passed up by Penitentiary Rocks, the Little
Falls, Cotton Hill, the Blue Hole, the Pope’s Nose,
the Short. Tunnel, the Lovers’ Leap, the Hawk’s
Nest, Sewell, Quimemout, War Ridge, Fire Creek,
Stone Cliff, Castle Rock, Stretcher’s Neck, Piney,
Glade Creek, New River Falls, etc., ete.—all name-
less then.
72 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers,
They walked, climbed, crept and crawled, through
brush and thorns, vines and briars, over and around
the huge rocks that have tumbled down from the
towering cliffs above, and the avalanches of debris
that followed their crushing courses—climbed under
or over fallen timber, over slippery banks and inse-
cure footings, wading creeks that had to be crossed,
wading around cliffs and steep banks that jutted out
into the main stream, and when this was impossible,
as was sometimes the case, they had to climb over or
around the obstruction, however high, however diffi-
cult, however tedious, however dangerous, looking
down from the dizzy heights upon the rushing, roaring
torrents of New River below, madly dashing against
the huge rocks and bowlders that obstruct its course,
and lashing the bases of the cliffs and the tortuous
shores as it furiously rushes on.
Suppose, in this terrible struggle, these poor, ee
weary and foot-sore women had, in their unrestful
slumbers, on couches of leaves or bare earth, in caves
or hollow logs, dreamed that their great-grandchil-
dren would now be gliding through this wild canyon,
the roughest this side of the Rocky Mountains, in
luxurious Pullman Palace Cars, at the rate of forty
miles an hour—outspeeding the wind—and that time
and distance should be annihilated in sending mes-
sages through it to far away friends! They probably
did not, in their wildest flights, even dream anything
so seemingly impossible; and yet, how strangely
true it is!
View oF Hawx’s NEST, FROM BOWLDER Rocks.
iy :
;
Wd he
ame
VIEW OF NEW RIVER, FROM THE HAwk’s NEST.
=e
SSS
a SS=>>= =
S== ———
=
SSS SS
SSS ———
NEw RIVER FaLtLs.
—— SSS =
SCENE NEAR HINTON.
JUNCTION OF NEW AND GREENBRIAR RIVERS.
CHAPTER XIII.
S they progressed, the way became a little less
rough, the mountains a little less precipitous,
and the river began to be fringed, here and there,
with little, narrow margins of bottoms. They seemed
to have passed the worst portion of the New River
gorge. They had passed opposite the site of the
present town of Hinton and the mouth of Greenbriar
River, where the Chesapeake & Ohio Railway leaves
New River, and passed the butte of the Big Flat Top
Mountain.
They next came to the mouth of Blue Stone River,
which was a land-mark and remembered point to
Mrs. Ingles. Here she and her captors had left the
New River on the down trip, and taken the Blue
Stone Paint Creek Indian trail.
She experienced a strong sense of relief on again
reaching this point. She knew about how long it
had taken her to reach here on her down trip, and
she began to count the weary days that it might take
to retrace those steps; if, indeed, she could hold out
to accomplish it at all.
When she came down she had health and vigor ;
now she was hardly able to walk, and scarcely more
than the shadow of her former self; but, however
desperate her condition, there was no help for it but
in pushing forward. If there was relief in any
direction, it was up New River. Hope beckoned up
74 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
New River, and up New River they struggled on, still
following up the west bank.
They had passed Flat Top Mountain, Blue Stone
River, Indian Creek, ete., and were about the mouth
of East River, up which the New River branch of
the Norfolk & Western Railroad now runs, when
the old woman again became desperate, and this time
more dangerous than ever. In the extremity of her
suffering from starvation and exhaustion she threat-
ened to kill Mrs. Ingles with’ cannibalistic intent.
Mrs. Ingles tried temporizing, by proposing to “draw
euts”’ to determine which one should be the victim;
to this the old woman consented. The lot fell to
Mrs. Ingles; she then appealed to the old woman’s
cupidity by offering her large rewards when they got
home, if she would spare her; but the pangs of pres-
ent hunger were more potent than the hope of future
gain, and she undertook, then and there, to immolate
her victim. She succeeded in getting Mrs. Ingles in
her grasp, and it became a struggle for life or death.
How sad that these poor women, after all they had
suffered and endured together, should now, in that
vast solitude, alone, with no eye to see, nor hand to
save or aid, be engaged in a hand to hand, life or
death struggle!
The old woman, to prevent death by starvation,
would kill her companion for food, while Mrs. Ingles
was trying to save her life from the murderous hand
of her companion, probably to die a lingering death
from starvation; the choice seemed worth but little.
If they had had more strength, the result might
have been more serious; or, possibly, fatal to one or
both. But both were so feeble that neither had done
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 75
the other much hurt until Mrs. Ingles, being much
the younger (she was then but 23), and, by compari-
son, still somewhat more active, succeeded in escaplag
from the clutches of her adversary, and started on up
the river, leaving the old woman greatly exhausted
by the struggle.
When well out of sight, she slipped under the
river bank and secreted herself until the old woman
had recovered breath and passed on, supposing that
Mrs. Ingles was still in advance.
This scene occurred late in the evening, between
sundown and dark.
When Mrs. Ingles emerged from her concealment,
the moon was up and shining brightly, and by its light
she discovered, near at hand, a canoe at the river
bank, half full of leaves blown into it by the wind;
but there was no paddle, oar or pole; as a sub-
stitute, she picked up, after some search, a small
slab or sliver from a shattered tree, blown down by
storm.
She had never before undertaken, literally, to
“paddle her own canoe,” and found much difficulty,
at first, in guiding it; but, persevering patiently,
she caught the knack of steering it, and as the river
was low, and not much current at the place, she
succeeded in making her way safely across.
Here, to her great relief, she found a cabin or
camp that had been built by some hunters from the
settlements above, and a patch where they had
attempted to raisesome corn. Seeing no one about—
the place being deserted—she crept into the cabin
and spent the night.
Next morning she searched the patch for some
76 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
corn, but was sadly disappointed to find that the
buffalo, bears, and other wild animals, had utterly
destroyed it; she discovered in the ground, however,
two small turnips which the animals had failed to
find, and on these she made a sumptuous breakfast.
Resuming her now solitary journey, she had gone
but a short distance when she discovered her late
companion on the opposite shore. They halted and
held a parley. The old woman professed great
remorse and penitence, made all sorts of fair promises
for the future, and begged piteously to be brought
over, or that Mrs. Ingles would come back to her,
that they might continue their journey together.
With Mrs. Ingles it was a question between sym-
pathy and safety, but a wise discretion prevailed.
After all that had occurred, she concluded that it
would be safer to keep the river between them, and,
accordingly, each went her way on opposite sides.
CHAPTER XIV.
ieee the best reckoning Mrs. Ingles could make,
she concluded that she must now be within about
thirty miles of her home; but much of the remain-
der of the way was extremely rough, the weather
was growing colder, and, worse than all, her physical
exhaustion was now so extreme that it seemed impos-
sible that she could continue the struggle much
longer. She feared that, after all she had suffered
and borne, she would at last have to succumb to
hunger, exposure and fatigue, and perish in the wil-
derness, alone.
As her physical strength waned, however, her
strong will power bore her up and on, and Hope
sustained her as wearily and painfully she made mile
after mile, eating what she could find in the forest,
if anything; sleeping when and where she could,
if at all.
She had passed up through the “ New River Nar-
rows,” the great rift where New River has cut its
way through the solid “ Peter’s Mountain” (so named
at the eastern end for Peter Wright, a famous old
hunter and pioneer, but here named after a pioneer
family named Peters). It is one of the wildest
scenes in thé State. She had passed the butte of
Wolf Mountain and the mouth of Wolf Creek.
Near here Peterstown, on the east side, has since been
built. She had passed near the present site of Giles
78 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
C. H., and nearly under the shadows of the towering
“ Angel’s Rest” Mountain, on the west side (so
named by General Cloyd), 4,000 feet high, with its
rock-ribbed sides, and castellated towers, said to
strongly resemble Mount Sinai, but it brought no
rest nor peace to her.
She had passed the cliff near Giles C. H., had
crawled around or over the huge cliffs just below
the mouth of Stony Creek. She had by some means
gotten beyond that grand wall of cliff jutting into
the river for two miles, extending from opposite
Walker’s Creek to Doe Creek, and, two miles above
this, another seemingly impassable cliff had been
scaled. She had gotten about two miles beyond
these last-named cliffs, and was near the base of the
“Salt Pond Mountain,” with its beautiful lake near
its summit, 4,000 feet above tide, and one of the
greatest natural curiosities of the State; but her mind
was not occupied with the grandeur of the scenery,
nor the beauty of these then nameless localities she
was passing; she only knew that each one passed
put her that much nearer home—sweet home!
Night was approaching; snow had fallen, and it
was bitterly cold (it was now about the last of No-
vember); just before her she was confronted by still
another gigantic cliff, hundreds of feet high, the base
in the water and the crown overhanging. At last
her progress seemed utterly barred; there were no
ledges, no shelving rocks, no foot-holds of any kind
to climb around on. The only chance left, it seemed,
was to wade around the base, as she had done in
other cases; this she tried, but found that, to her, it
was an unfathomable gulf.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 79
Her heart sank within her; night was now upon
her; cold before, she was now wet and colder still.
She had nothing to eat; she could find no soft couch
of leaves, no friendly cave or hollow log.
In despair, she threw herself down on the bare
ground and rocks, and there lay in that pitiable con-
dition, more dead than alive, until next morning.
With the dawning of the day there was a feeble
revival of hope—for while we live we will hope.
She thought of the only possible remaining way of
passing this gigantic barrier; this was to climb
around and over the top of it, but in attempting to
rise she found that her limbs were so stiff, and swollen,
and sore from the wet, cold and exposure that she
could scarcely stand, much less walk or climb. Still,
there was no choice; if she could she must, so again
she tried.
Slowly, as the effort and exercise relieved her
somewhat from the paralyzing chill, she wound her
devious, tedious and painful way, hour after hour,
getting a little higher, and a little higher. So feeble
and faint from hunger, such soreness and pain from
her lacerated feet and swollen limbs, that from time
to time she looked down from her dizzy heights,
almost tempted, from sheer exhaustion and suffering,
to let go and tumble down to sudden relief and ever-
lasting rest. ;
Climbing: and resting, resting and climbing, she
at last reached the summit, and the day was far
spent.
While resting here, her thoughts had wandered on
up the river to her home and friends. She knew
that she must now be within twelve or fifteen miles
80 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
of that home. “So near and yet so far.” If she had
strength, how quickly she would fly to it; but, alas!
in her now desperate and deplorable condition the
chance of reaching it seemed fainter, even, than
when she left Big Bone Lick with strength, hope
and resolution. Now, she did not know what hour
her powers might utterly fail; what minute nature
might yield and she would be lost.
As long as she lived, Mrs. Ingles always referred
to this as the most terrible day of her eventful life.
ANVIL CLIFF.
CHSAR’S ARCH.
CHAPTER XV.
gf | ROUSING herself again to the necessities of the
hour, she started on her painful and perilous
descent; crawling, falling, slipping and sliding, she
at length reached the bottom as the day was about
departing.
I have talked with a friend of mine, born and
reared in this neighborhood, and who is perfectly
familiar with all this part of New River. He tells
me that this cliff is 280 feet high to the top, meas-
ured, the first 100 feet overhanging, and that the
water in the pool at the base has never been fathomed.
He had often tried it in his youth, with long poles
and with weighted lines, but never got bottom.
There is, he says, a whirl-pool, or sort of maelstrom,
here, down into which, when the river is high, logs,
driftwood, ete., are drawn, coming up again some
distance below. No wonder Mrs. Ingles could not
wade around the cliff; no wonder it took her a whole
day, in her exhausted condition, to climb over it.
The highest point of this front. cliff, from some
real or fancied resemblance to a huge anvil, is called
“Anvil Rock.” Just across the river, in a corre-
sponding cliff—all of the blue limestone—is a natural
arch, which is called “Cresar’s Arch.” and near it a
natural column called “Pompey’s Pillar.”
“Sinking Creek,” a considerable stream, which, in
low water,’ loses itself under ground some miles in.
6
82° Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
the rear, finds its cavernous way under the moun-
tains and into the river, below the surface, in the
deep pool at the base of Anvil Rock cliff. In fresh-
ets, the surplus water finds its way to the river three-
fourths of a mile below.
Mrs. Ingles, after getting to the bottom of the cliff,
had gone but a short distance when, to her joyful
surprise, she discovered, just before her, a patch of
corn. She approached it as rapidly as she could
move her painful limbs along. °
She saw no one, but there were evident signs of
persons about. She hallooed; at first there was no
response, but relief was near at hand. She was about
to be saved, and just in time.
She had been heard by Adam Harmon and his
two sons, whose patch it was, and who were in it
gathering their corn.
Suspecting, upon hearing a voice, that there might
be an intended attack by Indians, they grabbed their
rifles, always kept close at hand, and listened at-
tentively.
Mrs. Ingles hallooed again. They came out of the
corn and towards her, cautiously, rifles in hand.
When near enough to distinguish the voice—Mrs.
Ingles still hallooing—Adam Harmon remarked to
his sons: “Surely, that must be Mrs. Ingles’ voice.”
Just then she, too, recognized Harmon, when she
was overwhelmed with emotions of joy and relief—
poor, overtaxed nature gave way, and she swooned
and fell, insensible, to the ground.
They picked her up tenderly and conveyed her to
to their little cabin, near at hand, where there was
protection from the storm, a rousing fire and sub-
stantial comfort.
Trans-A legheny Pioneers. 83 .
Mrs. Ingles soon revived, and the Harmons were
unremitting in their kind attentions and efforts to
promote her comfort.
They had in their cabin a stock of fresh venison
and bear meat; they set to work to cook and make
a soup of some of this, and, with excellent judg-
ment, would permit their patient to take but little at
a time, in her famished condition.
While answering her hurried questions as to what
they knew about her home and friends, they warmed
some water in their skillet and bathed her stiff and.
swollen feet and limbs, after which they wrapped her
in their blankets and stowed her away tenderly on
their pallet in the corner, which to her, by compari-
‘son, was “soft as downy pillows are,” and a degree of
luxury she had not experienced since she was torn
from her own home by ruthless savages, more than
four months before.
Under these new and favoring conditions of safety
and comfort, it is no wonder that “nature’s sweet
restorer” soon came to her relief and bathed her
wearied senses and aching limbs in balmy, restful
and refreshing sleep.
CHAPTER XVI.
TV\ RS. INGLES had not seen a fire for forty days
(since leaving Big Bone Lick); she had not
tasted food, except nuts, corn and berries, for forty
days; she had not known shelter, except caves, or
hollow logs, or deserted camps, for forty days;
she had not known a bed, except the bare earth, or
leaves or moss, for forty days. She had been con-
stantly exposed to the danger of recapture and death
by the savages; danger from wild beasts, from sick:
ness, accident, exposure and starvation, and danger
from her companion. Yet, notwithstanding all these,
she had, within these forty days, run, walked, crawled,
climbed and waded seven or eight hundred miles, in-
cluding detours up and down side streams, through
a howling wilderness, and was saved at last.
Dr. Tanner’s forty days’ fast, the conditions and
circumstances considered, dwindles into insignifi-
cance compared with this. Indeed, I do not know,
in all history, the record of a more wonderful and
heroic performance than that of this brave little
woman, all things considered.
It is said to be as heroic to endure as to dare; then
Mrs. Ingles was doubly heroic, for she dargd and
endured all that human can.
The immortal “Six Hundred” who “rode into the
gates of death and the jaws of hell” were soldiers,
under military discipline. When commanded, they
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 85
knew only to obey; they were accustomed to deeds
of daring and death. They knew their duty and
they did it—grandly, nobly, heroically. When or-
dered to charge, they nerved themselves for the
shock, which could last but afew minutes. Death
might come to them within these few minutes; in-
deed, probably would; but if it came, would be
sudden and almost painless, and if they escaped, the
strain would soon be over, and glory awaited them.
Not so with Mrs. Ingles. This delicate woman,
reared in comfort and ease, and unaccustomed to
hardships, being in the hands of savages, in a vast
wilderness, beyond civilization and beyond human
aid, coolly and deliberately resolved to attempt her
escape, knowing that the odds were overwhelmingly
against her; knowing that if recaptured, she would
suffer death by torture, and if she escaped recapture
it would probably be to suffer a lingering death by
_ exposure, fatigue and starvation; but her resolution
was fixed; she nerved herself, not for the struggle of
a few minutes only, but they were strung to a ten-
sion that must be sustained at the highest pitch, by
heroic fortitude, for weeks—possibly for months—of
mental anxiety and physical suffering, whether she
finally escaped or perished.
But, to return to the Harmon cabin.
Mrs. Ingles awoke next morning greatly rested
and refreshed. . She called to Harmon and told him
of her experience with the old woman, her com-
panion, and begged him to send his boys back down
the river in search of her, but the boys, having heard
Mrs. Ingles relate the story of her adventure with
the old woman, and, very naturally, feeling outraged
86 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
and indignant at her conduct, refused to go, and
Harmon, sharing their feelings, declined to compel
them; so the old woman was left, for the present, to
make her own way, aa best she could.
Harmon and his sons had been neighbors of Mrs.
Ingles at Draper’s Meadows, before her capture, and
before they came down here to make this new clear-
ing and settlement. As neighbors on a frontier,
where neighbors are scarce, they had known each
other well.
Harmon considered no attention, labor or pains
too great to testify his friendship for Mrs. Ingles and
tender regard for her distressful condition. He had
brought to this new camp, when he came, two horses
and a few cattle to range on the rich wild pea vine
which grew here luxuriantly.
He had heard in his time, and it impressed itself
upon his memory, that beef tea was the best of all
nourishing and strengthening diets and restoratives
for persons in a famished and exhausted condition;
so, although he had, as before stated, plenty of nice,
fresh game meat in his cabin, he took his rifle, and,
against the protests of Mrs. Ingles, went out, hunted
up and shot down a nice, fat beef, to get a little
piece as big as his hand, to boil in his tin cup, to
make her some beef tea, and make it he did, feeding
her, first with the tea alone, and then with tea and
beef, until within a couple of days, thanks to
her naturally robust constitution and health, she
was sufficiently recovered, rested and strengthened to
travel; when he put her on one of his horses, himself
taking the other, and started with her to her home
at Draper’s Meadows, some ten or twelve miles dis-
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 87
tant, up the river; but when they arrived at the
settlement there was an Indian alarm, and all the
neighbors had congregated at a fort at ‘“Dunkard
Bottom,” on the west side of the river, a short dis-
tance above “ Ingles’ Ferry,” so they went on to this
place, arriving about night, and Mrs. Ingles had,
with glad surprise, a joyful meeting with such of
her friends as were present in the fort.
CHAPTER XVII.
HE next morning, after arriving at the Fort, Mrs.
Ingles again begged Harmon, now that he had
restored her to her friends, to comfort and safety, to
go back and hunt for the poor old woman, and, if
still alive, to bring her in. This he now consented
to do, and started promptly, down the west bank of
the river.
A few miles after she and Mrs. Ingles had parted
company the old woman met with a genuine piece of
good luck. She came upon a hunters’ camp, just
abandoned, apparently precipitately, for what reason
she could not tell—possibly from an Indian alarm—
but they had left on the fire a kettle of meat, cook-
ing, to which she addressed herself assiduously.
She remained here two or three days, resting, eating
and recuperating her strength. The hunters had left
at the camp an old pair of leather breeches; these the
old woman appropriated to her own personal use
and adornment, being by no means fastidious about
the fit, or the lastest style of cut, or fashion, her own
clothes being almost entirely gone.
An old horse had also been left by the supposed
hunters, loose about the camp, but no sign of saddle
or bridle.
The old woman remained at the camp, its sole
occupant (no one putting in an appearance while she
was there) until she had consumed all the meat'in
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 89
the pot; she then made a sort of bridle or halter of
leatherwood bark, caught the old horse, put on him
that same bell which was found on the horse cap-
tured opposite Scioto, and taken off by the practical-
minded old woman when that horse had been aban-
doned to his fate among the drift logs in Big Sandy,
and carried through all her terrible struggles and
suffering to this place.
Having taken the wrapper from around the clap-
per, and so hung the bell on the horse’s neck that it
would tinkle as he went, as, being so near the settle-
ment, she now hoped to meet settlers or hunters, she
mounted him, riding in the style best adapted to her
newly acquired dress of leather unmentionables, and
again started up the river on her way to the then
frontier settlement.
Thus slowly jogging along, hallooing from time to
time to attract the attention of any one who might
be within hearing, she was met in this plight, about
the “Horse Shoe,’ or mouth of Back Creek, oppo-
site “Buchanan’s Bottom,’ by Adam Harmon, in
search of her, and taken on to the Fort.
The meeting between Mrs. Ingles and the old
woman was very affecting.
Their last parting had been in a hand to hand
struggle for life or death—not instigated by malice
or vindictiveness, but by that first great law of
‘nature, self-preservation, that recognizes no human
law; but now that they were both saved, this little
episode was tacitly considered as forgotten. Remem-
bering only the common dangers they had braved,
and the common sufferings they had endured to-
gether in the inhospitable wilderness, they fell upon
90 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
each other’s necks and wept, and all was reconcilia-
tion and peace.
The old woman remained here for a time, awaiting
an opportunity to get to her own home and ‘friends
in Pennsylvania. Finding, before long, an oppor-
tunity of getting as far as Winchester, by wagon,
she availed herself of it, and from there, with her
precious bell, the sole trophy of her terrible travels
and travails, it was hoped and believed that she soon
got safely home, though I can not learn that she
was ever afterwards heard of in the New River set-
thement. ,
I regret that not even her name has been pre-
served. In the traditions of the Ingles family she
is known and remembered only as “the old Dutch
woman.”
Adam Harmon, having accomplished his mission
of mercy, and improved the unexpected opportunity
of a social reunion with his late neighbors and
friends, took an affectionate leave of Mrs. Ingles and
her and his friends, and returned to his new camp
and clearing down the river.
This settlement of Harmon’s was at a point on
the east bank of New River, now the site of that
well known place of summer resort, the “ New River
White Sulphur,” or “Chapman’s,” or. “ Eggleston’s
Springs,” which, for grandeur and beauty of scenery,
is probably not excelled by any of the beautiful .
watering places of the Virginia Mountains. The
New River branch of the Norfolk & Western Rail-
road runs along the opposite shore of the river,
the station for this place being called “Ripple
Mead.”
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 91
The formidable cliff described above, the climbing
over which occupied Mrs. Ingles one whole day, the
most terrible of her life, is immediately below the
springs, is a part of the springs estate, and well
known to the frequenters of that popular resort.
The little cove immediately above the cliff, and the
then site of the Harmon cabin and corn patch, is
now,.as I am informed, called “Clover Nook.”
Tregret that Ido not know the after-history of Adam
Harmon and sons, the pioneer settlers of this beauti-
ful place; but from every descendant of Mrs. Ingles,
now and forever, I bespeak proper appreciation and
grateful remembrance of the brave, tender-hearted,
sympathetic, noble Adam Harmon.
Twenty or thirty years later there was a family of
Harmons—Henry and his sons, George and Matthias—
who distinguished themselves for their coolness and
bravery as Indian fighters in the Clinch settlements
of Tazewell. I presume they were of the same
Harmon stock, but just what relation to Adam I do
not know.
I stated above that Mrs. Ingles, on her arrival at
the Fort, had a joyftil meeting with such of her
friends as she found there; but the two of all others
whom she had hoped and expected to find there—
the two for whom her heart had yearned with deepest
love, and the hope of again seeing whom had sus-
tained her in her captivity and nerved her to her
desperate exertions in her escape—her husband and
her brother—were not there.
They had gone, some weeks before, down to the
Cherokee Nation in the Tennessee and Georgia re-
gion, to see if they could get any tidings of their
92 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
lost families, and, if so, to try, through the Chero-
kees—they then being friendly with the whites and
also with the Indian tribes north of the Ohio—to
ransom and recover them; but their expedition had
been fruitless, and they were returning, sad, discon-
solate, despairing, almost hopeless.
On the night that Mrs. Ingles had reached the
Fort, William Ingles and John Draper stayed within
a few miles of it, and about where the town of New-
bern, Pulaski County, now stands.
Next morning they made a daylight start and ar-
rived at the Fort to breakfast, and to find, to their
inexpressible joy and surprise, that Mrs. Ingles had
arrived the night before.
Such a meeting, under such circumstances, and
after all that had occurred since they last parted,
nearly five months before, may be imagined, but can
not be described. I shall not attempt it.
There is probably no happiness in this life without
alloy; no sweet without its bitter; no rose without
its thorn. Though William and Mary Ingles were
inexpressibly rejoiced to be restored to each other,
their happiness was saddened ‘by the bitter thought
that their helpless little children were still in the
hands of savages; and while John Draper was over-
joyed to have his sister return, he could not banish
the ever-present and harrowing thought that his wife
was still in the far-off wilderness—in the hands of
savages, and her fate unknown.
CHAPTER XVIII.
HE danger of an Indian attack, which had lately
been threatening this Fort, now seemed more
imminent, and as Mrs. Ingles became very uneasy,
her husband took her to another and stronger Fort,
called “ Vass’ Fort,” about twenty miles farther east,
where the settlers from the headwaters of the Roa-
noke had gathered for safety.
William Ingles and his wife had been here but a
few days when Mrs. Ingles claimed to have a strong
presentiment that the Fort was about to be attacked,
and prevailed upon her husband to take her to
another Fort, or place of safety, down below the
Blue Ridge, and not far from the “ Peaks of Otter.”
The very day they left Vass’ Fort the presentiment
and prediction of Mrs. Ingles was fully realized.
The Fort was attacked by a party of Indians and
overcome, and every one in it killed or taken
prisoner.
John and Matthew Ingles, the younger brothers of
William Ingles, were at this Fort. John was a bach-
elor. Matthew had a wife and one child. Before the
attack was made, but after the Fort was surrounded,
an Indian climbed a tall poplar tree, which com-
manded a view of the interior, to take an observa-
tion. He was discovered and fired on from the Fort,
and it is the tradition that it was the rifle of John
Ingles that brought him down.
94 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Matthew Ingles was out hunting when the attack
was made; hearing the firing, he hastened back, and
tried to force his way into the Fort, to his wife and
child; he shot one Indian with the load in his gun,
then clubbed others with the butt until he broke the
stock off; by this time the gun-barrel was wrenched
from his hands, when he seized a frying-pan that
happened to be lying near, and, breaking off the
bowl or pan with his foot, he belabored them with
the iron handle, right and left, until he was knocked
down, overpowered and badly wounded. The tradi-
tion says that he killed two Indians with the = ying-
pan handle. —
His bravery and desperate fighting had so excited
the admiration of the Indians that they would not
kill him, but carried him off as prisoner. He was
either released or made his escape some time after,
and returned to the settlement, but never entirely
recovered from his wounds. He died at Ingles’ Ferry
afew months later. His wife and child were mur-
dered in the Fort, as was also his brother John.
When the land about the site of this Fort was
cleared, the poplar tree from which the Indian was
shot was preserved. I have often seen it and the
remains of the old Fort, when I was a boy, forty-
tive to fifty years ago. The tree was blown down by
a storm, thirty to forty years ago.
This Fort, the remains of which are itahably still
visible, was on the headwaters of the Roanoke River,
about ten miles west of where Christiansburg now
stands, about two or three miles east of the present
town of Lafayette, and near the residence of the late
Captain Jacob Kent. The Fort that was destroyed
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 95
was, I believe, a small private Fort, built by the
neighbors for their protection; after which the State,
under the superintendence of Captain Peter Hogg,
built a stronger Fort, and Colonel Washington, then
in command of the Virginia forces, came up to see
and advise about it.
Kercheval, the historian, gives, on the authority of
Mrs. Elizabeth Madison, who resided on the Roa-
noke, an interesting anecdote relating to this Vass’
Fort. About the time indicated, it was known that
Colonel Washington was to be up to inspect the
Fort. Seven Indians waylaid the road, intending to
kill him. After waiting until long beyond the time
at which the party was expected, the Chief in com-
mand of the Indians went across a mountain to a
nearly parallel road, about a mile distant, to see if
Washington and party had passed that way, leaving
with the other six positive orders not to fire a gun,
under any circumstances, in his absence. He had
not been long gone when Colonel Washington, Major
Andrew Lewis and Captain William Preston rode
safely by, the Indians obeying their Chief’s instruc-
tions to the letter, though it lost them their game.
At the same time (1756), the State erected a Stock-
ade Fort at Draper’s Meadows, under the direction
of Captain Stalnaker.
In March of this year (1756), the Big Sandy expe-
dition, under General (then Major) Lewis, was sent
out, with Captains Preston, Paul Alexander, Hogg,
Smith, Breckenridge, Woodson and Overton; also,
the volunteer companies of Captains Montgomery
and Dunlap, and a company of Cherokees, under
Captain Paris.
a
96 hrans-Allegheny Pioneers.
They rendezvoued at Camp Frederick, and went
thence by way of Clinch River, Bear Garden, Burk’s
Garden, over Tug Mountain and down the Tug Fork
of Big Sandy; but the expedition was unsuccessful
and returned, or was recalled, before reaching the
Ohio. Partly in retaliation for the raid on Vass’
Fort, and others, and to prevent a recurrence of such,
a second Big Sandy expedition was contemplated,
and preparations for it partly made, but it was after-
wards abandoned.
Mrs. Ingles remained in the settlement below the
Blue Ridge until there seemed a better prospect of
peace and security at the frontier; she then returned
to New River, where her husband and she perma-
nently established themselves at ‘Ingles’ Ferry.”
William Ingles built here a Fort for the security
of his own family and others who were now settling
about him, and several times afterwards the neigh-
bors were gathered in this Fort for safety and com-
mon defense, when Indian attacks were made or
threatened.
Once, when there was no one at the house or Fort
but William Ingles and his wife, she discovered,
stealthily approaching the house, nine armed war-
riors in their war paint. She gave the alarm, and
William Ingles at once posted himself in a position
of defense, but discovered that he had but ohe bullet,
and that in his gun. Mrs. Ingles soon got the lead
and the ladle, however, and molded bullets as fast as
he fired.
Having failed to take the place by surprise, as
they had evidently expected, the Indians, after a few
rounds, fired without effect, abandoned the attack
and left.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 97
About this time, Wilham Ingles and a companion,
named John Shilling, were on Meadow Creek, a
branch of Little River. They were fired on by sev-
eral Indians; all took to trees—white men and In-
dians—and fought Indian-fashion. The result was
that Ingles and Shilling killed two Indians, and the
others fled.
William Ingles came: near having an eye put out
by bark from the tree behind which he stood. Just
as he started to look round, at one time, to get a
shot, an Indian fired at him; the ball struck the tree
and glanced, missing him, but dashed the bark
into his face and eyes with great force and painful
effect.
About 1760, a party of eight or ten Indians passed
Ingles’ Ferry and went up Little River and over to
a settlement on the head of Smith’s River, east of
the Blue Ridge, where they murdered some defenkc-
less settlers, took some women and children prison-
ers, caught their horses, loaded them with stolen
plunder, ‘and were returning by way of the New
River settlement.
Some one from the Ingles’ Ferry Fort had gone
out in search of some strayed horses, and discovered
the Indian camp, at night, about six miles from the
Fort. He returned at once and reported what he
had seen.
William Ingles got together, as speedily as pos-
sible, fifteen or eighteen men, then at or near the
Fort, and, piloted by the man who had made the
discovery, they started for the locality, intending to
make an attack at daylight next morning. They
were a little late, however, and the Indians were up
7
98 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
and preparing to cook their breaktast when the party
reached the camp. At a concerted signal the attack
was made; the Indians flew to their arms and made
fight, but they were taken at a disadvantage and
seven of the party shot down; the others fled and
made their escape. One white man trom the Fort
was killed. The prisoners, horses and plunder were
all recovered.
This was the last Indian engagement at or near
this settlement; thenceforth they were undisturbed ;
peace prevailed, and the country began to settle up
rapidly.
CHAPTER XIN.
, RS. BETTIE DRAPER was still a prisoner
among the Indiaus. When separated from
Mrs. Ingles at Scioto, she was taken up to about the
Chillicothe settlement, where she was adopted into
the family of an old Chiet’ (name not mentioned)
who had recently lost a daughter. Although kindly
treated, she, not long after, made an attempt to
escape. She was recaptured and condemned to death
by burning (the usual penalty in such cases); but the
old Chief concealed her for a time, and by his au-
thority and influence at length secured her pardon.
Finding escape impossible, she set to work earn-
estly to secure the favor and regard of the family
and the tribe, so as to render her terrible fate as tol-
erable as possible.
She taught them to sew and to cook, aud was ever
willing and ready to nurse the sick or the wounded,
and was regarded as a‘‘heap good medicine squaw.”
By these means she soon acquired the good will and
confidence of the tribe, and secured for herself very
kind and considerate treatment.
Thus six weary years had passed since her capture,
and since her involuntary parting from Mrs. Ingles
at Scioto. During this time John Draper had per-_
sonally made several trips, and as often sent agents
to try to find and ransom her, but all without effect,
until, in 1761, a treaty between the whites and In-
100 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
dians was held somewhere on the border, about the
close of the Cherokee war, the locality and particu-
lars of which are not now known. John Draper
attended this treaty, met the old Chief in whose
. family his wife was living, and, after much negotia-
tion and a heavy ransom paid, he succeeded in effect-
ing her release and restoration to him, when the
once more happy couple set out on their return to
their home at Draper’s Meadows.
In 1761, William Preston married Miss Susanna
Smith, of Hanover County, and first settled at Staun-
ton; afterwards, when Bottetourt County was cut off
trom Augusta (1770), he was made County Surveyor,
in those days a most lucrative position, and moved
to an estate he called “Greenfield,” situated near Am-
sterdam; still later, when Fincastle County was
tormed (1772), and he made its Surveyor, he, in 1773,
acquired the Draper’s Meadows estate, and, in 1774,
moved his family there, changing the name, prob-
ably in honor of his wife, to “Smithfield,” which
name it still bears, and it is still the seat of the Pres-
ton family in the third and fourth generation from
Colonel William.
The Preston family residence was not built upon
the site of the original Ingles-Draper settlement
and massacre, but a mile or so distant, nearly south.
From this point (Draper’s Meadows or Smithfield),
this remarkable family, and its descendants and con-
nections, radiated over the State, and to all parts of
the South and West; and for talent displayed, for
honorable and commanding positions occupied, and
for exalted character and worth, I know of no other
family connection in the whole country which has,
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, 101
within the last century and a quarter, produced so
many distinguished members. Among them may be
counted the Pattons, the Prestons, Buchanans, Thomp-
sons, Madisons, Breckenridges, Peytons, McDowells,
Floyds, Bowyers, Harts, Crittendens, Bentons, Paynes,
Smiths, Andersons, Campbells, Browns, Blairs, Gam-
bles, Wattses, Carringtons, Hamptons, Johnsons,
Lewises, Woodvilles, Logans, Edmunstons, Alexan-
ders, Wooleys, Wickliffs, Marshalls, and very many
others.
When Colonel Preston moved to Smithfield, there
came with him a young man named Joseph Cloyd,
only son of a widow Cloyd, a near neighbor of Pres-
ton’s at Greenfield, and who had recently been mur-
dered by the Indians.
This Joseph Cloyd settled on the west side of New
River, on “Back Creek,” at the foot of Brush or
Cloyd’s Mountain, now Pulaski County. He after-
wards became the father of General Gordon Cloyd,
David and Thomas Cloyd, whom I remember as in-
telligent, wealthy and prominent citizens of that
region more than half a century ago, and the grand-
father of the late aged and venerable Colonel Joseph
Cloyd, who, with his family, possessed and enjoyed
till his death, recently, a portion of the paternal acres
on Back Creek, near which was faught the “battle
of Cloyd’s Mountain,” in 1864.
This Draper’s-Meadows-Ingles’-Ferry settlement
was an outlying, advanced post of civilization, on the
edge of the then great Western wilderness, and soon
became a place of rendezvous and. point of departure,
for individuals, families and parties bent on Western
adventure, exploration, emigration, or speculation.
102 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
This way passed Dr. Thomas Walker and his first
party of explorers, in 1748, and, also, his second ex-
pedition, in 1750.
From here, in 1754, started out the first four or
five family settlements that are known to have been
made, that early, west of New River. James Burke
went to Burke’s Garden, in (now) Tazwell County;
whether accompanied by others or not I do not
know. There were two families (names unknown to
me) settled on Back Creek, now the Cloyd settle-
ment, in Pulaski County; Ingles’ Ferry, on both
sides; Keed at Dublin, McCorkle at Dunkard’s Bot-
tom, two families on Cripple Creek, another tribu-
tary of New River, now in Wythe County, and near
this, just over the divide, one or two families on
the headwaters of the Holston, now in Smythe
County.
From here started, in 1770, a party of hunters and
explorers, reinforced at the then Holston and Clinch
settlements, under Lieutenant (afterwards Colonel)
Knox. They penetrated into Kentucky, were on
Cumberland, Green and Kentucky Rivers, and, from
the long time they were gone, have ever since been
known in border history as “the long hunters.”
From here, in 1773, a surveying party, composed
of James, George and Robert McAfee, James
McCown, Jr., Hancock Taylor and Samuel Adams,
started for Kentucky. They came down New River,
and were joined on the Kanawha by Colonel Thomas
Bullitt and party. Colonel Bullitt, for military ser-
vices in the Braddock and Forbes wars, having just
located the big bottom survey on which the city of
Charleston now stands; they went by canoes down
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 103
the Kanawha and down the Ohio Rivers to the mouth
_ of Kentucky River, where the party separated. The
McAtees and Hancock Taylor went up the Kentucky
River, and on the 16th of July, 1773, surveyed six
hundred acres where the city of Frankfort now
stands, being the first survey ever made on that river.
This river, like most other Western streams, has
had a variety of names and spellings before settling
down to its present one; thus it has been Milewa-
keme-cepewe, Kan-tuck-kee, Che-no-ee, Cut-ta-wa,
Louisa and now Kentucky. It is generally believed
that Dr. Walker named it Louisa, but this may be a
mistake, as elsewhere shown.
Bullitt and others stopped at Big Bone Lick and
made a survey of land, July 5th; they then went on
to the Falls of the Ohio, called by the Miamis
“Lewekeomi,” where they surveyed, in August, 17738,
a body of land at the mouth of ‘Bear Grass Creek,”
the site of the present city of Louisville; so that
this surveying party located, on this trip, and within
a few weeks of each other, the sites of the now cap-
ital cities of two States—West Virginia and Ken-
tucky—and one of the largest commercial cities of
the Ohio Valley—Louisville.
The surveyors returned overland through Ken-
tucky, by way of Powell’s Valley and Gap, and, after
experiencing extraordinary privation and suffering,
made their way back to the New River settlement.
From here started, the following year (1774), the
surveying parties under John Floyd, Hancock Tay-
lor, Douglas, and others, who were in the wilds of
Kentucky when the border troubles commenced,
which finally culminated in the battle of Point Pleasant;
104 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
and to notify whom of the Indian dangers, and pilot
them safely back, Governor Dunmore dispatched
Daniel Boone, then at the Clinch settlement. Boone’s
mission was successful; the surveyors (except Han-
cock Taylor, who was killed), and some colonists,
were found, notified, and the surveyors and Boone
returned overland, by way of the Clinch settlement;
Boone having made eight hundred miles on foot,
going and returning, in sixty-two days.
From this New River settlement went many of the
early, enterprising settlers of Kentucky, whose de-
scendants have since made honorable records in the
history of the State and the Nation, among whom may
be mentioned the Pattons, Prestons, Breckenridges,
Floyds, Triggs, Taylors, Todds, Campbells, Overtons,
McA fees, etc., ete.
CHAPTER XxX.
N 1765, John Draper exchanged his interests at
Draper’s Meadows for land about twenty miles
west of Ingles’ Ferry, and near the present dividing
line between Pulaski and Wythe Counties. This
land had been originally granted to Colonel James
Patton, in 1758, one of the earliest grants in this
region.
It is described as lying “west of Woods River,”
and near the “Peaked Mountain,” now called “Dra-
per’s Mountain,” and the end, “Peak Knob.” John
Draper called this settlement “Draper’s Valley,”
which name it still retains.
Here John Draper and Bettie, his wife, and, after
her, his second wife, Jane, passed the remainder
of their lives, and here their descendants, prominent,
honored and influential citizens, have lived ever since,
John 8. Draper, a great-grandson, being the present
owner and occupant of this beautiful and valuable
estate.
And so with Ingles’ Ferry, a locality so full of
family and general historical associations; it is still
owned and occupied by the descendants of William
and Mary Ingles, of the third and fourth generation,
and after a century and a third of time.
Seven children—four sons and three daughters—
were born to John and Bettie Draper, after her return
from captivity; the sons were George, James, Johu
106 Trans-tllegheny Pioneers.
and Silas; the names of the daughters I do not
know.
I remember Silas Draper, an eccentric old bachelor,
very fond of his cups. He was still alive about fifty
years ago. I remember a quaint way he had of ex-
pressing his contempt for the understanding of any
one who was so unfortunate as to differ from him in
opinion. Of such an one he would say: “ He is a con-
nection of Solomon—a distant connection of Solo-
mon—a very distant connection of Solomon.” And,
seeming to think that this bit of irony was sufficient
to settle the status of his unfortunate adversary, he
would leave him to his fate.
Mrs. Bettie Draper died in 1774, aged forty-two.
John Draper married again, in 1776, a widow, Mrs.
Jane Crockett. The issue of this marriage was two
daughters, Alice and Rhoda.
John Draper lived to the great age of ninety-four.
He died at Draper’s Valley, April 18, 1824. John
Draper was a Lieutenant in one of the companies—
probably Russell's or Herbert’s—at Point Pleasant,
in 1774. His commission, signed by Governor Dun-
more, is now in possession of his great-grandson,
John 8. Draper, of Draper’s Valley.
In 1770, Virginia formed from Augusta a new
county, covering all this western region, and called
it’ Bottetourt, after Governor Lord Bottetourt;
and, two years later (1772), another county was
formed from part of Bottetourt, extending from the
headwaters of the Roanoke northwest to the Ohio
River, and west to the Mississippi. This county was
named “ Fineastle,” from the seat of Lord Bottetourt
in England—* Fin-Castle.”
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 107
The Cota: seat of this county was at “Fort Chis-
well,” now in Wythe County, and the seat of the
McGavock family.
The Fort was built by the State in 1758, under the
direction and superintendence of the third Colonel
William Boyd, and named by him after his friend,
Colonel John Chiswell, the owner and operator of
the “New River Lead Mines,” then but recently dis-
covered by him, a few miles distant.
Colonel Chiswell was a Tory in the Revolutionary
troubles, and his property was confiscated. He was,
also, so unfortunate as to killa man in a personal
encounter, and died in Cumberland County Jail,
awaiting trial. A son of his successor, Colonel
Stephen Austin, who was born here, was the founder
of the city of Austin, Texas. The town of Austin-
ville, at the Lead Mines, in Wythe, also took its
name from the family.
These mines were the chief source of sagt of
lead, not only for the Indian border wars, but for the
Continental Army during the Revolution, and for
the Confederate Army in the late civil war.
Fincastle County did not long continue. In 1776,
the territory covered by it was divided up into three
new counties—Montgomery, Washington and Ken-
tucky—and Fincastle County abolished.
This Washington County was the first in the
United States named after the illustrious George
Washington. Now, almost every State in the Union
has its Washington County.
The first town in America named after the Father
of his Country was Washington, Georgia. Now,
they are so numerous as to be confusing.
108 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
About this time (1774-75-76), before the boundary
line between Virginia and Pennsylvania had been
definitely settled, the Ohio River, the Monongahela
and the Youghiogheny, in the region of Fort Pitt,
where considerable settlements had been made, were
supposed to be parts of Virginia territory, and, as
such, parts of Augusta County, or “ West Augusta.”
So remote were these settlements from the county
seat at Staunton that the State of Virginia provided
for the holding of courts for Augusta County at
both places—Staunton and Fort Pitt—and for some
time they were so held, adjourning from one place to
the other, alternately.
On the return of the expedition of Walker, Patton,
and others, in 1748, they organized the “ Loyal Land
Company,” based on a grant of 800,000 acres of land,
to lie north of the North Carolina line, and west of
the mountains, and incorporated their company in
June, 1749.
CHAPTER XXI.
WYILLUM INGLES purchased the land at and
about Ingles’-Ferry from the Loyal Land Com-
pany—Dr. Thomas Walker, agent.
In establishing himself at this point, he foresaw
that it would be an important crossing place for
Western emigrants, and, so soon as practicable, in
order to enhance the value of his property, he located
and marked out a line of road from the settlements
east of him to the west, on towards Tennessee—no
doubt following, in the main, the route he and John
Draper had traveled in going down to the Cherokee
Nation, in 1755; as above related; and they were,
probably, the first white Americans to traverse this
route, or this region, throughout.
The exploring parties of Dr. Thomas Walker, in
their two trips, traveled up and down Walker’s
Creek, Wolf Creek, East River and Blue-Stone,
streams emptying into New River below here; and by
way of Upper New River, Cripple Creek and Reed
Creek, above here.
It is claimed by Dr. Bickley, historian of Tazwell
County, that as early as 1540, more than two hun-
dred years before Dr. Walker and party, or Ingles
and Draper, the distinguished Spanish explorer and
adventurer, Hernando De Soto, visited or passed
through a portion of this region of Southwest Vir-
ginia. Dr. Bickley, who seems to have examined the
110 Traus-Allegheny Pioneers.
subject with cure, satistied himself, from the official
reports of the historian of the expedition, that De
Soto, after landing, about Tampa Bay, Florida, in
1739, caine, first by Mobile Bay, thence up through
what is now Georgia, South and North Carolina,
East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. He found
a strong and important tribe of Indians settled on
the Upper Tennessee, with their capital or head-
quarters town, called ‘“Cafitachiqui.” They were
governed by a Queen. In that part of Southwest
Virginia, now Washington and Smythe, Russell and
Tazwell Counties—according to the Doctor’s theory—
was another province, called Xuala, inhabited by a
peaceable, quiet and hospitable race. They were
afterwards driven out or exterminated by the Chero-
kees, who then held the country until they, in turn,
were driven out by the English.
From here, De Soto went on westward, to dis-
cover for his country the great Mississippi River, or
“Rio Grande,” as he called it, and, for himself, a
watery grave beneath its turbid waters.
The mistake of Dr. Bickley, probably, was in
bringing the De Soto expedition too far North. In-
stead of coming by way of Knoxville and Southwest
Virginia, his route is believed, by other authorities,
to have been by way of the present sites of Atlanta,
Georgia, and Chattanooga, Tennessee, and that the
tribes he encountered were on that route, and not in
East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia.
Nearly all the emigration that populated South-
west Virginia, Tennessee, Southern and Middle Ken-
tucky, and parts of Northern Georgia, Alabama and
Mississippi, passed over this route.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 111
THE WILDERNESS ROAD.
Colonel Thos. Speed, of Louisville, Ky., through the
“¥ilson Historical Club,” has recently issued, ‘under
the above title, a valuable and exceedingly interest-
ing contribution to the history of the early routes of
travel of the first emigrants to Kentucky. He de-
scribes two principal routes—one overland by way of
New River, Fort Chiswell, Cumberland Gap and the
Boone trace, and the other by the Braddock trail to
Red Stone, or to Fort Pitt, and thence down the Ohio
River, by boat.
I jhinke's thind and mixed route, partly by land
and partly by water, passing down through this.
(Kanawha) valley, laereee to be mentioned, as it
was traveled by a good many, “in au early day.”
They came from the settlements along the border, or
from farther East, by way of the frontier settlements,
to this river, by land, and went from here by water;
the mouths of Kelly’s Creek and Hughes’ Creek,
where boats were built, being the usual points of
embarcation, by the earlier voyagers. This way went
the McAfees, James McCown, Samuel Adams, Han-
cock Taylor, Colonel Thomas Bullitt, Douglas, John
May, Jacob Skyles, Charles Johnson, John Flinn,
John Floyd, Volney, and others. And many of the
officers and men of Lewis’ army, who afterwards
went to Kentucky, followed this route, having learned
it in their trip to Point Pleasant.
A little later, when settlements began north of the
Ohio River, Basten Virginia and “North Carolina
sent a very large emigration by this route.
The large early travel by way of Ingles’ Ferry
112 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
made it one of the most valuable properties in that
region; and long after, when. thriving villages, towns
and cities had been built up in this prosperous coun-
try, their supplies of dry goods, groceries, hardware,
etc., were hauled over this route, first from Balti-
more, via Winchester, and afterwards from Richmond
and Lynchburg, to, finally, as far West as Nashville,
in those picturesque land schooners, or “Tennessee
ships of the line”—the Connestoga wagons, with
their high-bowed and well-racked canvas covers, and
six-horse teams, many of them with the jingling
bells that made lively music as they went.
I well remember, between fifty and sixty years ago,
the long droves of these wagons, going and return-
ing, and how the arches of tinkling bells and red
flannel rosettes, swinging gracefully over the horses’
shoulders, excited my boyish admiration.
The drivers of these teams were a peculiar class;
they were a hardy, honest, jolly, good-natured set,
who knew and were known by everybody on the
route for hundreds of miles. They were greatly
trusted by their employers, and were popular all
along the road.
ORIGIN OF THR COTTON TRADE OF AMERICA.
I will mention here, as an interesting historical
fact—on the authority of the late John W. Garrett,
the distinguished President of the B. & O. R. R.—
that the beginning of the cotton trade of America
was over this road, and in these same Connestoga
wagons.
The Southern and Southwestern emigrants had
begun to raise a little cotton, at their new homes, for
Lrans-Allegheny Pioneers. 113
domestic uses. Their little surpluses were saved up
and traded to their merchants to help pay for their
groceries and other family supplies, and the country
merchant sent a few bags of it, now and then, to-
gether with feathers, pelts, dried fruits and other
country commodities, by these wagons, to their
’ wholesale merchants in Baltimore, who took the cot-
ton to encourage trade; but, as there were then no
cotton mills in America, they did not know what to
do with it. It began to accumulate on their hands,
however, and it became necessary to find some use
for it.
A meeting was called of the prominent merchants,
who traded in this direction, to discuss the matter.
After a consideration of the subject, no other sug-
gestion having met with favor, an old gentleman
present, named .Brown, a successful Scotch-Irish
linen draper, proposed that, if the merchants would
all contribute to the expense, he would send his son,
“Jamie,” to England, to see if it could not be dis-
posed of there. This proposition was agreed to, and
Jamie went, taking with him samples of the cotton.
On his return, he reported that he had not only easily
disposed of all they then had on hand, but had made
satisfactory arrangements for all they might get in
the future.
Jamie was so impressed with the belief that there
was “money in it,” that he and his brothers formed
a copartnership, under the name and style of “Brown
Brothers,” to buy, and ship, and trade in cotton.
The business rapidly grew to large proportions,
and their wealth increased as rapidy, until they
_established branch banking houses at several of the
8
114 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
principal commercial centers on both sides of the
water, and the honored names of “ Brown Brothers,”
“ Brown Brothers & Company,” and “ Brown, Shipley
& Company,” are known, to this day, all over the
commercial world. They are, probably, worth their
millions of dollars, and the cotton trade has grown
to millions of bales per year. So much for small
beginnings.
About 1840, the State of Virginia, to facilitate and
encourage the vast overland traffic of this route,
macadamized the road from Buchanan, the head of
canal navigation on the James River, to the Tennessee
line; and Thomas Ingles, the then owner of Ingles’
Ferry, and grandson of William and Mary Ingles,
built a fine bridge over New River (the first to cross
New River or Kanawha), which was afterward de-
stroyed, during the late war.
The progressive spirit of the age, however, was
working’ @ change in all this; the days of the over-
land schoones’s were soon to be numbered—their oc-
cupation gone—and the values of Ingles’ Ferry and
Bridge numbered with the things that were past.
About 1855, the “ Virginia & Tennessee Railroad,”
then so called, now’ known, with its connections, as
the “Norfolk & Western,” was completed and
opened. The iron steed and winged lightning came
to the front to fulfill their missions, and the old
methods, with Connestogas and stage-coaches, van-
ished into the misty realms of the forgotten past.
The railroad, for better grade, crosses New River
two or three miles below the old Ingles’ Ferry route
and macadam road.
CHAPTER XXII.
O return to the story of William and Mary Lugles
and their lost children. These “babes in the
wood” were the “skeletons in their closet.” How-
ever otherwise happy and prosperous, here was an
abiding and ever-present sorrow that marred every
pleasure of their lives.
The first thing heard from the children was that
George, the youngest boy, had died not long after
he was taken from the tender care of his mother, at
Scioto. This information first came, I believe,
through Mrs. Draper, on her return from captivity.
Some years later, and after many ineffectual efforts
had been made to recover, or even hear from the
elder boy, Thomas, they met with a man named
Baker, who had recently returned from a captivity
among the Shawanees, in the Scioto country.
It is believed that this was the William Baker who
passed here in 1766 with Colonel James Smith, on his
way to explore the then unknown region bebween
the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers.
Tt turned out that Baker had lived in the same
village with the Indian who had last adopted the boy
as his son, and*knew them both.
William Ingles at once bargained with Baker to go
back to the Indian country and ransom his boy and
bring him home.
Baker went down the Valley of Virginia by Staun-
116 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
ton to Winchester, across by Fort Cumberland (the
site of an old Indian town called Cucuvatuc) to Fort
Pitt, and thence down the Ohio to the Scioto. He
found the Indian and made known his mission. After
much negotiation, he succeeded in purchasing the
boy, and paid about one hundred dollars for his ran-
som; but the boy was not at all pleased with the
arrangement; he knew nothing of the white parents
they told him about, in the far-off country; he knew
only his Indian father and mother, brothers and sis-
ters, and playmates, and, last but not least, his sweet-
hearts, the pretty little squaws, and he did not want
to be sent away from them.
Partly by coaxing and fair promises, however, and
partly by force, Baker got him started, but kept him
bound until they got forty to fifty miles from the In-
dian village. As they passed along, the dusky little
maidens, as they got a chance to talk, would try to
persuade him not to go, or beg him to come back to
them. The little fellow could not withstand their
appeals unmoved, and determined to escape; but, as
the surest means of doing so, he feigned contentment
and perfect willingness to go, until Baker ceased to
bind him at night, as he at first did, but only took
him in his arms when they went to sleep, thinking
the boy could not get out of his embrace without
awakening him. When he awoke one morning,
however, he found, to his surprise and chagrin, that
the boy was missing.
Fearing to go home and report his carelessness and
the loss of the boy to his parents, Baker went all the
way back to Indian village to try to recover him;
but the squaws had concealed him and would not
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. W7
give him up, and Baker had, at last, to go home
without him.
This was a sad disappointment and blow to Mr.
and Mrs. Ingles, especially to the mother, whose
womanly heart had been so strongly yearning for
her long lost boy.
They had found him now, however, and must re-
cover him. William Ingles determined to go for
him, himself, and hired Baker to go back with him.
They started, and pursued the same circuitous and
tedious route, but when they arrived at Fort Pitt
they found that hostilities had broken out between
the Indians and the frontier white settlements, and
it was impossible, then, to prosecute the journey.
With deep reluctance, they abandoned the trip, for.
the time, and returned to their homes, to await the
restoration of peace,
It proved to be more than a year before it was con-
sidered safe to renew the effort. William Ingles
then again employed Baker to accompany him, and
started out over the same circuitous route, by Pat-
tonsburg, Staunton, Winchester, Fort Cumberland,
Fort Pitt, and down the Ohio.
When they arrived at the Indian town, they found
that a party of Indians, the father of the boy and
the boy included, had gone to Detroit, and would
not return for several weeks. This was a great dis-
appointment, but there was no help for it; they could
but wait. ‘
A very unwise move on the part of William Ingles,
during this delay, came very near costing him his
life. Knowing the fondness of the Indians for strong
drink, he had taken with him a keg of the “fire-
118 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
water,’ in addition to some money, and goods and
trinkets, for trading, hoping, by one. or other, or all
of these, to induce the Indian father to sell him
his boy.
While waiting the return of the absentees, he was
trying to make “fair weather” with the Indians at
Scioto, and, thinking to conciliate them, he gave
some of them some of his rum. He very soon saw
the mistake he had committed, but it was too late to
correct it.
The Indians, having their appetites inflamed by
the small allowance, determined to have more. They
seized his rum, drank it all, and were soon wildly
and uproariously drunk. They threatened to kill
-him, and were about to put their threats into execu-
tion, but this time the squaws came to his relief, and,
no doubt, saved him from a terrible death. They
secreted him and kept him secreted until the Indians
got over their drunken debauch, and came to their
sober senses.
When the Detroit party returned, the Indian father
and the boy came home -with them, as expected.
Much to the gratification and relief of the white
father, the boy took to him kindly at once.
The mysterious influence of “blood” and the in-
stinct of filial love asserted themselves, and the boy
promised, freely and without reserve, to accompany
his father whenever and wherever he pleased.
The terms of his surrender were then negotiated
with his Indian father, and the ransom—this time
about the equivalent of one hundred and fifty dol-
lars—again paid. All these negotiations and con-
ferences were conducted through Baker, as inter-
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 119
pretor; the boy had lost all recollection of his mother,
tongue, his Indian father could not speak English,
and William Ingles did not speak Indian.
Arrangements being completed, there was a gen-
eral leave-taking, with good feeling all round. The
boy bade a long farewell to his old, and started with
his new-found father, and Baker, to the far-off home.
After weeks of tedious travel, they at last arrived
safely at Ingles’ Ferry, and the long-lost boy, his
mother’s first-born, was again in her arms and smoth-
ered with a mother’s loving kisses. This was in 1768.
He found here, too, four other little relatives to give
him affectionate greeting. Mrs. Ingles, since her re-
turn from captivity, had borne three daughters and
one son. Thomas was absorbed into this family
circle, and was a sharer of the family affections.
He was very much.of a wild Indian in his habits
and training when he first returned. He was now in
his seventeenth year, and had been among the In-
dians thirteen years. He was dressed in Indian style.
He changed his savage dress for that of civilized life
with much reluctance; his bow and arrow he would
not give up, but carried them with him wherever
he went.
Notwithstanding he was petted, humored and ca-
ressed at home, a wild fit would overcome him now
and then, and he would wander off alone in the wil-
derness, with his bow and arrow, and stay for days at
a time, and, when he returned, would give no account
of himself, nor explanation of his conduct.
These freaks disturbed his mother very much ;,she
feared that he would some day take a notion to re-
turn to his Indian friends and wild life, and that she
should never see him again.
120 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
He learned pretty rapidly to speak English, but
very slowly to read and write.
He used often to interest the family and others by’
relating incidents of his Indian life. Once, when
quite young, and learning to use the bow and arrow,
he tried to shoot a red-headed woodpecker from a
tree near the camp. He became so interested in
what he was doing that, while looking up at the
woodpecker and walking backwards, to get in range,
he stepped into a fire of coals the Indians had to
cook their dinner on, and so burned his bare feet
that they never grew to quite their natural size.
When a little older, but still quite young, his In-
dian father and another Indian went to the wilder-
ness, forty or fifty miles distant from the settlement,
to kill a supply of game, as was their wont, and they
took the boy along to teach him to hunt and to make
himself useful.
Not long after they had been in camp his Indian
father was taken very sick. The other Indian pro-
vided some food, and wood for fire, instructed the
boy how to cook and serve the food to his sick father,
and what else to do for his comfort, while he went
back to the town to get assistance to take the sick
man home.
The very day after he left, the sick Indian died, and
the boy was left alone to watch him until the other
Indian returned with help. A heavy snow fell, and
the weather became very cold. The boy, to keep
warm at night, lay close to the old Indian, and cov-
ered with part of his blanket.
After some days, decomposition had so far pro-
gressed that the odor from the old Indian attracted
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 121
the wolves. They came, howling, to the camp, and
the boy could only keep them back by throwing fire-
brands at them.
Up to that time the boy had never fired a gun, but
his Indian father’s gun was standing there, loaded,
and he concluded to try what he could do with it.
The first thing he saw to practice on was some wild |
pigeons. Not being able to hold the gun “off-hand,”
he fixed a rest, took aim and fired, and, much to his
delight, he killed his pigeon.
This gave him confidence in himself, and he now
concluded that he could safely defend himself and
father from the wolves.
Having reloaded the gun, he cut a forked stick
with his father’s tomahawk, and drove it in the
ground in such position that he could rest the gun in
the fork and get the proper range tor the wolves.
Sure enough, they came back again that night. He
was ready for them, and, when they came within
proper distanée, he fired, and again had the proud
satisfaction of killing his game.
The other wolves fled, and he was not again dis-
turbed by them.
The messenger Indian soon after returned with
assistance, and, having buried his dead father, took
him (the boy) back to the town, where he was
adopted into the family of another Indian.
CHAPTER XNIII.
FTER acquiring, at home, some preliminary
and rudimentary foundation for an education,
his father sent him to the care of his old friend, Dr.
Thomas Walker, of “Castle Hill,” Albermarle Coun-
ty (the present seat of the Rives family, who are
descendants of Dr. Walker), to see what could be
done in the way of educating him. There was a
school for young men at or near Dr. Walker’s resi-
dence, Castle Hill.
While in Albermarle, he made some progress in his
studies; but books were not to his taste, and study
was very irksome to him.
While prosecuting his studies here, some three or
four years in all, his remarkable history attracted
attention, and he made many acquaintances, some of
whom were afterwards very distinguished people.
Among them were Madison, Monroe, Jefferson, Pat-
rick Henry, William Wirt, etc.
His friend, Dr. Walker, had been the guardian of
young Jefferson, during his minority, after his
father’s death. Young Ingles used to relate that he
and Jefferson, both being musically inclined, took
lessons on the violin together, from the same in-
structor.
About this time, young Jefferson was appointed,
and for a time acted, as Surveyor of Albermarle
County, a position which his father had occupied in
his lifetime.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 123
In after years, Jefferson, when Governor of Vir-
ginia, gave him (Ingles) a commission of Colonel of
militia.
He formed here another acquaintance, who made
a deeper and more lasting impression on his after
life. It was that of a young lady who had captured
his wild heart.
Soon after leaving Albermarle, he volunteered with
the forces then being raised to go with General Lewis’
army to Point Pleasant, in 1774. He was made Lieu-
tenant in his company, which was part of Colonel
Christian’s regiment. Young Ingles was in one of
the companies left to garrison the Fort at Point
Pleasant during the following winter.
When relieved at the Point, he met some of his
old Indian friends from Scioto, and, at their earnest
solicitation, went home with them, and spent some
time in a social, friendly visit.
Shortly after his return from this visit—in 1775—
he married Miss Eleanor Grills, the Albermarle sweet-
heart of his schoolboy days. Being disposed to settle
down, but determined to be in the wilderness, his
father gave him a tract of land on Wolf Creek, a
tributary of New River, in (now) Giles County. He
remained here a few years, and had made fair prog-
ress in clearing out a farm, when he determined to
move to what was then called Absalom’s Valley, now
Abb’s Valley, on the Upper Blue Stone, also a branch
of New River, some distance below. This stream is
called “ Blue Stone” from the deep blue valley lime-
stone over which it flows, and which gives such fer-
tility to the beautiful valley.
The same experience was repeated here. After
124 ‘ Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
one or two years in opening up a farm, he concluded
he was too convenient to the Indian Blue Stone trail,
for safety, as parties were frequently passing over
this route, to make depredations on the settlements
farther south.
He next located in “Burke’s Garden,” in (now)
Tazewell County—a rich and beautiful little lime-
stone valley, or oval basin, about ten miles by seven,
almost surrounded by high mountains, and one of
the most charming spots in the State. It is drained
by Wolf Creek, on which, lower down, he had lived
some years earlier. I have a copy of an old docu-
ment showing that William Ingles had “taken up”
the Burke’s Garden lands, under “Loyal Land Com-
pany” authority, as early as 1753. James Burke,
who came here, from Ingles’ Ferry, in 1754, was the
first settler, as elsewhere stated, and gave the place
his name and his life.
Thomas Ingles had but one neighbor in Burke’s
Garden—Joseph Hix, by name, a bachelor, who
lived within two miles. Ingles lived here, in peace
and apparent contentment, until April, 1782, when a
large party of Indians, led by the noted warrior,
“Black Wolf,’ surrounded his house, while he was
out on the farm, and, after taking his wife, three
children and a negro man and woman prisoners, and
taking as much as they could carry of whatever they
found useful, loading the negro man and woman as
well, they burned the house and everything that was
left in it.
When his attention was attracted by the smoke
and fire, and the noise, Thomas Ingles started to his
house; but, being unarmed and seeing so large a
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 125
force, he knew he could do no good, so he ran back
to where he and a negro man were plowing, unhitched
the horses, and, each mounting one, they started to
the nearest settlement for help. This settlement was
in the “Rich Valley,” or “Rich Patch,” on the North
Fork of the Holston, and the present site of the
“Washington Salt Works,’ about twenty miles
distant.
It happened to be a muster day, and most of the
settlers round about were congregated here for drill.
The messengers arrived about noon, and, so soon as
the facts were made known, fifteen or twenty men
volunteered to go in pursuit of the Indians. They
soon made their preparations and started back, ar-
riving at the site of Ingles’ home early next morning;
but there was nothing left but a pile of ashes.
It so happened that Mr. Hix and his negro man
were on their way to Thomas Ingles’ house the
morning before, when they discovered that the In-
dians had attacked and were destroying it. They at
once started, on foot, across the mountain, to a small
settlement, six or seven miles distant. Here they got
five or six volunteers and returned, reaching Burke’s
Garden about the same time that Thomas Ingles’
party got there. They united their forces and started
in pursuit. 7
It was expected that the route of the Indians would
be through or near the Clinch settlement, and it was
about here that the whites first struck their trail.
There was a company of militia stationed here for
the protection of settlers on the frontier. Some of
these joined the pursuing party, and Captain Max-
well was put in command of the whole.
126 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
The pursuit was made very cautiously, to prevent
alarming the Indians and causing them to murder
the prisoners. On the fifth day after the capture,
some scouts, sent in advance by the whites, discov-
ered the Indians where they had camped for the
night, in a gap of Tug Mountain.
The pursuers held a consultation and decided that
Captain Maxwell should take half the company,
flank the Indians, and get round to their front and
as near them as practicable, and that Thomas Ingles,
with the other half, should remain in the rear, get-
ting as close as possible, and at daylight the attack
should be made simultaneously by both parties.
Unfortunately, the night being very dark and the
ground very rough and brushy, Captain Maxwell
missed his way, got too far to one side, and did not
get back within reach of the Indians by daylight.
After waiting for Maxwell beyond the appointed
time, and as the Indians began to stir, Thomas Ingles
and his party determined to make the attack alone.
So soon as a shot was fired, some of the Indians
began to tomahawk the prisoners, while others
fought and fled. Thomas Ingles rushed in and seized
his wife just as she had received a terrible blow on
the head with a tomahawk. She fell, covering the
infant of a few months old, which she held in her
arms. The Indians had no time to devote to it.
They bad tomahawked his little five-year-old daugh-
ter, named Mary, after his mother, and his little three-
year-old son, named William, after his father. His
negro servants, a man and woman, captured with his
family, escaped without injury.
In making their escape, the Indians ran close to
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 127
Captain Maxwell and party, and, firing on them,
killed Captain Maxwell, who was conspicuous from .
wearing a white hunting shirt. He was the only one
of the pursuers killed.
The whites remained on the ground until late in
the evening, burying Captain Maxwell, who was
killed outright, and Thomas Ingles’ little son, who
died from his wounds during the day. Mrs. Ingles
and the little girl were still alive though badly
wounded.
It was supposed that several Indians were killed in
this engagement, but it was not certainly known.
While the whites remained on the ground they heard
the groans of apparently dying persons, but, as the
sounds came from dense laurel thickets, they did not
find them.
This mountain pass through Tug Ridge has ever
since been known as “Maxwell’s Gap,” after the
unfortunate Captain Maxwell who lost his life here.
When the dead had been buried, and the wounds
of Mrs. Ingles and her little daughter had been
dressed as well as practicable under the circum-
stances, the party started on their return to the
settlements. Although only about twenty miles, it
took four days to travel it, on account of the critical
condition of Mrs. Ingles and her little girl.
News of the capture of Thomas Ingles’ family and
the pursuit had reached the settlement at New River,
and his father, William Ingles, had started out to
Burke’s Garden to see if he could render any assist-
ance, and, very thoughtfully, took with him the best
_ surgeon he could get.
He met the returning party at the Clinch settle-
@
128 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
ment. The little girl was beyond the skill of the
doctor; she died from her wounds the next morning;
~ but he rendered invaluable service to Mrs. Ingles,
probably saving her life. He extracted several pieces
of broken bone from her skull, dressed her wounds
and attended her carefully until able to travel safely,
when she and her husband and infant returned with
William Ingles, to Ingles’ Ferry, and remained there
until next season. Mrs. Ingles, in the meantime,
entirely recovered from her terrible wound.
It is difficult now to appreciate the constant dan-
gers which beset the early pioneers, or realize the
readiness and cheerfulness with which they accepted
the dangers, hardships, self-denials and privations
incident to such a life.
Probably the fullest and truest description of the
conditions of border-life and the state of society exist-
ing along the Western frontiers, about the time the
first settlements began, was written by Rev. Dr.
Joseph Doddridge, who was himself reared on the
Western border, on the Upper Ohio, and was an un-
usually close and intelligent observer. His minute-
ness of detail, and lucidity of style, make his writings
invaluable as record-pictures of the primitive condi-
tions of life on our Western borders a hundred years
and more ago.
‘William Ingles owned a number of slaves at Ingles’
Ferry, and gave servants to his children as they were
married and settled. These were, in all probability,
the first slaves ever west of the Alleghanies, and
those above mentioned, that had been given to
Thomas Ingles, when he went to housekeeping, were
probably the first to cross New River westward.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 129
Thomas Ingles was now meditating another settle-
ment. He could only be satisfied in the wilderness,
but he had had enough of Burke’s Garden. As
Southwest Virginia was rapidly filling up, he de-
termined to go down into Tennessee, where he made
a settlement on the Watauga, a branch of the Hol-
ston River. There were then but few settlers in this
region, and these few were frequently harassed by
the depredations of the Cherokees.
Thomas Ingles managed to live here several years,
and had gotten his family pretty comfortably fixed,
when the restless spirit of change again seized him.
He sold his improvements to immigrants coming in,
and moved about fifty miles farther down the river,
to another tributary, called “Mossy Creek,” then on
the frontier; but he found good range there for cat-
tle, and he was very fond of stock-raising. Here he
was constantly subject to the same dangers of Indian
depredations. Some of his neighbors suffered greatly,
but he, fortunately, escaped.
About this time, a military force, under Colonel
Knox, was sent still farther down the Holston, to
erect a Fort for the protection of the frontier; this
was called “Fort Knox.”
Thomas Ingles had now remained at “Mossy
“Creek” about as long as his restless nature would
permit him to live at one place, and he again sold
out his land and stock, and moved down to the vicin-
ity of Fort Knox.
The security given to settlers by the protection of
the Fort induced rapid immigration, to this section,
and the Fort soon began to grow into the village and
town of “ Knoxville.”
9
130 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Thomas Ingles remained on his farm in this neigh-
borhood for some years longer; he had improved his
estate, added to his acres, had large herds of cattle,
was prosperous, comfortable, and, apparently, con-
tented. His daughter Rhoda, the infant of Burke’s
Garden, who had so narrowly escaped massacre at
Maxwell’s Gap, had grown up to womanhood, was a
bright and attractive young lady, and was married to
Mr. Patrick Campbell, of Knoxville. One of the
earliest recollections of my life, when I could not
have been over three or four years old, was a visit
from this, then, elderly lady, to my grandfather—her
uncle—Colonel John Ingles, of Ingles’ Ferry. I re-
member the earnest and interesting discussions of
the family history and adventures, and how they
excited my childish imagination. I was too young,
of course, to remember details. I only remember
the subject, and the interest it excited in me.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE MOORE FAMILY.
ie another little gem of a valley, not far distant,
called “ Abb’s Valley,” from Absalom Looney, its
pioneer settler, who came here in 1771, from about
Looney’s Creek, near Pattonsburg, on James River,
another bloody tragedy, similar to that of Burke’s
Garden, above described, was enacted about four
years later.
In July, 1786, a party of Shawanees, from the Ohio
towns, led by the same stealthy and blood-thirsty
Black Wolf, who had devastated the Ingles-Burke’s-
Garden settlement, and who had also captured
James Moore, Jr., in 1784, came up the Big Sandy,
over Tug Ridge and across the heads of Laurel
Creek to Abb’s Valley, where, on the 14th, they
went to the house of Captain James Moore, who,
with his brother-in-law, John Pogue, had located
here in 1772.
They found Captain Moore salting his stock, a
short distance from the house, and shot him down;
then, rushing to the house, they killed two of his
children, William and Rebecca, and John Simpson,
who, I believe, was a hired man or assistant of Mr.
Moore, and sick at the time. There were two other
men in a harvest field, who fled and made their
escape. These disposed of, the savages proceeded to
132 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
make prisoners of Mrs. Moore and her four remain-
ing children—John, Jane, Mary and Peggy—and a
Miss Martha Evans, of Augusta, who was living with
the family.
In their rapid retreat, it soon became evident that
the boy, John, who was feeble, was an incumbrance
and hindrance in their flight, and he was tomahawked
and scalped, in his mother’s presence, and left by the
wayside. Two days later, little Peggy, the babe, was
brained against a tree.
Arriving at one of the Indian towns on the Scioto,
they heard of the death of some of their warriors,
who had been killed in some engagement with the
whites in Kentucky, and they determined, in council,
that two of these prisoners should be burned at the
stake, in retaliation. This terrible doom fell to the
lot of Mrs. Moore and her eldest daughter, Jane—a
pretty and interesting girl of sixteen.
They were tied to stakes, in the presence of the
remaining daughter and sister, and Miss Evans, and
a vast crowd of exulting savages, and slowly and
eruelly tortured, after the manner of the fiendish race,
with fire-brands and burning splinters of pine, ete.,
until Death, a now welcome friend, an angel of mercy
and messenger of peace, came to release them from
their persecutors and their agonizing sufferings.
Can pity lead to inflicting pain? Can kindness
kill?) Can mercy commit murder? Aye, even so,
under some circumstances.
What tender mercy it would have been in Simon
Girty to shoot Colonel Crawford, as he piteously
begged him to do, to end his fiery tortures! What
eruelty it was not to kill him!
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 133
In this case, an old hag of a squaw, with the feeble
spark of humanity that survived in her savage breast
kindled to a glow, and being surfeited by the exces-
sive tortures and sufferings of Mrs. Moore, in gentle
mercy and the kindness of her heart, gave the final
coup de grace to Mrs. Moore, with a hatchet, thus
shortening somewhat her already protracted agonies.
Mary Moore remained some years a prisoner among
the Indians, and, during the latter part of her stay,
with a white family, who treated her far more cruelly
than the Indians.
In September, 1784, two years prior to the circum-
stances above related, James Moore, Jr., aged four-
teen—eldest son of the above-mentioned Captain
James Moore—had been captured near his father’s
home, in Abb’s Valley, by a small party of these In-
dians, passing through, composed of the same Black
Wolf, his son and one other, and taken, first, to the
Shawanee towns of Ohio, and, afterwards, to the Mau-
mee settlements in Michigan, and, still later, sold to
a white family at or near Detroit. Hearing, through
Indian channels, of the terrible fate of his father’s
family, and that his sister Mary was a captive, not
very far from him, he managed to communicate with
her, first by message, and, afterwards, in person, and
to comfort her.
In October, 1789, James and Mary Moore, and Miss
Martha Evans, were all ransomed by their friends,
and restored to relatives in the Valley of Virginia,
where James Moore, Sr., and wife and Miss Evans
had been reared.
James Moore, Jr., not long after, returned to Abb’s
Valley, where he lived and reared a family, and died,
134 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
in 1851, in the eighty-first year of his age, and where
his son, a venerable and honored citizen, now eighty-
four, still owns and occupies, in peace and happiness,
the possessions secured to him and his descendants
by the blood and tears of his ancestors.
Mary Moore married a distinguished Presbyterian
Minister, Rev. John Brown, of Rockbridge County,
and was the mother of a large family, five or six of
whom became Presbyterian ministers; one of whom,
the late Rev. James Brown, D. D., whose memory is
warmly cherished by all the older citizens of this
place (Charleston, W. Va.), was, for a quarter of a
century, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of
this city.
Dr. James Brown had but two sons who attained
their majority; both were Presbyterian ministers.
The eldest, Rev. Samuel Brown, died at his pastorate
in Greenbriar County, in early life. The younger,
Rev. John Brown, is, and has been for a number of
years, pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Malden,
Kanawha County. Many years ago, Dr. James
Brown, discovering unusual sprightliness in a poor
and friendless Irish boy, took him home with him,
and, in the kindness of his heart, reared and edu-
cated him with his own sons. This (then) poor lad
became the late distinguished Rev. Dr. Stuart Robin-
son, D.D., LL. D., who achieved a national reputation
as a successful teacher, eloquent preacher and able
author.
The story of the sufferings of James Moore and
family, and especially of the survivor, Mary Moore,
was very touchingly told by the late Rev. James
Brown, her son, in a little volume called “The
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. ; 135
Captives of Abb’s Valley,” published some forty —
years ago, and which is well remembered by our
elderly citizens. From this little volume, chiefly, I
have condensed the foregoing sketch.
There is another incident connected with the mur-
der and capture of Captain Moore’s family which, I
think, is of interest enough to be perpetuated,
especially as it illustrates a fact often mentioned by
the early pioneers—that is, that civilized (?) horses
have a very strong antipathy to Indians. They scent
them at a distance, and show their displeasure and
fear by snorting, pawing, ete., and will flee, if they
can. After the murders and captures, the Indians
proceeded to appropriate the horses, as a matter of
course. Captain Moore had a fine black horse, called
Yorick—a very powerful and a very vicious horse.
He was controllable enough by Captain Moore, and
by Simpson, who had attended him, but he would let
no one else ride him or handle him. One of the In-
dians, in attempting to mount him, was knocked
down and pawed, and killed or crippled; a second
one tried it, and with the same result, when the leader
of the party, a very determined and very powerful
“man, declared that he would ride him or kill him;
he mounted him, but was no sooner on than off,
and, while down, the horse sprang upon him and,
with hoofs and teeth, killed him before he could re-
~ cover his feet; whereupon the other Indians shot and
stabbed the horse to death, after which they buried
the large Indian close to the stable and departed.
Dr. Brown does not mention this incident in his
narrative, but I have taken the pains to ask of Mr.
William Moore, by letter, what he knows or believes
136 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
about the tradition. He tells me that he has reason
to believe that it is substantially true, and that when
his father, Mr. James Moore, Jr., the captive, re-
turned to Abb’s Valley, he plowed up, in plowing
his fields, near the old stable, a skeleton of unusual
size, which was believed to be that of the large man
killed by the horse.
It is known that the leader of the several parties
who captured Thomas Ingles’ family, in Burke’s
Garden, in 1782, captured James Moore, Jr., in 1784,
and destroyed the family of James Moore, Sr., in
1786, was named Black Wolf. As he is not after-
wards heard of along the borders, I think it strongly
probable that it was the veritable Black Wolf whose ~
career had been so ingloriously terminated by the horse
Yorick; and this suggests the probable identity of
Black Wolf and Wolf, the son of Cornstalk. It is
said that Cornstalk had a son called Wolf, who went
to Williamsburg with Lord Dunmore, after the
treaty at Camp Charlotte, ostensibly, I believe, as a
hostage, with other Indians, but more likely, really,
to be manipulated in the interest of Dunmore and
the English against the Colonies. When Governor
Dunmore fled, the Indians returned to their wilder-
ness homes. I know of no after history of Wolf,
unless it be as Black Wolf, who had just the huge
physical frame and bold, daring traits of character
that we should expect a son to inherit from such
a father. This, of course, is not history, but simply
conjecture, based upon reasonable probabilities.
CHAPTER XXV.
REBECCA DAVIDSON.
N 1789, about three years after the destruction of
Captain James Moore’s family, and about the time
of the reovery, from captivity, of James Moore, Jr.,
and his sister Mary, the family of one of their former
neighbors, Andrew Davidson, were the victims of
another raid of the Indians into that region. The
family of Mr. Davidson consisted of himself and
wife, Rebecca, two little girls and a little boy, and
two bound children, a girl and boy.
Andrew Davidson had himself gone on a trip
down to the Shenandoah Valley; during his absence,
there being no male protector about his house, the
Indians suddenly made their appearance, and, in
broken English, told Mrs. Davidson she and her
family must go with them. This was a terrible fate,
under any circumstances, but to Mrs. D., at the time,
it was especially painful and trying, as she was about
to become a mother; this, however, was no valid ex-
cuse in their eyes. Go she must, whatever the suf-
fering to her. She undertook to carry her little boy,
less than two years old; seeing that it was too much
for her, the Indians took it from her. She expected
to see them kill it before her eyes, but was greatly
relieved when, instead, they carried it along, good-
naturedly, for her.
138 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Somewhere on the route, nature’s period being
probably somewhat hastened by the unusual physical
exertion and mental anxiety, Mrs. Davidson intro-
duced to this world of suffering and sorrow the little
expected stranger. Both mother and babe were
spared, for the time being; but the circumstance was
not allowed to interfere with the progress of the
journey. Fortunately for Mrs. Davidson, she enjoyed
remarkably fine physical health and strength, un-
enervated by the inactive life and luxurious habits of
the ladies of this day; she was equal to the emer-
gency, and resumed the journey, next morning, with
the babe in her arms. After a day or two, the infant
became ill and troublesome, when one of the Indians
coolly took it from her and pitched it into Tug River
and drowned, together, the little life and its sorrows
and sufferings, so inauspiciously begun, regardless of
the anguish of the sorrowing mother.
When they arrived at the Indian towns, her two
little girls, to her great horror, were tied to trees and
shot to death, for sport. The little two-year-old boy
was given to an old squaw, who started away with
him in a canoe, which, by some means, was upset
and the little fellow drowned. The two bound chil-
dren were separated from her, and were never after-
wards heard of by her.
Two years after this, Andrew Davidson visited the
Indian towns in Ohio, in search of his wife; he found
some of those who had participated in her capture;
they told him she was alive, but would not tell him
where she was. Next year, they sent him word that
she was somewhere in Canada; so he started again
in search of her. In passing a comfortable farm-
house, in Canada, about noon one day, he stopped to
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 139
get some dinner, and, while waiting for the meal, a
woman passed him, and seemed to examine him very
critically; but, as he was deeply absorbed with the
thoughts of his wife, and anxious for his dinner, he
paid no attention to her. She went on to where the
lady of the house (her mistress) was, and said to her,
excitedly: “I know who that man is,” and, rushing
back into his presence, and throwing herself into his
arms, cried out: “Andrew Davidson, I am your
wife!” And so she was; but, oh, what changes her
grief and sorrows had wrought! She was looking
thin and haggard, and her once black and glossy hair
had turned snowy white, though she was but a young
woman.
What happiness! and what sorrow! They were
at last restored to each other; but, alas! their little
children were all gone.
The gentleman with whom Mrs. Davidson was
living proved to be a humane man; he gave her up
without ransom or reward, and voluntarily contrib-
uted to the expense of her return home, though he
had paid the Indians a high price for her.
They returned to their home, where they lived to
rear another family.
The Davidsons were related to the Peerys, a prom-
inent family of the Clinch settlement. The Peerys
were intermarried with the Crocketts, one of the
most numerous families of Southwest Virginia, and
the Crocketts and Ingles and Draper families were
- intermarried.
Mrs. Ingles and Mrs. Davidson knew each other
well. With what thrilling interest they must have
compared notes and discussed their painful captive
experiences !
CHAPTER AXVI.
HE family of Thomas Ingles were hoping that
he had gotten well over his wild, roving disposi-
tion, and that he would never care to leave his com-
fortable Knoxville farm and home, but results proved
otherwise.
He met with a person just returned from the far-
off settlement of Natchez, in the Mississippi Terri-
tory. He told Ingles of a man living there who
owed him a considerable sum of money. He, also,
gave him (Ingles) a glowing description of the new
settlement, and the rich lands of that region.
Thomas Ingles at once made up his mind to go to
Natchez. He arranged with two traders, who thought
they could make a successful trading expedition
down the rivers. They procured a boat on joint ac-
count, and stocked it with a joint supply of pro-
visions for the trip; the traders got their goods
aboard. Thomas Ingles took a pair of saddlebags,
with some extra clothing, and the wild adventurers
were off on their perilous journey to the far-away,
promised land.
They intended to go all the way by water; they
proceeded without mishap until they got to the
muscle shoals of Tennessee River; these proved to
be much rougher and more dangerous than they had
anticipated; their boat was violently capsized, and
they came near losing their lives, but were assisted
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 141
by some friendly Indians, who happened to be on the
shore, and witnessed their disaster.
They were saved, but were left in a destitute and
distressing condition; they were several hundred
miles from home, and still farther from their destina-
tion, among Indian tribes, remote from any white
settlement—their goods lost, their provisions lost,
their clothing lost, except only the contents of
Thomas Ingles’ saddlebags; these he caught with
one hand as the boat went over, and he caught and
held on to the gunwale of the boat with the other,
when it came up again, and until rescued.
They held a consultation on the situation; the
‘unanimous decision was not to turn back, but to go
forward.
They got some provisions from the Indians, and
on they went, down the Tennessee, down the Ohio,
down the Mississippi—meeting many minor troubles
and vexations, but no further disasters—and finally
reached their objective point, the Natchez settle-
ment. :
Thomas Ingles soon found the man he sought;
but, of course, he got no money. This he might
have known before he went.
He was so charmed with the country, however,
and the rich Mississippi lands, that he determined to
move his family out. He returned to his home, ad-
vised his family of his resolution, then made a last
visit to his now aged mother and his brother, John
Ingles, at Ingles’ Ferry. He spent a week or two
with them in pleasant, social and kindred inter-
course, talking over and over the terrible scenes and
sufferings of their past lives; but the time to part at
142 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
last arrived; he bade them a long, last and affecting
farewell, returned to Knoxville, sold his farm, his
furniture, his cattle—whatever he had—for less than
their value, in order to realize promptly, and again,
in 1802, he turned his face towards the setting sun.
How long Thomas Ingles lived at Natchez I do
not know, but probably not long, as he wag next
heard of at Port Gibson, Mississippi Territory. His
next remove was an involuntary one, and to that far
country whence no traveler returns.
Thomas Ingles left a son, Thomas Ingles, Jr., who
was born in Tennessee in 1791, and removed to
Natchez, with the family, in 1802. He also had a son
John, who, somewhat later, is said to have been:
drowned in the Mississippi River.
I remember Thomas, Jr., in 1833, when he re-
turned to Virginia to visit his uncle, Colonel John
Ingles, and to talk over with him the wonderfully
eventful histories of his grandmother and his father
and mother. He urged his uncle to write an outline
sketch of these lives for preservation by the family,
which he did, briefly, and from which I get many of
the facts here related.
The younger Thomas was a worthy and honorable,
though somewhat eccentric, man. He wrote a short
sketch of his father’s life (to which I am also in-
debted for many facts). He also wrote a short auto- .
biographical sketch of himself. He seems to have
been “all things by turns, and nothing long.” He
says he studied law, medicine, theology and politics,
but did not practice any profession.
He was a book-keeper, deputy sheriff, school
teacher, militia commander, trustee, treasurer, sec-
TUOMAS INGLES.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 148
retary, etc., of several corporations—business, re-
ligious and literary—a merchant and a planter; but,
perhaps, more than anything else, postmaster.
I met him again in 1848, at Augusta, Ky., where,
for many years, he was their postmaster, and they
never had a better.
Some years later he moved to Cincinnati, where he
died in 1863, aged seventy-two. He had been twice
married, first to Miss Barnes, the issue being four
sons and three daughters; and, second, to Miss
Warren, the issue being three sons and two daughters.
CHAPTER NXXVII.
YUL LIAM INGLES (the elder) died at Ingles’
Ferry, in the prime of life, in the fall of 1782,
aged fifty-three. Colonel William Christian and
Colonel Daniel Trigg were the executors of his will,
and received three hundred and forty-six acres of
Burke’s Garden land for their services. Mrs. Mary
Ingles, his widow, lived to a ripe old age, dying at
Ingles’ Ferry in February, 1815, in her eighty-fourth
year.
She retained a large amount of physical vigor and
mental clearness to the last. Mrs. Governor John
Floyd, who lived near her and knew her well, writing
about her in 1848, speaks of meeting her (Mrs. I.)
at a religious association, or convention, which she
had attended on horseback, thirty miles from home, *
when past eighty. Her step was then still elastic,
her figure erect, and her complexion florid and
healthy, though her hair was white as snow.
About this time, some one started a rumor that
her brother, John Draper, who was two years older
than she, and the second time a widower, was about
to marry a young girl. She was very much worried
by the report, and, fearing that it might be true, de-
termined to go to her brother’s, about twenty miles
distant, and learn the facts for herself.
She ordered her favorite saddle-horse, “Bonny,”
and started, although it was late in the afternoon.
When her son, John Ingles, with whom she was
living, or, rather, near whom, for she kept up her
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 145
separate establishment as long as he lived, having
her own house and garden, servants, horses, cows,
etc.—came to the house and learned what had oc-
curred, he was very much disturbed about it, ordered
another horse saddled immediately, and started his
son, Crockett Ingles, in pursuit, to assure the old lady
that it was all a joke, and to bring her back; but
Crockett could not overtake her. She got to Draper’s
Valley after dark, and, satisfying herself that she
was the victim of a practical joke, she started back
early next morning, and was at home to dinner.
Crockett, having failed to overtake his grandmother
the night before, stayed all night at a farm-house by
the way, and joined her and returned home with her
next morning.
Illustrating her wonderful nerve and cool presence
of mind, it is related of her that once, when walking
in her kitchen garden, among the cabbages and other
_ vegetables, she stepped upon the neck of a large
black snake, before seeing it. Instantly the snake,
writhing in its pain, coiled itself about her leg. She
appreciated the situation at once, but. instead of
screaming, or fainting, or running away, she stood
perfectly still, her weight holding the snake firmly in
place, until she called to her cook to fetch her the
butcher-knife, with which she soon released herself
by cutting the snake in two.
In her youth, Mrs. Ingles had learned to spin on
the “little wheel,” a most useful and valuable accom-
plishment in those days, and especially on the fron-
tier, where the pioneers raised their own flax and
wool, and where most of their clothes were of home
manufacture.
10
146 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Stores were then very remote, and “store clothes”
almost unattainable. She kept up her habit of spin-
ning to her latest years. Her temperament was so
restless and active that she could not and would not
be idle. When she found nothing else to do, instead
of sewing or knitting, as most old ladies do, she
would get her wheel and put in her time at spinning,
often despite the remonstrances of her family, who
would have preferred to have her spend her declining
years in restful quiet.
Once her wheel got out of order, and she had asked
her son, more than once, to send it to a workman and
have it repaired. He had neglected to do so, prob-
ably intentionally, in order to discourage her spinning
efforts; but when he was away from home one day,
she ordered her favorite “Bonny” saddled, took the
wheel in her lap, rode eight miles to a carpenter, or
wheelwright, had it repaired and brought it home;
after which the spinning went on as usual, though
she was then over eighty years of age.
The old lady delighted, in her latter years, to tell
over to her children and grandchildren, the story of
her terrible captivity and wonderful escape.
What the theological views or religious professions
of these old pioneers of the Ingles and Draper fami-
lies were I do not know; that they were as honest,
moral and kind-hearted people, as true to their own
consciences and as charitable to their neighbors as
the average church-going people of the present day,
I doubt not; but, in the nature of things, it is not
probable that actual church-going or other devotional
services, public or private, had much part either in
their week day or Sunday exercises.
Mrs. MALINDA CHARLTON.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 147
As they were mostly of Scotch-Irish descent, it is
probable that their denominational proclivities—if
they had any—were towards Presbyterianism. Those
of their descendants who were or are church mem-
bers, so far as I know, were or are, with very few ex-
ceptions, Presbyterians.
William and Mary Ingles had four children, three
daughters and one son, born to them after her return
from captivity. They were: Mary, Susan, Rhoda
and John.
Mary married Mr. John Grills, of Montgomery
County, and had two children.
Susan married General Abram Trigg, of Buchan-
an’s Bottom, New River, and had ten children.
Rhoda married Colonel Byrd Smith, of Dunkard
Bottom, and had eight children.
John Ingles, the youngest child, born in 1766, mar-
ried, first, Margaret Crockett, of Wythe County, and,
second, Mary Saunders, of Franklin County; had
nine children—all by his first wife.
MRS. CHARLTON.
One of the children of John Ingles and Margaret
Crockett, now Mrs. Malinda Charlton, an aged and
venerable lady, in her eighty-fifth year, is the last
surviving grandchild of William and Mary Ingles.
She is still clear in mind, and in a fair state of health
and physical preservation. She remembers her
grandmother well, having lived in the same house
with her from her own infancy until the death of the
old lady, in 1815. To her remarkable memory I am
indebted for many facts and incidents related in the
foregoing sketches of the family.
148 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
She is a wonderful connecting link between the
past and the present—the old and the new—bringing
down the days of her grandmother to those of her
own grandchildren, the two lives spanning the great
time of one hundred and fifty-four years, or more
than a century and a half, from the birth of Mary
Draper, at Philadelphia, in 1782, to the present
writing, in 1886, and she (Mrs. Charlton) still living.
What wonderful changes the world has witnessed in
these one hundred and fifty-four years! What a
wonderful fact, that a person yet living should have
known, and should still remember, the first white
woman (at least, of English descent) ever between the
Alleghenies and the Pacific; and that woman her
own grandmother !
From another branch of this Crockett family
sprang the eccentric and renowned Davy Crockett.
This Davy Crockett formulated a motto which, for
plain matter of fact, concentrated common sense, is _
one of the wisest ever enunciated. Its authorship
alone was enough to immortalize him. Everybody
knows Davy Crockett’s motto: ‘Be sure you are
right, then go ahead!” as they do, also, that other
grand formula, propounded by the great moral
teacher, combining the substance and essence of all
moral wisdom: “Do unto others as you would have
others do unto you.” These two companion pictures
might be—and, indeed, are—amplified into volumes
and libraries, teaching wisdom and purity in all the
relations of life—political, social, business, moral and
general.
Unfortunately, not every one who is familiar with
these wise formule governs himself by them, or .
either of them.
*
ae
CHAPTER XXVIII.
A “FALL HUNT” OF THE OLDEN TIME.
N illustration of the.customs of half a century and
more ago, it may not be without interest to describe
here an old-time “family Fall hunt,’ an institution
now obsolete in this part of the world, and even the
the recollections of which are fast fading away.
In those days game was very abundant, and the
Fall hunt was one of the events of the year. It was
looked forward to for months in advance with pleas-
urable anticipations, by old and young, male and
female.
In the days of my youth and earlier, my grand-
father, John Ingles, owned large boundaries of wild
land on the “ Little River,” herein above mentioned,
and Reed Island Creek, and had a hunting station
between them, on “ Greasy Creek,” a tributary of the
latter. There were several log cabins on the prem-
ises, for the accommodation of the hunters.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 171
The last survey made by Boone, before leaving the
valley, was on September 8th, 1798; Daniel Boone,
marker; Daniel Boone, Jr., and Mathias Van Bibber,
chainmen, as shown by the surveyor’s books.
In one of Boone’s hunting and trapping expedi-
tions, up Gauley River, he brought back the top of a
_sprout of yew pine, an unusual growth, and hitherto
unknown to him. He left the brush of pine needles
to the end to show to his friends; when it had served
this purpose, the end with the needles was cut off,
leaving a nice walking-stick. When he left Kan-
awha, he gave this to his friend, “Tice” Van Bibber,
and he left it to his son, David Van Bibber, still liv-
ing, at about ninety. The cane was pre: ented to me
a few years ago, and is now in my possession.
“Tn an early. day,” exact date not known, the fam-
ily of John Flinn, the earliest settlers on Cabin Creek,
this county, wcre attacked by Indians, and Flinn and
wife killed. One daughter made her escape alone to
Donnelly’s Fort, Greenbriar, and one daughter and
son, Cloe and John, were captured by the Indians.
This daughter, Cloe, was afterwards rescued by
Boone, and, being an orphan, was reared by Boone
in his own family, so states Mr. St. Clair Ballard,
her grandson, who was a member of the Legislature
from Logan County, in 1847. When it was proposed
to form a new county from Kanawha and Logan,
Mr. Ballard related the circumstances of this capture
and recovery, and the generous action of Mr. Boone,
and proposed, in personal gratitude, and by way of
public acknowledgment to Boone, that the new.
county be called Boone, and his motion was carried
by a unanimous vote.
The son, John Flinn, who had escaped, or been
172 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
rescued, was afterwards recaptured by the Indians,
going down the Ohio, with Skyles, May and Johnson,
and burned at the stale,
Jesse Boone, son of Daniel, was the first State Salt
Inspector here, when salt was the dominant interest
of this valley. His son, Colonel Albert Galletin
Boone, himself a famous early explorer, true to the
Boone instinct, in the Far West, was born here. He
was the first white man to camp on the present site
of the city of Denver, in 1825.
I have examined the old assessors’ books to see
what property Daniel Boone had, when here. I find
he was not blessed, or cursed, with a large share of
this world’s goods. He was assessed for taxation
with two horses, one negro and five hundred acres of
“land; the land remained on the books in his name
until 1808.
Boone left here for Missouri in 1799. His starting
was the occasion of the gathering of his friends and
admirers, from all the region round about, to bid him
a fvienilly adieu and God-speed. They came by land
and water—on boats, by horseback and in canoes—
and, at the final leave-taking, it is said there was
many a dimmed eye and moistened cheek among
those hardy, weather-beaten warriors, hunters and
pioneers. Boone started from here by water, 11 canoes,
embarking at the junction of Elk and Kanawha Rivers.
His friend and companion, Tice Van Bibber, went
with him to Missouri, but returned to Kanawha.
Boone was never again in Kanawha, but twice re-
turned to Kentucky, once to identify the beginning
corner of an important survey, made some twenty or
twenty-five years before, and again to liquidate some
long-standing, scattering indebtedness, which he had
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 173
been unable to pay, owing to the loss of all his lands
by the gross wrong done him, or permitted, by the
State of Kentucky and the General Government.
The final payments of these debts, which had so
long borne upon and disturbed his peace of mind,
was, by his own account, one of the happiest inci-
dents and reliefs of his life. While he had but little,
it was, he said, a consolation to know that he did not
owe a dollar, and that no man could say he had
ever wronged him out of a cent.
Boone died at the house of his youngest son,
Colonel Nathan Boone, on the Feme-Osage River,
Missouri, September 26th, 1820. Colonel Albert Gal-
letin Boone, his grandson, still living, told me,
some years ago, that he was with him at the time,
and says he passed off gently, after a short illness,
almost without pain or suffering.
Thus ended the mortal career of one of the most
remarkable men the country has ever produced, leav-
ing an imperishable name and fame to after ages.
He stands out in history as the great type, model and
exemplar of the pioneer, frontiersman, hunter, ex-
plorer, Indian fighter and pilot of civilization.
His fame is secure forever, without the fear of a
rival. The world does not now, and can never again,
present an opportunity to duplicate or parallel his
life and history.
His praises have been sung in the glowing lines of
Lord Byron (in “ Don Juan”), and by the eloquent
tongues and pens of Tom Marshall, Bryan, Flint,
Bogart, Filson, Abbott, and others, and the history
of his wonderful adventures is read with thrilling
interest in the mansions of the rich, and the humblest
log cabins of the remotest Far West.
CHAPTER XNXATI.
THE BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT.
HE battle of Point Pleasant, considered merely
in relation to the numbers engaged, or the num-
bers slain, on either side, or both sides, was but an
insignificant affair, compared with many of the con-
flicts of the Revolution, which immediately followed,
or the mighty shocks of arms of the late Civil War;
but, up to the time of its occurrence, it was the most
evenly balanced, longest continued and desperately
contested battle that had occurred in our Western
country, and its results were freighted with greater,
more lasting and far-reaching effects than any other
that had occurred.
It was a pivotal turning-point, upon which hinged,
in great measure, the future destinies of the country.
The result of this battle was probably the determin-
ing weight in the scale of Fortune, so evenly balanced,
that decided the fate of the colonies in their struggle
for independence.
It is, indeed, generally considered, in view of the
relations then existing between the colonies and
the mother country, and the course pursued by the
Governor, as the initiatory battle of the Revolution;
and, by demoralizing the Indian tribes, checking for
a time their aggressions on the Western frontiers,
and their co-operation with the English, it gave the
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 175
colonies, who were correspondingly encouraged by
their success, time and better opportunities to con-
centrate their powers and efforts for the mighty
-struggle about to be, or already, inaugurated.
Instead of relating simply the isolated story of the
fight at the Point, with which persons in this region
are already more or less familiar, I have thought that
it might add to the general understanding of the
battle and its relations, and a fuller appreciation of
its extraordinary importance, to pass in review, briefly
and unincumbered by voluminous details, the long
series of preceding steps that led up to, and prepared
the way for, this event and the following revolution-
ary struggle.
Beginning this outline review, I shall go back to
1748, the date of the Ingles-Draper pioneer-trans-
allegheny settlement, the first on western-flowing
waters.
At this time, the French occupied Canada and
Louisiana, and, by virtue of the earlier discoveries of
La Salle, Marquette, and others, they were claiming
the entire Mississippi and Ohio Valleys, while Vir-
ginia claimed that her boundaries extended from
ocean to ocean. The French, to make their claim to
the Ohio Valley more formal, sent a company of
engineers down the Ohio, in 1749, with engraved
leaden plates, which they planted at the mouths of
prominent tributaries of the Ohio, claiming for the
French crown all the lands drained by the respective
streams.
About the same time, the “Ohio Land Company,”
recently organized, was making a move to acquire
and colonize five hundred thousand acres of lands
176 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
lying along the Ohio, and the “Loyal Land Com-
pany” was organized, based upon a grant of eight
hundred thousand acres, lying north of the North
Carolina line and west of the mountains and New
River.
In 1750-51, Christopher Gist was dispatched by
the “Ohio Company” to examine and select desirable
lands along the Ohio.
The French, meanwhile, were establishing fortified
trading posts, intending to have a chain of them
from the Lakes to the Gulf.
In 1753, when serious trouble seemed to be brew-
ing between the French’ and English, the conflicting
claimants of this vast Western region, Governor
Dinwiddie, of Virginia, dispatched George Washing-
ton, a then promising young man, who had been
private surveyor of Lord Fairfax, official surveyor of
Culpepper County, etc., on a tour of observation,
with letters of inquiry and protest, addressed to the
French commander on the Upper Allegheny. Wash-
ington took with him John Davidson, Indian inter-
preter; Jacob Van Brahm, French interpreter; Chris-
topher Gist as guide, and four attendants. He was
courteously received at head-quarters by the French
commander, M. De St. Piere, as a matter of course,
but as positively as politely informed that they should
maintain their claims to the country.
Washington returned at once to Williamsburg, the -
then seat of government, and in his report, which
was printed, and copies of which were sent to Eng-
land, he laid stress, among other things, upon the
very eligible site for a fortification at the forks of the
Ohio, which would command both streams.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 177
In 1754, the “Ohio Company” sent a force there,
accompanied by a force of forty Virginia militia,
under Lieutenant Trent, sent by the State. Before
their work was completed, the French commander,
Captain Contrecour, sent down a largely superior
force, drove them off, took possession of their Fort,
built it stronger, and called it Fort Du Quesne, after
the Governor of Canada. This was the overt act
that launched the long and bloody French and Eng-
lish war which raged with violence on both conti-
nents for several years.
Virginia immediately organized a large force, un-
der Colonel Joshua Fry and Lieutenant-Colonel
_ Washington, to recapture the position; Colonel Fry
dying, en route, the command devolved upon Colonel
Washington. The expedition resulted in the sur-
prise of a party of French, under Captain Joumond-
ville, near the Great Meadows, in which the leader,
Captain Joumondville, was killed, and all his party
either killed or captured. Later, Washington was
attacked at Fort Necessity, which he had hastily for-
tified, by a largely superior French force, and was
obliged to capitulate.
In the following year (1755), the English Govern-
ment sent over General Braddock, with two regi-
ments of English regulars, to co-operate with the
Virginia troops. This expedition ended in the dis-
astrous defeat of Braddock’s army, almost in sight
of Fort Du Quesne, by the French and their Indian
allies.
In 1758, another and more formidable army was
organized, under command of General Forbes, who
finally sueceeded in capturing and holding Fort Du
12
178 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
Quesne, and, the following year, a formidable strong-
hold was built and called Fort Pitt, after the then
English Premier.
The subsequent engagements between the English
and French along the Lakes and the St. Lawrence
need not be followed here (being beyond the geo-
graphical limits treated of), except to state that, upon
the capture of Quebec, the French finally surrendered,
to the English, Canada and all] their possessions and
claims east of the Mississippi, thus terminating the
long and bloody war—the final treaty of peace being
ratified at Paris in 1768.
The French were now out of the way of settle-
ments, but their savage allies, whom they had insti-
gated and encouraged to resist the encroachments of
the whites upon their territory, were still there to
dispute every advance upon their hunting grounds;
and, although the march of settlement continued
steadily westward, every pioneer trail was a trail of
blood, and every pioneer family numbered among its
members victims of the tomahawk and scalping
knife. 3
The expedition sent out from Fort Pitt in 1764,
under Colonel] Boquet, into the Indian country, re-
sulted in checking their atrocities for a time, in the
recovery of over three hundred ‘white prisoners,
mostly from the Virginia borders, and a treaty of
peace, concluded with Sir William Johnson, the fol-
lowing year.
This peace gave an impetus to Western emigration,
and by 1772-73 settlements had reached the Ohio at
several points, and the main tributary streams and
their smaller branches.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, 179
Another serious and general colonial trouble was
now brewing, growing out of the levying of taxes
on the colonies by the mother country, for the ex-
penses of the French and Indian wars, and for a
standing army to protect them from the Indians.
These and other measures the colonies: considered
unjust and onerous, and they protested against them
with great earnestness and strong feeling.
In this state of the case, it was charged that the
English instigated the Indians to harass the Western
borders, so as to occupy the attention of the colonial
forces in their protection, and thus prevent resistance
to the oppressive measures contemplated by the
English in the East.
Early in the Spring of 1774, it was evident that
the Indians were combining for aggressive action.
About this time, several murders were committed by
‘both parties, on the Upper Ohio. A white man in
a trading boat was killed by Indians, some distance
above Wheeling Creek; within a few days, early in
April, Captain Michael Cresap and party killed two
Indians, near Wheeling, in a canoe, and followed a
larger party down the river, to about the mouth of
Captina, where they were surprised in camp and
nearly all killed. Within a few days, still in April,
Daniel Greathouse and a party of whites attacked an
encampment of Indians, about the mouth of Yellow
Creek, near Baker’s house, opposite; after plying
them with whisky, they were nearly all murdered.
In these two Indian parties—at Captina and Yellow
Creek—some in each, were all of Logan’s family, and
they were all killed. Logan charged Captain Cresap
with the murder of his kin at Yellow Creek, but
180 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
this is probably a mistake. He was undoubtedly re-
sponsible for the killing at Captina (whether justi-
fiable or not, it is impossible to decide now), but it
has been pretty conclusively shown that he was not
present at the Yellow Creek massacre.
About this time, Bald Eagle, an old and friendly
Delaware Chief, was wantonly murdered by some
straggling whites, set up in his canoe, with a pipe in
his mouth, and sent floating down the Monongahela,
not the Kanawha, as stated by some.
The Indians were terribly exasperated by these
murders, and it was soon unmistakably evident that
they meant to be avenged. Dr. Connally and Captain
Cresap sent messengers to Williamsburg to apprise
the Governor of the state of affairs. He dispatched
Colonel Angus McDonald, with four hundred Vir-
ginia militia, in June, to make an incursion into In-
dian territory, to occupy them at hqme and prevent
their raids on the border settlements.
Later, when the Indians seemed determined on a
general border war, Connally and Cresap again com-
municated with the Governor, who sent for General
Andrew Lewis, then a member of the House of
Burgesses for Bottetourt County, to consult about a
plan of campaign. It was decided that an army of
two divisions should be organized as speedily as
practicable—one to be commanded by General Lewis,
and the other by Lord Dunmore, in person.
General Andrew and his brother, Colonel Charles,
then a member from Augusta County, started at
once to the Valley of Virginia to get together their
army from Augusta, Bottetourt and Fincastle Coun-
ties, while the forces of Governor Dunmore were to
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. — 181
be raised in Frederick, Dunmore (now Shenandoah)
and adjacent counties.
The Governor dispatched Daniel Boone and Michael
Stoner to Kentucky, to notify the several surveying
"parties and the few land hunters and explorers then
there; while from the Greenbriar region, Captain
John Stewart dispatched two runners (tradition says
Philip Hammond and John Pryor) to warn the few
settlers on Kanawha, from Kelly’s Creek to Camp-
bell’s Creek, of the approaching danger.
General Lewis’ army rendezvoused at Camp Union
(Lewisburg), about September Ist, and was to march
from there to the mouth of Kanawha; while Gov-
ernor Dunmore was to go the Northwest route, over
the Braddock trail, by way of Fort Pitt, and thence
down the Ohio River, and form a junction with Gen-
eral Lewis at the mouth of Kanawha. The army of
General Lewis was made up as follows:
1. Regiment of Augusta troops, under Colonel
Charles Lewin, the Captains being George Mathews
(in whose company not a man was under six feet in
height, and most of them over six feet two inches),
Alexander McClannahan, John Dickinson, John
Lewis (son of William), Benjamin Harrison, William
Paul, Joseph Haynes and Samuel Wilson. _
2. Bottetourt Regiment, under Colonel William
Fleming. The Captains were Matthew Arbuckle,
John Murray, John Lewis (son of Andrew), James
. Robertson, Robert McClannahan; James Ward and
John Stewart (author of memoir, ete.).
38. An independent company of seventy men,
under Colonel John Field, raised by him in Culpep-
per County.
182 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
+. The force under Colonel Willian Christian »
consisted of three independent companies. under
Captains Evan Shelby, William Russel] and —— Her-
bert, from the Holston, Clinch and New River settle-
ments, then Fincastle County; a company of scouts
under Captain John Draper, of Draper’s Valley, and
an independent company under Captain Thomas
Buford, of Bedford County.
The aggregate strength of this Southern division
of the army was about eleven hundred; the strength
of the Northern division, under Led Dimon, was
about fifteen hundred.
On the 11th of September, General Lewis broke
camp, and, with Captain Matthew Arbuckle, an intel-
ligent and experienced frontiersman, as pilot, marched
through a pathless wilderness, making, as they went,
such road as was necessary to get the pack-horses,
bearing ammunition and provisions, and their beef
cattle over.
Their route was by Muddy Creek, Keeny’s Knobs,
Rich Creek, Gauley, Twenty Mile, Bell Creek and
Kelly’s Creek, to Kanawha, and down Kanawha to
the mouth, following the Indian trail at the base of
the hills, instead of along the river bank, for the ob-
vious reason that it was thus easier to cross or avoid
the creeks and ravines. They reached the Point on
the 80th day of Pepeemb, after a fatiguing march
of nineteen days.
When Lewis’ army started its march from Camp ©
Union for the mouth of Kanawha, Colonel Field,
who, in previous service with Lewis in the North-
west, had been the senior in command, now mani-
fested some unwillingness to take position under .
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 183
General Lewis, and, as his company was an inde-
pendent one, raised by himself ouside of the State
_ order for troops, and as he had recently twice passed
through the wilderness, from Camp Union to Kelly’s
Creek and back, and knew something of its topog-
raphy, he started out with his command by a route
of his own; on the next or following day, however,
two of his men, named Clay and Coward, strayed
from the main body to hunt; they were attacked by
two Indians, probably spies watching the movements
of the army. Clay was shot and killed by one of
them, while the other was killed by Coward. |
After this, Colonel Field, acting with judicious
discretion, joined the main body of the army, and
they marched together harmoniously the remainder
of the way.
At the mouth of Elk (the present site of Charles-
ton) the army halted long enough to construct some
canoes, or “dug-outs,” into which the commissary
stores, ammunition, etc., were transferred from the
backs of pack-horses, and taken the remainder of the
way by river.
In most or all the accounts of the battle, it is
stated that Colonel Christian and his regiment were
delayed in getting together, and did not arrive in
time for the battle. This is, in part at least, an
error. Colonel Christian did not arrive until late in
the afternoon, when the fighting was nearly over,
_ bringing with him the portions of his companies that
had been too late in reaching the rendezvous; but
Captains Russell, Shelby and Buford, and parts of
their companies, were certainly on the ground at the
beginning of the fight.
184 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
The four men who had made a daylight hunting
excursion up the Ohio River bank, on the morning
of the 10th, who were the first to see the Indians,
and one of whom (Hickman) was killed—the first
blood drawn—were members of Captains Russell’s
and Shelby’s companies; and Captain Buford was
present, and himself wounded during the day.
The army had been gotten together hastily, as were,
also, the supplies, which were not overly abundant.
The army was neither well clad nor well fed; they
were, perforce, “teetotalers.” They had no spirit
rations, and neither tea nor coffee, yet they were in
good health and spirits, though tired and worn by
the hard march through the wilderness.
General Lewis waited several days, anxiously ex-
pecting the arrival of Lord Dunmore, who, by ap-
pointment, was to have joined him here on the 2d of
October. Having no intelligence from him, Lewis
dispatched messengers up the Ohio River to meet
him, or learn what had become of him. Before his
messengers returned, however, three messengers
(probably McCulloch, Kenton and Girty) arrived at
his camp on Sunday, the 9th of October, with orders
from Lord Dunmore to cross the river and meet him
before the Indian towns in Ohio.
This is, substantially, the current version of mat-
ters; but authorities differ. Some say the messen-
gers arrived on the night of the 10th, after the battle
was fought; others say they did not arrive until the
11th, the day after the battle, and Colonel Andrew ”
Lewis, son of General Andrew, says his father re-
ceived no communication whatever from Lord Dun-
more after he (Lewis) left Camp Union, until after
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 3 185
the battle had been fought, and Lewis, of his own
motion, had gone on into Ohio, expecting to join
Dunmore and to punish the Indians, when he received
an order to stop and return to the point. This order
(by messenger) Lewis disregarded, when Lord Dun-
more came in person, and, after a conference and as-
surances from Dunmore that he was about nego-
tiating a peace, Lewis reluctantly retraced his steps.
In the very excited state of fecling then existing
between the colonies and the mother country, it was
but natural that the sympathies of Lord Dunmore, a
titled English nobleman, and holding his commission
as Governor of Virginia at the pleasure of the crown,
should be with his own country; but it was not only
strongly suspeeted, but generally charged, that, while
he was yet acting as Governor of Virginia, and be-
fore he had declared himself against the colonies, he
was unfairly using his position and influence to the
prejudice of his subjects.
These suspicions, and the supposed grounds for
them, will be more fully discussed in a subsequent
chapter on Lord Dunmore.
According to the account of Colonel Stewart, when
the interview was over between General Lewis and
the messengers of Lord Dunmore, on the 9th, Lewis
gave orders to break camp at an early hour next
morning, cross the river, and take up their march
towards the Indian towns; but the Fates had decreed
otherwise. At the hour for starting, they found
themselves confronted by an army of Indian braves,
eight hundred to one thousand strong, in their war
paint, and commanded by their able and trusted
leaders, Cornstalk, Logan, Red Hawk, Blue Jacket
186 Trans-A llegheny Pioneers.
and Elinipsico, and some authors mention two or
three others.
Instead of a hard day’s marching, Lewis’ army
had a harder day’s fighting—the important, desper-
ately contested, finally victorious, and ever-mem-
orable battle of Point Pleasant.
No “official report” of this battle has been pre-
served, or was ever written, so far as I can learn.
There are several good reasons, apparently, for this
omission. In the first place, the time, place and cir-
cumstances were not favorable for preparing a formal
official report. In the second place, Lord Dunmore,
the superior officer, to whom General Lewis should,
ordinarily, have reported, was himself in the field,
but a few miles distant, and General Lewis was ex-
pecting that the two divisions of the army would be
united within a few days; and, in the third place, the
“strained relations” between the colonies and the
mother country were such, and the recent action of
Governor Dunmore so ambiguous, that General Lewis
was probably not inclined to report to him at all.
In the absence of an official report, I give below
an account of the battle which, I think, comes nearer
to it than anything else extant.
Being in Belfast, Ireland, in 1874, a short time be-
fore the centennial celebration of the battle at Point
Pleasant, and knowing that Belfast, Ulster district,
and the North of Ireland generally, had sent a large
early emigration to the Valley of Virginia, many of
whose descendants were, no doubt, in General Lewis’
army, and in this battle, I went to the City Library
to see if I could find anything there relating to the
battle. In examining the files of the “Belfast News
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. : 187
Letter,” a city paper, which I found preserved in
annual bound volumes from its commencement, in
1737 (and now nearly one hundred and fifty years
old), I turned to 1774, and my search was soon re-
warded by finding the following very interesting
letter, a copy of which I sent to the “Charleston
Courier” in time for publication and circulation at
the Point Pleasant celebration:
BELFAST.
Yesterday arrived a mail from New York, brought to Fal-
. mouth by the Harriot packet boat. Captain Lee.
Wriiamsgure, Va., November 10th.
The following letter is just received here from the camp on
Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa [as then
spelled], dated October 17, 1774:
“The following is a true statement of a battle fought at this
_place on the 10th instant: On Monday morning, about half an
hour before sunrise, two of Captain Russell’s company discov-
ered a large party of Indians about a mile from the camp, one of
which men was shot down by the Indians; the other made his
escape, and brought in the intelligence. In two or three min-
utes after, two of Captain Shelby’s company came in and con-
firmed the account.
“ Colonel Andrew Lewis, being informed thereof, immediately
ordered out Colonel Charles Lewis, to take command of one
hundred and fifty of the Augusta troops, and with him went
Captain Dickinson, Captain Harrison, Captain Wilson, Captain
John Lewis, of Augusta, and Captain Lockridge, which made
the first division. Colonel Fleming was also ordered to take
command of one hundred and fifty more of the Bottetourt, Bed-
ford and Fincastle troops, viz.: Captain Thomas Buford, from
Bedford; Captain Love, of Bottetourt; Captain Shelby and Cap-
tain Russell, of Fincastle, which made the second division.
“Colonel Charles Lewis’ division marched to the right, some
distance from the Ohio, and Colonel Fleming, with his division,
on the bank of the Ohio, to the left.
“ Colonel Charles Lewis’ division had not marched quite half
a mile from the camp when, about sunrise, an attack was made
188 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
on the front of his division, in a most vigorous manner, by the
united tribes of Indians—Shawnees, Delawares, Mingoes, Tawas,
and of several other nations—in number not less than eight hun-
dred, and by many thought to be one thousand.
“Tn this heavy attack, Colonel Charles Lewis received a
wound which, in a few hours, caused his death, and several of
his men fell on the spot; in fact, the Augusta division was
obliged to give way to the heavy fire of the enemy. In abouta
second of a minute after the attack on Colonel Lewis’s division,
the enemy engaged the front of Colonel Fleming’s division on the
Ohio, and in a short time the Colonel received two balls through
his left arm, and one through his breast, and, after animating
the officers and soldiers in a most calm manner to the pursuit of
victory, retired to the camp.
“The loss in the field was sensibly felt by the officers in par-
ticular; but the Augusta troops, being shortly after reinforced
from the camp by Colonel Field, with his company, together
with Captain McDowell, Captain Mathews and Captain Stewart,
from Augusta; Captain Paulin, Captain Arbuckle and Captain
McClannahan, from Bottetourt, the enemy, no longer able to
maintain their ground, was forced to give way till they were in a
line with the troops, Colonel] Fleming being left in action on the
bank of the Ohio.
“In this precipitate retreat Colonel Field was killed. During
this time, which was till after twelve, the action in a small degree
abated, but continued, except at short intervals, sharp enough
till after one o’clock. Their long retreat gave them a most advan-
tageous spot of ground, from whence it appeared to the officers
so difficult to dislodge them that it was thought most advisable to
stand as the line was then formed, which was about a mile und
a quarter in length, and had sustained till then a constant and
equal weight of the action, from wing to wing.
“Tt was till about half an hour of sunset they continued firing
on us scattering shots, which we returned to their disadvantage.
At length, the night coming on, they found a safe retreat.
“They had not the satisfaction of carrying off any of our
men’s scalps, save one or two stragglers whom they killed before
the engagement. Many of their dead they scalped, rather than
we should have them, but our troops scalped upwards of twenty
of their men that were first killed.
“Tt is beyond doubt their loss, in number, far exceeded ours,
which is considerable.
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 189
“The return of the killed and wounded in the above battle,
same as our last, as follows:
“‘ Killed—Colonels Charles Lewis and John Field, Captains
John Murray, R. McClannahan, Samuel Wilson, James Ward,
Lieutenant Hugh Allen, Ensigns Cantiff and Bracken, and forty-
four privates. Total killed, fifty-three.
“Wounded—Colonel William Fleming, Captains John Dick-
inson, Thomas Buford and I. Skidman, Lieutenants Goldman,
Robinson, Lard and Vance, and seventy-nine privates. Total
wounded, eighty-seven; killed and wounded, one hundred and
forty.”
Looking further through the “Belfast News Let-
ter’ to see if I could find any additional particulars,
I found the following Williamsburg letter in relation
to the movements of Governor Dunmore:
“ AMERICA.
“ WILLIAMSBURG, IN Virainta, December 1, 1774,
“We have it from good authority that His Excellency, the
(rovernor, is on his way to this capital, having concluded a peace
with the several tribes of Indians that have been at war with us,
and taken hostages of them for their faithful complying with the
terms of it, the principal of which are that they shall totally
abandon the lands on this side of the Ohio River, which river is
to be the boundary between them and the white people, and
never more take up the hatchet against the English.
“Thus, in a little more than the space of five months, an end
is put to a war which portended much trouble and mischief to
the inhabitants on the frontier, owing to the zeal and good con-
duct of the officers and commanders who went out in their
country’s defense, and the bravery and perseverance of all the
troops.’’—Copied from the ‘“ Belfast News Letter” of February
© 10, 1775.”
It will be observed that the foregoing Point Pleas-
ant letter has no signature to it. The letter was,
doubtles, signed when written, but why the name
was omitted at Williamsburg or Belfast is not known.
190 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
While there is no name to the letter as printed, it is
circumstantially conclusive, I think, that it was
written by Captain Matthew Arbuckle, whom Gen-
eral Lewis had left in command of the garrison,
and charged with the care of the wounded at the
Point.
There were no enterprising newspaper correspond-
ents at the front in those days; no literary camp-
followers or hangers-on; no amateur aids-de-camp,
or other fancy gentlemen, to write sensational battle
reports; there was no Point Pleasant town there
then; no citizens nor neighbors to write army letters
or battle reports. Outside of Captain Arbuckle’s
camp, there was absolutely not a white man within
one hundred miles of Point Pleasant, or nearer than
the armies then out on Pickaway Plains. I assume,
therefore, that the letter was written by Captain
Arbuckle, possibly by order of General Lewis, to be
forwarded to the State capital. It was, probably,
sent by runners to Camp Union, forwarded thence to
Williamsburg, and published in the little weekly
“Virginia Gazette,” published by Purdie & Dixon,
and the only newpaper then published in the State.
This report of the battle is quite meager, it is true,
and it is to be regretted that it had not given more
of detail; but, as far as it goes, it is evidently a true
and accurate account of what transpired, as seen by
the writer, himself an active participant throughout.
The style of the letter is plain, simple and clear, with
no effort at fine writing; no thought of making or
glorifying pet heroes, and no wish to be sensational.
It was written on the ground, just one week after
the battle, with all the facts fresh and clear upon his
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 191
own mind, and the memories of his garrison and
wounded, with whom, doubtless, he had discussed
the exciting events over and over, and compared
notes, day by day, during the week past.
Though short, the simple and unpretentious style
of the report is probably calculated to give the av-
erage general reader as clear a comprehension of the
prominent facts and features of the battle as a half-
dozen-column article from a modern army corre-
spondent, largely made up of fulsome flattery of in-
cipient heroes, and of sensational incidents of doubt-
ful authenticity. ,
About ten years after the battle, Colonel John
Stewart, who had been one of the first permanent
settlers of Greenbriar, and who had taken a most
active and efficient part in the prominent Indian wars
and raids of the period, in this region, wrote a not
very full, but exceedingly interesting, memoir of
these early times and troubles, including the battle
of the Point; and to this memoir, probably more
than to any other one document, we are indebted for
what has been preserved of the eventful history of
this valley at that period, and it is the basis of much
of the history of the region since written.
Many years later, Dr. 8. L. Campbell, of Rock-
bridge, wrote a somewhat similar sketch, the mate-
rial being gathered from the recollections of those
who had taken part in the events described, chiefly
from Mr. Alexander Reed and Mr. William Moore,
of Rockbridge.
Later, Colonel Andrew Lewis, of the Bent Mount-
ain, Va., son of General Andrew, gave, briefly, his
recollections of the long ago; and many other longer
192 Trans Allegheny Pioneers.
or shorter sketches relating to the battle of the
Point, and other events of this region, have been
written mostly from traditions, more or less imper-
fectly and inaccurately transmitted from those who
were personal actors or witnesses.
Each of these sketches contains some fact, item or
incident unknown to or omitted by the others, but
as each item fills a gap and helps to make up the
general picture, it is only possible now to get a tol-
erably full and clear idea and understanding of the
conditions then existing by gleaning from all the ac-
counts, each of which, alone, gives so little of circum-
stantial detail.
That there are some discrepancies, and conflicts of
statement is but natural and to be expected under
the circumstances; they are generally unimportant,
however, and must be reconciled by comparisons and
weight of probabilities.
Colonel Stewart, one of the first to write about the
battle, after Arbuckle’s short account, was himself
present, was well known to General Lewis (and a rel-
ative by marriage), says General Lewis received a
message from Governor Dunmore, on the 9th, telling
him to cross the Ohio and join him, and he (Stewart)
mentions McCulloch as one of the messengers.
Burk, and others, say the messengers came after
the battle, and mention Simon Kenton and Simon
Girty among the messengers.
Colonel Andrew Lewis says his father received no
communication of any sort from Governor Dunmore,
until ordered to return from Ohio.
Dr. Campbell says there was considerable dissatis-
faction in Lewis’ camp, for some days before the
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 193
battle, growing out of the manner of serving the
rations, and especially the beef rations; the men
claimed that the good and bad beef were not dealt
out impartially. On the 9th, General Lewis ordered
that the poorest beeves be killed first, and distributed
to all alike. The beef was so poor that the men
were unwilling to eat it, and, although it was posi-
tively against orders to leave camp without permis-
sion, about one hundred men started out before day,
next morning (the 10th), in different directions, to
hunt and provide their own meat. Many of these
did not get back, nor know of the battle, until night,
when it was all over. ©
This was a serious reduction of the army at such a
time. This circumstance has not been mentioned, so
far as I know, by any other of the early writers.
Of the several men belonging to Captains Russell’s
and Shelby’s companies who went immediately up
the bank of the Ohio, the two (Hickman and Robin-
son) who first encountered the Indians belonged, as
Arbuckle tells us, to Captain Russell’s company. Of
these, Hickman was killed, as above stated, and Rob-
inson escaped to the camp with all speed, and re-
ported an army of Indians that would cover four
acres or more.
When the approach of the Indians was reported,
it is said that General Lewis first quietly lighted his
pipe, and then coolly gave his orders for the disposi-
tion of the forces as described by Captain Arbuckle,
-and generally confirmed by others.
Nearly all the accounts of the battle state that Colonel
Charles Lewis was shot down on the first round, and
soon expired at the root of a tree. Dr. Doddridge
13
194 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers,
says he was carried to his tent by Captain Morrow
and Mr. Blair, from Captain Paul’s company, while
Colonel Andrew Lewis says he received his wound
early in the action, but did not let it be known until:
he had gotten the line of battle extended from the
Ohio to Crooked Creek; he then asked Captain
Murray, his brother-in-law, to let him lean on his
shoulder and walk with him to his tent, where he ex-
pired about twelve o’clock. This does not conflict
with the statement of Captain Arbuckle, who says:
“He received a wound which, in a few hours, caused
his death.”
The terrific grandeur of a battle scene can not well
be described in cold, common-place language. I shall
not attempt the elevated strain necessary to do the
subject justice, but will quote, briefly, from two
authors who have written on this battle. De Hass
Says:
“The battle scene was now terribly grand. There stood the
combatants—terror, rage, disappointment and despair riveted
upon the painted faces of one, while calm resolution and the un-
bending will to do or die were marked upon the other. Neither
party would retreat, neither could advance. The noise of the
firing was tremendous. No single gun could be distinguished—
was one common roar.
“The rifle and the tomahawk now did their work with dread-
ful certainty. The confusion and perturbation of the camp had
now arrived at its greatest height. The confused sounds and
wild uproar of the battle added greatly to the terror of the
scene. The shouting of the whites, the continued roar of fire-
arms, the war-whoop and dismal yelling of the Indians, were
discordant and terrific.”
Colonel J. L. Peyton, in his valuable history of
Augusta County, says:
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 195
“It was, throughout, a terrible scene—the ring of rifles and
the roar of muskets, the clubbed guns, the flashing knives—the
fight, hand to hand—the scream for mercy, smothered in the
death-groan—the crushing through the brush—the advance—the
retreat—the pursuit, every man for himself, with his enemy in
view—the scattering on every side—the sounds of battle, dying
away into a pistol-shot here and there through the wood, and a
shriek—the collecting again of the whites, covered with gore and
sweat, bearing trophies of the slain, their dripping knives in one
hand, and rifle-barrel, bent and smeared with brains and hair,
in the other. No language can adequately describe it.”
_ After these eloquent and thrilling descriptions of
the desperate conflict, one can hardly fail to be sur-
prised, when he comes to foot up results, to tind that
the casualties are so few.
Different accounts of the battle state the losses on
the part of the whites, in killed and wounded, at one
hundred and forty to two hundred and fifteen; but I
assume that Captain Arbuckle’s account, above
given, is correct; that is, nine officers and forty-four
privates (53) killed, and eight officers and seventy-
nine privates (87) wounded; total, killed and wounded,
one hundred and forty.
All the early writers claim that the losses of the
Indians were greater than those of the whites, but
this, I think, admits of much doubt. The historians
all claim that the Indians were seen throwing their
dead into the river all day, but it seems only a vague
“they say” sort of statement, not given upon the
positive authority of any reliable person who saw it.
While, per contra, Colonel James Smith, who was
several years a prisoner among the Indians, spoke.
their language, knew many of them well, and com-
municated with them after this battle, says they only
admitted the loss of twenty-eight killed outright,
196 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
and eight who died from their wounds—total, thirty-
six; but as they had no muster-rolls, and the tribes
scattered, they had probably overlooked at least five,
as twenty-one were found lying as they fell, and
twelve where their friends had partially buried or
secreted them, making thirty-three, and the eight
who afterwards died from their wounds would in-
crease their loss to forty-one—one of whom Corn-
stalk himself had killed.
This Colonel Smith was one of the most intelli-
gent and observant of the many early pioneers who
had the hard fate to serve a captivity of several years
among the Indians; but to his misfortune we are in-
debted for his published narrative, after his release,
of his personal adventures and results of his obser-
vations, which is probably the best record extant, of
the manners and customs, and every-day life of the
Indians at that period of their history.
Among the eighty-seven wounded whites, it would
seem probable that some died of their wounds in the
hospital; but, if so, I have seen no list or mention
of them.
To Colonel Christian, who, as generally stated, ar-
rived about four o’clock, when the battle was nearly
over, was assigned the duty of gathering up and
burying the dead whites; most of them were buried
in a common grave or trench, with only their blankets
for coffins and shrouds. A few, whose friends wished
to remove them, were buried in separate graves.
. The Indians were not given burial at all, but left
to pollute the air until the birds, the animals and the
elements had disposed of them.
The Indians, during the battle, had some of their
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 197
warriors stationed on both sides of the river, below
the Point, to prevent the possible escape of the
whites by swimming the river from the extreme
point, in the event of defeat.
Colonel Fleming was early wounded by two balls
through his left wrist, but he contined to give his
orders with coolness and presence of mind, calling
loudly to his men: “Don’t lose an inch of ground!
Try to outflank the enemy! Get between them and
the river!” but he was about to be outflanked him-
self, and was only saved by the timely coming up of
Colonel Field, with reinforcements, when he was
again shot, through the lungs, and carried off the
field. Several times the Indians retreated, to draw
out the whites from cover—a favorite ruse of theirs—
and then advanced again. During one of these
moves, Colonel Field was leading on his men in pur-
suit, when he was fatally shot.
General Lewis, warned by the loss of so many
brave officers and men, of the danger of possible dis-
aster, put a large force of his reserves to cutting and
felling trees in a line across the angle between the
rivers, making a breastwork for his men, and protec-
tion for the camp, if he should be driven back to it.
It is rather remarkable that not one of the Indian
leaders was killed or wounded. They certainly
fought bravely.
During the battle, it is said that the stentorian
voice of Cornstalk was often heard, commanding and
encouraging his men.
Captain Stewart at one time asked some one near
him, who understood something of the Indian lan-
guage, what it was that Cornstalk was saying; in
°
198 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
reply he said, the English equivalent of the expres-
sion was: “Be strong! Be strong!”
To punish an individual act of cowardice, during
the battle, and to serve as a warning to others, and,
possibly, prevent demoralization in his army, it was
said that Cornstalk cleft the skull of one of his own
men with his tomahawk. This, I believe, is given
on the authority of Cornstalk himself, subsequently
obtained; he also stated that he had opposed the
battle, and advised a conference with General Lewis,
on the eve of the fight, to treat for peace, but he was
overruled, when he said to them: “Then if you will
fight, you shall fight, and I will see that you do
fight!”
It was about four o’clock in the afternoon when
General Lewis detailed Captains Shelby, Matthews
and Stewart to makea detour and flank movement up:
Crooked Creek. This was entirely successful, and
was the decisive move of the day. As soon as the
Indians discovered it, thinking it was Colonel Chris-
tian arriving with fresh reinforcements, they began
their final retreat. They kept up a show of fighting
by desultory firing, to keep the whites in check while
getting away with their wounded, which they accom-
plished with entire success.
Some historians of the battle claim that the In-
dians were pursued, on their retreat, by the whites,
from one to three miles, but the evidence is not sat-
isfactory. General Lewis’ army had fought from
sunrise to sunset, without food or rest, and were, con-
sequently, fatigued, hungry and exhausted, and in
no condition to pursue. To have attempted it in the
darkness of night would have been to risk being
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 199
ambushed and exterminated. In the exhausted con-
dition of the armies, I assume that one side was as
glad to be let alone as the other, and that there was
no pursuit.
Probably the first man killed when the battle
opened, and after the hunter, Hickman, had been
killed a mile above the camp, was Captain Frogg.
He was not commanding a company, but was a sut-
ler. When the order was given to advance, he took
his gun and volunteered to fight with the rest. He
was a nervous, excitable man, and kept not only even
with the front rank, but generally several steps in
advance, as there were yet no Indians in sight. He
was gaudily dressed in bright colors, and had his hat
rigged with ribbons or feathers; suddenly the Indians
arose from an ambush in a pawpaw thicket, and fired
a volley into the advance. Captain Frogg, from his
advanced position and gaudy dress, had probably
been mistaken for an officer of rank, and was rid-
dled with bullets. He had, unfortunately for himeelf,
drawn the fire of the enemy, and, possibly, saved the
lives of several others.
A few days after the battle, there was a sale, at
auction, of sundry articles captured from, or lost by,
the Indians during the day. They brought, in the
aggregate, £74. 4s. 6d.
These two last items I give on the authority of
Colonel B. H. Smith’s centennial address at Point
Pleasant in 1874, and he got them from the tradi-
tions of his ancestors, who were in the battle.
It is said that three Indians were successively shot
down over one body in the, at last, unsuccessful effort
to secure a much-coveted scalp.
200 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
The wonderful powers of endurance of the In-
dians may be estimated from the facts that they
occupied the night of the 9th in crossing the river,
marched three miles by sunrise on the morning of
the 10th, fought from sunrise till dark, remarched
three miles, and recrossed the river on the night of
the 10th, with little or no opportunity for food
or rest.
Collins, in his admirable history of Kentucky, says
that Captain James Harrod, who had a company of
forty-two colonists in Kentucky, taking up lands
and building improvers’ cabins, in 1774, left the
country with the surveyors and others, when warned
out by Boone, took most of them with him up to
the Point, and “lent a helping hand” in the bloody
fight.
The weather. on the 10th of October, the day of
the memorable battle, was clear and pleasant, and
the rivers were low. On Tuesday, the 11th, General
Lewis strengthened the Fort, provided for the
wounded and prepared for the march, and on Wednes-
day, the 12th, crossed the Ohio and started to join
Lord Dunmore. It is believed that he crossed not
far below the mouth of “Old Town Creek,” and
about where the Indians had crossed and recrossed.
The original camp and Fort at the Point stood in
the angle of the rivers, a little nearer the Ohio, and
a little below the present Virginia street; and here
the brave Virginians, who had lost their lives in de-
tense of her borders and their own homes, were laid
to rest. Since that day the Ohio has cut away its
banks very much, encroaching upon the site.
One of the last official acts of Governor Dunmore,
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, 201
before fleeing from the wrath of his unloving sub-
jects, was to order the disbanding of the garrison at
the Point, in 1775, hoping thus to encourage and
facilitate Indian raids upon the Western settlements.
The Governor was then fully committed to the Eng-
lish side in the Revolutionary struggle.
It was not long, however, till a larger Fort was
constructed, changing the location to the site of the
large brick storehouse of the late James Capeheart,
and it was called Fort Randolph.
How long this Fort stood, I do not know, but
Colonel Andrew Lewis says he was at the Point in
1784, when there was little or no sign of it left.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
LORD DUNMORE.
T has been stated that there were not only suspi-
cions, but grave charges, that Governor Dunmore
acted a double part, and that he was untrue and
treacherous to the interests of the colony he gov-
erned.
As he is inseparably connected with this campaign
(often called the Dunmore war), and its accompany-
ing history, and the inauguration of the Revolution,
it may be well to briefly allude to his official course
just before, during and after the campaign, that his
true relations to it, and to the colony, may be under-
stood; and, also, to show that the “ Revolution” was
really in progress; that this campaign was one of the
important early moves on the historical chess-board,
and that the battle of Point Pleasant was, as gen-
erally claimed, the initiatory battle of the great
drama.
In the Summer of 1773, Governor Dunmore made,
ostensibly, a pleasure trip to Fort Pitt; here he
established close relations with Dr. Connally, making
him Indian Agent, Land Agent, ete. Connally was
an able, active and efficient man, who thereafter ad-
hered to Dunmore and the English cause.
It, is charged that Connally at once began foment-
ing trouble and ill-feeling between the colonies of
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 203
Virginia and Pennsylvania in regard to the Western
frontier of Pennsylvania, then claimed by both col-
onies, but held by Virginia, hoping by such course to
prevent the friendly co-operation of these colonies
against English designs; and, also, to incite the In-
dian tribes to resistance of Western white encroach-
ments upon their hunting grounds, and prepare the
way for getting their co-operation with England
against the colonies, when the rupture should come.
In December, 1773, the famous “cold-water tea”
was made in Boston harbor. In retaliation, the
English Government blockaded the port of Boston,
and moved the capital of the colony to Salem. When
this news came, in 1774, the Virginia Assembly, being
in session, passed resolutions of sympathy with Mas-
sachusetts, and strong disapproval of the course of
England; whereupon Governor Dunmore peremp-
torily dissolved the Assembly. They met privately,
opened correspondence with the other colonies, and
proposed co-operation and a Colonial Congress.
On the 4th of September, 1774, met, in Philadel-
phia, the first Continental Congress—Peyton Ran-
dolph, of Virginia, President; George Washington,
R. H. Lee, Richard Bland, Patrick Henry, Benjamin
Harrison and Edmund Pendleton members from
Virginia.
They passed strong resolutions; among others, to
resist taxation and other obnoxious measures; to
raise minute men to forcibly resist coercion; and,
finally, resolved to cease all official intercourse with
the English Government.
In the meantime, Dr. Connally had been carrying
out the programme of the Northwest. He had taken
204 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
possession of the Fort at Fort Pitt, and renamed it
Fort Dunmore; was claiming lands under patents
from Governor Dunmore, and making settlements on
them; had been, himself, arrested and imprisoned
for atime by Pennsylvania; had the Indian tribes
highly excited, united in a strong confederacy and
threatening war; then came the massacre of Indians
above Wheeling, at Captina and at Yellow Creek,
said to have grown out of Connally’s orders.
While the Continental Congress was passing the
resolutions above mentioned, and which created a
breach between the colonies and the mother country
past healing, Governor Dunmore and General Lewis
were organizing and marching their armies to the
West. Instead of uniting the forces into one army,
and marching straight to the Indian towns and con-
quering or dictating a lasting peace, Lord Dunmore
took the larger portion of the army by a long detour
by Fort Pitt, and thence down the Ohio, picking up,
on the way, Dr. Connally and Simon Girty, whom he
made useful.
At Fort Pitt, it is said, he had held a conference
with some of the Indian Chiefs, and came to some
understanding with them, the particulars of which
are not known.
Instead of uniting with Lewis at the mouth of Kan-
awha, as had been arranged, but which was probably
not intended, he struck off from the Ohio River at
the mouth of the Hockhocking and marched for the
Indian towns on the Pickaway plains, without the
support of Lewis’ army, delaying long enough for
the Indians to have annihilated Lewis’ division, if
events had turned out as Cornstalk had planned. He
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 205
(Cornstalk) said it was first their intention to attack
the “Long Knives” and destroy them, as they
crossed the river, and this plan would have been car-
ried out, or attempted, but for the long delay of
Lewis, awaiting the arrival of Lord Dunmore. They
afterwards, upon consultation, changed their plans,
and determined to let Lewis cross the river, and then
ambush him somewhere nearer their own homes, and
farther from his (Lewis’) base; but the Indians have
no organized commissary or transportation arrange-
ments, and can only transport such amount of food
as each brave can carry for his own sustenance; this
is, necessarily, a limited amount, and Lewis’ delay in
crossing had run their rations so short that they
were obliged to cross, themselves, and force a fight,
or break camp and go to hunting food. They crossed
in the night, about three miles above the Point, on
rafts previously constructed, and expected to take
Lewis’ army by surprise; and it has been seen how
near they came to accomplishing it. It was pre-
vented by the accident of the early hunters, who
were out before daylight, in violation of orders.
Colonel Andrew Lewis (son of General Andrew),
in his account of the Point Pleasant campaign, says:
“Tt is known that Blue Jacket, a Shawanee Chief,
visited Lord Dunmore’s camp, on the 9th, the day
before the battle, and went straight from there to the
Point, and some of them went to confer with Lord
Dunmore immediately after the battle.”
It is also said that Lord Dunmore, in conversation
with Dr. Connally, and others, on the 10th, the day
of the battle, remarked that “ Lewis is probably hav-
ing hot work about this time.”
206 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
When Lewis had crossed the river, after the battle,
and was marching to join Dunmore, a messenger
was dispatched to him twice in one day, ordering
him to stop and retrace his steps—the messenger, in
both instances, being the afterwards notorious Simon
Girty. General Lewis had, very naturally, become
very much incensed at the conduct of Lord Dun-
more, and took the high-handed responsibility—ad-
vised and sanctioned by his officers and men—of dis-
obeying the order of his superior in command, and
boldly marching on towards his camp.
When within about two and a half miles of Lord
Dunmore’s head-quarters, which he called Camp
Charlotte, after Queen Charlotte, wife of ‘his master,
George ITI., he came out to meet Lewis in person,
bringing with him Cornstalk, White Eyes (another
noted Shawanee Chief), and others, and insisted on
Lewis’ returning, as he (Dunmore) was negotiating a
treaty of peace with the Indians. He sought an in-
troduction to Lewis’ officers, and paid them some
flattering compliments, etc.
Evidently, it did not comport with Lord Dunmore’s
plans to have General Lewis present at the treaty, to
help the negotiation by his suggestions, or to have
the moral support of his army to support them.
So much did Lewis’ army feel the disappointment
and this indignity, that Colonel Andrew, his son,
says it was with difficulty General Lewis could re-
strain his men (not under very rigid discipline, at
best) from killing Lord Dunmore and his Indian
escort. But the result of the personal conference
was that General Lewis, with the utmost reluctance
of himself and army, consented to return, and to dis-
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers. 207
band his army upon his arrival at Camp Union, as
ordered. -
Suppose Lewis had attempted to cross the river,
and been destroyed, or had crossed and been am-
bushed and demolished in the forest thickets of Ohio,
or that Cornstalk had succeeded, as he came so near
doing, in surprising him in his own camp, on the
morning of the 10th, or after that; suppose the In-
dians had succeeded in turning the so evenly bal-
anced scale in their favor, during the fight, as they
came so near doing, and had annihilated Lewis’
army, as they might then have done, having them pen-
ned up in the angle of two rivers, who can doubt, in
view of all the facts above noted, that Lord Dun-
more would have been responsible for the disaster?
Who can doubt, as it was, that he was responsible
for the unnecessary sacrifice of life, at the Point, on
the 10th? Who can doubt that, with the two divi-
sions of the army united, as per agreement, and Lord
Dunmore and Lewis acting in unison and good ‘faith,
they could have marched, unopposed, to the Indian
towns, and utterly destroyed them, or dictated a
favorable and lasting peace, and maintained it as long
as they pleased, by holding important hostages? But,
clearly, the policy of the Governor was dictated by
ulterior and sinister motives; his actions were not
single-minded.
Colonel Andrew Lewis says: “It was evidently
the intention of the old Scotch villain to cut off
General Lewis’ army.” Burk, the historian, says:
“The division under Lewis was devoted to destruc-
tion, for the purpose of breaking the spirit of the
Virginians.” Withers, Doddridge, and others, ex-
208 Trans-Allegheny Pioneers.
press the same views. General Lewis and his army
were convinced of the fact; Colonel Stewart had no
doubt of it, and nearly every one who has written on
the subject has taken the same view of it.