LL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY tat S E i i LN A HISTORY OF ROYALTON, VP. : | ade" oes Sale ae eS Tas r ; oe Ras MA hy 7 , 5 Ate MEN te SR ; . Sa $ 5 $ ar > ro % ry * . C S z 1 + - 4 ai bi 4 e 0 Ma 3 x . t < ‘ : ; nt oe Z rf 33 . NS ve b * 4 ME e 4 r > : oN 5 - A te % x y - Nees aes s Oe Ne si Sx Roe a hs Ste ae te ? rth raps ~ : an Kea : . : ee gS rm ares 35 Paste moe 4 - + : es 5 ae eee te eee ear eo ets x Ss r. r = 4 eGR rn a Nae ate eae x ee cone 2 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Se ge HISTORY OF ROYALTON, VERMONT WITH FAMILY GENEALOGIES 1769-1911 BY EVELYN M. WOOD LOVEJOY Published by the Town and The Royalton Woman’s Club Free Press PRinTiIne COMPANY BURLINGTON, VERMONT 1911 nao Beall, fN-a. Oo bf tn fot Jo 8 FOO f f CopyricHtT, 1911 BY EVELYN M. W. LOVEJOY my 4 a =~, To DANIEL G. WILD, ESQ. THE ROYALTON WOMAN’S CLUB AND ALL OTHERS NEAR AND DISTANT WHo Love RoyaLton THis Boox 1s DEDICATED PREFACE. It is a trite saying, that there is no road so long but that it ends somewhere. To some who have been expectantly waiting for the publi- cation of the History of Royalton, it may have seemed that the work of preparing the matter for the printer has occupied an unnecessary amount of time. A careful examination of the contents of the book, and a fair judgment of the amount of labor required in gathering, arranging, and preparing the matter for these 1,000 pages and more will, I am sure, disabuse all minds of such an impression. The time required for the work has been greater than it would have been twenty-five or more years ago, when there were living those who could recall the events of the early days, as related by their fathers, all of whom have passed away, leaving little that is authentic. The condensed history of the town prepared at one time by the late Judge William H. Bliss for the Hemenway Gazetteer was destroyed by fire, and no copy was preserved. No other effort is known to have been made toward a connected history of the town, except the material which the lamented Dr. Drake is said to have gathered. Unfortunately, that appears to have been lost or destroyed. This necessitated delving in the original records of this and other towns for nearly all the informa- tion obtained relating to purely local matters. In the prosecution of my task, I have visited and examined the records of all the neighboring towns, searched the probate and county court records of Orange and Windsor counties, spent considerable time in the large libraries of Concord, N. H., Montpelier, Vt., Albany, N. Y., and Boston, Mass., and examined manuscript records in the offices of the Secretary of State in Montpelier, and in Albany, N. Y. Hundreds of genealogies, town histories, and State papers have been examined. It is not worth while to mention more in detail the labor performed, though this covers less than half the time occupied. That there are errors in the book is very probable. The copying of thousands of dates and names, and the conflicting records as found in town records, on tombstones, and in family Bibles, makes absolute ac- curacy impossible, but it is hoped that there are as few mistakes as are usually found in such a work, and that there is none of vital importance. Wherever there has been a conflict in dates, the town clerk’s record has generally been accepted, especially after 1860. If errors are found, please refer to the “Hrrata”’ at the end of the volume to see if they have not been corrected. Credit must be given to the proof-reader of the Free Press Printing Company for calling attention to several mis- takes that had not been detected. I take pleasure in acknowledging my indebtedness, first of all, to our town clerk, William Skinner, who has given every facility possi- ble for securing data, often at some personal inconvenience, and to William H. Harvey, who was also most obliging during the short time he held the office of town clerk in Royalton. To Guy Wilson, town clerk in Bethel, I am also indebted for similar favors, often voluntarily tendered, and to the town clerks of Woodstock, Hartford, Pomfret, Sharon, Tunbridge, Chelsea, Barnard, Hartland, Norwich, Thetford, Randolph, Hanover, N. H., and Lebanon, N. H. Considerable of the most important matter found in the book would have been lacking, had it not been for the advice, assistance, and courtesy of the Librarian of the New England Genealogical and His- torical Association, Boston, the State Librarian at Montpelier, and his vi PREFACE able assistant, Mr. E. M. Goddard, who is also librarian for the Vermont Historical Association. To the Dominion Archivist at Ottawa, Canada, I am deeply indebted for information relating to the Indian Raid on Royalton, October 16, 1780, and to the State Librarians at Concord, N. H., and Albany, N. Y., for permission to examine manuscripts and papers not accessible elsewhere. The offices of the Secretary of State at Montpelier and at Albany, N. Y., were freely open to me, and all needed assistance promptly and cheerfully rendered. The Pension and Post Office Departments at Washington, D. C., responded courteously to calls for information. The lack of data regarding early families in town was in a measure supplied through the kindness of the Hon. T. O. Seaver, Judge of Probate, Woodstock, to whose records I was given free access. It is impossible to name all who have aided me in the preparation of the History. Credit is given to some in the body of the book. Others who must be mentioned are the Royalton Woman’s Club, whose mem- bers have been enthusiastic in gathering material, and otherwise ad- vancing the interests of the undertaking, Gardner Cox, M. D., of Holyoke, Mass., whose contributions to the history of Royalton Fort and the genealogical portion of the book are invaluable, to Eugene S. Rolfe, Boston, who turned over to me his collection of matter pertain- ing to the early history of Royalton and Tunbridge, to Jay Read Pem- ber, Clerk of the County Court, Woodstock, to Guy Rix, Genealogist, Concord, N. H., to Miss Mary Jameson, Chicago, William W. Culver, Lebanon, N. H., George H. Harvey, Woodstock, Miss Ruth Tracy, Beverly, Mass., Miss Laura Lincoln, and Mrs. George Taggart, who voluntarily gathered the data for several families, and to others too numerous to mention. I am peculiarly indebted to Lyman S. Hayes, Bellows Falls, the Historian of Rockingham, for advice and counsel, and to the donor who set the ball rolling, for words of encouragement which have brightened many an hour of hard labor. Dr. Janette E. Freeman’s contribution to the Freeman record should be noticed, and the assistance received from numerous genealo- gies, especially those of the Clark, Cleveland, Dewey, Fowler, Rix, and Waldo families. I have not thought best to mar the appearance of the pages of this book, and to divert the attention of the general reader by frequent references to the authorities from which data have been culled. Our earliest town records are not in shape to be examined, except with the utmost care. They are on loose sheets in many instances, worn and de- faced. The volumes containing the early town records are not dis- tinguished by any distinctive mark, and in one instance are not paged. The land records are better preserved, and are distinguished by letters of the alphabet. “Why did your town want a History?” was a question asked by an outsider during the past year. The reply was, “Because it has loyal sons and daughters who are still interested in it, though living for many years outside its limits, and because it is one of the most pro- gressive, up-to-date towns in the State of Vermont.” A brief account of the inception of the History and Genealogy, and of the action subsequent to the first proposition for such a work may be of interest to some. The publication of the History is due, first of all, to the Royalton Woman’s Club. It was the active, successful search for matter connected with the early settlement of the town by members of this club that arrested the attention of one of the sons of Royalton, who has retained his love for his native town, and his in- terest in its welfare. This was the son of Elisha Wild, Daniel G. Wild, Esq., of Brooklyn, N. Y., who offered to give $500 towards a History of PREFACE vii Royalton. The Woman’s Club accepted the offer, and through the eloquence of Mrs. Frances M. Joiner made a successful appeal to the town at its March meeting in 1906 to appropriate a like sum. By direc- tion of the town the moderator of this meeting, Marvin H. Hazen, sub- mitted a list of twelve names, from which the Woman’s Club was to select an Historical Committee, later known as the Royalton Historical Association. This committee was to be composed, in part, of members of the Woman’s Club. Four were selected from the Club: Mrs. Frances M. Joiner, Mrs. Seymour Culver, Mrs. Annette Lyman, and Miss Gertrude Denison. From the list of twelve names were selected, Mr. William Skinner, Charles P. Tarbell, Esq., Mr. R. B. Galusha, Rev. Levi Wild, Dr. Daniel L. Burnett, Mr. M. S. Adams, Mr. Ernest J. Hewitt. The name of Fayette Green was added “under authority” at the first meeting of the Association, which was held March 15, 1906, and the following officers were then elected: Mrs, Frances M. Joiner, Presi- dent; Dr. Daniel L. Burnett, Vice-President; Mr. Rufus B. Galusha, Treasurer; Mr, Ernest J. Hewitt, Secretary; C. P. Tarbell, Esq., Auditor. At the second meeting, April 4, 1906, Rev. Levi Wild sent in his resig- nation, which was reluctantly accepted. The personnel of the His- torical Association has changed in the succeeding years. The loss of the first able chairman, Mrs. Frances M. Joiner, was keenly felt. The Woman’s Club elected Mrs. Henry W. Dutton in her place, who has equally well and faithfully performed her duties. The removal of Mr. Galusha from town rendered the office of treasurer vacant, and Dr. D. L. Burnett was chosen to fill the vacancy, and on his removal, Miss Alice Grant was elected treasurer. Besides the $1,000 already mentioned as at the disposal of the Association, that body received as gifts $50 from Mrs. Frederick Billings of New York, and $20 from Mrs. Nancy Atwood Sprague of Chicago. The business of the Association was entrusted to an executive com- mittee composed of three of its members, which number was afterwards increased to five. At the third meeting of the Association, May 26, 1906, it was voted to employ Mrs. E. M. Lovejoy as Historian. I was then teaching in Helena, Montana, but returned and began work on the History about the middle of July, 1906. During the succeeding two years I was teaching in Royalton Academy, and could devote only my vacations to the prosecution of the work. Since that time my labor on the History has been continuous, except three months of the past year, when the illness and death of a sister compelled a cessation of this task. My most sincere and grateful thanks are due to the members of the Historical Association, who have been uniformly kind and con- siderate. It was their hearty support that secured the financial back- ing of the town for the publication of this book, at a critical time in its history. The scope of the undertaking had grown, and there had been demands for a more complete work than the Woman’s Club had at first contemplated. It has been in large part a labor of love, in recognition of the many kindnesses received by me and mine at the hands of the former and the present citizens of Royalton. Mention should be made of the labor of C. P. Tarbell, Esq., who, as legal adviser, has given freely of his time to the promotion of the History, and of Mr. Ernest J. Hewitt, the efficient secretary, both of whom are fully occupied with their own business cares, but who have ever cheerfully responded to all calls made upon them. The Association was highly gratified and encouraged by the prompt and hearty response to solicitations for subscriptions to the History, which were sent out in 1909. The appeal was made when it was viii PREFACE absolutely necessary to obtain a certain number of subscribers in order to insure the success of the undertaking. As our home list increased, and the white messengers containing the individual pledges came in from hearts warm with tender memories of the “dear old town,” the anxious strain of weeks gave place to rejoicing over the bright prospect. To these my own heart goes out in gratitude and thankfulness. A re- cent appeal for prepaid subscriptions to enable the Association to meet its printing bills was equally successful, and those so kindly responding will have the satisfaction of knowing that they materially hastened the completion of the work, and lessened the labor attendant thereupon. In selecting the Free Press of Burlington to print the book, and the Empire Company of Albany to make the cuts, the Association was confident that the workmanship would be creditable to the town and satisfactory to subscribers. The photographers furnishing most of the pictures were I. L. Welcome of South Royalton, W. E. Graham now of Burlington, Mrs. Ada L. Miller of South Royalton, and Conant and Conant of Randolph Center. The History of Royalton is now offered to the public with the hope that, whatever faults it has, they will not be held so near the eye as to obstruct the view of any good it may contain. EVELYN M. W. LOVEJOY. South Royalton, Vermont, August 15, 1911. ILLUSTRATIONS. Page Dry ‘Cy. ris By Drake: oy santa seew's sauna a ca entaw an Satie ge Hirano Frontispiece Chart of Partition of Land .......... 0.0... cece cece eee facing 22 Commission of Benjamin Morgan, Jr. ................0055 facing 96 Fort Defiance at Barnard, 1780 ............... eee eee eee facing 97 Zadock: ‘Stele: vias hee tei Sa sawing sb adten ew saweaasaniswawes facing 116 Burning’ of Royalton 440% as sieaa sacmened nex pea add pancetes facing 117 The Havens Meadow in Royalton ...........-..... ee ee eee facing 120 Site of the Indian Encampment in Tunbridge .............. facing 121 The Gully on Hill-side, Pember’s Place of Death ........... facing 144 Relics of “Ye Olden Time” .......... cece cece eee eens facing 144 South Tunbridge—Beginning of Indian Raid ............. facing 145 Morgan Mill, Built; 1781, o.25 seer os cisjau s comes ees ceee cane te facing 145 Mrs. Jerusha (Rix) Hutchinson ...................-00005 facing 150 George Avery, Taken Prisoner in Sharon ................. facing 150 Mrs. Lucy (Pierce) Parkhurst .................0-- ee eeee facing 150 Phineas Parkhurst, M. D. ......... cee eee ee eee eee ee facing 150 Group, Of RELIES) cance sc arqdiees hates Osa wine es. aces ad Mee ae ane Se facing 151 Old. Vesper House: siscccs sgsai.cauwctwk dm wee ene eae aaa aes facing 151 “Great Bridge” Lottery Ticket ............ 0... eee ee eee facing 151 Monument Commemorating the Burning of Royalton...... facing 178 Daniel G. Wild; Esq. ..ccscesvvdess sansa cease seatannsdawas facing 179 Unveiling of the “Indian Monument” .................... facing 182 Mrs. Frances (Merrill) Joiner ............ 0... ccc ec ee ene facing 183 First Congregational Church, Royalton .................. facing 244 Town Clerk’s Office, Royalton ........... 0... cece eee eens facing 244 Railroad Bridge, Royalton ........... 0. cece cece cece e eens facing 245 Railroad Depot, Royalton .................. Sears se teuceie Maer eiaine facing 245 Site of Stevens Bridge and Handy Fordway ............... facing 272 First Bridge at South Royalton across White River ........ facing 273 Map of School Districts, 1869 ............ cece eee eee eee facing 316 M. E. Church, South Royalton .............. 02... ce ee eee facing 320 Royalton Academy, Chartered 1807 ......... 0... cee eee eee facing 320 Old Schoolhouse in District 17 ............. 2. cece eee eee facing 321 South Royalton Graded School Building ................. facing 321 POSCP: PT ACY, , Te acai sex Sy euler atcaleevieysee doavaraublariauat a levees vera orienta renee Sgue ys facing 330 Sylvanus: Bates’ a sasscreaad sauw sak gunk sca teiuad spawn ae facing 330 a0bn Ineorsoll Gilber6 soskvsauaceaeay pe eued yas Maen oa Bee facing 330 Samuel Ward Boardman ............. 0. cece eee eee ence eens facing 330 Edward Joseph Hallock ............ cece cece eee ee eee eee facing 330 Poward COvane. «ses bes ees ae Phas oe eee dG eae ye pee Ee RRS ES facing 330 Charles Noyes Chase) wisi sieesvcisear seta ncst carve woses facing 331 Mrs. Evelyn M. Lovejoy ............ cece cece ee eee eee ee facing 331 Sidney Munson Harris ............ cece eee ee ee cee eee eee facing 331 Willan By errs nares 44 dee per tavned ek e5o 0 ce pe oaweswn facing 331 Mrs. Ellen Leé. Stearns: ssvi« caus stars aes od eee seamen facing 331 Miss Fannie Hastman ........... cece eee eee ee eee ene facing 331 @harlés: Ti. Curtis: oo cainsteetacss: boy ais ford Daa asa Danan m ae ee facing 331 Facsimile Signatures of Barly Settlers ..............-....- facing 370 South Royalton Cemetery .......... ccc cece eee ee tenes facing 371 Burial Place of Rev. John Searle ................-0...000- facing 371 Burial Place of Gen. Elias Stevens and Wife ............. facing 371 Old Sharon. Cemetery -—26 T. P.; (7) 32 A.——3a4 T. P: Lyon, Zebulon—100 A. 54 T. P.; 100 AE. 20 £.; 100 AAW. 14 L. Marsh, Joei—100 A.—W. 37 L.; m: id. 100 A.—E. 24 L: m. d. 66 A.——N. 30 T. P.; m. d. 36 As. W. 26 Li, Morgan, Nathan——170 A—M. 5 L.; 25 A-—26 D.; d. 100 A-—17 T. P:; a. b0 A.M. 25 LL. Morgan, Isaac--100 A.-—-35 D.; 50 A-—31 D.; 8 A-N £&S. ETL; d. 50 A—-M. 29 L.; d. 100 AM. 27 L.; d. 100 A—E. 52 1. Morse, Nathaniel—209 A.—20 & 21 D.; 100. AW. 25 L: Parkhurst, Reuben—100 A.-—E#, 41 1; 100 A—W. 41; 100 A-—10 T. P: Parkhurst, Benjamin—10s A.—4 T. PB; 1090 A:—s9 7. P.; 100 A.—M. 41 1. Parkhurst, Eibenzer—300 A.—Z L. Parkhurst, Jabez—-167 A, 34 L.; d. 100 A.-—. 39 L.; m. d. os A 17 D. Parkhurst, Phineas—200 A.—26 L., (on the river); m. d. 100 A.—Z3 D. Parkhurst, Joseph—176 A.—E. 16 L:; 100 A.—W. ' L.; 50 A.——31 D-; d. 34 A.M: 2o LL. Parkhurst, Tilly—265 A-—H. 1 L.; 100 A-—13 D: Parkhurst, Calyin—134 A.—W. 16: L.; 100 AS. E. 22 Li; 25 A.—26 D; d. 40 A-—-W.. 8 L. Rix, Danie!—100 A.—38 D.; 100 A-—-43 DD; 32 A—34 TP; 20 A.—2Z6 D: Rix, Garner—_100 A.—-W. 22 L.; 100 A—M. 26 L.; d. 100 A114 T. P. Safford, Johnsou—100 A.—S: (2) 26 L.; 128 A—33 1. P.; 64 A.—34 T. P, Safford, John—106 AW. 22 L.; 100 A—25 T. P.; da. 100 A.—24 T. P. Sever, Comfort—180 A-—I1 € 12 7 P.; 100 A406 D.: d. 20 A-——-W. 8 L. Shepard, Simon—195 Ai—i & 8 D.; a: 100 AE. 15 L Stevens, John—300 A-——W. 30 L. Stevens, Hlias—100 AAW. 1L.; 50A—B. 51; 100A—E. GL; 100 A.— 4 D.: 100 A.——28 D. Triscott, Jeremiah—72 A A—15 D.; 100 AE. 23 Le; d. 100 A—M. 24 1; d. 28 A-—M. 12 1. Tullar, Daniel—244 A—38 L.; m. d: 56 A 7 T. P. Tullar, Martin—100 A-—N. 18 Li; 100 AE. 12 7; 100 A—M. 21 lL. Waller, Iisrael—109 A-—6 D.; 100 A—W. 39 1L.; 100 A—™M. 14. Wheeler, Josiah—100 A—-25 D.: 100 A—E. 36 L: 100 AWM. 31 FL. Wilcox, John—100 A.M. 37 L.; 100 AE. 35 L: 100 A-—W.7 LL. Nathan Kimball, John and Johnson Saftord, Daniel and Garner Rix held nearly 1000 acres of undivided land, which makes it dificult to determine just which lots each held, but the ALLOTMENT East 618 Chains ° 30° South 57 ROYAL FO DUTCH TOWN PLOT Fs i ° 4 a £¢e om 20 & S404 y avy 3 LU Peu2q 199K =~ _FsS4n a Dad FV! | 42% 2\42q5 sued 2 3 SUSa94s se 3 a a 3 KPA DIS $0173 L ‘ eT SUrPArXI6 a es Sv1ng £ : cae SU%AD cy -~ aoe ~ ~~ ekew wouawny - Amel Se fee Ot Diet bere ie a Bee eee pe pe ROP \rate NE | es ~ <5 ee timtofueg |, es tu Tt ae SLC Peay “Yor Utmag Sh ema ae PCpew P84 oyyary a v= 5 2 2Son AZAD ¥ et AODIIM uYo evauy ie 3+0fuos “ £ 246) pre Oe | J “IAD DD 8 qv here a FAP F81ery, Ses Pp AS ofa | & = a az ee Midsoyw Pavgd 3 8 £§ zs ToS gl a StS Moule k -~ ae Od eS ais aa. . ~~ ~S2 3 eo ee ae ats ae SL APO 4M efuag Youn fe --* Fa = 8 *” Te [PLD 4222U00q Pi |G ve SH leer g : 7 Ste 83a y sy po a Mw1M 4277.0 = Ly i? nm @. 3 K“eq MED IID IAA SAPS 222M a 4ST N a ‘ : —~-24 AE e wee ey ae te : Tt pe oe oon) 2 ee uo g35 eH yay a. b MIPS svg a ° pL Beiegez| PSAOH uy 5 ° % cr aed et meee ee Fic $ ah é|3 eee f) F®y40Qg ieee B84ey yay, 7 WS as a F fy SF eee eo Py UuoKk s - CI AA 4iareaT~ ~ nie wr! ST s4auig ea Bie mad “O)%ge7 w = L LBP TT t+ ult 2tsmoag KC ~& » J 1 £ XN S2u0 Ree oa 2 Plan, sya ‘ 2 S £L ws = Se $3 > Ls : » 4 2 a i >? At tke BANS J Oe £3 > LS a Fg F540 nt) : SUBAVES SwIgIIt™d D< Jt. ! Ronee 3 ee 3| PPS 24 YORI UM D419, ° 3 “ tu bry ued , A a te ee SE ° Oe ec Peoyds umoy 7 4olnga7 - e ‘ 2 “Pbu0owa wn Ole a 3 ic Hs LL PP esyT ve Bo ¥ o £ Roles oe ov~ wR are 4 = me el |e a3 : BPs Pees pe Te es a bom Wo | > EOS Lo < Powdey.s wou Se . 3 a a ~22 220 4? 150 ‘ t ed or gy ne ee it : Sus dad x s pe 1 P45 uy LoS © a Yor i@ Pete oo Te po eee Ses) 2 ° +h a no * b 33 : foNE a) - ; p-———___ |= oO = ~ & ON S49 Uy 4 vy 29% LODDIM weg ree 5 ean e} 7" y-- PF eae . Lr a = - <4 Pie ae a2 : c = eS a oe t RE Stage eee ke ~ 4 o te ow 0% 4 ~~ h-~o : i> te Tee ag as a 3 22 Z So = |£2 pds 2920 _wwpy = BR 8 Se ~ , =a—— = 2710 a 3 | * Po HE 2 } e 63% gas ¢ KO, its a 2 dy ~ 42% sP2pew et Ee 2 7% = oS se rare 4S t Ar) 3 3 Se ke ‘a z ‘ » err ( O/ : oo ‘ LL] 2 Pe ‘ / j be / ty S ees alos 8 St, 00 2 ——| 79 Gf F505 ° PS YxtoN History or Royauton, VERMONT 23 list is nearly, if not absolutely correct. Isaac Morgan seems to have relinquished his 8 acres in 1 L., and to have taken the same number of acres in 31 D., as later he holds 58 acres there. Some of these grantees remained here but a short time, and sold out for a mere song in most instances, and moved on to a newer portion of the state. It is a credit to Royalton, that, compared with many other towns, a larger number of her grant- ees chose to make their homes here, than was usual, even though they are found among the original grantees of other towns west and north. Four adjourned meetings followed the meeting of June 28, at the last of which they adjourned to Lieut. Fish’s ‘‘for half an ower,’’ and finally were able to act. The busy woodman and farmer was more interested apparently in re-habilitating his home and in providing for the winter, than in the doings of the proprietors, especially, as their meeting had to deal with charter fees, which most of them were in no condition to pay. This meeting was held Oct. 4, 1781, and the record of the meeting and of the subsequent one held on the 21st is given. “Ist Voted that all the proprietors that want sufferers in Royalton will pay their Charter feas within three weeks from this Day to their Ajint who shall be Chosen hereafter with the Rest of the Sufferers Giving their Obligations so that Our Ajint may Perceed to the Governor and take out sd Charter of Royalton 2nd Voted and Maid Choice of Elias Stevens Ajint to Perceed and take of sd Charter 38rd Voted to Raise a tax of one Dollar on Each proprietors Right in Royalton. 4th Chose Elias Stevens Collector for sd Tax 5th Voted to Ajurn this Meeting till the 21 Day of this Instant at Lut Parkhurst at 9 Clok in the Morning” “Oct 21st 1781 Met According Ajurnment 1 Voted that all the proprietors will pay their Charter feas to their Ajint by the first Day of December 2nd Voted that David Fish shall (have) as much Land as a Committee shall say to Make him good in Lew of his Drafted Lot as twas Drafted on to a pitch Lot sd Fish is to have the Liberty to pitch before the Committee shall say how mutch he shall have 3rd Chose Leut Durkee Lut Cal. Parkhurst Mr. Rix A committee to say how mutch Land Mr fish shall have in Lew of his Drafted Lot and that the Committee shall make a pitch of two hundred acres on the Throop Right as twas mist in the Draft 4th Voted All proprietors that had their Lots Mist in the Draft shall have the Liberty to Pitch their lots in the undivided Land 5th Voted to Ajurn this Meeting till the first Monday of Decm Next at Lut Lions at 9 of the Clok in the morning Elias Stevens prs Clark” Two adjourned meetings follow before Jan. 28, 1782. They met on that date, and considered the expenses of the agent sent to the governor for the charter. 24 History oF Royauton, VERMONT “A Return of the Ajint in Giting the Charter the Cost of the Charter and his Expenses is £7.5.10 in State money and £3.2.0 in hard money 1st Voted to that the Ajint shall have the one Dollar tax that was Raised Oct Last for his Expenses and the Cost of the Charter 2 Voted to Chose a Committee to say what the Ajint shall have for his Services in Giting the Charter Chose Benj Parkhurst Mr. Day Capt Jo Parkhurst a Committee to the Report of the Committee for the Ajints service is that the Ajint shall have six pounds Old way for his services in giting the Charter 3 Voted and Except the Report of the Committee 4th Voted to Chose a committee to treat with the Ajint Conserning the Charter fes he Received whether he Received of those men that had Bought their Land and got Deed, or Not Chose Benj Parkhurst John Hibbard Daniel Gilbert A committee to tree (t) with the Ajint and Make Report to the Next Meeting 5 Voted to put a warning for a proprietors Meeting into the Publick prints acording to Law Chose Esq Sever to put a warning into the publick Paper 6th Voted that the Perdential Committee shall take a deed of Mr Kent of thirty acres of Land ajind to Lut Benton whitch is called the Min- isters Lot in Behalf of sd proprietors 7th Voted that Elias Stevens Shall take a Bond for a Deed of Esq Joel Marsh for a Right of Land in Royalton as his Name was put into the Charter in Lew of Esq throop Name in Behalf of sd proprietors 7th Voted that if Tilley Parkhurst will Pay Elias Stevens Six Pounds Old way and Esq Jacobs five Pounds Old way that the Proprietors will wait on him till Nex fall for the Rest 8th (Voted) to Ajurn this Meeting till the Last thursday in March Next at Capt Jos Parkhurst at Ten of the Clok in the morning Elias Stevens Pros Clark” Mr. Tilly Parkhurst evidently found it difficult to raise the twenty pounds that he was to pay for the choice of a lot. He had the whole undivided land to choose from, and he chose to make his pitch of 100 acres in the west side of 31 T. P. He lived on the extreme eastern border of the town, and this pitch was on the extreme western border. The probabilities are that Mr. Parkhurst did not pay his twenty pounds, for on June 18, 1783, the committee for the proprietors, Comfort Sever, Calvin Parkhurst, and John Hibbard, for twenty-five pounds, deed the whole of 31 T. P. to Joshua Hutchins. It was inevitable that there should be some controversy over the right to hold land, especially in case of non-residents. The proprietors at their next meeting, Mar. 27, 1782, took the following action: ‘‘Voted that if Any Parson or proprietor that owns Any Land in the After division and will go and Con- tinue Settlement thereon shall hold what Land he owns toGather in sd Divition.’’ The proprietors next gave their attention to the pitching of the five public rights, an account of which is given in connec- tion with the history of the public lands. After each proprietor had pitched his three one-hundred- acre rights, there still remained undivided land. This amounted History oF Royauton, VERMONT 25 to enough to give each about thirty-three acres more, provided his land did not exceed in actual measurement, or fall short of, the 300 acres belonging to his right. A few availed themselves of this extra division, called ‘‘after divisions,’? and made a further pitch, but oftener, some one would buy up two or more of these ‘‘after-division’’ rights, and adding his own, pitch the whole in one lot of 100 or more acres. William Downer made such a pitch, June 14, 1782, in II Large Allotment, west side, on the rights of Medad Benton, Robert Havens, and Daniel Havens. In some cases the necessary amount of land for a one-hundred-acre lot was made out by getting the right to the land that was cut off by the new survey. One or two men who supposed they had settled in Royalton, woke up one morning after the survey and found they were citizens of Sharon, as their houses were over the border. It was this change in bound- ary that gave Sharon the birthplace of Joseph Smith, the Mor- mon. Elias Stevens was frequently employed to make pitches of the sort just mentioned, and he has to his record no less than eighteen pitches based on missed drafts, after-divisions, and land cut off by town lines. David Fish at first had a free hand in making his pitch, for it is recorded that on Sept. 15, 1782, he pitched ‘‘two 200 acres in Lots No 22 & No 13 Town plot as he had had one lot missed in the draft and a Committee wast to say how much of sd Lots he shall have.’? What the committee said is not re- corded, but in a schedule of original holdings made in 1807, he did not hold 18 T. P. Some dissension arose in Royalton and other towns over the action of the proprietors, and in the case of Royalton, she was practically an independent republic of microscopic dimensions, until the charter was issued by the Governor of Vermont. There might be some question as to the legality of the proceedings of the proprietors, especially as the earlier records had been de- stroyed. Accordingly, we find recorded on page 23 of the Pro- prietors Book the following: “State of Vermont Royalton May 4th 1783 Whereas Application has bin maide to me By more than one Six- teenth part of the proprietors of the Township of Royalton in the County of Windsor to warn a proprietors meeting These are to warn all the proprietors to meet at Dweling house of Lut Zebulon Lions in sd Royal- ton on the 19th Day of August Next at Ten of the Clok in the morning then and their to Act on the Following Articles viz 1st to Chose a Moderator 2nd to Chose a Clark 3 to Chose a pros Tresure 4 a Col- lector 5 a Perdential Committ 6 to see whether the proprietors will Astablish the former Vots and perseeding of sd Proprietors and to Transact Any Other Bizness proper to be Done on sd Day Comfort Sever Jus Pease the Above is a true Coppy of the Original Elias Stevens Pr Clark” 26 History oF Royauton, VERMONT “Royalton August 19th 1783 Met Acording to warning 1st Chose Calvin Parkhurst Moderator 2 Chose Elias Stevens Props Clark 3 Chose Esq Sever Tresure 4th Chose Benj Parkhurst Collector 5 Chose Esq Sever John Hibbard & Calvin Parkhurst A Per- dential Committee 6th Voted to ratify and Stablish all proprietors Meeting and Votes and Persedings of the Proprietors of Royalton that was transacted from the 5th Day of June 1781 to the 27 Day of March 1782 whitch sd meet- ings and Votes are Recorded in this Book Before 7th Voted that those proprietors that have Bin and Maid Pitches of their Afterdivitions and hant Maid Settlements on sd Land accord- ing to a Vote pased March last that they Shall have three Months from this Date provided they will Build A house and Chop three Acres on Each hundred acres that is Now pitch sd pitch is to Stand good Other- wise sd pitch is to be Void and of no Effect 8th Voted that. Each proprietor will Give five acres of Land out of Each hundred acres for the use of Publick hiways in sd Royalton 9th Voted for the futur to warn proprietors meeting by Order of the perdential Committee to the proprietors Clark Directing him to put up A warning in writing at Least six Day before sd Meeting in some publick place in sd Town 10th Voted to Ajurn this meeting till the Ist Tusday of Decr Next at Lut Lions at one of the Clok Afternoon Elias Stevens pr Clark” The town had zealous officers, who looked carefully after its permanent interests, and did not allow for any length of time a mere adventurer or speculator to profit by holdings within its limits. An examination of the record of pitches shows that some were pitched twice, probably because the original owner failed to meet his obligations. Nathaniel Alger of Kil- lingly, Conn., bought in 1783 a lot, 33 Dutch Allotment, of Amos Ames. Mr. Ames was not an original grantee, and no pitch of his is recorded. He sold the land on the strength of having the after-divisions of Benjamin Day, Benj. Day, Jr., and Alfred Day. Alfred Day was not a grantee, nor is any record found of his having been allowed to share in the after-divisions, which does not prove that he did not have this right. The proprietors took action May 3, 1784, voting that Mr. Alger should have the lot, provided he bought enough after-divisions to cover it, within one year. Whether he conformed to this requirement or not, he sold the lot the next July to Ebenezer Woodward, who was probably the first occupant of it, though not making an original pitch. In a few instances, where it seemed difficult to lay dividing lines through the thick forests, or for some other reason, two or more pitched lots in common, and sold in common, or later made a division. The case of Daniel Rix, John Safford, John Kimball, Johnson Safford, and Garner Rix has been noted before. History or Royauton, VERMONT 27 They made a division of their land in 1789, but, unfortunately, the allotments of only two are recorded, and in consequence there is more confusion regarding the land owned by these men, than in that of almost any others. In a tax table of 1807 the land assigned to each does not agree in every case with deeds given later. The five men just named employed Reuben Spald- ing of Sharon and John Kimball of Royalton to survey their lots. Other matters requiring the attention of the proprietors were ‘‘the New Lines Run by the Survare General,’’ the charter fees, and the building of a bridge across White river, but to avoid repetition, the reader is referred to the topics of Bound- aries, Charters, and Bridges. Pitches continued to be made from time to time until 1801. The last two were made by Elias Stevens. One was made on June 1, 1799, of fifty acres in N. W. 28 Large Allotment, to offset the land cut off by Sharon line from Nos. 4 and 5 Dutch Allotment. The other was a pitch made by Mr. Stevens for Ebenezer Dewey, of twenty-five acres, an after-division, in M. 17 Large Allotment. With two men as keen as Elias Stevens and Zebulon Lyon on the watch for vacant land, it is safe to say, when they had ceased to make pitches, there was no more undivided land to come into their hoppers. If this be true, then all the land had been taken within thirty years from the time the first settler built his log cabin in the New York town of Royalton. In Sharon, Solomon Downer made a pitch as late as Mar. 18, 1831, and other pitches were made still later, in 1855 and 1881. Possibly, some enterprising person may find that there is still vacant land in Windsor county, and that he does not need to go West in search of it. The Governor and Council, Nov. 5, 1800, concurred in a bill passed by the Assembly at Middlebury, which was entitled, “An act authorizing the Proprietors and Landowners of the town of Royalton to establish the division of lands heretofore made.’’ This bill was the result of the action taken by the town at a special meeting, Sept. 2, 1800, when it was voted by the town ‘‘to apply to the General Assembly of the State of Ver- mont at their next session for an act impowering the Proprie- tors & Land owners of sd Royalton to establish the Proprietors Proceedings & Divisions of Land heretofore made in sd Town according to the corners & Lines they now hold too.’’ Jacob Smith was chosen as agent to attend to this matter. The pro- prietors and the town acted together in warning a meeting, and their records are identical. 28 History oF RoyauTton, VERMONT “Royalton June 25th 1801 Proprietors and Land owners met agreeable to Warning Chose Jacob Smith moderator Voted to Chose a committee of seven to examine the proprietors record and pint out the ways and meens by whitch the proprietors and Landholders may cary the Act of the General Assembly past Last session inabling them to ratify the vote of the proprietors and Land owners of Royalton into effect Chose Abel Stevens Jacob Smith Elias Stevens John Billings Ben- jamin Bozworth william Watterman and Isaac Skinner for the Above Committee Voted to Ajurn this meeting to the Second thursday of August next at ten o’Clok in the forenoon at this place (the meeting house) Elias Stevens Proprietors Clark” “Royalton August 13th 1801 Proprietors and Land owners met acording to Ajurnment Voted to ratify establish and confirm the proprietors Votes per- ceedings in the town of Royalton and County of Windsor hereto (fore) made relitive to the Divition of Land in said town into Severilty except 9th vote of a meeting held on the 5th of June 1781 voting that the widdow Sarah Rude shall have a part of a rite of Land &c whitch votes are recorded in the proprietors book in said town of Royalton Likewise voted to ratify establish and Confirm the proprietors perceedings in the town of Royalton and the Divitions and Pitches of Land heretofore maid in said town by said proprietors acording to the Corners and Lines by whitch the Land in the town of Royalton are now and have heretofore ben held whitch corners and Lines ware maid and run by Thomas Vallentine for William Livingston Goldsbrow Banyar Whitehead Hicks William Smith and John Kelley reference to said Corners and Lines being had provided no pitch whitch has been maid to supply the wantage land in any right or Lot Land, except where a Lot is cut Short by Town Lines, shall be considered as astablished or in any way affected by this vote Voted to Dissolve this meeting Attest Elias Stevens Proprietors Clark” By this enactment of the General Assembly, and the action of the proprietors and land owners of the town thereon, all question of the legality of bounds and holdings was settled, and the land from that time on was held in severalty. There was no further work for the proprietors, and their records ceased. There is no evidence of any meeting of the proprietors between March 16, 1786, and the meeting just noted. The business of the town for the intervening years had really been in the hands of all the voters. CHAPTER IV. THe Contest Over THE NEw HaAmpsHiIRE GRANTS. To understand clearly the situation in Royalton during the early years of its settlement, it is necessary to review some of the conditions that obtained in the New Hampshire Grants, so- ealled, prior to 1771 and continuing to the end of the controversy over the disputed territory. As excellent gazetteers and his- tories containing a full treatment of the troubles leading to the Revolution, and of the controversy over the ownership of the Grants are accessible to almost every one, only so much of the history of this period will be given as is needful for a proper connection of events, and an understanding of the actions and temper of the early settlers. It is the aim of this work to give as much space as possible to local history, which thus far has not been preserved in permanent form. At the time of the French and Indian War Vermont was an unbroken wilderness, through which troops passed and re- passed on their way to and from Canada. The Indians had used it as a battle ground rather than as an abiding place. The hostile French and Indians on its borders had thus far rendered it too exposed to be an object of settlement to the British. After the conquest of Canada by the English conditions changed, and men who had been needed as soldiers were now ready again for service with the ax and the plough. No doubt many of those who had tramped along the banks of our beautiful streams saw the possibilities of development, and very much as Connecticut was settled by emigrants from Massachusetts, who made its acquaintance on the war path, so what is now Vermont had thrown its spell over those sturdy, enterprising men, who helped to win Canada for England. Soon after New Hampshire was separated from Massachu- setts, and Benning Wentworth was appointed Governor in 1741, he began to look with covetous eyes upon the rich lands west of the Connecticut river, and had visions of wealth that might be his by land grants, in each of which a goodly section should be reserved for himself. He was not long in finding a basis for making a claim to the land, namely, that as New Hampshire had 30 History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT been a part of Massachusetts, her claim westward extended as far as that of the mother state. By the charter of Massachu- setts, she was to own the territory westward until she came to the jurisdiction of some other colony. ih, It was just here that there was a loophole for conflicting claims, New York and Massachusetts claiming jurisdiction over the same territory, and finally settling the matter between them- selves. Gov. Clinton of New York notified Governor Wentworth that New York claimed the land to the Connecticut river, but was politely informed by Gov. Wentworth that he had already chartered Bennington, which was in the disputed territory. The two referred the matter to England, but as it required some time to get a return from the King, Gov. Wentworth improved the interval in making more grants. The King in Council on July 20, 1764, declared the west bank of the Connecticut river to be the dividing line between the two colonies. Then the contro- versy waxed warm. The settlers in towns chartered by New Hampshire ejected the New York farmers from their lands, and the New York sheriffs busied themselves in arresting the New Hampshire grantees, and no end of the difficulty seemed in view. New York, however, wishing to restore quiet, and acknowledging the claims of New Hampshire grantees who had improved their land in good faith, decided in 1765, May 22, that occupants of land who had settled before that date should retain possession of their land. This might have ended the difficulty, if patentees of New Hampshire had all settled on their land, but many had not, and held it merely for speculation. Such land was re-granted by New York, and this led to further trouble. On July 24, 1767, the King in Council ordered New York to make no more grants of land patented by New Hampshire. Disorders continued, and settlers were divided in their sentiments. A large number of the inhabitants of Cumberland and Gloucester counties on Nov. 1, 1770, petitioned the King, complaining of the riotous obstruc- tion of the courts of law by the government and people of New Hampshire. New Hampshire followed suit the following year, petitioning the King for the annexation of the Grants to that province. The dispute continued, and troubles increased. On September 30, 1771, the year when the first settler came to Royalton, the Council of New York issued an order for the arrest of Ethan Allen, Remember Baker, and other ‘‘rioters.’’ New York had found great difficulty in deciding disputed claims, and so required the New Hampshire grantees to appear, prove their claims, and take out new patents, paying new fees therefor. It was complained by these grantees that the fees for granting a township were $2000 or over, while the Governor of New History or Royauton, VERMONT 31 Hampshire charged only $100, but they seemed not to take into consideration the fact, that Gov. Wentworth reserved 500 acres for himself in each township granted. Gov. Moore of New York, dune 9, 1767, in a letter to Lord Shelburne defending himself from charges brought against him, declares that town fees have been only from twenty to forty pounds. Many got confirmations of their patents from New York. Gov. Wentworth himself applied for a confirmation of 5000 acres in Rockingham. Bennington was a hotbed of discord. It favored New Hamp- shire, as was natural, being the first town on the Grants pat- ented by that state. The temper of the people of that section was well expressed by Ethan Allen, who, says Benjamin Buck, when he read the governor’s name to the New York proclamation in 1771, laying claim to all land as far east as the Connecticut river, broke out, ‘‘So your name is Tryon, tri on and be Damn.’’ The riot at Bennington and other disturbances led the govern- ment of New York to apply to Gen. Haldimand and, later, to Gen. Gage, to furnish troops to aid in keeping the peace. They both demurred. Gen. Haldimand on Sep. 1, 1773, replied, ‘‘The idea that a few lawless vagabonds, can prevail in such a Governt as that of New York, as to oblige its Govr to have recourse to the Regular Troops to suppress them, appears to me to carry with it such reflection of weakness as I am afraid would be at- tended with bad consequences.’’ This could not have seemed very complimentary to New York, and shows that these ‘‘few lawless vagabonds’’ had been striking terror into the hearts of their opponents. Property was burned, sympathizers with New York were publicly whipped and driven from their holdings, and officers of New York intimi- dated by what their enemies were pleased to term the ‘‘Benning- ton Mob,’’ under Allen, Warner, Baker and others. The settlers of Charlotte county were the chief complainants and sufferers. A proclamation was issued for the arrest of the leaders of the ‘‘mob.’’? The whippings and ejections continued, and rawhides and writs were plentiful. New York failed in her effort to have the King order a military force to her aid. The home govern- ment at this time was too busy with colonial disaffection to attend to particular calls of that sort. The riot at Westminster was the natural outcome of these disputes. By this time the ‘‘Bennington Mob,’’ in opposing New York, felt themselves opposing the aggressions of Great Britain herself, and so the blood of French at Westminster is regarded by Vermonters as the first blood shed in the Revolu- tion. When Forts Ticonderoga and Crown Point fell into the hands of Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain Boys, June 7, 1775, the controversy took on a different aspect. This was a 32 History oF Royatton, VERMONT victory in which all patriots rejoiced, and in which men from both Massachusetts and Connecticut aided. The action of New York, on recommendation of the Continental Congress, in form- ing a battalion of Green Mountain Boys tended to produce a better state of feeling. On July 20, 1775, Ethan Allen wrote a very polite letter to the Provincial Congress of New York assur- ing them that their ‘‘respectful treatment not only to Mr. War- ner’’ and himself, but to the Green Mountain Boys in general were by them duly regarded, and he would be responsible that they would ‘‘retaliate’’ that favor by wholly hazarding their lives, if need be, in the common cause of America. The convention at Dorset, Sep. 25, 1775, made up of fifty- six delegates from thirty-six towns indicated their desire to be formed into a district distinct from New York. This action alarmed New York, which refused to furnish arms to a people who were likely to use them in a revolt against her authority. The Declaration of Independence fostered the spirit of freedom which nowhere found a richer soil than in the hearts of the settlers on the Grants. The Continental Congress in its efforts to raise troops looked to the valorous sons of the Grants, and took steps to secure a force independent of New York, a course which New York openly resented. January 15, 1777, at Dorset a Convention of delegates from the Grants declared their independence, and assumed the name of New Connecticut. Thomas Young, under date of April 11 of the same year, wrote to the people of the Grants encouraging them in their course, and advised them to choose delegates to Congress, ensuring them of success at the ‘‘risque’’ of his repu- tation. Those who think graft is a sin of recent years alone, may learn otherwise from his advice: ‘‘Let the scandalous practice of bribing Men by places Commissions &¢ be held in abhorrence among you. By entrusting only Men of Capacity and Integrity in public Affairs is your liberties well secured.’? On complaint of New York to Congress, that body resolved that Young’s representations were grossly wrong, and Congress could not receive delegates from Vermont. Copies of this action of Congress were sent to the Vermont towns with the request that they be read in the town meetings. The name of the new state had been changed at Windsor by a convention which met June 4, 1777, from New Connecticut to Vermont, as they had learned that a district of land on the Susquehanna river already bore the name first selected. February 23, 1778, the legislature of New York, fearful of losing the Grants, made a great reduction in fees and quit-rents, and offered to confirm those actually possessing and improving their lands under title from New Hampshire, although such land History of RoyaALTon, VERMONT 33 might have been afterward granted by New York. This and other overtures were made on condition that the independence of Vermont should not be recognized. There were many settlers who were loyal to New York, and who hated Ethan Allen as much as the woman whom he married did, when, as a maiden, she first knew him. When urged by a relative to marry Allen, saying if she married Gen. Allen she would be Queen of the State, she passionately replied, ‘‘Yes, if I should marry the Devil I should be Queen of Hell.’’ New York loyalists from nine towns met at Brattleboro, May 4, 1779, and petitioned New York for protection from the officials of the new state, and subse- quently declared that, if the Governor of New York did not take steps for their relief, their persons and property ‘‘must be at the disposal of Ethan Allen which is more to be dreaded than Death with all its Terrors.’’ The first record which we have of Royalton having a part in the controversy is dated May 15, 1779: ‘‘At a meeting Legaley Warned first made choice of Let Jo Parkhurst modera- tor. 2d The Question sent us By the Commitee apinted by the Convention held at Cornish December Last Viz Was Putt Whether this town is Willing that the assembly of New Hamp- shire Extend their Claime and jurisdiction over the Whole of the Grants New Hampshire at the Same time Submitting to Congress whether a New State Shall be Established on the Grants &e but we Resarved to ouerSelves a Right To Vendecait ouer claime to be a New State 3d Dissolved the meeting’’ At an- other meeting held July 12, 1779, they ‘‘Chose Lieut Joseph Parkhurst agent to Seet in Convention at Drisden the 20th of this instant’’ and ‘‘3d Voted to support the yeomen for a distinct state on the (- -) of the Grants 4th Voted in case the yeo- men cant be supported we are to be annexed to New Hamp- shire.’’? These records show that the sentiment of the people was in favor of independence, and more friendly to New Hamp- shire than to New York. The new government of Vermont had avowed its loyalty to the government of the United States, and was active in raising a militia force to aid in the Revolution. Those favoring New York refused to be drafted by the authority of Vermont officers, or to furnish arms, and so were severely dealt with. Congress, as is well known, procrastinated in its action on the numerous petitions from both Vermont and New York. September 24, 1779, it passed resolutions advising the states affected by the dis- putes to authorize Congress to settle them. Meantime the Presi- dent of Dartmouth College, desirous of having the college part of Hanover, called Dresden, given a separate existence by New Hampshire, and failing, favored the plan of uniting sixteen 3 34 History or RoyaLton, VERMONT towns on the Connecticut river with Vermont, in the hope, as is thought by some, of making Dresden the capital. These towns had been dissatisfied with their representation in the New Hamp- shire Assembly. Two towns were often paired, sending only one representative. They turned to Vermont, and claimed that by Mason’s grant New Hampshire had no legal right to exercise jurisdiction over them. Vermont was not very anxious to re- ceive them into her fold, but she saw in such a union a way to increase her numbers and her influence with Congress, and June 11, 1778, this union was effected, and Dresden was admitted as a separate town, making seventeen towns in all that were ad- mitted. A few days later it was voted to take the incorporated University of Dartmouth under the patronage of the state, and President Wheelock was appointed a justice of the peace. New Hampshire took action to bring her refractory children to submission. Vermont lost rather than gained with members of Congress by this political move. On Oct. 21, 1778, three propositions were before the assembly of Vermont: (1) Whether the counties should remain as they were the last March, when the whole state was divided into two counties; (2) whether the counties east of the Connecticut river which had been joined to the state should be included in Cumberland county; or (3) should they be erected into a separate county? On the first question the affirmative was carried, and the vote was negative on the two others, which showed that Vermont declined to do anything further in the matter of union, and the New Hamp- shire representatives withdrew. The question of dissolving the union was referred to the freemen of the state, who before voted on the admission of these towns. A minority of the legislature invited all the towns on both sides of the Connecticut river to meet in convention at Cornish, N. H., on December 9th. They met and agreed to unite, snapping their fingers at the boundary line established on the west bank of the Connecticut river in 1764, and coolly laid down an ultimatum to New Hampshire. Only eight Vermont towns were in this convention, one of which was Royalton, as the following record shows, the earliest of all the town records: “Royalton December ist 1778 At a meeting Legally Warned made Choice of Mr. Rufus Rude Moder- ator 2d Voted that it is the Opinion of this Town that the Votes or Resolves passed in the General Assembly Oct 21 Viz ist The countys Remain as thay ware 2d the towns on the East Side of the River Shall not be enexed to Cumberland 3d Nor Shall form a County by themselves are unconstitutional 4ly Voted that this town ac (accept?) of the Protest Signed by Leut Jo Parkhurst and approve of the Same 5ly Chose Elias Curtis to Repersent this Town in a convention to Be holden in Cornish.” History of RoyauTon, VERMONT 35 Royalton was then evidently training with the minority, and was in sympathy with the aspirations of Dresden. On Feb. 12, 1779, the legislature voted to dissolve the union. The Cornish convention proposed that the dispute over the towns be sub- mitted to Congress or to arbitrators, or else that the whole of the Grants become a part of New Hampshire. According to Tra Allen, New Hampshire advised Vermont to allow her to put in a claim to the whole of the territory of Vermont, with the ostensible purpose of defeating New York, but the leaders of Vermont believed New York and New Hampshire to be in collu- sion. Massachusetts would not agree to submit the boundary dispute to Congress, and pushed her claim, which action has since been shown to have been an expression of good will, intended to defeat both the other claimants, and to preserve the integrity of the state. The decision of Royalton over the question of unit- ing with New Hampshire has already been given in the record dated May 15, 1779. Vermont was not represented in Congress, and now asserted her rights more vigorously than ever before. Appeals were made to other states, and agents were sent to them to work in the interest of the young republic. It has been said that the second plan of union of New Hampshire and New York towns with Vermont in 1781 was chiefly due to Ira Allen and Luke Moulton. The question of this second proposed union of New Hampshire towns was submitted to the people. The vote was overwhelmingly in favor of it. Thirty-five towns were accord- ingly admitted from New Hampshire and twelve from New York, a step which increased the territory of Vermont, and gave her better facilities for defence against the common enemy. By secret intercourse with agents of Gen. Haldimand the state was preserved from attacks of the British, and Congress became alarmed lest Vermont should go over to the enemy. The loy- alty of the Green Mountain State and its leaders is now well established, but at that time there was great uneasiness regarding negotiations which were thought to be going on between the British and the head officials of Vermont. The evasive policy of these leaders, who never really pledged support to the English government, resulted in protecting their frontiers, and in secur- ing the good will of the British in case it was needed to resist any attempt Congress might make to enforce either the claims of New York or of New Hampshire. Acting on the petition of Vermont for admission in 1781, Congress signified its willingness to admit the new state, if she would resign her claims to the towns lately united with her. After a sharp refusal to do this, the attitude of the inhabitants was changed by a wise, conciliatory letter from Gen. Washing- 36 History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT ton, and Feb. 22, 1782, Vermont relinquished all claim to the territory lately annexed. She expected Congress to fulfill her part of the conditions, but she was sadly disappointed. y| soxoy | S240] coucy | UY f = WH Bore se49u | s+ so4zy oa satay |seeoy | 59490) satay Z say “G1 oer} oo] oo | Len ear} oot 1S yay et svasy \ saazy| S747 ae ¢4\ ov) 06\ on x oN | 9 OV) SV)» ow Ow 9, toon]? : ab 4 \. 88 3-oN ben & LN 4 Thy tt OM roy \ ot ON) bom) Stem) Lt onlay op Sr owl bro a JUOO ner" JOQIWENA 54 History oF RoyALTON, VERMONT The Grant stated that the Gore hereafter was to be a part of Tunbridge. The boundary began at a beech tree at the cor- ner of Tunbridge marked ‘‘Strafford Corner 1783, being the southeast corner of Tunbridge, then N. 58 degrees East six miles in Tunbridge line to stake and stones seven links from a hemlock tree marked Tunbridge ‘‘S. W. corner 1783,’’ then S. 26 degrees and 66 chains and fifty links to N. W. corner of Royalton, then S. 60 degrees E. 466 chains in N. line of Royalton to the N. E. corner of Royalton. At a proprietors’ meeting held Nov. 4, 1788, at John Hutch- inson’s, Hezekiah Hutchinson was chosen clerk, and Col. Stevens, Moses Ordway, and John Hutchinson, prudential committee. Whether this grant was pleasing to Tunbridge or not can only be conjectured. In June of the next year she appointed a com- mittee to ascertain the ‘‘antient’’ bounds of the town, and placed Elias Curtis on a committee to draft a remonstrance to the Gen- eral Assembly against granting any more land within her bound- ary. The boundaries of Royalton would now seem to have been permanently established, but there were still restless spirits look- Ang, like Alexander, for more worlds to conquer. Some of them were on this very gore. It is difficult to understand just what motives prompted them to meditate the formation of a new town, by taking portions from Royalton, Bethel, Tunbridge, and Ran- dolph. It has not been ascertained with whom the idea origin- ated, but it was evidently hatched, and grew most lustily on this gore. A petition was sent to the Assembly, which considered it Oct. 13, 1809. It was referred to a joint committee. Jacob Smith was the representative from Royalton at that time. The petition was signed by Jonathan Whitney and others. The Coun- ceil received from the House, Oct. 16, 1810, a bill providing for a committee to examine the towns of Bethel, Randolph, Royalton, and Tunbridge, which had been referred to a committee of four, and the Council concurred in the reference. Of course this attempt to found a new town failed, but the question was only dormant, not dead. It revived ten years later, and a petition from the same towns was before the House Oct. 20, 1820, which was referred to a joint committee of six. It went over that session. Unless records are at fault, Royalton took no part as a town, in the earliest project of forming a new town, though some of her citizens did. She was passive, also, as regards the petition of 1820. We may infer that the forming of a new town was left to an expression of the voters of the sev- eral towns concerned. In the warning for the March meeting of 1821 the following article was inserted: ‘‘To see if they will agree to have a town formed by taking a part of Royalton, Bethel, History oF Royauron, VERMONT 55 Randolph, and Tunbridge to be called Munroe.’’ The article was laid over to an adjourned meeting and then they voted against forming such a town. So far as has been ascertained, the other towns that took any action at all in the matter, voted against it. The boundaries of Royalton were still undisturbed and have so continued to the present time. This bill was before the Governor and Council Oct. 21, and Mr. Chittenden was chosen to join the committee from the House. Probably no further action was taken. The petition emanated from ‘‘sundry in- habitants,’’ and apparently was not authorized by the towns con- cerned. Royalton, as has been said, had already expressed its disapproval of the scheme. In 1829 the selectmen of the town were requested to estab- lish the limits and bounds of Royalton village, agreeable to an act of the Legislature passed November 11, 1819. The bound- aries are recorded as ‘‘beginning in the center of the turnpike road south of the dwelling house of Solomon Wheeler, Jr., thence up the turnpike as far as the house formerly owned by Jacob Cady, thence extending each way from the center of the turnpike the above distance forty-five rods.’’ Dated March 20, 1829. No definite limits have been set to the village of South Roy- alton. By the charter of incorporation granted by the legisla- ture Jan. 15, 1909, which will be operative only when a majority of the legal voters in the proposed district shall vote to incor- porate, the bounds extend as follows: “Beginning at a point in the easterly line of the right of way of the Central Vermont railway opposite the southeasterly corner of the southerly abutment of the railway bridge crossing White River, on the farm now owned by Jessie F. Benson, on the bank of said river, thence southerly on the west bank of said river including lands of G. W. Smith and Mrs. Maxham, the Whitham farm now owned by Caspar P. Abbott (now owned by Charles Southworth), and the N. I. Hale place, to a point opposite the north bound of the A. P. Skinner meadow ground, on the east side of said river, thence across said White river to said Skinner’s northerly bound, thence on said Skinner’s northerly bound, of said meadow piece, to the highway on the east side of said river, thence northerly on the west line of said highway, to a point opposite the northerly bound of the Riverview cemetery, thence on the northerly bound of said cemetery, and including said cemetery, to the northerly line of said A. P. Skinner’s farm, thence easterly and northerly on said Skinner’s line to the highway leading to the A. C. Blake farm, thence southerly on the westerly line of said highway to the land of Gertrude Patten, thence on said Patten’s line and said highway to a point opposite the westerly abutment of the third covered bridge across the first branch of White river, (from its mouth) thence across said highway to the S. E. corner of said bridge abutment, thence across said Branch river to the S. E. corner of land owned by Albert Waterman and wife, on the easterly bank of said branch thence southerly on said branch river bank to a point opposite the northeasterly bound of W. N. Salter and E. A. Woodward’s land, thence across the highway leading to the hill road and C. W. Seymour’s farm, to said Salter’s and Wood- 56 History or RoyALTON, VERMONT ward’s northeasterly bound, thence following the lines of said Salter’s and Woodward’s ee so as to include all the same, and including all of the M. V. B. Adams land, (the property lately deeded to Jesse Cook) the Mary L. Mudgett piece, so-called, the Robinson place and the H. CG. Tenney land, to land of Nettie M. Waldo, thence following the southeasterly line of said Waldo land on the height of land called the Elephant, to the corner of land now owned by Frank Fay, thence on said Fay’s land to the main highway easterly of White river, thence across said highway to said Fay's line again, and on said Fay’s land to the easterly bank of said river, thence crossing said White river at right angles to the land of S. S. Brooks on the westerly bank of said river, thence southerly on said river bank to the line of land owned by O. S. Curtis, including the land of D. W. Blake, and the Flint meadow so-called (now owned by W. E. Webster), thence on said Curtis’ land westerly to the easterly line of the public highway, thence on said highway southerly to said Curtis’ land again, thence crossing said highway at right angles and following said Curtis’ line of land across the railway and over the hill southerly and westerly, crossing the Broad Brook highway, including the lands of C. E. Flint and I. B. Spaulding, the D. W. Blake pasture, and the Lamb pasture, to the L. C. Tower pasture, thence on the S. W. line of said Tower pasture to the M. H. Hazen pasture, and on said Hazen’s southwesterly line to the J. W. Woodward land, thence on said Woodward’s southwesterly line to the pasture land of C. P. Abbott (Charles Southworth), and thence on his southwesterly and westerly lines to the great ledge and land of W. B. Gould, thence on said great ledge to the land of C. W. English and wife, thence on said English’s line to land now owned by C. W. Benson, (formerly the Ellen Woodward land) thence on said Benson and English’s lines to the right of way of said Central Vermont Railway Co., thence at right angles across said railway land to land of Jessie Benson, thence on said Benson’s northwesterly bound, to the highway, thence across said highway and following said Benson’s northwesterly bound again, to the place of beginning.” Under the authority vested in them by legislative enactment the selectmen of Royalton established Fire District, No. 1, in August, 1884. The following bounds were then set: “Not exceeding 2 miles Sar., on the highway leading to Sharon from So. Royalton & on the So. Royalton side of White River as far and including the farm of O. S. Curtis, on the highway leading from So. Royalton to Royalton same side of White River as far & including the farm of John Braley, (now owned by Jessie Benson) on the highway leading from So. Royalton to Woodstock as far & including land owned by A. H. Lamb & wife also including the new highway leading from the Woodstock road near Isaac Northrop to the Sharon road near James N. Cloud, on the highway leading from So. Royalton to Chelsea as far & including the new Factory of M. S. Adams, and on the highway leading from the Chelsea Road around by John A. Slack (now C. W. Seymour), as far and including the Ira Pierce place & now owned by M. S, Adams, on the highway leading from P. D. Pierce to Royalton as far & including the James Buck farm, on the highway leading to Sharon as far as P. D. Pierce’s southerly line.” In 1885, on petition, all north of the river, the John B. Braley and William C. Smith premises, those of Oliver Curtis, Benjamin Flint, Rufus and James N. Cloud were omitted, bring- ing the southern bound as far north as the new highway laid in History oF Royauton, VERMONT 57 1885 between James N. Cloud and L. C. Tower, running to the Woodstock road or Pleasant street. In 1893 the district was extended to include all along the new road by Danforth Day’s to the river, the P. D. Pierce place, and Charles Vial place be- tween the Pierce farm and the river. CHAPTER VII. THe EARLIEST SETTLERS. The course of settlement from Massachusetts and Connecti- cut was continually northward and westward. Pioneers in one town often remained only long enough to secure title to their pitches, and then moved on further into the wilderness. Thus settlers in Sharon, Vermont, had itching feet for land beyond the limits of the town. There is some difference of opinion as to who were the first settlers in Sharon. A paper of reminiscences prepared by Joel Shepard at the age of ninety-two is very inter- esting reading, and deserves to pass into history. He was the son of William Shepard, one of the pioneers of Sharon. Sharon was chartered Aug. 17, 1761, by Governor Benning Wentworth of New Hampshire. The first recorded meeting was held in Plainfield, Conn., Nov. 18, 1761, when Lieut. Joseph Parkhurst was chosen Moderator, and John Parkhurst, Clerk. They voted to allow the charges of the committee for their jour- ney to and from Sharon, amounting to sixteen pounds. Town officers were chosen in Plainfield, March 9, 1762. Lieut. John Parkhurst received £6 on Mar. 8, 1763, for going to Portsmouth for the charter. Lots on the first right had been laid out in part, and were drawn by lot Nov. 15th of that year. Capt. John Parkhurst received £1.10 for surveys, riding his horse to Sharon. The committee that went to Sharon to lay out the lots were Capt. Timothy Wheeler, Capt. Silas Hutchins, Jo. Parkhurst, Jr., John Stevens, and Curtis Spaulding. The proprietors offered to any ten or five who would go to Sharon, clear three acres, sow to English grain, and build a house sixteen feet square, by the first of November, 1763, their choice of lots laid out. Evidently no one accepted the offer, and it was renewed to any five on April 12, 1764, with the privilege of selecting any 100 acres in the undivided land, only ten of which could be intervale. In Novem- ber the right was extended to any one. The first town meeting in Sharon was held July 1, 1765, but in December one was held in Plainfield, and also in 1767. In 1766, March 11th, a meet- ing was held in Killingly, which adjourned to Plainfield, and Joel Marsh received for a survey of the town and the 100-acre History of Royauton, VERMONT 59 lots £6.2.6, and Robert Havens received six shillings for assist- ing the committee in laying out the town. The Havens and Shepard families are connected with Roy- alton, as well as with Sharon, and their earliest experiences in this vicinity are related by Joel Shepard as follows: “The proprietors of Plainfield, Killingly and Canterbury, Conn., bought the number of the town now called Sharon. They were to settle the town in this way—four were to be there through the summer, and one at least in the winter. They met together to see who would turn out, but all appeared loth to go. Then they voted to give the four that would go and settle first—and one of the four to stay through the winter—they gave them three hundred and twenty acres of land where they see fit. This was gratis for settling. Isaac Marsh, my grandfather, Willard Shep- ard, my father, one Parkhurst and one Havens turned out to go the next Spring. They got ready in the Winter. They set out the next spring with their provisions and farming tools, and other necessaries, and went with an ox team as far as Old Hadley, and they put up at a tavern; his name was Kellogg and there was a boat going up to Charlestown, No. 4. They put their effects on board the boat and went up and sent the team home. They got to Charlestown safe. Then there was no road, nor no inhab- itants, all a wilderness, and it was sixty miles. They built them a log canoe, and loaded and went on, and when they came to falls and could not get up with their canoe, they would back round their effects and go above the falls, and build another canoe, and then load and go on. They had several sets of falls to pass in the same way, but at last they got there safe, and they found the corners of the town and the number and each one made his pitch where his grandson now lives. Where Isaac Marsh made his pitch is where Timothy Marsh, his grandson, now lives. Wil- lard Shepard made his pitch at the upper part of the town, and the other two made their pitches. Each one built him a log hut. All would work for one a week, for another a week, and so on round, and on the Sabbath day they would resort to Isaac Marsh’s hut; and there one Sabbath after meeting, it being warm, they walked down to the river where it was cooler. Some were reading and some were talking. Isaac Marsh had a stick in his hand as he sat talking, now and then picking a little in the leaves and dirt. At last he picked up a ring that was in the dirt, and come to rub up the ring they found it to be a plain gold ring, and on the inside was carved in small letters, ‘Re- member the giver.’ This was a wonder, how the ring came there, miles from any inhabitants, and all a wilderness. He laid up the ring. They went to their work, which was chopping. Each 60 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT one sowed a patch of turnips. They reaped some water oats on an island in White River and saved them. Come fall they were all eager to go home, but one had to stay to keep the charter good. Finally, Isaac concluded to stay; he had provisions enough to last him till they came up 1n the spring. They started, meaning to get home to Thanksgiving, and left Isaac Marsh alone. Not long after they were gone, one morning as he was going to his work, he met an Indian and his squaw and four children. They shook hands and it was peace. The Indian appeared to be glad to see the white man, and Mr. Marsh invited him to go to his log house, and he gave the Indian and squaw a dram each, and that suited well, and he gave them a breakfast. Then they sat and talked. The Indian said he had come from Canada into this part in order to trap for beaver, and was about building him a wigwam for his family. ‘But I should think,’ said the Indian, ‘that your wigwam would hold us both.’ ‘Yes,’ said Mr. Marsh, and they set his effects all on one side and the Indian took the other, and then made a mark from the fireplace to the middle of the door and told his children not to step across that mark, and they did as they were bid. He followed trapping and had good success. He would hunt a deer in the morning while his wife was getting breakfast, and com- monly kill a deer and draw it home, and say to Mr. Marsh: ‘Skin um and you shall have half of um.’ Marsh would dress the deer and take his half, and the Indian would sit and tell his war and hunting stories with some Indian remarks, and it was good com- pany. His squaw was industrious and neat, and of good govern- ment over her children, and pleasant to her husband. Their oldest son was about twelve years of age. Mr. Marsh cut down some small trees, and the boy would cut them up to keep a good fire day and night, and he made the boy a hand-sled, and he commonly got home enough to last through the night by noon. One day the boy was eying Mr. Marsh’s fish pole and line. The boy takes a coal and a flat stone, and marked out a fish; then he patted Mr. Marsh on the shoulder, and then pointed to the pole; then he struck the fish in two with the coal; then made a motion to share one half with him, then pointed to the pole. Mr. Marsh knew what he wanted, and gave him the pole and some rinds of pork for bait. Come night the boy brought home a good string of trout and laid them into two piles, and pointed to Mr. Marsh to take his half, and he did. The largest ones he corned down and smoked them for the next summer, and the boy followed fishing through the winter. Mr. Marsh made some sap-trays and tapped some maple trees. Come night he would bring in the sap and the squaw would boil it away, and they made molasses and sugar—the squaw used what she wanted. About this time History or Royautron, VERMONT 61 the Indian was a-making to go back, and he soon set out, and all were loaded with traps and furs. He could not carry his deer skins, and what truck they could not they gave to Mr. Marsh, and they parted in friendship. Soon after this those who went home made their appearance with a cow and yoke of oxen and a good stock of provisions and many necessaries, and they went to work in earnest. Each one planted a patch of corn and sowed a piece of oats, and each one had a garden, and they went to logging through the summer and burning the log heaps, but saved the ashes— After harvest two of them went down to Charlestown and bought their seed wheat and rye, and some hay seed. The oxen had as much as they could do, but each one got in a good crop of grain and some hay seed. Their corn and turnips did well, and it got to be in the fall, and it was Mr. Marsh’s turn to go home, and two concluded to stay. Mr. Marsh and the other one started and went on to Old Hadley and put up at the old stand, Mr. Kellogg’s. After they had got their supper and got rested, the landlord wanted tc hear all about the New World. Marsh and his mate told about the country; he told him all about the Indian staying with him through the winter. The landlady took her knitting work and seated herself in the bar-room, for she wanted to hear about the New World as well as others. After Mr. Marsh had got through telling about the New World he said, ‘There was one thing is a great mystery to me.’ ‘What is that?’ said the landlord. Then Mr. Marsh said, one Sabbath after meeting, it being very warm, we said we would walk down to the river bank where it was cooler, and we did; some went to reading, and some sat talking, and as Mr. Marsh sat talking he had a stick in his hand and now and then he picked in the dirt and leaves. At last he picked up a ring. He was amazed to think how the ring came there. But come to rub up the ring, he found it to be a gold ring, and the wonder is how it came there. The landlady colored up and said, ‘If I can describe the ring will you give it up?’ ‘With all my heart,’ said he. She said, ‘If it is my ring, it is a plain gold ring and the inside is carved in small letters, ‘‘Remember the giver,’’ and I always shall,’ and the tears rolled down her with- ered cheeks. The company all sat amazed. Mr. Marsh said, “The ring is yours,’ and gave it up, and the tears rolled again, and after she got some composed Mr. M. asked her to tell how the ring came there, and this is the narrative. All were silent to hear. She said: ‘This ring was given to me as a token of love and marriage, and the day was appointed, and the wed- dingers invited. This was when Hadley was destroyed the last time. About the break of day we heard the guns. We looked out and there was screaming and the buildings on fire. In a 62 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT very short time they were in the part of the town where I was. All was murder and confusion. The young man took his arms and fought bravely; at last he was shot down. I was near him. I raised him up and he said, ‘‘I am dying,’’ and took my hand. ‘‘Barewell forever,’’-—and he soon breathed his. last. I was taken prisoner. The ring was on my finger. I took it off and wrapped it in my bosom, and by sunrise the town was destroyed. Some made their escape, but most were killed or taken prisoners. About sunrise we went off east. Come night they divided their prisoners, and I was set off to an Indian. The next morning I was loaded with the spoils. What horses they got were loaded, and we were on the march as soon as it was light, and by slow marches we got up against the mouth of White River, and then we crossed the Great River—the women and children on a raft. We encamped at the river that night. We went up White River the next day. Come night we encamped on the river bank. At night I had the ring in my bosom. There was an island in White River against where we encamped. Come morning I missed the ring. I hunted for the ring until I was ordered to march. They went up the lake. They then put their loading on board of their canoes and went on to Canada. There I was sold to a Frenchman. Then I was put into the kitchen to do all kinds of drudgery. They styled me a Yankee slave, and I continued in this sort until I was redeemed. Then I was sent round by Hali- fax to Boston. Then I got home as I could.’ This ended the evening discourse. The next morning Mr. Marsh asked what he had to pay. ‘Nothing at all,’ said the old lady, ‘your returning the ring more than pays me.’ The next morning he went home and found all to be well. The next spring he started, and some others with him, and the town began to settle fast. The first settlers began to raise bread-stuff to sell, the other towns settling fast. This season there came some men to view Royalton, a town above Sharon. But they thought they never could get a road by the Point of Rocks. Willard Shep- ard’s pick was above the Rock and he had given it up as lost. There was a Scotchman in the company. He said he could blow the rocks high and dry in a short time. He said he was a miner by trade. He went to work and soon made a passable cart road at the Point of Rocks. Since that there has been a turnpike up and down the river. But now there is a railroad where it was once said there never could be any roads got there; and the country never could be settled, and it was not worth settling. But now see the difference. See the different factories of all kinds, villages, the streets of houses and all the comforts of life, the produce they raise such as neat stock, butter and cheese, sheep and wool, pork and store hogs, hay seed and the like. And History or Royauton, VERMONT 63 it is said that there is no state in the Union that sends more to market than Vermont does—according to the value of the state— and we may set it down as the Lord said in Genesis, first chapter, last verse: ‘When the Lord had made all the world, and com- pleted the whole, He looked at it and behold it was all very good.’ But we weak-minded people cannot see the goodness of the land and the privileges at the first glance. We are apt to think our judgment to be good and the Lord’s not.’’ Dr. Cyrus B. Drake visited, many years ago, Mrs. Lorenza (Havens) Lovejoy, daughter of Robert Havens, and questioned her regarding the early settlement of Sharon and Royalton. When she died in 1853 he wrote her obituary, in which he stated that Robert Havens came to Sharon in 1765, that the family spent the first winter in Sharon alone, and toward spring men came from Lebanon, N. H., to find them, fearing they had per- ished. He states that at the end of a year Mr. Spalding and Mr. Marsh came to the town. The names of Mr. Havens and Isaac Marsh do not appear in the list of original grantees of Sharon. Robert Havens owned over 200 acres of land there, as deeds of sale show, and he lived there between five and six years before removing to Royalton. The Havens’ descendants have always understood that Robert was the first settler in Sharon. The first settlers of Sharon must have come in 1764 or 1765, presumably the latter year, but without specific dates, it cannot be stated who was the first pioneer of that town. Robert Havens, the first settler of Royalton, is said to have come from Killingly, Conn., to Sharon in the summer of 1765. He made a pitch on the East Hill two miles from the present vil- lage. He removed to Royalton some time in 1771, and settled on the place later known as the George Cowdery farm, where Mr. Cowdery’s son-in-law now resides, Mr. Irving Barrows. Here Mr. Havens remained five years. No deed of sale is found re- corded, and no record showing how he got possession of this land. He seems to have met some of the New York proprietors, Mr. Kelly in particular, and may have been offered inducements to begin settlement in the new town of Royalton, chartered two years before. He, like many other pioneers, was not able to write, but was a good business man, possessed of uncommon energy, courage, and good sense. When he came to Sharon he was forty-seven years old, and at the time of the Indian raid he was sixty-two, not an ‘‘old man,’’ as Steele styles him, at least, he would not be so called today. Just how long he re- mained on his farm near South Tunbridge is not known, but he sold out and removed to South Tunbridge in his old age. He died at the ripe age of eighty-seven, having survived all the hard- ships of pioneer life for a long period of years. He was elected 64 History oF RovaLTon, VERMONT to different town offices in Sharon, from that of fence viewer to selectman, and was employed as surveyor in laying out roads. In 1768 he was one of a committee to locate the grist mill and to lay out the third division of 100-acre lots. He seems to have taken no very active part in the affairs of Royalton, if one may judge from the rare occurrence of his name in the town records. He was once on a committee for building a bridge, and once was elected as highway surveyor. His eldest daughter, Hannah, married Daniel Baldwin of Norwich, and two of her sons, Daniel and Sylvester, have left honorable records as citizens of Mont- pelier. A daughter, Eleanor, married William Lovejoy of Sha- ron, and another daughter, Lorenza, married Daniel, son of Wil- liam Lovejoy. Joseph Havens, a son, was taken prisoner at the burning of Royalton, returned, married, and settled in town, but after a few years removed to York state. Another son, Daniel, lived and died in town, leaving descendants, some of whom are still residents of Royalton, Mrs. John F. Shepard and son Fred. Other descendants of the first settler who are now living in town are Mrs. Betsey Davis, Mrs. Hannah Benson and her family, and the family of the late Charles D. Lovejoy, who descended through Lorenza Havens. Who the second settler was in Royalton cannot be positively stated. Tradition says it was Elisha Kent. Mr. Kent was the son of aclergyman. He settled near the present village of South Royalton, and the South Royalton cemetery was once a part of the Kent farm. His first log hut was on the meadow, east of the road. He was probably about forty when he migrated to Roy- alton, and had two or three sons. Joseph Moss was born in 1774, and may have been born in Royalton. Mr. Kent was a man of influence in the town, and amassed considerable property for those days. He had a family of eight children. The oldest, John, removed to New York. None of his descendants are living in town. gery —* fo hug i wn ff Ape itt ea a [735 nines Ge spun acd) — ; “nok Spajodox Agqaiay YNIy, 2y1 02 auvtyind Sra014g Jouadny inoX sayj0 10 aut wou Jaye foateder i no& eer ce 0} aU], Woyse ‘syorpar “I@ PUE s12pIO Yoo} [fe Basayqo 03 are nok puy : > 2b 4A © “_ mayise nok 4oqo 03 wayi dutpuewuios pue GuotmussA0s pus 2p19 ese ur way} durdsaq f arg Sia jo tmuq ayy Aq payprqeys pur paurepio ‘ey jo auydtoya ay) 03 Surpsosoe ‘sunry | ici! ~J2 YQ 242 wi ssoipfog pup s1991—FO soLayuT nod BurposgXa f yor] ey 281Eq>)Ip, 03 Apes «Poe Ayynyaies > Sil 2Q Jayy se adreyQ pure ore moX or 7 fucaiiucs, * prey “243 ayet 0 Nod 1omodwif pue unodde ‘Surqeus ojunsiay2 aur ‘yeIg sTy3 jo suey au: 40 mast, a ‘op [ ‘Qnpuo_ poos pue *Bemop ‘Aa1foprg nok ur 2HSpETOD ee niy, [eroady, ‘Buyaday > berf< tL ty BLO. pp Legh CLP 227, Meer Bee 4p ro oe Bee COC 1X iA bs) 3g 08 capes oT 3}EG oy jo Agraapy ERs aya Aq Saraq a Ae tee sanitaday quay tite aa. Ce" | ») ol > oo worwany th ‘ 21g aga jo 59190 wy puruIwioy pue ‘eroues-uiejde5 TTA wow ye NWHIv Nio [ ‘ j {EADILOINNOD Jq he , fauraosg ed ee DeFiay ey Which Wes risoncd /Voy Yo? 7780 IN the stare OF \/ERNLONT ? (BERNARD) Bicknewl's 24 Howst [aam now's) hy sgt in Se eee Z = dian racd Aug Sim: e aia Prat Comimenced Acy Yi; Mem ~ punished bE for’ SEPCLYM; wade ge Bui C& found Bicxnells He a in ee be YRS a os Son ll mon so or we wile gn. a 7S a FORT DEFIANCE AT BARNARD, 1780. CHAPTER X. REVOLUTIONARY AFFAIRS. ‘When the Revolutionary War broke out, when the signal for a general uprising spread from town to town in the Ameri- can Colonies, when the shot was fired ‘‘heard round the world,”’ Royalton had few settlers, perhaps not more than half a dozen families, and lacked a town organization. The history of 1775 must deal largely with general conditions, and the action of towns then organized on the Connecticut river in the near neigh- borhood of the young settlement at Royalton. The New Hampshire Grants which had been exposed to the depredations of French and Indians in previous years, now be- came an opposing frontier to the British and their savage allies. Ticonderoga and Crown Point were most important posts, hold- ing the key which unlocked the door for a free entrance into New York and the Grants, and through them to the New Eng- land colonies. Ethan Allen, called a Green Mountain boy, though born in Connecticut, with the energy and courage which ever characterized him, lost no time in an effort to get posses- sion of these coveted posts, and his success has passed into his- tery, and given lasting glory and honor to his name. In a cer- tain sense, then, Vermont took the lead in winning the first substantial victory of this great conflict. Murmurings of rebellion had been heard long before the Lexington alarm. The colonists foresaw the certainty of a re- sort to arms, ere they could gain their rights. With their accus- tomed sagacity they made such preparations as their limited means and opportunities afforded. As early as March 4, 1775, Hanover, the wide-awake New Hampshire town, had appointed Israel Curtis, Capt. Edmund Freeman, and Lieut. Timothy Dur- kee to engage a man to come there and make guns. It would be interesting to know how long it took this man to make a gun, | what facilities and materials for work he had, and the style and power of the weapon he manufactured. New York was a claimant of the Grants in 1775, and took active steps to conciliate the disaffected ones. The Continental names also realized the service the men on the Grants might 98 History OF Royauton, VERMONT render the American cause, and gave due credit to the achieve- ment of Ethan Allen in securing the two posts on Lake Cham- plain. June 23, 1775, it voted to pay the men engaged in capturing Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and recommended the employing of the Green Mountain men. John Hancock, Presi- dent of the Congress, wrote the next day to the Provincial Con- gress of New York, informing it of the measures proposed, stat- ing that it was the opinion of the Continental Congress ‘‘that the Employing the Green Mountain Boys in the American Army would be advantageous to the common Cause, as well on account of their scituation as of their disposition & alertness, they are desirous You should Embody them among the Troops you shall raise. As it is represented to the Congress, that they will not serve under any officers but such as they themselves Choose, You are desired to consult with General Schuyler, in whom the Congress are informed these People place a great Confidence, about the Field officers to be set over them.’’ The Provincial Congress voted to employ the Green Moun- tain Boys, and received Ethan Allen in consultation. In raising the proposed number of 500 men, they were to choose their own officers, except the field officers, and could express their prefer- ence in the selection of these. These troops were to be an inde- pendent body. Allen presented a list of officers, in which he nominated himself and Seth Warner as field officers, but com- mittees from towns west of the Green Mountains met at Dorset and chose Seth Warner, Lieut. Colonel, and Samuel Safford, Major. The Provincial Congress not wishing to decide the con- troversy over field officers, left the selection to General Schuyler, who politely declined the honor, saying it was too delicate a matter for him. This threw the responsibility back upon the Provincial Congress, which shouldered it, and made the appoint- ments for which the men had shown a preference. Allen did not sulk, but continued to serve. He joined Schuyler without a commission, and raised a body of 250 Canadians, with one-half of which he attacked Montreal, but owing to the superior force of the enemy he had to yield himself a prisoner. __ The men in this independent regiment were to be provided with coats of coarse green cloth, faced with red, and 250 of the coats were of large size, a proof of the fine physique of the “‘Boys.’’ The company was to be a part of the Seventh New York brigade. Hartford had been dallying with New York in reference to procuring a new charter, as she had first been chartered by New Hampshire, but she never really acknowledged the authority of New York. At a town meeting held June 19, 1775, several days before the action taken by the Continental Congress in raising History or Royauton, VERMONT 99 a regiment of Green Mountain Boys, the town had elected Joel Marsh as Captain of a company of militia for Cumberland county. Probably this company was not wholly made up of Hart- ford men, but it looks like independent action on the part of this lively and patriotic town, which then was close to the fron- tier. In 1775 two regiments were formed in Cumberland county, the Upper one organized Aug. 14, at Springfield, and the Lower organized considerably later, owing to controversies over the offi- cers. Provision was also made for raising a regiment of Minute men. By a reference to the tabulated list of men serving in the War of the Revolution, who subsequently became residents of Royalton, it will be seen that several had part in the struggle during the year 1775. There were others also who served this year, that were more or less connected with the history of this town. The Assembly of New Hampshire was petitioned on Sept. 10, 1776, by John House, 1st Lieut., and Daniel Clapp, 2nd Lieut., both of Hanover, N. H., for bounty as other soldiers had received for volunteer service under Capt. Israel Curtis. They state that they with thirty-four other men equipped at their own expense, marched to St. Johns in Canada, and were ordered by Gen. Montgomery to join Col. Bedel’s regiment. They did duty until Nov. 18, 1775, when they engaged to serve through the win- ter. Their prayer was not granted. This company had volun- tarily been formed in response to Gen. Schuyler’s call for help in September, 1775. No list has been preserved of the men. Under date of Nov. 3, Curtis wrote that the General would not allow them to leave until Montreal had been taken. This com- pany was on the Plains of Abraham in December. In April of the next year, after defeat, on account of small pox it was sent home, but Capt. Curtis got his promotion of Major and Lieut. House that of Captain. This action of Captain House goes to show that he was a man of courage, and a loyal citizen, despite what has been said of him because of his failure to attack and capture the Indians at the time of the raid upon Royalton. The year 1776 was to prove even more eventful than the one which had passed. The Declaration of Independence added new and stronger motives for exertion on the part of the colonists. The die was cast, and every man was expected to do his full _ duty as a loyal American citizen, determined to win freedom from British oppression. The frontiers now required the most watchful guarding, and the Grants were fully alive to the im- portance of checking any threatened advance from the Canada side. The frontier, starting with Haverhill, stretched on a radius of about thirty miles, with Hanover as a center, extending 100 History oF RoyaLToN, VERMONT through Newbury, Corinth, Royalton, and Barnard. The local militia looked after the frontiers. In the year 1776 Gen. Gates called it out to protect Ticonderoga. Scouts were sent out, some- times of one man only, again of several under a leader. Hart- ford in a town meeting of July 13, 1776, voted that Capt. Abel Marsh should deal out one pound of powder to each soldier be- longing to the town that had gone or was going to Royalton, and lead and flints proportionable to the stock. They also voted to raise by a tax £20 to defray charges of the supervisors and county committee going to Westminster, and the charge of the Royalton department, which was the town’s quota to pay. Royalton was on the frontier, and it must have been stirring times for the few settlers that were here at that time, increas- ing in number, of course, but doubtless not numbering twenty families. This was the year when small forts were built, and Royalton had hers, an account of which is given in another place. The action of Hartford just mentioned probably was taken with reference to this fort. We may be sure that the families which took so active a part in succeeding years in the struggle that was waging for freedom, were no less alert and serviceable this year, though the records, which are very incomplete, do not make much mention of them. Doubtless they did their share in guard- ing the frontier, and in preparing ammunition. Saltpetre was in great demand. An anonymous letter in the New Hampshire Gazette of January 9, 1776, by a writer not in favor of independ- ence, says that the making of saltpetre had made such rapid progress, especially at Portsmouth, where both clergy and laity were employed six days in the week, and the seventh was seasoned with it, that he begged leave to withdraw his assertion that Am- erica could be conquered without ammunition. The Provincial Congress of New York on July 23, 1776, re- solved that 252 men be employed as scouting parties to be raised in the counties of Cumberland and Gloucester, for the defence of those counties, to be divided into four companies, each com- pany to have one captain, two lieutenants, three sergeants, three corporals, and fifty-four privates. The commissioned officers were to be nominated by mutual consent of committees from both counties. Hach non-commissioned officer and private was to have a bounty upon his passing muster. The officers and privates were to furnish themselves each with a good musket or firelock, powder horn, bullet-pouch, tomahawk, blanket, and knapsack. The next day the Congress on recommendation from members of Cumberland county, Messrs. Sessions, Marsh, and Stevens, nomi- nated Joab Hoisington to be Major of these troops, who were called Rangers. The Congress advanced to deputies from Cum- History oF Royauton, VERMONT 101 berland county £1200 for the Rangers in Cumberland and Glou- cester counties, one half of the bounty resolved upon. The year 1776 saw also the beginning of the Board of War for Western Vermont, which was given jurisdiction over the whole of the Grants. This Board appointed twelve men to at- tend as a committee upon the next convention, which body of men is said to be the beginning of the Council. The Board ap- pears to have been appointed from time to time by the Assembly, and to have held office until a new one was named. For a short time the Governor and Council constituted it, and later it was made up chiefly of councilors. Its duties and powers were prac- tically the same as those of the governor today in case of war. Whatever may be thought regarding the dealings of New York with the settlers on the Grants, it is certain that these settlers had to depend on New York more than once for financial assistance, during the period when the controversy over the ownership of Vermont was waging. On January 14, 1777, the New York Convention agreed to loan Cumberland county a sum not exceeding £300, and it furnished the representatives of the eounty £70 as wages in advance. Major Hoisington went to Fishkill, N. Y., to settle with the Committee of Safety, and had to apply to them for funds to get home. It would appear that his Rangers had not been called upon for any very arduous labor as yet, for as late as Feb. 24, Col. Bedel in a letter to Gen. Schuy- ler declared that the Rangers had not done three days’ duty. The Provincial Congress of New York decided May 28, 1777, that they needed some exercise, and it ordered that Gen. Bayley be requested to order one of the companies of troops raised in Cumberland and Gloucester counties, called Rangers, to march to Kingston in Ulster county, without delay, to follow the further directions of the Council of Safety or executive power of the state. Gen. Bayley was in sore straits. On the 14th of June he wrote from Newbury to the Committee of Safety at Kingston, “The calling for the Rangers is stripping the frontier of Men & Arms, which order I received from Major Wheelock with a Verbal Account, that the others would soon follow. I gave the orders for the march of the first Company, but had no Money to March them, which they Insist upon. They Insist that if the Conditions they were raised upon, is altered in one part, it must be in all before they March they say their Subsistence Money will not half Support them on their March nor at Kingston when they arrive.’’ From this will be seen the spirit of independence manifested by the Rangers, a spirit to be commended usually, but which often interfered with military discipline in the early days of the war. It illustrates also the difficulties under which 102 History or RoyauTon, VERMONT the officers frequently labored, through lack of funds to pay their men. An attempt had been made in April to raise three companies in the northeastern part of the Grants, under the direction of Major John Wheelock. Commissions were not to be issued until 150 men should be enlisted. Major Wheelock obtained only eighty men, even after an extension of time, owing to open defec- tion against the authority of New York in that part of the state. Provision was made for accepting what he had, if six super- numerary officers would discharge themselves when he should arrive with the men at Kingston. There seems to have been plenty of men who were willing to serve as officers, but appar- ently they were not sufficiently self-sacrificing to ‘‘discharge themselves,’’ for on Aug. 30, Wheelock’s corps was declared dis- banded, and he was ordered to settle his accounts. When he went to Fishkill to get what was left of his men, he found that “many had dispersed contrary to order.’’ Capt. Payne was in command of them, and among the loyal ones were Comfort Sever of Hanover, later of Royalton, Jeremiah Trescott of Royalton, and Lieut. Aaron Storrs and Abel Curtis of Norwich. Wheelock’s men had been intended for Col. Warner’s regiment. From the Henry Stevens Papers the following is taken: “Majr John Wheelock Sir where as we the subscribers did inlist in the Corps Commanded By you as we understand Said Corps is dis- banded by order of Council of Safety of this State we therefore require of you a Sartificate as we cannot Ingage in any other Service til we are Regularly Discharged By you we also are willing the value of our Cloathing be Reduckted out of our Back pay so no more We remain your Humble Servants” Signed by Charles Tilden, Sergt., and nine others, including Jeremiah Trescott, and dated Kingston, Sept. 4, 1777. This unique request goes to show that these men were not only loyal, but honest, and ready for further service. If the Rangers were not busy in the field, they and the in- dependent companies were employed in other ways. A Roll of Zebulon Lyon’s company is recorded, which did duty in August, 1777, by order of the Committee of Safety of Windsor and ad- jacent towns. They were called upon to guard the Committee at Windsor, and to guard Col. Stone and others to Springfield, ete. Zebulon Lyon was lieutenant of the company, James Smal- ley, sergeant, Moses Evans, sergeant, all of whom were allowed pay for fifteen days’ service; James Sterrod or Herrod, sergeant, for seven days; privates, Elijah Smalley, Jesse Williams, David Hunter, Zebina Curtis, for fifteen days; James Sanders, Eben- ezer Call, James Call, Jr., Joseph Call, John Billings or Belknap, Abijah Lamphere, Luke Lamphere, Sylvanus Owen, Elijah History oF RoyaLton, VERMONT 108 Brown, Nathan Chaffey, Bliss Hosenton (Hoisington), Phineas Powers, Timothy Knox, James Call, John Kelliam, for seven days each. The first half of the year 1777 was a gloomy one for the colonists, and an especially strenuous one for the Grants, which, under the name of Vermont, had declared its independence. It was natural that there should be differences of political opinion. Some were supporters of New Hampshire in her claim, others of New York, and a considerable number were still loyal to Great Britain, so that efforts to raise men for service were not always successful. The loss of Ticonderoga in July made the people of the Coos region panic stricken. It looked as if the British would win. Some of those nearest the British posts chose to be on the winning side, whichever it was. Strafford and Thetford had had squads of men doing garrison duty. Col. Bayley de- clared that thirty of them deserted in this critical time, leaving the towns unguarded. No doubt Royalton with the adjoining towns participated in the general alarm, but as our records were destroyed in 1780, there is no evidence of her action or of the anxiety which she felt. She still had her fort, and even without a garrison it would furnish some protection. Wild beasts in the forests, wild men on the borders, and a bitter foe at the door ready to take advantage of every weak position was the situation at this time. The Canadians were seeking new and shorter routes to the settlements south of them. John Williams, secretary of the New York Convention, stated on June 23 that they had found a road across the mountains to Otter Creek, and could come in twelve days. To be aware of danger was to take steps to avert it. Capt. Jesse Safford was in command of forty-two men. Part of them were ordered to Pittsfield, and went in July. A part were or- dered to Royalton, and probably came at the same time, and occupied the fort built the preceding year, and served as a pro- tection to the inhabitants and neighboring towns. The victory over Burgoyne heartened the colonists. On Mar. 23, 1778, the Assembly voted to fill up Col. Warner’s regi- ment. On June 12th they voted that 100 men out of Col. Bedel’s regiment be sent to guard the frontier west of the mountains. On June 18th it was decided to raise twenty men to guard the frontiers from White river to Strafford and Corinth, to the lakes, ete., and that Capt. Hodges have the command of said guard as a subaltern. Some time previous to Aug. 29, 1777, the Council of Safety had ‘‘ Resolved that 375 men of the militia of this State should be Raised for the defence of this and the United States of America.’’ As cost of living was high, they voted fifty shillings per month to each person so serving in addition to his continental 104 History oF RoyauTon, VERMONT pay. The General Assembly voted Mar. 25, 1778, to add to sol- diers’ wages that were to be raised by a vote of that House enough to make their wages four pounds per month. In June they added forty shillings bounty to this stipend. The proposed expedition to Canada was the military event of 1778 in which Vermont would have had the largest part and interest, but after making provision for 300 volunteers, the Council of Safety two weeks later declared the expedition like to fall through, and ordered the enrollment of men to cease. There is no evidence from the scanty town records of 1779 left to us, that Royalton took any action in raising men or provisions, but the record of service in another part of this chapter shows, that some who must have been residents of this town at that time were in active service. The Vermont militia in 1779 were en- gaged in scouting and protecting the frontier. At a special meeting in Royalton held Jan. 22, 1780, we get the first record of the active participation of the town in the events of the Revolution. At that time it was voted to raise five men for immediate service, who were to be under pay at two pounds per month, equal to wheat at five shillings a bushel. Esq. Morgan, Lieut. Durkee, and Daniel Rix were chosen a committee te see the five men equipped, and Lieut. Morse, Capt. Joseph Parkhurst and Benjamin Parkhurst were chosen another com- mittee to give Lieut. Parkhurst his (illegible). At their March meeting they voted to discharge the five men raised in January. There is no record showing who these men were, but it may be inferred that Lieut. Parkhurst (Calvin?) was one. From the Vermont Revolutionary War Rolls the following is taken: “A Pay Roll of Lieut. Calvin Parkhurst and eight privates who have been in the service of the United States one month and a half in guard- ing the frontiers of this state, the winter past, viz: One subn 45 days 149 s/ per day........ cece ee cc cccecccceee £324.0.0 Eight privates 45 days each 53 s/4 per day each.............. £960.0.0 £1284.0.0 Calvin Parkhurst, Capt. _ Westminster, March 16, 1780, In Council The above pay roll ex- amined and approved by order of the Governor and Council. Jos. Fay, Sec’y. Pay Table Office, 23d Feby. 1781. The Treasurer is directed to allow on the above order thirty-two pounds two shillings, lawful money. Thomas Chittenden, Timo. Brownson, Comee. é Received of the Treasurer the contents of the above order. Aaron Storrs.” This pay roll probably includes the five men raised by Roy- alton, and refers to the same men as the following petition in the office of the Secretary of State at Montpelier. It will be History or Royauton, VERMONT 105 observed that the amount allowed on the bill was only a small part of it, due, doubtless, to the depreciation of continental money. “To his Excellency the Govr. his honbl. Council and General As- sembly of the State of Vermont now sitting at Westminster— The Petition of the Subscribers Humbly Sheweth, that whereas the present Winter has been such and the repeated Intelegence from Canada that great apprehension arose in the minds of the frontier Inhabitants that the Enemy would Attempt an invasion upon some Quarter, and as your petitioners and the Inhabitants of the Towns of Royalton & Sharon whom we have the honor to represent was frontiers and Exposed to Such Invasion—did by the advice of one of the Mem- bers of the Board of War and others, Raise one subaltern and Hight privates to reconnoiter the Woods and keep guard for this Country. and Engaged to pay them (viz) the Subaltern Equal Wages allowed by this State & Each private forty shillings pr Month and Money made Good as in this year 1774 on condition this State would not pay them And whereas your Petitioners are of opinion that said Scout so Raised was of public Service to this State; do therefore pray your honors to take the Matter under Consideration and if Consistent Grant that said Subaltern & Hight men be paid out of the public Treasury of this State or such other relief as your honors in your Wisdom shall judge requisite and for the best Good of this State, and as your peti- tioners in duty bound shall ever pray— Westminster 12th March 1780 Elias Stevens ) Representatives Daniel Gilbert for sd Towns” The statement was made that this guard was in service one and one-half months. The line of frontier on the west side of the mountains was set by the Board of War on Mar. 12, 1779, at Arlington. ‘‘Re- solved that the north line of Castleton the west and north lines of Pittsford to the foot of the Green Mountains be and is hereby Established a line between the Inhabitants of this State and the Enemy, and all the Inhabitants of the State living to the north of said line are directed and ordered to immediately move with their families and Effects within said lines.’’ These quotations will give a good idea of the state of feeling of those living on or near the frontiers. The Indian raid at Royalton was the event of 1780 which sent a thrill of terror throughout all the towns of eastern Ver- mont and adjoining sections of New Hampshire. To Zadock Steele, Historian, we are indebted chiefly for a connected and full account of that awful tragedy. The debt of gratitude we owe him, and the honor due his memory for his laudable effort to preserve the trials and sufferings of the early inhabitants of Ver- mont should not grow less, because as time has gone on, new evi- dence and new information have been secured, which, in some instances, shows that his account is not wholly correct. That is 106 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT true of all histories. Mr. Steele was not a resident of the town, and it was nearly forty years after the raid occurred, when he sought from residents of Royalton information regarding the events of that momentous day. It is almost strange that not more errors are found. His narrative is first given just as it stands in the original edition of 1818, and it is followed with another account based on the narratives of others who were pres- ent at that time of devastation, and on such records as have been furnished from reliable sources. It is in no spirit of criticism that the second account is given, but with a sincere desire to supplement, and render more valuable, if possible, the record of what seemed to those present on Oct. 16, 1780, as the death knell of the infant settlement. The correspondence of the leader of the Indian band and of Capt. Matthews, which is now given to the public for the first time, it is believed, will be found of con- siderable value and interest. A reference to the letter of Capt. Matthews, secretary of Gen. Haldimand, will show that an exchange of prisoners had been asked of Gen. Haldimand before the raid of Oct. 16, 1780. Tt does not state that the request came from Gov. Chittenden, but it is probable that it did. According to the ‘‘Haldimand Correspondence’”’ in Vol. II of ‘‘Governor and Council,’’ the Governor wrote regarding an exchange of prisoners in Septem- ber. It is not at all unlikely that friends of the men taken pris- oners in Royalton asked the Governor to take steps to secure their release, but it seems probable, also, as measures had already been taken for an exchange, that no new request was made. Prison- ers taken from the British by the Vermont soldiery were turned over to the United States authorities, and so the state did not hold any considerable number of prisoners available for exchange independent of action on the part of Washington, Commander-in- chief, to whom Gov. Chittenden applied. The negotiations, however, dealt with the proposal to make Vermont a loyal supporter of England, and with this object in view the British general readily agreed to a truce, which freed the state from a constant dread of invasion, and which finally resulted in the exchange of nearly all those who had been taken as prisoners to Canada after the raid of Oct. 16, 1780. It is not pertinent to the purpose of this book to decide whether the Vermont leaders were patriots or traitors in carrying on these negotiations, neither is it the place to defend or condemn the course they adopted. It is enough to say, that by these nego- tiations the British were led to believe that they could gain Ver- mont, and that Vermont, which had pluckily and successfully held her own against the claims of neighboring states, did, by the representations of her leaders, steer the ship of state safely History or Royatton, VERMONT 107 through a most perilous time in her history, and not only fur- thered her own cause, but that of the united colonies as well. The provisioning of troops was a serious matter, a source of anxiety to boards of war, commanders in the army, and to town officials. The removal of the hardiest and best men to serve in the army depleted the ranks of the laboring class in Vermont. Royalton in 1780 had been stripped of the larger part of her supplies by the ruthless red man. Soon after the raid, November 9th, at a town meeting held in Lebanon, N. H., Huckens Storrs was appointed to remove the public provisions from Strafford to Royalton in case soldiers were ordered to that town. In Royalton, Zebulon Lyon’s house was a storage place for supplies, aud in Sharon, Samuel Benedict’s. Col. Bedel in his attack on St. Johns in 1775 wrote to the Committee of Safety in New Hampshire, ‘‘This moment I have possession of St. Johns and the Post - - - - to-morrow shall march for Montreal. - In about 4 days we shall have either a wooden leg or golden chain at Montreal. For God’s sake let me know how I am to supply my men.’’ Some of the sufferings of the men in Warner’s Regiment in the attack on St. Johns have been recounted in the diary of Lieut. John Fassett, who was in Capt. Hawkins’ Company. Col. Warner was both doctor and officer. Lieut. Fassett under date of Oct. 27th wrote, ‘‘David Brewster is very sick. Sent for Col. Warner and he gave him a portion of jallap. Jacob Safford not very well, nor has not been for several days.’’ Two days later he entered in his diary, “Col. Warner blooded Jacob Safford. David Brewster is some better.’’ In their attack on St. Johns they suffered from both cold and hunger. He wrote on Nov. 12, ‘‘12 o’clock. E. Smith, Jacob Safford and I have been buying an apple pie and a sort of floured short cake and apples. Have eaten so much as we can, which makes us feel well.’’ Gov. Chittenden wrote, May 22, 1778, that he was informed Col. Bedel’s regiment was not in actual service for want of provisions. On June 12, Col. Bedel was empowered to buy grain and other provisions. On Oct. 20, 1780, Calvin Parkhurst was put on a committee by the General Assembly for the purpose of getting provisions from the towns. That year acts were passed by the legislature prohibiting sending provisions out of the state. In 1781 it ap- peared that the supplies set for the soldiers were not enough, and a provision tax was levied. In 1780 the quota of provisions for troops was, for Royalton, 1392 pounds of flour, 464 pounds of beef, 232 pounds of salted pork, 99 bushels of Indian corn, and 1914 bushels of rye. The provision tax of 1781 levied on ratable polls and estates was 20 ounces of wheat flour, 6 ounces of rye flour, 10 ounces of beef, and 6 ounces of pork, on a pound. 108 History oF Royauton, VERMONT At a town meeting held Dec. 27, 1781, Royalton voted to raise five bushels of wheat in lieu of the beef for the state troops, and to raise wheat in lieu of rye flour. It chose Lieut. Durkee to receive the wheat, and also the pork that was to be raised, which was to be well salted, and he was to find the salt for five bushels of wheat. They also voted to raise three bushels of wheat in lieu of a hundred of flour, and voted to raise and bring in the whole of the provisions in January next following. The Board of War had proposed, April 8, 1780, that each town by taxation pay its own men, each man to provision himself, the state in final settlement repaying what had been expended since the rising of the last Assembly, which had authorized such action. ; In the town meeting records there is but one more notice of any action of the town in raising men for military service in the Revolutionary war. This was April 3, 1782, when it was “‘Voted to raise one man as the cotoo (quota) for the town.’’ They chose a committee to make a report in what manner to raise said man, and next voted to give John Wilcox when enlisted 15 (torn off) of good dry sugar to be delivered at Lieut. Lyon’s house as a bounty. Every one that was delinquent in paying his sugar by the third Tuesday of the next April was to pay “‘dubel’’ his proportion of tax. Regarding the character of Vermont soldiers, among them Royalton men, it is sufficient to quote from a letter which Gen. Burgoyne sent to England: ‘‘The New Hampshire Grants in particular, a country unpeopled and almost unknown in the last war, now abounds in the most active and rebellious race on the continent, and hangs like a gathering storm on my left.’’ We shall never know who of those living in town at the time they served their country in the Revolution, lie sleeping in our cemeteries. Many early graves are unmarked. Of this number it is very probable that some were soldiers. In the list of Revo- lutionary soldiers which follows, the final resting place of those who are buried in town is noted, so far as known. Some of these patriots died before any pension law was enacted that would benefit them. The first pension law was passed as a resolution by the Continental Congress at Philadel- phia, Aug. 26, 1776. It provided for partial and total disability. If partial, the disabled ones were to be formed into an invalid corps. It took effect from its passage, but in 1778 it was made retroactive, so as to include all so disabled on and after April 19, ae They were to receive half pay during continuance of disa- ility. On May 15, 1778, upon recommendation of Gen. Washing- ton, the Congress passed a law providing for pensioning all mili- tary officers commissioned by Congress, who should serve during History or Royauron, VERMONT 109 the war, and not hold any office of profit or trust in any of the states. They were to receive half pay for seven years, if they lived so long. Officers alone were benefited by this enactment. The first provision for widows and orphans was made Aug. 24, 1780. This benefited only the families of officers. They were to have the benefit of the law of May 15, 1778, in case of the death of the officer before the expiration of seven years. The widows and orphans of soldiers other than officers were pensioned by act of Aug. 11, 1790. A five-years’ half-pay law was passed July 4, 1836, which by repeated extensions, became the basis of the present law relating to widows and orphans. The first dependent pension law was passed March 18, 1818. This provided for those in need of assistance, who had served in the Revolution nine or more months. The pay was $20 a month for officers, and $8 for others. May 15, 1828, full pay was allowed for life to the survivors of the Revolution who en- listed for and during the war, and continued in its service until its termination. This act was extended June 7, 1832, to those who could not draw pensions under the act of 1828, provided they had served in the Continental Line, or state troops, volun- teers or militia, at one or more terms, a period of two years. They were to receive full pay according to rank, but not exceed- ing the pay of a captain. Those who had served less than two years, but not less than six months, drew a sum proportionate to their term of service as compared with two years. Several laws were enacted for the benefit of those engaged in Indian wars, the first being April 30, 1790, and also for those in the Regular Army. Laws were passed in 1836 and 1846 pro- viding invalid pensions for those engaged in the Mexican War. Pension laws have been too numerous to mention them all. The drift has been more and more toward a generous policy in re- warding the services of those who endangered their lives that their country might live. Some of the soldiers of the Revolution surrendered their rights under one enactment, to avail themselves of a more liberal provision under a later one. This will explain how it chanced that some were pensioned more than once. Those soldiers connected with Royalton that are known to have received pensions, have the fact recorded in the list at the end of this chapter. It cannot be hoped that this list is complete. Some omissions may, perhaps, be found in the genealogies of families, and others can’ be remedied only by those who know that such exist. It could be wished that not one of those who bravely fought in our struggle for independence, and who ever called Royalton their home, should fail of recognition in our town History, but the lapse of time and imperfect records must 110 History oF RoyauTon, VERMONT be the excuse, if such is the case. A list of present pensioners will be found in the chapter devoted to the Civil War. The Pay Roll of Capt. Joseph Parkhurst’s Company of Militia for the service in the alarms on Aug. 9, Royalton, 1780, is given in the Vermont Revolutionary Rolls, pages 191-92. The men all enlisted Aug. 9th, and aside from the officers received one shilling, four pence per day. The Roll included Capt. Jo- seph Parkhurst, serving 3 days, Lieut. Calvin Parkhurst, 6 days, Lieut. Elias Stevens, 6 days, Sergt. Walbridge, 3 days, Sergt. Foster, 3 days, Sergt. Wheeler, 6 days, Sergt. Haven (Havens?), 6 days, Sergt. Billings, 3 days, Corpl. How, 3 days, Corpl. Mosher, 3 days, John Crary, 3 days, John Hoboot (Hibbard), 3 days, Aaron Mosher, 3 days, Robert Handy, 6 days, Daniel Love- joy, 6 days, Daniel Havens, 6 days, Joseph Fish, 3 days, Medad Burton (Benton), 3 days, Jeremiah Presot (Trescott), 6 days, Nathan (Nathaniel) Morse, 6 days, Reuben Parkhurst, 6 days, Luther Ede, 3 days, Adam Durkee, 6 days, Elisha Kent, 6 days, Matthew Harrington, 3 days, Abel Fairbanks, 3 days, Zacheus Downer, 3 days, Lackin (Larkin) Hunter, 3 days, Nehemiah Lovejoy, 3 days, Jason Downer, 3 days, Asa Stevens, 3 days, Benj. Parkhurst, 3 days, Benj. Day, 3 days, Standish Day, 3 days, Phineas Parkhurst, 3 days, Pen! Parkhurst, 3 days, and a name erased. The Pay Roll ends with the following: “Pay Table Office. The within pay roll examined and approved and the Treasurer is directed to pay the same to Capt. Joseph Park- hurst or bearer, being the sum of seventeen pounds eleven shillings and three pence, with the addition of rations, lawful money. Thos. Chittenden, Arlington, 12 Jan. 1781. John Fasset, Vermont, Windsor County, ss. May 23, 1781. Sworn before Joel Marsh, Justice of Peace. Recd. of the Treasurer, in behalf of Capt. Joseph Parkhurst, the contents of the within roll. 12th June 1781. i Committee Amos Robinson” The roll of his company serving three days in the Royalton alarm was smaller and quite different. It included Lieut. Elias Stevens; Sergts. Jos. Edson, John Billings, and Isaac Pinney; Corps. Heman Durkee and Phineas Parkhurst; Joseph Green, Oliver Pinney, Timothy Hibbard, Ralph Day, Robert Handy, Elisha Hart, Daniel Havens, John Evans, Medad Benton, Joseph Wallow (Waller), Rufus Rude (he was not living at this time), Nathl. Moss (Morse), Nathan Morgan, Stephen Burrus (Bor- roughs), Zebulon Burrus, Samuel Joslin, Jeremiah Triscut, and Comfort Sever, privates. Capt. Daniel Gilbert’s Company pursued the enemy, trav- elled 30 miles and served four days at the time of the Indian raid. The Captain drew twenty shillings a day, the Lieutenant fifteen, History or Royatton, VERMONT 111 the Sergeants six, the Clerk six, the Corporal five and six pence, and the privates five shillings. The Pay Roll shows the follow- ing membership: Daniel Gilbert, Capt., Abel Fairbanks, Lieut., John Walbridge, Sergt., Jacob Foster, Sergt., Zacheus Downer, Clerk, Simeon How, Corp., Jonathan How, Samuel Ladd, Larkin Hunter, Jason Downer, Wright Spalding, John Crery, Stephen March (Marsh?), Elisha Kent, Daniel Lovejoy, Ashbel Ladd, Pierce Parkhurst, Azel Spalding, Joel Marsh, privates. His Pay Roll ends as follows: “The within pay roll is for service done in Royalton Alarm the 16th Oct. 1780. Daniel Gilbert, Capt. Pay Table Office, Oct. 24, 1781. The within Pay Roll examined and approved and the Treasurer is hereby directed to pay to Daniel Gilbert or order the within sum, being sixteen pounds two shillings and ten pence, lawful money Thos Chandler, John Strong, Date above rec’d of the Treasurer the contents of the above order Timo Brownson, . Comee. in behalf of Danl Gilbert. Joel Marsh.” ROYALTON’S REVOLUTIONARY ROLL. Name Col. or Regt. Capt. or Co. State Year Ames, David R. Dow N. H. 1775 Lilley J. House § N. H. Cont. 1776 Buried in Havens Cem. Atherton, Matthew , Mass. Cont. Pensioned under Act of 1832. Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Back, Lyman Conn. Militia Pensioned June 21, 1838. Buried in S. Royalton Cem. Backus, Stephen 8th 2nd Conn. Cont. 1775 Pensioned Sep. 25, 1833. Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Fifer. Bacon, Jareb D. Brewster J. Packard Mass. 1775 Corp. Re-enlisted in 1777. Banister, Jason B. Wait J. Benjamin Vt. Militia 1781 Pensioned under Act of 1832. Drummer. Banister, Timothy Blias Wild Vt. Militia 1780 B. Wait J. Benjamin Vt. Militia 1781 Drummer in 1780, Fifer in 1781. Benton, Jonathan J. Safford ) Vt. Rangers Peter Olcott Tim. Bush § Vt. Militia 1781 Benton, Medad Strong dU N. Y. 1776 Abel Marsh § Vt. Militia 1777 Buried in S. Royalton Cem. Lieutenant. Billings, John Conn. Cont. 1775 Pen. Nov. 3, 1819 and June 7, 1832. Buried N. Royalton Cem. Bingham, Thomas Wales Conn. Line 1775 Served also in 1777-78. Received $240 yearly pension 1819; dropped in 1820. Buried in Havens Cem. Bosworth, Benj. Mass. Served in 1775 in Lexington Alarm; en. in Capt. Nath. Carpen- ter’s Co., Col. Tim. Walker; July 1, 1776, en. with Capt. Isaac Hodges, Col. Eben. Francis; Jan., 1777, with Capt. Stephen Bul- 112 History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT Name Col. or Regt. Capt. or Co. State Year lock, Col. Thos. Carpenter; fall of 1777 as Corp, with Capt. Nath. Carpenter, Col. Whitney; late fall, 1777, in Peleg Peck’s Regt.; May 1, 1778, Orderly Serg. with Capt. Jacob Fuller, Col. John Jacob; winter, 1780-81, Lieut. with Col. Hathaway; July 1, 1781, Lieut. with Capt. Elisha Gifford, Col. William Turner; went with Generals Spencer and Sullivan in the Expedition to R. I. Pen- sioned in 1832. Buried in the Lindley Cem. Brewster, David P. Olcott J. Hazen Vt. Militia 1777 Cheedle, Timothy B. Durkee Vt. Militia 1781 Buried in Royalton Broad Brook Cem. Clapp, Samuel, Jr. Mass. Cont. Pensioned July 14, 1819; suspended under Act of 1820. Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Sergeant. Clark, Paul Silas Wild i Mass. Cont. 1775 Eliph. Sawen Mass. Cont. 1777 Served until 1780. Pensioned under Act, 1818. Buried in Wil- liston. Cleveland, Squire Branch Conn. Mil. \ Conn. Cont. § 1778 Pensioned Mar. 5, 1819, and again June 7, 1832. Buried in East Bethel. Cleveland, Sam’l Conn. Pensioned Aug. 31, 1833. Cole, Benjamin Ledyard A. Waterman Conn. Militia 1777 Served 1778 and 1779 with Captains Tyler and Josh. Bottom; Corp. with Capt. Bottom, Col. Wells, in 1780; Corp. with Capt. Robbens, Col. McClellan, 1781; last service as substitute for his father; pensioned as Sergt. under Act of 1832. Buried in Dewey Cem. Crandall, Gideon Averill Conn. Militia 1782 Served also in R. I. Militia. Pensioned Sep. 30, 1833. Buried in Branchview Cem. Curtis, Samuel Hoisington Hatch N. Y. Militia 1776 Served with Capt. William Heaton in Vt. Militia, 1777; with Capt. Sol. Cushman, Vt. Volunteers, 1778, with Captains BE. Burton and Tim. Bush, Col. Olcott, 1780. Davis, Nathan N. H. Cont. Pensioned under Act of 1818. Day, Benjamin J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Day, Standish J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Day, Ralph J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Dewey, Darius, Corp. Conn. Cont. Pensioned April 4, 1834. Buried in S. Royalton Cem. Dewey, Ebenezer Ashley E. Mack N. H. Militia 1777 Buried in Dewey Cem. Durkee, Heman Maj. B. Allen J. Safford Vt. Rangers 1780 Corp. Also in J. Parkhurst’s Co. Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Durkee, Timothy J. Safford Vt. Rangers 1780 Also in J. Parkhurst’s Co. Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Evans, Cotton Lieut. Morris.) Conn. Militia 1776 Spalding § Conn. Militia 1778 Evans, John J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Fairbanks, Calvin Mass, Cont. Pensioned Oct. 4, 1833. History or RoyaLtton, VERMONT 113 Name Col. or Regt. Capt. or Co. State Year Fish, Joseph J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Fowler, Elisha A. Branch Conn. Cont. 1778 Pensioned Dec. 2, 1819, and under Act of 1832. Gains, James Mass. Cont. Pension secured by town under Act of 1818. Died Jan. 11, 1825; probably buried in town. Gilbert, Daniel 8th 3d Conn. 1775 Corp. with Capt. William Heaton, Vt. Militia, Col. Peter Olcott, 1777; Lieut. with Capt. E. Parkhurst, Vt. Militia, 1781. Buried in S. Royalton Cem. Green, Irijah Mass. Cont. Pensioned July 7, 1819. Handy, Robert Peter Olcott W. Heaton . Vt. Militia 1777 J. Parkhurst { Vt. Militia 1780 Havens, Daniel Conn. 1777 J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Havens, Joseph 8th 7th Conn. 1775 Strong N. Y. Militia 1776 Peter Olcott W. Heaton | Vt. Militia 1777 Havens, James Vose D. Sears Mass. Cont. 1775 Served till spring of 1783; pension secured by town under Act of 1818; died in 1825; probably buried in town. Hibbard, John, Jr. J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Hide, Jedediah Branch Conn. Militia 1778 Howard, William Conn. Militia Pensioned Aug. 28, 1833. Buried in Branchview Cem. Howe, Samuel N. H. Cont. Pensioned May 14, 1833. Buried in Havens Cem. Howe, Squire Conn. Militia Pensioned Oct. 4, 1833; probably buried in Barnston, Que. Hutchinson, John Hoisington J. Hatch N. Y. 1776 Peter Olcott W. Heaton Vt. 1777 Pensioned April 30, 1833; buried in N. Royalton Cem. Served in Conn, Militia. Huntington, Jas. J. Huntington 8th Conn. Cont. At Lexington and Bunker Hill. Buried in Howard Cem, Sergt. Jones, William Branch Conn. Militia 1778 Joiner, William E. Allen J. Safford Vt. 1780 Lee O. Train Vt. Militia 1781 Corporal. Kent, Elisha Strong N. Y. 1776 Jo. Marsh Tim. Bush Vt. 1777 J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Buried in S. Royalton Cem. Kent, John T. Beedle S. Cushman) ON. H. 1778 E. Allen J. Safford § Vt. Militia 1780 Taken prisoner Oct. 16, 1780. Lovejoy, Daniel J. Marsh T. Bush Vt. 1777 Tim. Beedle Ss. Cushman N. H. 1778 With the Rangers under Lieut. Beriah Green in 1781; enlisted five times, and served 20 months; pensioned under Act of 1832; buried in Sharon Broad Brook Cem. Lovejoy, WilliamJames Fry B. Ames Mass. 1775 At Lexington; buried in Sharon Broad Brook Cem. 114 History or RoyauTon, VERMONT Name Col. or Regt. Capt. or Co. State Year Lyman, Ezekiel J. Huntington B. Throop Conn. Line : 1777 Served three years. Is thought to have been a soldier in the French and Indian War in Capt, John Terry’s Co., 1st Regt., in campaign of 1755, under Major Phineas Lyman, and to have been pensioned under Act of 1818. Supposed to have been buried on the Lewis Skinner farm. Lyon, Zebulon, Lieut. B. Wait N. Y. 1776 EB. Allen J. Safford Vt. Militia 1780 With Capt. Abel Marsh, N. H. troops, 1777; buried in N. Royal- ton Cem. Metcalf, Sam’l, Jr. Conn. Militia Pensioned Aug. 31, 1833; buried in Metcalf Cem. Miles, Ephraim B. Wait J. Benjamin Vt. Militia 1781 In battle of Saratoga. Buried in Potsdam, N. Y. Morgan, Benj. Cc. Cilley N. H. 1775 See cut of commission. Buried in Royalton Broad Brook Cem. Morgan, Nathan Peter Olcott W. Heaton Vt. 1777 J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Corporal. Morgan, Roswell A. Marsh N. H. 1777 T. Bush Vt. Militia 1780 Recruited for Seelye in 1778, served under him as Lieut. in 1782. Buried in S. Royalton Cem. Morse, Nathaniel Probably in the Lexington Alarm, from Preston, Conn. Buried in Havens Cem. Noble, Nehemiah Calkins Conn. Militia 1777 Buried in Bethel. Packard, Benj. Mass. Cont. Sergeant. Pensioned Oct. 12, 1818. Buried in Royalton Broad Brook Cem. Parkhurst, Benj. J. Marsh T. Bush } Vt. 1777 J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Parkhurst, Calvin Peter Olcott W. Heaton Vt. 1777 Sergeant. Buried in Rutland probably. Parkhurst, Jabez E. Allen J. Safford Vt. 1780 Parkhurst, Joseph Vt. Militia 1780 Captain. Buried in S. Royalton Cem. Parkhurst, Phin. Hoisington N.Y. 1776 Peter Olcott W. Heaton Vt. Militia 1777 T. Beedle S. Cushman N. H. 1778 Fifer. Buried in Lebanon, N. H. Paul, Kiles Branch Conn. Militia 1778 Pensioned Mar. 8, 1833. Probably buried in Howe Cem. Perrin, Asa Williams Paine Conn. Cont. 1777 Buried in Perrin Lot, No, 1. Pinney, Isaac Branch Conn. Militia 1778 Sergeant. Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Richardson, G. J. Reed P. Thomas N. H. Cont. 1775 Wait Vt. 1780 Pensioned Oct. 11, 1833; buried in B. Bethel. Root, John Conn. Militia Pensioned June 21, 1833. Buried in Havens Cem. Rude, Rufus 8th 10th Conn. Cont. 1775 Buried in §. Royalton Cem. Died in 1779. History or Royauton, VERMONT 115 Name Col. or Regt. Capt. or Co. State Year Russ, Jeremiah J. Safford Vt. 1778 E, Weld Vt 1780 Corp. in Capt. J. Benjamin’s Co., Col. Benj. Wait 1781. Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Sever, Comfort Wheelock S. Payne N. Y. 1777 Lieut, in Capt. Payne’s Co.; Capt. of a Company of Vt. Militia in 1781. Skinner, Isaac Conn. Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Skinner, Luther Conn. Militia Pensioned Sept. 25, 1833. Died in Royalton, probably buried here. Stevens, Abel Salisbury Vt. Cont. 1777 As Capt. he had a Co. in Col. Nichols’ N. H. Regt. in 1780. Stevens, Elias Hoisington J. Hatch N. Y. 1776 Beedle ‘S. Cushman N. H. 1778 Sergt. in 1776, Lieut. in 1778. Pensioned Sep. 25, 1833, on his service in the Conn. Militia as Sergt. and Lieut. Buried in S. Royalton Cem. Stevens, Elkanah Conn. Militia Pensioned Aug. 24, 18338. Storrs, Huckens B. Wait E, Gates Vt. 1781 Buried in S. Royalton Cem. Taggart, Joseph N. H. Cont. Corporal. Pensioned July 7, 1819, under Act of 1832. Trescott, Experience D. Woodward N. H. 1776 J. Chase 1779 E. Allen J. Safford Vt. 1780 With Lieut. Beriah Green, Vt. Militia, 1782. Buried in Royal- ton Broad Brook Cem. Trescott, Jeremiah D. Woodward N. H. 1776 S. Payne N. Y. 1777 Buried in Havens Cem. Walbridge, Isaac J. Chase N. H. 1777 Sergeant. Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Waldo, Zacharia J. Durkee Conn. 1781 Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Waller, Joseph B. Green Vt. Militia 1782 Waller, Israel J. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1780 Buried in Howe Cem. Waterman, Abra., Jr. \ Conn. Cont. Pensioned Sep. 25, 1833. Buried in Branchview Cem. Waterman, Wm. Putnam 4th Conn. Cont. 1775 Sergeant; wounded at White Plains; pensioned Mar. 4, 1795; pen- sion increased twice; buried in Havens Cem. Wheeler, Josiah E. Parkhurst Vt. Militia 1781 Sergeant. Buried in Barnston, Que. Wills, Sylvanus J. Chase N. H. 1777 ; Pensioned Sep. 26, 1833, on service in Conn. Cont. Wilcox, John E. Allen J. Safford Vt. 1780 Wait B. Green Vt. 1781 Woodworth, Tim. J. Huntington Ely Conn. Cont. 1777 Served till 1780. Pensioned under Act of 1818. Woodward, E. Sr. A. Ward B. Cutler Conn. 1776 Pensioned in 1818. Buried in N. Royalton Cem. Wooley, Jona. A. Scammel W. Ellis N. H. 1777 CHAPTER XI. (A Reprint or THE Narrative of ZApocK STEELE. ) THE INDIAN CAPTIVE OR A NARRATIVE OF THE Captibity and Sufferings ZADOCK STEELE. RELATED BY HIMSELF. ———— TO WHICH IS PREFIXED AN ACCOUNT OF THE BURNING OF ROYALTON. Hath this been in your days, or even in the days of your fathers? Tell ye your children of it, and let your children tell their children, and their children another generation. JOEL. MONTPELIER, VT. PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR. E. P. WALTON, PRINTER. 1818. ZADOCK STEELE. . (DV ISE ANE 2 AYE dS NV VO 6 History oF Royauton, VERMONT 117 District of Vermont, To wit: (L. 8S.) Be it remembered, that on the twenty-fifth day of January, in the forty-second year of the Independence of the United States of America, Horace Steele, of the said District, hath deposited in this office, the title of a Book, the right whereof, he claims as Proprietor, in the words following, to wit: ‘The Indian Captive; or a narrative of the captivity and sufferings of Zadock Steele. Related by himself. To which is prefixed, an account of the burning of Royalton. Hath this been in your days, or even in the days of your fathers? Tell ye your children of it, and let your children tell their children, and their children, another generation.—Joel.’’ In conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, entitled, ‘‘An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books to the authors and pro- prietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned.”’ Jesse Gove hort of the District of Vermont. ADVERTISEMENT. The Author of this work neither seeks, nor expects praise. To preserve in memory the sufferings of our fathers, is the prin- cipal object of its publication. As no particular account of the burning of Royalton, had ever before been published, it was thought advisable that it should be prefixed to the ‘‘Narrative,”’ which was about to be printed. The great confusion which prevailed on that dreadful day ; the long lapse of time since the event; the disadvantages result- ing from the frailty of human recollection, and the writer’s inex- perience, is the only apology he offers for the imperfections of the work. For the information respecting this tragical scene, he is in- debted to the goodness of General Stevens, Colonel Edson, and others, who were eye-witnesses. 118 History oF Royalton, VERMONT BURNING OF ROYALTON. As an union of interest always strengthens the bonds of affec- tion; so a participation in extreme suffering will never fail to produce a mutual sensibility. Prompted by a generous glow of filial love and affection, we generally take delight in surveying whatever gave our forefathers joy; and are ready to drop a sym- pathetic tear, when we review the sufferings which they have undergone. But, contrary to the laws of sympathy, and justice, the attention of the public is often engrossed with accounts of the more dreadful conflagrations of populous cities in foreign countries, or the defeat of armies in the field of carnage; while the destruction of small frontier settlements, by the Indian tribes, in our own country, is, at the same time, little known, if not entirely forgotten. Thus, the miseries of our neighbors and friends around us, whose bitter cries have been heard in our streets, are too often suffered to pass unnoticed down the current of time into the tomb of oblivion. The burning of Royalton was an event most inauspicious and distressing to the first settlers of that town. Nor is it a little strange, that, among the numerous authors, who have recorded the events of the American revolution, some of them have not given place in their works to a more full detail of that afflictive scene. Laboring under all the difficulties and hardships to which our infant settlements were generally subject; and striving by persevering industry to soar above every obstacle, which might present itself to obstruct their progress; they had filled their barns with the fruits of the land; their store-houses were crowded with the comforts of life, and all nature seemed to wear a propi- tious smile. All around them promised prosperity. They were far removed from the noise of war, and, though conscious of their aneet, fondly hoped they should escape the ravages of a savage oe. Royalton was chartered in the year 1779. A considerable settlement, however, had taken place previous to that time; and the town was in a thriving condition. Large stocks of cattle, which would confer honor upon the enterprise of farmers in old countries, were here seen grazing in their fields. United by common interest; living on terms of friendship, and manifesting that each one in a good degree ‘‘loved his neigh- bor as himself,’’ harmony prevailed in their borders; social hap- piness was spread around their firesides; and plenty crowned their labors. But, alas! the dreadful reverse remains to be told! While joys possessed, were turned to sorrows, their hopes for joys to come, were blasted. And as the former strongly marked the History oF RoyvaLton, VERMONT 119 grievous contrast between a state of prosperity and affliction ; the latter only showed the fallacy of promising ourselves the uture. ; On the morning of the 16th of October, A. D. 1780—before the dawn of day, the inhabitants of this town were surprised by the approach of about three hundred Indians, of various tribes. They were led by the Caghnewaga tribe, and had left Canada, intending to destroy Newbury, a town in the eastern part of Ver- mont, on Connecticut River. A British Lieutenant by the name of Horton, was their chief commander, and one LeMott, a French- man, was his second. Their pilot or leader, was a despicable villain, by the name of Hamilton, who had been made prisoner, by the Americans at the taking of Burgoyn, in 1777. He had been at Newbury and Royalton the preceding summer, on parole of honor, left the latter place with several others under pretence of going to survey lands in the northern part of this State, and went directly to the enemy. He was doubtless the first instigator of those awful depredations which were the bitter fruits of this expedition, and ought to stamp his name with infamy and dis- grace. On their way thither, ’tis said, they came across several men from Newbury, who were engaged in hunting, near the place where Montpelier Village now stands, and made them prisoners. They made known their object to these hunters, and enquired of them whether an armed force was stationed at Newbury. Know- ing the defenceless state of that town, and hoping they should be able to induce the Indians to relinquish their object and return to Canada, they told them that such an armed garrison was kept at Newbury, as would render it extremely dangerous for them to approach. Thus artfully dissembling by ambiguity of expres- sion, the true condition of their fellow townsmen, and like Rahab the harlot, saved their father’s house from destruction. Unwilling, however, that their expedition should prove wholly fruitless, they turned their course to Royalton. No argu- ments which the prisoners could adduce, were sufficient to per- suade them from that determination. Following up Onion River as far as the mouth of Ste- vens’ branch, which empties into the river at Montpelier, they steered their course through Barre, at that time called Wilders- burgh; proceeded up Gaol branch, which forms a part of Stevens’ branch, and travelled over the mountains, through Orange and Washington; thence down the first branch of White River, through Chelsea and Tunbridge to Royalton. They laid there in encampment at Tunbridge, not far distant from Royalton, dur- ing the Sabbath, the day preceding their attack upon the latter place, for the purpose of concerting measures, to carry into effect 120 History or RoyaLtton, VERMONT their atrocious and malignant designs. Here were matured those diabolical seeds of depredation and cruelty, from which sprang bitterness, sorrow, and death! As they entered the town before daylight appeared, darkness covered their approach, and they were not discovered till Monday morning, at dawn of day, when they entered the house of Mr. John Hutchinson, who resided not far from the line, separating Royalton from Tunbridge. He was totally ignorant of their ap- proach, and wholly unsuspicious of danger, till they burst the door upon him. Here they took Mr. John Hutchinson, and Abijah Hutchin- son his brother, prisoners, and plundered the house; crossed the first branch, and went to the house of Mr. Robert Havens, who lived at a small distance from Mr. Hutchinson’s. Mr. Havens had gone out into his pasture in pursuit of his sheep; and having ascended a hill about forty rods from his house, hearing his neigh- bor Hutchinson’s dog bark, halted, and stood in pensive silence. Here he listened with deep anxiety to know the extent of the evil he feared. But alas! he little expected to find a herd of savage men. It was his only fear that some voracious animal was among his sheep, which so disturbed the watchful dog. While he lis- tened in silence, with his thoughts suspended, he heard a noise, as of sheep or cattle running, with full speed, through the water. Casting his eye to the west, towards his own dwelling, he beheld a company of Indians, just entering the door! Seeing his own danger, he immediately laid down under a log, and hid him- self from their sight. But he could not hide sorrow from his mind. Here he wept! Tears trickling down his withered cheeks, bespoke the anguish of his soul, while he thought upon the dis- tress of his family. With groanings unutterable he lay awhile; heard the piercing shrieks of his beloved wife, and saw his sons escaping for their lives. Bath’d in tears the hoary sage In sorrow lay conceal’d; while death In frightful form, stood thick around him, With bow-bent readiness, and arrows dip’d In venom, promiscuous flying. Vigilance with his years had fled, And hope was almost out of sight; Safety quite gone, and far beyond his reach. Laden with the weight of years, decriped and infirm, he was sensible if he appeared in sight, it would prove his death. He therefore resolved not to move until a favorable opportunity presented. His son, Daniel Havens, and Thomas Pember, were in the house, and made their appearance at the door a little before the Indians came up. Beholding the foe but few rods distant, they run for their lives. Daniel Havens made his escape ‘PUNOIS JO IST AIT 92 WO asSNOF, suaavy oy, “NOWIVAOU NI CMOCVOUN SNOUAVIE SELL ‘ITLL 8) JO Opts 1aqj}0 9q} UO JUaIdMIBITA UVIpUy eq} SyrVT ‘ADCIYANNL NI dOL TIIH LNVLSIdC NO GHUL AUVLITOS History oF RoyvauTton, VERMONT 121 by throwing himself over a hedge fence, down the bank of the branch, and crawling under a log; although a large number of the Indians passed directly over it, in pursuit of him. Who can tell the fears that agitated his bosom, while these savage pursuers stepped upon the log under which he lay! And who can tell the joys he felt, when he saw them pass off, leaving him in safety! A quick transition from painful fear, and iminent danger, to joyful peace and calm retirement. They pursued Thomas Pember, till they came so near as to throw a spear at him, which pierced his body, and put an end to his existence. He run some time, however, after he was wounded, till by loss of blood, he fainted, fell, and was unable to proceed farther. The savage monsters came up, several times thrust a spear through his body, took off his scalp, and left him, food for worms! While they were tearing his scalp from his head, how did his dying groans pierce the skies and call on Him, who holds the scales of justice, to mark their cruelty, and avenge his blood! He had spent the night previous, at the house of Mr. Ha- vens, engaged in amorous conversation with a daughter of Mr. Havens, who was his choice companion, the intended partner of his life. “ ‘What jealous cares Hang on his parting soul to think his love Expos’d to wild oppression and a herd Of savage men:” while himself lay With his eyes uplifted, fainting, doom’d To wait, and feel the fatal blow. By imagination we view the fair survivor, surrounded by the savage tribe, whose frightful aspect threatened ruin; her soul o’erwhelmed with fear, and stung with grief, bereft of her dearest friend. Hear her exclaiming, with sorrowful accents, in the language of the Poet: “You sacred mourners of a nobler mould, Born for a friend whose dear embraces hold Beyond all nature’s ties; you that have known Two happy souls made intimately one, And felt the parting stroke; ’tis you must feel The smart, the twinges, and the racks, I feel; This soul of mine, that dreadful wound has borne Off from its side its dearest half is torn, The rest lies bleeding, and but lives to mourn.” They made the house of Mr. Havens their rallying point, or post of observation, and stationed a part of their company there to guard their baggage, and make preparations for retreat, when they had completed their work of destruction. Like the mes- senger of death, silent and merciless, they were scarcely seen till felt. Or if seen, filled the mind with terror, nor often afforded 122 History of RoyaLton, VERMONT opportunity for escape. Moving with violent steps, they pro- ceeded down the first branch to its mouth, while a number armed with spears, led the van, and were followed by others, armed with muskets and scalping knives. The former they called run- ners, who were directed to kill all those who should be overtaken in an attempt to escape, while the latter were denominated gun- ners, took charge of the prisoners, and scalped those who were killed. They had not proceeded far before a young man by the name of Elias Button, being ignorant of their approach, made his appearance in the road, but a few rods from them. Espying his danger, he turned and ran with the greatest possible speed in his power, to escape their cruel hands. The savage tribe pur- sued him with their usual agility; soon overtook the trembling youth; pierced his body with their spears; took off his scalp, and left him weltering in his gore! Young, vigorous, and healthy, and blest with the brightest hopes of long life, and good days; he was overtaken by the merciless stroke of death, without having a minutes warning. Innocence and bravery were no shield, nor did activity secure him a safe retreat. That they might be enabled to fall upon the inhabitants, unawares, and thereby secure a greater number of prisoners, as well as procure a greater quantity of plunder, they kept pro- found silence till they arrived at the mouth of the branch. After killing Pember and Button, and taking such plunder as most pleased their fancy, they proceeded to the house of Jo- seph Kneeland, who resided about half a mile distant from the house of Mr. Havens. Here they found Messrs. Simeon Belknap, Giles Gibbs, and Jonathan Brown, together with Joseph Knee- land and his aged father, all of whom they made prisoners. They then went to the house of Mr. Elias Curtis, where they took Mr. Curtis, John Kent and Peter Mason. Mrs. Curtis had just waked from the slumbers of the night, and was about dressing herself as she sat upon her bed, when the savage monsters en- tered the door, and one of them instantly flew at her with a large knife in his hand, and seized her by the neck, apparently intend- ing to cut her throat. While in the very attitude of inflicting the fatal wound, the murderous wretch discovered a string of gold beads around her neck, which attracted his attention and prevented the dreadful stroke of death. Thus his avidity for gold allayed his thirst for human blood. His raging passions were suddenly cooled; curiosity restrained his vengeance, and spared the life of the frightened object of his cruelty. He had put the knife to her throat, and eternity seemed open to her view, but instead of taking her life, he only took her beads, and left her rejoicing at her deliverance. The barbarous looks of the History oF RoyauTon, VERMONT 123 wicked crew bespoke their malignant designs, and caused hor- ror and dismay to fill the minds of all who beheld them. But alas! who can tell what horror filled the bosom of this trembling woman! What fearful pangs were made to pierce her soul! Be- hold the tawny wretch, with countenance wild, and awful grim- aces, standing by her bedside, holding her by the throat, with one hand, and the weapon of death in the other! See, standing around her a crowd of brutal savages, the sons of violence; foul tormentors. In vain do I attempt to paint the scene. Nor will I pretend to describe the feelings of a kind and tender mother, who, reposing in the arms of sleep, with her infant at her bosom, is roused from her slumbers by the approach of a tribe of savage Indians, at her bedside. “No dangers seen; no fear to raise a sigh; No dangers fear’d; and yet was ruin nigh. Dark was the night, and scarce a trembling breeze Was heard to whisper through the neighboring trees, When to sleep’s arms the household was withdrawn, To rest in safety till the morrow’s dawn; The morrow dawns and blushes at the sight Of bloody scenes, that shun detecting light; Urg’d by a nameless thirst for human prey, A savage band approach’d where beauty lay; Where innocence, and youth, and age reclin’d In sleep, refreshing as the southern wind. The sire, though bending with a load of years, To save his daughter—every danger dares; By some rough hand this ancient hero dies—— The trembling mother for her husband sighs; Sighs and entreats to spare her infant’s life, Her sighs they hear, and spare him—with the knife. Pleas’d with the charm of beauty drench’d in tears, The savage tribe to gloomy desarts bears The weeping mother, void of all defence, Save what she hoped from Heav’n and innocence.” To prevent an alarm from being sounded abroad, they com- manded the prisoners to keep silence, on pain of death. While the afflicted inhabitants beheld their property wasted, and their lives exposed to the arrows of death, it caused their hearts to swell with grief. But they were debarred the privilege of mak- ing known their sufferings to their nearest friends, or even to pour out their cries of distress, while surrounded by the savage band, whose malevolent appearance could not fail to spread fear and distress in every bosom. They plundered every house they found till they arrived at the mouth of the branch. Here the commander, a British officer, took his stand with a small party of Indians, while some went up, and others down, on each side of the river, to complete the work of destruction. They had already taken several horses, which some of them rode, to facili- tate their march and enable them to overtake those who attempted 124 History oF RoyaLTton, VERMONT te make their escape. Frightened at the horrible appearance of their riders, who were in no way qualified to manage them, the horses served rather to impede than hasten their progress. Instigated by ‘‘the powers of darkness;’’ fired with rage; eager to obtain that booty which they acquired by the pillage of houses; and fearful at the same time, that they should them- selves fall a prey to the American forces, they pursued their ravages with infuriated zeal, and violence and horror attended their movement. “Uproar, revenge, and rage, and hate appear In all their murderous forms; and flame and blood, And sweat, and dust array the broad campaign In horror; hasty feet, and sparkling eyes, And all the savage passions of the soul, Engage in the warm business of the day.” Gen. Elias Stevens, who resided in the first house on the river above the mouth of the branch, had gone down the river about two miles, and was engaged at work with his oxen and cart. While busily employed in loading his cart, casting his eye up the river, he beheld a man approaching, bare-headed, with his horse upon the run; who, seeing Gen. Stevens, cried out ‘‘for God’s sake, turn out your oxen, for the Indians are at the mill.’’ Gen. Stevens hastened to unyoke his oxen, turned them out, and immediately mounted his horse, and started to return to his family, filled with fearful apprehensions for the fate of his be- loved wife, and tender offspring! He had left them in apparent safety, reposing in the arms of sleep. Having proceeded on his return, about half way home, he met Capt. Joseph Parkhurst, who informed him that the Indians were but a few rods distant, in swift pursuit down the river, and that unless he returned immediately he would inevitably fall into their hands. Apprized of his danger, he turned, and accompanied the Captain down the river. Conjugal and paternal affection alone can suggest to the imagination of the reader, what were the feel- ings of Gen. Stevens, when compelled for his own safety, to leave the wife of his bosom, and their little ones, to the mercy of a savage foe! What pains did he feel when he found himself deprived of all possible means to afford them relief! Nor could he expect a more favorable event, than to find them all sacrificed at the shrine of savage barbarity! Who, not totally devoid of sympathy, can refrain to drop a tear, as he reflects upon those painful emotions, which agitated the General’s breast, when he was forced to turn his back upon his beloved family, while thus exposed to danger! Indeed, it was his only source of consolation, that he might be able to afford assistance to his defenceless neigh- bors. And as they soon came to the house of Deacon Daniel History oF Royauton, VERMONT 125 Rix, he there found opportunity to lend the hand of pity. Gen. Stevens took Mrs. Rix and two or three children with him upon his horse; Capt. Parkhurst took Mrs. Benton, and several chil- dren upon his horse with him, and they all rode off as fast as possible, accompanied by Deacon Rix and several others on foot, till they arrived at the place where the General first received the alarm. Filled with anxiety for his family, and not having seen any Indians, Gen. Stevens, here concluded again to return, hoping he should be able to reach home in time to secure his household from danger, before the Indians arrived. Leaving Mrs. Rix and children in the care of a Mr. Burroughs, he started for home and had proceeded about half a mile, when he discov- ered the Indians in the road ahead of him, but a few rods dis- tant. He quickly turned about; hastened his retreat; soon over- took the company he had left, and entreated them immediately to leave the road and take to the woods to prevent being taken. Those who were on foot jumped over the fence, hastened to the woods, out of sight of the Indians, where they remained in safety, undiscovered by the savage foe, who kept the road in pursuit of Gen. Stevens. He passed down the road about half a mile, and came to the house of Mr. Tilly Parkhurst, his father in law. Seeing his sister engaged in milking by the barn, he ‘‘told her to leave her cow immediately or the Indians would have her,’’ and left her to secure her own retreat. They were now in plain sight, not more than eighty or an hundred rods off. The road was full of them, running like blood-hounds. The General rode to the house, told them to run for their lives, and proceeded to warn others who lived contiguous. By this time the way was filled with men, women and children, and a large body of Indians in open view, but just behind them. The savage tribe now began to make the surrounding wilderness re-echo with their frightful yells. Frightened and alarmed for their safety, children clung to their parents, and half distracted mothers, filled with fearful apprehensions of approaching destruction, were heard to make the air resound with their cries of distress! Gen. Stevens en- deavored to get into the woods, out of sight of the Indians. Fear had usurped the power of reason, and wisdom’s voice was drowned in the torrent of distraction. There was no time for argument. All was at stake. The enemy hard by, and fast ap- proaching. Defenceless mothers, with helpless infants in their arms, fleeing for their lives! Despair was spread before them, while the roaring flood of destruction, seemed rolling behind them! Few could be persuaded to go into the woods, and most of them kept the road till they arrived at the house of Capt. E. Parkhurst, in Sharon. Here they halted a moment to take breath, hoping they should not be pursued any farther. The 126 History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT Indians being taken up in plundering the houses, had now fallen considerably in the rear. But the unhappy victims of distress, had not long been here, when the cruel pursuers again appeared in sight. Screaming and crying now witnessed the horrors of that dreadful scene. Groans and tears bespoke the feelings of a heart agitated with fear, and swollen with grief! There was no time to be lost. While they waited, they waited for destruction. Children hanging to their mother’s clothes; mothers enquiring what they should do, and calling for assistance; floods of tears, and piercing shrieks, all presented to view a most painful scene. Seeing the Indians approaching with hedious yells, that thrilled the heart of every one, Gen. Stevens put his mother and sister upon his own horse; Capt. Joseph Parkhurst put Mrs. Rix and three of her children upon another horse, without a bridle, and ordered them to hasten their flight. There yet remained the wife of Capt. E. Parkhurst, who stood in the most critical situation, in which a woman can be placed; begging and erying for help; surrounded by six small children, clinging to her clothes, and pleading with her for protection; Alas! how awful was the spectacle, how affecting the scene! To see a woman in this de- plorable condition, pleading for succor, when none can help; when safety and support had fled; and dangers rushing upon her! a heart not devoid of sympathy, could not fail to weep! Conscious of her wretched situation; feeling for her dear chil- dren; being told there was no probability for her escape; gath- ering her little ones around her she wept in bitterness of soul; tears of pity ran down her cheeks, while she waited the approach of the savage tribe to inflict upon her, whatever malice could invent, or inhumanity devise! Her husband, to whom she fain would have looked for pro- tection was gone from home, when all her woes fell upon her! Well might she say, ‘‘Therefore are my loins filled with pain; pangs have taken hold upon me, as the pangs of a woman that travaileth,’’ ‘‘my heart panted, fearfulness affrighted me; the night of my pleasure hath he turned into fear unto me.’’ While Mrs. Parkhurst saw her friends and neighbors fleeing from her; and beheld the Indians approaching with impetuous step; her bosom throbed with anguish; horror seized her soul; and death! immediate death, both to her and her children, ‘‘stood thick around her,’’ threatening to thrust his dagger into her aching heart. There was no time to decide on the priority of claims to pity, or the demands of justice. Those who were nearest at hand first received assistance; not however, without regard to that affection which arises from consanguinity or matrimonial con- History oF RoyaLton, VERMONT 127 nexion. And these relations not only unite the hearts, but con- nect the hands in scenes of distress. At the time Gen. Stevens put his mother and his sister upon his horse, the Indians were not eight rods from him. They, in company with Mrs. Rix and her children, rode off as fast as possible. The General followed with several others on foot. Part of the Indians ‘pursued them, while others entered the house, and plundered it of its furniture. They took her eldest son from her, then ordered her, with the rest of the children, to leave the house. She accordingly repaired into the fields back of the house, with five of her children, and remained in safety till they had left the place. Soon after Gen. Stevens started, his dog came in his way, and caused him to stumble and fall; which so re- tarded his progress that he was obliged to flee to the woods for safety, leaving the women and children to make the best of their retreat. The Indians pursued down the road after them, with frightful yells, and soon overtook those who were on foot. They took Gardner Rix, son of Deacon Rix, a boy about fourteen years old, just at the heels of his mother’s horse; while she was com- pelled to witness the painful sight. Alas! what distress and horror filled her bosom, when she, with three of her children, no less dear than herself, fleeing from the savage foe, mounted upon a horse, snorting with fear, having nothing but a pocket handker- chief in his mouth for a bridle, saw her wearied ‘son, faint for want of breath, fall a captive to this barbarous crew! Cruel fate! The trembling youth, overwhelmed with fear, and bathed in tears, was now torn from his tender parents, and compelled to roam the wilderness to unknown regions! Nor was the dis- consolate mother, with her other little ones, left in a much more safe condition. Exposed, and expecting every step to fall to the ground, which, if it proved not their death, would leave them a prey to the savage monsters! No tongue can tell the pains she felt, nor pen describe the horrors of her soul! To behold her little son, while fieeing for his life, fall into the hands of these sons of cruelty, what kind and tender mother, would not feel her heart to bleed! May we not listen to the voice of imagination, and hear her say: “Oh! infinite distress! such raging grief Should command pity, and despair relief, Passion, methinks, should rise from all my groans, Give sense to rocks, and sympathy to stones.” The Indians pursued the women and children as far as the house of Mr. Benedict, the distance of about a mile. They ef- fected their escape, though surrounded with dangers, and pur- TSIRRGDATIA OD aeeoncappbasibhadé 128 History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT sued with impetuous and clamorous steps. Here they discovered Mr. Benedict on the opposite side of a stream called broad-brook, which ran near the house. They beckoned to have him come over to them. Choosing, however, not to hazard the consequences of yielding obedience to their request; he turned and ran a short distance and hid himself under a log. He had not long been in this situation, when these blood-thirsty wretches, came, and stood upon the same log, and were heard by him to exclaim in angry tone, ‘‘if they could find him, he should feel the toma- hawk.”’ After standing upon the log some time, and endeavoring to espy the concealed, trembling object of their pursuit; they left him and returned to the house. Ah! what joy filled his bosom, when he saw these messengers of death pass away leaving him in safety! How must his heart have glowed with grati- tude towards the ‘‘Great Preserver of men,”’ at this unexpected deliverance from the most iminent danger. His joys, however, were not unmingled with sorrow, as the fell destroyers were still at his house, committing ravages and wasting his property. But no man can be supposed to put his property in competition with his life. The Indians pursued down the river about forty rods far- ther, where they made a young man, by the name of Avery, prisoner, and then concluded to return. While they were at the house of Tilly Parkhurst, aforemen- tioned, which was about six miles from the place they entered Royalton, his son, Phineas Parkhurst, who had been to alarm the people on the east side of the river, just as he entered the stream on his return, discovered the Indians at his father’s door. Finding himself in danger, he immediately turned to go back, and the Indians just at this time happened to see him, and fired upon him. This was the first gun they fired after they entered the town. The ball entered his back, went through his body, came out under his ribs, and lodged in the skin. Notwithstand- ing the wound, he was, however, able to ride, and continued his retreat to Lebanon, in the State of New-Hampshire, the distance of about sixteen miles, with very little stop, supporting the ball between his fingers. He now resides in that town, and sustains the character of a useful physician, and an industrious, inde- pendent farmer. That party of Indians, which went down on the east side of the river, extended their ravages as far as the house of Capt. Gilbert in Sharon, where a public house is now kept, by Capt. Dana. Here they took a nephew of Capt. Gilbert, by the name of Nathaniel Gilbert, a boy about fifteen years of age. They now resolved to return, and commenced that waste of property, History oF ROYALTON, VERMONT 129 which tracked their progress. As they retraced their steps, they set fire to all the buildings they found, of every description. They spread desolation and distress wherever they went. Houses filled with furniture, and family supplies for the winter; barns stored with the fruits of industry, and fields stocked with herds of cattle, were all laid waste. They shot and killed fourteen fat oxen in one yard; which, in consequence of the inhabitants being dispersed, were wholly lost. Cows, sheep, and hogs; and indeed every creature designed by the God of nature, to supply the wants of man, which came within their sight, fell a prey to these dreadful spoilers. Parents torn from their children; husbands separated from their wives; and children snatched from their parents, presented to view an indiseribable scene of wretchedness and distress. Some were driven from their once peaceful habitations, into the adjacent wilderness for safety; there to wait the destruction of their property; stung with the painful reflection that their friends, perhaps a kind father, and an affectionate brother, were made captives, and compelled to travel with a tawny herd of savage men, into the wild regions of the north; to be delivered into the hands of enemies, and undergo the fatigues and dangers of a wretched captivity: Or what was scarcely more to be deplored, learn with pain that they had fallen the unhappy victims, to the relentless fury of the savage tribe, and were weltering in their gore, where there was no eye to pity, or friendly hand to admin- ister relief! The third party of Indians, who went up the river, first came to the house of Gen. Stevens. Daniel Havens, whose escape I have mentioned, went directly there, and warned the family of their danger. Trembling with fear, he only stepped into the house, told them that ‘‘the Indians were as thick as the D -1 at their house,’’ and turned and went directly out, leaving the family to secure their own retreat. Mrs. Stevens and the family were in bed, excepting her hus- band, who, as before stated, had gone down the river, about two miles from home. She immedately arose from her bed, flung some loose clothes over her; took up her child, and had scarcely got to the fire, when a large body of Indians rushed in at the door. They immediately ransacked the house in search of men; and then took the beds and bedding, carried them out of doors, cut open the bed-ticks, and threw the feathers into the air. This made them sport enough. Nor did they fail to manifest their infernal gratification by their tartarean shouts, and disingenu- ous conduct. 9 130 History or Royauron, VERMONT Mrs. Stevens entreated them to let her have some clothes for herself and child; but her entreaties were in vain. They were deaf to the calls of the needy; and disregarded the demands of justice. Her cries reached their ears, but nothing could excite one single glow of sympathy. Her destitute and suffering condi- tion was plain before their eyes, but they were blind to objects of compassion. Alas! what bitterness of soul; what anguish; what heart rending pangs of fear, distressed her tender bosom! Surrounded by these pitiless, terrific monsters in human shape, with her little offspring in her arms, whose piercing shrieks and tender age called for compassion; exposed to the raging fire of savage jealousy, unquenchable by a mother’s tears; anxious for the safety, and mourning the absence of her bosom friend, the husband of her youth; it is beyond the powers of the imagination to conceive, or language to express the sorrows of her heart! At one moment securely reposing in the arms of sleep, with her darling infant at her breast; the next, amid a savage crew, whose wicked hands were employed in spreading desolation and mischief; whose mortal rage, exposed her to the arrows of death! After plundering the house, they told Mrs. Stevens, to ‘‘begone or they would burn.’’ She had been afraid to make any attempt to escape; but now gladly embraced the opportunity. She has- tened into the adjacent wilderness carrying her child, where she tarried till the Indians had left the town. “Strangers to want! can ye, presumptuous say, No clouds shall rise to overcast your day? Time past hath prov’d how fleeting riches are, Time future to this truth may witness bear; By means no human wisdom can foresee, Or power prevent, a sudden change may be; War in its route may plunder all your store And leave you friendless, desolate and poor.” Noyes. A boy by the name of Daniel Waller, about fourteen years old, who lived with Gen. Stevens, set out immediately to go to the General, and give him the information. He had proceeded about half a mile, when he met the Indians, was taken prisoner, and carried to Canada. They left the house and barn of Gen. Stevens in flames, and proceeded up the river as far as Mr. Durkee’s, where they took two of his boys prisoners, Adan and Andrew, and carried the former to Canada, who died there in prison. Seeing a smoke arise above the trees in the woods adjacent, the hostile invaders directed their course to the spot, where they found a young man by the name of Prince Haskell, busily en- gaged in chopping for the commencement of a settlement. Has- kell heard a rustling among the leaves behind him, and turning History oF Royauton, VERMONT 1381 around beheld two Indians, but a few feet from him. One stood with his gun pointed directly at him, and the other in the atti- tude of throwing a tomahawk. Finding he had no chance to escape, he delivered himself up a prisoner, and was also carried to Canada. He returned in about one year, after enduring the most extreme sufferings, in his wanderings through the wilder- ness, on his way home. A Mr. Chafee, who lived at the house of Mr. Hendee, started early in the morning to go to the house of Mr. Elias Curtis to get his horse shod. On his way he saw Mr. John Kent ahead of him, who was upon the same business. Wishing to put in his claim before Mr. Chafee, he rode very fast, and arrived at the house first. He had scarcely dismounted from his horse, when the Indians came out of the house, took him by the hair of his head, and pulled him over backwards. Seeing this, Mr. Chafee immediately dismounted, jumped behind the shop, hastened away, keeping such a direction as would cause the shop to hide his re- treat. Thus he kept out of sight of the Indians, effected his escape, and returned to the house of Mr. Hendee. On receiving the alarm given by Mr. Chafee, Mr. Hendee directed his wife to take her little boy about seven years old, and her little daughter, who was still younger, and hasten to one of their neighbors for safety, while he should go to Bethel, the town west of Royalton, and give the alarm at the fort. Mrs. Hendee had not proceeded far, when she was met by several Indians upon the run, who took her little boy from her. Feeling anxious for the fate of her child, she enquired what they were going to do with him. They replied that they should make a soldier of him; and then hastened away, pulling him along by the hand, leaving the weeping mother with her little daughter, to witness the scene, and hear the piercing shrieks of her darling son. This leads me to notice one instance of female heroism, blended with benevolence, displayed by Mrs. Hendee, whose name deserves ever to be held in remembrance by every friend of hu- manity. She was now separated from her husband, and placed in the midst of a savage crew, who were committing the most horrid depredations, and destroying every kind of property that fell within their grasp. Defenceless, and exposed to the shafts of envy, or the rage of a company of despicable tories and brutal savages, the afflicted mother, robbed of her only son, proceeded down the river, with her tender little daughter hanging to her clothes, screaming with fear, pleading with her mother to keep away the Indians! 132 History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT In this condition, possessing uncommon resolution, and great presence of mind, she determined again to get possession of her son. As she passed down the river, she met several tories who were with the Indians, of whom she continued to inquire what they intended to do with the children they had taken, and re- ceived an answer that they should kill them. Still determined not to part with her son, she passed on, and soon discovered a large body of Indians, stationed on the opposite side of the river. Wishing to find the commanding officer, and supposing him to be there, she set out to cross the river, and just as she arrived at the bank, an old Indian stepped ashore. He could not talk Eng- lish, but requested by signs to know where she was going. She signified that she was going to cross, when he, supposing she intended to deliver herself up to them as a prisoner, kindly offered to carry her and her child across on his back; but she refused to be carried. He then insisted upon carrying her child, to which she consented. The little girl cried, and said, ‘‘she didn’t want to ride the old Indian.’’ She was however per- suaded to ride the old Indian, and they all set out to ford the river. Having proceeded about half way across, they came to deeper and swifter water, and the old Indian, patting the mother upon the shoulder, gave her to understand that if she would tarry upon a rock near them, which was not covered with water, till he had carried her child over, he would return and carry her also. She therefore stopped, and sat upon the rock till he had carried her daughter and set it upon the opposite shore; when he re- turned and took her upon his back, lugged her over, and safely landed her with her child. Supported by a consciousness of the justice of her cause, braving every danger and hazarding the most dreadful conse- quences, not excepting her own life and that of her children, she now sat out to accomplish her object. She hastened to the Commanding Officer, and boldly in- quired of him what he intended to do with her child. He told her that it was contrary to orders to injure women or children. “*Such boys as should be taken, he said, would be trained for sol- diers, and would not be hurt.’’ You know said she, in reply, that these little ones cannot endure the fatigues of a march through the vast extent of wilder- ness, which you are calculating to pass. And when their trem- bling limbs shall fail to support their feeble bodies, and they can no longer go, the tomahawk and the scalping knife will be the only relief you will afford them! Instead of falling into a mother’s arms, and receiving a mother’s tender care, you will History oF Royatton, VERMONT 133 yield them into the arms of death, and earth must be their pil- low, where the howling wilderness shall be their only shelter— truly a shelter, from a mother’s tears, but not from the jaws of wild beasts, nor a parent’s grief. And give me leave to tell you, added she, were you possessed of a parent’s love—could you feel the anguish of a mother’s heart, at the loss of her ‘‘first born,’’ her darling son, torn from her bosom, by the wicked hands of savage men, no entreaties would be required to obtain the release of my dear child! Horton replied that the Indians were an ungovernable race, and would not be persuaded to give up anything they should see fit to take. You are their commander, continued she, and they must and will obey you. The curse will fall upon you, for whatever crime they may commit, and all the innocent blood they shall here shed, will be found in your skirts ‘‘when the secrets of men’s hearts shall be made known;”’ and it will then ery for vengeance on your head! Melted into tears at this generous display of maternal af- fection, the infamous destroyer felt a relenting in his bosom, bowed his head under the weight of this powerful eloquence and simple boldness of the brave heroine: and assured her that he would deliver her child up, when the Indians arrived with him. The party who took him had not yet returned. When he arrived, Horton, with much difficulty, prevailed on the Indians to de- liver him up. After she had gained possession of him, she set out, leading him and her little girl, by the hand, and hastened away with speed, while the mingled sensations of fear, joy and gratitude, filled her bosom. She had not gone more than ten rods, when Horton followed, and told her to go back, and stay till the scouting parties had returned, lest they should again take her boy from her. She accordingly returned and tarried with the Indians till they all arrived and started for Canada. While she was there, several of her neighbor’s children, about the same age of her own, were brought there as captives. Possessing benevolence equal to her courage, she now made suit for them, and, by her warm and affectionate entreaties, succeeded in pro- curing their release. While she waited for their departure, sit- ting upon a pile of boards, with the little objects of charity around her, holding fast to her clothes, with their cheeks wet with tears, an old Indian came and took her son by the hand and endeavored to get him away. She refused to let him go, and held him fast by the other hand, till the savage monster, vio- lently waved his cutlass over her head, and the piercing shrieks of her beloved child filled the air. This excited the rage of the barbarous crew, so much as to endanger her own, and the life of 134 History oF Royauton, VERMONT the children around her, and compelled her to yield him into his hands. She again made known her grievance to Horton, when, after considerable altercation with the Indians, he obtained her son and delivered him to her a second time; though he might be said to ‘‘fear not God, nor regard man.’’ Thus, like the importunate widow who ‘‘troubled the unjust judge,’’ this young woman obtained the release of nine small boys from a wretched captivity, which doubtless would have proved their death! She led eight of them away, together with her daughter, all hanging to her own clothes, and to each other, mutually rejoicing at their deliverance. The other, whose name was Andrew Durkee, whom the Indians had carried to the house of Mr. Havens, was there released according to the agreement of Horton with Mrs. Hen- dee, and sent back, on account of his lameness. Being told that the great bone in his leg had been taken out, in consequence of a fever sore, an old Indian examined it, and eried out ‘‘no boon! No go!’’ and giving him a blanket and a hatchet, sent him back. Mrs. Hendee carried two of the children across the river on her back, one at a time, and the others waded through the water, with their arms around each other’s neck. After cross- ing the river, she traveled about three miles with them, and encamped for the night, ‘‘gathering them around her as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings.’’ The names of the children who were indebted to her for their release from the savage tribe, were Michael Hendee, Roswell Parkhurst, son of Capt. Ebenezer Parkhurst, Andrew and Sheldon Durkee, Joseph Rix, Rufus and Fish, Nathaniel Evans, and Daniel Dow- ner. The latter received such an affright from the horrid crew, that he was ever afterwards unable to take care of himself, wholly unfit for business: and lived for many years, wandering from place to place, a solemn, tho’ silent witness of the distress and horror of that dreadful scene. Mrs. Hendee, now (1818) lives in Sharon, where the author visited her, and received the foregoing statement of this noble exploit from her own mouth. It is also corroborated by several gentlemen now living, who were eye witnesses. She has buried her first, and second husband; and now lives a widow, by the name of Moshier. Her days are almost gone. May her declining years be crowned with the reward due to her youthful deeds of benevolence. She has faced the most awful dangers, for the good of mankind, and rescued many from the jaws of death! In view of the exceeding riches of that merey which has protected her through such scenes of danger, may she devote her life to the service of the Mighty God, and, at last, find a History oF RoyaLton, VERMONT 135 happy seat at the right hand of Him, ‘‘who gave himself a ran- som for all.’’ And thus let the children, who are indebted to her bravery and benevolence, for their lives, ‘‘rise up and call her blessed.’’? Gratitude forbids their silence. For, to maternal affection and female heroism alone, under God, they owe their deliverance from savage cruelty. The boldest hero of the other sex, could never have effected what she accomplished. His ap- proach to the savage tribe to intercede in behalf of those de- fenceless children, most surely would have brought upon himself a long and wretched captivity, and perhaps even death itself! The Indians having accomplished their nefarious designs, returned to the house of Mr. Havens, with their prisoners, and the plunder of houses which they had devoted to destruction. Here was the place where they had commenced their ravages. The old man, as before observed, having concealed himself under a log, at the time he espied the Indians in the morning, while hunting for his sheep, still remained in sorrowful silence undis- covered. He had considered it unsafe to move, as a party of the crew had continued there during the day, and had twice come and stood upon the log, under which he lay, without finding him. After collecing their plunder together, and distributing it among them, they burnt the house and barn of Mr. Havens, and started for Canada. It was now about two o’clock in the after- noon. They carried off twenty-six prisoners from Royalton, who were all delivered up to the British, as prisoners of war. They all obtained their release and returned in about one year, excepting Adan Durkee, who died in camp at Montreal. Twenty one dwelling houses, and sixteen good new barns, filled with hay and grain, the hard earnings of industrious young farmers, were here laid in ashes, by the impious crew. They killed about one hundred and fifty head of neat cattle, and all the sheep and swine they found. Hogs, in their pens, and cattle tied in their stalls, were burnt alive. They destroyed all the household furniture, except what they carried with them. They burnt the house of Mr. John Hutchinson, and giving his wife a hatchet, and a flint, together with a quarter of mutton, told her “to go and cook for her men.’’ This, they said to aggravate her feelings, and remind her of her forlorn condition. Women and children were left entirely destitute of food, and every kind of article necessary for the comforts of life; almost naked, and without a shelter. Wandering from place to place, they beheld their cattle rolling in their blood, groaning in the agonies of death; and saw their houses laid in ruins. Dis- consolate mothers and weeping orphans, were left to wander through the dreadful waste, and lament the loss of their nearest friends, comfortless and forlorn. 136 History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT The Indians took away about thirty horses, which were how- ever of little use to them, but rather served to hinder their prog- ress. Their baggage was composed of almost every article com- monly found among farmers; such as axes, and hoes, pots, ket- tles, shovels and tongs, sickles, scythes, and chains; old side saddles, and bed-ticks emptied of their feathers, warming pans, plates and looking-glasses, and indeed nearly all kinds of arti- cles, necessary for the various avocations of life. On their return, they crossed the hills, in Tunbridge, lying west of first branch, and proceeded to Randolph, where they encamped for the first night, near the second branch, a distance of about ten miles. They had, however, previously dispatched old Mr. Kneeland, a prisoner whom they considered would be of the least service to them, with letters to the militia, stating that, ‘“if they were not followed, the prisoners should be used well— but should they be pursued, every one of them would be put to death.’’ The alarm had by this time spread thro’ the adjacent towns, and the scattering, undisciplined militia, shouldered their mus- kets, and hastened to pursue them. They collected at the house of Mr. Evans in Randolph, about two miles south of the encamp- ment of the Indians. Here they formed a company, consisting of about three hundred in number, and made choice of Col. John House, of Hanover, N. H., for their commander. They supposed the Indians had gone to Brookfield, about ten miles from that place, up the second branch. With this expectation they took» up their march about twelve o’clock at night, hoping they should be able to reach Brookfield, before light, and make them prison- ers. They had scarcely started, when the American front guard, to their utter surprise, were fired upon by the rear guard of the enemy. Several fires were exchanged, and one of the Americans wounded, when Col. H , through cowardice, or want of skill, commanded them to halt, and cease firing. He then ordered them to make stand, and kept them in suspense till the Indians had made their escape. To hasten their flight, the savage tribe were compelled to leave at their encampment a considerable quantity of their plunder; nearly all of the horses, and made good their retreat. Here they killed two of their prisoners, by the name of Joseph Kneeland, and Giles Gibbs. The former was found dead, laa his scalp taken off, and the latter with a tomahawk in his ead. At day light, Col. H—— courageously entered the deserted camp, and took possession of the spoil, but alas, the enemy were gone, he knew not where! Urged by his brave soldiers, who were disgusted at his conduct, he proceeded up the second branch as History oF Royauron, VERMONT 137 far as Brookfield in pursuit of the enemy, and not finding them, disbanded his men and returned. Had Col. H possessed courage and skill adequate to the duties of his station, he might have defeated the enemy, it is thought, without the least difficulty, and made them all pris- oners. His number was equal to that of the enemy, well armed with muskets and furnished with ammunition. The enemy, though furnished with muskets, had little ammunition, and were cumbered with the weight of much guilt, and a load of plunder. They had encamped upon a spot of ground which gave the Americans all the advantage, and their only safety rested in their flight. The American force consisted of undisciplined militia, who promiscuously assembled from different quarters, but were full of courage, animated by the principles of justice, and de- termined to obtain redress for the injuries they had received from the barbarous crew. Many of them likewise had friends and connexions, then in possession of the Indians, to obtain whose freedom, they were stimulated to action. But alas! their determination failed, their hopes were blasted! They were forced to relinquish their ob- ject, and suffer their friends to pass on, and endure a wretched captivity—— They however forced the Indians to leave the stream, and take their course over the hills, between the second and third branch, which brought them directly, and unexpect- edly, to the house of Zadock Steele, whom they made prisoner, and took to Canada. To his ‘‘captivity and sufferings,’’ as related by himself, in the following pages, the reader is referred for a further account of the expedition of the Indians, and its dreadful consequences. CHAPTER XII. Tue BurRNING OF ROYALTON. WITH NEW FACTS AND TRADITIONS. The inhabitants of the New Hampshire Grants were in con- stant danger of invasion by the British with their blood-thirsty redskins. As has been said, the frontier was kept quite con- stantly guarded, but this guard was not sufficiently large to pre- vent incursions of small bodies of the enemy, who, favored by the dense forests, and entirely familiar with their ground, slipped in from Canada, took the settlers unawares, accomplished their purpose of capture or destruction, and fled back to their covert in Canada, generally without loss to themselves. They avoided places where fortifications were built, unless they knew that no force was in possession. The raid on Barnard, August 9, 1780, had added new anxiety to the already agitated minds of the settlers in Royalton and vicinity, but the building of forts at Barnard and Bethel seemed to offer protection. The fort at Royalton, which now, since the settlement of Bethel, was no longer on the extreme frontier, had probably been removed to furnish material for Fort Fortitude. For some reason the inhabitants were looking for the approach of the enemy from that direction, though now it is generally understood that the old Indian trails led northward in that direc- tion, and their southern route was oftener by way of the First Branch of White river. So few remains of Indians have ever been found in the town, that it seems quite certain it was never occupied as a hunting ground by them, only as a camping place cn their migrations to and from Canada. Tradition says one of their camping grounds was at the mouth of the First Branch. There seem to have been two routes very generally used by the Indians in their migrations; one by the St. Lawrence and connecting streams to Lake Champlain, down the lake to the mouth of the Winooski, following that river as far as practicable, then striking a branch of White river, down this river to the Con- necticut, and so on to the Sound. Another route was to paddle from the lake up the Otter Creek, then by carry to Black river, thence to the Connecticut river. History or Royauton, VERMONT 139 Today this region of Vermont in which is Royalton, with its denuded hills, open roads, telegraph and telephone facilities, and automobiles, would offer little chance to a horde of savages for an onslaught without warning. The thick forests of 1780, the sparse settlements, and slow communication, made the raid of Oct. 16, 1780, possible and terribly destructive. The motive for this attack has been variously given. The murder of General Gordon was no doubt the prime one. No ex- cuse seems to have ever been offered for that dastardly deed, though a proper apology might, perhaps, have saved the colon- ists much suffering. ‘‘All is fair in love and war’’ was a dis- carded watchword with honorable rivals and foes even in those days. That the British bitterly resented this act cannot surprise any right-thinking person, but it does not excuse such deeds as the destruction of Royalton, and the employment as soldiers of those who were known to be ungovernable and savage. Yet if we stop to think what the verdict upon General Sherman’s march to the sea would have been, had the Confederates won, there will be some hesitancy in a wholesale denunciation of the British in their methods of warfare. As an illustration of the feeling of the British over the death of Gen. Gordon, the substance of a petition of John Powell and Nehemiah Lovewell to the General Assembly in 1796 is given. They asked reimbursement for debt incurred in December, 1777, when they had been sent to Canada as a Flag of Truce. On account of the affront the British commander had received by the death of General Gordon, they were not received as a flag, but imprisoned twelve months. To save themselves from perish- ing, they had drawn on Col. Bedel for fifty pounds, which was not protested, though he did not honor it. After his death these men were sued, and obliged to pay forty pounds. The Assembly did not grant their prayer, on the ground that the matter be- longed to the United States. The route that the Indians took is probably given nearly correct in Steele’s ‘‘Narrative.’’ By application to the Archivist at Ottawa some further information has been obtained, which is now given to the public for the first time. In response to the first inquiry a memorandum was sent: aeg re Lieutenant Houghton, who destroyed Royalton, Vermont, in Richard Houghton, (not Horton) was a lieutenant in the 53rd Regiment of Foot when the War of the Revolution broke out and he came over to America. He was removed from the Light Infantry and appointed a Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs at Caughnewaga. This post he kept until 1777, when having been severely wounded be- fore the lines of Ticonderoga, he was rendered, for a time, incapable to continue his service. In a petition dated November 1782, in which he asks for a promotion to Captaincy, he recalls his services. Amongst 140 History of RoyALTON, VERMONT other things he says that he purchased an Ensigncy in 1768 and his Lieutenancy in 1771. Herewith is an analysis of several documents concerning him and his expeditions to Vermont during the War, which are to be found in the Archives. F. J. Audet. Division of Manuscripts, January 14th., 1908.” From this it will be seen that the leader has been wrongly named, due doubtless to the similarity of sound in pronuncia- tion. The analysis sent with the memorandum included all there was found in the records of Ottawa relating to Lieut. Houghton. Some of them are not pertinent to our subject, but a few dealing with events prior to October 16, 1780, are given, to show that the ‘“scout’’ sent to Royalton was not an isolated case, but work that the Lieutenant was expected to do. “St. Regis, June 12, 1779. Lieut. Richard Houghton to Lieut. Col. Campbell. Reports having landed at Pine Ridge nine miles from Fort Stan- wix and sent La Motte and thirty Indians as a scouting party with orders to get within firing distance of the Fort. Having received La Motte’s report Lieut. Houghton joined him. They kill eight men and take seven prisoners from whom they get some valuable informa- tion.” “Montreal, March 30, 1780. Lieut. Richard Houghton to Captain Mathews. The Indian scouts sent out under Mr. Bluercy have returned. Mr. Bluercy surprised the port at Skinesburgh capturing prisoners and de- stroying houses and cattle.” ‘Montreal, April 3, 1780. Lieut. Richard Houghton to Captain Mathews. The scouts sent out from Oswegatchue in February under Captain Robertson have returned. They were joined by a party of Mohawks and the joint scouts struck the settlements below Fort Harkimer on the Mohawk River and took some prisoners. There is a scout out from Carleton Island consisting of fourteen soldiers and fifty Indians. Mr. Crawford of the Indian Department and Mr. Cleyies (?) of the 34th Regiment are with the scout and had orders to strike at Conisburg(?).” An analysis of the scout at Royalton was sent also, and on a second application to the Archivist the full accounts which fol- low were promptly forwarded. The first is the letter of Lieut. Houghton to General Haldimand. i) ‘Montreal 26 of October 1780. ir, Colonel Campbell being very busy has desired me to inform of what was done by my scout.— I was discovered several times on my march by some hunters and two small scouts of Whitcombs’ from Cohos which obliged me to alter my course & struck upon White River about eighteen miles from where it emptys itself in Connecticut River the Name of the place Royal Town, I burned twenty eight dwelling Houses, thirty two Barns full ( History of RoyaLtton, VERMONT 141 ot grain and one new barn not quite finished, one Saw and one Gris Mill, killed all the black Cattle, sheep, Piggs &c of which there was a great quantity, there was but very little hay. We burned close to a Stocaded Port wherein there was a Captain and 60 men but they could not turn out after us.— I marched from the settlements that evening and decamped in the wood about two o’clock in the morning one of my out Posts was at- tacked and a little after our Camp—we were ready to receive them & had some brisk firing for a few minutes untill they retired a little they intended to surround us, I heard their officers giving them direc- tions upon which we retreated with almost all our packs, but most of our provisions we were forced to leave behind it being cooking at the time they attacked us— I had but one Indian wounded What mischief we done them I cant say as they were too strong for us to look for scalps, but as they came on in great numbers & we had the advantage of the moon should suppose we killed a good many of them. I beg you will lay this before his Excellency. I have the honor to be Your most obedt. Humb. Servant Richard Houghton Indn Residt P. S. I got 32 Prisoners & 4 scalps the Country was alarmed by Whitcomb the day before I got there—” From this letter no other motive appears for the attack than the ones that led to sending out other scouts, but their pilot may have had special reasons for leading them to Royalton which Lieut. Houghton would not be called upon to mention in an offi- cial report. The purpose of all these scouts seems to have been to weaken their enemy by destroying supplies and taking pris- oners, and they killed those resisting whenever they could. Then, too, such incursions would tend to intimidate the weaker colon- ists, and make them willing to seek the protection guaranteed under English rule. But the men of Vermont were not of the weaker sort, though through the subtle negotiations of Allen and Warner, the authorities in Canada were led to believe that they would at a favorable time announce their allegiance to the British crown. This movement of Lieut. Houghton does not seem to have been ordered by any superior authority, indeed, it was felt to have been a mistake, as is shown by the following, for which we are also indebted to the Archivist at Ottawa, the Hon. Arthur G. Doughty. Sir I am commanded by His Excellency General Haldimand to signify to you his desire that you will not send or permit any scouts to go out to the Eastward of the Hudson’s River or to any Port which can be considered belonging to the State of Vermont until further orders Lieut Houghton acted for the best; but it was very unfortunate that he changed his Route, or appeared at all in that Quarter, as they have “Quebec 9th November 1780 142 History or Royauton, VERMONT made proposals for an Exchange of Prisoners, which His Excellency has paid some attention to— I am &c (signed) N Matthews— Lieut Col Campbell” There was also received from the Archivist the ‘‘Memorial’”’ of Lieut. Houghton, in which he gives an account of his military service. This will, no doubt, be of interest to those who would like to know something more of the man who commanded the force attacking Royalton, and who capitulated to the eloquent entreaties of the heroic Mrs. Handy. “To His Excellency Frederick Haldimand Esq. General and Com- mander in Chief of His Majesty’s Forces in the Province of Quebec and Frontiers thereof &c. &c. &c. The Memorial of Lieutenant Richard Houghton of the Fifty-third Regiment of Foot Humbly Sheweth That your memoralist purchased an Ensigncy in the said Regi- ment in August 1768, and a Lieutenancy in April 1771, and both Com- missions at very advanced prices— That during the Campaign 1776 your memorialist was removed by order of His Excellency General Carleton from the Light Infantry to dc duty with the Indians, and that by the particular desire of Lieu- tenant General Burgoyne and Brigadier Fraser, he continued in the same department during the campaign following of the year 1777. That your memorialist in the course of that year received two severe wounds before the lines of Ticonderoga that rendered him in- capable of serving during the remainder of that campaign which cir- cumstance alone prevented his getting a captain lieutenancy and com- pany in the year 1778.— Since that period your memorialist has had the mortification to see ten junior officers get ranks over him without purchase.— Your memorialist declined very flattering offers of promotion in Europe, least they might recal him from a scene where he hopes for active employment, has thereby incurred the displeasure of some of his nearest relations and best friends.— But he begs leave to assure your Excellency that he wishes to serve in his present Employ in the Indian department or in any other situation where you may think him usefull tho’ he declares he did not at first accept of his Indian office, nor has he since retained it from consideration of any additional Pay he receives by it, and as he flat- ters himself that his Endeavors to give satisfaction have not met with the disapprobation of your Excellency, or his Superiors in the Depart- ment. He is encouraged to submit to your Excellency the mortifying situation in which he finds himself at present from the many Provin- cial officers he sees promoted over him particularly Captain Crawford of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York who was but very lately an Ensign in the same Corps, and an inferior officer to him in the Indian Department. Your memorialist humbly hopes that your Excellency will conceive his feelings better than he can express them and Prays that you will be pleased to grant him Rank of Captain to prevent your memorialist being on the above disagreeable situation. Your memorialist begs leave to add that his mentioning Captain Crawford’s name does not proceed from envy of that officers promotion History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT 143 (whose merit is acknowledged by all who are acquainted with him) but to illustrate his own case. Which is humbly submitted” Nothing further has been learned regarding Lieut. Hough- ton. Among the prisoners from Burgoyne’s army who were quartered at East Windsor, Conn., was Lieut. Houghton, com- mander of Canada troops, attended by two servants. At Lafay- ette’s suggestion they were employed in planting trees by the highways. It is possible this was the same man, as he was with Burgoyne at Ticonderoga, where he says he was wounded. As late as 1784 he was still Lieutenant, occupying the same position, so one can infer that he did not get his captaincy. Possibly it was due to his unwarranted attack on Royalton. The further facts which will be given relating to the raid have been obtained from Mrs. Huldah Morgan, a grand-daughter of Lorenza (Havens) Lovejoy, from Mrs. Coit Parkhurst, a grand-daughter of Daniel Havens, from Eugene Rolfe, born in Tunbridge, who secured his information from Daniel Kelsey, who in 1783 lived on the lot north of Robert Havens, and from Ben- jamin Cushman, whose father, Capt. Solomon Cushman, com- manded the Norwich troops that pursued the Indians towards Brookfield, and from James Kenworthy. In addition use is made of the narratives of Simeon Belknap and of George Avery, both of whom were taken prisoners, and of reminiscences and anec- dotes that have been handed down from generation to genera- tion, and of such data as appears trustworthy, that were spoken or published on the occasions of the Centennial of the burning of Royalton and the Dedication of the monument. The Indians had intended to make the attack on Sunday, when they supposed many would be absent from their homes at- tending divine service. No service was held that Sunday, and they remained quietly in their camping place over the brow of the hill west of the First Branch, nearly opposite and in the rear of the house of Robert Havens. One must remember that the road along the branch at first ran along the west side of the stream, from what is now South Tunbridge down to the saw and grist mills generally known as the Pierce mills, also that a bridle path extended from Peter Button’s around the hill west of the Chester Dodge place and Arunah Woodward’s to the branch road just below Elias Curtis’ and north of the Ransom Reynolds bridge. The Indians had singly done some reconnoitering during Sunday. Mrs. John Hutchinson had gone Sunday to get some hemlock for a broom. She passed over a cleared space and stood on a log to reach the branches. An Indian told her the next day that he was hiding there, and could have touched her dress. 144 History of RoyALToN, VERMONT When asked what he would have done, if they had discovered him, ‘‘Killed you, of course,’’ he answered. According to Mr. Rolfe, the Indians left their encampment in two detachments, one going directly down the slope to John Hutchinson’s, and the other to the house of his brother Abijah, who lived beyond him in the direction of Tunbridge Market. A descendant of Heze- kiah Hutchinson says that John Hutchinson had charge of the powder for the town of Tunbridge. When he saw the Indians he took the powder and ran into the woods to hide it, and his house was burned while he was away, but he was taken prisoner. Mrs. Hutchinson, who was in bed, was not harmed. She had a babe about two months old, and after she had found a horse that had escaped destruction, she mounted with her babe and started for Connecticut. This party of Indians next crossed the branch and went to the house of Robert Havens. He was located nearly opposite John Hutchinson. Mr. Hutchinson’s house was on the other side of the road from where the house now is on the ‘‘ Wells’’ place. It was near the foot of the sand terrace over which the highway leads to the ‘‘ Rowell neighborhood.’’ Mr. Havens’ family consisted of himself, wife, two sons, Joseph and Daniel, and a daughter, Lorenza. All three children were expecting soon to be married. Daniel had lot 42 and his father lot 37 Dutch Allotment. He had a house and barn on his lot at the place now known as the Ward place. Joseph was building at the mouth of the First Branch, on the site of the old Gilbert tavern. Lorenza was engaged to Thomas Pember of Randolph, and they were only waiting for his father to arrive, who was on his way from Connecticut, and then they were to solemnize their marriage. Thomas Pember and his brother Sam- uel were in the habit of coming to Royalton every week to have their washing and cooking done for them. They boarded with the Kneelands, who, according to the Havens tradition, were liv- ing in the house of Daniel Havens while they were building their own. Mrs. Havens had old fashioned consumption, and she had been more than unusually ill that Saturday night preceding the attack. A tradition outside of the family says that a merry party had gathered at the house of Mr. Havens that Saturday night. Some of them were to leave very soon for their Connecticut homes to spend the winter and bring their brides back with them in the spring. The Kneeland house seems to have been located on 42 Dutch, on the east side of the road near the bridge at the Ward place. It is quite likely that Daniel Havens had sold them a part of his lot, and that when the family was so broken up and scattered > OSLT “OT OO ‘paopavyyT ‘HAPILL Teydoys Aq att} say olf} TOJ porg uns Wary 4 SOINLL NATO ciX.. FO SOITAY F DEATH. PLACE O IBER'S PEN ULLY ON HILL-SIDE, THE G MORGAN MILL, BUILT 1781. John Hutchinson place, numbered 1. Site of Robert Havens’ house, numbered 4. Lower right-hand corner, where Joseph Kneeland was taken prisoner. Button Cemetery, numbered 5. History oF Royatton, VERMONT 145 the land came back into his hands, and as the land records were destroyed, no evidence of this transfer is found. The sons of Robert Havens had neglected to shut up the sheep that Saturday night as usual, and he was anxious about them, fearing the wolves would destroy them. He rose early in the morning of the 16th of October and went on to the hill east of the house in search of his property. He called to Daniel and teld him to come out and assist him as soon as it was light enough to see. Daniel arose earlier than usual and went over to his house and called out Thomas Pember, telling him to hurry. Pember came out with his shoes on down at the heels. While they were talking they saw some one moving, and passing around the corner of the barn to see more distinctly, they came upon a body of Indians. Daniel ran in one direction down stream, and Pember in another, across the meadow and swamp towards the hills. Pember was a fleet runner, and would perhaps have es- caped, had not a spear pierced him. He ran a considerable dis- tance after being wounded, but finally fell, and was overtaken and cruelly dispatched and scalped. He had a double crown, and the Indians were very joyful over the double bounty which they would secure. Daniel Havens threw himself over the bank of the branch, and secreted himself under a log on the west side of the stream near the north end of the bridge as it now is. These Indians then joined their company at the house of Mr. Havens. The two women were alone in the house. Lorenza heard a noise and, thinking her mother wanted something, she arose and went to her in her night robe. The Indians carried her mother outdoors, and put her husband’s hat and shoes on her, and got a quilt and wrapped around her. Lorenza asked the officer for some clothing, and he got a quilt, red on one side and green on the other, and told her to put it on with the green side out, or the Indians would take it away from her. She saw an Indian have one of her shoes, and a second one the other shoe. She snatched one, but the Indian shook his tomahawk over her, and the officer said it was the buckle that the Indian wanted, so she took off the buckles and got her shoes. She saw the Indians shaking the double crowned scalp of her lover, but did not know it was his, supposing they had killed two persons. Robert Havens heard the dog of John Hutchinson bark and thought it was wolves, but looking back he saw the Indians at his house. He secreted himself, not under a log, but in the hol- low of an uprooted tree. He was not a very old man at that time, only sixty-two, and lived twenty-five years after that trying time. As a frontier man for years, he knew the Indians would seek the men, and as he was unarmed, there was nothing to do but keep 10 146 History or RoyauTon, VERMONT under cover, which he did until the Indians left, after their day of pillage. ‘ The party of Indians that went to the house of Abijah Hutchinson found him in bed. In his memoir published by his grandson, K. M. Hutchinson, in 1843, he says that a sturdy In- dian seized him by the throat, and brandishing a tomahawk over him, ordered him to dress at once, then bound him with a strong cord. It is said that from the house of Abijah Hutchinson the house of Peter Button could be seen. Mr. Button had taken a load of grain on his shoulder and was going along the bridle path to carry it to the mill. He was seen by the Indians, who gave pursuit, and he turned down the ravine and was there overtaken, killed and scalped. The Indians had now killed two and taken two prisoners. They made the Havens place their rendezvous, and leaving a party there pushed on to the house where the Kneelands were. Some think they were living at the time in their own house and not in the house of Daniel Havens. At any rate it was here they found Samuel Pember, Simeon Belknap, Edward Kneeland, Sr., Joseph Kneeland, and Edward Kneeland, Jr. Simeon Belknap was on his way from Randolph, where he had settled, to his old home in Connecticut. These five were taken prisoners, with Giles Gibbs and Jonathan Brown. If there were two detachments, they probably came together where the bridle path joins the main road, and went on to the home of Elias Curtis, who lived near the Pierce mills, probably either where John Slack lived later, or above the furniture factory. It is not possible to say just where the house was located, although it is known what land he owned. Mr. Curtis does not seem to have been warned, which makes it probable that he lived on the east side of the branch, for Dan- iel Havens went down on the west side of it, and would have been likely to call to him. Mr. Curtis had a blacksmith shop near his house, and it was to his shop that Mr. Chafee and John Kent were going to get their horses shod, and there that John Kent was taken prisoner as he dismounted. The Indians had been so quiet and swift in their movements, that their presence was not known, until Daniel Havens had reached the home of Elias Ste- vens. From the stray morsels of information picked up here and there, it would appear that Daniel stopped at Mr. Morgan’s, the miller, who delayed long enough to throw a chest down the sand bank, then took his wife and child and escaped to the woods. Mr. Curtis was not so fortunate, having received no warning. He was a brother-in-law of John Hutchinson, having married Sarah Hutchinson. Mrs. Curtis was in bed, and it is not strange if she thought the Indian who brandished his tomahawk over her was intending to kill her. Considering their treatment of the History or ROYALTON, VERMONT 147 women during the day, and the fact that they often swung toma- hawks to frighten or secure their end, it is more likely that he did this to make her give up her beads. The thread was cut or broken, and the beads rolled off, and she retained them, and they are religiously preserved by a great-grand-daughter living in Seattle. At the house of Mr. Curtis three prisoners were taken, himself, John Kent, and Peter Mason. When Daniel Havens reached the house of Elias Stevens, he found Mrs. Stevens in bed. ‘‘You had better get up,’’ he called out. ‘‘The Indians are thick as the devil at our house, and will be along here.’’ As he hurried out of the back door to reach the river on his errand of warning, the red-skins entered the front door. The house of Mr. Stevens on the place now known as the Buck place was on the meadow on the other side of the road from its present location. Daniel found a log canoe and paddled across the river, and on reaching the other side and looking back, he saw Indians on the bank which he had just left. He went down the river on the west side. He went to the house of Dea. Daniel Rix, and the other houses on the road until he came to the mouth of Broad Brook, when he went up the brook to the house of William Lovejoy, who had married his oldest sister, and was living in Sharon. They all went into the woods. Daniel later went back in sight of his own house, and after the Indians had left, the family got together and went to the home of William Lovejoy. It is said that there were more women in the Lovejoy house that night than there were floor boards. Lieut. Stevens owned a lot down the river, what is now called the Howard place. He had arisen early and with his oxen had gone down to this farm to get a load of pumpkins. He also had a horse with him and his dog. There is a good deal of con- tradiction regarding the doings of Lieut. Stevens on this day. One who claims to have heard the story from his mouth, says that when he was told the Indians were coming, he hitched his oxen in the brush near the William Goff house, now the Wal- ter Webster place, and started for home. As he was running his dog got in his way and tripped him. He heard the Indians coming and turned to flee, was again tripped by his dog and had to take to the woods. This would throw out the whole story of his service in helping others to escape. According to the tradi- tion that has come down in the Rix family Mrs. Rix mounted her own horse, and used for a bridle a neck scarf, as she did not have time to get the bridle from the lower barn, some distance from the house. Some critics of Gen. Stevens, who thought he took too much credit to himself in giving his account of the raid to Zadock Steele, have said for publication that he ran to Barnard and staid several days. The Vermont Revolutionary Rolls dis- 148 History of RoyvaLTon, VERMONT proves this. He was engaged with others in Capt. Parkhurst’s Company. The charge would be unnoticed had it not already been made public. When the Indians reached the mouth of the branch, where Joseph Havens was erecting a house, they set fire to the building, but it would not burn, the timbers were so green. Joseph was with them as a prisoner, or else was captured there. It is not certain where he was taken. When he saw them firing his house, he eried out, ‘‘ you! Cut it down.’’ They tried to do so, but gave it up. That building was taken down afterwards, and taken to the Robert Havens farm and erected into a house for the family, but not on the same site on which the first build- ing had stood. At the mouth of the branch the savages divided, one party went down the river on the east side, another on the west side, and a third went up the river on the east side. There was no road then on the west side beyond the Handy fordway, near Capt. Joseph Parkhurst’s. The party going down on the west side had to ford the river. The red men must have known where the old fort fordway was, and perhaps crossed there. If so, some of them went up the river as far as the Handy fordway, and it was probably these Indians whom Mrs. Handy met. The main body went down the river, and would first come to the house of Elisha Kent, where Lester Corwin now lives. Mr. Kent thought his wife too feeble to walk to Sharon, and they went to the house of their nearest neighbor, Daniel Rix, and took two of the Rix girls with them into the woods, according to the Kent tradition. Mrs. Rix fled as before stated. The Rix family say that Mr. Rix was in Con- necticut at this time, and of course could not assist in the escape of his family. Pretty good evidence that he was not in Royalton is the fact, that he was neither in Capt. Parkhurst’s company nor that of Daniel Gilbert, when he pursued the enemy, and it is most improbable that he failed to shoulder his gun and march with the rest, if he were in town. A mere handful of the older men were left at night to gather up what remained of their once happy homes. Mrs. Rix had a young babe, Jerusha, less than two months old, and six other children, the eldest, Susan, then sixteen years old, the next, Garner, eleven years old. It is hardly likely that she could take six children on her horse, so it seems quite prob- able that the Kent tradition is correct, and the two girls went with the Kents to a hiding place in the woods. The settlers knew it was the men and boys whom the savages would capture. Little Dan was then five years old, and as he saw the old white horse led to the door, he thought the family was going to meeting, and clapping his hands, exclaimed, ‘‘Danie dot on his meetin’ toat. History oF RovaLTton, VERMONT 149 Danie doin’ to ride on old Whitey’s back.’’ Mrs. Rix ordered Garner to hide the old Bible or take it with him. He hid it in a hollow log, and it was the only thing saved from the house except the clothing on their backs. Garner had to follow as well as he could the flying heels of ‘‘old Whitey,’’ but he was not swift enough, and the Indians caught him. He had a little club and he showed fight. When Mrs. Handy begged for his release, his captor said, ‘‘No, No! Big heap fight in that boy. He make brave Injun warrior.’’ The ten-year-old Joseph was snatched from the arms of the agonized mother, who was forced to ride on with only three of her brood of seven children, not knowing what would become of the others. In all likelihood they would have taken her horse from her, had it been a young and valuable one. The next family below Mr. Rix was that of Medad Benton, who all escaped, but whose house was burnt. As far as can be judged, this family consisted of Medad, now about fifty, his wife and four or five children. His only son Jonathan was now seven- teen, old enough to carry a gun and fight for his country. The youngest child had her sixth birthday the Saturday before. Me- dad’s name is in the list of soldiers belonging to Capt. Joseph Parkhurst’s company. This list, however, is not strictly to be relied upon. Rufus Rude is named as one of this company, but he died the year before. It is possible that he had a son of the same name, but there is no proof of this. Below Mr. Benton was the land of Nathan Morgan. There is nothing to show that he had a house or a family. He may have lived with his father, Isaac. He also was in Capt. Park- hurst’s company. The lot of Elias Stevens was below that of Mr. Morgan. If there was a house on it which was occupied by a family, the fact is not known. Mr. Stevens was here at work as has before been stated. Hurrying on in their fiendish attack the Indians next came to the house of Tilly Parkhurst, what is known as the Wil- liams place. The family had been warned as stated by Mr. Steele. Mr. Parkhurst was about seventy years old, and did not join in the pursuit of the savages. He had four children, Molly, then sixteen, being an only daughter. She is said to have been milking when Lieut. Stevens warned her. She was his half sister, Mr. Parkhurst having married the widowed mother of Lieut. Stevens. Her brother Phineas was on the other side of the river doing duty in warning the people. The family, in- cluding two younger boys, escaped. The woods held a considerable number of the terrorized set- tlers, and the road was filled with many others fleeing in the direction of Sharon. The house next in the course of the savages was that of Ebenezer Parkhurst, probably near the Quimby place. 150 History or Royauron, VERMONT Mr. Parkhurst was attending the session of the Legislature at Bennington, as a representative from Sharon. On the minutes of the Journal of the House, October 21st, is this record: ‘‘Capt. Ebenezer Parkhurst desired leave to return home on account of the invasion of the enemy—Granted.’’ News traveled slowly in those days, yet it seems strange that it should have been four days before he heard of the raid, especially as the militia turned out for miles around. Owing to the absence of her husband and the fright of her fleeing neighbors and friends, Mrs. Parkhurst was left to take care of herself and children as best she could. She was the daughter of Reuben Spalding of Sharon. She had good reason to fear the Indians, for her mother when a child in Connecticut had witnessed a Sabbath Day massacre of all the- children of the settlement, who had not succeeded in making their escape. Mrs. Parkhurst had six children at this time, the oldest but ten, and the youngest fourteen months old. Her daughter Polly was born on the 8th of the following January. Roswell, whom the Indians captured, was not quite seven. The rest of the family were allowed to go unharmed. The next place was Samuel Benedict’s, who lived not far from the cemetery at the mouth of Broad brook, perhaps near the Chilson residence, as a broad brook ran near his house. The story of the destruction of the Benedict home has been written by Joel Blackmer, a son of Miriam Benedict, who married a Blackmer. Miriam was the oldest child of Samuel Benedict, and nearly five years old at the time of the raid. The dreadful scenes she witnessed were indelibly stamped in her memory. Her story is given in Mr. Blackmer’s words, as it was told to him by his mother. “When it was told at her father’s that the Indians were coming, she and her little brothers and sisters ran out and hid by the bank of the White river. This was in the morning and both her parents were gone from home. Soon after the Indians came to the house, her father was about returning, and was observed by them. They beckoned to him to come to them, but perceiving that their dress was different from the English, and mistrusting that they were Indians, he stepped out one side the road and secreted himself behind a log. While he was thus concealed, but imperfectly, strange as it may seem, an Indian actually came and stood up on the very log behind which her father lay, and the Indian’s shadow was seen by him. The Indian stood a few moments, when another one was heard to exclaim, ‘Up the hill he runs like the Devil!’ upon which he left the log and ran up the hill. Mr. Benedict remained still in his hiding place. While the Indians were pillaging the house, Mrs. Benedict who had rode away that morning on horseback, returned. As she rode up to the door an Indian from the other side of the house presented him- self with a gun in his hand and pointed it at her at first. He then laid down his gun and approached her with a hatchet, shaking it and saying to her, ‘Off! Off!’ She complied and the Indian took the horse. She went into the house then and found two others there gathering up GROUP OF SUFFERERS, OCT. 16, 1780. George Avery. Mrs. Jerusha (Rix) Hutchinson. Taken prisoner in Sharon, Mrs. Lucy (Pierce) Parkhurst, Phineas Parkhurst, M. D. Wife of Dr. Parkhurst. Wounded by a shot from the Indians. Rode to Lebanon, N. H., giving the alarm. He was then nineteen years of age. GROUP OF RELICS. For explanation see topic, ‘Relics.” History or Royautton, VERMONT 151 articles of clothing, &c. in the house to carry away. Soon they stepped to the door, upon which she cut her gold beads from her neck, and kept them in her hand, thus securing them from the savages. The Indians seemed to be in great haste. They took what they could easily carry or find, and, leaving the house unburnt, they departed. Here was joy in the midst of sorrow! Their house was plundered, and that in a new country, and the winter just approaching. Yet the family by a remarkable Providence were permitted to remain together and mutually console each other in this season of distress.” A short distance below Mr. Benedict’s was the shanty of George Avery. Mr. Avery wrote an account of his early life and capture by the Indians. A part of his narrative is given here. His picture will be found with the group of ‘‘Sufferers.’’ The manuscript was loaned by a great-great-granddaughter, Mrs. 8. L. Clark of Plainfield, N. H. “I was 21 years old Jany 28rd day AD 1780. I had left my parents care and theire good rules and admonitions; I was an unsteady youth and leaving strict discipline seemed to be set more at liberty from its yoke. This was in the time of the Revolutionary war that separated the American provinces from Great Britan. I was a soldier stationed at Milford, Connecticut that winter. The next summer in august I was in Sharon Vt clearing land intending to be a farmer. A giddy youth with vain expectations to be something in the world. I come- pare myself to the words of the poet. Through all the follies of the mind, he smells and snuffs the empty wind. I was too regardless of the Sabbath, lived a careless loose life with other comerads of the same cast which I resided with occupied in the same way. One Sabbath forgitting the day of the week, we wear at work, at husking corn. An old lady passed by us with solemn coun- tenance agoing to meeting. She never chid us, but I began to think there was something wrong, and told my mates, I guessed it was Sab- bath day. Why they replied. My reply was, The old lady had on her Sabbath day mouth; It was my rudeness alltho I had strong convic- tions of our carelessness forgitting the Sabbath. That night following I slept with my comerads on the floor of the shantee. I dreamed I was beset by serpents the most hideous and numerous that I ever saw, and awoke in the horrible fright; but my fears soon vanished, and I was soone asleep again, and dreamed of being besett by Indians and as frightfully awakened as before— But haveing no faith in dreams, my fears soone vanished, it was now broad daylight. That morning I went to a neighbor for our bread, while my mates cooked breakfast When I returned I met my companions af- frighted running to the woods, but I did not apprehend so much danger as they did from Indians. I thought of going to the camp and save my cloaths I made light of it, and told them I would get my break- fast first—I went and got my cloaths and hid them. I but tasted the breakfast. I saw others flying for safety, and spoke to one. He said some had turned to go and fight the Indians. I thought of going a very short distance from us and I should know if they had. But turn- ing a few rods I was surprised by the sight of two Indians very near me. The foremost one with tomohok in hand we were face to face suddenly borth stopped He waved his hand Come Come I answered the Indian Come and took to my heeles and ran for escape followed the road on the River bank but a little Jumped into the bushes on its bank out of his sight and made for foarding the River the two fol- 152 History or Royauron, VERMONT lowed me the tommahok one caught me in the back of the collar of my cloaths and gave me a few blows with his instrument and a few greeting words How How (that is Run Run) Here I was as really affrighted as I was in my dreams but a few hours before (But the dreams did not here occur to my mind) The two Indians stripped me of my outside garments I being lame, at that time, They took me by each arm and I ran between them, to return to theire company which they left that were destroying Horses and cattle and had taken pris- oners They had killed two of the inhabitants in pursuing them viz pember and Button. They spent the chief part of the day in burning and killing property.— The night they encamped near the place of theire distruction. This first encampment was in Randolph Woods the 16th of Octr 1780 About 350 Indians and 26 prisoners. The Indians made fiers and shelters of Hemlock boughs to encamp by for the night as many as 20 or more. The prisoners had different masters at different camps. The prisoners were striped of outer garments by their masters and collected at the chief officer’s encampment. We stood huddled together the fier between us and the officer An Indian came to a prisoner took him by the hand to lead him off. The head officer told the prisoner to go with him and hede fare well; A prisner nearby me whispers me, I believe he will in another world—I asked why—He replied He had contenental cloth and was a soldier when taken By this I was frightened. Then others were led off, in the same way—I think my turn might be about the 6th or 7th Judge reader my feelings if you can, for I am not able to express them in any other way but by confusion in thoughts, like one to die violently. I expect I became quite fantick. When I was led a short distance through woods to the camp where the Indians were cooking all looked calm and peaceable to my view and astonishment The silly phantick thought struck my mind Theyl fat me before they kill me. Soone however they brought a strong belt to bind me aimed it at my body to put it around me, then took me to a booth (or shelter) I was laid down under it feet to the fier Stakes drove down in the ground each side of me, my belt tied to them stakes Thus I was staked to the ground: To look up there was long Indian Knives fastned to the boughs. This condition looked frightful—but I had gone through the greatest. Still here is no Safety. They gave me here of their supper but I cannot tell the relish of it that night, after supper 4 Indians lay on my belt that tied me to the stakes two upon each side of me so that I could not move but that they all would feele the belt move When I looked at the fier there was the guard an Indian Smoking In the morning The Vermont Melisha routed them They fired on the Indian out guard The Indians in confusion and rage onstaked theire prisoners My belt was taken and put round my neck and tied to a sapplin another I see bound to a tree while they packed up. Theire eyes looked like wildfier. One uttered to his prisoner bumby bumby (as tho death at hand) After ready to march I was loosed from the Sapplin loaded with a pack and led by the halter on my neck and my leader with tommahok in hand and to follow after my file leader Each master of a prisoner (as I understood afterward) had orders to kill his prisoner if closely per- sued and then they could take their flight from their enemies in the woods In this case no one could predict the result; life and death is set before us Here must follow a multitude of thoughts which none can know but by experience Many vain wishes I had in this unreconseiled state O that I were nothing so that they could not torment my body Then History oF RoyvaLton, VERMONT 153 again, Why is it thus with me, is the reasonable enquiry (It seemed according to the circumstances when I was taken I might have got out of the way) Now my dreams rushed to my mind. This made me feele that I had to do with my Maker God. I felt in His hand a guilty sinner. I compared myself like unto a bullock unaccustomed to the yoak. Such feelings I never had before in my life brought to my view; my sins roled over me like the waves of the sea, roling after each other untill I was overwhelmed, it seemed He told me all ever I did. I felt the evil of my life, and the Divine Justice of providence I was still as to a murmur against God I was soone calmed in mind. I saw they were overruled by God the Indians could do no more than they were permitted to do. They could do no more than a Wise and good disposer pleased I seemed to feele that calmness to think that were the Indians permitted to kill I could look them in the face calmly The words in Isaiah came to my mind He was led as sheap to the slaugh- ter and as a lamb dumb before his shearer was dumb so opened he not his mouth. As I was literally so led; I have thought on my tryals sence it might be the occasion of these blessed words of coming to mind. My mind in this tryal was calm I was silent as to a murmur. I opened not my mouth My soul was stilled it was God that did it. But who can give peace, and still the murmor of an unreconciled mind, but God; under such tryals of mind and providence? (But I have enough to complain of myself as a sinner against Divine goodness which provokes chastisement) I had at this time the Holy Bible and Watts Hymn Book in my bosom, that we used to read and meditate in our Journey, which I took from a house that the Indians burned The Indians would take this from my bosom to see what I had got and return them. In one of our stops, in reading the 88th psalm as applicable in part to our case, it drew many tears from sum of us—These books was read by us on our Journey to Cannada and consoling to use when prisoners We had no where to look but to God in our troubles But as sinners we have still that body of sin that provokes chastisement and causes grief to the soul which we hope will mortify the deeds of the Body to die unto sin to live unto God - - -- I have digressed from the Historical part of my work to show the exercises of the mind in such tryals and the goodness of God in them is more than I can express. I now return to the Indian history: I traveled with them 5 days Taken by them on monday Octr 16th we came to Lake Shamplan on friday 20th at Colchester and crossed over in Battowse to the Grand Ile that day. (They had killed two of the inhabitants in persuing them viz Button and Pember Aliso in the camp the first night they killed two of theire prisoners viz Kneeland and Gibs) Nothing further transpired thus far that is very interest- ing to relate. We went down the Lake from the Grand Tle, to the Ile o Noin Saturday 21st tarried there that night for refreshment by victuals € rum Sabbath 22 we arrived at St Johns Cannada, where was more Rum, that day and a market for theire plunder. I was dressed drolely I had on an Indian blanket with my head poked through a hole in its middle, hanging over my body, with a high peaked cap on my head, my face painted with red streaks, being smoked over theire fiers looked very much like an Indian, being sett at a parsel of their plun- dered goods. The refugees at St Johns came to the parsel that I was set at to buy, looking at me one of them says to his Iate, is that an Indian ; his mate replied no, his hair is not Indian (Thus look and se Indian captives) The Indians this day (Sabbath) take up there march for thire Home Cahnawaga, many of them very drunk and often those 154 History of RoyaLTon, VERMONT loaded down with theire plundered goods would sowsed down in mud as road was much soaked by the snows melting of at this time. Some of those loaded drunken Indians in this plight were three days trav- eling 25 milds I was taken by my Master Indian to Cahnawaga at his home we arrived on monday or tuesday from St Johns. I tarried there at my keepers two or more days when all the party or the scout of Indians came in. Then the Sachem Fooumo came to my quarters, and took me to the centre of Village, Where the Indians and Squaws gathered around I was on a seat at the Chiefs feet, He making a Speach over me to his audience I sat in suspence (not knowing his language or designs I had fears as might be to run the gauntlet or some evil But my sus- pence soone ended. I was led off by an Indian lad bye past the Specta- tors to the door of a house and meet by Squaws with a Blanket & hat, and Water and soap to wash; and found that was the place of my residence Theire I found another young man a prisoner to them I enquired of him if he understood the meaning of this last manover Y had passed through. He said he did. He had experienced the same We were both of us (by this Seremony) adopted into that family to fill the places of two Indians which had recently died there and we made up theire loss. I enquired of him how he knew. He answered the Indian interperter Tracy told him. But what I saw afterward which was more affecting. That they displayed the Scalps of our pris- oners (those they killed) in the same seremony. I lived with them something 6 or 7 weeks perhaps untill my owner belonging to another tribe came for me, and took me to Montreall to take his bounty for me I was dressed decently to follow him by two old squaws; as soon as I was sold and Delivered to the Brittish a prisoner I was stripped to the shirt by my former Indian owner— I was taken thence to the guard house allmost naked they covered me with an old thin blanket coat in the cold season of the last of Novr keept under guard naught to eat for 2 or more days before I had orders for rations, from thence I was taken to grants Iland near the City a Rany night followed the prisoners was in tents then in cold winter weather We prisoners had no tent pitched for the night we roled ourselves in the tent cloth for a cold weet night—I never drew rations on the Island I complained to the officer of prisners of lame- ness, and carried from thence to the Hospital half starved the next day, being shifted without orders for provision (from place to place). I was allmost starved. I was lame when I was taken with a scorfioul- ous humor in my legg A surgeon and phisian tended the Hospital they were kind to me, especially the Doctor When I got better of the sore leg the phicisian ment to take me to his House to serve him I was borth very dirty and naked from thence I was conducted in such a plight in a cold winter day to the commesarys, (by the Orderly man of the hospital) for cloathing, and got none from thence to the Doctors, lef there for the night chilled with cold fatigued and sick—hardly able to rise next morning I was called upon by the Doctor examined by Him, and sent back to the Hospital a mild to travill in a cold N Wester I went directly there and took my place in the Bunk; I was soone senseless of all that passed. The time was lost to me, for a space and deranged views and thoughts followed When I had come to reason or sense of feeling I had acute pain in the head, my eyes seemed as if theyd be thumpped out in this case the Doctor ordered half of my head shaved the left side Three blister plasters were applied on my head neck and back that on head and neck never blistered—and the back one scarce a blis- History or RoyaLuTon, VERMONT 155 ter. When I had got to know myself I was amasiated to a Skilleton When I got cloaths to put on my overalls looked like tongs in them my ear to see through my nose and face peaked and dirty and lowsy as if one ded all as they lay in the Bunk—I used to bake the rags of my shirt on the stove when I had got so much strength, better to kill lice off. Through the mercy of God I recovered from this distress; and when better of it I was amasiated to a scalaton—and in recovering in this weak condition I had to take hard fare. y I write now that was done about 65 years ago in the year 1781 feb; Now July 20, 1846 And now what shall I render to the Lord for His astonishing goodness I will take the cup &c what stupid hardness must it be not to notice the Divine hand The Doctor still showing his kindness to me (he did not need me as a water to himself) but he sought for places for my abode where I was needed, (to my relief from confinement) He had two places in view for me, One was to live with a Jewess in Montreal, the other, to live with a Jew at Barkey (as I might choose) This Jew was a merchant 45 mild distant; I put it to the Doctor to choose for me. He thought it best to go to Barkey in the country away from the city— The refugees aften quarraled and complined of the prisoners at liberty in the city and got them into prison again. I went by his choice. The Jew was a country trader with but very little learning but of strong memory and head to cast up accounts without the use of figures or writing. He had and did employ frenchmen to make up his accounts. Very shortly after I went there I kept his accounts. (When the Doctor chose this place for me to live I told him I should loose of being exchanged being so far from other prisoners or of writing to my parents; he answered that could be accomedated by writing to Mr Jones the Provost-master at Montreal) When I went to live with the Jew my clothing was but poor an old blanket loose coat, the rag of a shirt that I burned the lice from and overalls that I can describe I drew also a shirt with my overalls; and a prisoner died and I had his old shoes when I went with the Jew to live A shirt was the first I most needed, and the first thing I was supplied with from him, and that was made from ozinbrigs (coarse wrapping cloth) washed in cold water and dried for me to put on by an old matroon the Jews housekeeper; when I put this shirt on the meanest I ever wore except the old dirty lousy ragged one, it daunted my Spirits; otherwise I had better fare, and when better acquainted he needed my assistance to keep his accounts and in his store. He married a wife soon after I went there to live; She was a Jew- ess. His family before was the old french woman & twin children he had by a squaw when a trader with the Indians which he was obliged to leave in Upper Cannada. But after he married I fared better for cloathing by her means I was dressed descent I tarried with them until the next August. The Jew left home for Quebeck while gone I wrote to Mr Jones informing him where I was, and to know if there was any exchange of prisoners, or that I could write to my parents. I wanted the benefit of it. Mr Jones wrote immediately to the Jew to send me to Montreal, and then I was exchanged and to be sent home. This letter came when Mr Lions the Jew returned from Quebeck, and I was absent from home, on an errand. When I returned in the even- ing The Jew enquired of me what I had been about while he was gone to Quebeck Why I answered. He responded I have received a Letter from Mr Jones at Montreall and I dont know what they are going to do with you it may to put to Jaile (He could not read the letter at all, neither his wife so as to understand it) He wanted me to read it to them. I took it and looked it through, and then read to them, gladly, 156 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT that I was exchanged to go home and that he must send me directly to Montreall Then says he what shall we do, for you have kept my books while here You and Mrs Lyons must sett up all night and she must write over the head of each mans account his name in Hebrew characters, for she did not know how to write english or french well enough, and we spent the night in this way. The next morning I sett out for Montreall arrived there the next day, when I came to Mr Jones; I was told I might have been at home by this time, That I was exchanged by name and 17 others, and that they had gone in a carteele home and that I had to wait there untill another carteele of prisoners might go. He told me I could draw pro- visions (and have my liberty) and be bileted with prisoners that were on parole untill I could go. So I lived with others drew my provisions weakly and worke out as I pleased. I thus employed myself to gain something to cloathe and to spare to the poor sick prisoners in the hospitial that I before suffered in. The next June a carteele of pris- oners came into the state and I with the rest and was landed at the head of Lake Shamplane, at what is now Whitehall N York. From thence I traveled on foot to Windsor Connecticut to my Sisters and was gladly and surprisingly welcomed for they knew nothing but that I was dead and scalped untill they saw me. (for by mistake my name had been returned, and published as dead) I tarried at Windsor through that summer, and wrote to my parents in Truro Mass. I worked and bought me hors to go Home; on the first of Sept following I sett out for Truro and arrived in the neighborhood of my fathers; and Sent a neighbor to notify my parents that I was come, that theire lost had arrived, not to shock them too suddenly. My mother and sister had gathered themselves in a roome to meete me. Soon I met them in that roome, at the sight of me my mother left the roome. Judge Reader If you can of her emotions off mind and ours I feele the emotions now when writing My father was absent from home at this time, but had heard of my arrival before he came home that even- ing with his mind more composed.” The sufferings in captivity which Mr. Avery in his old age recounted cannot but awaken sympathy in the minds of all who read them, yet they were not so great as the trials of some others which Mr. Steele has narrated in his account of the raid. Let us return to the events of that day. Phineas Parkhurst, son of Tilly, had staid at the home of an acquaintance on the east side of the river the Sunday night before the raid. The name of this family is not known to his descendants, but according to their tradition the family was at breakfast when they saw the Indians, and Phineas at once took the wife and daughter of his host on horseback, crossed the First Branch and rode down the east side of the river to a place of safety. He then returned and had reached the fordway oppo- site his father’s house just as the Indians made their appearance at the house. He was about to cross when he discovered the In- dians, and he turned his horse to flee. A shot from an Indian pierced his body and seriously wounded him, but the ball re- mained in a cul de sac beneath the skin. The mother saw her boy, saw the blood burst from the wound as he galloped away History oF ROYALTON, VERMONT 157 down stream, one hand clutching the ball. In after days im recounting the experiences of the day she was wont to exclaim, ‘‘Phinnie wounded! blood a running! Oh, dear! I on a strad- dle without any saddle, and a pocket handkerchief for a bridle, Oh, dear!’? Her brave boy pursued his course down the river through Sharon, giving the alarm as he went, on to Stephen Tilden’s tavern in Hartford, where a minute later his signal was answered by the alarm gun to call the militia together. A mile or so farther on he crossed White river, then the Connecticut by Robinson’s ferry, and at last his long exhausting ride was over, and the skillful surgeon, Dr. Gates of Lebanon, was working over the wounded, fainting youth. Brave heart! So long as the name of Royalton shall live, so long as she has a son or daughter to feel a thrill of pride in her history, so long will the heroic deed of Phineas Parkhurst be recalled with loving gratitude and admiration. The party that went down on the east side of the river may have come first, after Joseph Haven’s place, to the house of Nathaniel Morse, near what has been known as Onionville. (As this term is objectionable alike to the people living in that vicin- ity and the town in general, the place hereafter will be spoken of in this History as Havensville, an appropriate name, as the Havens families lived there or near there many years, and the Havens cemetery is located there.) The Morse family had been warned, probably by Phineas Parkhurst, and Mrs. Morse was fieeing on horseback with her daughter Abigail in her arms, when the Indians captured them, seated them on a log, and swung their tomahawks over them, but left them to destroy their house and barn and seven fat oxen among their stock. Three silver but- tons that Mrs. Morse had on when she was overtaken are now in the possession of her great-granddaughter, Mrs. Adelia M. Car- penter Taplin of Middlesex. Mr. Morse did duty in Capt. Jo- seph Parkhurst’s company. Below the Morses on the John F. Shepard farm lived the Revolutionary war-horse, Jeremiah Trescott. His family went into the woods back of the house and secreted themselves. Jere- miah followed the brook near by until he, too, was safely hid. Here in his hiding place he saw the Indians enter, pillage, and burn his house and destroy his property. He saw them, also, on their return, and as an Indian heavily laden with plunder lagged behind, the old martial impulse drew his gun to his shoulder for a shot, but the hitherto trusty weapon failed him, and did not go off. In lowering it to see what was the matter, it was acci- dentally fired. The Indian looked up, grunted, ‘‘Ugh!’’ and ran swiftly on. That is said to be the only gun fired by the inhab- itants that day. Another tradition varying somewhat from this, 158 History of RoyaLtTon, VERMONT which John F. Shepard took from the lips of Mary (Trescott ) Baker, a grand-daughter of Jeremiah Trescott, is that the Indians went down on the west side of the river, crossed to the east side near the mouth of Broad Brook, and burned and pillaged as they went back. The granite boulders beside which the Trescott women lay were on the Simon Shepard farm. They staid there until the evening. Mr. Shepard writes, ‘‘They found the Shep- ard family had gone, so they went to the house and got in and lighted a light and built a fire, and got something to eat, and staid there in the house that night. Trescott hid in the alder and willow bushes, in what is now the mill pond, and saw them burn his house and destroy his stock, but did not dare to make a move until they were all gone, as he supposed, when one Indian alone came along loaded with plunder. Trescott fired at him, and he dropped his load and ran. The house which they burned stood some ten or twelve rods southeast of the present house, and the road came up east of the house, not between the house and river as it does now. The location of the house and some of the road can still be seen.’? According to Dr. Alden C. Latham, Sarah, the daughter of Jeremiah, was an unfortunate, who could talk very little. Her defect was attributed to fright and ex- posure at the time of the raid. Daniel Gilbert, who first settled in Sharon, and resided part of the time in Royalton and part of the time in Sharon, was living in Royalton on the Dana-West farm when the Indians came to town. He built there a comfortable log house and outbuild- ings, had a yoke of oxen and a large stock of other animals. In the morning, while the family were at breakfast, townsmen came into the yard to notify him that the Indians were coming, and he was called to take command of the Company of which he was captain, and to aid in repelling the savages. Mrs. Gilbert brushed the dishes and the provisions from the table into her apron, and with the hired girl started to find a place of safety in the woods. The girl had a new bonnet of which she was quite proud. She was naturally anxious about it. She said to Mrs. Gilbert, ‘‘ What shall I do with my bonnet—put it on the tees- ter?’’ by which she meant the covered part of a high posted cur- tained bedstead. Mrs. Gilbert replied, ‘‘No, child, put it on your head. The Indians will burn the house.’’ They found a place in the woods commanding a view of the house, where they re- mained unmolested, and watched the proceedings of the enemy. Mrs. Gilbert saw them take out her feather beds, rip them open, and throw the feathers in the air, dancing and hooting. They butchered the cattle, and when there was no more mischief they could do, they set fire to the house, and Mrs. Gilbert from her hiding place watched her home go up in smoke. History oF RoyauTon, VERMONT 159 At Capt. Gilbert’s his nephew, Nathaniel, was taken pris- oner. The story of his capture and release was related in 1910 by Mr. Henry C. Gilbert of Randolph, grandson of Nathaniel. Nathaniel’s father was dead, and he had come from Connecticut with his uncle. According to this account the family were warned by a man on horseback, perhaps Phineas Parkhurst. Capt. Gilbert sent Nathaniel to warn a neighbor over the hill beyond them. While he was away the Captain saddled two horses ready for flight to the fort at No. 4, Charlestown, N. H., but it would seem that the family were not able to avail them- selves of this means of escape, before the Captain had to leave, and the Indians were upon them. When Nathaniel returned, he saw the horses at the door, but nothing suspicious. He went into the house, and first noticed feathers on the floor. While look- ing at them an Indian came out from another room and gave the usual grunt, ‘‘Ugh!’’ but did not take much notice of the boy. Nathaniel, terrified, turned about and started to go back over the hill. He went through a hollow, and when he looked again toward the house, he saw at one corner of it the same red-skin that showed himself inside. The Indian beckoned to him, and called out, ‘‘Come back!’’ This only added to his fear, and he was about to increase his speed, when he saw another savage at another corner of the house, who stood with his gun pointed at him. The gun was persuasive, and he went back. They tied him with a string to a nail under the looking glass. In their camp that night they tied his hands behind him, and secured him to a small tree near where Joseph Kneeland was tied. He saw an Indian advance upon Kneeland, swinging his tomahawk, and could avoid seeing the brute scalp his quivering victim only by closing his eyes. He was in a state of terror, when the Indian came toward him. The savage examined his fastenings and went off. Later Nathaniel asked him why he killed Kneeland, and he answered, ‘‘Broad shoulders, straight leg, and keen eye, and me know never could get him to Canada.’’ In Canada Nathaniel was adopted by a squaw, and when he had the choice of staying with the Indians or enlisting in the British army, he chose the latter. Mr. H. C. Gilbert has Nathan- iel’s original discharge, a copy of which will be found in the gene- alogy of the family. After his discharge he went on foot to Connecticut. His mother had married a man who had two grown daughters. When he went to his mother’s house, he asked her if she could keep a traveller. The girls heard him, and called their mother to them and said, ‘‘Don’t keep him. He wears the British uniform, and will kill us all before morning.’’ Not car- ing to make himself known that night, he went to a neighbor’s 160 Hisrory or Royauton, VERMONT and staid, and told them who he was. The next morning, when he appeared at his home, his mother recognized him. He could not in all his after years free his mind from the bloody scenes which he had witnessed. Even after he had chil- dren of his own, he sometimes sprang from his bed in his sleep, erying out, ‘‘The Indians are coming!’’ Once he sprang into a tub of water, which chanced to be on the floor, in which the clothes had been put to soak for the next day’s washing. When he died he left an injunction to his family, which is still observed by this generation, never to send a man hungry away from the door. Simon Shepard lived just across the Royalton line in the edge of Sharon. When warned the family left everything and went two or three miles below Sharon village to Mr. Marsh’s, and staid there that night. Mr. Shepard went back in the even- ing to see if the Indians had burned his house, and seeing the light of the Trescott women concluded the Indians were there, and did not dare go to the house. He went back to Mr. Marsh’s and reported that the Indians were still there, but had not burned his house. The family of Josiah Wheeler participated in the panic of this day. Mr. Wheeler was a resident of Sharon in 1778. He does not appear in Royalton town meeting records until 1782. In that year he bought land in town. From Sharon town records it would seem that he lived on the river. If so, he was so far down stream that the Indians did not reach his dwelling. If in Royalton, a possible location would be lot 25 or 26 Dutch, far enough back from the river to escape destruction. The Indians did not go back on the hills) When Mr. Wheeler heard of the attack of the savages, he placed his wife and four-days-old baby on one horse, his sister and eldest son on another, and followed on foot. With a narrow escape they reached the settlements on the Connecticut river. Their property was not destroyed. The Indians did not go down on the east side of the river much, if any, below Capt. Gilbert’s, and that was the last house which they burned. Another family whose exact residence has not been ascer- tained, is the Downer family. Mrs. J. B. Bacon of Chelsea, a great-granddaughter of Ephraim Downer, has furnished some facts connected with this family, as has also Mrs. A. Olsen of Tucson, Arizona, another descendant, being the granddaughter of Sally Downer. Mrs. Bacon states, ‘‘My great-grandfather, Ephraim Downer, was a widower with three small children, Eph- raim, Daniel, and Sally. The two boys were at home, but Sally, who was a wee tot, was cared for in the family of Tilly Park- hurst, a fellow-townsman. Early on the morning of the burning History or Royauron, VERMONT 161 of Royalton, my (great)-grandfather, who was a carpenter, was in a loft over the shed looking over some lumber, when the Indians suddenly sprang upon him. They dragged the two boys from their beds, frightening the youngest so that he never recovered from the shock, and died not long afterward. All three were taken captive and started for Canada. The youngest boy was one of the children whom the heroine, Mrs. Hendee, recovered, but the others were taken to Canada and there spent their lives.’’ Mrs. Bacon is of the opinion that Ephraim Downer lived in the vicin- ity of South Royalton. If so, he may possibly have lived near the mills, and so have been one of the first to suffer from the savages. The party of Indians that went up the river on the east side came first to the house of Elias Stevens. Mrs. Stevens is said to have had a struggle with an Indian in a vain attempt to save her feather bed. Many of the women displayed great courage and presence of mind when they were so suddenly attacked by the savages. David Waller, the son of Israel Waller, who was then living in the western part of the town, was working for Lieut. Stevens. He was captured by the Indians, taken to Can- ada, sold to a Frenchman, and dressed in livery. He returned to Royalton, when there was an exchange of prisoners. Mrs. Stevens had two small children at this time, the elder not three years old. Her condition must have been sad indeed. She was surrounded by Indians, who made the Stevens meadow their ren- dezvous. The people above her would flee north, and those below had probably fled south before she could reach any of them. The Indians allowed her to seek safety in the woods. Lieut. Stevens’ name is found in Capt. Parkhurst’s Company, which is thought to have done duty at home, as they drew no mileage. The Wal- ler boy, who might have given her some aid, was taken prisoner, but no doubt she was kindly cared for as soon as the scattered settlers dared to return to their desolate homes. Ebenezer Brewster of Dresden, a non-resident, owned the land along the river from the land of Lieut. Stevens to what is now the upper part of Royalton village. This strip was prob- ably unsettled. A Mr. Evans, whether John or Cotton cannot be positively affirmed, is said to have lived in 1780 not far from Royalton village. It is known that John Evans lived in Royal- ton before 1780. Mrs. Coit Parkhurst, in recounting the events of the day twenty-five or more years ago stated that Nathaniel Evans was taken prisoner in Royalton, but was supposed to have lived in Randolph. There is no proof so far as known, that Cot- ton lived here so early as 1780. It is believed by the descendants of Nathaniel that he was the son of Cotton. There is a tradition that he put his face in a log fence and thought he was safe. He 11 162 History or Royalton, VERMONT was but seven years old. He lived to marry and have children, and his only son Charles was one of the victims in an Indian mnassacre in Texas. The Evans family must have been warned. Mrs. Evans is said to have taken her silver, tied it in an apron, and hid it in a well, and then to have hidden herself and her children in the woods. John Evans was in Capt. Joseph Park- hurst’s company. Timothy Durkee had been in town about a year, located on the lot later known as the Rix place, not far from the North Royalton cemetery. They destroyed everything here except a small barn, which was too green to burn. This served as a house for the family for the winter, and it is in part still standing on the same place, but on the other side of the road. A cut of it is shown in this History. Two sons of Mr. Durkee were taken pris- oners, Andrew and Adan. Andrew was released, but Adan was taken to Canada and died there in prison. Benjamin Parkhurst lived a short distance above Lieut. Durkee, about one hundred rods up the river from the Gifford house, which was burned a few years ago. The house was sur- rounded by trees, and the Indians did not see it. The family were warned, and Mrs. Parkhurst tied up a sheet full of articles, and her husband carried them into a swamp opposite their house, then he took his two little girls over and his wife, and came back for a Mrs. Leazer, a neighbor weighing 200 pounds. He waded the river at each load, and carried over provisions and his gun. They staid there through the night, but the Indians came no farther than the Second Branch bridge, which was only a tree felled across the stream. The next spring Mr. Parkhurst found a blanket and a tomahawk near the spot where the Gifford barn once stood. The next day Mr. Parkhurst took his family back home, and the morning after the father of Mrs. Parkhurst came to visit her from Connecticut. From Mr. Parkhurst’s obituary printed in 1848, the following is taken: ‘‘The savages were every moment expected at Mr. P’s. He told his family to remain where they were, and he would defend them as long as he had @ breath of life; but the enemy not appearing, he removed his family across the river and concealed them in a thick swamp, where they remained till the next day. It has been thought, and with much probability, that his house was spared through the influence of a man, known to have been with the Indians, who not long before had staid a fortnight at Mr. P’s, and shared freely in the kindness and hospitality of the family. Mr. Park- hurst was very active and very generous in relieving the suffer- ers on that distressing occasion. He had just harvested a fine crop of grain, amounting to 300 bushels of wheat and corn, which was liberally distributed among his neighbors; to some it was History of ROYALTON, VERMONT 163 lent; from others almost anything was received in pay. None were asked over a moderate price, and only ten dollars in cash were received for the whole, and that from a man who was abund- antly able to pay money. - - - - - The day on which the soldiers returned who had been in pursuit of the Indians, they called at Mr. Parkhurst’s for refreshment, and were bountifully sup- plied. The next morning the family found that they had given away all their flour and meal, without any forethought, and the mill was burnt, and they were obliged to subsist for a little time without bread. About that time the inhabitants were in constant fear of the Indians. Mr. Parkhurst labored in his field armed, ready for an attack at any moment. His wife could not go out for water without carrying one child in her arms, and the other clinging to her clothes, and not knowing but the enemy would be upon her before she returned. The children would even rise in their sleep and hide under their parents’ bed, and find themselves there on awakening. Mr. P. with others watched on patrol. He and another man, on one occasion, gave a false alarm, which spread through the settlement; but the supposed enemy proved to be hunters, accoutred so as to give them the appearance of Indians.”’ Lieut. Houghton in his report says that they burned close te a stockaded post. This, of course, was Fort Fortitude at Bethel, which was four or more miles from the mouth of the Second Branch. It could hardly be said to be close to North Royalton, except in comparison with the distance the enemy were from their Canadian home. It made his undertaking seem a lit- tle more daring thus to report it. Prince Haskell was not taken prisoner at this time. He was captured August 9, 1780, when a party of twenty-one Indians made a raid on Barnard, and with other prisoners, Thomas M. Wright and Timothy Newton, was carried to Canada, where he was kept in confinement until the autumn of 1781, when he was exchanged. If the Indians at the mouth of the First Branch crossed at the old fort fordway to go down on the west side of the river, they would miss two or more dwellings north of that fordway. It seems likely that they knew this, and sent a small number north on the west side. They would come first to the house of Joseph Parkhurst, probably not very far from the present South Royalton. They did not find him at home, for he had galloped down the river to give the alarm, to aid others in escaping, and no doubt to give directions for gathering his company of militia for pursuit, for Mr. Avery in his narrative says that with the word of warning came notice that some had turned to follow the enemy. It would have been foolhardiness for a mere handful of men to attack a body of 300 or more Indians. The date of Capt. 164 History or RoyauTton, VERMONT Parkhurst’s first marriage has not been ascertained, but his first child was born nearly three years after the raid, and it may be that he had no family at this time. That was also probably true of Lieut. Calvin Parkhurst, who may have lived with Joseph, or on his own land farther up stream. Lieut. Calvin was mar- ried Nov. 9, 1780. He was in Bennington at the time of the raid as a representative from Royalton, and a similar record is found on the Journal of the House as is found in the case of Capt. Ebenezer Parkhurst. Both were given leave of absence to re- turn home on account of the invasion of the enemy. The definite location of the ‘‘ Handy fordway,’’ one rod above Stevens bridge, locates the Handy lot as the place where Milo Dewey formerly lived, where Miss Jessie Benson, a great-grand- daughter of the first settler now resides. A plausible explanation of this being a part of the Handy lot is, that the line of the lot on the east then ran or was supposed to run straight up to the river, touching the river near the Stevens bridge, and not as shown on the original chart of the town. When Robert Handy scld this lot, N. E. 22 Large Allotment, in 1781, the boundary began on ‘‘the Banck of White River and on the corner of Leut Calvin Parkhursts Lot West Side thence up Said River to the Lore End of the large Island operset Conll Ebnzer Brusters Lot thence Back from Said River to contain one hundred and teen acers.’” This was ten acres more than he had as original grantee. Some years afterwards Lieut. Calvin Parkhurst obtained posses- sion of this lot. Mr. Steele says that Mr. Handy, when warned by Mr. Chafee, told his wife to take the children and seek one of the neighbors. They could have had little expectation that the savages would be upon them so quickly, for it is said that Mrs. Handy had gone but a short distance when she met Indians on the run, who took away her seven-year-old boy, Michael. When the Indian told her he would make a soldier of him, she spiritedly replied, ‘‘A good deal you will. The tomahawk is all you will give him. I will follow you to Canada before I will give up my boy.’’ Accord- ing to a tradition of the descendants of Lucretia, the little daugh- ter who was some years younger than Michael, Mrs. Handy rec- ognized among the Indians one whom they had fed and kindly treated at one time, and it was he who carried her over the river, and who interceded in her behalf in the release of the children. Mrs. Handy is said to have been about 27 years of age at this time, and from a description of her as she appeared in old age, there is no doubt that she was a young woman of attractive personality. Young Lieut. Houghton could not withstand the charm of the agonized mother, beautiful in the strength and cour- age of her mother-love, and his better nature was awakened by History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT 165 her unselfish and fearless pleading for her neighbors’ children. This surrender to the higher dictates of his conscience, and the kind act of the Indian in aiding Mrs. Handy across the river, are almost the only touches that relieve the brutal savagery of the events of this day. One cannot easily picture the joy of each household, scattered here and there, as she restored to the sor- rowing parents their children, or they received word that their loved ones were safe through the heroism of this noble woman. There was one, Daniel Downer, motherless, and now fatherless, for his father was taken to Canada, for whom no parents’ arms were outstretched in loving welcome. It is not strange that he pined, and never afterward knew the gladness of protected and tenderly nurtured childhood. Mrs. HANNAH HANpy’s Spoo~t HoLpEr. It would seem that the memory of Mrs. Handy’s deed would be kept green in the hearts of those benefited thereby, and that some suitable recognition of her merit would have been given ere this by them or their descendants. She sleeps today in an un- known grave. Tradition says that she did receive a brooch or medal in honor of her heroism, but patient and long inquiry fails to verify it, or find any trace of its existence. Tradition also says that she was buried in the old cemetery in the lower part of Sharon village, on the supposition that she died in Sharon. 166 History oF RoyauTon, VERMONT She married for her second husband Gideon Mosher, and lived in Sharon. Mr. Mosher died about 1818. Her daughter Lucre- tia had married David Barnhart of Hoosick Falls, who was a man of considerable property, and she went to live with this daughter some time after the death of Mr. Mosher, which oc- curred evidently at the home of his son-in-law, James Carpenter of Sharon. Mr. Mosher had children by his first wife, but none by Mrs. Handy, so far as can be learned. The descendants of Lucretia are sure that ‘‘Granny Mosher,’’ as she was affectionately called, died in Hoosick Falls. "Whether she was buried there or brought to Sharon they do not know, and no records can be found that throw any light on the subject. Some lasting monument to her memory should be reared, and as her resting place is unknown and likely to remain so, no more fitting place for a monument can be found than in the vicinity of South Royalton, where her imperishable deed was performed. But one article is known to exist that belonged to her, and an outline of it is shown on page 165. It is a spool-holder and is the property of Miss Belle Gregory of Sandgate, a great-granddaughter of Mrs. Hannah (Hunter) Handy-Mosher. It may be asked why a change has been made from ‘‘Hendee’’ to Handy. The reason is that they wrote their name Handy, and their descendants continue to so write it, in distinction from another branch which has adopted the form, ‘‘Hendee.’’ Further particulars regarding the Handy family will be found in the genealogical part of this book. Considerable difference of opinion has existed regarding the place where Mrs. Handy forded the river. Though not very im- portant, it may be well to give some evidence as to the exact locality. If she lived at the Milo Dewey place she was near the Handy fordway, and came away from it down the river. The next fordway was the old fort fordway eighty rods below the mouth of the First Branch. The Indians were gathered on the Stevens meadow as has always been supposed, about half way between the two fordways. One can ford the river here, and that is the place which Dr. Daniel L. Burnett assigned in an article of his printed in the Inter-State Journal of October, 1903. His authority was Edward Rix, who stated that his father, who was brother of Joseph Rix, one of the children rescued, often told him that the place where Mrs. Handy crossed the river with the children was at the head of the island near the Nathan H. Hale house, straight across to the Stevens meadow, now owned by Herbert L. Pierce. Mrs. Coit Parkhurst understood that it was below Martin Skinner’s, which would make it the Handy fordway. If Mr. Steele has given her course correctly, then she probably crossed with her daughter midway between the two History oF RoyaLton, VERMONT 167 fordways, but when she returned with the children, she would be likely to seek a safer and easier fordway, and the Handy fordway was not far from the Stevens meadow. Two other families suffered from the raid, that of David Fish and the Widow Rude. It cannot be stated where either was living at this time. Rufus Fish, one of the boys captured, was a son of David Fish, and probably the other boy named Fish was his brother, perhaps Nathan or John. Joseph had a lot in 54 Town Plot, and the boys may have been there. Their father had 18 T. P. under the Vermont charter as a part of his holding, which would not be very far from Joseph’s lot, on the line of the Indians’ course to North Royalton. The will of Mr. Rufus Rude, who died: in 1779, was burned by the Indians, but there is no clue to the residence of his widow, unless she was living with Lieut. Stevens, who married one of her daughters. Mr. Rude willed the bulk of his property to Lieut. Stevens. Early in the afternoon the savages retraced their way to the rendezvous at Mr. Havens’ house, which they did not burn until they had gathered their plunder together and were ready to retreat, which was about 2 p. m. After they had left, the Havens family got together again at night. Daniel had gone back to the vicinity of his home. It was a sad reunion—their three homes destroyed, one son a prisoner, the betrothed of the daugh- ter killed, the mother a confirmed invalid. As an illustration of the atrocious nature of the savages, it may be related that one of them ripped open a heifer that strayed into the yard from the woods, and left her dragging her entrails on the ground. A pig that crawled out of a haystack some days after, and the sheep on the hill that Mr. Havens was searching for, were all that the family had left to them for winter provisions. A few hours after the departure of the enemy, the militia and minute men began to gather. Capt. Gilbert collected his company of 18, mostly Sharon men, as will be seen by reference to the list connected with ‘‘ Revolutionary Affairs.’’ First on the ground would be Capt. Joseph Parkhurst’s Company, seven of whom had near and dear relatives in the hands of the cruel sav- ages, and more than half of whom had had their own homes de- stroyed. From Pomfret soon came Lieut. Bartholemew Durkee’s Company of 36 men, three of whom had become footsore and were sent back. Pomfret did not hesitate to send on her militia, though her own inhabitants were terrified and left their homes for the woods, or for some secluded dwelling where numbers gathered for greater security. John Throop, the Captain of this company, was in Bennington, a member of the State Council. Thetford sent her militia, who on their way called on Dr. Asa Burton to pray for them, which he did. They reached Royalton 168 History of RoyauTon, VERMONT at daylight the next day, and pursued the enemy. From Hart- land came Elias Weld’s Company of 66 men, among the number Jeremiah Rust and Timothy Banister. From Woodstock came John Hawkins’ Company of Minute men. From Barnard fort went Capt. Benjamin Cox’s Company of 24 men. Capt. Joshua Hazen was sent with a full company by Col. Peter Olcott. Capt. John Marey’s Company from Windsor marched in the Alarm with 29 men. Major Elkanah Day of Westminster started out the 17th with a large company. From New Hampshire town accounts the following was taken: Hanover, ‘‘To their pay Roll on alarms to Royalton, Newbury, &c. £131.19.5’’; Cornish, ‘‘To Capt. Solomon Chase’s Roll to Royalton in 1780, £60.15.9’’; Rindge, ‘‘To account on alarm at Royalton, 1780, £38.18.9’’; Fitzwilliam, ‘‘To a pay Roll to Royalton, 1780, £5.11.6’’; Temple, ‘‘Gershom Drewry’s Roll at Royalton Alarm, £8.18.6’’; Canaan, ‘‘To Lieut. Jones’ Roll at Royalton Alarm, £28.10.7’’; Lempster, ‘‘To their account go- ing on alarm at Royalton, £8.10.2’’; Alstead, ‘‘To Lieut. Waldo’s Roll to Royalton, £27.14’’; Chesterfield’s account was £37.14.1, Marlow’s, £34.1.5, Unity’s £4.12, Ackworth’s £23.2.4. In War- ner records it is stated that they sent 8 men to Royalton serving five days on town cost, £5.10. This is a good indication of the general alarm for miles below Royalton, and of the generous assistance furnished by near and distant towns. Soon after leaving the Havens rendezvous the Indians steered their course from the First to the Second Branch, striking Ran- dolph at the southeast corner, where they camped for the night on the land of Simeon Belknap, one of the prisoners. This farm is now owned by George E. Brigham. In going up the Branch the site of the encampment may be found across a little stream at the left, at the foot of Sprague Hill. The farm came down to Mr. Brigham through Moses, brother of Simeon Belknap. His daughter, Mrs. Susan Miles, lived on that part of the farm, and from her Mr. Brigham had the site located. On their line of march the Indians had captured Experience Davis, the first set- tler in Randolph, William Evans, John Parks, Moses Pearsons and Timothy Miles. : The militia which had gathered at Royalton chose Col. House as commander, and followed the Indians by the route the savages had taken, the First Branch, then crossed to the Second, coming unexpectedly upon their camp early in the morning, where a brisk skirmish followed. Mr. Steele himself says that the In- dians had orders to kill all the prisoners if sharply pressed by the Americans, yet he severely criticises Col. House for refrain- ing to do this. All the evidence goes to show that a victory for the militia would have been gained at the expense of the lives History oF ROYALTON, VERMONT 169 of the twenty-six or more prisoners, thirty-two, according to Lieut. Houghton’s report. What would have been gained? The Indians would mostly have escaped, as an ambuscade, through the vigilance of the enemy’s sentinels, was impossible. They would have shown the Indians that their incursions could not be carried on without greater risk to themselves than formerly, but the politic negotiations with Gen. Haldimand put a stop to these depredations. Most of the plunder came back into the hands of the Americans. It was not pusillanimity, but humane considera- tions and wisdom that actuated Col. House. The message sent by Edward Kneeland, and the familiarity of Col. House and the other officers with Indian vindictiveness were enough to deter them from making an attack. The sight of the scalpless head of young Kneeland and the mutilated body of another victim, when they entered the deserted camp, ought to have silenced the charges of cowardice made at the time, and which have been kept up more or less ever since. The force that left Barnard under Lieut. Green went first to Bethel fort, then struck out for the heights of land in Mid- dlesex, where they were joined by other militia from Middlesex, now Randolph. They failed to find the enemy. An account of their march has come down to us through Jonathan Carpenter. He was a Revolutionary soldier, who came to Pomfret from Rehoboth, Mass. He went on a tour of inspection from Guilford to Royalton, then chose Pomfret, went back and bought 100 acres ef land. He kept a diary, which by some fortunate circumstance came into the hands of Robert A. Perkins, Editor, who gave it to the public. It was printed in 1898 in the Carpenter Gene- alogy, by Amos Bugbee Carpenter. From it is selected his ac- count of the events connected with the destruction of Royalton. Carpenter enlisted August 15th, 1780, in Capt. Benjamin Cox’s Company of Rangers, stationed at Fort Defiance, Barnard. “Oct. 16. This morning we were alarm’d by inteligence that the enemy were burning and Plundering at Royalton and it was supposed that ye woods were full of them I went out on a scout round ye north part of Barnard about 10 miles & in again but Discovered nothing. by this time some of ye inhabitants had come into the garrison, and a Party went to meet the enemy (or at Least to lock for them) at about twelve o’clock at Night I went out in a Party of 11 men with Lieut. Green, with 4 days provisions we marched (by night) to bethel fort from whence upwards of 100 men had just gone under Capt. Safford to Royalton—ye 17 from thence we marched to Col Woodwards at Middlesex about 15 miles from Barnard fort and 8 from Bethel fort. (it snowed almost all day) there we were joined by 19 more & sot of toward the hight of Land in hopes of coming across our main boddy, & coming to a house in Middlesex burning which we judged to have been fired by the enemy about 4 hours—we took their (trail) and fol- lowed into Brookfield & finding our men did not follow we encamped that night, but ye Middlesex men returned back, but ye next morning 170 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT ye 18th, we followed on about 4 miles further onto ye heighth of Land & finding we should not be joined by more men & our Party put 14 which we thought to smal a number to ingage whom we judged to be 300 by ye path they made which was very easy to follow in ye night— we left ye chase & returned that day to coll. Woodward (back again) having march’d over as fine level a tract of Land as I have seen in this Country. we went thro Brookfield Dearfield & into Northfield (light timber’d with maple Beach Birch &c, at Coll Woodwards we heard that the Enemy had burnt and Destroy’d Royalton, & some houses in Sharon & Middlesex &c and have taken off upwards of 20 prisoners and killed 7. Notwithstanding they were fired upon by ye advance guard of upwards of 400 men, which indeed put them to great Confu- sion but they killed 2 prisoners & flew while the Cowardly Colo House was forming his men, hooting with a mock pretence of having a field fight with Indians in the Bush, which gave them time to get off (they were commanded by one Colo Peters a tory. Oct. ye 19. we returned home in Peace, some moveing off over Connect. River, and our savage Enemy gone with flying Coulers into Canada which is a poor story for a Whig to tell. ye 20th, We hear that the aforesaid enemy were attached for Cowas after Major Whitcom, &c., but find their mistake, took it into their heads to Plague us.” The Pay Roll of Capt. Jesse Safford’s Company throws no light on their part in the pursuit of the enemy. Carpenter says he left Fort Defiance at midnight, marched to Fort Fortitude, and found that Capt. Safford with his men had just gone to Royalton. Robert Handy had early in the morning gone to Bethel fort to notify them of the attack. If ‘‘just’’ means what it usually does, the Bethel company did not start out until after Col. House had reached and attacked the Indians, for Steele says that House reached the Evans lot about midnight. The men from Fort Defiance under Lieut. Elias Keyes were more prompt, and joined the militia at Royalton which went up the First Branch. The division under Lieut. Green starting much later showed commendable courage in carrying their pursuit of the enemy farther than any other force. Information of the raid reached Dresden probably through the news carried by Phineas Parkhurst. The following circular was sent out from there: “Dresden, Oct. 16 (11 o’clock) 1780. This may inform by the last express that there is a large party of the enemy have burnt Capt. Ebenezer Parkhurst’s house and taken his family. Assistance is desired. I am yr humble servt Ebenr Brewster.” Dresden and Hanover furnished about 50 militia under Capt. Samuel McClure and Capt. John House, afterwards Col- onel House. The companies that participated in the attack on the Indians appear to have come from Fort Defiance, Dresden, Hanover, Windsor, Hartford, Sharon, Pomfret, and perhaps Nor- History oF RoyaLton, VERMONT 171 wich. Capt. Joseph Parkhurst’s Company apparently did duty at home in protecting and providing for the inhabitants, and several other companies marched to Royalton, and no doubt aided in furnishing temporary shelter and provisions. The following bill found in manuscript in the office of the Secretary of State shows what some of the provisions were for the militia: “Taken from Joseph Parkhurst for the benefit of Militia &c in the Alarm at Royalton in Octr last Six quarts & pint rum @ 9/ ............ £0.14.0 one hundred and thirty eight pounds flour neat wt @ 15/ pr 112 lb £0.18.5 Total £1.13.1 Certified by order of the Select Men this 6th day Feby 1781 pr ‘ Abel Curtis T Clerk.” Lebanon town records of Nov. 9, 1780, show a vote to pay their proportion of thirteen gallons of rum delivered to the sol- diers ‘‘when passing thro in the late alarm.’’ There were few settlers in Randolph in 1780. The town was not yet chartered. Experience Davis had been the pioneer, tak- ing his own choice of land and as much of it as he chose. His farm was on the line of march of the Indians, and, taken by sur- prise, he had to yield. He was kept a prisoner two years. Ran- dolph is indebted to him for a bequest of all his land for the benefit of the common schools, and the town placed a monument at his grave in East Bethel, commemorating this gift from an ‘‘honest man and friend of humanity.’’ Timothy Miles, another Randolph prisoner, went to the east part of the town on the 16th of October. Mrs. Miles was warned, and took some blankets and her two children, got them to sleep and secreted them under a bank. She then crept cautiously back to the house and peeped in, and saw a man that in the dark she took to be an Indian, so she returned to her hiding place. The next morning she discovered her husband in the doorway, whom she had mistaken for an Indian. He went again to the east part of the town, and that day the Indians caught him. She started on foot for her father’s in Dresden. When she reached North Royalton she was perplexed at seeing no means of crossing the river, but soon a horse feeding near by caught her eye, and she quickly made a bridle of her garters and secured the horse, guid- ing him across the stream by the improvised bridle. At Sharon she was too ill to go farther, and word was sent to her father, who came for her. Soon after reaching her old home she gave birth to a son, which she named Timothy. He died at the age of seventeen, always having appeared strangely, and lacking in intelligence. She remained in delicate health until her husband was restored to her, when they returned to Randolph. Steele in his narrative makes no mention of the capture of Miles. The 172 History or Royauton, VERMONT facts here given were furnished by Eugene E. Rolfe, and taken from Volume II of the Vermont Historical Magazine. Julius Converse Green is now living on the Evans lot in Ran- dolph. He has some of the charred corn which was found several years ago when a cellar was dug on the place, and which is a memento of the burning of the old log hut. The story of the immersion of Mrs. William Evans in the stream has been denied, but Mr. Green vouches for its accuracy, as it has come down to him. The tradition is that Mrs. Evans was a little too careless of her personal appearance even for an Indian, and they took her down to the water and gave her a thorough bath. Edward Evans had gone to Royalton to mill in the morning, and hearing of the Indian attack, he had dropped his load and hurried back as fast as he could go, but reached home only to see the last logs of his house burning away. Hiram A. Huse related that Mrs. Benedict staid that night beside Mrs. Miles. He asserted that it was she and not Mrs. Evans who was immersed. In the morning her husband discovered her in her sad plight, her skirts covered with frost. With open arms and tearful eyes he advanced and embraced the conglomerate mass which she had now become, exclaiming, ‘‘My dear, be thee alive?’’? Mrs. Miles said she could scarcely keep from laughing, terrified and suffering as she was. He had ignominiously taken his dog and fled to the woods, leaving the fat, unwieldy wife to look out for herself. Samuel Pember, one of the prisoners taken in Royalton, had been clearing land in Randolph for a home, and as usual had come to Royalton to have his washing, baking, and ironing done for the week, as did also his brother Thomas. This accounts for their being at Mr. Kneeland’s on the morning of October 16th. J. Read Pember, Esq., of Woodstock, says that the Indians en- camped on the land that Pember had taken. Fearing an attack the Indians bound Pember to a tree, and others also, stationed an Indian with raised tomahawk as a sentinel over him, informed them all, if attacked they should be instantly killed. The next day Pember was given in charge of another Indian with the in- junction to ‘‘keep him well and keep him close, koz him got round straight leg, stiff whisker and squaw at home.’’ Mr. Pember related after his return from captivity, that there was another prisoner whom the Indians used to send off away from camp for water, milk, etc., and gave him many chances to escape but he always returned and came to camp whistling or singing, when the Indians would laugh among themselves, and tapping aa would say, ‘‘him some fool in here, him one ool. History or RoyaLton, VERMONT 173 From family traditions it seems that Edward Kneeland, father of Joseph, had come to Royalton and begun clearing a lot, and building a house for his son Joseph, who had married in 1778. A granddaughter of Daniel Havens, and a granddaugh- ter of Lorenza Havens Lovejoy stated more than twenty-five years ago that the Kneelands were living in the house of Daniel Havens at the time Royalton was destroyed. If so, they probably had their own house nearly ready for occupancy, as Daniel was soon to be married. The brother of Joseph, Edward, Jr., was taken prisoner also. He was then thirteen years old. From that branch of the family it is learned that Edward was retained by the Indians for two or more years, that he traveled with them from the source to the mouth of the Connecticut river and back again, was sold to a Frenchman who had often seen and admired him, and wished to adopt him as his own son, but as he desired to return to his own people he was allowed to do so. His father was dead, his home burned, and his mother not to be found. He wandered down into Massachusetts, and at last found his mother in Hadley. He settled there in 1788, and married Elizabeth Peck of Rehoboth. He retained many of his Indian character- istics to the day of his death. According to the tradition in his family, Joseph was killed because he persisted in asking for clothing for his younger brother, who was taken from bed with little to protect him from the keen October air. At the Hutchinson house the Indians indulged in a frolic. They sawed off one leg of a table, so as to let it down, and then jumped on it, hooting and laughing. After Mr. Hutchinson re- turned, the leg was replaced and the table used many years. That leg is still preserved in the family of Daniel Bliss, and can be seen in one of the cuts of relics. Mrs. Hutchinson was al- lowed to talk with her husband before he was taken away, and he told her to get word to Lieut. Stevens or some others that, if they could collect 200 men, they could attack the Indians success- fully. After his departure Mrs. Hutchinson mounted a horse that had escaped in the jungle, and took the trail for Connecticut, with her two-year-old Rebecca in her arms. There her husband found her on his return a year later. He enlisted there for three months, and at expiration of the time returned to Tunbridge and built another log house... Mrs. Benjamin Parkhurst went to Norwich with her father on his return from his visit to her, and she remained there that winter, though their house was not destroyed. A Hartford man came to William Lovejoy’s the next day after the raid, and said he could take one back with him. Lo- renza Havens went with him, riding on his horse. When he reached home he found his child dying, and she remained there 174 History of Royatton, VERMONT for some time, then went to Norwich, where her sister Hannah lived, who married Daniel Baldwin. Her brother Joseph re- turned from his captivity Sep. 27, 1781, and most of the other prisoners were exchanged in about one year, except Adan Durkee, who died in captivity. The majority of the settlers in Royalton remained and made the best of their sad fortune. Assistance from outside was ren- dered and provisions came in. Temporary homes were built. The mill was burned, and a bee was made for rebuilding it, but it was some time before it was available for preparing lumber. Daniel Havens carted boards from the George Cowdery place on his back to his lot, and put up a house and was married Nov. 30th of that year. The deprivation and suffering of that winter never has been written and never can be. Neighbors shared their last loaf of bread with each other, and to make the meal go as far as possible in satisfying the cries of their children, it was made into gruel. Some of these heroic souls sleep uncared for in our cemeteries today, and this generation enjoys the fruits of their self-sacrifice. Reasons have been sought why the Indians selected Royalton for attack. It had been a frontier town, headquarters for the militia, had had a fort, but was now defenceless, was a thriving farming town, and a place familiar to the Indians and tories in the company making the attack. These would seem sufficient reasons, without seeking a personally vindictive motive. Such, however, have been sought and given. One offered by Dr. Alden C. Latham is quoted. “In the spring of 1780 as Mr. Robert Havens was making maple sugar in the woods, in Royalton, a stranger tired and nearly starved came to his boiling place and stated that he was lost and had been wandering for a long time without food. Mr. Havens gave him the remains of his dinner, asked him some questions and advised him to go into a corner (where he had provided straw for himself to rest upon when he had to boil late at night) and get some sleep. This he did, and as soon as he slept Mr. Havens called Daniel Havens, his son, and told him to go to the house, take a horse and go for Capt. E. Parkhurst who was an officer of the peace and lived in the first house in Sharon, just below Dr. John Manchester’s. He came and the man was ques- tioned; stated that he had travelled through Canada and did not know where he was or where he was going. ‘I think,’ said Capt. P. ‘that your business is such that we must look you over,’ and thereupon he searched him, found papers secreted in his boots, took him prisoner, and sent him to Albany, the capital of the country under York claims where the man was executed as a spy. While Mr. Havens lay hidden on the day of the burning of Royalton, he heard men come and stand on the log in which he was, and say in effect, that if they could find old Havens and Capt. Parkhurst, it would be worth more to them than all the plunder and all the other prisoners. Is not this the secret cause of the attack on Royalton? Was it not done to reven that British spy?” ge the death of History or Royauton, VERMONT 175 There is no record yet found in the New York archives verifying the death of this spy. No one of the three grand- children of Robert Havens now living has any clear remembrance of such an incident. Huldah Morgan, a granddaughter of Lo- renza Havens Lovejoy, related in 1880 that at one time a hungry Indian came to the house of Robert Havens, who fed him, took his gun from him and sent him away, and presumably he died, as he was half starved. When the Indians were ransacking the house of Mr. Havens they found this gun, and began a great chattering. These may be two incidents, or versions of the same one, both perhaps differing from the real facts. Dr. Latham took great pains to get all possible information regarding the burning of Royalton, and seems to have been satisfied that this was authentic. Not till the generation which had participated in the tragedy of October 16th, 1780, had passed away was any effort made to live over again the events connected with that day. During the Civil War the Royalton Soldiers’ Aid Society in its efforts to raise money to send to the boys in blue planned an entertainment commemorative of the Indian raid, to be given April 1, 1863. A band gave its services, and a program of seventeen numbers was prepared, the chief feature of which was to be a dramatiza- tion of scenes from this eventful day in the history of the town. There were eight scenes, three of which are preserved, the pos- session of Miss Gertrude Denison. The characters, as was be- fitting, were mostly women, boys and Indians, who enacted the horrors of savage attack, using the words as given in Steele’s narrative. Mesdames Downer, Hutchinson, and Belknap ap- peared on the stage, though, according to the Downer family record, Mrs. Downer was dead at the time of the raid, and Simeon Belknap was not married until three years afterwards, but then, who wants to be true to facts in a drama? Mrs. Hendee and Lieut. Horton of course were present, and her eloquent pleading no doubt drew tears from the patriotic and admiring audience. As a sample of the drama, which netted a nice sum, there being no expense in staging it, Scene 1 is given. “Scene 1. Early morning—Mistress of house and young lady preparing for breakfast. Children with uncombed hair. Suddenly a man puts his head in at the door and exclaims, ‘The Indians are coming!’ Women and children cry ‘Oh!’ and run about. The Indian war whoop is heard, and immediately afterward several Indians rush in. Great consternation. Children try to hide. Indians seize all the valu- ables they can find and while they are dragging off the boys, (Curtain Falls.)” When the centennial anniversary of the burning of Roy- alton approached, the town voted to observe it. There was a 176 History oF RoyaLToN, VERMONT little hitch in the preparations for it, owing to the fact that the exercises could not be held in both villages, but as South Roy- alton was better adapted to entertaining guests, that place was chosen for holding the celebration. A committee of arrangement was selected, composed of Mr. and Mrs. D. C. Jones, Mr. and Mrs. J. O. Belknap, Mr. and Mrs. M. J. Sargent, Mr. A. H. Lamb, Mr. and Mrs. Henry Manchester, and Mrs. D. W. Lovejoy. The day was ushered in by the firing of cannon. A collec- tion of rare relics had been gathered, and were exhibited in the vacant store of A. N. King. Mr. Asa Perrin furnished thirty- six articles and W. W. Culver nearly the same number. There was a chair which had belonged to Gen. Stevens, a horn from the first ox killed in town, the first flax wheel brought into Royalton, once the property of Lorenza Havens, shoe buckles, pocket book and coin taken from the body of the murdered Pember, the bosom pin that Mrs. John Hutchinson put in her mouth to save it from the Indians, a piece of the quilt which the savages gave Mrs. Elias Curtis to protect her from the cold, and other articles to the number of 270, many of them of great value. All day long the room was thronged when no special event was going on outside, and the old lady spinning flax in one corner was a great curiosity to the young people. At ten every one was alert to see the street parade, headed by Marshal D. C. Jones and his aides, M. J. Sargent and C. H. Woodard. In succession came the South Royalton cornet band, the drum corps, Home Militia Guards commanded by Capt. A. H. Lamb, the President of the day, Hon. C. M. Lamb and aid, clergy- men, speakers and invited guests, gentlemen on horseback in holiday attire, and one young lady, Miss Mary Durkee—great- granddaughter of Lieut. Timothy Durkee—wearing dress and bonnet a century old, and seventeen wagons containing ancient and modern agricultural and household implements under the charge of HE. F. Parkhurst, all provided with appropriate ban- ners. The costumes of cavaliers and gentlemen of ye olden time were very elegant. The procession started from the hotel and passed several times around the common, and then left the arti- cles there on exhibition. At noon more than twenty of the nearest descendants of the sufferers were entertained at dinner at the hotel, and about 300 who took part in the exercises of the day were served in Tar- bell’s hall. The people of the village also entertained a large number of guests. At one o’clock the president of the day called the multitude to order from the balcony of the hotel, and Rev. S. K. B. Per- kins offered prayer. Hon. D. C. Denison then addressed the people for an hour on the settlement of the country, and of Ver- History oF Royalton, VERMONT 177 mont and Royalton in particular, closing with a prophecy of the glory and prosperity of our nation. Col. Samuel E. Pingree followed in an eloquent address, in which he paid a fitting tribute to the heroism of Mrs. Handy. Rev. 8. K. B. Perkins was the third speaker, whose account of some of the early settlers was interrupted by the sudden appearance of the Indians on the hill in front of the hotel. A log hut was standing on the hill, and from out this hut rushed the terrified mother, who mounted a horse and rode towards the woods followed by the screaming children. A feather bed was tossed out by the savages, and emptied of its contents amid their exultant yells. Windows were destroyed and everything else the house contained, then it was fired. As soon as the flames rose up the savages became furious, running about the building and throwing burning brands upon the roof. Soon they gathered the captured children together and began a war dance around them. The firing of guns at their left instantly hushed their hooting, and leaving the children they retreated to the right among the hills and made a stand. 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' \ dA EY ee , W™ Benson fev a: AMD We = Te Og tee t& -— vi A s eatonSr tac’ never"? Sehool @ f Toot Factory a AJB Robinson ® oS A Snow % \ ‘ ye MB Adams t \ t Oo denn ; »\ aH Ewee. ra “GW oaLy ‘ : 's ‘alH N Erfeeman Xx : = \ ae’ \ \ ro nmereey 7 Hower LEan re ae este 7S ; ne Bey ‘ ‘ Paar Salas 7 ‘ \ D Boyg : (" P Holmes t 7 , GHHarvey 4 ROYAL TO NeGnGisi@:@ lent sin ie eliaicalnGeleinendas 7 CHAPTER XX. RoyaLTon ACADEMY. No one in looking over the old records of the town can fail to admire the perseverance, and appreciation of the higher things of life, that the early residents of Royalton manifested. No matter if they could not spell, if some of the most active and energetic citizens could not even write their own names, they meant to furnish their children with the opportunities which they had lacked. So we find as early as Nov. 19, 1782, that the town at a special meeting appointed Lieut. Stevens, John Hib- bard, and Lieut. Calvin Parkhurst, a committee to draw a sub- seription paper in order to promote a ‘‘greamary’’ school. They had not yet recovered from the devastation of 1780, but they would not neglect the education of their youth. No doubt it was the few, as it always is, who were most anxious to promote the higher interests of the town, and in this work, we may be sure, our old friend, Zebulon Lyon, was one of the prime movers. If this movement was for the purpose of securing an act of the Legislature establishing a County Grammar school in Roy- alton, it must have failed, as Norwich secured the school by legislative action, June 14, 1785. It is more probable that the intent was simply to obtain advanced instruction for the young men and maidens of the town. Who the early instructors were in this school we do not know. It is possible that some citizen of the town served in this way. Norwich had to resort to a lot- tery to carry on her school. Probably we shall never know the struggles of the infant town to maintain its ‘‘greamary’’ school during the next twenty years. At the March meeting in 1802 the town was called on to act on the question, whether it would allow an academy on the com- mon or not, and the vote recorded is, ‘‘ Voted not to suffer an academy to be set up on the meeting house Green.’’ It does not follow that the sentiment was inimical to an academy, but rather that they were jealous of the rights which they had in the ‘‘Green,’’ and were fearful of violating the conditions on which the common had been given to the town. At any rate, they had their academy somewhere, for the records of Middle- 318 History oF RoyALTON, VERMONT bury college show, that, in the year 1803-4, Walter Chapin was principal of Royalton Academy. He had just graduated, and was twenty-four years old, hav- ing been born Jan. 15, 1779, in West Springfield, Mass., the son of Austin and Bathsheba (Cooper) Chapin. He united with the church in Royalton, Aug. 19, 1804. From his work in the academy he went to Middlebury college as tutor for a year. He studied theology with Rev. Martin Tullar, probably during the year that he was principal of the academy. He acted as mis- sionary for a time, then settled as pastor of the Congregational church in Woodstock, where he died July 22, 1827. He married Hannah Moshier, Mar. 7, 1813, by whom he had eight children. If the salary of the principal depended on the tuition of students, it could not have been very tempting to a college graduate. The town, however, already had one or more lawyers of repute, well qualified to instruct law students, and its clergy- men, also, were equally well fitted to instruct in theology. Few men in those days made teaching a profession. It was rather a stepping stone to some other profession, and so the academy was able to draw men of brilliant parts, and of sterling worth, to teach within its walls, who were glad of the opportunity of earning something while they fitted for their life work. When the town was chartered by Vermont, one right had been set apart for the use of county grammar schools. The legislature on Oct. 27, 1795, passed an act to enable selectmen to lease the county grammar school lands. In 1806 this article was inserted in the warning for the March meeting: ‘‘To see if the town will appropriate the school lands in said Town to the support of a grammar school in the Scenter District in said Town.’’ They voted ‘‘No’’ on this question. The ‘‘school lands’’ may have been meant to include all the school lands, and not the grammar school lands alone. Be that as it may, the next year the town obtained from the legislature a charter, establish- ing a county grammar school by name of Royalton Academy. The act was passed Nov. 11, 1807, and reads as follows: “Noy. 11, 1807. An Act establishing a County Grammar School at Royalton, in the county of Windsor. Sec. 1. It is hereby enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Vermont, That there be, and hereby is a County Grammar School instituted and established in such place, in the township of Royalton in the county of Windsor, as the trustees herein named shall think most convenient for the purpose, to be known and designated, by the name and style of Royalton Academy. Sec, 2, And it is hereby further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, That the Rev. Martin Tullar, the Rev. Samuel Bascom, Zebulon Lyon, Jacob Smith, Joseph Fessenden, Daniel Rix, Jun., Thomas Freeman, Jun., Nehemiah Noble, and Rodolphus Dewey, and their successors, shall at all times hereafter form and constitute the board of trustees, for the said institution, and be known by the name and style of Royal- History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT 319 ton Academy: And the said trustees and their successors in office, are hereby declared, constituted, ordained and appointed, a body corporate and politic, to all intents, in name and fact; shall have full power to take by gift, grant, purchase or devise, any estate, either real or per- sonal, for the use of said Academy, and are hereby fully empowered to hold, and lease the lands lying in the town of Royalton, and the sec- ond division lot in Rochester, in the county of Windsor, granted for the use and benefit of County Grammar Schools, and by themselves or their attornies, to institute, maintain, and defend any suit or suits which may or shall be sued, prosecuted or impleaded, either in law or equity, for the recovery, or defence of any of the rights, or property of said Academy as they shall find necessary. Provided, That whenever any other grammar school or schools, may be incorporated in said county, the net proceeds or avails of said lands, shall be subject to such division, among all the grammar schools in said county, as any future legislature shall direct. Sec. 3. And it is hereby further enacted, That the first meeting of said trustees shall be holden at the house of David Waller, in Royalton, aforesaid, on the first Monday of January next. And the said trustees, when met, (a majority of whom shall constitute a quorum) may appoint a president, and other necessary officers of said corporation, which president and other officers, shall thereafter be elected on the first Monday of January annually, agree upon the manner of warning future meetings of the corporation, determine the ~ manner of filling future vacancies, which may happen by the removal, resignation or death of trustees, and transact such business, and agree upon and enact such rules and bye-laws, as they shall judge necessary, for the well being, ordering and governing the affairs of said corpora- tion. Provided, that such rules and byelaws, shall not be contrary to the constitution, and laws of this State. Passed Nov. 11, 1807. A true copy. Attest— Thomas Leverett, Sec’y.” Who the principals of the academy were from 1804 to 1810 has not been ascertained. In the latter year Grant Powers was engaged. He had graduated from Dartmouth that year. In the ‘‘Washingtonian’’ printed at Windsor, under date of Sep. 3, 1810, he informs the public, that the academy will be opened on the 17th inst. under the care of John Wild, whom he has obtained to teach until his health shall be restored, which he hopes will be in a few weeks. Tuition was set at $2.00 per quar- ter, and no student was to be admitted until he had paid four shillings in advance. Mr. Powers was born May 31, 1784, in Hollis, N. H. He became pastor of a church in Haverhill in 1815, and two years later he married Eliza H. Hopkins of Thetford. He removed to Goshen, Conn., in 1829, and died Apr. 10, 1841. He was the author of ‘‘ Historical Sketches - - in the Coos Country,’’ a work of much interest and value to historians. This was pub- lished the year he died, and is now quite rare. Mr. Powers was succeeded by David Pierce. He was the son of David Pierce, and was born Mar. 26, 1786, in Southboro, Mass. He had fitted for college at Randolph Academy, and 320 History or RoyALTON, VERMONT graduated at Dartmouth in 1811. He was Principal of Royal- ton Academy the year following, 1811-12. He then went to Woodstock to study law with Charles Marsh. He taught there while studying, and was admitted to the bar in 1816. He began practice in Woodstock in 1823. He married Ruth Downer of Sharon, and had four children. After her death he married Mary S. Gardner of Brighton, Mass. In 1836 he was chosen Justice of the Court of Common Pleas. He died Aug. 16, 1872, an honored citizen. The next principal of whom there is any record was Re- membrance Chamberlain, a son of Remembrance and Elizabeth (Elliott) Chamberlain. He was born in Newbury, Dee. 2, 1789. He graduated from Middlebury in 1814. A letter from him dated Cavendish, June 12, 1815, and addressed to Col. Stafford Smith, says: ‘‘I shall be in Royalton to begin school the fourth Monday in August. It was mutually agreed when the bargain was stated that, if after a fair trial, the school should not be profitable, I should be released from my engagements.’’ The school seems at this time to have been in an unpromising condi- tion. How well he succeeded is not known, but he was in Prince- ton Theo. Sem. in 1816, so that his term of service could not have been more than one year. According to tradition Zebulon Lyon furnished the building for the use of the academy, but it was not conveyed to the Cor- poration until Mar. 14, 1815. Its location is described as being on the north side of White River Turnpike road, a few rods west of where Dr. Henry Ingersoll lived. Permission was given to move the building on to the common, if they saw fit. The condi- tions of the gift were, that a school should be kept nine months in a year or eighteen months in two successive years, and it was not to be a ‘‘Woman’s school nor a common District School.’’ The building was probably moved, as a subscription was circu- lated for that purpose, dated June 20, 1815. This shows $66.00 raised in money and $6.20 given in work. S. D. and P. Graves lead off with $20, followed by Stafford Smith, Lorraine Terry, Moses Cutter, John Marshall, I. C. Weymouth, William Snow, Henry Ingersoll, Luther Blodgett, Orlando Cutter, Eben. Park- hurst, Jr., J. D. Throop, Charles F. Reed, Abijah Speed, Solomon Wheeler, Eben. Speed, William Reed, Eben. Pierce, and J. Ly- man. July 19, 1816, the committee hired William Arms Chapin for one year. He was to provide wood for the school, and his own board, and to receive $100 and the tuition of pupils at $2 per quarter, the trustees to guarantee board and accommodations to all who should apply. Mr. Chapin had just taken an A. M. degree from Dartmouth. He was born in Newport, N. H., Mar. ROYALTON ACADEMY, CHARTERED 1807. BUILT AS AN M. E. CHURCH IN 1839. OLD SCHOOLHOUSE IN DISTRICT 17, SOUTH ROYALTON GRADED SCHOOL BUILDING. History or Royauton, VERMONT 321 1, 1791. He taught in the academy only one year, and later entered the ministry. He died at Greensboro, Nov. 27, 1850. Joseph Tracy, Jr., wrote from Hartford to Col. Stafford Smith, under date of Apr. 15, 1817, ‘‘I intend to see you by the first of next week. If you are anxious for a school and suited with the candidate, I think we shall have no difficulty in making a contract.’? Rufus Nutting of Randolph, a week before, had written of Mr. Tracy to Col. Smith, ‘‘I know him to be one of the best linguists and classical scholars in general who have been this number of years at Dartmouth college. His moral char- acter is unblemished ;—and I doubt not, that if you offer him a sufficient consideration to induce him to tarry with you, you will find him to be—not a fine gentleman, nor a showy pedagogue, but a useful instructor.’’ An unusual interest attaches to Mr. Tracy, for he not only taught successfully, but won one of Royalton’s fair maidens, Elea- nor, daughter of Rev. Azel Washburn. He studied law with Jacob Collamer, and theology with Rev. Asa Burton of Thetford. He preached six years at West Fairlee and Post Mills, then he was chosen by the Vermont State Convention as editor of the Ver- mont Chronicle, which position he held for six years. He then exchanged with his brother, E. C. Tracy, and became editor of the Boston Recorder, and later, of the New York Observer. His last and main work was that of Secretary of the Mass. Coloniza- tion Society. He took an A. M. degree from Dartmouth, and was elected to the Phi Beta Kappa fraternity. In 1859 the U. V. M. con- ferred upon him the degree of D. D. Dr. Tracy was a writer as well, and published several works, among them, ‘‘The Great Awakening,’’ ‘‘The History of Missions of the American Board,’’ and ‘‘The Half Century Memorial of the American Colonization Society.’’ In 1858 he was constituted a director of this society at Washington. At his funeral it was said of him in relation to colonization work, ‘‘His judgment was very much depended on by his associates, and his constructive mind was of great service in founding the College at Liberia, and carrying it into successful operation.’’ It was fortunate for the academy, that in its early years it had such strong, true, talented men as instructors, even though changes were frequent. Dr. Tracy remained two years. During his ineumbency the prospects for the academy grew brighter. We know from the Hon. Jacob Collamer’s eulogy upon Zebulon Lyon, that Mr. Lyon was untiring in his efforts to place the academy upon a sure footing. On April 21, 1817, he deeded to the Royalton Academy Corporation No. 64 in the Second Di- vision and No. 22 in the Third Division of Pomfret lands. The 21 322 History or RoyaALTonN, VERMONT rents were to be used for the free tuition of young men of piety and ability, proposing to fit for the ministry, who should bring a note of recommendation from the Royalton Association of Min- isters. If not enough applicants should take advantage of the fund, it was to be used for the general benefit of said institution. The next year Mr. Lyon conveyed to the same Corporation 100 acres in W. 14 L. A., with like conditions as in his deed of Pom- fret land. It may be stated here that Daniel Francis is the only applicant on record as having taken advantage of the generosity of Mr. Lyon. He presented a certificate, as required, from the Royalton Association of Ministers, Feb. 9, 1820, testifying to his fitness for studying for the ministry. In the fall of 1817 a special effort was made to secure sub- scriptions for enlarging the funds of the academy. The sub- scribers agreed to pay (annually) the sums affixed to their names, “so long as the said Grammar School shall be kept in operation, or so long as the subscriber or subscribers shall live within one mile of the Academy where it now stands on the common.’’ The preceding year Col. Stafford Smith had given a note of $100 to the academy, the interest to be annually for the use of the school so long as it should be in operation nine months in a year. The trustees of the academy in Oct., 1817, paid to Jacob Collamer $23 for going to Norwich and to Montpelier, arguing before the legislature, and drawing a petition for lands. The Journal of the House of Representatives shows that the petition was presented. The legislature passed an act Oct. 30 of that year, ordering rents of all lands in Bethel granted for support of a grammar school to be appropriated to the use and benefit “of the county grammar school in Royalton, in said county, known by the name of Royalton Academy.’’ Thus by the earnest efforts of the friends of the institution the prospects for its future growth were greatly enhanced. The next principal was John D. Willard, who was hired to teach one year for $350. The trustees agreed to board him ‘‘ with a separate room, wood, washing, and candles.’’ He was to have two vacations in the year, not to exceed four weeks in the whole. There is nothing to show that Mr. Willard remained longer than the year. He was a graduate of Dartmouth in 1819, from which he received the degree of A. M., and in 1860, of LL. D. He was born in Lancaster, N. H., Nov. 4, 1799; tutor from 1822 to 1823. He was a lawyer, and doubtless prosecuted his law studies while in Royalton. He became Judge of the Court of Common Pleas in New York. He died Oct. 16, 1864, Troy, N. Y. If Mr. Willard taught the academy a second year, then the next incumbent was George King Pomroy. Little is known of him, except that he graduated from Dartmouth in 1822. He History oF RoyauToN, VERMONT 323 probably began his work in Royalton that fall. He was born in Boston, Mass., in 1804. He was a divinity student, and died young, at the age of twenty-two. The next preceptor was Nathaniel Sprague, who studied both law and theology, and whose service extended from 1823 to 1831, longer than that of any other teacher of the academy. A sketch of his life is found in the chapter on churches. The numerous receipts he gave for small sums of money, would indi- cate that the funds at the disposal of the trustees were not large. The oldest catalogue of the academy known to be in exist- ence is dated 1830. It is a small four-leaved pamphlet, printed at Woodstock, by Haskell and Prescott, at the office of the Working Man’s Gazette. The trustees at that time were Rev. Samuel Bascomb, President, Gen. John Francis, Rev. Austin Hazen, Hon. Titus Hutchinson, Dr. Joseph A. Denison, Oel Bil- lings, Secretary, Rev. A. C. Washburn, George Lyman, Treas- urer, and Elisha Rix, Esq. Nathaniel Sprague, A. M., was prin- cipal. There were twenty-seven gentlemen students: Albert and E. H. Billings, Ashbel Buckland, Jr., Solomon Crandall, N. W. Dewey, George Francis, R. H. French, Joseph R. Jones, Thomas C. Kenworthy, A. C. Partridge, Horace Parkhurst, Har- rison Smith, John Waldo, Luther Wheeler, all from Royalton, and J. M. Lovejoy, Austin Marsh, David Mower, Jr., Chester Parkhurst, and Daniel Parkhurst from Sharon, John Cilley from Tunbridge, C. G. Eastman from Fryeburg, Me., S. W. Hall from Rochester, Matthias Joslyn from Waitsfield, Jeremiah Pratt from Barnard, and Sawyer S. Stone from Hartford. Of the ‘‘ladies,’’ there were Emeline H. Adams, Jane Blodgett, Amanda J. Deni- son, Emily Durkee, Frances J. A. Fox, Louisa M. Fox, Jerusha H. Jones, Melissa Joyner, Acenath B. Osborn, Abigail M. Parish, Almira Partridge, Susan W. Pierce, Charity P. Runell, Eliza Rix, Charlotte Smith, Laura Washburn, Amanda L. Woodworth, all from Royalton, and Lavina Allen from Fayston. The list of boarding places shows that over thirty families either sent their own children or took roomers. The price of board per week, room rent and washing included, was from $1.25 to $1.50. Tui- tion, $2 per quarter. The catalogue announces that ‘‘A Lyceum has been established in town, and means are in train to obtain an extensive apparatus, of which, by the fundamental articles of the Lyceum, the Academy is to have the free use in the course of its public instruction.’’ William Scales, who succeeded Mr. Sprague, seems to have taught before graduation at Middlebury in 1832. He receipts for services in 1831. As he was born Sep. 28, 1805, and so twenty-six when he graduated, it is reasonable to infer that he paid his own way through college, by teaching at intervals, and 324 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT that he did not remain in Royalton longer than six months. He graduated at Andover in 1837, and became pastor of a Con- gregational church in Lyndon the same year. He preached in various places, but returned to Lyndon in 1855, where he died Jan. 24, 1864. He left a family. Nathaniel Ogden Preston followed Mr. Scales. He was born in Rupert, Dec. 22, 1804. He graduated from Middlebury in 1831, and began his work as Principal of the academy that year, remaining one year or more. He studied theology with Bishop Hopkins, and preached as an Episcopal clergyman in several states prior to 1862, when he went to Topeka, Kansas, and served there as rector and Principal of the Topeka Female Sem. He became Professor of English Literature in the Kansas State Ag- ricultural College at Manhattan in 1864, where he died Feb. 14, 1866. From receipts given for salary it would seem that Mr. Pres- ton was serving the academy a part, at least, of 1833. His suc- cessor was Edward Joseph Hallock, who graduated from Middle- bury in 1833, and who is said to have fitted for college in Roy- alton. Up to this time there is no evidence that more than one teacher was employed, though it is probable that some assistance was required. During the year that Mr. Hallock served, mention is made of a Miss Robbins as assistant teacher. Mr. Hallock graduated from And. Theo. Sem. in 1837. He went to Castleton the next year to supply the Congregational pulpit for a few months, and accepted the position of Principal of Castleton Sem- imary, which was then in a dying condition. He put new life into it, and built up a fine school, over which he presided for nineteen years. He was twice married and had three children. He died in St. Louis, Mo., Sep. 11, 1866. James Clark, a graduate of Dartmouth with an A. M. de- gree in 1834, took the principal’s chair vacated by Mr. Hallock. Little is known of him or his work. Unlike his predecessors he appears to have chosen teaching as his profession, and he gave a longer term of service than it had been the fortune of the acad- emy to secure since Mr. Sprague’s incumbency. He probably left some time in 1836 to go South, as his death occurred in Savannah, Ga., July 31, 1837. Timothy Green Brainard was preceptor for one term only. He had studied at Middlebury, but took his degree from Yale in 1830. He became a clergyman. He died in 1894. It was probably in 1835 that a new bell was put into the academy. Amos Bosworth acknowledged receipt of $1.99, Apr. 28, 1836, for freighting the old bell to Boston and bringing back the new one. When the old bell was hung is not known, or why it, was necessary to procure a new one at this time. History or RoyaLToN, VERMONT 325 The new bell welcomed David Chanceford Robbins, another son of Middlebury, a graduate of 1835. He was born in Wards- boro, Nov. 24, 1812. He taught in Royalton one year only, 1836- 37, when he entered And. Theo. Sem., where he was licentiate and librarian from 1841 to 1848. He was Professor of Greek and Latin in Middlebury, 1848-66, and Professor of Greek and German, 1866-72. He received the degree of A. M. in 1838, and of D. D. in 1882. He died in Newton Highlands, Mass., Nov., 1882. Erasmus Irving Carpenter was his successor, a graduate of the U. V. M. in 1837. He served in 1837 and 1838, probably one year or more. He studied for the ministry, and preached in Lancaster, N. H., Barre, and Berlin previous to 1869, when he became Secretary of the Vermont Bible Society. In 1874 he went as pastor to Swanzey, N. H., where he died, Feb. 10, 1877. There are many still living who remember the next incum- bent, Sylvanus Bates, who was a Randolph boy. He remained longer than most of the principals had done, and like Joseph Tracy, he took for a helpmeet one of the daughters of the town, Mary Ann Fox, whom he married in 1840. He closed his work with the academy in 1845, having had a full attendance and a fine class of students. He graduated from Middlebury in 1837. He was Professor in Oglethorpe University, Ga., seven years, and Principal of a boys’ school in Macon, Ga., 1853-83. He died there, May 28, 1883. It was while Mr. Bates was principal that the academy burned. It stood near the old church which had been moved to the common, and which burned in the spring of 1840. Though the academy students fought bravely to save their building, their efforts were fruitless, and with sad hearts they saw its walls go crashing to the ground, enveloped in flame. The new church was so far advanced that it furnished temporary quarters for the continuance of the school. Mr. Bates showed ‘his public spirit and self-sacrifice in the interest of education, by subscrib- ing from his meager salary over $33 towards the building of a new academy. The account of the building of the combined town house and academy, so that the school occupied its new quarters in October, 1840, is given in the record of town build- ings. Joseph Green Stevens Hitchcock was next called to fill the vacancy in the academy. He had taught a year after his gradu- ation from Middlebury in 1844. He was preparing for the medi- cal profession while here. He was a Massachusetts man, and graduate of Harvard Medical College in 1850. He was here but a year, 1845-46. He was, later, Examining Surgeon, U. 8. Pen- 826 History or RoyvaLtTon, VERMONT sion Office, and Counselor of the Massachusetts Medical Society. He died in Boston, Aug. 24, 1891. The trustees now engaged a man who had prepared for col- lege in Royalton Academy, Levi Parsons Sawyer, born in Stock- bridge, Nov. 11, 1819. He taught one year, 1846-47. He re- ceived the degrees of A. B. and A. M. from Middlebury, and taught several years. He graduated from the Medical Depart- ment of Dartmouth, 1854, and practiced medicine in Nashua, N. H., where he died Apr. 29, 1868. John Russell Herrick is the first of the earlier principals of the academy known to be living. He was born in Milton, May 12, 1822; graduated from the U. V. M., 1847, and elected to the Phi Beta Kappa Society. He was principal of the academy, 1847-49; a theological student at Andover 1849-51, at Auburn the next year, where he graduated; pastor at Malone, N. Y., 1854- 67; Professor of Theology, Bangor, Me., 1867-73; pastor at South Hadley, Mass., 1874-78; President of Pacific University, Oregon, 1880-83, and of the University of South Dakota, 1885-87. He married May 12, 1856, Harriet Emily Brownell, who died in 1899. He has two children, Mary, for twenty years teacher of English in Hyde Park High School, Chicago, and John, in busi- ness at Elgin, Ill. He received the honorary degree of D. D. from Union in 1867, and S. T. D. from the U. V. M. the same year. His address is 5407 Greenwood Avenue, Chicago. As the attendance at the academy increased, the difficulty of finding suitable places for the students to room and board also increased. The need of a boarding house was seriously felt, and in 1848 an effort was made to secure a building for this purpose, but was not successful. There was not another Zebulon Lyon to step forward and contribute to meet the need, and the future of the institution was materially changed by this lack of proper homes for the young people away from parental care. Another graduate of the U. V. M. followed Mr. Herrick, John Quincey Adams Fellows, who took his A. M. degree in 1847. He was born in Topsham, Apr. 3; 1825. He served in 1849-50. He went to New Orleans from Royalton, and received the degree of LL. B. from the University of Louisiana. He was a lawyer, and was employed as counsel for Myra Gaines in the slaughter house cases. He retired from practice in 1895. James Edwin Marsh, who held an A. B. degree from Wes- leyan University in 1846, and an A. M. degree in 1855, next served as principal. He was a Massachusetts man, born in Hol- liston, Apr. 19, 1822. He taught one year. He received an M. D. degree from Dartmouth in 1855. He was Acting Assistant Surgeon, U. S. A., 1862-64. He was a druggist in Roxbury, Mass. He died July 7, 1859. History oF RoyaLToN, VERMONT 327 Samuel Perrin Coburn had charge of the academy two quar- ters in 1851-52. He was born in Fairlee, Apr. 27, 1824. He took an A. M. degree from Dartmouth in 1849. He was a teacher and farmer. He died June 25, 1896. For one quarter only Samuel Ward Boardman taught the academy. He had graduated from Middlebury in 1851. He was born in Pittsford, Aug. 31, 1830. He came from And. Theo. Sem. to Royalton, and returned there to finish his year. He is still living, and writes how much he enjoyed his short stay in the academy, and recalls that, at the end of the term, he was presented with ‘‘The Poets and Poetry of America,’’ in which were the names of some of the students, D. G. Wild, G. Gibson, E. Maxham, and Albert Downer. He says the attendance was not large during his short term of service. He taught in Castle- ton Seminary, where he had prepared for college. He has served as pastor in several states, was Professor of Rhetoric and Eng- lish Literature and of Intellectual Philosophy at Middlebury, 1859-61; President of Maryville College, 1889-1901, and is Pro- fessor Emeritus in the same college. He received the degree of D. D. from Hamilton College, 1870, and LL. D. from Middlebury, 1890. His address is 17 Washington Place, Bloomfield, N. J. The catalogue of Royalton Academy for 1852-53 shows that C. G. Burnham, A. M., was Principal, S. O. Burnham, Assistant, Miss A. Tenney, Teacher of French and Drawing in the winter term, and Miss A. H. Burnham, Preceptress and Teacher of French and Drawing, spring and summer terms. Dr. C. B. Drake was President of the Board of Trustees, and in a short ad- dress to the public at the end of the catalogue he says, ‘‘They are determined to do all in their power to make the Institution one of the best in Vermont,’’ that they find it necessary to pro- vide a new building, and hope to have it ready in the spring. This hope was not realized so early. Mr. Charles Guilford Burnham closed his work in the sum- mer of 1853. He was not a young man, having been born in 1803. Teaching was his profession. He died June 26, 1866, in Montgomery, Ala. The academy was at high tide during the two years and one quarter, when Edward Payson Stone had charge of it. Fol- lowing Mr. Burnham, he enlarged the corps of instructors to nine, one of them being J. E. Weeks, A. B., teacher of mathe- matics and natural science, and one, Mons. Benjamin Ethier, teacher of French; others were ‘‘Prof.’’ T, H. Atwood, teacher of vocal music, Miss Ellen M. Baxter, teacher of instrumental music, Mr. W. W. Culver, teacher of drawing and painting, Mr. S. L. Lyman, teacher of penmanship, Miss Martha E. Stone and Mr. W. R. Shipman, assistant pupils. There were sixty-five 828 History or Royalton, VERMONT males and seventy females enrolled as students. The price of tuition had been raised. The course of study included Latin, Greek, French, German, Logic, Trigonometry, Mental and Moral Science, Astronomy, Chemistry, Botany, Geology, Zoology, and various other subjects. Dr. Drake in the catalogue says of Prin. Stone, ‘‘He has happily inspired the scholars with the feeling that study was their business and good behavior their choice and pleasure. Street hootings and night dissipations have not dis- turbed the community,’’ from which one may infer, that such a commendable state of sobriety on the part of the students was rare enough to be noteworthy. One principal, writing of a period not far removed from this time, recalled that, at the close of one term, he asked the pupils to meet at the academy. They supposed they were to have the usual morning devotions, and some of the boys, just for fun, thought they could add interest to the occasion by put- ting a hen into the drawer where he kept the Bible. He dis- covered the feathers, and to the disappointment of not a few, the Bible reading was omitted, and there was no sudden ascen- sion of a scared hen. The health of Mr. Stone became impaired through an attack of typhoid fever, and he went to North Carolina to recuperate, where he taught for a time, and then studied for the ministry. He was chaplain of the 6th Regt., Vt. Vols., 1861-63. He served as agent for the A. H. M. 8. at Boston, 1865-69, was later ap- pointed General Missionary for the Society, residing at Lapeer, Mich. He has buried two wives, and is now living with a sister in Rutland. He has published a number of sermons and essays. Writing especially of Royalton Academy, he says, ‘‘When I was at Royalton, most of the students came from country homes, near or distant, at a cost of severe labor and economy for themselves and their parents, and brothers and sisters. Their time at the academy was precious, and their ideal of education was high. In physical health, strength, and enjoyment they certainly equaled the schools of to-day, but no one talked of them as a col- lection of fine animals, a few known by their muscle, and all by their yell. Some of them became famous teachers in other schools and colleges. On a visit to Vermont I attended a State Convention of representatives of the churches of a certain de- nomination, and the presiding officer, with the clerk and other ministers prominent in the meeting, came to me, saying that they were my students at Royalton, and then told of several of their schoolmates who were noted ministers of various denomina- tions, and of many eminent in other callings.’’ Two other assistants of Prin. Stone not before mentioned were Martin Luther Mead, A. B., later a physician and member History or Royatton, VERMONT 329 ‘of Phi Beta Kappa, and Alonzo Taylor Deming, A. B., who studied for the ministry. He may have served as principal for a short time after Mr. Stone left. He married Betsey Ann Tucker in 1856, by whom he had several children. He died in Glyndon, Minn., Aug. 17, 1872. Plans for a new academy had been going on, and the build- ing committee had been instructed to have the building ready for occupancy before the middle of July, 1854. Subscriptions had been received amounting to $815.52. These ranged all the way from $200, given by Chester Baxter, to $2. William Skin- ner gave $100, Daniel Rix, M. E. Reynolds, R. W. Francis, and E. B. Chase each gave $50. The cost of a building spot was $500. The Methodist meeting-house had been purchased and repaired, and is the present academy, standing in the same place. For a while after the completion of repairs, the school was so large that both the old and the new building were used for recitations. A creditable library had been built up, and today there are books in it donated by Zebulon Lyon and Stafford Smith, trustees of the institution. The best men and women of the community were enthusiastic in their support of the school. The first quarter in 1856 was taught by Ezra Hoyt Bying- ton, a graduate with A. M. degree from the U. V. M. in 1852. He began preaching in 1859. He was librarian for the N. E. Hist.-Gen. Soc. in 1891, and has published several works dealing with religious subjects. Edward Conant next took charge of the academy. He bore no college degree. It is not the degree, however, that counts, but the man, and Mr. Conant was every inch a man. He came of good parentage, the son of Seth and Melvina (Perkins) Con- ant, and was born in Pomfret, May 10, 1829. He had two years in Dartmouth, then in the fall of 1854 became principal of Wood- stock, Conn., Academy. He came to Royalton in the summer of 1856. He found the school in a prosperous condition. He specialized in the direction of normal methods, and issued his catalogue under the name of the ‘‘Normal Institute.’? He be- lieved that there was a loud call for a better preparation for teaching, that the rural schools required attention, as well as the demands of the colleges in fitting students for their work. It, is noticeable that not one of his faculty bore a degree, except Dr. Samuel Danforth, who was employed as a lecturer. Mr. Conant says in his catalogue of 1857, in speaking of the Institute, “It loves to mark in its pupils, not the passage through many books, but the growing power of thought, and therefore it adopts for its motto, ‘make haste slowly.’’’ The summary of students shows that there were sixty-four males and sixty-eight females. There were students from twenty-one towns and four states. 330 History or Royalton, VERMONT Mr. Conant was an innovator, and innovators do not always find strong enough support to carry out their ideas. He would have liked to establish a normal school, it is said, in place of the old academy, but was unable to realize his purpose. He con- tinued his work successfully until 1859, when he went to the Burlington High School, and in 1861 to the Orange County Grammar School at Randolph. His labor and success in build- ing up a normal school there are too well known to the people of Vermont and to the educators of the country, to need further mention. He received the honorary degree of A. M. from Mid- dlebury in 1866. He was State Superintendent, 1874-81, when he became principal of the Normal at Johnson, returning to the Normal at Randolph in 1884, which position he held until his sudden death, Jan. 5, 1903. He had held various honorary positions in the educational organizations of the country, and was the author of several edu- cational works. About a year before his death the alumni of the Randolph Normal showed their love for him and appreciation of his labors as an instructor, by presenting him with a purse containing several hundred dollars. He married, May 10, 1858, Miss Cynthia Taggart, one of his assistants in the academy at Royalton. He had four children, Frank Herbert, Seth Edward, Nell Florence, and Grace Lucia. Mrs. Conant survived her husband but a few years. The two daughters live in the old home at Randolph, where they have a studio. Some of their pictures are found in this History. John Ingersoll Gilbert followed Mr. Conant. He had just taken his A. M. degree from the U. V. M. He was born at Pitts- ford, Oct. 11, 1837. The school was in a flourishing condition during his stay of two years. One of his assistants was his sis- ter, now Mrs. 8. G. Thorndike of Pittsford. She writes with great pleasure of the love and respect universally accorded her brother, while he was principal of the academy. After he left Royalton he was principal of the academy at Malone, N. Y. He then studied law and practiced in the same place. He married in 1870 Katherine Fessenden of New York City. He was a mem- ber of the legislature of New York, 1876-78. He was recognized as one of its ablest members, and was made chairman of im- portant committees. His influence for the right was strong. A member of the Assembly who had received threatening letters if he did not vote Yes on a certain measure, once asked Mr. Gilbert’s advice. His reply was, ‘‘If you think it is wrong to vote Yes, put down your slate and pencil and vote No.’’ When the time came for voting, the member arose with flushed face struck the desk and said, ‘‘This is between God and the Devil. I vote No.’’ Mr. Gilbert once said, ‘‘They talk about temptations PRINCIPALS OF ROYALTON ACADEMY. Joseph Tracy, Jr. Samuel Ward Boardman, Sylvanus Bates. Edward Joseph Hallock, John Russell Herrick. John Ingersoll Gilbert. Edward Conant. PRINCIPALS OF ROYALTON ACADEMY. Charles Noyes Chase. William B. Herrick. Mrs, Evelyn M. Lovejoy, Mrs. Ellen Lee Stearns. Charles L. Curtiss. Sidney Munson Ifarris. Miss Fannie Eastman. History or RoyauTon, VERMONT 331 at Albany. I was never tempted by any one. When a man’s position is known to be beyond the reach of corruption, there are no more temptations at Albany, than there are in a Sunday school.’’ He held responsible positions on the Malone board of edu- cation, was trustee of the Potsdam Normal school, and president of the board of trustees for the Northern Institution for Deaf Mutes. A certain young man met Mr. Gilbert at a banquet in New York city, and said to him, ‘‘I have always thought of you as embodied conscience, and when I have had important questions before me, I have sometimes asked myself whether or not you would approve my decisions and actions. I have tried to do what you would consider right, and I think I have done it.”’ That young man was Theodore Roosevelt. There is not space to speak at length of his work as state senator, his successful advocacy of important measures, or of his connection as chairman of the executive committee of the Lake Mohawk Conference, dealing with the subject of interna- tional arbitration. He received the degree of LL. D. from the U. V. M. in 1889. He died at Malone, N. Y., Dec. 19, 1904. There survive him his wife and daughter, Lucia Fessenden Gil- bert, residing at Malone. The annual and semi-annual ‘‘exhibitions’’ were a marked feature of the academy for many years. They were more in the nature of commencement exercises, having a salutatory and vale- dictory. Two programs, at least, have been preserved, one of November, 1846, and the other of November, 1860. The exer- cises began at seven o’clock, and were extremely lengthy, requir- ing, it would seem, three hours or more to complete. A large number of vocal and instrumental numbers were given. T. H. Atwood was valedictorian in 1846, and L. F. Emery in 1860. The orations were of a classical nature, or dealt with modern political subjects. The ‘‘Ladies’ Paper’’ gave the feminine por- tion of the school an opportunity to air their erudition, or to make sly hits at the foibles of the other sex. As a good prepara- tion for these more pretentious affairs, lyeeums were quite regu- larly held, even so late as 1890, and furnished a stimulating recreation, not only to the students, but to other members of the community. The old ‘‘Lyceum,’’ an independent organization, in 1834 had sold all its apparatus to the academy for $24, and dissolved. George Sylvester Morris, born at Norwich, Nov. 16, 1840, was the next principal, coming from Dartmouth, where he gradu- ated in 1861. He enlisted from Norwich the next year in Co. K, 16th Vt. Vols. Dr. Gardner Cox, a student of his, and in the 8382 History or RoyauTon, VERMONT same regiment, thus writes of him: ‘‘Morris was a noble fellow, clean-cut, honorable, high-minded, scholarly, gentlemanly to the core. He was in the army with me, same regiment. I had at- tended the academy only the fall before, and so had Frank Bow- man of Barnard. Morris was so pleased to find his scholars with him, that he proposed that we have a Shakespeare club, and he secured several copies of Hamlet in paper covers. As I was orderly sergeant, and had a right to keep my light burning after the rest were all out, we used to meet at my tent, and have readings. Bowman, Cyrus Aikens, and the Lillie boys made up the club. We went over many plays of Shakespeare, but I re- membered Hamlet much the best. We felt we owed a good deal to Morris.’’ After his return from the war, Mr. Morris taught Greek and mathematics one year at Dartmouth, then entered Union Theo. Sem. He afterwards spent several years in Europe. In 1870 he was made Professor of Modern Languages in the University of Michigan, holding the same position nine years. He lectured on Philosophy at Johns Hopkins University, 1878-84. He was called to the chair of Ethics, History of Philosophy and Logic in the University of Michigan, in 1881, and placed at the head of the Department of Philosophy in 1883, which position he held until his death, Mar. 23, 1889. His writings were numerous and profound, and attracted wide attention. In 1876 he mar- ried Victoria Celle of New York, by whom he had two children. Charles Noyes Chase, a graduate of Dartmouth in 1862, came the same year to take charge of the academy. He was then twenty-three, and had married Miss Mary M. Tuttle. He was born in West Newbury, Mass. He spent two years in service as principal of the academy, and had a flourishing school. He says of that time, that those two years ‘‘were spent delightfully in the beautiful village of Royalton, justly noted for the refinement and culture of its residents.’’ After leaving Royalton Mr. Chase was city missionary one year in Washington, D. C., then for four years in the Post Office Department. On the opening of Atlanta University in 1869, he became Professor of Greek, which position he held until 1888. He was absent from the University seven years. He was sent to Africa by the A. M. A. to inspect the missions there. He returned in 1895 as Dean and Professor of Mathematics, but later became Professor of Latin. Prof. W. E. DeBois, in an address on the growth and work of Atlanta University, uttered the following eulogy on Prof. Chase: ‘‘We have one of the most successful Latin teachers in the South, a man not only learned in method, but of great and peculiar personal influence.’? And again, “There sounds within those halls today the voice of a white- History oF Royauton, VERMONT 333 haired man, who, thirty-five years ago, sacrificed a government position and a good salary, and brought his young wife down to live with black people. Not all the money that you and yours could give for a hundred years would do half as much to con- vince dark and outcast millions of the South that they have some friends in this world, as the sacrifice of such lives as these to the cause.’ Mrs. Chase died, and he married for a second wife, Helen E. Walsh. He has a daughter, Mrs. Edward Kirkland, living at Bellows Falls. Erastus Franklin Bullard, the successor of Mr. Chase, was born in Jay, N. Y., May 15, 1840. He graduated from U. V. M. in 1864, and soon after assumed the principalship of the acad- emy, which he held for two years. The attendance had been somewhat affected by the war, and the withdrawal from this and neighboring towns of so many young men. From Royalton Mr. Bullard went to Keeseville, N. Y., where he was school commissioner for several years, and superintendent of schools until 1874. He removed to Jacksonville, Ill., in 1875, to accept the position of President of Jacksonville Female Academy. Later he added to it a Conservatory of Music, and School of Art. He resigned in 1901 on account of ill health, and died in October of that year. His widow resides at 3 Duncan Place, Jackson- ville. E. C. Starr was a graduate of Yale in 1866. He was prin- cipal of the academy 1866-67. He became a Congregational minister, and has been preaching in Cornwall, Conn., for sev- eral years. Robert E. DeForest, another graduate of Yale, who took his A. B. degree in 1867, came to Royalton and had charge of the academy, 1867-68. For further particulars, see the sketch of the Marcy family. Graduates fresh from college continued to try their wings for a year in the academy. Albert Darwin Whitney was the next one to preside over the school. He was born in Moira, N. Y., Dee. 12, 1841, and graduated from Middlebury in 1868. He left Royalton in 1869. He has taught in various places in Rhode Island, Iowa, Vermont, and New York. He married in 1869, and has three children. His address is Wappingers Falls, N. Y. Another graduate of Middlebury followed Mr. Whitney, Patrick Francis Burke, who remained one year. He taught in several places until 1886, when he was appointed Superintendent and Special Disbursing Agent of the U. 8S. Indian Industrial School, Albuquerque, New Mexico, remaining there three years. He was then appointed superintendent of public schools and of the academy at Port Henry, N. Y. He married in 1880, and has two children. 334 History or Royauton, VERMONT Mr. Burke was succeeded by Eugene Franklin Wright, a graduate of Middlebury in 1871, the year in which he came to Royalton. He was then twenty-nine. He had served in the Civil War as a private in Co. K, 2nd Regt., Vt. Vols., from 1861 to 1864. He was one of the foremost in the organization of the Orville Bixby Post at So. Royalton. He studied for the ministry and preached for a short time, then entered Chicago Theo. Sem. in 1876. He preached in various places in Illinois prior to 1900, when he became editor and proprietor of the ‘‘ Lexington Unit.”’ He married (1) Mrs. Ellen M. Marsh, and (2) Susan S. Stone. He has three children. The only facts at hand of the next incumbent, Joseph Paul Otis, are that he graduated from Dartmouth in 1872, that his native town was Sheffield, that he became a lawyer and practiced at West Burke. Some important events connected with the history of the academy took place between 1855 and 1875. The land on which the M. E. church stood was not deeded at the time the building was purchased, but was conveyed to the Corporation by William Skinner in 1857. The right which the Corporation had in the town house was sold to the town June 6, 1866. The building was in need of repairs in 1867, and the friends of the institution came to its aid. The trustees passed the following resolution, Jan. 13, 1868: ‘‘Resolved by the Board of Trustees of Royalton Academy that the thanks of Royalton Academy are hereby ex- tended to those who have so kindly aided the institution in its need, and especially to Hon. Frederick Billings for his liberal and generous donation for the purpose of repairing the buildings of the institution.’’ Mr. Billings had donated $200 to the in- stitution where he had received a part of his education, and in which he had a lively interest. The academy received a most gratifying bequest in 1872 from Mrs. Eliza (Skinner) Denison. She left by will $500 to be invested and the income appropriated to the use of the academy. This act was to ‘‘express her appre- ciation of the work of the institution, in which her sons had pre- pared for college, and her daughters had been trained.’’ For a few months in 1874 Hiram Beach Sibley was employed as principal of the academy. He was a graduate of U. V. M., and returned there to study medicine. He took his M. D. de- gree in 1875. He died Sep. 20, 1876, at Colchester. The school was no longer in the prime condition in which it was under the group of principals of whom Mr. Conant was the center, but it still had vitality and a fair attendance. Frederick Rustedt took his A. B. degree from the U. V. M. in 1874, and began teaching in the academy in the fall of that year. He was born in England, Jan. 24, 1850. He studied law History oF Royston, VERMONT 335 and was admitted to the bar in 1878. He went to Pueblo, Col., in 1882. He was brother to Henry E., who was State’s Attorney, 1880-82. During the school year 1876-77, for the second time, a man was employed who was not a college graduate, Sidney Munson Harris. He had had, however, about four years of college train- ing in Middlebury. He graduated from the Northwestern Uni- versity in 1880. He became a preacher, but has spent most of his life in farming in Vergennes. He says of the school at the time he was principal, that it was at a very low ebb, and there was no regular course of study. But one student was taking Latin and Greek. Though the numbers were few, mischief was not lacking. Mr. Harris had a habit of having his hands in his overcoat pockets when on the street. One morning when he set out for school, he found his pockets sewed up, and looking up quickly to some of the windows, he saw several heads dodging back out of sight. Dr. Robert Hamilton Paddock was born Feb. 18, 1814, the son of John and Lucy (Vaughan) Paddock of Pomfret. He graduated from Yale with B. A. degree in 1837. He took an M. D. degree in 1843 from Castleton Medical College, and from Berks. Med. Inst. in 1844, where he became Professor of Anat- omy and Physiology, and later, Professor of Anatomy and Chem- istry at Starling Medical College. He married and had one or more children. He was sixty-three years old when he came to take charge of Royalton Academy in 1877, where he remained one year. He lived for a time in Bethel. The successor of Dr. Paddock was M. N. Root, who remained in charge of the academy but one year. No information has been obtained regarding him, except that he became a minister, and was highly respected. Rev. Levi Wild was at this time fit- ting for college at the academy, and recalls some characteristics of Mr. Root. He was very precise, and being invited at one time to tea at five o’clock, and chancing to reach the house ahead of time, he remained leaning against the dooryard fence until the exact minute. The academy had a very small patronage when William B. Herrick assumed the management of it in 1879. There were then but ten students. There was no regular course of study, and no diplomas were granted during the three years that he was principal. The school increased in numbers, so that at the end of his service there were between thirty and forty students. Mr. Herrick was born in Hartland, Conn., Apr. 5, 1855; gradu- ated from Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn., in 1879; taught two years as principal of the Union Free School at Rock- ville Center, L. I. He was then given a position in Fisk Teach- 336 History oF RoyaLton, VERMONT ers’ Agency as manager of the home office in Boston, in which office he has given general satisfaction to all parties, and has helped to improve the condition of rural schools by the selection of competent teachers. Now there was to be an innovation in the employment of principals. Heretofore the trustees had depended almost en- tirely upon young men just graduated from college. Women had been considered sufficiently cultured and capable to be as- sistants, and teachers in country schools, but a man was thought to be a necessity for the governing and executive power of fitting schools. It was the good fortune of the competent, refined, and scholarly Mrs. Ellen Francis (Lee), wife of David Clark Stearns, te prove that women, too, could successfully conduct a secondary school. Mrs. Stearns did not seek the position, but she main- tained the attendance of the years just preceding, and added somewhat to it. There was still no course of study and no graduations. A further account of Mrs. Stearns will be found later on, as she has the distinction, also, of being the first prin- cipal to serve a second time, after leaving the academy. Her term of service was from 1882 to 1884. The next incumbent was Mrs. Mary Evelyn (Wood) Love- joy, widow of Daniel Webster Lovejoy, M. D., of So. Royalton. Mrs. Lovejoy had been a student at the academy in 1864, gradu- ated from both courses in the Randolph Normal in 1867-68, and had just spent one year in Wellesley College. She found the school in good condition. She introduced again a course of study, which provided for a shorter Teachers’ Course, as well as the regular academic courses. Her assistants during the two years of her principalship, 1884-86, were Mrs. Marcia Terry and Mrs. Minnie House, both normal graduates, and graduates of Mont- pelier Sem., and Miss Mary Dewey, a normal graduate, and Miss Inez Culver. The school increased in numbers, and at the end of the two years three students graduated from the Teachers’ Course, Miss Celia Marsh of Sharon, Miss Jessie Mudgett of Tunbridge, and Miss Nellie Foster of So. Royalton, all of whom became successful teachers. In 1886 Mrs. Lovejoy served the town as superintendent of schools. Her further record will be given later, as she, also, was elected principal a second time. The work of the academy was ably continued by Frank J. Metcalf, a graduate of Boston University, with an A. B. degree in 1886. He was born Apr. 4, 1865, in Ashland, Mass., the son of John ©. and Sarah A. (Metcalf) Metcalf. He adopted the course of study already in use. During his year he secured, by solicitation, sufficient funds to purchase a fine set of encyclo- pedias for the school. After leaving Royalton he taught two years in Granville, Texas, one in Ogden, Utah, and two in the History or Royautton, VERMONT 337 academy at Leicester, Mass. He went to Washington, D. C., in 1893, and has ever since been employed in the Adjutant Gen- eral’s Office. He was in the old Ford Theatre not far from the place where Lincoln sat when he was assassinated, when the floors collapsed, June, 1893, and was one of the 100 clerks injured. He published in 1891 a Biographical Record of the High School in Ashland, Mass. He married Aug. 7, 1895, Virginia E. Cla- baugh. Nothing has been learned regarding the next principal, J. W. Spencer, except that he was the son of Presiding Elder Spencer, 2 Methodist minister, and that he is not living. He remained only one year, 1887-88. In 1888 Miss Celia Sherman was engaged to take charge of the academy, which was unusually fortunate in retaining her services for five years. She was a constant student as well as teacher, and in 1894 secured a Ph. D. degree from Plattsburg College, Mo., having done the necessary work by correspondence. No course of study was followed during her term of service, and there were no graduations. Miss Sherman is now in Manchester, N. H., engaged in giving private instruction in music, and in languages, in which she is especially proficient. The academy was taught in 1893-95 by Herbert Sedgewick Martyn, born Sep. 21, 1871, Hartford, Conn., son of Rev. San- ford S. and Frances (Cummings) Martyn. He graduated from Dartmouth in 1893, and from Baltimore Medical College, 1898. He had a course of study, but no class graduated. He has been practicing medicine in Cuttingsville about ten years. He was married in 1906 to Mary A. Parker of Rutland, and has one son. He has acted as superintendent of schools and is now school di- rector. Charles L. Curtis was the next incumbent, a graduate of Colby University. He did post-graduate work at Bowdoin one year, was in And. Theo. Sem. and Harvard University four years. He was finely prepared for his work, and teaching with him was a profession. He introduced full courses of study, English, Classical, and College Preparatory. Mrs. Stearns was secured as assistant, and the school was again in a thriving condition, with full attendance. Mr. Curtis followed the example of some of his predecessors, and married a Royalton girl, Miss Annie Morse, daughter of Dr. James Morse. He left Royalton in 1897 after two years of service, and became the principal of the high school in Lancaster, N. H., and superintendent of schools there, remaining two years, when he went to Newport, N. H., as super- vising principal of the schools there, including Richards High School. He was principal of the high school in Orange, Mass., 1901-4, and then was called to a similar position in Andover, 22 338 History or RoyauTon, VERMONT Mass. He was manager of Winnepesaukee Summer School one year. He left Andover in 1910 to assume the direction of schools in Mattapan, Mass. Mrs. Stearns, who was principal, 1882-84, was elected town superintendent in 1889, and continued to serve in this capacity with the exception of one year, until 1900. She was president of Royalton Woman’s Club three years. She was again called to take charge of the academy after the resignation of Mr. Curtis, and presided with her usual ability and success. She paid the tuition of her students taking Greek under Prin. Graves of South Royalton, who also took her classes in physics. Her interest in the institution has been and is of the liveliest kind. Her present address is W. Concord, N. H. Miss Mary H. Dow, a graduate of a Maine college, suc- ceeded Mrs. Stearns in 1898 and taught one year. Inquiries for further data have not been answered. She is said to have taken her degree from Colby College. Miss Fanny Eastman became the principal of the academy in 1899, holding the position for five years. Miss Eastman was born in Barnet, Feb. 26, 1872, fitted for college at Bradford academy, and graduated from the U. V. M. in 1896 with the degree of A.B. She followed the courses of study already in use in the academy, and sent out six graduates during her connec- tion with the school, five of whom became teachers. She was superintendent of schools three years, and knowing the lack of well-prepared teachers for the rural schools, she specialized along that line in her instruction of academy students. She continues to teach, and was for a time employed in Thetford Academy as teacher of French and English. She was eminently successful in her work, but already the establishment of good high schools in Bethel and South Royalton had begun to lessen the patronage of the academy. The trustees of the academy deemed it best in 1896 to dele- gate temporarily the power of hiring teachers to the town board of directors, who established a town high school in connection with the academy, which was supported in part by academy funds, and in part by school taxation. The selection of teach- ers now rested with the school directors of the town. Miss Evelyn Waterbury, the next principal of the academy, was born in Saugerties, N. Y., July 17, 1882. She graduated from the high school there in 1900, and from Syracuse Univer- sity with the degree of Ph. B. in 1904. She taught the academy one year, 1904-05. The attendance was small, and no assistants were employed. She has since taught Latin and German in Free- port, L. L, High School. Miss Waterbury was well prepared for her work, and was much liked by her students. History oF ROYALTON, VERMONT 339 Miss Waterbury was succeeded by Julius V. Sturtevant, who came from the South Royalton schools, and whose record will be found in connection with them. He remained in the academy one year, 1905-06. In 1906 Mrs. Lovejoy, who had been principal of the acad- emy twenty years before, again accepted the same position. She had been selected to write the History of Royalton, and it was understood that all available time would be devoted to that pur- pose. On leaving the academy in 1886 she went to South Da- kota, was principal of the Aberdeen high school 1886-91, super- intendent of Aberdeen city schools 1891-94, graduated from the University of Chicago with A. B. degree and Phi Beta Kappa rank in 1897, critic teacher in the St. Cloud, Minn., Normal 1897- 99, in the University of Berlin, the winter of 1899-1900, teacher in the grammar and high schools of Helena, Montana, 1902-06. She has been a contributor to numerous educational and other periodicals, and has published one novel, ‘‘Dandelion.’’ There was a small increase in membership during her two years of service in the academy. A new course of study was in- troduced in 1906 suited to local conditions, but the next year the school was required to conform to the state course of study, and as but one assistant was employed, the academy was limited to a three years’ course. Miss Elizabeth Moore, a normal gradu- ate from Maine, and Miss Edith M. Grant, a Randolph Normal graduate, were capable assistants during the two years. In 1907 one graduate from the old course was sent out, Miss Jessie Rus- sell. In 1908 it was planned to have a modest re-union of such former students as could conveniently be present. There were three graduates, Miss-Katharine Elizabeth Dewey, Miss Mary Etta Whitney, and Frank George Spaulding. Each had a part on the program. Rev. DeForest Safford, a native of the town, was present and gave an excellent address, and Judge William H. Bliss, also a native and former student of the academy, read a fine original poem. The exercises were held in the Congrega- tional church, which was filled with friends and old-time stu- dents. After the exercises the company repaired to the academy, where responses to toasts were given by Hon. Nelson L. Boyden of Randolph Center, a former student and assistant teacher, Mr. Daniel H. Woodward of Randolph, and Mr. Martin S. Adams of South Royalton, both former students, and Mrs. Stearns, a former principal. After this part of the program was over, re- freshments were served, which had been furnished by ladies of the village and vicinity. This ended what, possibly, is the last graduation from a full course of the old academy, unless friends rally to its support. 340 History or Royauton, VERMONT One of the graduates, Miss Dewey, whose entire preparation had been in the academy, entered the University of Vermont in the fall of 1909, by examination, and won the prize for the best Latin paper. She continues to stand close to, if not quite at, the head of her classes. Another academy student now in the U. V. M. is Miss Mary Winslow, who had three years at the acad- emy, and took her fourth year in the Randolph high school. She, also, is maintaining a high standing in college. Recent legis- lation has been rather inimical to the continued existence of small academies in the state, but there yet seems to be room for institu- tions which are not bound by rigid courses of study, but which can adjust their courses to meet the needs of the communities where they are located. Mrs. Lovejoy was followed by Miss Bessie Lewis of Ran- dolph. She graduated from the high school in Randolph and from the U. V. M. She taught the year before coming to Roy- alton. Her work was very acceptable, and the school made good progress, though the attendance of those doing academic work was small and no graduates were sent out. Miss Lewis resigned her position in November, 1909, and her place was temporarily filled by Mrs. Charles Seymour, for many years assistant in the South Royalton high school. The spring term of this school year was taught by Miss Margaret Little, a graduate of Smith Col- lege in 1908. The present school year Miss Marion V. Morse, a graduate of Mt. Holyoke in 1909, has been employed as principal. She is having marked success. Miss Cecilia M. Wynne has been the assistant for two years. She is a graduate of the S. Royal- ton high school. At Christmas time the pupils in the eighth and ninth grades wrote on ‘‘The Adventures of Santa Claus,’’ and the two senior classes dramatized the same. This drama was admirably written and finely presented before a large audience. Though the old academy has had its wings clipped, it is still able to make a good showing beside the more modern institutions of learning of the same grade. Only a few of the many students who have in part or in whole fitted for college in Royalton Academy, and have since occupied important positions of trust and usefulness, can be no- ticed. Harvey Freegrace Leavitt, a Hartford student, born in 1796, belongs in the list. He entered Dartmouth in 1812, and gradu- ated from Yale in 1816. He first studied and practiced law, then began preparing for the ministry in 1828. In 1861 he had charge of a female seminary in Middlebury. He was for many years one of the directors of the Vermont Domestic Missionary Society. In 1839 he was chosen a member of the Corporation of Middlebury College, from which he received the honorary de- History oF RoyaLtton, VERMONT 341 gree of A. M. in 1857. Through his efforts provision was made for widows and orphans of deceased ministers. The life and work of Prof. William R. Shipman, a student and assistant teacher at the academy, is noted elsewhere, as is also the record of Truman Henry Safford, the famous mathema- tician. Nearer home we may note Judge William Henry Bliss, late Judge of Probate at Middlebury, and Nelson Boyden, Esq., of Randolph Center, student and assistant teacher in the acad- emy. No family can present so remarkable a record of distin- guished persons fitting at the academy as the Denison family, which includes the names of Dudley C., Joseph Adams, George Stanton, Franklin, Henry, Charles, John Henry, and James, whose distinguished careers are chronicled in the genealogy of the Denison family. The brilliant record of Salmon P. Chase as senator, Secre- tary of the U.S. Treasury, and Chief Justice of the United States is too well known to need repeating. In a biography of him written by Robert B. Warden, is found a charming bit of reminis- cences of academy days, which is quoted for the benefit of any interested. The biography was printed in 1864 at Cincinnati, Ohio. “Towards Spring it was determined that I should go to Royalton in Vermont, where my former instructor, Mr. Sprague was preceptor of the academy. It must have been early in 1824, perhaps in February or March, that I went to Royalton, and was received in the family of Dr, Denison, whose wife was the bishop’s sister and our favorite aunt. The doctor occupied a very respectable and comfortable mansion in the north- eastern part of the village, with a garden on the northern side, just beyond which stood the Congregational Church. In front of the house was the road—the main village street—across which, situate in an open space in a sort of public square, stood the Academy. Behind the Academy and skirting the village, from north to south, or north-west to south-east, ran the little, clear, sparkling stream, called Whitewater River. Behind the house rose the hills, among which a peak called the pinnacle, was very conspicuous, and a favorable resort of the boys and girls who attended the Academy. Among the girls, there was one—born somewhere south—gentle, pretty, and intelligent, who quite won my heart. Walks with her, sometimes to the top of the pinnacle, whence I guarded her descent with solicitous care; visits to the house of some neighbor friend, varied by a row in a skiff in the Whitewater, were my chief outdoor pleasure. Indoors I learned to play chess with my cousin Jo Denison, who, for a while, was at home from col- lege—the University of Vermont—for vacation. It has since been in my power to make one of his sons Collector of New Orleans. Of chess I was very fond, and it came near disturbing my progress in study. But after all, study was my chief occupation. I wished to enter the Junior Class at Dartmouth at the approaching commencement, and was obliged to read a great deal to make up the difference between the scanty proficiency at Cincinnati as sophomore, and the catalogue re- quirements for a junior at Dartmouth. But I did read a great deal, 342 History or Royauton, VERMONT reciting to Mr. Sprague, and reading for the most part, during reading and study hours, at my desk in the common study and recitation room. I did not read thoroughly,—nor was my preceptor very well qualified to criticise my recitations. He generally took what I gave him as I gave it, and let it pass. How much I have since regretted the extremely loose way in which all my education went on.” : On the face of it this does not seem very complimentary to Mr. Sprague and the academy, but perhaps young Chase’s work was more nearly perfect than he seemed to think. On another page of the biography the following is found: “The great event of my stay at Royalton was the marriage of my sister Jane to Doctor Skinner. At the same time Gracia Parkhurst, one of her friends, was married to Dr. Bloss. Two fine girls they were, and their lovers were promising young men, just commencing the practice of their profession. The double wedding took place in the little Episcopal church at Bethel, whither we went in such vehicles as the country afforded; and then there was the wedding party at aunt Denison’s, and the fun and the jollity, and the rich happiness that usually attend such occasions. My cousin Jo and I officiated as waiters; for servants were unknown and help scarce.” Otto Smith Hoyt, perhaps a nephew of Jacob Smith, becasne a clergyman, trustee of the U. V. M. and of Middlebury College, and agent of the American Educational Society. James Andrus Blinn Stone, born 1810, was a Baptist clergy- man, Professor in Newton Theo. Sem., President of Kalamazoo College, editor and publisher of the ‘‘Telegraph,’’ and author of many theological works. Azel Washburn Wild, son of Daniel and Huldah (Wash- burn) Wild, born 1836, became a Congregational minister, and author of several Congregational histories. Edward Payson Wild, brother of Azel, was also a Congrega- tional minister. Henry Hobart Vail, a Pomfret student, is Chairman of the Board of Directors of the American Book Company, and trustee of Middlebury College. David Haskell Adams, born 1835, became a Baptist clergy- man. Robert Safford Hale, born in Chelsea, 1822, was a Member of Congress, Counsel for the U. S. Treasury, regent of the Uni- versity of New York, and held other important positions. William Collamer, born in Royalton, 1824, was a lawyer, and state senator. _ William Skinner Hazen, born 1836, was a Congregational minister. The fine records of Frederick V. and Henry 8. Marcy, and Daniel Harvey will be found in their respective family histories. _ In connection with academic history it seems proper to give a list of college men and women who are natives of Royalton, and also of other residents, not natives, who have been more or History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT 343 less closely identified with the life of Royalton. Non-graduates will be recognized by the years placed after their names, indi- cating the length of time they pursued collegiate courses. Names of those not natives, or not known to be such, are printed in italics. Many in this list were prepared in whole or in part for their college work in Royalton Academy. The college records of principals of schools in town, lawyers, doctors, and clergy- men, are given in connection with these respective professions, and are not repeated in this list, except when they are natives of Royalton. The list is as full as the means at hand could make it, but no doubt names will be missed that ought to be added. In that case, the reader may be assured that they were not inten- tionally omitted. ROYALTON’S COLLEGE RECORD. Ainsworth, George W.—A. B.—1905—U. V. M. Allen, Horace P.—1837, one year—Norwich University; cadet at West Point; business, town clerk. Ashley, Lester—A. B.—1907—Dartmouth—teacher, clerk. Belknap, Philip O.—1910, student—Nor. Univ. Belknap, William Orlando—1884-86—Nor. Univ.—merchant, Billings, Frederick—A. M.—1844—U. V. M—LL. D.—1890—lawyer, banker, railroad president. Bingham, Daniel Havens—1821-24—Nor. Univ.—teacher, editor. Bliss, Calvin Parkhurst—A. B., A. M.—1836—Middlebury Coll.—Teacher and farmer. Bliss, William Henry—A. B.—1871—U. V. M.—Judge of Probate. Bloss, Richard—M. D.—1823—Dart.—physician. Bosworth, Stephen—1836-38—Nor, Univ.—business. Boyd, Loring P.—A. B.—1860—Dart.—lawyer, journalist. Bradstreet, George Pierce—A. B.—1871, A. M.—1874—U. V. M.—lawyer. Brownson, Orestes Augustus—LL. D. honorary—1846—Nor. Univ.— pastor, editor, author. Buck, Oel Alfred—A. M.—1842—Nor. Univ.—professor—in gov’t em- ploy. Burnett, Mrs. Grace Martin—1886, one year—N. E. Conserv. of Music. Carrington, Albert—A. B.—1833—Dartmouth—joined the Mormons. Collamer,William B.—A. B.—1844—U. V. M.—lawyer. Culver, Theron C.—1909, student—Mid. Coll. Cushing, Edward Hopkins—A. B.—1850—Dart.—journalist. Cutter, Charles—1822—Nor, Univ.—merchant. Danforth, William Burke—A. B.—1871—Dart., Yale Divinity School— 1874—-clergyman. Davis, Kathrina—A. B.—1901—Wellesley—teacher. Davis, Leroy H.—1907—Nor. Univ.—electrical engineer. Denison, Dudley Chase—A. M.—1840—U. V. M.—lawyer, statesman. Denison, Franklin—LL, B.—1866—Harvard,—A. M.—1868—lawyer. Denison, Charles—A. B.—1867—Williams—M. D.—1869—U. V. M.— doctor. Denison, George Stanton—A. B.—1854—U. V. M.—lawyer. Denison, Joseph Dudley—A, M.—1868—U. V. M.—lawyer. Denison, John Henry—A. B.—1877—U. V. M.—lawyer. Dewey, Katharine E.—1909, student—U. V. M. 344 History or Royauton, VERMONT Dewey, Nathaniel Wright—A. B.—1837—Dart.—clergyman. Dudley, Daniel Bliss—A, M.—1856—Dart.—LL.B.—Albany Law School —1862—lawyer. Dunham, James H.—1820 (?) -23—U. V. M. Dutton, George—A. M.—1855—Dart.—M. D.—1861—Nat. Med. Coll.— teacher and physician. Ellis, Oliver Justin—M. D.—1905—Univ. of Maryland—physician. Fay, George Washington—M. D.—1848—Dart.—physician and land agent. Fish, Harold D.—A, B.—1907—Dart.—clerk. Follett, Ammi Ward—M. D.—1882—Dart.—physician. Fox, Charles—1842-43—Nor. Univ. Fox, Jacob—1820-22—Nor, Univ.—farmer. Francis, George W.—A. B.—1836—U. V. M.—merchant. Francis, Lewis—A. B.—1856—U. V. M—A. M.—1863—D. D.—1898— Rutgers—clergyman. Freeman, Edmund A.—1910, student—Dart. Freeman, Charles W.—1910, student—Northwestern Univ. Goodrich, Julian O.—1907—student—Nor. Univ. Harvey, William Francis—A. M.—1864—Dart.—M. D.—1868—George- town Med. Coll.—physician. Harvey, Daniel Bliss—LL, B.—1854—Albany Law School—lawyer, pro- fessor. Hewitt, Ernest J.—A. B.—1897—Tufts—merchant. Hewitt, Winfred H.—1905-10—-N. E. Conserv. of Music—teacher of music in college. Latham, Alden C.—M. D. Lewis, Sarah—1908—student—Mid. Coll. Lathrop, Glenn Edward—A. B.—1884—Mid. Coll.—banker. Lovejoy, Daniel Webster—M. D.—Dart.—physician. Lyman, George Briggs—1843-46—Nor. Univ.—merchant. Lyman, Elias—1844-46—Nor. Univ.—business. Marcy, Henry Sullivan—1856—Dart.—business, railroad president. Marcy, Frederick Vose—A. B.—1852—Dart.—lawyer. Metcalf, Ernest B.—1901—Albany Business Coll. Metcalf, John W.—1854-56—Nor. Univ.—farmer. Morse, Fred J.—M. D.—1892 (?)—Baltimore, Md., Coll.—physician. Noble, James Jacob—A. M.—1855—U. V. M.—teacher and lawyer. Noble, William—A, B.—1810—U. V. M.—A. M.—1820—lawyer. Page, Alfred—M. D.——yYale Med. Coll.—physician. Pierce, Caleb—M. D.—1842—Castleton Med. Coll—honorary M. D.— 1872—Dart.— physician. Pierce, Albigence—M. D. Reynolds, Roland W.—1897—Nor. Univ. Rix, Lyman Lewis—A. B.—1827—Dart.—farmer. Rix, William—1834, one year—honorary A. M.—1843—U. V, M.—mer- chant. Rix, Levi—M. D. Root, Stephen EHastman—Hillsdale Coll., Mich.—Baptist minister. Safford, Henry—A. B.—1817—Dart.—1820—Princeton Theo. Sem.— clergyman and missionary. Safford, DeForest—1861-62—Harvard—1869—Newton Theo. Sem.— editor, teacher, Baptist pastor. Sargent, Mrs. Erva Martin—1886—N. E. Conserv. of Music. Shepard, Burton M.—1907—Nor. Univ. Shepard, George S.—1847-48—Nor. Univ. Sherburne, Mary Ann Burbank—M. D.—1900—College of Osteopathy, Kirksville, Mo.—physician. History or RoyaLton, VERMONT 345 Shipman, William R.—A. B.—Mid. Coll—A. M—D. D.—1882—St. Lawrence Coll.—LL. D.—1899—Tufts—1900—Mid, Coll.—profes- sor, Universalist clergyman. Skinner, Calvin—1836-88—U. V. M—M. D.—1841—Dart.—physician and surgeon. Skinner, Daniel H.—A. B—1816—Mid. Coll—A. M.—1820—Dart.— physician. Skinner, Leon Anson—1896—Nor. Univ.—merchant. Smith, Douglass—A. B.—1841—Dart.—lawyer. Soper, Ralph C.—A. B., C. E.—1902—Dart.—civil engineer. Storrs, Hiram—A, M.—1793—Dart.—lawyer. Tucker, Jireh, Jr—Madison Univ., Hamilton, N. Y.—clergyman. Tucker, Cyrus (College not known) clergyman. Tullar, Daniel—A, B.—1840—Nor. Univ.—civil engineer, lawyer. Washburn, Royal—A. M.—1820—U. V. M.—1824—And. Theo. Sem.— Congregational clergyman. Wild, Daniel G.—A. B.—1857—Dart.—lawyer. Wild, Levi—A, B.—1883—Dart.—1886—Union Theo. Sem.—pastor and farmer. Williams, Lottie Julia—1879-80—U. V. M.—teacher. Winslow, Mary H.—1909, student—U. V. M. Woodward, Walter Carleton—B. L.—1899—Dart.—surgeon. CHAPTER XXI. Marrers RELATING TO TOWN MEETINGS. TOWN OFFICERS. It would be interesting to know how the first town meetings were warned, whether notice was put on a private house, on a tree, or announced from house to house by a carrier. They are declared to be ‘‘legally warned’’ before the town actually ac- knowledged the authority of the new state, before there was any public building, or any store, so far as is known. Not even sign posts had then been provided. The General Assembly in March, 1778, had passed an act regulating the method of holding town meetings, and the term ‘‘legally warned,’’ as used in December, 1778, and March, 1779, doubtless had reference to the require- ments of that act. The officers chosen at the first town meeting, so far as records show, were a moderator, town clerk, three selectmen, a treasurer, constable, four surveyors, two listers, a collector, two grand jurymen, two tythingmen, a sealer of weights and meas- ures, two to read the Psalms, two choristers, and five to act as ministerial committee. A part of these were merely church off- cers, leaving nine dealing with purely town business. Justices of Peace were authorized by act of the Assembly at Bennington, June 17, 1778. Comfort Sever was the first justice, chosen at a Freeman’s meeting Dec. 30, 1779. The next year additional officers were elected, a leather sealer, a brander of horses, and a pound keeper. Several offices necessary then have become extinct. The tythingman’s duties were multiple, and accompanied at times with disagreeable fea- tures. He was not chosen on the principle that ‘‘it takes a rogue to catch a rogue,’’ but was usually selected from the most austere and dignified members of the church. Armed with his black staff, two feet long, tipped at one end with brass or pewter three inches in length, as the badge of his office, he was well calculated to strike terror into the hearts of mischievous boys, who might take a fancy to bump heads at they sat back to back in the square pews, or who were inclined to make fun of the parson’s wig, as he went patiently on with his long-winded prayer. History or RoyaLToN, VERMONT 347 The duty of keeping refractory youngsters in order was only one of his laborious duties. He was, also, to look after Sabbath breakers, and the profane youth or man, and to hale him before the proper court for trial. It was his business, too, to inspect licensed houses. He was a most useful member of soci- ety, though not always well beloved. In old Connecticut he did not have the privilege of declining the honor of an election without paying a fine of forty shillings. It is told of one official who was annoyed by the shouts of Metho- dist brethren, whose religious ardor could not be restrained even by the threatened pain of the metal-tipped staff, that with sore heads they all began praying for the tythingmen, and thus they conquered, and were allowed to continue their shouts of ‘‘Glory!’’ The chorister was selected with quite as much reference to his sonorous voice as to his ability to read music. His voice must be strong enough to overcome any squeaky discords from the toothless aged, or any profane interpolations of youngsters, whom the tythingman failed to notice. He had to be one who could lead the entire congregation on to ‘‘Zion’s Hill,’’ and put them in a proper mood for the long sermon, so that the tired farmer and his wife would not fall asleep before the sixthly was reached. In the days when fences were scarce, and an ambitious animal could easily pierce through the primitive hedgeways, it was necessary for each owner of stock to have some mark that would distinguish his property. Just as the almost limitless ranches of the West make the branding of horses and cattle a necessity to-day, so in the earliest days in Vermont, branding was resorted to as a seal of ownership. That it might be done decently and with authority, so that no two owners should quar- rel, because both had the same mark, a ‘‘brander of horses’’ was annually chosen. The ears of cattle were cropped and pierced, and each had his own ‘‘ear mark’’ recorded. Isaac Morgan’s was a ‘“‘erop of the Right Eare & Sowlers (swallow’s) Taile in the Left’’; Daniel Havens’ was a ‘‘Round Whole in the offe Eare’’; Daniel Rix’s, ‘‘a Crop of the End of the Right Ear’’; David Bowen’s, ‘‘a round hole in ye right Ear and a slit from ye same to ye end of ye Ear.”’ Hog haywards were chosen first in 1783. It is probable that for some years, swine were making their investigations and root- ing around quite free from restraint, and that sometimes they were even given shelter in the log houses. As their numbers increased, and more land came to be cultivated, they could no longer be allowed free range in the neighborhood, and for lack of suitable places of confinement, hog haywards were elected to look after them, and see that they did not trespass. 348 History of RoyaLToN, VERMONT The demand for fence viewers was answered first in 1784, when Benjamin Day, Benjamin Parkhurst, Daniel Rix, Lieut. Medad Benton, Daniel Tullar, and Comfort Sever were chosen for this office. The selectmen were requested to settle with the treasurer in 1790, and report at some future meeting. Their report, per- haps, had been given direct to the voters at the annual meeting before that time, or no report may have been made. There was evidently some laxity on the part of town officers, which the voters intended to remedy. At the town meeting 1791, the selectmen were requested to give ‘‘immediately’’ a report of the last year’s proceedings. The report is not recorded, but that it was satisfactory is evidenced from the fact, that the same men were again elected. At a September meeting of that year, a committee was chosen ‘‘to call on ye Selectmen for ye year 1786 for a settle- ment for ye Land tax & if they decline to settle to apply to ye County Court to call them to settlement.’’ Notwithstanding this drastic action by the town, the report was not forthcoming, and in May, 1792, another committee composed of entirely differ- ent men was chosen for the same purpose. This committee proved efficient, and at an adjourned meeting, June 6, it offered the following report: “To ye Inhabitants of Royalton in town meeting met. Your committe that was chose to make a settlement with ye Selectmen for ye Year 1786 concerning ye Land tax report that on a final settlement with Sd Selectmen they find due to ye Town Twenty one Pounds seventeen Shillings & eight pence. Benjamin Parkhurst for Comtee.” The report was accepted, and the selectmen of 1792 were instructed to take obligations from the selectmen of 1786 for what was due on the land tax, and give a discharge for the same. The 1786 selectmen were either refractory or unable to pay the sum due the town, and the matter came up again in 1796. In the warning for a special meeting called for December 6, one article read, ‘‘To call on ye Selectmen of 1786 for a settlement of the then land tax,’’ and it was voted, ‘‘To appoint a Com- mittee to call on ye Selectmen for the Year 1786 for a Settle- ment & if any money is in their hands sd Committee are directed to pay the same into ye Town Treasury,’’ and furthermore the same committee was instructed ‘‘to call on all former Committees & all Selectmen since the year 1786 who have had concern with money matters & make a complete settlement with them & if anything shall be found due sd Committee to receive the same and pay it into the Town Treasury.’’ This committee had the astute lawyer, Jacob Smith, on it, and after this date nothing more is heard of the land tax of 1786. History or RoyaLtton, VERMONT 349 Petit jurors were first elected in 1788, when six men were chosen for that purpose. The number varied from time to time, reaching thirteen in 1798. The first record of town officers taking the oath is in 1793. In 1801 a committee was chosen to settle ‘‘with the overseer ef the Poor & Town Treasurer.’’ No overseer was elected in 1801, nor previous to that time, so far as records show. If such an office existed, it was probably appointive. In 1807 they voted to elect overseers of the poor, and Jacob Smith, Elias Stevens, and Daniel Tullar were chosen. Mr. Stevens was excused and Isaac Skinner chosen in his place. The next year it was for- mally voted to choose three overseers, but in 1809 they were chosen like other officers without first voting to have them. This year they elected ‘‘auditors.’’ Heretofore the select- men or a committee chosen at the end of the year were empow- ered to look over the treasurer’s account and report. The audi- tors of this year had the same duty. The next year these audi- tors were to examine, also, the accounts against the town. Ad- journment was necessary to give time to look over these accounts. For some years auditors were chosen for special work, and other committees for other accounts, and the usual adjournment took place, sometimes for shorter, sometimes for longer time. In 1822 a committee was elected to settle with both over- seers and treasurer, and they did not adjourn as usual, but dis- solved, and the reports were acted on at the next March meeting. Some accounts were brought in and allowed or disallowed by vote. Two committees had been chosen in 1821 to audit a part of the accounts for the ‘‘ensuing’’ year. Gradually they were coming to see the advisability of accounts being audited before the meeting was held. Eight town meetings were held in 1834. They began the series early, issuing the warning for the first one on January third. This meeting was necessitated by reason of the failure of the Fox bridge, so-called. Three Freemen’s meetings were held, one in March, when the Council of Censors was chosen, and two in the fall for election of a Congressman and state officers. The following year it was resolved that all accounts must be presented to the selectmen before coming to the voters or be rejected. Just how the list had been taken previous to 1835 is not stated, but that year it was voted, that the listers were to begin April 1, by going to the house of each one liable, and take his or her list of personal property. In 1837, instead of choos- ing a committee to settle with the treasurer, as formerly, he was directed to give a report at the next meeting. About 1832 a committee, whose appointment is not recorded, and whose report is not dated, reported that they had examined "850 History or Royauton, VERMONT and compared the books of the treasurer and overseer of the poor from 1827 to 1831, and found that they agreed with the orders on the books of the selectmen. That year the selectmen were directed to put in collection within six months after due, all rents, notes, and demands due to the town. The taxpayers were growing more critical in the examination of accounts, but did not yet entrust the matter wholly to auditors. In 1835 the report of the auditors on the treasurer’s account was ordered back for a new examination. Two years later, the treasurer was directed to settle all bills with the collectors of more than two years’ standing, and was empowered to begin suits against delinquents. In 1836 trustees of the surplus revenue were elected for the first time, providing for the care of the share which should come to the town by act of the legislature November 17 of that. year. This was done at a special meeting called for that purpose in December. After that the trustees were chosen at the March meeting with other town officers. From time to time an agent had been chosen by the town to look after special cases in which lawsuits were threatened. In 1841 Daniel Woodward was chosen regularly like other town officers. He was to attend to any cases that might arise involv- ing litigation. He continued to serve until 1857, when Daniel L. Lyman was elected. Tythingmen and hog haywards were last elected in 1839. From 1845 onward auditors were elected in the regular course, without their specific duties being named, and the appointment of other committees for the examination of accounts was omitted. Reports, however, of selectmen, and trustees of the surplus revenue were given orally in town meeting. In 1846 it was voted that the selectmen nominate three per- sons to serve as superintendents of common schools, and Dudley C. Denison, Samuel W. Slade, and Cyrus B. Drake were chosen for this duty, which was the beginning of this specific office. As early as Oct. 22, 1782, the law had provided for the appointment of trustees in each town for the general superintendence of schools, but the matter of supervision had very generally been left to each school district. In 1824 a law was passed requiring selectmen to appoint one or more surveyors of wood, whose duty it should be to measure wood, receiving therefor four cents a cord or load. It is not to be supposed that the town found no necessity for such an officer before 1870, but that is the first date when any record is found of such appointment. In that year the residents of Royalton village secured by petition the appointment of Chauncey Wolcott and Henry Doubleday for one year. In 1906 the offices of pound History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT 351 keeper, surveyors of wood, and inspector of lumber became ap- pointive in the selectmen. A tree warden was also provided for, and Amos J. Haton was the first appointee. In 1904 he was appointed fish and game warden. By the laws of 1892 road commissioners, school directors, and health officers were to be provided. The first health officer in Royalton was Dr. William H. Gerrish. Dr. W. L. Paine acted as such officer for a time, and Dr. E. J. Fish served for a term of years. The present officer is Marvin H. Hazen. Though health officers are not elected, they are local officers. In 1896 trustees of the public library were first elected. By rotation in office, one lister, one selectman, one school director only are elected each year, serving three years, and one trustee of the public library is elected yearly, serving five years. Although a legislative act of 1870 provided for truant offi- cers, Royalton does not seem to have had any until 1893, when the South Royalton Graded School had one appointed. James M. Whitney has been the truant officer for several years. The town officers elected in March, 1910, were as follows: Moderator, Ernest J. Hewitt; clerk, William Skinner; selectman, James M. Hinckley—the other selectmen are Hiram Russ and George L. Dutton; treasurer, Arthur Whitham; overseer of the poor, Charles E. Black; constable, James M. Whitney; col- lector, the treasurer; lister, Amos J. Eaton—the other listers are Walter E. Webster and D. W. Bliss; auditors, J. O. Belknap, George K. Taggart, E. J. Hewitt; trustee of public money, George A. Laird; town grand juror, Amos J. Eaton; road commissioner, Albert Merrill; school director, Fred Allen; A. G. Whitham was later appointed deputy town clerk, with authority to file deeds, mortgages, and other papers for the accommodation of the peo- ple in the south part of the town. PLACE OF TOWN MEETINGS. There are records of ten town meetings before the Indian raid, in none of which is there any mention of the place where they were held. An adjournment was taken to the house of Isaac Morgan, Aug. 23, 1779, and another to the house of Daniel Rix, Dec. 30, 1779. At the first meeting after the raid, March 20, 1781, an adjournment was at once taken to Comfort Sever’s dwelling house. The houses that had been hastily put up were probably not suitable for town meeting purposes. Mr. Sever lived near the schoolhouse in District Nine, and his house es- caped destruction. The next meeting the same month was at Lieut. Durkee’s. It is understood that he fitted up his barn as best he could for a winter residence, and it would be more 852 History or RoyaLton, VERMONT commodious than the majority of the houses, so we find the meeting there again in December. : In September of that year they had met at Lieut. Park- hurst’s and voted to have future meetings at Mr. Lyon’s. In January of the next year, however, a meeting was held at David Fish’s. In November, 1782, when they divided the town into school districts, they are found at Zebulon Lyon’s, but the ad- journed meeting was at Lieut. Durkee’s. The numerous meet- ings between this one and the one of March 30, 17 85, were all held at Mr. Lyon’s. How well Mrs. Lyon enjoyed this inter- ruption of her home life is not recorded. Mr. Lyon soon pro- posed to build a meeting-house to be used for town purposes for ten years, as explained in another place, and on the date last named the voters gathered there in the new building. Here they convened from time to time, as they did Feb. 5, 1787. At this time they chose a moderator, and at once ad- journed to the house of Isaac Skinner, presumably, because the meeting-house was not comfortable. The Proprietors held sep- arate meetings occasionally on the same day and at the same place as the town meetings. They met at Timothy Durkee’s, Calvin and Joseph Parkhurst’s, and Zebulon Lyon’s, and, after the meeting-house was built, in that building. In December, 1789, the town meeting was adjourned to the house of Lieut. Lyon, and in March following, to the ‘‘scenter school house.”’ Through the warm weather, the several meetings were held in the meeting-house, but the March meeting of 1792 was warned to meet at Isaac Skinner’s. The day was doubtless a mild one, for they adjourned to the meeting-house. There was a new meeting-house now, and this served as the place for the town meetings, apparently a satisfactory one, until the meeting of October 20, 1795, when they adjourned for fif- teen minutes to Elkanah Stevens’ house, where, for some reason, perhaps a domestic one, they adjourned again to the schoolhouse. On December 8th they tried the meeting-house again. Whether it was too cold, or Major and Mrs. Curtis had decided to have a housewarming that day cannot be asserted, but it is recorded that they met and adjourned to the ‘‘new house’’ of Major Cur- tis. This was, no doubt, Zabad Curtis, who had bought several acres in Royalton village, and built himself a house there. The next year two adjournments were taken to private dwellings, one to the house of Elkanah Stevens, who had a store and hotel in the village, and another to the house of Elisha Bartholemew. There are few records found of Mr. Barthole- mew. He may not have lived in the village, as an adjournment of half an hour was taken. History oF Royauron, VERMONT 353 This was the last meeting in a private house. The voters continued to meet in the meeting-house, until it was purchased by the town, and removed to the lower side of the common, and became the ‘‘town house.’’ At their first meeting in the town house, which was, probably, not repaired sufficiently for such a purpose, they adjourned to the academy, and after the town house was burned, the meetings were held in the schoolhouse, until the present town building was erected. MANNER OF CONDUCTING TOWN MEETINGS. Little can be directly learned from our early records of the method of warning and conducting town meetings. The act of the General Assembly passed Feb. 28, 1797, made an annual meeting obligatory some day in the month of March, and a no- tice was to be set up ‘‘on the sign post, or at such other place or places as have been or may hereafter be agreed upon -- - - at least twelve days before the time mentioned in such notifica- tion, warning all the freeholders and other inhabitants of such town, qualified to vote in town meeting, to meet at such time and place.’’ That the meeting might be properly conducted, all persons were required to be silent at the desire of the moderator, or pay a fine of one dollar, and a further fine of $3.00, if they persisted in remaining after a request to withdraw had been raade. This act specified the officers to be elected, and directed the election of a committee of not less than three to audit ac- counts of the overseer of the poor for the preceding year, also one for auditing the account of the treasurer. The method of choosing the town officers was to be by bal- lot or such other method as the voters should agree upon. The number and nominations for grand and petit jurors was to be agreed upon between the selectmen, constable or constables, and magistrates of the town present, and the election was to be by the voters. Compensation to officers of the town was left to the will of the inhabitants. Every officer was to be duly sworn, and a record was to be made by the town clerk. Any person not exempted by law from serving was required to accept an office to which he was chosen, and to take the oath prescribed after notification, or else pay a fine not exceeding thirteen dol- lars, unless he could make it appear that he ought to be excused. In the town meeting March 21, 1791, the following vote was passed: ‘‘Voted That for ye future every man have liberty to cover his head at town meetings except when they address ye moderator.’’ What would these men, who, doubtless, compelled by cold to pass this vote contrary to their ideas of what was re- spectful on the occasion, think of some of our state legislatures, 23 854 History oF RoyaLtron, VERMONT where the members sit with feet on the table, read and talk, and fill the air with tobacco smoke, while a session is in progress, and the galleries are occupied by ladies? In accordance with the liberty of choice granted by law, at the March meeting, 1799, it was voted to elect the town clerk, selectmen, treasurer, listers, and constables by each ‘‘mention- ing to the Town Clerk the name of the person he would have to fill each office & that all ye other Town officers be chosen by nomination.’’ This custom was followed for several years. Some- times they would vote to elect by ‘‘going round,’’ and after electing one officer in that way, they would reconsider the mo- tion. Nominations were frequently made by a committee chosen for the purpose. Sometimes they elected by ‘‘handy vote,”’ which was probably a showing of hands. There were two ways of ‘‘going round,’’ one, to name their choice orally, and the other, to vote by ballot. The practice of not voting a tax at the March meeting, thus necessitating an extra meeting for that purpose, and another custom of having adjourned meetings to hear reports of the auditors and committees appointed to examine accounts, do not seem to have been due to lack of foresight on the part of the voters of the town, but rather to the provisions of the law gov- erning town meetings in those years. The town did not seem inclined at first to grant compensa- tion to town officers. Perhaps there was too much rivalry, and there were enough who would gladly take the office without pay. Gradually the custom grew up of paying the selectmen and list- ers, and later, other officers. Occasionally this custom was broken by ae not to pay certain officers. Selectmen were first paid in . There is not much doubt that there was considerable laxity in conducting town business in the earliest days, but this soon ceased with new legislation, and longer experience, and a more careful scrutiny of accounts by the proper authorities and by the voters themselves. It was not much, if any, before 1846 that the custom of having reports printed and circulated was adopted. These first reports were on single, rather large, sheets of paper printed on one side, giving the matter usually brought before the voters for approval or rejection. There were then regular auditors. About 1850 the single sheet was folded and sewed, and a small pamphlet was issued, which custom has continued to the present time, only for many years the report has had a proper cover. The following resolution was adopted in March, 1853: “Resolved that the Selectmen of Royalton and their successors in office are hereby directed to make out a true statement of all the ex- penses of said town, stating the items thereof, & procure the printing History or Royauron, VERMONT 355 of at least five hundred copies & lodge the same with the Town Clerk of said Town on or before the 25th day of February annually & the Town Clerk when called on shall deliver to each legal voter in said town one copy of said Report free from charge.” . The selectmen were evidently remiss in carrying out this resolution. At the next March meeting another resolution was’ passed, which was: “Resolved, That the Selectmen of the town of Royalton be required to furnish at the Freeman’s Meeting in September next that printed Report of the items of the Expenses of the town which it was their duty to have furnished on the 7th of March, 1854.” The voters had spoken and the report was furnished. _ A different moderator was chosen at nearly every meeting for the first few years, but later one person served for a longer period, either by successive elections or at intervals. The town has not lacked talent fitted for such service, and has seemed inclined to pass the honor around. Among those who acted as moderator many times are Elias Stevens, Jacob Smith, Daniel Rix, Jr., Elisha Rix, Charles M. Lamb, and Dudley C. Denison. Mr. Denison was voted $50.00 in 1899, in recognition of his long and faithful service to the town in this capacity. TOWN RECORDS. It is probable that the records of the earliest meetings were kept on loose sheets of paper, and in consequence were lost. If Comfort Sever had the custody of some of the records, as most likely he did have, then that fact will account for the preserva- tion of considerable material from the general destruction of October 16, 1780. His house was beyond the range of the In- dian devastation of that day. The Charter was required by law to be recorded in the first pages of the Proprietors’ book, and that book is a regularly bound volume. The earliest land rec- ords of the town, though sewed together, are without a cover, and perhaps never had one. The same is true of the first family records. In 1793 a committee was chosen to examine the town rec- ords and see if they were kept in a regular manner, and in 1798 another committee was elected to examine the Proprietors’ rec- ords, to see if they stood regular. At a meeting held on the second Tuesday of April, 1803, John Billings, Zebulon Lyon, and Jacob Smith were chosen a committee ‘‘to purchase a book and agree with the Town Clerk to record therein all the deeds that are not now recorded in a bound volume.’’ This committee paid the clerk seventeen cents for recording each deed, and his bill was $43.83, making 257 or 258 deeds not before recorded. The book cost $2.50. This was probably Book A of land deeds. These u 356 History or Royston, VERMONT records had not been separated from the family records before this time. . Again in 1806 a committee was chosen to examine the rec- ords and report their condition. The report, which was to have been given at the next March meeting, is not found. In the negotiations between the proprietors of Bethel and Comfort Sever in relation to the two tiers of land taken from Royalton, it is stated that Mr. Sever had received a letter from the ‘‘town clerk of Royalton’’ in 1777, which letter was on file in Bethel records. That indicates that town officers were regu- larly elected as early as 1777, and probably before that time. The first recorded clerk for the town was Comfort Sever, who served from 1779 to 1788. He was followed by Abel Stev- ens, who held the office from 1788 until 1805. Both Mr. Sever and Mr. Stevens held their offices until removal from town. Their hand-writing is legible, but both, as well as Elias Stevens, who was the Proprietors’ clerk, had a tendency to overcapitalize, and their records lack the order and beauty that characterize the work of the next town clerk, Jacob Safford. A sample page of his penmanship is shown in one of the cuts. He served from 1805 to 1829. The last record that he made was the boundary of Royalton village. He had been absent for two meetings, but had evidently transcribed the records of the clerk pro tem. He did not relinquish his task until illness compelled him to do so. The village boundary was recorded March 20, 1829, and on the 25th of April, at an adjourned meeting, this resolution was passed : “Resolved, that the Town now proceed to the election of a Town Clerk for the year ensuing to fill the vacancy occasioned by the much regretted death of Jacob Safford who has so long and faith- fully performed the duties of that office to the public’s satisfaction.” Dr. Richard Bloss was elected to the vacancy, and held the office until 1839. He was re-elected, but was excused at his own request, and Calvin Skinner 2nd was chosen in his place. Mr. Skinner has the honor of having served longer than any other incumbent, his period of service continuing until 1875. He was then seventy-one years of age, and had been clerk thirty-six years. Horace P. Allen was elected clerk in 1875, and held the position until his death in 1894. While he was clerk he em- ployed some of his spare time in a careful examination of the older records, and made extracts with a view of using them in a future history of the town. Some of this matter was kindly turned over for use in this book, by his son, Parkhurst P. Allen of Boston. William Skinner was appointed in 1894 to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Mr. Allen. He held the office until. History or Royauton, VERMONT 357 March, 1909, when he declined to serve longer, and William F. Harvey was elected. Mr. Harvey removed from town the next fall, and the selectmen prevailed upon Mr. Skinner to take the office until the next March meeting, when he was unanimously re-elected. The records of the town will compare favorably with those of other Vermont towns in general, as regards legibility, pen- manship, spelling, and neat, systematic arrangement. The earli- est unbound sheets are badly mutilated and faded, and steps should be taken to have them preserved from further decay. The lack of an index for family records from the earliest date to the present time is one that should be soon remedied, as the necessity for consulting such records is constantly increasing. TOWN BY-LAWS. There is frequent reference after 1800 to the by-laws of the town, but none was put on record until 1835, when the clerk was instructed to make a record of the revised by-laws. They refer to the restraining of stock from running at large, and were in accord with an act passed by the Assembly Feb. 28, 1797. They are as follows: “It is hereby enacted by the inhabitants of the town of Royalton in legal March meeting assembled, that no horses colts or any horse kind or any sheep or mules or swine shall be suffered to run at large on the common, or highways within the town of Royalton, and if any horses, colts, or any horse kind or any sheep, swine or mules shall be suffered to run at large or be found out of the inclosure of the owner or keeper thereof, any person being an inhabitant of sd town may take up and empound the same, and all the proceedings in rela- tion to the same, as to the duty of the pound keeper, the mode of notice and relief, shall be agreeable to the provisions of an act relating to pounds, estrays, and stolen goods, passed May 2, 1797.” The following is the list of selectmen who have served the town from 1779 to 1911, with the exception of the year 1789, the record of which is lost: Isaac Morgan, 1779; Timothy Durkee, 1779; Comfort Sever, 1779- 85, 1790-92; Daniel Rix, 1780-82; Medad Benton, 1780; Lieut. Calvin Parkhurst, 1781-86; Zebulon Lyon, 1783; Silas Williams, 1784-86, 1790-91, 1801; Elias Stevens, 1784-85, 1787-88, 1792-95, 1798-1802, 1813-17; Daniel Tullar, 1784-85, 1806-07; David Fish, 1786; Abel Stevens, 1787, 1792, 1802; Benj. Parkhurst, 1787-88; Daniel Clapp, 1790-91; Thos. Bingham, 1793; Luther Fairbanks, 1798; Isaac Skinner, 1794-98, 1800, 1805-07, 1813-16; Nathan Paige, 1794, 1803-05; Benj. Day, Jr., 1795; Elka- nah Stevens, 1796-97; John Billings, 1797-98, 1800-02, 1804; John Fiint, 1799, 1803; Samuel Curtiss, 1799-1804; Rodolphus Dewey, 1803, 1808- 12, 1817-18; Jacob Smith, 1805-14; Danie] Rix, Jr., 1808-12, 1814-17, 1833; Nathan Safford, 1818; Stephen Freeman, 1818-22, 1824; Elisha Rix, 1819-22, 1827-28, 1842-43; Darius Horton, 1819; Nathan Kimball, 1820, 1825-26; Jacob Collamer, 1821-22; Asa Dewey, 1823; Harry Bingham, 1823-26, 1828-29, 1834, 1845, 1847-48; William Pierce, 1823; Oel Billings, - 358 History or RoyauTton, VERMONT 1824-26; Oliver Willes, 1827, 1830; Jonathan Kinney, 1827, 1833, 1845; Thomas Russ, 1828-29, 1841-42; Calvin Parkhurst, 1829-31; Gideon Bing- ham, 1830; Nath. Sprague, 1831; David Wheelock, 1831, 1835-36; John Francis, 1832-33; John Billings, Jr., 1832; Jireh Tucker, 1832; John Marshall, 1834, 1844; Jona. Kinney, Jr., 1834; Truman H. Safford, 1835-37; Phineas Pierce, 1835; John Coy, 1836-38; Oramel Sawyer, 1837-38; Elisha Wild, 1838-39; Luther Howe, 1839; Job Bennett, 1839, 1858-59; Daniel Woodward, 1840; Coit Parkhurst, 1840, 1843; Charles Clapp, 1840-41; Lyman Benson, 1841-42; Forest Adams, 1843-45, 1849, 1852; Levi Rix, 1844; John L. Bowman, 1846; Harvey Shipman, 1846-48; Edwin Pierce, 1846; Cyrus Hartshorn, 1847-50, 1852-54; George W. Bradstreet, 1849; Austin Brooks, 1850; Thomas Fay, 1850-52, 1861-62; I. P. Morgan, 1851; James Davis, 1851; Horatio Freeman, 1853; Heman Durkee, 1853-54; Ira Belding, 1854-57; James Davis, 1855, 1863-65; Ebenezer Atwood, 1855-57, 1863; William Skinner, Sen., 1856; H. P. Allen, 1857-60; Charles W. Bliss, 1858-59; John B. Durkee, 1860-61, 1883-85, 1897; George A. Bingham, 1860; Isaac S. Shepard, 1861-62; Martin T. Skinner, 1862-64, 1884-86; George S. Beedy, 1865-66; Charles D. Lovejoy, 1865-67, 1881-82; Eli S. Hackett, 1866-68; Charles A. Lyman, 1867-69, 1879-81; Charles Fay, 1868-71, 1882; Phineas D. Pierce, 1869-70; William Benson, 1870; Eben Winslow, 1871-73, 1880-82; J. W. Bailey, 1871-73; Charles West, 1873-75; Edson Bixby, 1874-78; H. T. Gifford, 1876; John A. Slack, 1876; William Skinner, Jr., 1877-79; John F. Shepard, 1879; Joseph W. Waldo, 1882-84; S. C. Drew, 1883; Selden S. Brooks, 1885-87, 1899-1900; John H. Hewitt, 1886-88; Calvin P. Goff, 1887-89; Norman W. Sewall, 1888-90, 1898; Charles B. Vial, 1889-91; George Ellis, 1890-92; Marillo M. Whipple, 1891-93; J. O. Bel- knap, 1892-94; James M. Hinkley, 1893-95, 1909-11; Daniel W. Bliss, 1894- 96; Harry A. Bingham, 1895-96; John A. Button, 1896-98, 1901; C. C. Southworth, 1897-99; Elmer E. Doyle, 1900-05; George K. Taggart, 1901- 03; Walter E. Webster, 1902-04; Hiram C. Benson, 1904-07; Charles E. Black, 1905-07; G. D. Harrington, 1906-08; Hiram E. Russ, 1907-11; George L. Dutton, 1908-11. Royalton’s town representatives in the General Assembly have been as follows: 1778, Joseph Parkhurst; 1779, none; 1780, Calvin Parkhurst; 1781, Comfort Sever; 1782, Calvin Parkhurst; 1783, Elias Stevens; 1784, Silas Williams; 1785, Elias Stevens; 1786, Calvin Parkhurst; 1787, Elias Stevens; 1788-89, Calvin Parkhurst; 1790, Daniel Tullar; 1791-95, Elias Stevens; 1796, Abel Stevens; 1797, Dr. Silas Allen; 1798, Jacob Smith; 1799, Elias Stevens; 1800, Jacob Smith; 1801, Abel Stevens; 1802-03, Elias Stevens; 1804-05, Nathan Paige; 1806, Blias Stevens; 1807- 12, Jacob Smith; 1813-14, Rodolphus Dewey; 1815, Daniel Rix, Jr.; 1816, Elias Stevens; 1817, Daniel Rix, Jr.; 1818, Rodolphus Dewey; 1819, Moses Cutter; 1820, Rodolphus Dewey; 1821-22, Jacob Collamer: 1823- 24, Rodolphus Dewey; 1825, Oel Billings; 1826, Nathan Kimball; 1827, Jacob Collamer; 1828-29, Harry Bingham; 1830, Jacob Collamer; 1831, William Woodworth; 1832, Calvin Parkhurst; 1833, Nathaniel Sprague; 1834, Samuel Selden; 1835-37, Oramel Sawyer; 1838-39, David Wheelock; 1840-41, Truman H. Safford; 1842-48, John L. Bowman; 1844, Harry Bingham; 1845, John L. Bowman; 1846-47, Romanzo Walker; 1848, James Davis; 1849, Daniel Woodward; 1850-51, John Coy; 1852, Azro D. Hutchins; 1853, Rufus Kendrick; 1854-55 ‘Daniel L. Lyman; 1856-57, Ebenezer Atwood; 1858-59, Minot Wheeler: 1860- 62, Dudley C. Denison; 1863-64, John S. Marcy; 1865-66 Martin T. Skinner; 1867, Henry H. Denison; 1868-69, William Goff; "1870-71 Dr. Cyrus B. Drake; 1872-73, Edward Foster; 1874-75, Ebenezer Winslow; History or Royston, VERMONT 359 1876-77, Martin T. Skinner; 1878-79, Martin S. Adams; 1880-81, Charles West; 1882-83, none. After thirty-eight ballots an adjournment was taken sine die. 1884-85, George Ellis; 1886-87, John F. Shepard; 1888- 89, William Skinner; 1890-91, William C. Smith; 1892-93, Charles A. Lyman; 1894-95, Anson P. Skinner; 1896-97, D. C. Stearns; 1898-99, John H. Hewitt; 1900-01, Norman W. Sewall; 1902-08, Dr. Edgar J. Fish; 1904-05, R. B. Galusha; 1906-07, Dr. D. L. Burnett; 1908-09, John B. Goodrich; 1910-11, George Ellis. Royalton has had as town treasurers Comfort Sever, 1779-80; Daniel Rix, 1781-84; Zebulon Lyon, 1785-89, 1799; Isaac Skinner, 1790- 93; Elkanah Stevens, 1794-95; Jacob Smith, 1796-98, 1800-14; Moses Cutter, 1815-27; Nathaniel Sprague, 1828, 1884; Oramel Sawyer, 1830-33; Curtis Fowler, 1834-36; Joseph A. Denison, Jr., 1837-47; Forest Adams, 1848-70; A. W. Kenney, 1871-73; Ebenezer Winslow, 1874-1909; A. G. Whitham, 1909-. CHAPTER XXII. THE Town’s Poor. If, in the earliest history of the town, there were needy people in it, they seem to have been cared for without formal action by the inhabitants. It was customary in those days to ‘“‘warn out of town’’ those who were likely to become charges, and thus lessen the number of paupers. The first record of this sort is dated Mar. 13, 1783, when constable Zebulon Lyon performed this duty, and again on the 17th, and the third time on the 22nd of the same month, acting under the instructions of the selectmen. The first person for whom the town paid recorded bills was Abial Craw of Ellington, Conn. On Oct. 20, 1795, the town voted to those caring for Mr. Craw in his lameness a sum not exceeding nine pounds. This necessity of caring for Mr. Craw led to a suit with the town of Ellington, Conn., which appears to have refused to pay the bills incurred by Royalton, amount- ing to £94.6.4. This must have been a long and expensive case. Zebulon Lyon was first employed by the town as their agent, then Daniel Gilbert. Mr. Gilbert was invited on May 28, 1799, to come into a special town meeting and report on the Craw case. It ought to have been a favorable report, as his bill for the serv- ice rendered was $78.67. The report was not recorded. From subsequent incidental references it would seem that the town won its suit. Private individuals and the selectmen cared for transients and trusted to the town to reimburse them. In 1802 the ac- counts against the town for the care of the poor brought in by individuals, including doctors, was $76.47. One death was re- ported, that of Mr. Herrick. The church realized its obligations to its unfortunate fellow man, and in 1800, Nov. 11, it voted to look after the poor, all sharing according to their list. It was in the March meeting of 1805 that the town followed the example of other towns, and voted to set up the poor to the lowest bidder. To us of the present day such a custom seems most revolting and cruel. There was one argument in its favor and that was that it was cheaper. If it is said that it gave a History oF ROYALTON, VERMONT 361 chance to relatives to care for their friends for a small remuner- ation, when, otherwise, their means would not allow of assuming this burden, the facts show that in most cases the poor were not bid off by their relatives, and they were not sure of staying in a place more than one year at a time. The first sale in this town took place on the third Tuesday in April, 1805. Think of the unfortunate ones in their poverty- stricken condition, anxiously waiting to learn where their lot would be east for the next twelve-month! The moderator of the meeting was the ‘‘vendue master.’’ Perhaps bidders were slow, loath to be responsible for the new step. The auctioneer himself bid off Elnathan Taylor and wife for the sum of $58, except in case of sickness. Mr. Taylor’s daughter, Lois, went to Daniel Rix for the sum of $3, and we must conclude that she was able to nearly earn her support. Isaac Skinner took James Haven and wife for the sum of $7. Here are seven persons known to have been town charges that year. The following year the same course was adopted. The poor of the previous year had new homes. There were two sisters who were separated. It was stipulated that the poor were to be returned as well ‘‘eloathed’’ as when received, and the bidder was to be entitled to their services. One good feature of this course is that due eare seems to have been used in knowing that those who made bids were responsible, worthy citizens, and that the indigent people under their charge would receive good care. Some who have traditions of this custom in their families say that the poor were well cared for. The next year they first voted to dispose of the needy in the same way, and then reconsidered and chose Jacob Smith, Daniel Tullar, and Isaac Skinner the first overseers of the poor in Royalton. An incident occurred the following year, which shows that however much the custom just referred to was worthy of censure, at heart the people were not unkindly, and would even extend their generosity beyond the practice of the present day. Cyril Green petitioned the town as follows: “To the Civil Authority and Selectmen and the Inhabitants of the town of Royalton greeting. Gentlemen it is with the utmost Regret that your Petitioner Ad- dresses you; But necessity obliges me to have Recourse to my Fathers and friends. It is almost two years that I have been in a very low state of health and been (un)able to do any labor. Have applied toa number of Physicians but to no purpose yet they generally agree that if I should repair to the salt water and there be able to tarry a space of time I should in their opinion get my health restored and as I can be of no advantage but a burthen to my family which will otherwise be pro- vided for through the clemency of my friends, therefore your Petitioner humbly requests you that you would in your wisdom and mercy pro- cure him a small sum in money for the above purpose he further prays that you would consider that his illness was not procured by intem- 362 History or Royauton, VERMONT perance but in hard labor in seeking to procure subsistence for his family. Gentlemen that the giver of all gifts would move your hearts to rélieve my distressed condition is the Prayer of your humble Petitioner. Cyril Green.” His prayer was granted. Mr. Green came here from Bethel in 1798, and was last listed in 1807. He petitioned for aid in 1808. That year they auctioneered the poor again. The bill for the year amounted to $164.33 for the care of six persons. Three overseers were chosen this year, though why so many were needed is not clear. The law passed in 1797 relating to town officers left it optional with the towns to say whether the select- men should act as overseers of the poor or whether they would elect separate officers to look after the indigent. In 1812 the cost of caring for the poor was $389.97. The town had hired a farm for one family for which it paid $50. This year they chose a committee of five, comprising Gen. Elias Stevens, John Billings, Samuel Curtis, Rodolphus Dewey, and Stephen Freeman, to ‘‘ascertain the best and most convenient place for building a work or poor house and Report a plan for the building of the same, and to call a meeting if deemed ad- visable.’’ As no meeting was called, and there is no further mention of this matter, it doubtless was not thought best to provide such a house. The following year the expenses were much less. The town required all those caring for the poor to pay all bills except doctors’ bills in case of extra sickness. Seven men, most, if not all, with families were warned out of town the fall of this year by order of the selectmen. Five of these had a tax list ranging from $33.58 to $74.50, and owned a few acres of improved land. In the previous year ten had been thus warned, During five preceding years, omitting 1807, fifty- three warnings had been served, and were a source of income to the constable, Ebenezer Parkhurst. The town seemed to have a lenient mood in 1807. No doubt many of these people re- mained in town, in fact some of their honored descendants are here today. The selectmen did their duty, however, in serving the warnings, as that would free the town from responsibility in case any of those thus warned should apply for aid. The overseers exercised stricter watch over those who bid off the poor as the years went on, being instructed by the voters to see that the unfortunate ones were properly fed, clothed, and provided with fire. More care, also, was taken to select suitable persons for this purpose, so that the needy were as well cared for as could be expected with such a system. In 1816 there was a reported cost for keeping the poor of $469.46. The next year it was voted to bid off the poor as before, but one month later they re-considered and decided to History oF RoyaLToN, VERMONT 363 leave the matter in the hands of the overseers. In 1818 but one overseer was chosen, Gen. Stevens. The town voted that ‘‘the overseer of the Poor be requested to afford that aid and assist- ance to any of the Poor (who may be entitled to a pention from government for services done and performed in the Revolution- ary War) in order for their names to be entered on the list of pensions.’’ Steps were taken to secure a pension for James Haven, which were successful, and he disappears from the rec- ords of the town after 1822. It is possible that he and his wife returned to friends in the state from which they had emigrated. For many years they had been on the move, not knowing one year where they would be the next, and there is a great sense of satisfaction in the thought, that at last the services which he had rendered his country were to have some sort of recognition. Officers and those wounded had been pensioned before, but the United States pension law of 1818 gave the common soldier a chance. The next year the town chose a committee to suggest the best way of disposing of town charges. The matter was left in the hands of the overseer to act according to his best judgment. Under the old plan expenses had almost continuously increased, reaching the sum of $557.26 in the report of 1819. The expenses the next year were somewhat smaller. In 1821 the town went on record in favor of paying the overseer for his services. The plan of leaving the care of the poor to him resulted generally in lessening the cost, but in 1828 the expenses jumped to $740.47. The next two years the cost was heavy, but did not reach this yearly figure. The idea of a union workhouse corresponding somewhat to county poorhouses occurred to the voters of 1825, and they chose Rodolphus Dewey and Daniel Rix to confer with committees from Tunbridge and Sharon ‘‘on the expediency of the three towns uniting in building a poorhouse and making provision for the support of the poor of their respective (towns) in this way and ascertain whether such a measure would probably lessen the expense of such support.’’ At her March meeting this year Tunbridge chose Nathaniel Kingsbury as a committee to confer with the committee from Royalton and Sharon. At an ad- journed meeting from March, 1826, Tunbridge voted to adopt the principle of a poorhouse as contemplated by law, and chose a committee to carry the same into effect. What action Sharon took has not been ascertained, but the project did not materialize. At the March meeting, 1830, a proposition was made by Jacob Collamer for the consideration of voters as follows: “Resolved, That the support of the poor of the town for the pres- ent year be now exposed for sale to the lowest bidder to support all now chargeable or that may become chargeable during the year of per- 364 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT sons now residing in town, and also that there be offered to the lowest bidder all those now chargeable, in single persons or in families, and on the result of those biddings the town to be at liberty to accept of whichever they see fit. Security to be given to the acceptance of the Overseer of the Poor.” . The town adopted this resolution, but specified two families who were to be under the care of the overseer. Then the competitive bidding began. Salmon Joiner made a bid of $474 for the whole of the poor, and individual bids aggregated $275, and the town naturally aecepted the individual bids. There were ten or more persons dependent on the town for support at this time. However hopeful the outlook seemed for less expense, it was not realized, for with doctors’ bills and other costs it was only about $43 less than the preceding year. It was deemed best in 1832 to follow the plan of the pre- vious year. Andrew Backus made a bid of $390 for the whole number of indigent ones, which was accepted, though it exceeded by $21 the individual bids. The next year they ‘‘sold the poor in Gross to Joseph Johnson for $430. Voted to separate Mrs. from her children in selling the poor singly.’’ The phraseology is misleading, as they accepted the individual bids amounting to $225. Rodolphus Dewey had served as overseer several years. This year Jireh Tucker was elected. There were various expenses that the overseer had to meet, besides the boarding and care of the needy, and these were bid off in a lump by Horatio N. Free- man for $122. Mr. Tucker assumed the care of all the needy ones the next year, 1833, the individual bids being only $70 less, and it seemed less trouble and more satisfactory, probably, to leave the matter in the hands of one trusty person. Mr. Tucker seems to have ‘‘farmed out’’ different ones to other persons. The only innovation on the method of caring for the poor in 1834 was the bidding on the risk of the possible out-of-town poor. This risk was bid off by Andrew Backus for $115. Whether Mr. Backus lost or gained on this transaction is not recorded. In 1835 the single bids of $380 were accepted. An ad- journed meeting was held, at which Nathan Kimball introduced the following resolution: “Resolved that the Selectmen of the town of Royalton be hereby authorized & directed to purchase or hire at their discretion a farm in said town suitable and sufficient for the employment of the paupers in sd town, with stock and tools for the management of the same, one year. Also that the selectmen are further authorized to hire a good faithful and industrious man & woman to oversee and conduct sd farm & paupers, the sd Selectmen to purchase or hire, and have ready sd farm, stock, tools, furniture, beds and provisions on the day of our next annual March meeting, and present their account in relation to the same on sd day.” History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT 365 A. C. Noble, Jonathan Kinney, and John Francis were a committee to attend to this matter and see what could be done. At the next March meeting, 1836, they accepted the report of this committee. For that year they adopted a resolution which called for bids for caring for all the poor one year, and also for five years, also a bid by individuals for the ensuing year. They accepted David Wheelock’s bid for five years’ support at $575 a year. Mr. Wheelock was authorized to prosecute and defend suits for and against the town, provided he saved the town harm- less from damage and cost. The town was thus relieved from yearly action in the matter of supporting the poor. The report of the committee in 1836 regarding the purchase of a town farm could not have been favorable, as no action was taken to secure a farm until the expiration of the five-year con- tract with Mr. Wheelock. Then in 1841 the town accepted the resolution offered by John Francis, which was practically the same as the one acted on five years before, which was to call for bids. The individual bid won this time. ‘‘Jireh Tucker bid off Mary Cummins at $25.00 for one year commencing March 10, 1841.’’ Ann Perkins went to Stephen Freeman at $69; Jacob Kimball to Jireh Tucker at $40; Betsey Emerson to Horatio N. Freeman at $46; ‘‘Misses’’ Chaffee to Stephen Freeman at $67; ‘‘Misses’’ Buckland to Elijah Barnes at $74. The bids were for one year. They had now fully resolved to make some other arrange- ment for caring for the town’s needy ones, and readily endorsed the resolutions introduced by Edwin Pierce, which called for the purchase of a farm, and the collection of the surplus revenue remaining, as much as needed, to apply on the purchase. Harry Bingham, Edwin Pierce, and Josiah Douglass were the com- mittee to carry this resolution into effect. The voters were called together Dec. 11 of the same year, and passed over the article relating to the purchase of the town farm. Probably the ex- pense was greater than anticipated. The article was again in- serted in the warning for the March meeting, 1842. It was to see if the town would further instruct the committee appointed to buy a town farm. This committee had taken a deed from Jonathan Kinney for 206 acres, paying therefor $3,100. The date of transfer was Oct. 9, 1841. The committee reported that in addition to the farm they had purchased 694 pounds of pork and 234 pounds of beef, but not neat stock, utensils, ete., and they would give a verbal reason for this neglect, if required. It was voted to leave the disposi- tion of the town farm to the overseer. This year, 1842, David Wheelock, overseer, secured Asaph Button and wife for care- takers at the farm. From the selectmen’s orders it is shown 366 History or RoyauTon, VERMONT that they were paid $200 for their services, and the whole bill for the year was $658.60. It must be remembered that consid- erable of this amount was paid out for stocking the farm. In 1843 the town voted that the overseer ‘‘exercise person- ally all the duties appertaining to said office including the care of the farm except that if he wishes to take the farm into his own occupancy he shall make a bargain with the selectmen.’’ The next year Stillman Lawton and wife had care of the farm, receiving therefor $170, as specified in the overseer’s account. Mr. Lawton seems to have been sick some of the time and unable to attend to his duties, and Mr. Wheelock ‘‘docked’’ his salary. The town voted that he should receive his full salary. The ex- periment of running a town farm resulted the second year in a considerable reduction, the full cost above the avails of the farm being $424.14. The matter of caring for the insane came up in 1844. It was left to the good judgment of the overseer and selectmen. Royalton has always been humane and liberal in caring for the insane poor. There has never been any large number of cases of this kind at any one time, though it has, probably, had its share of such unfortunates. They have generally been cared for by friends. In 1845 the selectmen were the overseers. Charles Russell had been paid for the year ending March of that year, $300 for care of the town farm. It had been an expensive year, and they evidently hoped to devise some way of lessening the expense. It was ‘‘Voted, That the Selectmen manage & dispose of the Town farm and all matters connected with the support of the paupers either by putting the same up at public auction or by hiring the same done as they may think best for from one to five or even seven years.’’ Some of the poor had been disposed of by the town paying a certain sum to their friends, who relieved the town of further responsibility. In a warning for a meeting on Dec. 16, 1845, one article was, ‘‘To see if the town will vote a sum of money to enable Mrs. Buckland to go West with her son or any other of the paupers to go to their friends, or otherwise provide for themselves provided a sufficient indemnity be given for their support.’’ This was acted upon favorably. There seems to have been an exodus to Oregon about this time, as the following resolution indicates: ‘‘ Resolved to submit the case of such Town Paupers as request the town to assist them by giving them a small sum of Money that they May go to Oregon with their friends, to the Selectmen, that when they shall ascertain all the circumstances in relation to the case, shall act as they deem ad- visable for them and for the Town.’’ Sixty dollars was voted History oF Royauton, VERMONT 367 for Mrs. Buckland, and she was taken away. One or more mem- bers of this family had been supported by the town for sixteen years. Mr. Harry Bingham had a charge in the ‘‘Poor Ac- count’’ of that year of $1.25 for one day attending the Mormons. Whether or not that had anything to do with the exodus to Oregon cannot be stated. In 1845 the voters elected Jonathan Kinney, Lyman Ben- son, and Jireh Tucker a committee to sell all or a part of the land belonging to the town farm, which lay on the west side of the Branch road, and six acres were sold to Herman Bement Feb. 11, 1846. That year the selectmen were the overseers. The warning for a meeting Sep. Ist of that year called for action regarding the leasing of the town farm for a longer term than one year. A committee composed of Sidney S. Smith, Joseph A. Denison, Jr., and John L. Bowman were chosen to examine records and ascertain the expense of caring for the poor both before and after the purchase of the town farm. The voters were called together again on Dec. 12, when the committee prob- ably reported, but the report is not in evidence. It could not have been very favorable for running the farm. They voted that the selectmen contract for the support of the poor and for all expenses on that account,—except foreign paupers, regard- ing whom they were to use discretionary powers,—for a term of from three to ten years, the use of the farm, stock, tools, and furniture thereon to be in part payment of the yearly debt. A contract was accordingly made with John L. Bowman for $600 for the year. The bill which was audited at the end of the year was $904.71. One item on the bill looks as if the overseer followed the custom of people who bag a cat which they wish to get rid of, then quietly drop it a mile or two from home. He has a charge for carrying one of the unfortunates ‘‘to the north line of Barn- ard.’’ Whether the overseer of Barnard was there with open arms, or whether the poor man had to wander on until some kindly hand took him in, will never be known. The first detailed inventory of personal property at the town farm was made in 1847, showing that it amounted to $757.54. This inventory was a necessary preliminary to leas- ing the farm to John L. Bowman for a term of seven years from the fifth day of March, 1847, for $600 annually. Mr. Bowman assumed all expenses, except ‘that for foreign paupers. There was a proviso that, if the town should elect to take the risk at its next March meeting, Mr. Bowman was to have $125 annually, and give a bond of $3,000 to secure fulfillment of contract. ‘‘Foreign’’ as applied to paupers was to mean paupers from 368 History or RoyauTon, VERMONT foreign nations. Mr. Bowman drew orders in March, 1848, for ‘“‘caring for the poor the past year,’’ $1,599.27. Foreign paupers were encouraged to leave. Chauncey Sal- isbury was paid $5 ‘‘for getting John the Scotchman to take the cars for Scotland.’? How near Scotland the $5 took him is not stated. It was the advent of the railroad that brought in this foreign population. In 1853 there was a bill of $50 for the sup- port of ‘‘the Irishman,’’ who must have been especially distin- guished or the only one in town. At a meeting of Dee. 17 of that year it was voted that there should be an investigation of the affairs of the town farm, and a report made at the next March meeting. The taxpayers were evidently restless, and dissatisfied with conditions. The doctors’ bills for foreign pau- pers for which orders were drawn March 31 and April 2, 1848, amounted to $337.29. There had been an epidemic of fever among the men working for the railroad, and many of them died. A considerable number are buried in the Sharon ceme- tery at the mouth of Broad Brook. They rest in the rear of the yard without headstones. The committee of investigation reported that it was not wise for the town to dispose of the farm, that it was a desirable one for the purpose. There were then seventeen persons de- pendent on the town for support, and thirteen of these were at the town farm. The sum total of the ages of eight of these was 606 years, averaging nearly seventy-six. The committee re- ported that they had had a better offer than the terms of the Bowman contract, and advised accepting it, but the advice was turned down. It is difficult to see how the town could honor- ably nullify the contract with Mr. Bowman. A long, loose reso- lution was offered, which really meant that the selectmen could sell or do almost anything else they pleased with the town farm. The heads of some of them were long enough to have it amended so as to preclude a sale, and then it was passed. At the March meeting of 1857 it was voted to sell a part of the town farm lying between the highway and the Branch, and to give only a quitclaim deed. The selectmen for the year 1848 had given a deed of one and one-fourth acres of land from the town farm to Josiah B. Powers, then of New York. There had been no special vote authorizing them to do this. It may be that they thought the vote of 1845 gave them all the author- ity needed, as all the land then specified does not seem to have been sold. The town, however, was jealous of its rights, and repudiated the sale. Mr. Powers had a good deed from the selectmen, duly recorded, and he did not propose to give it up. The town brought suit, and Mr. Powers made David Powers of Boston his attorney, in February, 1856. An arrangement was History oF RoyaLtton, VERMONT 369 effected by which Mr. Powers deeded the land to the town, and the suit was withdrawn. By the vote of 1857 the selectmen had the power to sell a small piece, but no record is found of their having done so. In the warning for the March meeting, 1858, an article was inserted to ‘‘see if the Town will appoint a Committee to confer with a committee of the town of Bethel with reference to selling an undivided half of the Town Farm to the Town of Bethel.”’ An examination of Bethel records does not reveal any action by that town on this subject. The article was passed over in- definitely in Royalton, but it shows that there was still agitation over ways in which the cost of maintaining the poor could be lessened. Some of the buildings on the town farm had been moved when Mr. Bowman first took charge. The town at its March meeting in 1859 voted that the selectmen be instructed and empowered to build a house on the town farm, not to exceed $1,000 in cost, besides what building material and labor could be obtained from the farm, and it was built that year. It was so built at a cash cost of $914.72. Another attempt was made the following year to get a vote for selling one acre from the town farm between the highway and the Branch, but it failed. In 1865 the selectmen were chosen to act as overseers of the poor. Whenever the expense bill grew to large proportions, then the taxpayers would change from selectmen to overseer or vice versa, but it was generally no more beneficial than the changing from the domination of one political party to another is effective in reducing the cost of living. Another effort was made in 1868 to diminish the cost of maintaining the poor by combining two or more towns. The warning for that year con- tained the following: ‘‘To see if the town will unite with the towns of Stockbridge, Bethel, Barnard, and Rochester in the support of Towns Poor.’’ It was passed over indefinitely. The alternation of selectmen and overseer went on for a few years. In 1870 Joseph W. Bailey was chosen, and proved to be the right man for the place. He was re-elected success- ively until about 1881. In 1879 the selectmen were instructed by the voters to give him charge of the town farm, and also in 1880. That year he tried to be excused from serving, but he was too useful, and they would not excuse him. The attempt to make the farm support the resident paupers was rarely, if ever, successful. For many years a man was hired to carry it on, and the town took all the risk. In 1893 the cost above the products of the farm was $924.66. A com- parison by years would not be just or truthful, unless all the 24 370 History oF RoyauTon, VERMONT conditions were stated. Some years considerable outlay has been required on the buildings, and in other years, the re-stocking of the farm has helped to swell the expense column. Then, too, the number of persons at the farm has varied greatly, and the cost of maintaining the needy ones away from the town farm. Doctors’ bills vary from year to year. At one time a large dairy was provided in the hope, doubt- less, that returns would more than compensate, but that did not prove to be the case. In 1902 the inventory of personal prop- erty at the farm reached $2,975.75. The expense above farm products was $971.01. The next year the expense above re- ceipts was almost $1,000. For some years after 1903 the farm was leased, and the lessee was to have the use of it with stock and all equipment, by assuming the taxes and the care of four or five paupers on the average, and agreeing to return the property in good condition. The cost was less than in the years immediately preceding, but, as a rule, not less than it was in many years when a man wag hired. The amount of stock was considerably reduced, and when the overseer in 1908 reverted to the old plan of hiring a man to carry on the farm, it required no small sum to re-stock the farm. In later years the selectmen, and George Ellis and Charles E. Black have acted as overseers. Mr. Black is serving his sec- ond year. The inventory of personal property at the town farm for 1909 was as follows: Live stock, $804; produce, $381; pro- visions, $108.57; tools, furniture and wood, $610.30; total, $1,903.87. On the farm is a good house, two barns, and other necessary outbuildings. At present there are but two resident persons needing help at the town farm. Man Hite; ee. eet Athan Sanuk (Aone Reiss dats siege “S Whe Yep ace A , ase ot Maga off Te Se cea Ati FAC-SIMILE SIGNATURES OF EARLY SETTLERS. South Royalton Cemetery. Old Sharon Cemetery where Mrs. First settled Minister. Hendee was supposed to have Gen. Stevens and wife in So. Royalton been buried. Cemetery. Rey. Martin Tullar and Zebulon Lyon buried in North Royalton Cemetery. Pember, buried in Randolph. Peter Button buried in Button Cemetery. CHAPTER XXIII. CEMETERIES. The proper care of the last resting places of those who have gone before us is a duty incumbent upon the citizens of every town. To ask the question, ‘‘What does it signify?’’ or to say that it is a matter of mere sentiment, indicates a nature not far removed from the brute creation, and even some of them have the finer instinct which prompts them to care for their dead. The laws of Vermont make provision for the yearly ex- penditure of a certain amount by the towns in the care and pres- ervation of their cemeteries, but, like many other laws on the statute books, little notice will be taken of it unless public sen- timent calls for its enforcement. It is, indeed, a sad com- mentary on man’s indifference to the labors and sacrifices of the early settlers of any town, when the stones marking their rest- ing places are allowed to fall, break to pieces, and crumble away, cven be used in making fences, and thus allow all trace of the graves of our forefathers to be lost. In past years the town of Royalton has probably taken as good care of her cemeteries as the majority of towns. In the last year the selectmen have done much to improve the condition of the burial lots. Yards have been cleaned of their rubbish, and some of the stones which had fallen have been re-set. If each successive year the good work goes on, our cemeteries will be a credit to the civilization of the town. There is little doubt that a considerable number of the early residents of Royalton sleep in unmarked graves outside of any cemetery, and their last resting places will never be exactly known. Because of so many unmarked graves even in the burial lots, it cannot be positively stated which lot is the oldest in town. The earliest date recorded on a headstone is April 12, 1779, which marked the grave of Rufus Rude, but which is now broken and lying by the fence. This is in the South Royalton cemetery. There is, however, on record the death of Martha, daughter of Medad and Abigail Benton, which occurred Aug., 1778, and a stone with the inscription, ‘‘Martha,’’ stands beside Lieut. Me- dad’s, but it has sunk so far that the further inscription cannot 372 History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT be seen. This is also in the South Royalton cemetery. This burial ground was laid out on the farm of Elisha Kent. The earliest record in the North Royalton cemetery is Dec. 27, 1779, the date of the death of Lorene, daughter of Lieut. Timothy Durkee. The oldest inscription in the Branchview cemetery is dated Mar. 16, 1791, and is on the headstone mark- ing the grave of Betsey Woodward. Other headstones bearing early dates are, Betsey Storrs’, who died Aug. 7, 1794, buried in the Howe cemetery; Dea. Ebenezer Dewey’s, who died Oct. 19, 1794, buried in Dewey cemetery; Olive Pixley Coy’s, who died Sep. 15, 1795, buried in Branchview cemetery. None of the other cemeteries have any stones today older than 1800. As the first settlements were in the south part of the town, it is prob- able that the South Royalton cemetery is the oldest in town. The first recorded action taken by the town regarding ceme- teries bears the date Dec. 12, 1794, when Zebulon Lyon, Elias Stevens, and Benjamin Parkhurst were chosen a committee to lay out burying grounds. On Jan. 13th of the next year Abel Stevens and Isaac Skinner were chosen a committee to see if they could raise a sum of money by subscription sufficient to pay Timothy Durkee for one acre of land for a burying yard in Royalton, the expense being ten pounds. This committee reported Feb. 10th that they had raised the money, and the selectmen were instructed to take a deed of ‘‘ye burying yard in Town & enter into bonds in the Name & behalf ye Town to Timothy Durkee to fence & forever to keep well fenced ye yard on his farm.’’ There are standing in this yard today records of, at least, eight burials before the town took any action re- garding the purchase of the land. The deed given by Mr. Dur- kee is dated Feb. 4, 1797, and specifies that he received $33 for this acre, which is a part of lot 53 Town Plot. Although the records do not show that the town owned any cemetery except the one at North Royalton, yet they did not neglect their duty, but Apr. 13, 1802, they chose five men located near five of the cemeteries ‘‘to look into the situation of the several yards in Town & make report at some future meeting.’’ Josiah Wheeler was chosen to act as ‘‘saxan’’ at the burying yard near Jireh Durkee’s at North Royalton. Before the town had secured a deed of Mr. Durkee, Abijah Burbank and Abijah Jr. had deeded to Luther Fairbanks, Nathan Page, and Richard Kimball, a committee for the ‘‘third society’’ one acre for a cemetery, receiving three pounds there- for. This deed is dated Sep. 17, 1795, so that what has been known as the Howe cemetery is one of the oldest in town. Just what this ‘‘third society’? was cannot be stated with any cer- tainty. The different church organizations were sometimes History oF Royauton, VERMONT 373 spoken of in that way. There was a Baptist society in that part of the town, but the committee acting for the society in buying the cemetery were connected with the Congregational church. It may refer to the societies organized for securing a right to cemeteries. If the one at South Royalton is counted as first, the one at North Royalton as the second, then in point of time this would be the third. School districts were sometimes spoken of as societies. The next legal right to cemetery land is dated Mar. 19, 1806. At this time the First Branch school district took a deed from William Lee of Middletown, Conn., for one-fourth acre of land, Ashbel Buckland and Dexter Waterman acting as a committee, and paying therefor three dollars. The oldest headstone, as has been said, bears the date, Mar. 16, 1791, but it seems probable that this lot was used for a burial place earlier than this. About 1879 Mr. John A. Slack, who owned the farm bordering this cemetery, enlarged the burial lot by enclosing some of his own land, and sold part of the land to Elmer Woodward and others. Not far from 1900 Charles C. Southworth, who then owned the Slack farm, still further enlarged the cemetery by adding land from his farm, as the lots had all been taken in the cemetery as it then stood. In 1908 Mr. Woodward and others formed an association for the purpose of caring properly for this ceme- tery, and were duly incorporated through the office of the Sec- retary of State, under the title of The Branchview Cemetery Association. This organization has had a new fence built about the yard, and the ground put in excellent condition. Those who had friends buried there freely contributed in paying the ex- pense, so that this graveyard is one of the best cared for in town. The original lot belonging to the district ran eight rods on the road and extended back seven and one-half rods, and was pur- chased for the ‘‘sole use of a buring yard for the aforesaid dis- trict forever,’’ and it was stated that the ‘‘foresaid district is to make and maintain the fence.’’ The deed of the cemetery on Broad Brook was given by Philip Royce, July 12, 1812. On this date he conveyed one acre to District No. 5, for which he received $12. This burial lot had been in use ten or more years, the oldest stones there being for the children of Amos Robinson, and they bear the dates of 1803 and 1804. The Second School District obtained title to land for a ceme- tery Nov. 15, 1815. This district was defined in limits in 1792. Daniel and Ira Havens sold the land, eleven and one-half rods by seven rods, and were paid fifty dollars. The lot had been in use ten or more years before any legal transfer of the land was made. In 1849, Mar. 3, Bestor Pierce deeded to Harry 874 History oF RoyauTon, VERMONT Bingham five-eighths of an acre, which Mr. Bingham was to deed to the district whenever it should wish to enlarge the ceme- tery. Sep. 21, 1858, Mr. Bingham quitclaimed this land to Levi Baker for $12.50, with the agreement that the district should have it when needed. The district records show that a special meeting was called for Mar. 29, 1862, and when met, they voted to buy an addition to the cemetery, of Levi Baker, and Gideon Bingham was appointed to secure the deed. Ira Pierce, Isaac S. Shepard, and William Shirlock were chosen to solicit sub- scriptions, and also to build a fence. Harvey Reynolds was appointed sexton. The deed was given Feb. 20, 1863. It seems quite probable that the First District acquired no title to their cemetery until Oct. 20, 1836. If there had been a verbal gift from Elisha Kent, from whose land the lot was taken, and whose farm was a part of 10 Large Allotment, the cemetery had been in use so long that no deed was thought of. Mr. Archibald Kent had owned this lot for some years previous to 1836. Burial places were allowed to go unfenced, and cattle and sheep to graze in them, as they are doing today over one pri- vate lot in this town. The need of fencing the cemetery no doubt grew more urgent as the years went on, and this may be the reason why the district paid Mr. Kent $100, which money was used in building a wall about the yard. The district ob- tained a deed of three-fourths of an acre. This yard was en- larged July 21, 1857, by a deed from Cyrus Safford to the selectmen, transferring 84 rods, to be used for no other purpose than for a cemetery for the First School District, the selectmen to hold it subject to the control and supervision of said inhab- itants or such persons as they may appoint. An article in the warning for a meeting Dec. 4, 1858, read, ‘‘To see if the town will purchase a part of the new burying ground near South Royalton to be used as a public burying ground.’’ It was passed over, and the same article was passed over in March, 1859, and again in December, 1860. The selectmen appear to have acted without the authority of the town in buying the land of Cyrus Safford, and they refused to appropriate the money to pay for it. The selectmen, John B. Durkee, Isaac F. Shepard, and Thomas Fay, therefore, deeded by quitclaim to Oliver Curtis and Charles M. Lamb this extension, which these men had been responsible for, and the town had no claim upon the land. The addition was made in front of the old yard, bringing it near the highway. The lots in the new addition were taken, so that in 1884 Lyman C. Tower, who had bought the place adjoining the cemetery on the south, enlarged it by the addition on the south side of one row of lots and a driveway. Another enlargement was called for in 1896, and S. C. Drew, the present owner of History or RoyaLTton, VERMONT 375 the Tower place, added a strip on the southeast corner of the yard about twelve rods long and twenty-four rods wide. In 1904 the legislature chartered the South Royalton Ceme- tery Association, naming as the corporation J. H. Hewitt, W. V. Soper, A. P. Skinner, C. E. Black, E. J. Fish, C. P. Tarbell, M. S. Adams, J. O. Belknap, A. G. Whitham, R. B. Galusha, W. O. Belknap, their associates and successors, and the care of this cemetery was given to them, provided the owners of lots consented. They did not. In 1866, Nov. 30, the Royalton Cemetery Association pur- chased of Martin Joiner one and one-fourth acres, paying there- for $400, and laid out Pleasant Hill Cemetery at the lower end of Royalton village. This has one of the most beautiful views in town, but is somewhat difficult to reach, as it lies on a rather steep hill. Headstones are found here dated as far back as 1831, but are probably removals. This corporation built the tomb in the slope next to the highway, and efforts were made to have the town assume the expense and ownership, but they have thus far been without avail. The last cemetery to be laid out was the Riverview. This lot was purchased July 7, 1905, of Anson P. Skinner and Charles C. Southworth for $550 by the South Royalton Cemetery As- sociation. Improvements were soon begun. New roads were graded to the ground, so that the ascent is comparatively easy. The lots were surveyed and carefully laid out. Driveways and foot paths were made, and a book provided for keeping records of interments, so complete in detail that, if preserved, the place of burial can always be easily found without the aid of the head- stones. Full items of identification are given, such as dates of birth, death, burial, name of undertaker, last residence, and name of nearest friend. By the payment of $70 the lot of any one will be perpetually tended. The present officers are, trus- tees, J. H. Hewitt, W. V. Soper, A. P. Skinner, C. E. Black, C. P. Tarbell, J. O. Belknap, W. O. Belknap; president, J. O. Belknap ; secretary, W. O. Belknap. The cemetery is located on an eminence on the east side of the First Branch, near the mouth, and has a magnificent view of the river winding ‘down to Sharon, and the hills in the distance. Thirty-four interments have al- ready been made. Of what may be called neighborhood or private burial lots the largest is the yard near the old Dewey farm, on what is called Dairy Hill. No record has been found in the deeds from father to son of any reservation for this purpose, but the land where the cemetery is located belongs to 11 Large Allotment, and was owned by Ebenezer Dewey. Judging by the dates on the headstones he was the first to be buried there in 1794. The 376 History or RoyauTon, VERMONT Coys, Watermans, Deweys, and Morses are buried in this yard. This ground is kept fenced, but shrubbery has been allowed to grow unmolested. What has been known as the Howard burial lot was used chiefly for the burial of the Howard family. When Oscar Henry came into possession of the farm, he gave, Mar. 18, 1858, a quit- claim deed of this tract of land 26 feet by 36 feet to Elisha Howard and John 8. Storrs, to be used forever as a cemetery. There are found here now seven of the Howard family, three of the Parker family, and two children of David Page. It is not fenced, and is in an open pasture, in a dilapidated condition. If it is not protected, it will not be many years before the head- stones will disappear. The earliest date on these stones is Feb. 11, 1813. Samuel Metcalf set apart one-fourth acre of his land, Aug. 5, 1818, for a neighborhood cemetery. He held a part of the college right. The oldest headstone in this yard is that of Reuben Schellenger, who died Mar. 22, 1801. Here are buried the Metcalf family, and Rhoda Riggs, the wife of James, and others whose graves are unmarked. This yard is fenced, but in years past has been unkempt, and has a neglected appearance. Benjamin Bosworth and the Lindleys used a part of the Lindley farm for a burial lot. It lies next a fence on the pres- ent Merville Waldo farm. It has been so badly overgrown with shrubbery as to make it almost impossible to tell who is buried there, but the past year the selectmen have had it cleared of bushes, and some of the stones disinterred. When Amos and Benjamin Bosworth sold a part of the Lindley farm, Sep. 13, 1828, they reserved a tract two rods by eight rods, and the right to go to and from the same. When Stephen Hicks sold this Lindley land to Ebenezer Cox in 1836, he made the same reser- vation. Emeline, the daughter of Seth Moxley, was buried on her father’s farm, and when he sold eighty acres from W. 31 Large Allotment, he reserved a tract six feet by eight feet where she lies buried. There is an excavation under a ledge in the pasture nearly opposite Albert Taylor’s house in Royalton village, on the land once owned by Jacob Cady. At the opening of the cave is a stone erected to the memory of Morrice, son of Jacob and Judith Cady, who died Aug. 2, 1803. In a deed which Amos Bosworth gave to Oramel Sawyer, transferring the Jacob Cady premises, Oct. 18, 1838, mention is made of the burial of Jacob Cady and wife on the land. No headstones are to be seen there today. This is in an open pasture where cattle graze every year, and is entirely unprotected except by nature. History or ROYALTON, VERMONT 377 On the farm now occupied by George Taggart is the Perrin family lot, well fenced and cared for. Here Asa, Greenfield, and other members of the family are buried. Another small family Perrin lot is on the farm that Asa Perrin, Jr., owned, where he and his two wives and others are buried. These are the Perrin Burial Lots, Nos. 1 and 2 respectively. Not far from the Lindley lot, in a corner of a field on the hill, but nearer the highway, some others are buried, in all probability some of the Freeman family, but the lot is in such condition as to make it very difficult to ascertain who lie there. The headstones which some recollect as having seen there, ap- pear to have fallen down and to be covered with earth. This is called the Freeman Burial Lot. When Samuel Howe sold No. 1 Dutch, Mar. 22, 1869, he reserved thirty feet by twenty for a burying lot. It has been learned that the bodies buried there were later removed to the Havens cemetery, and the land became part of the farm owned by Mr. Howe. In 1863 Dudley C. Denison and Minot Wheeler became the owners of a strip of land north of and adjoining the cemetery at North Royalton. About 1865 it was plotted and lots were sold from it for interment of the dead. The next year Mr. Wheeler sold his interest to Mr. Denison, who continued to sell lots. After his death the property came into the possession of his daughter, Gertrude. This new addition is fenced like the old with a fine iron railing, which was built by Mrs. William Rix, who solicited funds for this purpose. When Mr. Philip Sewall died he left by will $500, the income of which was to be used for the benefit of the new addition. Not many vacant lots remain in this addition. The owners of lots in the South Royalton cemetery formed themselves into an association, and on Nov. 16, 1906, they re- ceived a charter of incorporation. The members named were George Ainsworth, Charles West, W. M. Sargent, John W. Woodward, M. S. Adams, D. L. Burnett, Frank 8S. Ainsworth, O. 8. Curtis, Charles H. Woodard, George Manchester, M. J. Sargent. The present officers are, trustees, C. H. Woodard, M. 8. Adams, M. J. Sargent, Frank Ainsworth, Mrs. Erva J. Sargent; president, C. H. Woodard; secretary, Erva J. Sargent. The name of the incorporation is ‘‘The Village Cemetery Asso- ciation of South Royalton.’’ This cemetery has a number of unmarked graves, and some of the old headstones have fallen and been removed from the places where they originally stood so that it is a difficult matter for the association to complete the records of the yard. 378 History or RoyaLton, VERMONT In 1834 David Wheelock in a deed to Peter Wheelock re- served one-fourth acre of land as a family burying ground for- ever. This reservation has not been identified as a family lot, and it may never have been so used. At the March meeting, 1909, the town authorized the Roy- alton Historical Association to proceed to name such cemeteries and burying lots in town, as had not been authoritatively named. The Association did this, retaining the ordinary name where it seemed advisable, and keeping in mind the desirability of hav- ing the name give some idea as to the location of the yard. The cemeteries that were not cared for by incorporated bodies were thus designated: The North Royalton cemetery, above Royal- ton village; the Royalton Broad Brook cemetery, in district five; the Howard cemetery, in district twelve; the Howe cemetery, in district eleven; the Havens cemetery, in district two; the Metcalf cemetery, in district four; the Lindley cemetery, in dis- trict sixteen; the Dewey cemetery, in district three; the Perrin Burial Lot, No. One, on the George Taggart farm, and the other Perrin lot, No. Two; the Cady and the Freeman burial lots. CHAPTER XXIV. Hotsxs. Just when the settlement of the town had progressed so as to feel the need of a public hostelry, there is no means of know- ing. As it was a frontier town until 1780 or later, there could have been little demand for entertainment by travelers. The destruction of the town in 1780 retarded its increase in popula- tion for several years, and people coming to it or passing through would very likely be entertained at private houses. Capt. Gilbert, who lived on the West farm, may have had a hostelry there, as he did later at the ‘‘Pierce Stand.’’ Zebu- lon Lyon, who took the initiative in so many good works, may have furnished a home to wayfarers before he sold to Elkanah Stevens land within the limits of Royalton village. Mr. Stevens is the first landlord in town of whom there is any positive record. Zebulon Lyon did not originally have 46 Dutch, in which lot Royalton village is located. Mr. Lyon had Hast 54 Town Plot. In 1782 he bought of Capt. Ebenezer Brewster of Han- over, ten acres in 46 Dutch adjoining his land and lying along the river. This may have included a part of what is now the village. In 1788 Mr. Lyon purchased of Capt. Brewster the whole of 46 Dutch not before sold or otherwise disposed of. Capt. Brewster had already deeded to the town of Royalton the meeting-house lot. It was this lot that served as a magnet to draw business and professional men toward the center of the town, and in the early part of 1791 a little settlement began there. In Novem- ber of that year Elkanah Stevens came to town. To him Zebu- lon Lyon sold two tracts joining the meeting-house lot, one or both of which extended to the river. On this land he probably had his store. In the latter part of 1793 he purchased of Mr. Lyon 252 rods near the ‘‘Lyman fordway,’’ and on this lot there was already an inn or Mr. Stevens built one. The records of 1801 refer incidentally to ‘‘Landlord Dickinson,’’ who lived at the center of the town, but nothing in the deeds indicates that he had a hotel in the village. The venture of Mr. Stevens does not seem to have been very remunerative, for the Boston parties to whom he had mortgaged 380 History or RoyaLtTton, VERMONT his property foreclosed, and in 1806 quitclaimed the same to David Waller. This David was one of the boys made captive by the Indians and taken to Canada. He was now married and had several children. Dr. Joseph Gallup had a hotel in Bethel at this time, and after remaining in Royalton three years, Mr. Waller exchanged property with Dr. Gallup, and removed to Bethel. One reason for the non-success of the hotel at the center of the town may have been that Capt. Daniel Gilbert established himself in Royalton in 1792 or ’93, and he kept an inn at what has since been known as the ‘‘Pierce Tavern.’’ The house which he purchased was Nathan Morgan’s, and it had been occu- pied by Zabad Curtis. Mr. Curtis had been assessed as a trader. Mr. Gilbert was a man well known outside of the town, and travelers from the south would be likely to patronize him, and so pass by the inn only two miles farther on. Dr. Gallup disposed of his hotel to Col. Stafford Smith of Bethel in 1810, who removed to Royalton soon after. Col. Smith possessed the tact and ability to make a success of his business. He was not personally in charge during all the years that he held the property, as he was engaged in military service some of the time. How much he did in the way of improvement is not exactly known, but the main part of the present ‘‘Cascad- nac’’ is said to have been erected by him. It was while he was in the hotel, that it had the honor of entertaining President Mon- roe and Gen. Lafayette. Col. Smith was somewhat irascible, and the small boys liked to stir him up. A road led from the hotel by the house where Rev. Joel Whitney now lives, on toward the pinnacle. The children used to slide there in winter, and they would come down the hill pell mell and dash against the hotel. One evening they had a large sled with a full load, and, as usual, bumped into the tavern. This was too much for the Colonel, and he took an axe and shivered the offending sled into kindling wood. In the morning he found out that it was his own sled that he had demolished, and the boys had scored one more victory. In 1818 Dolly Smith, widow of Jacob Smith, leased land to Col. Smith for the purpose of building a summer dining hall. This was probably the building between the church and the pres- ent academy, used on the occasion of Lafayette’s visit, and pre- viously on training days. The next year after Lafayette’s visit Col. Smith leased the hotel to Moses Cutter for five years. The Vermont Advocate published at Royalton, states in its issue of Feb. 15, 1827, that the roof of Mr. Cutter’s dining hall fell in from the weight of snow. Possibly that was the end of this hotel extension, at any History or Royauton, VERMONT 381 rate, no further notice of it appears. Mr. Cutter had a store and could give little personal attention to running a hotel. In 1828 Simeon T. Stone was the landlord. Two years before Mr. Cutter’s lease ran out Col. Smith sold the tavern to Amos Bos- worth. Two years later Samuel Blodgett got a half interest in it, and took the personal conduct of it upon himself. The hotel property was evidently not a paying investment to these proprietors, and their affairs became involved, so that in 1843 the hotel was sold to John Mitchell Alexander, who almost immediately conveyed it to Benjamin and Harrison Alex- ander of Sharon. Alden W. Titus of Brandon bought it of the Alexanders in 1845, and conducted it for four years, when he sold to William Skinner. Mr. Skinner held it for three years, then sold to Chester Baxter of Sharon, buying it back in 1855, and within two days transferred it to Frederick Washburn of Randolph. A niece of Mr. Washburn lived with him. A clerk at one of the stores boarded at the hotel. Some one came into the store one day and asked the clerk, ‘‘How do you like your new land- lord?’’ ‘‘First rate,’’ was the reply. ‘‘We have beans for din- ner, cold beans for supper, and warmed-up beans for breakfast.’’ Then looking up and seeing the pretty niece in the door, he added, ‘‘And they are good beans, too.’’ A new hall is mentioned in 1855, and that was probably the wing at the southwest end of the hotel, where the hall now is. Pearl D. Blodgett and William Skinner both held the prop- erty in 1856. Alden Chamberlin bought it in October of that year. Mr. Chamberlin had had experience in catering to the public. He had served as landlord in the ‘‘Cascadnac House’’ in Gaysville, and two years in the East Randolph hotel. Mrs. Chamberlin was a famous housekeeper, cook, and manager, and he was genial and courteous to his guests. The hotel in those days entertained many parties, and was a favorite place for lovers of Terpsichore. Its hall was also devoted to charitable works, and there the Soldiers’ Aid Society met in those trying days of the Civil War. If its walls could speak, they would rehearse the scenes when men and women gathered there, and with busy fingers scraped lint, plied the needle, knitted stock- ings, and eagerly discussed news from the front, while many hearts were aching with anxious thought of loved ones, or with the consciousness that the soldier boy would nevermore return to the home nest. They could tell, too, of the mazy whirl, as the squeaky violins ground out ‘‘Money Musk’’ for tripping feet of maid and youth. The wedding bells now and then rang in the old tavern. It was May day, 1859, that the fair young daughter of the host, 382 History of RovaLTton, VERMONT Mr. Chamberlin, gave her hand and her heart into the keeping of Dr. Constant Manchester, and the marriage rites were performed in the old village hotel. Mr. Chamberlin was a sufferer from sciatic rheumatism, and the disease finally compelled him to seek rest, and in the latter part of 1863 he sold to Byron G. Conant and Stephen Freeman. The next year Mr. Freeman bought out his partner and ran the business about one year. He then deeded the prop- erty to George Gilson, who, in about two years, deeded it back to Mr. Chamberlin. Ira P. Thatcher now took the hotel, and after two years or less conveyed it to Horace White. Mr. White in 1872 conveyed the hotel to Alden B. Crapo of Randolph. The property had been under mortgage for a number of years, and in 1875 the National Bank of Royalton foreclosed, and the next year sold to Arthur P. Brown of Lowell, Mass., who gave a deed to Henry A. Brown the next month. The hotel was in the hands of the Brown family until 1884, when Herbert H. Taylor bought one-half of it. Mr. Taylor had bought one-half in 1883, and now owned the whole of it. In less than a month Mr. Taylor sold to David C. Stearns. The hotel had led a precarious and varied life in the last twenty years before its occupancy by Mr. Stearns. When he assumed control of it, a new period of prosperity began. Mr. Stearns was polite and obliging to all seeking his hospitality. He was ably seconded by his wife, who, though somewhat en- feebled in health, always kept the tavern so that it was attrac- tive and homelike, and added to it the graces of a well culti- vated mind. It now began to be sought as a delightful place in which to spend a summer vacation, and guests once enjoying the quiet and kindly hospitality of the host and hostess, were eager to come again. As the years went on Mr. and Mrs. Stearns both felt the need of a release from their onerous duties as host and hostess, end in 1901 the hotel passed into the hands of Caspar P. Abbott, who held it less than a year, when he sold to George D. Harring- ton. Though Mr. Harrington owned the hotel less than four years, he added much to the reputation it had acquired under Mr. Stearns, and considerably increased its patronage. The peo- ple of Royalton village saw him leave to take charge of the larger hotel at South Royalton in 1902 with genuine regret. Mr. Harrington sold to James M. Boyd of Hartland. He conducted the business for two years, then leased it to J. H. Zottman for a year. In January, 1910, Mr. Boyd sold the tav- ern to his son-in-law, George L. Moore of Barre. Mr. Moore does not occupy the hotel. It is at present under the charge of Albert E. Emery, son of Amos Emer i i ; ; y who resides in Royalton History or RoyauTton, VERMONT 383 village. Some improvements were made while Mr. Boyd owned the property, and others are in process of making. A new coat of paint gives it a fresh appearance, but makes it look unfamiliar to those used to seeing the old brown garb of recent years. It will probably have its customary patronage of summer boarders, who enjoy the beautiful scenery from its wide verandas, and the reposefulness of the quiet village. Capt. Gilbert, who had a hostelry near the mouth of the First Branch, on 36 Dutch, after he moved to town in 1792, sold this place to Willard Pierce in 1811 and returned to Sharon. Mr. Pierce deeded the property back to Capt. Gilbert in August, 1818, and the same year it was purchased by Asahel Cheney of Rochester. Mr. Cheney had a son, Horace, who seems to have attended to the business part of tavern keeping. That they kept an up-to-date hotel is proved by the charge which John Marshall, cabinet maker, made in April, 1823, ‘‘Horace Cheney for tavern sign, $4.00.’’ If the hotel flung out a fine sign, it is a pretty sure indication that all the accessories were in keeping with it. Mr. Asahel Cheney had lived in Royalton village for a few years, then went to Rochester, from which place he came to take possession of the Gilbert tavern. His son, Horace, died in 1826, and he a few years later. Phineas Pierce, Sen., bought the tavern and lot the next year after the death of Horace Cheney. He kept both hotel and store. It is possible that Mr. Cheney had also had a store, as he seems to have had one at Royalton village. Mr. Pierce won quite a reputation as a tavern keeper, and was prosperous until the hotel across the river in the new village of South Royalton was built. His hotel was situated in a beautiful spot command- ing a wide view of the river and encircling hills, and would offer to the weary traveler the prospect of good cheer and comfort- able accommodations. When the new village was a foregone conclusion, Mr. Pierce purchased some land within its limits, but if he meditated building a hotel on his land, the idea did not materialize. He was the last tavern keeper at the old ‘‘Gilbert Stand.’”’ Jacob Fox came to Royalton about 1800. He bought a tan- nery of Benjamin Parkhurst, and settled at North Royalton. From a letter written by his son, Jacob, it appears that he opened a hotel in the year 1811. The son says he well remem- bers when the tavern sign was flung to the breeze, and from thenceforth his father and mother were publicans, and for money kept entertainment for man and beast. It is from him also that we learn that the new brick building was first occupied by them in 1818. In telling the impression it had on him, a young boy, he says, ‘‘With what awe I used to mount to the garret, and 384 History or RoyaLToN, VERMONT contemplate the surrounding country, and think how much more favored we were than others.’’? That brick house still stands . today, and bears about the same appearance as when first built. Mr. Fox secured the patronage of the freight stage drivers, and his roomy house was well filled with guests. Singing schools and parties were also held in the hall of the hotel, and so famous it became that it gave name to the diminutive settlement, which was named, and is still often called, Foxville. Jireh Durkee gave a deed in 1805 to a part of the Timothy Durkee place in 53 Town Plot, the farm known in late years as the Edward Rix place. In this deed he stipulates that no tavern or other public house shall be erected on the land sold, that shall in any way interfere with any tavern that is or may be erected on his land. This would imply that some sort of an inn was already in operation at what is now called North Royalton. Both Stafford Smith and Jacob Fox branched out exten- sively in the direction of land speculation and manufacturing, and both suffered in their fortunes thereby, and had to sacrifice so much as seriously to cripple them. They died comparatively poor men, and lie buried in the old cemetery near the Fox hotel. The South Royalton House was the natural result of the building up of the new village in the south part of the town, when the railroad was built. It was the child of Daniel Tar- bell, Jr., in whose active brain plans for the growth of the third village were constantly forming and successfully carried out. He ‘erected the hotel and engaged a landlord, Harvey H. Woodard of Tunbridge. Mr. Woodard had been proprietor of a hotel in Tunbridge, and was not without experience in providing for the needs of the public. He was an ideal landlord, and his wife an ideal landlady, and so when a grand dedicatory ball was planned in 1851, it attracted wide attention. Managers were appointed out- side of the town as well as within, a fine band. was engaged, it was well advertised, and the result was a memorable occasion. The face of one of the cards used at that time can be seen in the eut of ‘‘Special Days.’’ Mr. Woodard continued to lease the hotel for a number of years, but as soon as he was able, having built up a large patron- age, he bought it of Mr. Tarbell. This was in October, 1854, and from that time to the present it has been known as ‘‘ Wood- ard’s Hotel,’’ though retaining the old sign, ‘‘South Royalton House.”’ It is near the station, so that guests coming on the train have only to cross the street. Mr. Woodard continued the business until his death, 1878, but some years before that event he had taken his only son, Charles H. Woodard, into partnership with him. His son had SOUTH ROYALTON HOUSE, Built in 1850. Harvey Hazen Woodard. Charles Henry Woodard. THE OLD FOX TAVERN, North Royalton. THE “CASCADNAC”’ HOTEL, ROYALTON VILLAGE, AND THE “BRICK STORE.” History or RoyvALToN, VERMONT 385 been bred to the art of pleasing the public, and on the death of his father, he and his mother successfully continued the busi- ness. The hotel had become a pleasant home for commercial travelers, and had often given large balls, attended with the finest of banquets. A small extension was built, extending toward the livery stables, which Mr. Woodard owned, sometimes alone, and sometimes in company with others. With this excep- tion, the hotel remained the same in size and appearance, as when built by Mr. Tarbell. During the last years of Mr. Charles Woodard’s occupancy, after his mother died, he had to depend on chance help in the management of the household affairs, and finally, after leasing for a few years, he sold the property to George Harrington, who had been the popular and successful landlord of the ‘‘Cascad- nac’’ at Royalton village. The patronage has largely increased under the skillful and kindly hands of Mr. and Mrs. Harrington, and the demand for rooms by summer boarders has necessitated the enlarging of the building. Last year the roof on the ell part was raised, and another story added, and the ‘‘Old Hall’’ that had been the scene of so many shows and functions that drove dull care away, is now cut up into sleeping rooms. Mr. and Mrs. Harrington give personal attention to their guests, and every train on its arrival finds a representative of the hotel at the station to greet any guest who may desire enter- tainment for a longer or a shorter time. Mr. Daniel Tarbell’s last work in fostering the growth of the new village was the building of the ‘‘Central Vermont House.’’ This was a two and one-half story hotel erected south of, and near the hotel of Mr. Woodard. It was built about 1872, and existed only fifteen years or so when it burned down. Dan- iel C. Jones was conducting the hotel at the time it was burned. It had been rented to different parties. Most of the large force cf workmen employed in building the new block in South Roy- alton were boarded there. Mention should be made of ‘‘Brightwood,’’ which, though not strictly speaking a hotel, furnished entertainment in South Royalton for transients and regular boarders for several years. This was owned by Warren J. Bright, who, with his capable wife, gave personal attention to his numerous guests, who, com- ing once, desired to come again. Owing to impaired health, they sold their roomy house to George W. Brown in 1909, and removed to the upper part of the village. 25 CHAPTER XXV. Post-OFFICES AND POST-ROADS. In the first years of her existence Vermont was quite as prompt and generous in establishing post-roads and post-offices as Congress was. Four years after the Grants declared their independence, on June 19, 1781, the Governor and Council passed the following resolution: “Resolved that Mr. Samuel Sherman be employed to ride post from his Excellency’s in Arlington to Camp Head Quarters (at Castle- ton) once a week three months from the date hereof, to go up one road by the way of Tinmouth and return by the way of Pawlet; that for his Encouragement he be allowed fourteen shillings per week out of the State’s Treasury, he to convey all public letters & dispatches free of all other expence.” This was the first post-route established in Vermont, and was directly for the benefit of the Governor, but indirectly all the inhabitants of the state would profit thereby. The post- rider evidently found it a paying business, for in 1783 his com- pensation was reduced to nine shillings a week, and the money he received from postage on letters was to be deducted there- from. The people at large were given better facilities for the transmission of public business by an act of the Assembly, March 5, 1784, which provided for establishing a post-office department in the state, with post-riders. Anthony Haswell of Bennington was the first Postmaster General. There were to be five post- offices, viz.: Bennington, Rutland, Brattleboro, Windsor, and Newbury. The post-rider from Bennington to Brattleboro was to have three pence per mile, and the others two pence. The post-riders had exclusive right of carriage. Any one trying to run a rival post was to be fined ten pounds, to be paid to any postmaster who should be successful in convicting the invader. Post-riders were to make weekly trips, and could have all fees accruing from the carrying of letters and packets of every kind. The pay to post-riders by the mile ceased in 1790 by legislative action. Concerning the advantages of the new postal act the Vermont Journal of March 24, 1784, thus expressed itself: “We flatter ourselves the Honorable Assembly have done essen- tial service to the State by adopting this measure, as it naturally tends to unite the people thereof—affords a regular source of information History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT 387 with the Southern States there being already a post established from Bennington to Albany—gives a thorough vent for the circulation of newspapers (that most excellent vehicle of intelligence and conveni- ence) supplies us with the means of transmitting domestic occurrences, both public & private: and in fine, from so important an establishment, if conducted with regularity, we may anticipate the most happy con- sequences.” That was progress and enterprise in 1784. Today a man who reads only a weekly paper is likely to be dubbed a ‘‘hay- seed.’? The Vermont Gazette in November announced that a four-horse stage was ready to run between New York and Strat- ford ferry, Conn., which completed the stage route from Ports- mouth, N. H., to Richmond, Va., a distance of about 700 miles. In 1792 additional post-offices were established in the state under the authority of Congress. Four post-routes were laid out in Vermont, the one nearest Royalton being a route from Brattleboro, through Charlestown, N. H., to Windsor and Han- over, N. H. Brattleboro had a post-route to Springfield, Mass., so the line was complete from Windsor to Springfield. By the way of Rutland and Burlington, Royalton could send matter to Albany, N. Y., provided she could get her mail to these points. In 1793 Josiah Allen advertised himself as a post-rider from Windsor to Braintree. He asked those in Royalton who had had the Vermont Journal to lodge pay with Dr. Searle or Benjamin Parkhurst. Spooner’s Vermont Journal of 1803 advertises a mail route from Jericho, through Montpelier, Williamstown, Randolph, Royalton, Woodstock and Windsor. In 1806 there was a stage from Boston to Burlington, which left Windsor on Wednesdays at 4 a. m., and reached Montpelier the next day before noon. It left Montpelier at noon the same day, and ar- rived in Burlington Tuesday at 9 a. m. It left Burlington at 8 p. m., and arrived in Montpelier Saturday afternoon. It left there at 6 a. m, Monday, and reached Windsor, Tuesday at 3 p.m. The same year mails left Royalton every Monday at 6 a. m., and passed through Tunbridge, Chelsea, and Vershire to Corinth, reaching Corinth at 6 p. m. They left Corinth at 6 a. m. every Tuesday and arrived in Royalton at 6 p.m. This was a weekly post-route. Rates of postage were at first according to miles. In 1810 the rate for 40 miles was 8 cents, between 40 and 90 it wag 10 cents, between 150 and 300 it was 17 cents, and over 500 miles, 25 cents. The high rates of postage led to the private convey- ance of letters, and it might be weeks before a letter would reach its destination. The stages did not run with regularity. When they did, it required nine or ten days for a letter to come from Boston to Royalton, and even longer for one to cross the moun- tain. The days of money orders and bank checks had - not 388 History of RoyaLTon, VERMONT arrived, and money was sent in letters. It was customary to divide a bill into three or more parts, and send one part in one letter, and the others, each in a different letter, and when the recipient had all the pieces he would go to work and put them together again. a In 1313 there was a post-road from Concord, N. H., to Montpelier, through Hanover, Hartford, Sharon, Royalton, Ran- dolph, Brookfield, and Williamstown. At this time Stafford Smith was innkeeper at Royalton, and one Benton at Sharon. Those were the days when it sent the blood tingling through the veins of an admiring on-looker, as the high-perched driver of the four or six-horse stage proudly galloped up to the tavern, his long whip making graceful pirouettes in the air and ending with a sharp crack, that spurred the tired horses to show their best mettle. No post-office seems to have been established in Royalton previous to 1798. Through the courtesy of the First Assistant Postmaster General, the Hon. F. H. Hitchcock, a list of the in- cumbents of the office has been received, extending from 1798 to 1898, an even century. The list follows: “Elkanah Stevens, appointed Jan. 1, 1798; Zebulon Lyon, April 1, 1803; Asa Edgerton, Oct. 1, 1813; Loraine Terry, Nov. 25, 1816; Oramel Sawyer, Jan. 15, 1821; John Warren, April 4, 1831; Jabez H. Board- man, May 24, 1834; Joel B. Fox, Sept. 20, 1837; Edward P. Nevins, Nov. 17, 1887; Elijah D. Blodgett, July 24, 1850; Julius P. Smith, Aug. 31, 1853; Charles N. Parker, Sept. 5, 1881; Alice E. Parker, Oct. 24, 1887; George A. Laird, Sept. 26, 1898.” These names with few exceptions are often found in the records of the town. Sketches of most of these persons will be found in the genealogical half of this volume. Very little has been learned regarding John Warren and Joel B. Fox. Mr. Fox held the office less than two months. Miss Alice E. Parker has the distinction of being the only woman who held the Roy- alton office during the whole century of its existence. Mr. Laird still continues as postmaster. J. P. Smith was postmaster for the longest period of time, twenty-eight years. The office was kept in his store, in the building that he rented of Mrs. Felch. Miss Parker had the office in her home. She was appointed on the death of her father. The office at South Royalton was established in 1851. Ly- man Benson was postmaster from that date until 1853, when Horatio K. Blake was appointed. He was succeeded in 1862 by Charles C. Southgate. Mr. Southgate held the office longer than any other incumbent, until the democrats succeeded in placing Cleveland in the presidential chair. Henry H. Whit- comb was given the office in 1885. Miss Helen Southgate, daughter of Charles C. Southgate, was appointed postmistress History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT 389 in July, 1889, the only woman to hold the office in South Roy- alton. She in turn gave way in 1893 to Charles E. Black. Mr. Black was followed in 1897 by Will M. Sargent, who held the office until 1902. The office was then raised to the rank of third class, and Julius Orlando Belknap was commissioned postmaster on January 22nd, 1902. Mr. Belknap died in 1910, and his son, Perley §. Belknap, was appointed to fill the vacancy, in Decem- ber of that year. The amount of matter passing through the office has con- tinually increased since its first establishment. When the Rural Delivery system became operative in 1903, the business of the office was still further increased. Three routes were then estab- lished, and one stage route continues from South Royalton to Chelsea, and one from Royalton to East Bethel, East Randolph, South Randolph, North Randolph, and East Brookfield, once daily. The stage to Chelsea runs twice daily to meet the first train south in the forenoon, and last train north in the after- noon. This stage makes one trip on Sunday. Mail route No. 1 covers the part of the town north of the river. It is 231% miles in length, accommodates 110 families with a population of 481. The mail carrier is Otis H. Flint. Route No. 2 extends to Broad Brook, East Barnard, and into Pomfret, covering the southeast part of the town. It is 2444 miles in length, supplies 85 families with a population of 375. Gardner Ashley was the first carrier, but was compelled to resign on account of ill health. The present carrier is Erle H. Faneuf. Route No. 3 covers the southwest part of the town, toward Barnard and Bethel. Its length is 2414 miles, the number of families on the route is 86, and the population, 299. James M. Shepard is the carrier. The revenue from the post-office for the quarter ending Sep. 30, 1910, was $759.61. The salary of the office has risen from $1,000 in 1902 to $1,400, the present salary. A list of stage routes from and through Royalton was very kindly furnished by the Second Assistant Postmaster General, the Hon. W. S. Shallenberg. In the letter accompanying the list he said: “T have to inform you that the records of this Office relating to mail transportation prior to 1839, are incomplete owing to partial destruction by fire in 1836, and to other causes. This Office under- stands that the post office at Royalton, Vermont, was established in 1798. The first record of any kind of mail routes at Royalton is an advertisement for proposals dated April 1, 1809, covering the term from October 1, 1809 to September 30, 1811, on routes No. 29 and 382, as follows: Route No. 29, from Windsor, by Woodstock, Royalton, Randolph, Williamstown, Berlin, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho, Williston, to Burlington, once a week. Route No, 32, from Royalton, by Tunbridge, Chelsea, and Vershire, to Corinth, once a week. 390 History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT Following is a list of routes advertised on which the names of contractors, their compensation, and their methods of transportation are not known: Advertisement of July 10, 1810, for service from January 1, 1811, to September 30, 1811. Route No. 6, From Middlebury by Royalton to Hanover, once in two weeks. Advertisement of April 10, 1811, for service from October 1, 1811, to December 31, 1814. Route No. 34, From Royalton, by Tunbridge, Vershire, Corinth, Newbury, Peacham, Ryegate, Barnet, Littleton, and Concord, to Lun- enburg, once a week. Route No. 35, From Windsor, by Woodstock, Barnard, Royalton, Randolph, Williamstown, Berlin, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho and Williston, to Burlington, twice a week.” Route No. 34 was slightly changed in 1815, and covered a distance of 109 miles. In 1824 it was made to end at Brad- ford, a distance of 34 miles. In 1829 it went on to Haverhill, N. H., 41 miles. The contractor was Stafford Smith, and he made his trip three times a week in a two-horse stage. In 1833 this stage ran twice a week, the contractor being Lement (Lem- uel?) Bacon. In 1837 the stage started from Bethel, and ran three times a week, Mahlon Cottrill, contractor. In 1841 the route was extended to South Newbury, 8. A. Babbitt, contractor. In 1845 the route was from Royalton to East Corinth, 28 miles; Elihu Norton, contractor. After a settlement was started at South Royalton, the route was again changed, in 1849, to run from South Royalton to Chelsea, 15 miles; Sidney S. Smith, con- tractor. The stage then made only three trips a week. It has not been ascertained when daily trips were first made, but prob- ably during, if not before, the Civil War. The twice-a-day service was ordered in 1898, and for three years proved a source of loss to the contractor, Marvin H. Hazen. The Sunday serv- ice began about 1900. The mail carriers, so far as has been learned, have been John Snow, Chester Sanborn, Daniel C. Jones, Josiah Spencer, a Mr. Davis, Benjamin Hyde, Moritz Volk, a Mr. Dodge, Herbert Taylor, who came from Andover, N. H., Charles Peters of Bradford, Martin Ordway of Chelsea, Carlton O. Burnham, formerly of W. Fairlee, Marvin H. Hazen, and Harry Bryant. Mr. Hazen took the route Sep. 25, 1895, and still holds it. Mr. Bryant has the mail contract. A thor- cugh-brace Concord coach has been run much of the time by Mr. Hazen, who has employed Mr. Bryant as carrier ever since he took the contract in 1895. Different ones have driven the second stage, the present driver being Fred Culver. Chester Sanborn held the route for a considerable period. He was very popular, and made it a paying business. Mr. Burnham was rather profane, and very fond of fun. He did not check his oaths, even when he knew that he had a clergyman History oF RoyaLton, VERMONT 391 aboard. He told one reverend gentleman that he had just as lief go to hell as to heaven, for he had friends in both places. While he was the carrier, he, with the aid of George Mudgett and M. H. Hazen, in 1892 got up a coupon ticket and a time table to advertise the Chelsea route, which they named ‘‘Jigger Central Electric R. R.’’ These slips were distributed to people coming in on the trains. The stations on the tickets bore the names, ‘‘South Royalton Junction, Brooklyn Crossing, Shoe- maker’s Falls, Jigger Harbor, Dustin’s Corner, Tunbridge Mar- ket, Blood Village, Randolph Junction, and Chelsea.’’ Under the caption, ‘‘Movement of Trains,’’ they announced, ‘‘Nos. 11 and 12 (Limited Express) are limited to two miles an hour. Any engineer proven to have run faster will be immediately dis- charged and passenger’s money refunded.’’ ‘‘Nos. 66 and 55 (Mail) will stop at all stations where there is a post-office one hour and ten minutes. This order is imperative, as it will allow postmasters and postmistresses time to read both sides of the postal cards.’’ Under ‘‘General Rules and Regulations,’’ the public was informed, ‘‘Conductors and Engineers will take it for granted that the right of way belongs to their train, and in case of doubt go ahead and take their chances.’’ ‘‘ Engineers must not blow their whistles while standing at stations, unless there are horses enough around to make it an object.’’ In ex- plaining signals, it was stated, ‘‘One blast of the steam whistle denotes that the engineer is awake. Two blasts denote that a section man has been seen near the track.’’ The different cou- pons were ‘‘take-offs’’ on local names and unsuccessful enter- prises. The first coupon read as follows: “Issued by JicceR CENTRAL ELectric R. R. SO. ROYALTON to BROOKLYN CROSSING. Change for Dairy Hill and Onionville. Connections are made here with the Steamer Abbie Barney, strik- ing all points on Hartwell’s Narrow Gauge, including Happy Hollow and Miller’s Bend.” The last coupon, which brought the traveller to Chelsea, told the holder that ‘‘This Town is the Head-quarters for the Fish and Game League, and all other Sporting miscellanies per- taining to the Boot and Shoe business. You can also view speci- mens of the Tunbridge Granite here.’? Doubtless some who read this will recall the fun they had with these coupons. People alighting from the trains would often call out, ‘‘Is the train in on the Jigger Central?’’ Mail route No. 29 was changed from once to twice a week in 1811. It was made to end at Montpelier, a distance of 61 392 History oF RoyaLron, VERMONT miles, in 1825. In 1829 it again had for terminals Windsor and Burlington, and mails three times a week in four-horse stages. The contractors were Pettes, Barker & Co. Mail from Royalton to Burlington was provided for also three times a week by route No. 503, going to East Bethel, East Randolph, East Brookfield, East Williamstown, South Barre, Barre, Montpelier, and from that point following route No. 29. In 1837 the terminals were Montpelier and Claremont, N. H. The stage ran daily, and every other day by Barre, South Barre, East Williamstown, Hast Brookfield, and East Randolph. The contractor was James Bark. In 1841 the route was divided. One route went from Montpelier by Barre to East Bethel three times a week, and thence by Royalton, East Barnard and Woodstock to Windsor six times a week. Samuel Blodgett and Robert Barker were the contractors. In 1845 the line ran from Montpelier by Barre to Lebanon, N. H., six times a week, 52 miles, running alter- nately by the South Barre route to Royalton, Sharon, West Hart- ford, Hartford, West Lebanon, N. H., to Lebanon on one road, and by Washington, Chelsea, Strafford, South Strafford, Nor- wich and Hanover, N. H., to Lebanon on the other route; O. Hinton, contractor. Another route went from Montpelier by Northfield, East Roxbury, and Woodstock to Windsor six times a week, going alternately to Brookfield, Randolph, East Bethel, Royalton, and East Barnard on the one road, and by Braintree, West Randolph, Bethel, and Barnard, on the other road; con- tractor, Chester W. Chapin. In 1849 Montpelier and Royalton were made the terminals, with service three times a week; con- tractor, S. S. Smith. L. Boutwell in 1853 took the same route, holding it until 1861, when John Robinson bid it off. Tupper and Robinson had the route from 1865 to 1873, running the stage six times a week. In 1873 the terminals were Barre and Roy- alton; Chester Sanborn, contractor. Montpelier was omitted Oct. 27, 1875. Mr. Sanborn continued on the route until 1881, when J. R. Tupper secured it. His route was curtailed in 1885, to run from East Brookfield to Royalton, 16 miles. The subse- quent contractors on this route have been W. A. Stoddard, F. S. Smith, Ambrose A. Call, William A. Richardson, and William Skinner. The route is now from East Randolph to Royalton. On Route No. 6, from Middlebury to Hanover, N. H. through Royalton, a stage was run once a week in 1818. This route was lengthened in 1824 by passing through Stockbridge and Hartford, and it was shortened in 1829 by making Royalton a terminus. The four-horse stage now ran only three times a week; contractor, John Perry. In 1833 Shaw and Tilden were the contractors, and B. B. Brown in 1837. The stage was run with two horses in 1841-45 by Simeon A. Babbitt, contractor. History or RoyauTon, VERMONT 393 From 1845 to 1849, N. 8. Chandler had the contract. After the railroad was completed this route was discontinued. A route from Boston was established in 1829, which ran in stages from Boston to Washington six times a week, and from that place to Royalton, three times a week. It went by Lowell, North Chelmsford, Tyngsboro, Dunstable, Mass., Centerville, Amherst, Mt. Vernon, Francistown, West Deering, Hillsboro, Washington, Goshen, Unity, Newport, Claremont, N. H., Wind- sor, Woodstock, and Barnard, to Royalion; contractors, Pettes, Barker & Co. In 1833 the route was extended to Montpelier, running four times a week in four-horse post coaches. Another route from Amherst ran through New Boston, Weare, Henniker, Bradford, Fisherfield, Wendell, Newport, Claremont, Royalton, East Bethel, East Brookfield, East Williamstown, South Barre, and Barre, to Montpelier, three times a week; contractors, James Barker & Co. In 1829 a stage ran from Concord, N. H., by Boscawen, Salisbury, Andover, Wilmot, Springfield, Enfield, Lebanon, Han- over, N. H., Hartford, West Hartford, and Sharon, to Royalton, daily ; contractors, Shepard & Downer. In 1833 the contractor was James Barker & Co., and in 1837, Ephraim Hutchins & Co. Hanover was omitted in 1841, when John Glass and Nathan Chandler became the contractors. This route was shortened in 1845, Royalton and Lebanon were made the terminals, and the four-horse coach gave place to a two-horse stage. N.S. Chand- ler was the contractor. This route also disappeared with the advent of the railroad, and a route was established from East Barnard to Royalton in 1849, to run three times a week, Sidney S. Smith being the contractor. In 1853 William Skinner held this contract. It was about this time that Stephen Freeman drove the stage. Levi Johnson had the contract in 1857, and Oliver C. Woodward in 1861. This route was abandoned about 1869, and a route from South Royalton to East Barnard estab- lished. Washington Leonard was the contractor and carrier. He served twelve successive years. The mail at first went down the river and round by the mouth of Broad Brook, but the route was changed when the new hill road to Broad Brook was com- pleted and open to the public in 1871. Mr. Leonard was suc- ceeded by Azro Davis, who drove the stage four years, when Mr. Leonard again took the contract for four years, making hig period of service longer than that of any other one on this route. Fred Culver was awarded the contract July 1, 1885, and held it eight years, when he was succeeded by L. Dudley Leavitt, who drove the stage about one and one-half years. Mr. Culver fin- ished out his term, and was followed July 1, 1897, by Mrs. W. Lyman Allen, whose term expired June 30, 1901. Mr. Leavitt 394 History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT then again took the contract, and continued in service until the introduction of the Rural Delivery routes. The Rural Delivery has proved a boon to many living on the hill farms, but in some other cases the mail facilities are not so good as under the old regime of stages. ; The high tide of stages for Royalton was in the period be- tween 1829 and 1832, when six stages regularly drove out with prancing horses. Royalton was the end terminal for the stages from Boston, Middlebury, and Concord, N. H., and the starting point for stages to Haverhill, N. H., and Burlington. The other stage ran from Windsor to Burlington, passing through Royal- ton. Each of these stages made the trip three times a week, except the Concord stage, which ran daily. The well-known hostelry of Jacob Fox at ‘‘Foxville’’ had its share of patronage, and the owners of what is now the ‘‘Cascadnac House,’’ Amos Bosworth and Samuel Blodgett, no doubt depended largely for their profits on the custom from the various stages, whose driv- ers, guards, and passengers, would daily mingle together at their tables and replenish their coffers. There was not much class distinction at that time, but plenty of jollity. The anecdotes which follow were stored in the retentive memory of William W. Culver of West Lebanon, N. H., who, as a boy in Royalton, had often listened to tales of the olden time. A man by the name of Cushman at one period drove the stage passing through Woodstock. John Lull had charge of the horses. After the animals were well cared for at the barn, one evening, John came into the bar-room as usual. Seeing a new fur cap, he took it up to examine it. ‘‘How’s that, John?’’ Cushman asked rather proudly. ‘‘That’s real otter.’’ “*Ought ter pay for it is all the otter there is about it,’’ unkindly re- sponded John. Cushman at one time drove an opposition stage to the regular line owned by the proprietor of the hotel at Roy- alton village. The landlady one day had their passengers wait- ing in the back parlor. While she was absent a few minutes Cushman wormed his way in to them, and as he was spiriting them away, like the pied piper, he met the hostess in the hall. The irate lady cried out, ‘‘You’re stealing my passengers, and I’ll singe your whiskers,’’ and she did, much to his discomfiture for his whiskers were the pride of his life. It is related that at another time a passenger desired the services of a barber, and asked Cushman if there was one at the tavern. ‘‘No, not regular,’’ he answered, ‘“‘but a man over in that store will shave you.’’ The unsuspecting stranger under- stood the joke when he asked the merchant for the barber. On ta another occasion a passenger was leisurely surveying the uildings, while waiting for the stage proprietor. He noticed History or Royauton, VERMONT 895 the law signs opposite, and turning to Ephraim Barnes, who was sawing wood near by, he remarked, ‘‘This seems to be a small town for so many lawyers. How many are there?’’ ‘‘Forty,’’ laconically replied Mr. Barnes. ‘‘Forty! How so?’’ asked the astounded stranger. ‘‘ Wall, you see that sign, Marcy & Deni- son, that’s two—Slade & Walker, that’s four.’’ ‘‘Yes?’’ wait- ing for further information. ‘‘You see that other sign? That’s nothin’. Aint that forty?’’ The stage from Boston seems to have been called the Brit- ish mail. This mail through the town brought out the boys and many an older person. It had the most skillful drivers and the fleetest horses, and’ halted only for changes and the necessary rest for guards. After a good American supper, a guard at one time found his way into the shop of Mr. Adams, a carpenter, near the tavern. Seeing a gun on its rests over the work bench, he drawled, ‘‘ Aw, that reminds me of our little unpleasantness. You seem ready for emergencies.’? Another guard strolling about after supper, twirling his gold-headed cane, saw a very small animal in his path, which he tossed aside with his cane. He hurried back to the tavern, and approaching the landlord, said, ‘‘Mr. Landlord, can you inform me what small animal that is with a very disagreeable odor like garlic?’’ Before the bridge was built in South Royalton in 1850, peo- ple in that village had to cross the river by the fordway or go to Royalton for crossing the bridge at that place. The stage to Chelsea was connected with Royalton until July 1, 1849, when a route was established from South Royalton to Chelsea three times a week. It was bid off by Sidney 8. Smith, who lived at Royalton village, and had to get mail from South Royalton. While Smith was contractor, Daniel Tarbell, the founder of South Royalton, ran a rival stage over the same route. The cempetition between the two was so sharp that passengers were carried over the whole distance free of charge, and it is even said that they were paid to ride in the one stage or the other. Mr. Tarbell made it pay through the patronage he gained at his store in South Royalton, and the entertainment of guests at his hotels in the same village and in Chelsea, where he had a large hostelry. He also had a hotel at Williamstown, and ran a rival stage there. This route was also owned by Mr. Smith. It was not so much a rivalry between individuals as between the two villages, and it seems to have ceased when another contractor, not a resident of Royalton, took the Chelsea route, in 1853. No very serious accident in connection with the stages is recalled, except an incident which Dr. Alden C. Latham con- tributed shortly before his death, for use in this volume. It ig given in his words. 396 History oF RoyauTon, VERMONT “In 1848 or 1849, when the Central R. R. had reached West Leb- anon, occurred an accident in which the driver of one coach and three passengers, two being English through-passengers for Montreal, were killed, The driver was a strenuous and capable young man, and was not drunk. Nothing held the coach but ruts in the frozen ground. When the wheels left these, Smith plied the whip, the only possible hope, but the heavy load drew the coach and four horses off the per- pendicular bank, the coach bottom up, landing on driver and passen- gers, and the horses on the coach. Smith was called drunk, but this was denied by the Sharon innkeeper. He did all the best sober man could do in a dark winter’s night.” This was probably the stage from Montpelier to Lebanon, N. H., a four-horse stage on its return trip, running through Sharon and Royalton. The place where the accident occurred is called the ‘‘Point of Rocks,’’ the difficult place that Joel Shep- ard refers to in his account of the early settlement of Sharon. In 1797 there was a post-road from Burlington to Montreal, so that stages from Boston connecting with Burlington furnished conveyance to passengers from Boston to Montreal. This stage which was demolished was, perhaps, the Boston & Providence Mail Pilot, which Miss Gertrude Denison states in a sketch of hers ‘‘plunged down the bank this side of Sharon, the news being brought to this village (Royalton) by a man on horse- back, dashing wildly through the town for help.’’ In an advertisement of Stafford Smith’s in the Vermont Ad- voeate printed at Royalton in 1827, he says of his tavern stand that it is the ‘‘greatest resort for stages, perhaps in the state, averaging from four to five stages six nights in the week.’’ The Hon. Frederick Billings, a native of Royalton, in an address delivered at the Centennial of the Congregational church, in telling of his youthful ideals, said, ‘‘But the man who was my special admiration was Field, the stage-driver, who came in at sundown on the Burlington stage on his way to Bos- ton, blowing his bugle with one hand, while with the other he guided six grey horses. In all my life I have never seen any one quite up to what he seemed to me.’’ There were swift coaches in those days which advertised ‘‘Boston to Montreal in two days.’’ Of course this could only be done by travelling night and day. CHAPTER XXVI. Tur INDUSTRIES OF THE TOWN. The man who could wield an axe deftly, cut down the lordly trees of the forest, and build from them a home for his family was the man of most value industriously considered, in the earli- est development of the town. No doubt there were several who excelled their companions in labor of this kind, and who were employed in such service by their weaker or more affluent towns- men. Paths had to be cleared between the scattered houses, that communication of family with family might be facilitated. Those rude paths would be deemed almost impassable at the present day. Just think for a moment of the attempt to drive an auto or a carriage over such a stump-defying road! In the cleared sections grain, corn, and potatoes made a fight for existence. The settlers must have food, the grain must be ground. For a time it was carried to Hartford, and then to Sharon, but early efforts were made to have a mill at home. No better place could have been chosen than the one selected, what later was known as Pierce’s Mills. It was first called Curtis’ Mills, then Morgan’s Mills. z The proprietors realized that grist and saw mills were essen- tial to the settlement of the town, as the following record at- tests : “The Proprietors of the town of Royalton having theretofore agreed to ensure the settlement thereof by erecting a Grist mill and Saw mill thereon for effecting of which Purpors they Proposed to Re- lease and convey Lot Number Thirty five in the first or Dutch Allotment of the said Township to Such person or Persons as wold build the said mills at certain falls which are on that part of the Stream of water that runs through the said Lot Number Thirty five & called the first Branch, and the said Proprietors having also to lend a Sum of money to the Person or Persons who Shuld Build the same mills, and E(torn) Curtis of Royalton having ben Last Summer Recommended to us the subscribers as a Proper Person (for) the Purpose aforesaid by Isaac morgan and Robert Havens who have by their own letter made themselves liable to and answerable for the Payment of any sum we think the sd Subscribers Shuld Lend the said Elias Curtis not Ex- ceding two hundred pounds this currency with the interest that Shuld grow thereon and we having upon the credit of sd Letter and the said obligation of the said Elias Lent him one hundred pounds and the said Elias having this Day signified to us the sd subscribers that 398 History or Royauton, VERMONT it will be Necessary for him to have a further sum of one hundred and thirty three pounds six shillings and eight pence like money aforesaid for the payment of one hundred pounds whereof with Lawful Interest he the sd Elias has this day given us Sundry Bonds and himself and the above Named Isaac morgan several other bonds By them Duly executed and Payable to us the said Subscribers for the remaining thirty three pounds six shillings and eight pence with interest for the same. Now be it remembered that it is the firm intent and meaning of us the said Subscribers that as soon as the said Elias Curtis Shall Erect on the Said Stream of Water a good Grist mill and a good Saw mill we the said Subscribers severally convey in fee Simple to him the Said Elias our respective Shears of the sd Lot No. Thirty five and deliver up to him the Several Bonds or obligations by him and the said Isaac Morgan Executed to us as aforesaid, he the sd Elias Curtis giving us his own Bond for the principal and Interest that shall be Due to us and Mortgage the said Lot to us as a Security for the payment thereof with interest As witness our hands at New York this Highteenth Day of December 1775 WHITEHEAD HICKS WILLIAM SMITH GOLDSBROW BANYAR JOHN KELLY Royalton, January 1777 This is to certify the proprietors of Royalton that Elias Curtis has erected a good saw mill and a good grist mill in the aforesaid township on the above mentioned lot Number Thirty five and on the first branch of White river and hath fully answered our (illegible).” The rest is too torn and illegible to be made out. It will be seen that in the year 1776 the township of Royal- ton was provided with the means of furnishing ground grain and sawed lumber to its inhabitants. Elias Curtis was the builder of these mills and of mills in Tunbridge, but it is a ques- tion if he ever ran them himself. The first miller seems to have been Isaac Morgan, who had a home near the mills. These mills were mostly destroyed in 1780, and there is no positive proof that Mr. Morgan rebuilt them, though that is the tradition. The fact that he was the original grantee of Lot 35 Dutch under the Vermont charter leads to the inference, that he had already come into the possession of this lot by purchase or by being sponsor for Mr. Curtis, before the date of the charter. The mills were on this lot. In 1782 Huckens Storrs was in posses- sion of them, and kept them until his death in 1786. The prop- erty passed into the hands of Major Calvin Parkhurst and He- man Durkee. In 1798 the mills were bought by Daniel Gilbert, and were long known as Gilbert’s mills. Gideon Waterman tended the grist mill for Daniel Gilbert. Some people thought he took too much flour for toll, and com- plained to Mr. Gilbert. Mr. Gilbert thought he had better in- vestigate, so he took a grist to mill, and remarked to Mr. Water- man, ‘‘They say you steal. I’m going to watch you. You are welcome to all the flour you can steal from my wheat.’’ Mr. History or RoyaLton, VERMONT 399 Waterman’s wife was a small woman, but a great talker. Her husband got a chance to say to her, ‘‘Slip in and get some flour. T'll have Gilbert where he won’t see you.’’ Waterman was a noted story teller. He got Mr. Gilbert to one side absorbed in a thrilling story, and Mrs. Waterman crept in and stole some flour. Mr. Waterman invited his employer to take dinner with him. His wife was known as a prime cook, and Mr. Gilbert was nothing loath to accept the invitation. They had some fine, hot biscuit, which Mr. Gilbert enjoyed and praised. Said Mr. Waterman to him, ‘‘I suppose you don’t know whose flour you are eating?’’ ‘‘No,’’ answered Gilbert. Then he was told, but he could not say the flour was stolen. Afterwards he said to those complaining, ‘‘We may as well stand it. If he doesn’t steal it, his wife will.’’ Oliver Luce was the next owner, selling to Phineas Pierce, who owned the property many years, and it was generally called Pierce’s Mills. When Huckens Storrs died, the property was divided among his heirs. A daughter of his had married Sluman Allen, and they had a part or all of the saw mill. James Searle bought a portion of the Calvin Parkhurst estate, including an interest in these mills, and they are sometimes spoken of in deeds as ‘* Allen’s’’ or Searle’s mills. After Heman Durkee secured an interest in the mills, he made an indenture with Seth Sylvester to build a fulling mill just below the grist mill, and to set up clothier’s works, and to have it ready by Oct. 1, 1790. He probably fulfilled his con- tract, for Feb. 4, 1792, Mr. Sylvester sold to Alexander Buck- land of Connecticut the fulling mill and lot, reserving some of the apparatus. This went into the hands of Ashbel Buckland, from him to Charles Throop of Bethel, and then to Daniel Gil- bert. Mr. Gilbert obtained quitclaims from some of the Storrs’ heirs as early as 1790, but did not secure all of the mill prop- erty until about 1806. In 1809 Mr. Gilbert sold Haskell Wheelock and Luther Howe water power for a carding machine and a machine for cutting nails. A nailer’s shop was erected by them on the oppo- site side of the road from the carding machine. In 1811 Mr. Gilbert sold land and water power to Nathaniel Evans, who was to maintain a trip hammer and carding machines. Two months later Mr. Evans deeded Baxter Skinner a one-half interest, and William Woodworth the other half. Mr. Gilbert removed to Sharon, and the following year he sold to Oliver Luce the saw mill and grist mill, mill yard, dwell- ing, and four and three-fourths acres for $2,000. Mr. Luce did not seem to be prosperous in his business, and after putting two 400 History or RoyaALToN, VERMONT or more mortgages on the property he sold to Phineas Pierce in 1818. In 1813 Eliphalet Lyman and Elijah Spencer bought the carding machine and the machine for cutting nails. In March they sold to Alpheus Howe, who in turn three years later sold to Thomas Kenworthy of Bethel. Thomas held the prop- erty until 1846, when he deeded it to his son James. In 1830 Mr. Pierce sold a half interest in his mills to Moses Morse of Royalton, who deeded back to him nine years later. The same year, 1839, Mr. Pierce sold Joab Young an interest in the fulling mill and clothier’s works, but took the property back in about one year. There was a clover mill in connection with all the other mills in 1830. It would seem that the fulling mill and clothing works were not carried on after Mr. Pierce ceased to operate them. Mr. Pierce and his son, Phineas D. Pierce, held the mill property until 1870, when it was sold to George Gilson of Tunbridge. Mr. Gilson kept it but a few months be- fore selling to Martin S. and Frederick Adams. In 1874 M. 8. Adams bought out his brother. The fulling mill, carding ma- chines and other manufacturing buildings, except the grist mill and saw mill, were then in a dilapidated and unused condition. The fulling mill seems to have been very near where the furni- ture factory is today, and the nailer’s shop was on the other side of the Branch about opposite. The fulling mill which Seth Sylvester erected was described as just below the grist mill. When Nathaniel Evans sold his interest in 1811, he stated that he built the dam and the fulling mill, and in 1870 the fulling mill is spoken of as being east of the grist mill. A large amount of business was done in both the grist mill and the saw mill while they were held by the Pierces and Mr. Adams. Western flour and grain were not then shipped into the town in the quantities that find a market here now. The demand for meal was greater than the farmers who raised corn could supply, and Mr. Adams shipped in the first car load of corn that ever came to town, in the early 70’s. In 1890 Sumner Chilson became the owner of the grist mill, and about the same time Charles Viall secured the saw mill. Three years later Oscar Stoughton bought the grist mill, and sold it in 1899 to John M. Kibby, who still owns it. Some of this building is the original mill erected by Isaac Morgan or Huckens Storrs. The old part is seen from the rear of the mill. In 1906 Casper P. Abbott and Elmer Doyle purchased the saw mill, and have an extensive patronage. The settlers in the western part of the town soon had mills nearer home than those on the First Branch. Good water power was furnished by the Second Branch, and lot 34 Town Plot was the place selected for a site for mills. Nicholas Trask owned this HOY Jaqmuy suwepy aq) Ap1ama0yT TANMODLOVL GAULLLINULL TATION A THE OLD TRESCOTT MILL. On the John F Shepard Farm. SITD OF THE CURTIS-MORGAN MILL, Burned Oct. 16, 1780. History or Royatton, VERMONT 401 lot in 1781, but was a non-resident. He sold it in 1789 to Aaron Brown of New Hampshire. It is not known when the mills were erected, but probably soon after Mr. Brown came to town. He was listed from 1790 to 1804. Elisha Perkins bought five acres of him in 1800, including the mills, for $1,000, and was to pay in part in lumber, clapboards, and slit work. He in turn after three years sold to Jireh Durkee. Four different persons owned the property between 1800 and 1811, when Daniel Woodbury bought it. In 1815 he sold land and water privilege to Nathan Kimball, Benjamin Bloss, and Elisha G. Cotton, who established a clover mill on the other side of the Branch about opposite the mills. In 1822 John Marshall purchased the mills. He tried tak- ing in three partners, Daniel Cushing, Oliver Ordway, and David Ford, but none except Mr. Cushing remained in the firm any length of time. Mr. Cushing seems to have put in a fulling mill. Samuel Hibbard of Bethel secured an interest in the firm, and he and Mr. Marshall leased the saw and grist mill to Mr. Cush- ing for two years from 1828. Before the end of the lease Mr. Marshall sold the one-third interest which he held to Hosea Harris of Hartford, who allowed Mr. Cushing to remain. The mills were known as Marshall’s mills even after Harvey Wight bought a one-third interest in 1833. Five years later Mr. Wight had control of a larger part of the property, and sold John and Josiah Brooks a two-thirds interest. A shingle mill had then been put in. Erastus P. Williams seems also to have had a share in the mills. The mills continued to change hands rather frequently, and in 1841 Milo Dearing bought them, and took in Don Crain of Bethel as a partner. Dearing and Crain bought also a one-sixth interest in the clover mill. In 1843 Mr. Crain bought out his partner, and the mills were called Crain’s mills until he sold to Lucius B. Wright and Horace A. Lyman in 1853. Mr. Wright got control of the mills the next year, including the clover mill, which was then in a decaying condition. He retained the prop- erty five years and then sold to James Walcott, who, in 1860, sold a one-half interest to his son-in-law, Jason 8. Lovejoy. John McIntosh, the next owner in 1865, kept the mills two years, and then turned them over to Oscar N. Stoughton. While Mr. Stough- ton owned them they were burned. It was then that he pur- chased the ‘‘Pierce Mills.’? Seven years after the mills were burned, Mr. Stoughton had rebuilt a new electric plant on the old site, and alone started in to furnish electric lights to the two villages. The first electric lights began to twinkle in Royalton Nov. 2, 1900. Against many drawbacks and discouragements Mr. Stoughton continued to supply the villages with lights until 26 402 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT June, 1909, when he sold out to the South Royalton Power Com- pany. This company was incorporated March 26, 1909, with a capi- tal stock of $10,000, divided into 1,000 shares of $10 each. The subscribers were N. Curtis Fletcher of Boston, Ruth L. Howe of Boston, Robert B. Keltie, 2nd, of Boston, James G. Henry of White River Junction, and G. S. Edson of W. Lebanon, N. H. Its principal place of business was to be Royalton and South Royalton. On May 22, 1909, there had been paid in $2,000. A new organization was deemed advisable, and on Dee. 17, 1909, the Royalton Power Company was incorporated through the office of the Secretary of State. The articles of incorporation say, that it is organized ‘‘for the purpose of making, generating, selling, distributing, and supplying electricity for lighting, heating, manufacturing or mechanical purposes; and to manufacture, buy, sell, rent and deal in fixtures and appliances of all kinds for the use of electricity and hydraulic machinery and supplies; also to acquire, build, own, develop, manage, operate, lease and dispose of water rights, water powers and steam and water power plants and systems, mills and mill sites, and to construct and build dams, sluiceways and other structures, and to do a general construction and engineering work of all kinds necessary or in- cidental to the business of said corporation in Royalton and Bethel and other towns in Windsor and Orange Counties in said state of Vermont. With principal place of business at Royalton in the County of Windsor, in the State of Vermont, with capital Stock of Sixteen Thousand ($16,000.00) Dollars ‘divided into Sixteen Hundred Shares of par value Ten Dollars each.”’ Frederick L. Walker of Boston, N. Curtis Fletcher of Bos- ton, Robert B. Keltie, Jr., of Boston, Marvin H. Hazen of South Royalton, and Arthur N. Stoughton of Royalton were the sub- scribers. The South Royalton Power Company held a meeting Jan. 4, 1910, at the office of Tarbell & Whitham in So Royalton when 1,300 shares were represented. N. Curtis Fletcher was authorized as agent to sell to the Royalton Power Company all the property of the South Royalton Power Co., and the anes was made Feb. 5, 1910. Frederick L. Walker is president of the pe M. H. Hazen, clerk. ‘ out 1800 Amos Robinson bought fifty acres in the southwestern part of lot ieee a few years afterwards Mr. Robinson refers to a saw mill on hi land, and the inference is that he built his mill. In 1820 N i miah Leavitt who lived in the Horace Royce house Broad B ; I, wo ae ee wee and three-fourths acres of land where ; Imson's grist and saw mills stood. These mills w es cated on a brook running into Broad Brook near the ce History oF RoyauTon, VERMONT 4038 Broad Brook just below Horace Royce’s. The grist mill was on the right hand side of the brook as one stands on the bridge fac- ing the brook, and the saw mill was on the opposite side. The site of these mills can be seen in one of the cuts, a winter scene. In 1830 Mr. Robinson deeded these mills to his son, Amos. He was in Sharon the next year. His son sold the grist mill to John Thompson in 1833, and the next year he sold the saw mill to Benjamin Thompson of Pomfret. In 1846 Cyrus Hartshorn came into possession of the saw mill, and passed it on to Hiram Hinkley, who sold it in 1852 to Joseph Johnson. Mr. Johnson became involved in the South Royalton Bank failure, and the property went into the hands of Phineas Goff. Mr. Goff ran the mill several years, and also his son Calvin continued the business until October, 1869, when the great freshet which took out the dam and bridge also took the mill along with them. It was par- tially rebuilt, but practically ceased to exist in 1869. While John Thompson had the grist mill, he seems to have put in a rake factory. In 1841 Chester Baxter of Sharon sold this property to Richard Thomas, having obtained it on a mort- gage. Mr. Thomas and his son, Philip, ran both the grist mill and the rake factory. There was, however, a lapse of fifteen years between the date of sale by Richard Thomas and the date of purchase by his son Philip. During this time the property was in the hands of several persons, who do not seem to have done much in the way of developing it. The mill and rake fac- tory were in a state of decay, when Thomas Davis took them from Mr. Thomas in 1880, and were never productive after that time. The buildings were removed many years ago. The grist mill was never used for grinding wheat, so far as can be learned. One who remembers them, says the mill and the factory were under the same roof. Mr. Amos Robinson was a very energetic business man. He had varied interests and held considerable property on Broad Brook. His saw mill and grist mill were not enough to satisfy his active nature, and in 1824 he had his eye on a desirable site for another industry. He secured one and one-half acres of Arunah Clark in 1824. He sold this the next year to Peter Wheelock, Jr., and states that on it are two carding machines, a picking machine, clothing works, and a clover mill. The infer- ence is that in the year in which he held it, he had erected all these plants. Mr. Wheelock very soon took in as partner David A, Adams. This firm continued until 1828, when Mr. Wheelock sold his share to Ichabod and Joseph Davis, and they two years later sold to David A. Adams, so that he controlled the whole at this time. He took Marshall Rix as a partner in 1830, and in 1835 sold his 404 History or Royautton, VERMONT own interest to Heman Parkhurst of Sharon, who very soon deeded to Lyman L. Rix, who, in 1847 deeded to Marshall Rix. After running the mills four years Mr. Rix sold to Nathan RB. Brownell, who sold the property to Richard Thomas in 1854. Three years later Mr. Thomas sold to Ira Curtiss, who utilized the plant to manufacture butter tubs, which business he con- tinued until 1866, when he sold to Richard Yeaton and Nathan D. Howland. This firm broke the record for periodic changes in ownership. They continued to do business until 1886, when Mr. Yeaton sold out to his partner. They had manufactured various things, Imives, shoe shaves and lasts, croquet sets, etc. A saw mill was built in connection with the other works in 1879. Mr. Howland and his son Fred still continue the business, and get out a considerable quantity of lumber yearly, but ceased to manu- facture articles in 1885. If they hold the property six more years, they will have rounded out a half century of ownership. They do now a general repair business in connection with their saw mill. The property is known as the Nathan D. Howland mill. There seems to be no means of ascertaining when the saw mill on the Jeremiah Trescott farm was erected. It is thought to be over 100 years old. It was built either by Jeremiah Tres- eott or his son Thomas. It is first mentioned in a deed given by Thomas to his nephew, Jeriel, in 1832, when Thomas sells Jeriel one-half of the mill. Jeremiah Trescott was the original grantee of 15 Dutch, the lot on which the mill is located. A small, rapid stream runs through this lot, to which the name ‘‘Mill brook’’ has been given in recent years. Isaac S. Shepard bought this farm in 1854, and he or his son, John F. Shepard, have resided on it ever since. No mill in town has changed hands so few times, and none, probably, is so nearly the original structure as this one. It still runs the upright saw, and holds its own with later inventions. It is an interesting old relic, a cut of which will be found in another place in this book. Two brothers, William and Isaac Hatch, bought the farm where Mr. Francis Russell now lives, in 1823. They made an agreement with Ebenezer Rix, a millwright, on May 2, 1828, to build a saw mill ‘‘across the brook.’’ In 1834 it went through the hands of Solomon Downer of Sharon to Philip Hadley of Randolph, and five years later Mr. Hadley sold to Jesse Adams. In 1846 Mr. Adams sold ‘‘the Rix and Hatch mill’’ to Henry C. Davis. Mr. Davis mortgaged to Mr. Adams, and the mill seems to have come into the possession of Mr. Adams again, for in 1850 he sold it to Daniel L. Lyman. Dr. Lyman deeded it the next year to Thomas Atwood. It went from Mr. Atwood to Charles Clapp and from him to Ebenezer and Oliver Atwood. History oF RoyatTon, VERMONT 405 They sold it in 1865 to James G. Henry. Six years later Mr. Charles Lyman bought it of him, and held it until 1902, when he sold to Norman Sewall. In 1907 the heirs of Mr. Sewall deeded it to Fred Fowler, who still owns and runs the mill. The old turnpike bridge across White river at North Roy- alton appears to have been some little distance below the present site of the bridge. In 1817 Stafford Smith bought of Isaac Skin- ner about fifteen acres of land located in the northwestern part ef 26 Large Allotment, beginning below the westerly abutment of the old turnpike bridge. On this land he erected a woolen factory, which he rented in 1819 to Daniel and Jabez Pinney for three years. They took it on shares. From the description of the premises it is learned that butternut bark was one of the dye stuffs used. Mr. Smith again appears in the records in 1825, when he rented to Abel and Joseph Matson, Thomas Wood, and Samuel Hunter of Barre for the term of five years. The factory was already occupied by the Matsons. Mr. Smith agreed to put things in repair for receiving machinery for roping, spinning, and weaving woolens. They were to pay $250 the first year, and after that, $300 a year. Fifteen barrels of cider were to be taken as part of the rent. Mr. Smith had bought of Jireh Dur- kee a few acres on which was a distillery, and it may be that this was included now in the lease. Whether Mr. Smith failed te put ‘‘things in repair,’’ or for some other reason, the contract was mutually discharged Nov. 17, 1826. The firm name had been Stafford Smith, Hunter, Matson & Co. On January 15th of the next year Mr. Smith through The Advocate advertised his property for sale. He describes his woolen factory as consisting of two fulling mills, dye house, two carding machines, one picker, one roping and spinning machine. He states that he got badly into debt through building. In May following he tells the public through the columns of The Advo- eate published in Royalton that his woolen mill is ready to take the wool and furnish cloth by the yard or on shares. In 1830 he sold to Pliny Davis and Ziba A. Pinney the land which he. had bought of Isaac Skinner and Jireh Durkee, including the factory. The next day Mr. Pinney deeded to Mr. Davis, and eight months later Mr. Davis re-deeded to Mr. Smith. In Febru- ary, 1831, Benjamin Rice of Warren bought the property and removed to town in July. He carried on a successful manufac- turing business for many years, turning out cloth of various kinds. In February, 1850, the mills burned, and were never re- built. Mr. Rice’s factory was the most extensive of its kind ever in town. Fulling mills were supplementary to the hand work of skillful wives and daughters. Before 1800, when carding ma- 406 History or RoyvaLTon, VERMONT chines were first introduced into this country, the carding of wool into rolls was all done in the home. The rolls were then spun, the yarn woven into cloth, and taken to the fulling mill for finishing. If it was to be used for men’s clothing, it was fulled, colored, and sheared. Cloth for the use of women was dyed and pressed. So far as known no linen cloth was manufac- tured in town, except by hand in the home. Mr. Rice wove cloth by machinery, and the firm just preceding him may have done so for a brief time. The making of potash and pearlash was an early industry. It required no expensive machinery, unless conducted on a large scale. The material for the manufacture of these articles was at hand. It only needed to cut down the trees which must be removed, before the ground could be cultivated, and to pile them up in heaps and burn them. They would then be gotten rid of, and also furnish material for manufacturing a salable article. The ashes were put into a wooden receptacle of some kind in the same way that farmers today ‘‘set up a leach’’ for making soft soap. A small quantity of quicklime was mixed with the ashes, the whole slowly wet down and the lye drained off. For potash the process was simple. The liquor was evaporated in iron ves- sels, and fused into rather solid masses by red heat. If pearlash was desired, the potash was calcined in a reverberatory furnace, by which process the foreign matter was thrown off. Then the residue was dissolved, filtered, again evaporated, and stirred as it became nearly dry into a white granulated mass. Bradford Kenney in a deed of Oct. 22, 1789, refers to his potash house on N. 32 Town Plot. He had bought twenty-two acres in this lot two years before. He again mentions the potash works in a deed of 1791, locating them in the northwest corner of this lot. No further record of them is found. He may have been the first resident to begin the manufacture of potash in Roy- alton. In 1792 Isaac Pinney sold Samuel Bill 23 Dutch. One of the notes which Mr. Bill gave was to be paid in ‘‘saltg of lye.’’ Mr. Bill had deceased in 1798, and his estate was sold. The potash works drop out of sight at this time. In a survey of White River Turnpike in 1802 mention is made of John Flint’s potash works 122 rods from'the house of Isaac Morgan, later known as James Buck’s house. The firm of Flint & Jennings, located at the Yuran place, dissolved part- nership in 1802, but Mr. Flint was listed in town until 1808. No other record of this potash manufactory is found. In 1806 Elkanah Stevens speaks of potash works near the pound, which was located in the village nearly southeast of the meeting-house. These works came into the hands of Curtis & Cutter. It is pos- sible that they erected them. In a mortgage deed of 1828 Mr. History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT 407 Cutter describes a part of the mortgaged land as a three-cor- nered lot by the pound, where the potash works ‘‘formerly”’ stood. May 6, 1809, John Estabrooks bought three-fourths of an acre of Daniel Gilbert, with the understanding that he was to erect pearlash works. May 17, 1816, Mr. Estabrooks deeded this to Curtis & Cutter, and they, in 1822, sold it, calling it then ‘‘potash and pearlash’’ works. This was located in the upper part of the village, and was reached by a lane 115 feet in length, which ran between the brick house now occupied by Mr. George Jcy and the house just north. The property must have come back into the hands of the firm or Mr. Curtis, for in 1829 the executor of Zebina Curtis deeded it to Lucia, daughter of Mr. Curtis, and wife of Bancroft Fowler. In 1842 Mr. Fowler of Greenfield, N. H., sold to Solomon Downer, E. P. Nevens, and Lewis 8. Fish, this same property, which had now been enlarged by a brick coal kiln, which was built by Mr. Nevens. In 1848 it passed through the hands of Mr. Downer to Richard Stough- ton. Joseph Fessenden, July 23, 1811, sold Jacob Cady one-half acre where the potash works were. He says this land came from Mr. Cady. A search in the deeds fails to show any other refer- ence to these works. They appear to have been on Mr. Cady’s land, and perhaps on a brook which ran through the land. In 1803 Jireh Durkee sold to Isaiah Aldrich of Hartland one acre on which were pearlash works and pump logs. In 1809 Mr. Ald- rich sold this to Waldo Tucker of Randolph, and the pearlash works were then mentioned. The next year the property was sold to Jacob Fox, and the acre was described as being on the west side of White River Turnpike, where Jacob Safford’s north line struck it, and running towards the river. Mr. Fox sold one acre to Joseph Bowman, but it is not certain that it was this acre, and no mention is made of the pearlash works. In 1810 Levi Bellows, Joseph Dorr of Hartford, and John Estabrook sold Curtis & Cutter a potash and pearlash outfit on Broad Brook located on William Hunting’s land. Mr. Hunting lived on what was known later as the Ichabod Davis farm. In Mr. Hunting’s deeds no trace of the potash works has been found, and it is probable that the firm making the sale had erected the plant. No doubt the manufacture of potash and pearlash was car- ried on in other parts of the town, but no one living now has any clear remembrance of them, and the records have been depended upon for information. Even in this simple manufacture, a cen- tury ago there was the same spirit that actuates the trusts today. In the Vermont State Papers it is found that in 1790 John Hinckley of Guilford petitioned the legislature for the exclusive 408 History or Royston, VERMONT right to make potash and pearlash for a period of ten years in the counties of Windham, Windsor, and Orange. He claimed to have a new method. This concession, if granted, would have been equivalent to a patent, and was, perhaps, the only way of securing any benefit from his invention. Both potatoes and apples were utilized by the early settlers in making different forms of alcohol. Thete has been found no reference to potato whiskey in our town records. The manufac- ture of cider brandy could not be carried on until apple orchards had become bearing and cider mills had been erected, so there is no reference to these products until the nineteenth century. In 1811 Daniel Rix, Jr., deeded to Jireh Durkee two acres ‘‘on the turnpike,’’ saying they were to be tenants in common. Mr. Durkee deeded his share the next year to Dudley Chase of Randolph, and in 1813 Mr. Rix sold his lot, then said to be in 30 Large Allotment, to Mr. Chase. At that time it is stated that a distillery and grist mill were on the land sold. Mr. Rix had this of Benjamin Clark, and he of Joseph Bowman. In 1816 Jireh Tucker bought the distillery and three acres of land of Mr. Chase, and sold it ten years later to Stafford Smith. It is probable that Mr. Smith combined it with his factory, ceasing to run it as a distillery after some years. In another part of the town, in 1811, a partnership was formed between James Morrill and Ezra Young for the purpose of operating a distillery. This was on Mr. Morrill’s land on the road to Hezekiah Young’s. Hezekiah Young had purchased 13 Town Plot. Ezra Young bought the half interest of Mr. Mor- rill in 1814. As part payment he was to furnish 350 gallons of whiskey. He quitclaimed the distillery to James Morrill, Jr. in 1817. It came into the possession of David Brewer in 1821. No further mention of the distillery is found. During the War of 1812 whiskey was high, and that stimu- lated its manufacture. Deacon Daniel Tullar, who lived in the west part of the town, south of the river, had his distillery. He refers to it in a deed of 1815. Ebenezer Day refers to his cider mills in 1833, and in 1835 a road was laid from the cider mill of Jireh Tucker to his house. Mr. Tucker had bought a farm above Isaac Morgan’s in 1831. This farm was located in 45 and 46 Dutch. There used to be a cider mill in the southeastern part of the town, on the Amos Robinson farm, mostly in 7 Large Allot- ment. No reference to it has been found in the deeds. It gave name to a part of the road between the Lovejoy house and that of Richard Yeaton. This section of the highway is still ealled “Cider Mill Hollow.’’ The mill was on the right hand side in passing up the road, and the distillery was on the opposite side A brook runs down from the hills on the west, and passes under History oF Royauron, VERMONT 409 the road near the site of the old mill. The old cider press screw was used for many years as underpinning for one of the Lovejoy out- buildings. The mill and distillery must have been removed more than sixty years ago. In 1878 Oscar Stoughton rebuilt the grist mill in 34 Town Plot, and about 1881 he built a new dam and a new cider mill. The cider mill was destroyed at the time the other mills were burned. When he bought the Pierce mills, he built an annex to the old grist mill, extending towards the road. Henry Gif- ford, who lived at North Royalton, fitted up a cider mill beneath his barn some time in the 1870’s. He did a large business for many years. When his buildings were burned in 1888, the mill perished with the rest. In 1824 Capt. Garner Rix built a saw mill on the brook run- ning through his land in 22 Large Allotment. In 1828 he deeded it conditionally to his sons Heman and Daniel. In 1834 Heman deeded his share to his brother Daniel. In 1857 Daniel sold to Ebenezer and Thomas Atwood one-half the mill, and in 1871 he quitclaimed to George Bradstreet. In 1862 the Atwoods deeded their share to Mr. Bradstreet. It passed into the hands of Frank Bradstreet in 1878, who removed the machinery, and deeded the mill to Mrs. Frances Bradstreet in 1884. Through a mortgage to Thomas 8. Davis the mill came into the hands of John Wild, Jr., in 1897. It has not been refitted since the ma- chinery was removed, but it still stands, a picturesque relic nearly a century old. It is located on the beautiful hill road extending from the present home of John Wild, Jr., to the old Turnpike from Woodstock to Royalton. In 1782 Nathaniel Perrin obtained from Benjamin Park- hurst lot 10 Town Plot, Reuben Parkhurst being original grantee. In 1793 he sold one acre in the southeast corner of the lot, lo- eated on a brook, to Timothy Durkee, Jr. There was a mill privilege and a saw mill frame on the lot sold at this time. Two years later Mr. Durkee sold this acre to Zabad Curtis, giving the same description. Mr. Curtis kept the mill site until 1813, when he sold to Jacob Fox, who had a passion for acquiring property of this kind. There was still a ‘‘saw mill frame’’ on it. Mr. Fox sold it in 1839 to William Smith, and eight years later Mr. Smith deeded it with other real estate to George W. Cook, but bought it back in 1850. In these later deeds no mention is made of a mill, only a mill privilege, but it seems unreasonable to suppose that this acre would not have been incorporated with the other land, if it were a mere mill privilege. In 1834-35 George Metcalf erected a saw mill on his farm, a school lot in 52 Town Plot. David Brewer laid claim to the 410 History of RoyALTON, VERMONT land. Mr. Metcalf sold the mill to Chauncey Tenney in 1838, who very soon deeded it to Chauncey Brewer. The mill was allowed to decay. sf) Sty In 1853 Cyrus Safford had a saw mill in his pasture near South Royalton, which may have been built some time before, and was probably used several years. No doubt there were other small saw mills of which no record is found. Along the little stream running beside the old fort fordway in the village of South Royalton can be seen the remains of a saw mill which was once on the Kent farm, but may have been built by Cyrus Safford. In 1852 Daniel Tarbell, Jr., erected a steam mill two stories in height on land purchased of Lyman Benson. The mill stood not far from the Joseph W. Reynolds dwelling in South Royal- ton. In 1854 he leased the mill to C. W. Weston and Cyrus D. Robinson for five years. He reserved the blacksmith shop, car- riage shop, grist mill and bark mill. They were to use the tools, lathes, and machinery in the second story. This same year he mortgaged the mill to the South Royalton bank for $10,000. The mill was built on a rather pretentious scale for so small a place, and did not prove to be remunerative. It was in operation for about fifteen years, when portions of it were sold to different per- sens, and finally it was all torn down and used in erecting other buildings. Frank Lyman in 1890 erected a steam mill and dry house on land purchased of James N. Cloud, seven and one-half rods east of the railroad. This property came into the hands of Wil- liam Martin, who converted the mill into a dwelling house, which he built on South street, the house which is now occupied by Arthur Abbott. George H. Hackett erected a mill for finishing lumber, on the Chelsea road a short distance above the ‘‘Pierce Stand,’’ in 1904. In 1908 the town voted to exempt his business from taxa- tion for a term of five years. In 1910 Mr. Hackett sold his in- terests in the mill to his son, Frank A. Hackett, and retired on account of ill health. The last mill of any size to be erected in town was the mill of John H. Hewitt, in South Royalton. It was built in 1909, and is located on the road to Broad Brook, just west of the rail- road crossing. It is an elevator with mill attached. It is 76 feet high, and has a capacity of 10,000 bushels of loose grain and 100 tons of sack grain. It has a 35 horse-power gasoline engine and can turn out from 35 to 45 hundred weight of flour in an hour. It was erected for Mr. Hewitt’s personal use and for custom work. In the road survey of 1783 a tannery is mentioned. From the second mile tree ‘‘near the tan yard’’ the survey ran 200 History or RoyauTon, VERMONT 411 rods to a bridge at the mouth of the Second Branch. Benjamin Parkhurst owned this land, and must have put in the tannery before that date, so that it seems safe to say that this was the first tannery in town. Mr. Parkhurst came to Royalton when only two or three other families were in town. It was probably this tannery outfit which he sold to Jacob Fox in 1800, but it is also very probable that Mr. Fox enlarged or rebuilt the works. In 1807 Mr. Fox leased his tannery for seven years to Otis Wil- son and Ebenezer Trissell of Randolph, and was to receive $275 yearly in sole leather and neat’s upper leather. In about one year the lease was declared void. In 1823 Mr. Fox sold Oel Billings land where ‘‘the old tan works were,’’ which looks as if Mr. Fox had changed the location, and built new vats. In 1831 he sold the tannery to Coit Parkhurst, but it must have come back into his hands, for in 1837 he contracted with James Everett of Randolph to run the business. In 1839 he sold the tannery to William Smith, who in 1847 sold to George W. Cook. Mr. Fox bought the tannery and other land of Mr. Cook in 1850, and gave a mortgage for the same. In 1854 Martha, widow of Jacob Fox, sells what appears to be the tannery with other land tc James M. Culver. Just when it ceased to be operated is not known. On Dec. 15, 1794, William Pierce bought of Lyman Back three-fourths of an acre situated on the river and a brook. Mr. Back had purchased this land of Nathaniel Morse, and it was a part of 21 Town Plot. Mr. Pierce built tan vats on this land for custom work. He lived in the house now owned and occupied by John Shirlock, and the vats were in the rear of the house. He carried on the business of tanning hides for many years, and was followed by his son, William, Jr. He had bought an addi- tional acre of Mr. Morse in 1795, and the tan house seems to have been on this land, which he sold to Charles Button in 1831, and which Mr. Button sold to Phineas Pierce, who sold it to William Pierce, Jr., in 1840. The business was continued but a few years after this. Huckens Storrs had a tannery. He died in 1786, and, when his estate was settled, three acres, including the tannery and blacksmith shop, were set off to his daughter Anna, who later married Cyprian Andrus. Anna and her husband deeded this property in 1803 to Ashbel Buckland. It came into the hands of Phineas Pierce in 1811, but he seems to have devoted his attention at first to the manufacture of cloth, and not much more is heard of the tannery. In 1805 Benjamin Packard bought of Ebenezer Parkhurst 100 acres, W. 2 Large Allotment. In 1818 he sold to Silas Pack- ard a lot on the brook running by the schoolhouse on Broad 412 History or RovauTon, VERMONT Brook, and in 1826 he bought one-fourth acre of Amos Robinson. He sold both of these purchases in 1826 to A. J. B. Robinson, and then mention is made of a tannery on the brook opposite the Broad Brook schoolhouse. The vats were probably erected by either Benjamin or Silas Packard. The works do not appear to have been run long, if at all, after Mr. Robinson bought them. Abijah Lincoln and Capt. Asa Partridge, his uncle, formed a partnership in 1826 as tanners and curriers. They secured a water right of Stafford Smith on a brook which empties into White river just above the bridge at Royalton village. The tan- nery was located on the east side of the river on the left hand side of the road, a short distance from it, and on a rising knoll on the side of the brook next to the bridge. The firm did a thriv- ing business for two years, then Mr. Lincoln bought out Capt. Partridge. There were two bark grinders connected with the tannery, one run by horse power and one by water. After Mr. Lincoln had carried on the business for a few years, he added a shoe manufactory for the purpose of working up the product of the tannery into sale shoes. This was a large two-story building, located about half way between the present residence of Miss Cornelia Stickney and the house known of late years as the resi- dence of Dr. James Morse. This shoe manufactory was given up after a few years, and Mr. Lincoln moved the building to the place where Mr. Joel Emery now lives, cut it down, and made it into a dwelling. The product of the shoe shop was of the best quality, in both sale and custom work. The overseer and manager was Cornelius Goodell, the father-in-law of Mr. Lincoln, whose occupation was that of a shoemaker, and whose fine work was in great demand. Mr. Lincoln died at the early age of thirty-five of quick consump- tion, and the industry ceased with his death. In 1799 Ebenezer Herrick bought of Zebulon Lyon twenty- two square feet of land, for which he was to pay $1.00 on the first of May yearly forever. Mr. Herrick erected a shoemaker’s shop on this land, and later he established a tailor’s shop. In 1802 he sold his shop to Grant, Bellows, and Fessenden. It was one of the first shops erected in the village, and served as a land- mark in describing boundaries. It was on the north side of the street, a few rods west of the ‘‘red store’’ later made into the Felch house. There was a shoemaker’s shop on the premises of Jeremiah Trescott, but whether he conducted it, or Zebina Trescott who deeded it to him in 1819, cannot be stated. Both may have done custom work, and from an early date. In the early part of 1800 Robert Button had a shoemaker’s shop near his house which he sold in 1818 to Oel Buck. Jesse Button had a shop History or RoyauTon, VERMONT 413 near where Henry Pierce now lives. This was a good location, close to the tannery. In 1827 Oscar Henry had a shoemaker’s shop at North Royalton. He sold to Elisha Parker, and in 1841 it was in the hands of Jacob Fox. Of course Mr. Fox was not a shoemaker, but it passed through his hands as so many other pieces of property did. James O’Grady began shoemaking in 1870 in Royalton vil- lage on the common, in the premises now owned by George Tag- gart, and continued the business for about twenty-five years. Willard V. Eastman has the longest record as a shoemaker in town, doing custom work, mostly repair work. He had his shop in his house from 1873, when he came to South Royalton, until within a year or two, when age compelled him to cease con- tinuous work of this kind. He is now eighty-eight years of age, and still at his bench. In 1890 a few enterprising citizens banded together to pro- mote the equipment of the unused mill, erected in 1882 by M. S. Adams, for the turning out of fine finished lumber. The firm was composed of Mark J. Sargent, William H. Martin, Charles P. Tarbell, Charles B. Viall, and Casper H. Abbott. On July 9, 1890, they leased of George Tarbell this Adams mill for a period of five years. It is located on the Tunbridge side of the bridge across the First Branch, above the Abbott & Doyle mills. It is on the site of the old fulling mill and clothier’s works. They engaged Charles H. Abbott as superintendent, and fitted the mill with the proper machinery. All went well for a while, but through lack of business acumen, inexperience, and distance from the market, the venture did not prove successful. In 1896 C. H. Abbott bought up the stock and established a branch fac- tory at Chelsea, and a stock company was formed there with Mr. Abbott at its head. The business was then run as C. H. Abbott & Co. Under the original company the directors of that company had become holden for borrowed money, and were not released, as they had expected. C. H. Abbott & Co. went into insolvency in about one year, and carried with it the South Royalton Shoe Company. The heaviest losers by this failure were Forest Southard, A. P. Skinner, George Tarbell, C. P. Tar- bell, and Mark J. Sargent. The company had turned out a large product, and their goods had been sent to every state in the Union. Mr. Abbott had a salesroom in Boston, but their work did not prove saleable, and heavy losses resulted. A new company was formed and duly incorporated through the office of the Secretary of State, Dec. 13, 1898. The sub- seribers were Frank M. Merrill, Charles D. Pierce, Charles P. Tarbell, Isaac E. Harriman, and Mark J. Sargent. Charles P. Tarbell was chosen president and treasurer, and Charles E. Mer- 414 History or RoyaLToN, VERMONT rill was constituted head of the organization. The company had a paid-up capital of $10,000. It was incorporated under the firm name of The White River Shoe Company. There still remained the old drawback, long distance from market, and to remedy this, the plant was removed in 1901 to Epping, N. H. By an arrangement with the stockholders, Mr. Merrill assumed the obligations of the company, and took the business into his own hands, still retaining the firm name of The White River Shoe Co. The plant was removed successively from Epping to Farmington and Bristol, N. H., and to Tops- field, Mass. Two years ago last April, 1909, the machinery was shipped back to South Royalton, and the firm name changed to the Hapgood Shoe Company. It is now in a building erected by Mr. Hapgood at the end of North Street. It is doing business on a smaller scale, employing about seven hands, and turns out excellent sale work, and some custom work. In the March meet- ing, 1900, the town had voted to exempt from taxation for five years The White River Shoe Company, and thus gave all the encouragement possible to this industry. The Adams mill left vacant by the removal of The White River Shoe Co. remained vacant until 1906. It was then leased to the Percival Furniture Company. This company was or- ganized in 1897 in Barton. For good reasons it decided to re- move to South Royalton. Its present officers are C. F. Percival, president; Stimpson Clark, treasurer; and E. F. Moody, clerk. Ii has about $25,000 invested in the plant here. Up to the pres- ent time, they have been manufacturing couches, but have now changed to the making of convertible furniture, especially twen- tieth-century divan beds. Mr. Percival gives personal atten- tion to the industry but a small part of the time. About fifteen hands are usually employed, who are at present under the super- intendency of William Wellington. There was a brick yard on Broad Brook in very early days. Clay was obtained from the hill between the Arthur Davis house and the schoolhouse, and this hill is still called ‘‘Clay Hill.’’ Mr. Amos Robinson, who was interested in various manufactures, in 1800 secured from Ebenezer Parkhurst fifty acres in the south- eastern part of lot 2 Large Allotment, where “‘Clay Hill’’ is situated. Mr. Robinson built his own house of brick, the school- house and the Horace Royce house were also built of brick, and it seems likely that Mr. Robinson owned the brick yard, and that he had ceased to utilize it before he sold the lot. This would account for no mention of it in deeds. . Samuel Cleveland owned 38 Dutch as early as 1810. Jacob Fox took a mortgage on the land, and it came into his hands, and in 1821 John Tracey and Samuel Cleveland, Jr., bought the History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT 415 lot. Two years later Mr. Tracey sold to his partner, and then a brick yard was mentioned. Mr. Fox got a mortgage again, and in 1834 he rented the brick yard to Mr. Cleveland for two years. At the end of the two-year lease he sold the farm. The yard seems to have been operated only by the Clevelands. Elias Curtis had a blacksmith shop near his house by the mills on the First Branch, when the Indians burned the town. That was probably erected before the saw mill was finished, and was the first in town so far as is known. Another was built near the mills, but when cannot be stated. It existed in 1817 when Oliver Luce sold the mill property to Phineas Pierce, and a trip hammer is also mentioned. The one at the mouth of the Branch was perhaps built by Mr. Pierce. He rented it in 1841 to Robert Merrill for three years. It passed through various hands, and was owned and run for many years by Henry Sar- gent, who purchased it of Charles Crandall. It has not been used as a blacksmith shop for some time. No doubt one or more blacksmith shops were erected in the village soon after other shops sprang up. In 1807 Harvey Skin- ner bought a small lot of Zebulon Lyon, sixty rods west of the meeting-house. He sold this in 1812 to Ebenezer Frost, and then there was a blacksmith shop on it, which he probably built. It was owned by various persons, but David Graves and Lorrain Terry appear to have been blacksmiths as well as owners. Asa Keith in 1839 sold one-eighth of an acre to Nathan Church, saying he had carried on the blacksmithing business in the village for three years. Mr. Church made some improvements, and set up a hatting business. In many cases the owners of the shops did not carry on the business themselves. John Francis, the lawyer, became owner of the shop on the common, or at the north side of it, and sold it to Darius Dewey, who put his son-in-law, Bela Hall, in it. Mr. Hall was a black- smith in the village for some time, and will go down in history as the man from whose forge the sparks flew, which set fire to the old meeting-house. There was another shop in the village in more recent years on Bridge Street, where Mr. William Skin- ner’s storehouse now is. There was also a blacksmith shop near the Calvin Skinner residence, and one at North Royalton near the hotel. Both of these have disappeared. Only one shop is now run in the village, and that is owned by George Joy, and is nearly opposite the store. At South Royalton there was a blacksmith shop in connec- tion with the steam mill. Dostie Faneuf, Sr., was a blacksmith in South Royalton for many years. He came here about 1865, and a few years afterwards built the shop near the hotel. He sold this some years later, and tried farming for a time. In 416 History or RoyaLToN, VERMONT 1889 Willard E. Fay erected the two-story wheelwright and blacksmith shop just west of the bridge across White river in South Royalton, and conducted the business until 1894, when he sold to Mr. Faneuf, who continued the business until a few years before his death in 1908. This, perhaps, gives him the longest record of any blacksmith in town. His sons, Dostie and Eugene, both had a similar business here for some years. There are two shops in the South village at the present time, one owned and run by Hoyt Knight, and the other, the one erected by Mr. Fay, is carried on by Raymond Ricker. These are the shops which Mr. Faneuf occupied. Mr. Faneuf built and carried on a shop at N. Royalton, which he sold to Mr. Rich, and then built an- other there. His whole term of service in town was about forty years. In 1811 George Whitney conducted a hatter’s business in Royalton village, in a building owned by Daniel Gilbert. Jabez H. Boardman had a similar shop in the village in 1816. He leased land of Daniel Gilbert for 900 years, and was to pay an annual rent of three dollars. In 1829 he sub-leased to Joel B. Fox for two years. Mr. Boardman lost his property in 1840, and Joel B. Fox got the hatter’s shop, and sold two-thirds of it to Hatsel Brewer. In 1848 Asahel Clark bought the ‘‘Collamer”’ office and opened a harness shop in the upper part of the village, which business he continued for a considerable period of time. In 1811 Solomon Wheeler had a cooper’s shop near the potash works im the upper end of the village. In 1868 James Pike came to South Royalton and opened a wheelwright shop, where he did fine work until nearly the time of his death in 1890. This shop was on Windsor street near his residence, on the opposite side of the street. The ‘‘Rix and Hatch’’ saw mill came into the possession of Norman Sewall in 1902. He built a creamery near the mill. This creamery was deeded to Fred E. Fowler in 1907, by the heirs of Mr. Sewall, now deceased. Mr. Fowler has continued to carry on this business with marked success. Joseph W. Waldo erected a creamery in 1900 on the east side of Chelsea Street some distance above the Pierce stand. The next year he sold to Leon H. Richardson, who conducted the business for about five years, when it closed for lack of patronage. The farmers in the vicinity of Royalton and South Royalton have been send- ing their milk to Boston for the last few years. It will be observed that quite a variety of industries were actively carried on in the first two decades after the town began to be settled, and in the succeeding ten years the number was still further increased. The town, however, is and has ever been History of RoyauTon, VERMONT 417 pre-eminently an agricultural town. Although, except along the larger streams, the land is mostly hilly, it is very productive, and some of the hill farms are the very best in town. The main products for sale at home or for shipment have varied from year to year. Late years potatoes have been the main crop, and dairy shipments have been what the farmers have depended upon chiefly for regular revenue. During the first years in the history of the town, it would seem that flax, beef and pork, butter and cheese, and poultry were the main products which were taken to Boston in the winter, or to the store of Elias Lyman in Hartford, and from there were conveyed by boat to market. Early attention was given to the cultivation of fruit or- chards. Time has shown that along the river apple trees do not thrive so well, but fine orchards were in bearing within a sur- prisingly short time after the settlement of the town. Zebulon Lyon had an orchard on his farm in Royalton village in 1798, and a currant garden, which figures in a large number of deeds. Mr. Lyon seems to have cherished that currant garden as the apple of his eye, and whatever lots he sold, he never parted with that until adverse circumstances compelled him to do so. John Hibbard had an orchard in 1807. Hezekiah Young had an orchard of twenty acres in 1812, which doubtless brought him in many a dollar during the war, when cider was high. The first orchards were started from seed brought from Connecticut. The descendants of the Joiners and others tell how their ancestors carefully saved the seeds from their apples as they ate them, anticipating their removal to the wilderness of Royalton. In recent years, since the decadence of cider mills, less attention has been paid to apple orchards, and although a few century-old trees are still standing along the Second Branch and on the Salmon Joiner farm, new ones have not replaced the old ones long since decayed, to such an extent as to make good the loss. In lot 38 Dutch, about 1850, was a hop field, cultivated by Chauncey Tenney. He contracted with William Skinner to fur- nish him the product of 5,000 hills of hops yearly for five years, at a price ranging from ten to twelve cents. Sheep have not been raised in Royalton so extensively as in some other towns, though nearly all farmers have kept more or less of them. This industry was stimulated during the Civil War, when wool was high. Horace P. Allen and William Skin- ner have been the principal wool buyers since the advent of the railroad. Dairies of medium size have been and are very common. One section of the town acquired such a reputation for these products 27 418 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT that it was called ‘‘Dairy Hill,’’ otherwise known as ‘‘ Dewey Hill.”? The returns of the year 1892 show that there were 530 sheep in town, furnishing 4,122 pounds of wool; 294 cows, yield- ing 44,470 pounds of butter; 8,555 maple trees producing 12,950 pounds of sugar and 682 gallons of syrup. In more recent years the sugar orchards have been badly injured by caterpillars, and often fine orchards are not utilized for making sugar, the farmers preferring to use their time in other ways. A half century or more ago considerable fine stock was raised, both cattle and horses. Charles Woodworth and Thomas Lovejoy raised a high grade of valuable horses, Mr. Woodworth having an unusually fine blooded Morgan horse. He also raised prize cattle. David Cowdery, Charles B. Viall, and John B. Goodrich have been extensive dealers in live stock, chiefly cattle and hogs. The raising of hogs has declined since milk has been shipped to Boston. D. W. Cowdery with others was at one time owner of the ‘‘Putnam Morgan”’ horse, sired by the ‘‘ Woodbury Morgan.’’ It was twenty-six years old at the time he owned it, in 1847. C. P. Tarbell, Daniel Bliss, and John Waterman have also been owners of racing horses. An interesting feature in the development of the town has been the telephone. When the New England Telephone Com- pany ran its line from Boston to Lowell, it did not foresee the possibilities of this new invention for rural towns and distant places. They offered to rent phones and give rights of territory to those who would put up lines remote from the district in which they were operating. A. C. Brown of Montpelier accepted the offer, and secured the right to a certain territory in Wash- ington, Orange, and Windsor counties. He ran a grounded line from Randolph to South Royalton. It was on the north side of the river, and did not cross the bridge for two years. The New England Company had found that their circuit was broken by interference from electric light plants. A suit followed, and it was decided to put up two wires, transposed at the end of each mile. Before the system was brought into the village of South Royalton, M. 8. Adams rented two phones and ran a line from his residence to his mills, and so has the honor of being the first man to have a telephone in this town. The New England soon pushed on to White River Junction, and then extended here. They found their mistake in giving Mr. Brown his right, and are said to have bought him off by paying $50,000. Their cen- tral office in South Royalton was in the house of M. J. Sargent This was in 1882, after a second wire had been added to the single line, thus making a metallic line. History or Royautton, VERMONT 419 About 1886 George Mudgett had a telegraph line from Tun- bridge to Strafford and South Strafford. Patents on telephones expired about this time. Marvin H. Hazen was then station agent at South Royalton. He purchased of Mr. Mudgett his telegraph line and converted it into a telephone line. Owing to unsatisfactory telegraph service between his station and Chelsea, Mr. Hazen bought of the Western Union Telegraph Company their line between South Royalton and Chelsea, and connected it with the line secured from Mr. Mudgett and made the two into telephone lines. From this small beginning his telephone system has gone on increasing, until he has nearly 200 miles of pole line, about 1,000 miles of wire, and has lines in eighteen towns. He called his line The Rapid Telephone Line. In 1902 the New England Company began to take note of this independent line. It had steadily grown in spite of their competition. Arrange- ments were made by which Mr. Hazen agreed not to extend his lines farther, they turned over their offices to him in the terri- tory covered by the Rapid Telephone Line, withdrew all claim to local service in this territory, and allowed Mr. Hazen to con- nect his line with the New England for long distance business. This agreement continues to the present time. The central office here is in the home of Mr. Hazen. In 1906 by special permit from the town and by contracts with private individuals the lines of the New England were many of them removed from the high- way and set in fields. The Orange County Telephone Company extended its line into Royalton in 1902. This is a co-operative company, and many of the farmers availed themselves of the opportunity of erecting lines on their farms at a much less rate than by other lines. It has greatly facilitated business and saved the farmer many a trip to market. The central office is in the drug store of M. J. Sargent & Son. The mercantile business of a town is always an important factor in its history. To the merchant the farmer looks for an exchange of goods, enabling him to dispose of the products of his land without the time and trouble of long journeys to market. Merchants have always held an influential place in the com- munities where they have been located. For this reason some space is given to the stores and shops of Royalton, from the earliest days to the present time. The first merchants combined with their business the manufacture of potash and pearlash, which at that time seemed an almost indispensable adjunct in increasing their profits. John Crane on Oct. 14, 1790, bought of Cotton Evans one-half acre and five square rods of land northwest from the north end of ‘‘Stevens’ ’’ bridge with all the appurtenances thereunto be- 420 History or RoyaLToN, VERMONT longing. What these appurtenances were is not stated. As no grand list exists prior to 1791, it cannot be told whether Cotton Evans was a trader or not, but during his residence in Royalton he was not thus listed. In 1791 John Crane was assessed £10 under the heading, ‘‘traders and owners of mills.’’ It is quite certain that he had potash works, and that would probably place him in the list of traders. He sold to Abner Mack, April 25, 1793, thirty-six square rods with a potash outfit on it. Tn 1793 Abner Mack and Amasa Niles bought of Jesse Rich- ardson one-fourth acre at the north end of the “‘Great Bridge.’’ This was in the same place as the ‘‘Stevens’’ bridge. Mr. Niles, Jan. 17, 1795, sold to John Flint and Jonathan Jennings his interest in this one-fourth acre and in the store which was on it, and occupied at that time by Flint & J ennings. This last men- tioned firm got from Abner Mack by execution on April 18, 1796, his interest in this same land and store, and the next month John Crane secured by the same means from Mr. Mack 319/744 of the potash and pearlash works. Niles and Mack, then, had a store as early as 1794; perhaps it was built in the preceding year. Mr. Niles was first listed in 1792 and Mr. Mack in the following year. The frm of Flint & Jennings succeeded Niles & Mack, and conducted the store and the potash works. Mr. Jennings does not seem ever to have been in Royalton. In 1795 he was in Windham, Conn., and Mr. Flint was the merchant here. They bought other small lots of Zebulon Lyon, and of Mr. Niles, and got control of the potash outfit. A house was on the Lyon lot. Tt can be imagined how the little settlement looked in the vicin- ity of the Yuran place, with its diminutive store, two or more houses, in one of which Mr. Crane had lived, and its potash works, extending six rods on the road and six rods back. Mr. Crane’s house was situated about two rods from a little run. In 1802 Jennings sold out to Flint, and in 1808 Mr. Flint sold to Amasa Dutton and Daniel Ashcraft. From this time the store was called the ‘‘ Ashcraft’’ store. Ashes were received at the store in exchange for goods. The late Dr. Alden C. Latham at one time related the following anecdote: David Ames, who was rather eccentric and made his own buttons and like economies, brought a load of ashes to Mr. Ashcraft. He was not satisfied with the price offered for them, and said if they would pay no more, he would dump them into the stream, and tradition says that he did dump them, but this is not probable. Mr. Ash- craft held the property for about twenty years. Co-existent with this incipient settlement was another at the center of the town. Zabad Curtis was assessed £10 in 1791, and Elkanah Stevens was assessed a like sum the next year. History or Royautron, VERMONT 421 These men held lots in the prospective village of Royalton. Mr. Curtis had potash works, and Mr. Stevens also had a similar out- fit at a later date, and may have had it at this time. Mr. Ste- vens had a store, as is indicated by a deed of Levi Mower to Asahel Cheney in 1807. He states that he sold what he had of David Waller, that a store was on it which had been occupied by Elkanah Stevens. In a newspaper issue of Dec. 20, 1803, Mr. Stevens asks all indebted to him at Royalton and Stock- bridge to settle their accounts. In 1793 he bought 252 square rods near Lyman’s fordway, mortgaged this in 1805 to Nathaniel Merriam of Boston, and sold it the next year to David Waller. Mr. Cheney sold it to John Marshall in 1809, and he used it for a cabinet shop. It passed to Timothy Eaton and B. F. Hall, and when they sold it to Maurice White in 1819, they said it was nearly in front of John Francis’ premises, and extended east to the brick store. Mr. Marshall was probably the finest cabinet maker ever in Royalton. He worked with the most expensive woods, and took infinite pains in turning out handsome and elab- orate articles. There still is to be found in town some of his handiwork, in the shape of bureaus and other furniture, which would bring large prices if found in city shops today. The same year that Ebenezer Herrick built his shoemaker’s shop, 1799, Joseph Fessenden and Samuel Grant began a mer- cantile business in Royalton village. July 1, 1802, they pur- chased of Zebulon Lyon 136 square rods of land, beginning at the southeast corner of Elkanah Stevens’ garden. Levi Bellows was then a member of the firm, and with them on this same day bought ‘‘Herrick’s shop’’ a few rods west of their store. After a partnership of three years, Mr. Grant quit-claimed to Mr. Fessenden all land which they held in common with Levi Bel- lows. In 1808 the firm had become J. & J. Fessenden. In 1801 Joseph Fessenden had bought of Jacob Smith the ‘‘old society schoolhouse,’’ and may have used this for a store. In 1806 he sold a share in the end of the store in which were Bellows, Dorr & Co., which portion Benjamin Thomas had occupied. It is difficult to determine just where his store was, but Mr. George Harvey thinks it was on the left of the lane running up the hill towards the ‘‘pinnacle.’’ The advertisements of the Fessendens in The Washingtonian printed at Windsor, give some idea of the goods displayed for their customers, and of the condition of the people. Under date of Dec. 7, 1807, they advertise silks, velvets, silk shawls, broad- cloths, ete. July 30, 1810, they appeal to the public by enumer- ating ‘‘English, Kast and West India goods, books, stationery. medicines, saddles,’’ ete. They will take in exchange salts of lye, good butter, tow cloth, and geese feathers. On Aug. 6, they 422 History oF RoyvaLTon, VERMONT announce the dissolution of the copartnership, and state that hereafter the firm will be Curtis & Cutter. However, the fol- lowing December Mr. Fessenden advertises ‘‘elegant robes, la- dies’ muffs, and tippets,’’ and says he will furnish libraries at a handsome discount, which goes to show that there was a de- mand for these things. The Fessendens were not listed after 1810. In 1812 Joseph Fessenden was in Brattleboro. The firm had competitors in Bellows, Dorr & Company. Dorr & Bellows of Hartford advertised in 1806 for flax seed, and said they would pay cash at the store of Bellows, Dorr & Co. at Royalton. Levi Bellows must have left the firm of Fes- senden & Grant after 1804. This new firm remained until 1810. John Estabrook, who was a member of it, remained in Royalton some years more, and carried on his potash works, but does not seem to have been in trade. Joseph Dorr was a prominent Hart- ford man, connected with milling interests there. Chandler & Mower were listed first in 1801. They adver- tised Nov. 26, 1803, English and West India goods and liquors in their stores at Chester and Royalton. Samuel Chandler and Henry Mower were in company in Woodstock, owning mills and a distillery there. Mr. Henry Swan Dana, author of the His- tory of Woodstock, says the father of Samuel Chandler was one of the king’s judges, that his sons set up a mercantile business in Boston, importing goods largely on their own account, and that they had branch houses in Chester, Putney, Woodstock, and Royalton. Levi Mower came to Royalton. He had bought land in town as early as 1786. His first village purchase was a pew of Dr. Allen, Sep. 26, 1801, and the first land purchased in the village was Nov. 18, 1802, when he obtained of Walter Chaffee 100 square rods on the river, beginning at the southern corner of Jacob Cady’s land. The firm bought of Zebulon Lyon, July 12, 1803, a lot which had a store on it. In 1807 Mr. Mower bought ef David Waller one-fourth acre in the village. This had the store which had been occupied by Elkanah Stevens. Mr. Mower may have contemplated going into business by himself, but if so, the plan was changed. He sold this purchase to Asahel Cheney and Joseph Fessenden. His brother Henry had become dissatisfied and withdrawn from partnership with Samuel Chand- ler, and Levi Mower went to Woodstock and entered into part- nership with his brother Henry. He erected a store there on the west side of the common, a few rods above the court-house. Mr. Dana says this store was removed further up the common and converted into a dwelling house, which, in 1885, was owned and enlarged by James H. Murdock. Henry Mower lived only ten months after the partnership was formed, and in 1812 Levi History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT 423 Mower deeded to Samuel Chandler of Woodstock all the land which he owned in Vermont. Chandler & Mower had sold in 1806 to Curtis & Cutter the land where the ‘‘red store’’ stood. In April following Samuel Chandler made an indenture with Joseph Taggart of Hillsborough, N. H., to care for him and Anna. The earliest deeds here represent Mr. Chandler as from Worcester, Mass. Curtis & Cutter were destined to remain a longer time in trade in Royalton than any of the three firms which had preceded them. Their purchase of the ‘‘red store’’ has been mentioned. They soon got control of three potash and pearlash works. They purchased of Zenas Newell in 1806 one-half acre and seventy square rods for $1,500, described as beginning at the northwest corner of Elkanah Stevens’ store. The first mention of the brick store is found in a deed given by Abijah Burbank to Moses Cut- ter, May 13, 1816. Mr. Burbank says it is what he had of Jo- seph Fessenden, except one rod and the land the brick store stands on. Mr. Fessenden sold this in 1811, and no mention of a store was then made, but one rod was excepted which Daniel Carrington held, and a piece near Stafford Smith’s horse sheds. Mr. Smith was then in the hotel. Mr. Fessenden sold this piece which was excepted to Samuel Grant, he to Artemas Ainsworth, next Dr. Denison had it, and after Jireh Durkee went to Bur- lington he got a deed of it from Dr. Denison. This seems to be the same one-fourth acre which David Waller got from Elkanah Stevens, and which Dr. Denison deeded Jireh Durkee, in which deed it is stated that Mr. Durkee built the brick store. This does not fix the year, but it was between 1811 and 1816. As Mr. Durkee was at first in the Fessenden store, he must have built this later. The firm of Curtis & Cutter was made up of Zebina Curtis of Windsor, who did not come to Royalton, and Moses Cutter. The firm was dissolved Aug. 24,1813, and the demands were to be made over to Mr. Curtis. Zenas Newell had been a partner for a time. Although the dissolution was announced, the firm was listed under the old name until 1823, or later. In 1821 Judah D. Throop, Frederick Orvis, Oel Billings, and Asa Fran- eis join with Curtis and Cutter in giving and receiving deeds, and two firms are listed, the second one under the name of Cur- tis, Cutter & Francis. This firm was extensively interested in land speculation, and controlled a good deal of real estate in town. They had a store in Bethel. In 1823 the firm is com- posed of Curtis and Cutter and Oel Billings, under the firm name of Oel Billings & Co., and a share was sold to Jacob Fox. Per- haps they had a store at Foxville. In 1828 the firm bought the tavern and brick house opposite, and the same year the firm dis- 494 History or Royauton, VERMONT solved, owing to the death of Mr. Curtis. At this time Franklin Hunter was in the ‘‘red store.’’ Moses Cutter sold to Elias Lyman on April 16 of that year the land which he had of Abijah Burbank, and the brick store on it. He was in Middlebury the next year, but went later to Ohio. He lived in Royalton over twenty years. Mr. Cutter seems to have conducted his business on a safe basis, and to have contributed in various ways to the welfare of the village and town. There were several smaller traders in town previous to 1820. Jireh Durkee has already been mentioned. In May, 1811, he formed a partnership with Asa Egerton, under the firm name of Durkee & Egerton. In one deed they are said to occupy ‘‘Ly- on’s’’ store. The firm soon dissolved, and in 1812 Mr. Egerton advertised a cash store, with mixed goods, rum, brandy, wines, by the barrel or the keg. In a later issue he tempts his feminine patrons with ‘‘Ladies’ Twist Harris tobacco.’’? He seems to have taken in Warren Lovejoy as a partner, and notice of the dissolu- tion appeared Sep. 28, 1813, and the announcement was made that Mr. Lovejoy would continue the. business. Elias Lyman of Hartford, who bought the brick store, put his son George in charge of it, who remained eleven years. Elias Lyman died while his son was in Royalton, and the heirs in 1833 quitclaimed to George Lyman the brick store. It is related of Mr. Elias Lyman, who was a remarkably thrifty and energetic man, that he drove from Hartford to Royalton one morning, reaching his son’s residence before George had arisen. ‘‘Get up! Get up, George!’’ he called, ‘‘or the mortgage will eat you up.”’ George Lyman sold the store to Job Lyman of Woodstock in 1839, and two years later it came into the hands of John Fran- cis, who turned it over to Dr. Denison, from whom his son, Dr. Joseph, Jr., and William Skinner purchased it the next year, Mr. Skinner conducted the business alone for some years, then went into partnership with Elijah D. Blodgett, under the firm name of Skinner & Blodgett, though some of the time the firm was called E. D. Blodgett & Co. About 1855 Mr. Skinner retired from the business, and the firm became Blodgett Bros. Pearl Blodgett, the brother of Elijah, joining in the business, which they continued about two years longer. ; In 1838 Downer & Nevens were dispensing goods in the store having ‘‘the currant garden in the rear.’? Two years later Downer & Fish had the ‘‘old store’? now owned by Bancroft Fowler, and in 1845 E. P. Nevens rented for five years of Mr Downer his store, while William T. Gleason & Co. were in the brick store. At North Royalton, David W. Wells and Isaac Brown had hung out their sign on ‘‘Fox’s brick store.’? The only record of a jeweler’s shop in Royalton village is dated Sep. The Hewitt New Grain Mill and Elevator. Childhood Home of Home of Dr. Dana E. Dearing, Rev. Martin Tullar. part of the Elisha Kent farm. House built by Mrs. William H. Martin on the site of the Pierce Tavern. Old Academy, now the Town Hall. Gen. Elias Stevens House, known as the Howard place. The George Cowdery House on farm occupied by Robert Havens, the First Settler in Royalton, 1771. SOUTH ROYALTON AFTER THE FIRST FIRE, FEB. 6, 1878. Paresh Eoin ap aise ik an ae etna ned 3 NEW IRON BRIDGE, SOUTH ROYALTON, 1903. History or RoyauTron, VERMONT 425 16, 1854, when William Fay sold Leonard B. Mellish of Wood- stock a building opposite the passenger depot, which had been occupied by Algernon 8S. Mellish as a jeweler’s shop. A Union store was started in the village about this time, which employed N. M. Russ as its agent, and which had an ex- istence of only a few years. Mr. Russ continued the mercantile business for a considerable period of time. J. P. Smith as mer- chant tailor, and E. A. Maxham as druggist added to the facili- ties for trade in the village. This period of prosperity was destined not to last. One by one the stores fell by the wayside in competition with the new firms starting in business in South Royalton, and some of the village traders seeing the inevitable trend, moved their stock in trade to the newer settlement. Finally, only the old stand-by, the brick store, remained. This for a time was occupied by N. & OC. N. Parker. After the death of Charles N. Parker, it was rented and later purchased by George A. Laird, who keeps a stock of general merchandise, and also deals quite extensively in grain and flour. By strict attention to business and fair deal- ing Mr. Laird has gained the confidence of the public. The ‘‘old store’’ was made over into a dwelling, purchased by the widow Felch, and burned in the early 1890’s. This is the same store called the ‘‘red store’’ in various deeds. The growth of business in South Royalton will be found in the sketch of that village. In 1854 Sylvester Davis of Claremont, N. H., assigned to Silas R. Williams, G. W. Bradstreet, Franklin Joiner, Harry Goff, Dr. J. Manchester, H. Phelps, William Hoyt, Mark J. Met- calf, Joseph A. Denison, Calvin Skinner, Calvin Davis, David Dutton, P. G. Sewall, and Oscar Henry, the right for the town of Royalton to use his patent on bee-hives, which he secured July 26, 1853. He received $75 for this right. How much use of this was made is not known, but Dr. Manchester did manufac- ture bee-hives of improved pattern. About 1852 Daniel Tarbell erected a boot factory in South Royalton, which stood where the Dickerman store which was burned in 1878, stood. This employed but a few hands and did not run long. A tallow chandler’s shop did business where the garden of J. O. Belknap now is. Two laundries have flourished for a time in town, one run in South Royalton in 1880 by Miss Mattie Sherlock, and the other a steam laundry owned by Clark Turner, about ten years later. Mention should be made of some of the women who have added to the mercantile record of Royalton village. The ‘‘Ad- vocate’’ is the only source from which early information of this sort has been obtained. On Dec. 20, 1826, Mrs. Isabella Car- 426 History or RoyaLtton, VERMONT rington advertised her millinery and dressmaking business. She had a competitor in Miss Sophronia Lyman, who stated that she had the latest New York and Boston fashions. In 1827 Miss West offered her services as tailoress. In the fall of that year Miss B. G. Winnek told the public that she had moved her mil- linery shop to the house formerly occupied by Mrs. D(olly?) Smith. About two score years later Miss Elizabeth Lyman, afterwards Mrs. James Henry, furnished finery to adorn the heads of the ladies, and still later Mrs. Anna Hastings, now Mrs. George Waterman of South Royalton. For many years the la- dies of Royalton village have had to seek millinery supplies else- where. In recent years Miss Ida Lyman and Miss Hattie Hanks have been successful dressmakers in the village. In the earlier days the shoemaker and the tailor went from house to house, and shod the family, and gave a style to the clothing of the male portion that the more clumsy hands of the housewife could not attain unto. Dr. Gardner Cox has very brightly given a sketch of one of these journeymen tailors, whom some still living remember as working in their homes. This man was Matthew O’Keefe, who was born in the southern part of Ireland, and came to America in the 1830’s, finding his way to Royalton, and later to Barnard. He plied his trade in both towns. He had no relatives in this country, and was unmarried. His price was from fifty cents to $1.00 a day. His home when in Royalton was at Horatio Freeman’s, who was the administra- tor of his small estate of $500, which he left, when he died at the home of Mr. Farrell in Barnard, Aug. 27, 1866, aged about sixty years. He was buried in the Catholic cemetery in Clare- mont, N. H. Of him and his work in Barnard, Dr. Cox says, ‘‘For nice work he had no competitor. Eliza Wood was the only one that went about from house to house, cutting and making boys’ pants straight down to the floor, like a paper bag, and the rural youth counted it as his début into fashionable society, when the Tailor put a ‘spring’ into the discontented end of his panta- loon legs. The Tailor used to say, ‘She cuts pantalets, and I cut pantaloons.’ - When about to unload his mind, he would begin, ‘It is the beest of my opinion,’ and if in trouble, I am between three fires.’---- He sang and danced Irish jigs to perfection. When he unbraided his legs and descended from his high perch to attack a fresh ‘goose,’ he invariably pigeon- winged a circle around the room, whistling, or humming like a bagpipe, an Irish quickstep.’’ _ His dress is described as immaculate. ‘‘A cover crowned his pipe so that no ashes could soil his work. When he drew his pipe, 1t was as the Irishman fiddled, ‘not by note, but by main History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT 427 strength.’ - He declared that the Garden of Eden was located in Ireland, and that Adam and Eve were the founders of the city of New York. ‘You might know,’ he used to say, ‘that Adam and Eve were Irish, for long before they got able they raised Cain.’ No one felt a slight more keenly, and if at a kitchen party he set out upon the journey of ‘going to Rome,’ woe to the Irish-American girl that did not pay proper respect to his passage, and hand over the proper amount of toll. ‘Any- thing but a Yankeefied paddy,’ he would say, ‘sure no American girl would do so mane a thing.’ ”’’ CHAPTER XXVII. Toe GENERAL MimittA. Governor William A. Palmer, in his message to the General Assembly in 1834, stated that previous to the Revolution the greatest care was taken to keep the militia in an unorganized, inefficient state, that the provincial governors generally opposed the interests of the people, and appointed militia officers sub- servient to their own views. On the breaking out of the war the whole body of militia was reorganized. This reorganization resulted in disciplining and drilling the raw troops, and bringing them to such a state of efficiency as secured finally the independence of the united colonies. When the war was practically closed, Vermont, in October, 1782, took steps for disbanding her militia, for paying the sums due them, and for settling down to the peaceful development of the new state, in the expectation that she would soon be admitted into the Union. The governor was requested to dismiss all troops except one sergeant, one corporal, and eleven privates. This had not long been done, before the action of Congress alarmed the leaders, and caused them to reinstate the militia. In the session of February, 1783, the militia was again regularly organ- ized and put in condition to defend the state. A Board of War was chosen, and 500 men ordered to be raised exclusive of offi- cers. There was not only this breeze of opposition blowing with- out, but there was a lively one blowing within. There were still loyal supporters of New York. Guilford and neighboring sec- tions had joined in a formidable insurrection against the author- ity of the new state, encouraged, of course, by New York. The civil authority proved unequal to the task of quelling the dis- turbance, and in October, 1783, provision was made for raising 100 men under command of Col. Wait to bring the disaffected inhabitants to a state of obedience. By a firm, but conciliatory policy this end was secured early in 1784. Though the maintenance of the militia was a burden which the state would have been glad to avoid, it was deemed a neces- sity, and has been continued in a more or less efficient state ever since its reorganization in 1783. The reliance placed upon it History of RoyauTon, VERMONT 429 was well expressed by Gov. Galusha in his message to the Assem- bly in 1810, in which he said, ‘‘They are the guardians of our rights, the repository of our liberties, and the bulwark of our in- dependence,’’ and he contrasted their loyal interest in the wel- fare of the state with that of mercenary troops. All able-bodied men between eighteen and forty-five were subject to enrollment as militia men. Efforts were made at times to change the age, and to include only those between twenty-one and thirty-five. Many were exempt through holding of official or other public positions. Each man was to arm and equip himself, or if unable to do so, the town was required to furnish the needful articles, and look to the state for reimburse- ment. They were required to meet at certain times for drill and inspection of arms, and periodically a whole brigade was to be called out for parade. Appointment of officers was spe- cifically provided for by the very comprehensive militia act of 1818. This was not so much a change from previous regulations, as an authorization of the system already in use, and an effort te secure uniformity. In 1805 the Governor stated to the Coun- cil that there was no uniform way of numbering and distinguish- ing the brigades. From the first, however, the militia seems to have been distinguished by divisions, brigades, and regiments. The major generals of the divisions, and the brigadier generals were elected by a joint session of the Governor and Council with the House. The field officers were appointed by the captains and subalterns of their respective regiments. In the Vermont Journal of April 10, 1788, Col. Paul Brig- ham announced the appointment of Zabad Curtis as quarter- master for the second brigade. On November 2, 1791, Elias Stevens was elected brigadier general in place of Gen. Brigham, who had been promoted. Gen. Stevens had probably risen to this position by successive promotions, as was customary. The next year he inserted a notice in the Vermont Journal announc- ing the appointment of Zabad Curtis as brigade major for the third brigade. In 1793 he, still as brigadier general of the third brigade, under date of March 9th, notified all staff and commis- sioned officers to meet at the dwelling house of Timothy Shepard in Sharon, (‘‘where Capt. Daniel Gilbert formerly lived,’’) on June 20, at 2 o’clock, ‘‘all completely in uniform in order for exercise.’’? This notice appeared also in the Vermont Journal. There was only one higher position of active service that Gen. Stevens could gain in the militia. The date of his promo- tion has not been ascertained, but on Oct. 29, 1799, Major Gen- eral Zebina Curtis was elected for the fourth division to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Major General Elias Ste- vens. Gen. Stevens had recently passed his forty-fifth birthday, 430 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT and might justly have looked back with a pardonable degree of pride and satisfaction on his military record. Probably no other resident of Royalton ever before reached so high a position in the militia forces of Vermont. Pe a By the treaty of peace in 1783 the British were to hold mili- tary posts in the states. Two of these posts were near Alburgh, Vermont, which then was not an organized town. Later it per- fected an organization and sent a representative to the Assem- bly. Friction was unavoidable, with a recent foe so near exer- cising jurisdiction independent of Vermont, and loud complaints were made about British interference. Both sides were prob- ably to blame, and the United States government began to be alarmed, lest Vermont should drag the nation into another war. The trouble was investigated and affidavits made on both sides. In 1794 Samuel D. Searle furnished one of these, which follows: “Samuel D. Searle of Lawfull Age testifys & says that on or about the 12th Inst He saw a Batteau coming from Windmill point, towards Mr. Corbin’s in the Bay—when the sd Boat had come from ye point a certain distance, he heard firing of Cannon from the Ship, (the Maria,) & fort at point au fer, and soon saw a Ship’s Boat, mann’d out, and mak- ing to Corbins—But before ye Ship’s Boat came on shore—the Batteau had first arrived—With Two persons on Board—with near forty Bushels of Salt & a Puncheon of Rum, with some small matters besides—for the use of the hands—In a few minutes after the Arrival of this Boat, came the Ship’s Boat, with an Armed force & demanded of Mr. Corbin to go on Boat & take it to the ship—This he positively refused & in the presence of this dept. & of a Number of other witnesses, peremptor- ily forbid them to meddle with the Boat—& that neither they nor their Master had business to take away the Boat from the Shore—which if they did do, they did it (at) their peril—They asserted it was their orders—& took the Boat & Cargo & towed it away from the shore towards the Ship. Alburgh August 18th 1794. ; Attest Samuel D. Searle” Roswell Mills gave a similar affidavit to substantiate the complaint of Royal Corbin, who was in the mercantile line, and was overhauled by the British armed vessel because they claimed that his boat was within their line. With this trouble brewing, there was new activity in the militia forces. In October, 1794, Congress passed an act requiring a detachment of Vermont militia to be in readiness as minute men. A company of cavalry was raised that year. In June Gov. Chittenden ordered a de- tachment of three regiments, consisting of 2,129 men to be held in readiness at a minute’s notice. No doubt some of the Revolu- tionary heroes scented a conflict with their old foe with a sense of exultation, but their martial spirit had to die of inanition. The President sent John Jay as envoy to England, by whose good services the trouble was settled, and Secretary Knox in- formed Gov. Chittenden that ‘ ‘the statu quo as it existed immedi- ately after the peace of 1783 is to be inviolably observed. All History or Royauron, VERMONT 431 encroachments since that period are to be abandoned.’’ Through Mr. Jay’s influence the British posts were evacuated ‘‘on or be- fore the first day of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six.’’ The young nation had not proved fully its ability to keep on the wing and steer a safe course, when misunderstandings arose between it and the country to which it owed such a debt of gratitude for timely aid during the Revolutionary period. In 1797 Congress provided for a force of detached militia in view of a probable war with France or other foreign nation, but again the militia was not called upon to prove its mettle. There were many exempts, and it was natural that those who did not take kindly to compulsory military service should be somewhat envious of these ‘‘exempts.’’ In November, 1798, the legislature passed an act authorizing the formation of volun- teer companies from these exempts, and the incorporating of them with the regular militia. This led to numerous companies of such volunteers. In 1801 the legislature received a petition asking it to lessen ‘‘the numerous train of exempts,’’ so that they should not be excused from military duty. Up to this time the men had been required to arm and equip themselves. At the October session of 1801 the Governor ad- vised that the state furnish arms to the militia, and field artil- lery for the use of the several brigades. It was proposed to raise a company of artillery at St. Albans. Gen. Ira Allen wrote tc the Assembly that he had purchased arms in France for the citizens of Vermont, according to suggestions of Gov. Chittenden, and asked the privilege of furnishing such arms. The matter does not seem to have been settled, and came up again the next year. In 1808 the militia was made up of infantry, light in- fantry, artillery, and cavalry. The Assembly informed the Gov- ernor and Council that the companies of artillery were almost destitute of ordnance and apparatus. They added that the United States had in their arsenals large supplies of artillery which were idle, and would be loaned to the states on applica- tion of the proper authority, by giving security for safe keeping and return, and requested the Governor to ask for twenty pieces of artillery and suitable apparatus to accompany them. This request was the result of a Congressional act of that year, and the loaning of arms was a practice followed by the national gov- ernment in its efforts to strengthen the available military force of the country. The active service of the militia was required a few years after this in the war of 1812. The record of the militia in this war is given by itself. There is no evidence in our town records that any company of militia was ever formed in Royalton, ex- 432 History or Royauton, VERMONT cept an incidental reference to Capt. Bingham’s company during the war just mentioned. An examination of the militia officers belonging at one time or another to Royalton will lead one to believe that a town so prominent in furnishing commanding officers was surely not behind in furnishing companies of militia. From the admirable history of Woodstock militia, written by Henry Swan Dana, it is found that Royalton did have such com- panies. Mr. Dana describes the muster of the 1st brigade, 4th division of the militia of Vermont, which occurred in Septem- ber or October, 1814, at Woodstock. He says this was the only brigade muster ever held in this section. Quotations from his pen are given, one, an account of a muster day in general, and the other a description of this particular muster in 1814. ; “The several companies came on the ground with their own music, drums and fifes, each playing a different tune as they marched to the lines, making the most perfect medley of martial airs,—a complete babel of sounds. As they approached the parade-ground the adjutant and his assistant, the sergeant-major, both on horseback, were the busiest men alive; their plumes were seen dancing about in all direc- tions, until at length they succeeded in quieting the confusion and clatter of the field, and bringing the companies into line preparatory to the grand day’s work. The regiment was then formed in two bat- talions, and the companies took post according to their rank. The battalions were then counted off into platoons and the officers posted. A guard was detailed under the command of a lieutenant, with a ser- geant, a corporal, a drummer and fife, and assigned to their duty in guarding the limits of the parade-ground. When this was accom- plished, the cavalry, at the sound of a broken-winded brazen instru- ment, called a trumpet, were sent off to escort the officers at the inn to the parade-ground. The cavalry returned with the three field offi- cers (who until 1818 were a lieutenant-colonel and two majors, after- ward a colonel, lieutenant-colonel and major), who were received by the regiment with presented arms. The lieutenant-colonel took post in front of the first battalion, the first major in front of the second bat- talion, and the second major in the rear of the first battalion. The lieutenant-colonel drew his sword and gave his order, ‘Attention the first battalion! Shoulder arms!’ The first major drew his sword and gave his order, ‘Attention the second battalion! Shoulder arms!’ Sev- eral orders were then given by the lieutenant colonel and repeated by the first major. Presently the cavalry, under the blast of the trumpet, brought on to the ground the reviewing general and his staff, who passed in the front, receiving the customary salute. Meantime the drummers and fifers had been collected into two bands, one being placed in front of the first battalion and the other in front of the second bat- talion, and they cheered the general, as he passed along the line, with the customary salute and grenadier march. The regiment was then put in motion, platoons wheeling on their right and taking up the line of march to pass the general in review, and the congregated fifers put in their highest and shrillest notes, while the drummers rattled and beat, to the admiration of the martial band and the thronging eee me and female, who crowned every eminence that over. ooke e field.” Three regiments were engaged in the bri of 1814 at Woodstock. e Brpeee mneLee History oF RoyALTON, VERMONT 433 “Companies from Norwich, Hartford, Windsor, and Hartland com- posed the first or Hartland regiment; Royalton, Sharon, etc., made up the second or Royalton regiment; Plymouth, Reading, Bridgewater, Pomfret, and Woodstock, the third. Attached to the brigade were two companies of artillery, one from Hartland, the other from Windsor; and also a squadron of cavalry, consisting of three companies, one each from Royalton, Hartland, and Woodstock. ---- - Colonel Alexander, early in the morning of muster-day, paraded his regiment on King’s flat, and then sent an officer to Gen. Wood for orders of the day. The general told the officer he must call on Major Beriah Green for orders, to whom he had delegated the command of the brigade for the occasion. When the officer delivered this order to Colonel Alexander, the colonel, swearing he would not train under a United States officer, marched his regiment at once to the Common, and drew up in front of the court-house, the regiment facing it and looking toward the north. Next south of him the 3d regiment was drawn up, and behind the third the 2d regiment came, the lines of the several regiments extending from the lower to the upper end of the Common. On the right of the first regiment the artillery and cavalry were sta- tioned.” After a while the militia marched off to the meadows near the stone mill on the North Branch, and formed again. “About the middle of the afternoon the general, having found a peg to hang his hat on while buckling his belt, next took the hat down, and, having put it on, was escorted to the parade-ground by a detachment of the ‘Troop,’ where he remained a short time, and then retired from the field. Finding matters going thus, and the case growing more dubious every moment, the field-officers called a council to consider the situa- tion. While they were thus engaged in consultation the soldiers on the right began to flash and squib, whereupon the rest of the line took up the signal, and the flashing and squibbing redoubled. The officers seeing there was like to be trouble and division in the ranks, if action was delayed, broke up the council, and the colonels returning to their regiments soon dismissed them, it being now sundown. Most of the soldiers scattered from the field and went home. --- --- The Royalton regiment stopped overnight at Winslow’s tavern. They cut up fearfully. Among other performances they got hold of an old andiron, knocked the head off, and called it by the name of General Wood, Then followed a long string of proceedings to celebrate the death and burial of the general, and he was consigned to his last rest- ing-place with all the ceremony and pomp of military parade.” The refusal of these militia men to train under any other than their own officers was quite in accord with the stand taken by Gov. Chittenden, mentioned in another place. At this time Lovell Hibbard was lieutenant-colonel of this regiment which staid overnight at Winslow’s tavern, but who the other Royalton men were we can only conjecture. In 1822 the legislature directed the apportionment of 2,500 stands of arms which had been received from the United States. They went to the several towns and were deposited with the selectmen. In 1825 Gov. Van Ness advised calling them in, especially as it was expected an arsenal would be built. The act appropriating money for this purpose was repealed, and in 1828 the United States built an arsenal at Vergennes. In 1833 28 434 History or Royston, VERMONT the legislature ordered the arms to be collected in one or more laces. i. Militia men were exempt from poll tax, and parents and guardians who equipped minors were allowed a deduction of twenty dollars from their list for every minor so equipped. By the law of 1818 every town was required to keep constantly on hand thirty-two pounds of gunpowder, one hundred weight of lead or musket balls, and one hundred and twenty-eight flints for every sixty-four soldiers enrolled in the militia of the town. That year sixteen men were listed in Royalton as soldiers, and four others had ‘‘horses of cavalry.’’ These four were Thomas Clapp, Samuel Curtis, Simeon Parkhurst, and Ebenezer Rix. Each horseman was to furnish himself with ‘‘a serviceable horse, of at least fourteen hands and a half high, a good saddle, bridle, mail-pillion, and valise, holsters, a breast plate and crupper, a pair of boots and spurs, a pair of pistols and sabre, a cartridge box to contain twelve cartridges for pistols.’’ The flag of the militia was established by legislative act of Oct. 31, 1803, when it was enacted that from and after May 1, 1804, the flag should be seventeen stripes, alternate red and white; that the union be seventeen stars, white, in a blue field; with the word, Vermont, in capitals, above the said stripes and stars. This was changed October 20, 1837, to the present flag. Officers and men came a little closer together on training days, and rigid discipline for a part of the day was set aside. The jollity indulged in after the training often ran riot, when the men had imbibed too freely of the liquor furnished by their officers. Governor Crafts in his message to the Assembly in 1829, deprecated the excesses attendant upon such occasions, saying, ‘‘the demoralizing effects of the practice, so general with officers of the militia, of treating their companies with spirits, on training days, has been witnessed by many with regret. This practice has been of so long standing that few officers are dis- posed to risk their popularity by adopting a different course. It imposes a heavy and unnecessary burden upon the officers, without any adequate benefit to the companies, but often the re- verse—causing frequent instances of intemperance, profanity, and strife. It is believed that a law prohibiting this practice would be very acceptable to the orderly portion of our citizens.”’ Such a candid avowal of the evil effects of liquor upon the militia is refreshing, and the courageous stand taken by the governor might well commend itself to those having the power, who favor the canteen in the army. It could hardly be claimed that the exertion of training was so exhausting as to need a stimulant. It is reported of one small company, however, that after they History or Royautton, VERMONT 435 had distributed the offices among them, they had one man left, and they drilled him until he had to lie down and rest. In 1840 the whole number of state militia was 26,304. Per- haps its most flourishing period was about that time. In 1842 there were nine brigades and twenty-eight regiments. That year Minot Wheeler was adjutant in the 22d regiment. In 1864 an act was passed providing for organizing twelve regiments of militia. In 1867 and again in 1868 the military property be- longing to the state in the hands of officers and privates was ordered to be returned. The quartermaster was authorized to discharge from active military service of the state all officers and men who received such property under the act of 1864. In 1872 the legislature authorized the governor to reorganize the militia, and form one regiment of volunteer infantry, consisting of twelve companies, each company of fifty-one officers and men. These were to be selected from the organized militia of the state. In 1904 an act was passed giving the name of the National Guard to the militia, which was to consist of one regiment of infantry, of twelve companies. The legislature of 1908 passed a law re- quiring an annual encampment, continuing not more than seven days. It also provided for scholarships in Norwich University, not to exceed two to each troop, company or battery. The men were to be approved by the commanding officers of the companies and by the regimental commander. There is, also, one company of signal corps, and one squadron of cavalry made up of cadets from Norwich University, and designated as ‘‘The Norwich Cadets, Vermont National Guard.’’ These were brought into the service of the state by an act of the last legislature. The company of light artillery at the University is to be discontinued. The Military Band at Brattleboro is also a part of ‘‘The National Guard.”’ The list of officers in the Vermont militia which follows is far from complete, but every available source known has been sought to obtain even this partial list. These men were residents of Royalton, in’ most cases, at the time they held these offices. While John Francis was colonel of the second regiment, he was called in 1822 to preside at a court-martial in Woodstock, when two different persons claimed the same command. Major Elisha Fowler was also a member of this court, and Lieut. Col. Mills May, who married a daughter of Capt. Daniel Gilbert, but who was then probably living in Bethel. Jacob Collamer was coun- sel for the respondent. 436 History or Royauton, VERMONT OFFICERS IN THE VERMONT MILITIA. Name. Year. Rank Div. Brig. Reg. Atwood, Ebenezer a Ensign 4 1 3 18 Billings, Oel 1814 Adjutant 4 1 4 Bloss, Benjamin 1819 Quartermaster 4 1 1 1820 s 4 1 2 1821 Bloss, Perley 1809 Lieut. 2d Co. Light Inf. 4 1 2 Collamer, George W. 1823 Aid de Camp 1 3 Denison, Joseph A. 1818 Surgeon 4 1 2 1819 e 4 1 2 1820 = 4 1 2 1821 Fowler, Elisha 1822 Major 4 1 2 1823 a 1 3 2 1825 Lieut. Colonel 1 3 2 Francis, Asa, Jr. 1822 Quartermaster 4 1 2 1823 ee 1 3 2 Francis, John 1819 Major 4 1 1 1820 ee 4 1 2 1821 Lieut. Colonel 4 1 2 1822 Colonel 4 1 2 1823 " 1 3 2 1824 Brigadier General 2 3 Resigned, 1825 Hibbard, Lovell 1807 Capt. 1st Co. Light 4 1 2 1808 Artillery 1809 Major 1812 Lieut. Col. Vol. Corps 1816 Brigadier General 4 1 3 1817 Major General 4 Resigned, 1818 Hunter, Franklin 1812 Aid de Camp 1 2 3 Kimball, Nathan 1807 Ensign 4 1 2 1808 1809 Capt. 2d Co. Light Inf. 4 1 2 Mower, Levi 1807 Capt. of Cavalry 4 1 2 Parkhurst, Calvin 1825 Sergeant Major 1 3 2 Parkhurst, Ebenezer 1807 Captain of Infantry 4 1 2 to 1809 Parkhurst, Eben., Jr. 1809 Ensign 4 1 2 Parkhurst, Phineas 1817 Quartermaster 4 1 2 Robinson, Amos 1807. Lieutenant 4 1 2 to 1809 Skinner, Harvey 1809 Lieut. in Cavalry 4 1 2 Smith, Stafford 1807, Major 4 1 2 to 1809 | Paige, Alfred 1819 Surgeon’s Mate 4 1 1 1820 By 4 1 2 1821 1822 Surgeon 4 1 2 1823 a 1 3 2 History or ROYALTON, VERMONT 437 Name. Year. Rank Div. Brig. Reg. 1825 “ Pierce, Albigence 1818 Surgeon 1819 es 1820 sf 1821 es 1823 a 1825 f Throop, Judah D. 1818 Lieut. Colonel 1819 Colonel 1820 1821 Brigadier General 1823 Wheelock, Peter 1807 Lieutenant The town records complete the data obtained regarding the general militia of the state as connected with Royalton. The selectmen’s order books show that on April 6, 1820, Oel Billings was given an order for $11.28 for furnishing lead and flints for the town stock of military supplies. A town meeting record of March 5, 1838, has the following: ‘‘ Voted that all the town guns, and arms, be returned to the treasury before the Ist day of April next.”’ bt PPP Ph me bo dS bd NNN NNY NF PD COR ete THE War or 1812. The amount of material available for local history in con- nection with the War of 1812 is surprisingly limited. While rolls have been prepared for the Revolutionary and Civil wars, none has been found of much value for the second war with England. Lists of men enrolled in Vermont during this war were ordered to be kept at the time of enrollment, but these rolls are not in possession of the state of Vermont, and do not appear to be accessible in the archives of the national government. In fact, it was reported to the state officials, when a request was made for such data in 1878, that the rolls were not in condition to be consulted. For lack of resources and time, the account of men from Royalton, or those at some time residents of Royalton, who had a part in the war of 1812 is not so full or accurate as could be desired, but such facts as have been gleaned are submitted, in the hope that additional information may be gathered for some future historian. The causes of the second war with England are too well known to need recounting. As Vermont was on the frontier, and had a lake border on the west, whose waters were the scene of conflict from time to time, owing to British interference with shipping, she was as vitally interested in the quarrel with Great Britain as any other state could be, and no doubt rejoiced when 438 History of RoyaLton, VERMONT the President in April, 1812, was authorized by Congress to detach 100,000 militia to be organized and held for readiness to march at a minute’s notice. Three thousand of this number were apportioned to Vermont. Gov. Galusha issued a proclamation May Ist, calling for this number to be detached, organized, armed, and equipped and ready to act as minute men. They were to form a brigade of four regiments, each having ten com- panies, eight of infantry, one of artillery, and one of cavalry. The troops were to serve six months after reaching the place of rendezvous. During the War of 1812 and a year or two afterwards, the two political parties in Royalton, the Federalists and the Jeffer- sonian Republicans, were about evenly divided, though the Fed- eralists always polled the larger number of votes, from thirty to forty more than the other party. In 1813 there was no elec- tion of governor and lieutenant governor by the people, and the election in joint session of the House and Council resulted in the victory of the Federal party, Martin Chittenden being elected. War with England was formally declared June 18, 1812. A special session of the Assembly was held at Montpelier on July 23, and a committee appointed to draft a memorial to the Sec- retary of War for a supply of arms. The committee reported next day that the Governor be requested to apply to the Presi- dent for 10,000 stand of arms, as the militia could not equip themselves, and had guns requiring all sorts of ammunition. The militia was promptly detached in response to the governor’s order of May Ist, and placed at different stations along the line of the frontier. In November an act was passed for raising a volunteer corps of sixty-four companies of infantry, two of ar- tillery and two of cavalry. It was over a part of this infantry force that Lovell Hibbard was made a lieutenant colonel. This entire force was divided into two brigades, and the men were to serve until the first of the following May. Enlistments went on under that act, as is supposed chiefly of those exempt from mili- tary duty. The selectmen were required to furnish arms and equipment, and were later reimbursed by the state. At an ad- journed meeting in Royalton on Mar. 31, 1813, Samuel Curtis, Elias Stevens, and Jacob Safford were chosen a committee to examine the account of the selectmen ‘‘for provisions and articles delivered to Capt. William Bingham for the support of himself and (company) on their march from Royalton to Burlington likewise for waggon and horses to transfer their baggage and money expend on the journey.’’ This meeting adjourned to April 20th, when the account of the selectmen, amounting to $40.89 was allowed, for supplying the detached militia with sup- plies while on their way to Burlington. History oF Royauton, VERMONT 439 The Vermonters who served in the regular army were chiefly in the llth, 26th, 30th, and 31st infantry. In 1813 William Bingham was listed as 1st lieutenant in the 31st regiment. Huck- ens Storrs, son of Huckens Storrs who died in Royalton in 1786, who lived in Randolph, was lieutenant colonel of this 31st regi- ment in 1813, but was made colonel of the 34th the next year. Harry Bingham served as sergeant in the 2d company of the 3d regiment, while his brother William was captain of the same com- pany. Harry was pensioned April 4, 1846. He was granted for his service in the war of 1812 forty acres in N. E. quarter of the N. E. quarter of section 29, township 81, range two west, in the district of lands subject to sale in Iowa City, Lowa. The local militia was to garrison the coast fortifications, and the other forces were to invade Canada. The army gath- ered at Plattsburgh, New York, about 8,000 in number. In 1813 the lake was not strongly guarded, and the British made some successful attacks, while the aggressive movements of the Ameri- cans along the Vermont frontier were mostly abortive. In March, 1814, Col. Isaac Clark of the 11th infantry had under him a de- tachment of 1,000 infantry, and one hundred mounted riflemen, all Green Mountain Boys, with which he marched to take posses- sion of the frontier from the lake east to the Connecticut river. On the 29th of March, the 30th, 31st, and a part of the 11th in- fantry participated as an advance guard in the attack on La Cole Mills, which was unsuccessful, owing to the inadequacy of the artillery employed in the action. The American loss was 104 killed and wounded, but so far as known no Royalton man suf- fered in the engagement. In October, 1814, the Assistant Adjutant General of the Army of the United States wrote to the governor of Vermont, “Tt is the wish of the government, that two thousand of the mili- tia of your state should be drafted and organized for immediate service, subject to the call, when necessary, of the Commanding Officer in this quarter. There are arms at Montpelier from which such as may be without can be furnished.’’ The governor raised the question for the Council to settle, whether the militia, when called into actual service, could be legally commanded by any officers, except such as were appointed by the state. The ques- tion was decided in the negative. Gov. Chittenden had already had a little tilt with the national government over the right of any officer to call the militia out of the state except the President. In the latter part of the year 1813 a portion of the Vermont militia had been called into New York, and the governor ordered them back into the state. The men themselves resented this order, and replied in a spirited manner. A lengthy communica- tion was sent, signed by eighteen of the officers, among them 440 History oF RoyaLTON, VERMONT Capt. Martin D. Follett. He with three sons as privates served in the Enosburgh company. One of these sons was Martin D. Follett, Jr., who moved to Royalton, and died here, the father of Norman and Ammi Follett. In the reply of the officers men- tioned these sentiments are found: “If it is true, as your Excellency states, that we ‘are out of the jurisdiction or control of the Executive of Vermont,’ we would ask from whence your Excellency derives the right or presumes to exercise the power of ordering us to return from the service in which we are now engaged? If we were legally ordered into the service of the United States, your Excellency must be sensible that you have no authority to order us out of the service. If we were illegally ordered into the service, our continuance in it is either voluntary or compulsory. If voluntary, it gives no one a right to remonstrate or complain; if com- pulsory, we can appeal to the laws of our country for redress against those who illegally restrain us of our liberty. In either case we can- not conceive the right your Excellency has to interfere in the business.” The spirit of independence which defied New York in her aggressions was not slumbering in 1813. The governor acted ac- cording to his convictions, and the matter blew over without seri- ous trouble, although it was discussed in Congress, and vigorous action at first proposed. Elias Stevens was a member of the Council from October, 1814, to October, 1815. On Oct. 31, 1814, he was placed on a committee to see what arms had been purchased, and also to see if the arms which had been received from the United States had been distributed according to legislative enactment. Royalton had received a quota, for it is found recorded that April 19, 1814, Capt. Skinner was allowed by the town his account of a aa bringing from Woodstock the arms which the state fur- nished. When Gen. Macomb in 1814 called for reinforcements for Plattsburgh, the response was hearty. There were three forts on the right bank of the Saranac river at Plattsburgh, and Lieut. Col. Huckens Storrs with detachments of Vermonters from the 30th and 31st regiments was in command of one of them, Fort Brown. Although the term of enlistment of the Vermont militia first called out had expired, many of the men were still serving. The Green Mountain Boys distinguished themselves in the bat- tle of Plattsburgh. It was in this battle that James Barnes, son of Elijah Barnes, laid down his life for his country. He had enlisted in the United States army, as stated by E. A. Maxham a relative of his. Many volunteers who started late for the de- fence of Plattsburgh, with high hopes of sharing in a victory over the British, found with chagrin on reaching Burlington, that the battle was over, and McDonough’s glorious victory had already begun to run its course in the annals of history. A few reached Plattsburgh, and other few saw the battle from a distance, History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT 441 These volunteers who came in at the end of the race in many instances received no pay for the time spent in travel or expense incurred. This injustice was recognized, and as late as 1849 the legislature passed a resolution requiring the Secretary cf State to ascertain the names of all the survivors of the Platts- burgh volunteers who had received no compensation for their services, the amount of such services, and the money expended. Such volunteers were requested to send this information to the Secretary of State previous to the first day of September, 1850. In response to this request, John Noble of Bethel made affidavit that his father, Nehemiah Noble (a resident of Royalton for a considerable time) then deceased, went as a volunteer to defend Plattsburgh in September, 1814, that he was captain of a com- pany going from Bethel, serving ten days, with an expense for himself and horse of $15.00. David and Samuel Woodbury were in his company, Daniel Lillie and Charles Green of Bethel, and Sergeant Nathan Kimball of Royalton. Sergt. Kimball served five days at an expense of $6.00, and the use of his horse was estimated at three dollars. Michael Flynn, a former resident of Royalton and Bethel, but in 1850 living in Boston, sent in his claim for eleven days’ service, and an expense bill of seven dol- lars. Sidney F. Smith of Royalton wrote the Secretary of State, June 24, 1850, that his father, Col. Stafford Smith, said he joined Capt. Warren Ellis’ company from Barre, and on July 2d, Bet- sey Smith of Royalton made a similar affidavit, regarding her late husband, Col. Stafford Smith, adding the new item that he found his brother Richard in this company. The action of the legislature regarding the Plattsburgh vol- unteers woke up the survivors, and they began to get together and take account of themselves. Two wrote from Burlington on March 20, 1850, that they were to have a meeting the next Wednesday of the survivors of the Plattsburgh volunteers in Strong’s Hall. J. K. Parish wrote from Randolph that he had a roll of the Randolph company, and the survivors were to meet in West Randolph. Lebbeus Edgerton was captain of the com- pany. Captain Edgerton was enrolled in the 31st regiment. Probably he was the same man who was honored with a special visit by Lafayette on his tour from Royalton to Montpelier. On reaching East Randolph, and learning that Lebbeus Edgerton was living at Randolph Center, Gen. Lafayette, at his request, was driven in a light carriage with swift horses to the home of Capt. Edgerton, and returned to East Randolph after hig brief visit, to resume his journey with his suite. Capt. Edgerton was afterwards Lieutenant Governor of the state. Other men serving in the War of 1812 were Samuel Cleve- land, who served three days in Capt. Bingham’s company, and 449 History of RoyaLTon, VERMONT also William Smith and John D. Waugh. On application to the Adjutant General of Vermont, a certified list of Capt. Bing- ham’s company was sent which follows. “I hereby certify That the following is a correct transcript from the records on file in this office, regarding soldiers who served in the War of 1812. Extract: The following list of names appear as having been enrolled and serving in a Company of Detached Militia commanded by Captain Bingham, in 1813 & 1814, in Colonel James Williams’ Regiment. Babcock, Augustus Emery, James Noble, Periz Banister, Simeon Foster, Theodore Palmer, Thomas Bean, Levi Harrington, Nahum Putney, Bailey Bingham, Harry Herrick, David Sanford, Daniel Blanchard, Geo. D. How, Samuel Smith, William Brooks, Osmand Huntington, Roswell Stanley, Benjamin Brown, Miram Johnson, Edward Stanley, Roswell B. Buckland, Joseph M. Kellogg, Thomas Tucker, Oliver Chamberlin, Freeman Lada, Frederic Waugh, John D. Cleveland, Samuel Lillie, Joseph, Jr. Wentworth, Daniel Cole, Daniel Lilley, Samuel Wentworth, Lemuel Colby, Hez’h Miller, Etheny White, Ashel Davis, Nathan Miller, Silas Woodworth, Lyman Eddy, Elam Moody, David Ellis, Daniel Newton, Amon Edward Baker, Assistant Adjutant General.” CHAPTER XXVIII. RoyaLTON IN THE CIVIL War. Royalton, like many other loyal Vermont towns, strained every nerve during the dark days of the Rebellion to furnish her quota of troops from time to time, in answer to the Presi- dent’s call, and she also tenderly cared for her sick and wounded soldiers at the front. Though there was some opposition to the paying of large bounties in order that volunteers might be se- cured, there were generally eloquent tongues to plead for self- sacrifice on the part of stay-at-homes, that those who risked their lives for their country might be in some measure compensated, and that the reputation of the town for ready response to de- mands upon her patriotic citizens might not suffer diminution. lt cannot be known how many of her sons participated in this great conflict, as they were scattered far and wide, and served in various regiments in different states. The town has kept no accurate list of those sent to the front, and the historian has had to depend upon the Vermont Rolls, which are probably nearly complete. The common in Royalton village became now and then a camping ground, and sometimes companies were gathered in the vicinity of South Royalton. The awfulness of war was not realized so much when the drum and the fife sent the echoes fly- ing from the hills, and the young soldiers marched proudly away towards ‘‘Dixie Land,’’ sad as were the partings, as when the news of some bloody engagement came flying over the wires, and hearts stood still, while an unuttered prayer went up for the safety of loved ones. Then came hours and days of anxious waiting, followed often, Oh, so often, by the low repeated mes- sage that the vacant chair of one or more of those who had gone so bravely forth would nevermore be filled, and the neighbors gathered to weep with those bereft. It needed no urging to set eager hands to work for the re- lief of the sick and wounded. Through the courtesy of Miss Gertrude Denison the history of the Soldiers’ Aid Society has been secured. Part I of the Constitution reads: “Whereas, We Citizens and Ladies of Royalton, having been at various times engaged in efforts to relieve the sick and wounded Sol- diers of the Government, and wishing still more effectually to forward 444 History or RoyaLtton, VERMONT this work, and assist, as far as may be in our power in Crushing the Rebellion, and deeming a permanent organization a necessary means, We do hereby form ourselves into a Society which shall be called, ‘The Soldiers’ Aid Society of Royalton, Vt.’ God save the Republic.” There were the usual officers, and committees for soliciting contributions of cloth, clothing, money, and other necessaries, for making purchases, ete. The disbursements were to be either ‘‘for our own state or general hospitals directly or through the organization known as the Christian Commission.’’ Any person fifteen or over was admitted by paying twenty cents, and ten cents if under fifteen. Meetings were held monthly. The char- ter members numbered sixty-two, and during its existence 236 others joined. Of the original number over one-half were men. Hon. John 8. Marcy was the first presiding officer. From Jan. 26, 1863, to Feb. 13, they raised $56.14, and had sent forty-two articles to the Brattleboro Hospital. Woman suffragists would have taken great encouragement from a motion of Judge Marcy to the effect that ‘‘Ladies are citizens and have all the rights as voters and members of the Society that any member has.’’ Their plan was to work in the afternoon, and enjoy a social hour in the evening. At the evening sessions addresses were made suited to the purpose of the organization, one subject dis- cussed by D. B. Dudley being ‘‘Woman and War.’’ Money was raised by concerts as well as by solicitation, and two such concerts with scenic representations brought into the treasury the snug little sum of $86.96. White River Cornet Band aided in these concerts, charging only $10, and the Vermont Central R. R. carried the band free. They were very successful in their work, and naturally rejoiced in the result of their labors. The society continued its efforts until near the close of the war. Among a list of articles sent away as a product of the handiwork of the ladies, are found 19 bed-quilts, 51 sheets, 41 pillow cases, 58 shirts, 10 pair of slippers, 26 dressing gowns, and 88 bottles of preserves. At the time of one of the band concerts there were given scenes from the burning of Royalton, an account of which is given under that subject. It was not necessary to offer bounties until Aug. 27, 1862. A special meeting was then called to see what course should be taken to raise the quota for the town under the President’s call for 300,000 men. It voted to pay $50 each to all such men as had enlisted or should enlist and be mustered into service and accepted to fill its quota. If there should be an excess of volun- teers from the number already enlisted as nine months men from Royalton, and this excess was accepted and mustered into serv- ice, each man was to have $50 bounty. The selectmen were authorized to borrow money to pay the bounties, and a vote of History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT 445 thanks and pay for services was given Stillman F. Smith for his efforts in procuring the enlistment of the nine months men. At their March meeting, 1863, the selectmen were instructed to abate the taxes against the soldiers. As the war continued, and its horrors were better under- stood, and tales of rebel prisons found their way to northern ears, it became more difficult to secure volunteers. Now and then an emaciated soldier, long held in rebel prison was ex- changed, and on his return home the people gathered to hear of the terrible sufferings of Libby and Andersonville. It fired the heart to a white heat of indignation, but it did not tend to in- crease the number of volunteers. A special meeting was called for Aug. 3, 1863, to see if the town would pay a bounty to secure men instead of drafting them, or if it would pay to exempt men who had been or might be drafted. The town refused to take action in paying any boun- ties or in paying for exempting from service drafted men. On November 27th another meeting was held, and the town voted to pay the sum of $200 as a bounty to each man who would volunteer and should be mustered into the service of the United States under the last call of the President of the United States, until the quota for the town should be full. This bounty was also to be paid to any who had volunteered under the last call. Evidently the quota was not secured by December 17th, for an- other meeting held on that day resulted in a vote to pay an additional bounty of $100 to each man. They decided to raise the money on the list of 1863 to be collected by the lowest bid- der, and the selectmen were voted $1.00 a day for services in enlisting men. A petition for a meeting to see ‘‘if the town will pay a bounty and if any how much to recruits, required from the town for the quota assessed for the deficiency of the draft,’’ was signed by Stillman F. Smith, A. W. Kenney, J. P. Smith, Wil- liam Fay, Minot Wheeler, Stephen Freeman, and L. B. Dudley. When met, Feb. 9, 1864, it was voted 55 to 28 to pay no more bounties, but at an adjourned meeting it was voted 56 to 29 to pay a bounty of $300 to each man who had volunteered or should volunteer under the last call of the President for 500,000 men, but no provision was made for raising the money. On Mar. 23, ii was voted to pay $300 to each veteran that had re-enlisted or might re-enlist to fill the quota of the town under the last call for 200,000 more men, and to pay the same to volunteers and to such men as had enlisted in the 17th regiment. At another meeting on August 1, it was voted to pay $300 to each volunteer for one year, and they immediately voted to pay $200 additional bounty for one year, these bounties not to be paid until mustered 446 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT into service. They also voted to raise fifty cents on a dollar to pay in part the expense of the bounties, and authorized the selectmen to deposit in the State Treasury for the purpose of procuring volunteers in the Southern States under general order No. 9 of the Governor of Vermont. The selectmen were placed in a rather trying position. The tax raised by the town was not sufficient to pay the bounties, the town had to fill its quota of men, and they seem to have acted without special authority from the voters in some cases. At a meeting on Nov. 8, the town voted that the selectmen be authorized to draw orders for the amount that they had paid out over and above what they had been authorized to pay by vote of the town. The selectmen were given still greater latitude on December 31st of that year, when the following resolution was adopted: ‘‘Resolved that we authorize our Selectmen to use the credit of this town for the purpose of paying such bounties to men either in or out of town, as they in their judgment shall deem expedient for the purpose of raising sufficient number of Soldiers to fill our quota of the last call of the President for three (?) thousand men,’’ but they raised no money by taxation. They soon began to see the necessity of heavier taxation, in view of the large debt which they were incurring, and at another special meeting, Feb. 13, 1865, they voted a tax of 400 cents on the dollar, the high water mark of taxation in the history of the town. In December the town voted 100 cents on a dollar. Some account of the regiments in which Royalton men had a part follows. Col. William F. Fox in his ‘‘Regimental Losses in the American Civil War’’ gives a list of eight famous brigades, famous for their fighting qualities and losses in action. In this list the First Vermont Brigade stands first. Royalton had no part in the First Regiment of Volunteers. This was made up of militia companies by a selection of volun- teers, which companies had been designated by Adjt.-Gen. H. H. Baxter, in conference with Brig.-Gen. Jackman of the State militia, and with the field and line officers of the several regi- ments of militia of the state. Royalton had no men in these companies, and therefore she sent no men to the war until the Second Regiment was formed. This was organized at Burling- ton, and mustered into service June 20, 1861, the first three years’ regiment raised in Vermont. Ten companies were selected from the sixty offering their services. After reaching Virginia the Second Regiment was formed into a brigade with the Third, Fourth, and Fifth Maine. Under Major General Howard it took part in the battle of Bull Run. Later it was brigaded with the Third Vermont, Sixth Maine, and Thirty-second New York, History oF RoyatTon, VERMONT 447 and in September the famous ‘‘Old Vermont Brigade’’ was formed by the addition of the Fourth and Fifth Vermont. The regiment has a list of twenty-eight engagements, including Bull Run, Va., July 21, 1861; Antietam, Md., Sep. 14, 1862; Gettys- burg, Pa., July 3, 1863; Wilderness, Va., May 5th to 10th, 1864, and Petersburg, Va., April 2, 1865. In the battle of the Wilder- ness May 5th and 6th, its loss was the heaviest of any regiment engaged, losing 348 out of an effective force of 700 men. The Third Regiment was mustered into service July 16, 1861. It was a three years’ regiment, and as a part of the Old Vermont Brigade shares in the glory of that brigade, and has almost exactly the same engagements as the Second Regiment. The Fourth Regiment was raised in August and early part of September, 1861, and mustered into service September 21, 1861. Stephen M. Pingree of Stockbridge, at one time a lawyer ip South Royalton, was Lieut.-Colonel. In the battle of the Wil- derness, May, 1864, the regiment lost by death 84 men, the larg- est loss suffered by any Vermont regiment in any one battle. As a part of the Old Vermont Brigade, its engagements were almost identical with those of the other regiments forming this brigade. The Sixth Regiment was raised in less than two weeks, from nine counties, and mustered into service Oct. 15, 1861. This was the last regiment to join the Old Brigade. During the Wil- derness campaign it lost in killed and wounded nearly one-half the number that went into battle. It was one of the famous three hundred fighting regiments of the war. The First Vermont Cavalry was the first full regiment of cavalry raised in New England. It had four different colonels in one year, but made a brilliant record for itself notwithstand- ing. It has a record of 76 engagements, Winchester, Bull Run, and Gettysburg among the number. It was mustered into serv- ice Nov. 19, 1861, and served three years. The Highth Regiment was raised for special service, as a part of General Butler’s New England division. It was mus- tered into service Feb. 8, 1862, and has 13 engagements to its eredit, chiefly in Louisiana. A granite boulder from Vermont at .Cedar Creek, Va., has this inscription: ‘‘The Eighth Vermont Volunteers, Col. Stephen Thomas commanding the brigade, ad- vanced across this field on the morning of Oct. 19, 1864, engaged the enemy near and beyond this point, and before sunrise lost in killed and wounded one hundred and ten men, out of one hundred and forty-eight engaged, and thirteen out of sixteen commissioned officers. Whole number of men engaged, one hun- dred and sixty-four.’’ In May, 1862, Governor Holbrook was ordered by the War Department to raise at once another regiment of infantry, and 448 History or RoyaLToN, VERMONT by a dispatch he was later ordered to send to Washington the whole volunteer and militia force in the state. The regiment was mustered in July 9, 1862, and in a few days started to aid in the protection of Washington, now threatened by. the rebel forces. Only five engagements are credited to the Ninth Regi- ment on its colors, but it participated in twelve other skirmishes and battles. It was a part of the force at Harper’s Ferry, Va., which was surrendered to the rebels by the officer in command. Col. Stannard attempted to break away, but was overpowered by ten times his force. When Stonewall Jackson noticed how dis- heartened Stannard’s men were, he said, ‘‘Don’t feel bad, men, don’t feel bad, God’s will must be done,’’ to which Col. Dudley K. Andross made reply, ‘‘ Very well, General Jackson, but there will be a change in God’s will in forty-eight hours,’’ which proved true in the battle of Antietam. The Eleventh Regiment was the First Artillery and the larg- est Vermont regiment. It was recruited as an infantry regi- ment, but was changed by order of the War Department. It did duty at Washington a year and eight months, then it was called to active service in the Army of the Potomac, and was a part of the Sixth Army Corps. It participated in twelve en- gagements, among them Cold Harbor, Cedar Creek, and the final surrender of Petersburg, Va. The Twelfth Regiment was raised in response to President Lincoln’s call for 300,000 militia for nine months. Many of the men had already been in service in the First Regiment. It is noted that in the list were two governors, a quartermaster-gen- eral, a railroad commissioner, a state librarian, a state historian, and a number of state senators. It was mustered into service Oct. 4, 1862. With the four other regiments raised it formed the Second Brigade. Out of its 1,005 members there were but four deserters. The only engagements in which the whole or part a the regiment engaged were Fairfax Court House and Gettys- urg. The Sixteenth Regiment of Vermont Volunteers for nine months was raised from Windsor and Windham counties, and the companies were each organized in a different town, Company A at Bethel, Company G at Barnard. The officers of the companies elected their field officers. The regiment was mustered into serv- ice Oct. 23, 1862. With the Twelfth, Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth regiments it formed the Second Vermont Brigade. In the battle of Gettysburg the regiment captured prisoners many times its own number and three stands of colors. The only other engagements of the regiment were Burke’s Station and Catlett’s Station, Va. History or RoyaLToN, VERMONT 449 The Seventeenth Regiment was expected to be formed main- ly of veterans who had enlisted as nine months men and had been mustered out. They did not hasten to re-enlist, and the regi- ment was composed of recruits from all parts of the state. It was nearly nine months before all were mustered in. On reach- ing Virginia the regiment was assigned to the Second Brigade, made up of the Sixth, Ninth, and Eleventh New Hampshire regi- ments. It had a part in thirteen engagements, the Wilderness, Cold Harbor, and Petersburg being the most important, in which it displayed courage and trustworthiness most commendable. Company F, First United States Sharpshooters, was organ- ized in September, 1861, and mustered in at Washington, Sep. 13. The sharpshooters had special and dangerous duty to per- form. Their more exposed positions in engagements resulted in greater casualties than is usual, and this company of 100 men had dwindled to forty-three when it entered upon the battle of Cold Harbor, where it lost twenty-eight of these in that engage- ment. When their three years’ term of service expired, nine- teen were discharged, and six re-enlisted. During its term of service, in which it had engaged in thirty-seven battles and skir- mishes, it had enrolled in all 177 men, and has a record of casual- ties reaching forty-three and one-half per cent of this number. It had served with the Second, Third, and Fifth Corps. Company E, Second United States Sharpshooters, was mus- tered Nov. 9, 1861. It had been recruited by Homer R. Stough- ton of West Randolph. It is recorded that Major Old said to the colonel of the regiment on their first pay day, ‘‘Colonel, you have one thing of which you should be proud: you have a regi- ment of almost 800 men, and every man steps up and signs the pay roll himself. I do not believe such a thing ever happened before in the world’s history of wars.’’ That they could fight as well as write is attested by Colonel Oates, the Confederate, who said of them at Gettysburg where they opposed him, ‘‘I never got into such a hornet’s nest in all my life.’’ They did duty in the Virginia campaigns, and have a record of twenty-seven en- gagements. They were finally so reduced in numbers that they were transferred to the Fourth Regiment Vermont Volunteers. The Third Battery Light Artillery was mustered into service at Burlington, Jan. 1, 1864, and in April was assigned to the Ninth Army Corps. Its chief work was to assist in the siege of Petersburg, where it occupied most trying situations, one of them being known as ‘‘Fort Hell,’’ where the firing was almost inces- sant from Aug. 30 to Sep. 6, 1864. The Battery numbered in all 466 men, nearly all of whom were native born Vermonters, and many of whom have since the war risen to posts of honor 29 450 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT and distinction. The Battery was mustered out of service June 15, 1865. The St. Albans Raid led to the organization called the Fron- tier Cavalry. It was composed of seven New York companies, three Massachusetts companies, and two from Vermont. The two Vermont companies were stationed at Burlington and St. Albans, and were organized at Burlington, Jan., 1865. They continued on guard until the close of the war. Their regiment was called the Twenty-sixth New York Cavalry, and the Vermont companies were M and F. In a miscellaneous list of colored recruits is found the name of Abraham C. Bowen from Royalton, who enlisted Sep. 6, 1864, for one year, in the First United States Colored Troops, and was mustered out Sep. 29, 1865. In a list of unassigned recruits are found from Royalton Henry C. Cleveland, who enlisted Dec. 29, 1863, and died March 24, 1864, in the Brattleboro Hospital; also Hastings A. Willey, who enlisted Sep. 19, 1864, for one year, and was discharged at New Haven, Conn., Oct. 22, 1864. The following is the roster of men furnished by Royalton in the Civil War. Although great pains have been taken to make this accurate and complete, errors and omissions may possibly be found. Explanation: The date when service ended is the date when the soldier was mustered out, unless otherwise specified. Com. stands for commissioned, d. for died, des. for deserted, dis. for discharged, pro. for promoted, re-en. for re-enlisted, tr. for trans- ferred, wd. for wounded, red. for reduced. Name. Regt. Co. Pnilisted. Service Ended. Adams, Geo. S. 2 E Apr. 22, ’61 July 15, ’65 Pro. Corp. Aug. 28, ’62; re-en. Dec. 21, 63; Sergt. Oct. 18, ’64; 1st Sergt. Feb. 7, 65; 2d Lieut. June 7, ’65. Adams, Oliver BE. 3 Nov. 19, ’63 Oct. 18, '64 Died of disease. In 3d Battery Light Artillery. Atwood, Irving H. 8 G Dec. 28, ’63 Aug. 12, 64 D. in Marine Hospital, New Orleans. Atwood, Oliver A. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Bailey, Jos. W., Corp. 1 Cc Oct. 1, ’61 Nov. 18, ’64 Pro. Sergt. Nov. 1, ’63; pro. Co. Com.-Sergt.; wd. July 3, ’63. Baker, Henry L. 2 E Apr. 22, ’61 June 29, 64 Pro. Corp.; wounded May 5, ’64. Baker, Nahum C. 2 E Sep. 9, ’61 June 29, ’64 Taken pris. May 21, ’64; paroled. : Baker, Royal F. 16 H Sep. 18, ’62 Aug. 10, ’62 Barney, Mason 6 E Oct. 9, ’61 Apr. 16, ’62 Killed in action. Buried in National Cemetery, Yorktown, Va. Beckwith, Jos. D. 2 E Apr. 21, ’61 June 29, 64 Beedle, Charles C. 8 A Dec. 18, ’63 June 28, ’65 Beedle, Elisha T. 4 E Aug. 26, ’61 May 5, "63 Dis. for disability. History or Royatton, VERMONT 451 Name. Regt. Co. Enlisted. Service Ended. Beedle, Eugene T. 17 D Oct. 8, ’63 Feb. 7, ’65 Died of disease. Beedle, Thomas 6 F Sep. 24, '61 Sep. 27, 62 Died of disease. Bement, William B. 8 E Jan. 4, ’64 June 28, ’65 Benson, Hamden W. 9 Cc Sep. 8, ’64 Dec. 19, ’64 Died. Buried at City Point, Va. Bennett, Warren F. 16 A Aug. 27, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Wounded July 3, ’63. Bingham, George A. 4 E Sep. 1, ’64 May 13, ’65 Enlisted for one year. Bixby, Orville, 2d Lt. 2 E Com.May 21, ’61 May 5, ’64 Pro. ist Lieut. Jan. 11, ’62; pro. Capt. Aug. 4, ’62. Killed in action. Blake, Eugene 1 BH Served as sutler with his uncle, Capt. S. P. Rundlett. Blake, Horatio C. 2 E Apr. 22, ’61 Mar. 8, 63 Dis. for disability. Blanchard, Frank F. 2 E Aug. 4, ’64 June 19, ’65 Enlisted for one year. Blanchard, Orville F. 3 A Aug. 4, 63 Jan. 9, ’64 Drafted; discharged. Bowman, Albert H. 8 E Sep. 14, ’64 June 1, ’65 Enlisted for one year. Bowman, Amos B. 8 E Sep. 14, ’64 June 1, ’65 Enlisted for one year. Bowman, B. F., Corp. 8 E Oct. 5, ’61 June 28, ’65 Taken pris. Sep. 4, 62; paroled Nov. 18, ’62; pro. Sergt. June 8, 64; re-en. Jan. 5, 64; pro. 1st Sergt. Mar. 20, ’65. Bowen, Abraham Cc. i Sep. 6, ’64 Sep. 29, ’65 In ist U. S. Colored Troops; enlisted for one year. Bowen, James F. 9 F July 12, ’62 Oct. 10, 63 Died of disease. Bridge, George S. 9 A Sep. 19, ’64 June 13, ’65 Enlisted for one year. Chadwick, Edwin H. 2 E May 2, ’61 July 15, ’65 Des. Nov. 27, ’62; re-en. Aug. 14, ’63; des.; reen. Mar. 21, ’65. Chamberlin, F. W. 2 E Apr. 23, ’61 May 3, ’63 Wd. Dec. 18, ’62; killed in action May 3, ’63. Chilson, Van R. 6 I July 22, ’63 June 26, ’65 Drafted. Cilley, John A. 2 EB Dec. 19, ’63 July 15, ’65 Wad. Sep. 19, ’64. Clark, Henry 16 H Aug. 26, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Cleveland, Chas. B. 4 B Aug. 12, ’61 Dec. 18, ’62 Pro. 1st Sergt.; killed in action. Cleveland, Henry C. Dec. 29, ’63 Mar, 24, ’64 Unassigned recruit; d. in Brattleboro’ Hospital. Cole, Horace B. 6 F Sep. ay "61 Oct. 15, 64 Tr. to Veteran Reserve Corps Dec. 63; discharged. Conant, John W. 8 A Dec. te 63 June 30, ’64 Dis. for disability. Conant, William D. 16 A Aug. 26, '62 Aug. 10, ’63 Wd. July 3, ’63. Colburn, Oscar 2 E Oct. 25, ’61 Nov. 9, ’64 Wd. Sep. 16, ’62; tr. to Veteran Reserve Corps, Sep. 1, ’63; dis. Coy, Carlos C., Seret. 16 H Sept. 18, 62 Aug. 10, 63 452 History or RoyauTon, VERMONT Name. Regt. Co. Enlisted. Service Ended. Coy, Carlos C. 8 G Dec. 30, ’63 Aug. 22, ’64 Died of disease. Coy, Cee E. G@ Dec. 30, ’63 June 28, 65 Coy, Charles P. 16 H Sep. 18, ’62 Aug. 10, 63 Coy, Charles P. F Jan. 38, 765 June 27, ’65 In Frontier Cavalry. Culver, Seymour 8 G Dec. 29, 63 June 28, ’65 Pro. Corp. Mar. 1, ’65. Cushman, Carlos B. 3 Aug. 30, ’64 Aug. 31, ’65 In 3d Battery Light Infantry; en. for one year; discharged. Cushman, Milo H. 3 Aug. 18, ’64 June 15, ’65 In 3d Battery Light Infantry; en. for one year. Davis, Pliny E., Jr. F Jan. 3, ’65 June 27, ’65 In Frontier Cavalry. Denison, Henry H. 8 G Jan. 1, 64 June 28, ’65 Denison, Franklin 12 Cc Aug. 26, ’62 July 14, ’63 Dewey, George W. 16 Aug. 10, ’63 H Sep. 18, '62 Dewey, H., 1st Sergt. 2 E Apr. 22, ’61 Oct. 4, ’62 Pro. 2d Lieut. Jan. 11, ’62; taken pris.; par.; hon. dis. Dodge, George A. 1 E Sep. 23, ’61 May 24, ’62 Killed in action. In ist Cavalry. Driggs, George T. F Jan. 3, ’65 June 27, ’65 Pro. Corp. May 15, ’65; Q. M. Sergt. June 1, ’65. In Frontier Cavalry. Dyke, Calvin 3 F Nov. 16, ’61 Mar. 9, ’65 Wd. Apr. 16, ’62; re-en. Feb. 15, ’64; tr. to Co. B July 25, 64; tr. to Veteran Reserve Corps; discharged. Ellsworth, Francis P. 2 E Apr. 22, ’61 May 5, ’64 Killed in action. Ensworth, Geo. W. 8 G Sep. 5, ’64 June 28, ’65 Enlisted for one year. Fallon, William 6 .F Sep. 27, ’61 Nov. 18, ’61 Died of disease. Farmer, George 8 G Jan. 20, ’62 Sep. 5, ’62 D. of wounds received Sep. 4, ’62; bur, at Chalmette, near N. O. Farnham, Carlos E. 9 M Jan. 4, ’64 Aug. 25, ’65 Des. Sep. 14, ’64; re-en. Feb. 1, ’65; tr. to Co. D June 24, ’65. Fay, Alba M. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 Feb. 1, ’63 = Tae . disease at Fairfax Court House, Va. ‘ay, William H. 4 BE Aug. 31, ’61 i Ren. Dec. 15, ’63; wd. May 5, ’64. pen eater ish, John M. 2 E Apr. 26, ’61 : : Died of disease at Philadelphia. BARE Be i8s ‘owler, John H. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 , Foster, Wm. S, Jr. 2 E Dec. 10, ’61 eg i a . Reen. Dec. 21, 63; pro. Corp.; wd. May 5, ’64; killed in action Gifford, Collins 9 D June 14, 62 June 16, ’65 Dis. Jan. 15, ’68, to en. in Regular Army, 17th U. S. Inf.: dis Granger, Gilbert 3 C Mar. 24, '65 July 11, 65 Enlisted as volunteer sailor and marine, Mar. 31, ’65 , Gee, Lavius 8 E Sep. 5, '64 " June 1, °65 y anes for one year. , ee, Amos 11 H Aug. $ , Dis. for disability. ee iia Hall, Frank 16 A Aug. 26, °62 Aug. 10, ’63 Pro. Corp. Jan. 29, ’63. History oF RoyaLtTon, VERMONT 453 Name. Regt. Co. Enlisted. Service Ended. Harper, George N. 2 E May 6, ’61 July 26, ’62 Dis. for disability; re-en. Dec. 19, 63; wd. May 5, ’64; d. of disease. Hatch, John 8 G Dec. 28, ’63 June 28, ’65 Pro. Corp. July 1, ’64; Sergt. Mar. 1, ’65. Hastings, Harvey W. 1 © Aug. 12, ’64 June 21, 65 Enlisted for one year. Haynes, Caleb 4 E Sep. 3, ’61 Sep. 30, ’64 Henry, Jas. G., Q. M. 16 Com. Sep. 29, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Holmes, Charles E. 2 E Sep. 30, ’61 May 23, ’62 Died of disease. In U. S. Sharpshooters. Honey, Amon §. 8 G Jan. 4, ’64 Mar. 28, ’64 D. of disease in New Orleans. Called Haney in official report. Hopkins, William 9 D May 31, ’62 July 24, ’64 Dis. Jan. 17, 68, to enlist in 17th U. S. Inf. Discharged. Houston, C., Corp. 17 D Sep. 21, ’63 May 23, ’65 Red. Apr. 17, ’64; taken pris. Sep. 30, 64; par. Mar. 10, ’65. Hovenden, James 2 E Sep. 7%, ’61 Aug. 15, ’62 Dis. for disability. Howard, Philip 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 July 10, ’63 Died of wounds received July 3, ’63; bur. Gettysburg, Pa. Howard, Silas W. 2 E Sep. 26, ’61 Mar. 5, ’63 Dis. for wounds received Sep. 17, ’62. In U. S. Sharpshooters. Howard, Thomas B. 2 B Sep. 26, ’61 June 25, ’62 Died of disease. In U. S. Sharpshooters. Johnson, Chas. H. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Johnson, Chas. H. 3 Aug. 18, ’64 June 15, ’65 In Light Artillery. En. for one year. Johnson, Jesse W. 6 F Oct. 7, ’61 Oct. 28, °64 Wd. Sep. 19, ’64. Keily, Timothy 4 E Aug. 27, ’61 Sep. 30, '64 Wd. Dec. 138, ’62; pro. Corp. Nov. 21, ’63. Kilburn, Geo. P. 8 G Jan. 2, ’64 June 28, ’65 Kinney, J. K., Corp. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Kinsman, H.B.,1Sgt. 1 F Aug. 20, ’61 Sep. 13, ’64 Pro, 2d Lieut. May 15, ’63; 1st Lieut. Nov. 5, ’63. Lathrop, Julius M. 8 A Jan. 5, ’64 Dec. 31, ’64 Died of disease near Winchester, Va. Leavitt, Amos, Jr. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Wd. July 3, ’63. Lesure, D. P., Corp. 16 H Sep. 18, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Lesure, John G. 8 G Aug. 18, ’64 June 28, ’65 Enlisted for one year. Lovejoy, D. W., Sgt. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Lovejoy, Daniel W. 9 Cc Sep. 5, ’64 June 18, ’65 re Daniel W. 9 D Jan. 4, ’64 Sep. 23, ’64 ied. Luce, Aurin F. 17 D Oct. 16, ’63 July 14, ’65 Luce, Charles A. 9 D June 13, ’62 Sep. 28, ’62 Killed by cars. : Luce, George F. 6 F Sep. 23, ’61 Dec. 1, ’62 Dis.; d. in hospital Dec. 29, 62: bur. in Nat. Military Asylum. Lyman, Horace H. 2 E Apr. 22, ’61 Nov. 10, ’62 Dis. for disability. : Lyman, Horace H. 2 E July 3, ’63 Jan. 29, ’°65 En. in V. R. C.; tr. to this Co. Jan. 9, ’64 ; taken pris. Oct. 64; d. at Florence, S. C.; bur. Nat. Cem., Salisbury, N. C. oe 454 Name. Lyman, Joel F., Corp. 2 Dis. for disability. Lyman, Joel F. 8 Regt. Co. E G History of RoyaLTon, VERMONT Enlisted. Apr. Jan. 22, 61 2, 764 Pro. Corp. Nov. 1, ’64; en. for one year. Mack, D. A. Chap. 3 Com. again Mar. 30, ’65; mustered out July 11, ’65. Martin, David 9 Metcalf, Marquis L. 8 Metcalf, E. B., Corp. 16 Died of disease. Mercy, Marshall 17 Killed in action; bur. at City Point, Va. 8 Miller, Lorenzo Tr. to V. R. C. July 2, 64. Morey, Charles C. 2 Jan. 11, ’62 I Aug. 12, ’64 G Dec. 21, 763 H Sep. 18, ’62 H Mar. 30, ’64 G E Dec. Apr. 26, 763 22, ’61 Nov. 20, June 28, July 27, June 13, June 28, Mar. 12, June 17, Dec. 7, Apr. 2, Service Ended. 62 65 64 65 65 63 64 64 65 Pro. Corp. June 20, ’61; Sergt. Feb. 10, 62; 1st Sergt. Dec. 27, 62; re-en. Jan. 31, 64; pro. Ist Lieut. Co. C, June 20, ’64; wd. Aug. 21, 64; killed in action; bur. in Nat. Cem., Petersburg, Va. Morse, Henry E. 2 E Aug. 4, ’64 June 19, ’65 En. for one year. Osgood, Henry H. 2 E May 22, ’61 June 29, ’64 Pro. Corp.; wd. May 6, ’64. Packard, Alonzo 3 G July 22, ’63 June 26, ’65 Drafted; tr. to Co. I, July 25, ’64; discharged. Paige, Alfred 4 E Sep. 14, ’64 June 19, ’65 Paige, Charles A. 4 E Aug. 23, ’61 Sep. 30, ’64 Wounded May 5, ’64. Paige, William D. 16 A Aug. 26, 62 Aug. 10, ’63 Pierce, George H. F Jan, 3, ’65 June 27, ’65 In Frontier Cavalry. Pierce, George W. 2 E Apr. 22, ’61 Aug. 28, ’61 Dis. for disability. Pierce, Perry F. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 Aug. 10, 763 Rand, Preston A. 2 E Sep. 26, ’61 Mar. 5, ’63 Dis. for wounds received Sep. 17, ’62. In U. S. Sharpshooters. Reynolds, Frank F. F Jan. 3, ’65 June 27, ’65 In Frontier Cavalry. Robinson, Joseph A. 3 Sep. 1, ’64 June 15, ’65 In Light Artillery. Rolfe, Eugene W. 3 Aug. 30, ’64 June 15, ’65 In Light Artillery. Riddall, James E. 16 H Sep. 18, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Rollinson, Joseph 2 E Sep. 16, ’61 Sep. 6, ’62 Died of disease. Root, Benjamin A. 2 E Apr. 22, ’61 June 29, ’64 Royce, Jason S. 2 E Aug. 17, ’64 June 19, 64 En. for one year. : Rundlett, S. P., Capt. 1 E Com. Oct. 16, ’61 Mar. 17, ’63 . Heseueh : ussell, Thos. F. 4 E Aug. 30, ’61 , , zs Dis. for disability. Bie Bh 88 uss, Henry J. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 , . wounded July 3, ’63. ae ee uss, omas §, 16 A Aug. 29, 62 Aug. ? Sanborn, J.C. 24 Lt. 16 H Com. Sep. 18, ’62 Det, 26. "62 Resigned. History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT 455 Name. Regt. Co. Enlisted. Service Ended. Sanborn, William H. 2 E Apr. 22, ’61 May 5, ’64 Pro. Corp. Dec. 27, 62; killed in action. Shepard, John F. 2 E Oct. 14, ’61 Oct. 12, ’62 Dis. for disability. Shuttleworth, G L. 4 Sep. 3, ’61 Aug. 9, ’62 Discharged; in the Band. Smith, George W. 8 A Dec. 28, ’63 June 28, ’65 Smith, Henry A. 1 E Sep. 23, ’61 Feb. 29, ’64 In Cavalry; taken pris. July 6, ’63; d. Richmond, Va. Smith, Henry C. 4 Sep. 3, ’61 Aug. 9, ’62 Discharged; in the Band. Spaulding, Alonzo D. 2 E Apr. 26, ’61 Mar. 25, ’65 Re-en. Dec. 21, 63; pro. Corp. Oct. 18, 64; Sergt. Feb. 7, ’65; died; bur. Petersburg, Va. Spaulding, Nathan D. 4 E Sep. 8, ’61 Sep. 5, ’62 Died of disease. Spaulding, Reuben 2 E Sep. 6, ’61 Feb. 21, ’62 Dis. for disability. Spaulding, Richard 4 E Sep. 4, ’61 Sep. 20, ’62 Dis. for disability. Stevens, Cornelius C. 2 E Sep. 6, ’61 Dec. 11, ’63 Wd. Dec. 13, 62; tr. to V. R. C. Sep. 1, 68; discharged. Stevens, Chas. P. 16 H Sep. 18, ’62 July 3, ’63 Killed in action. Stevens, Collamer G. 8 E Sep. 30, ’61 Apr. 6, ’63 Taken pris. Sep. 4, 62; par. Nov. 4, ’62; discharged. Officially credited to Bethel; on the Royalton selectmen’s list of soldiers. Stevens, Oliver H. 16 H Sep. 18, ’62 May 27, ’63 Dis. for disability. Stevens, Oliver H. 4 E Aug. 31, ’64 July 28, ’65 En. for one year. Stockwell, E, A. 2 E Sep. 26, ’61 Nov. 9, ’64 Wd. May 12, ’64. Tenney, Luman C. 4 E Sep. 3, ’61 Apr. 8, ’62 Died of disease. Trask, Joseph E. 2 E Oct. 10, ’61 Nov. 9, 64 Wd. May 6, ’64. In U. S. Sharpshooters. Tullar, Myron 2 E Aug. 25, ’64 June 9, ’65 Wd. Oct. 19, ’64; en. for one year. Vesper, Owen R. 3 Fr June 1, ’61 June 27, ’65 Re-en. Dec. 21, 63; wd. May 5, ’64; tr. to Co. K, July 24, ’64; dis. Vesper, Oramel H. 3 F June 1, ’61 Sep. 24, ’62 Died of disease. Walcott, James A. 2 E Apr. 2, ’61 Aug. 21, ’64 Re-en. Dec. 21, 68; pro. Corp. Aug. 7, 68; killed in action. Waldo, Albert M. 3 Aug. 23, "64 June 15, ’65 En. for one year; in Light Artillery. Waldo, Albigence 2 E Apr. 27, ’61 July 21, ’61 D. of wounds received July 21, ’61; bur. Nat. Military Asylum. Waldo, B. F., Corp. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Sergt. Dec. 24, ’62; re-en. as volunteer sailor and marine on the “Ohio,” Mar. ’64. Waldo, Dillingham 2 E Sep. 16, ’61 June 4, 62 Dis. for disability. Waldo, George W. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 Aug. 10, ’63 Wd. July 3, ’63. 456 History or RoyaLTON, VERMONT Name. Regt. Co. ‘Enlisted. Service Ended. Waldo, George W. Mar. 64 En. as volunteer sailor and marine. Waldo, Henry R. 3 Aug. 22, ’64 June 15, 765 In Light Artillery. Waldo, J. W., 2d Lt. 16 A Com. Aug. 26, ’62 Mar, 12, ’63 Resigned. Waldo, Willard 16 A Aug. 26, 62 Aug. 10, ’63 Waldo, Willard G. 8 E Sep. 13, ’64 June 1, ’65 En. for one year. Waldo, William L. 16 A Aug. 26, ’62 Aug. 10, 63 Wales, George A. 8 G Dec. 30, ’63 May 13, ’65 Tr. to V. R. C. July 2, 64; discharged. Waterman, Alonzo L. 1 E Oct. 2, ’61 June 20, ’62 In ist Cavalry. Watts, Wesley 1 E Oct. 8, 761 July 6, ’63 Killed in action; bur. Antietam, Md. Wheeler, Henry H. 3 Sep. 3, ’61 Aug. 9, 762 Discharged; in the Band. Whitney,L.C., 1st Lt. 2 E Com. May 21, ’61 Jan. 8, ’62 Resigned; in official record credited to Tunbridge; in Royalton selectmen’s list of soldiers. Wills, Bliss P. 8 G Jan. 20, ’62 June 16, 62 Dis. for disability. Wills, Edward S. 2 E Apr. 25, ’61 Dec. 11, ’61 Dis. for disability. Wills, Edward S. 17 F Nov. 3, ’63 July 30, ’64 Tr. to Co. D, May 1, ’64; wd. July 4, ’64; killed in action. Willey, Hastings A. Sep. 19, ’64 Oct. 22, °64 Dis. at New Haven, Conn.; in Frontier Cavalry; en. for one year. SUBSTITUTE SAILORS AND MARINES. Principal. Substitute. Enlisted. Ship. Abbott, James S. Lawson, John Jan., 765 “Penobscot” “Cyone,” “Independence,” ‘‘Saranac.” Dis. June 4, ’68. Adams, Frederick Cook, Benjamin Jan., 765 “W. G. Anderson” “Susquehanna.” Dis. Jan. 7, ’68. Adams, Martin S. Freeman, Charles Jan., ’65 “Penobscot” Des. July 29, ’65. Beedy, George Sullivan, John Feb., ’65 “Kearsage” “Ohio.” Dis. Sep. 5, 66. Belden, Julius P. Cornish, Stephen Feb. 5, 65 Fraudulent enlistment. Deserter from Galena. Buck, James H. Merriam, Joseph Mar., ’65 “Wachusett” “Hartford.” Dis. Aug. 14, ’68. Dewey, Garner R. McLaw, Neil Jan., ’65 “Wachusett” Des. Aug. 14, 65. Denison, Franklin Kennedy, Patrick Jan., ’65 “Itaska” Des. May 15, ’65. Durham, Henry Moore, Frank Mar., ’65 (Dunham?) Durkee, John B. Smith, James Jan., ’65 Dis. Mar. 21, ’65. Harvey, George H. Gibbons, James Jan., ’65 “Trefoil” Des. Aug. 23, ’65. History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT 457 Principal. Substitute. Enlisted. Ship. Harvey, Wm. F. French, John Jan., ’65 “Wachusett” Des. Apr. 4, ’65. Skinner, William Lyons, James Jan., ’65 “Cherokee” “Powhatan.” Des. July 17, ’65. Stoughton, H. E. Loss, Hermon P. Mar., ’65 “Shawnee” Des. Sep. 6, 65. It was not deemed expedient to try to ascertain the service of all Royalton men who enlisted in other towns in Vermont and in other states. The undertaking was too great and almost im- possible of accomplishment. Such service, however, has been secured in many cases, and appears in the records of families who had members serving in the Civil War. A list of present pensioners living in Royalton follows. Only the name is given, if the record is found in the preceding list, otherwise the full record of company, regiment, and place of enlistment is stated. ROYALTON PENSIONERS, 1911. Beedle, Elisha T, Bennett, Herbert A., Co. B, 25th Regt., Mass. Benson, Mrs. Hannah, on service of son, Hamden W. Blake, Mrs. Rosaline M., widow of Horatio C. Blake, Dom, in Navy, from Fletcher. Bowman, Benj. F. Bright, Joseph Warren, Co. I, 13th Regt., N. H. Cook, Jesse M., Co. G, 9th Regt., from Thetford. Copeland, B. H. Copeland, Albert O., Co. K, 106th Regt., N. Y. Culver, Seymour. Dings, Luman, Co. M, 3d N. Y. Battery, 1863-65. Durkee, Martin H., Co, H, 14th Regt., from Chittenden. Dutton, Mrs. Arethusa, wid. of Henry, Co. E, 12th Regt., Braintree. Eastman, Willard V., Co. D, 17th Regt., from Granville. Fay, Mrs. Lucy, widow of Fred, Co. B, Ist Regt., from Woodstock. Flanders, Sadie B., wid. of Clifton, Co. M, 11th U. S. Cav., Spanish War. Goodale, Emogene O., wid. of Ora H., Co. D, 12th Regt., Tunbridge. Green, Edward A., Co. F, 12th Regt., and G, 8th Regt., Randolph. Hackett, George H., Co. D, 12th Regt., from Tunbridge. Hubbard, Henry W., Mexican War. Lamb, Amos H., Co. B, 22d Regt. N. Y., Co. G, 139th Regt., Ill. Inf. Lovejoy, Mrs. Evelyn M., widow of Daniel Webster. Luce, Mrs. Mary J. Martin, Mrs, Fanny J., wid. of F. J., Co. F, 9th Regt., from Pomfret. Morse, Mrs. Jane, widow of Henry E. Mudgett, Mrs. John, Co. G, 4th Regt., and E, 1st Cav., Tunbridge. Parkhurst, Daniel L., Co. G, 16th Regt., from Sharon. Pitkin, Charles E., Co. I, 9th Regt., from Pomfret. Rand, Alfred E., 3d Battery Light Artillery, from Barnard. Rogers, Mrs. Riley G., Co. E, 1st Cav.; Hancock’s 1st Army Corps; Sharon. Sargent, Albert, Co. C, 18th Regt., from Marshfield. Sargent, Mark J., Co. BH, 2d Regt., from Tunbridge. 458 History oF RoyaLton, VERMONT Shepard, Charles J., Co. H, 16th Regt., from Hartford. Smith, George L., Co. A, 3d Regt., from Rockingham. Smith, Mrs, Julia A., wid. of Wm., Co. B, 5th, and H, 17th, Middlebury. Stoughton, Oscar M., in ship “Mahaska,” 1864-65, from Sharon. Waldo, Albert M. Waldo, Mrs. Nettie M., widow of Joseph W. Waterman, Albert. Waterman, Robert. Yeaton, Richard, Co. F, 15th Regt., Mass. CHAPTER XXIX. Tur MetuHopist CHURCH. SUBJECT MATTER CHIEFLY CONTRIBUTED BY MISS MATTIE BUCK. Methodism did not gain a foothold in Vermont much before 1800. That their missionaries were sent into the state somewhat earlier is not improbable. The first mention of this new denomi- nation in the records of the town is found in 1803. At a meet- ing held April 12th of that year they voted ‘‘to allow Jont Bowen and others as witnesses in the methodist scrape four dol- lars fifty cents.’’ From the phraseology one may infer that ‘‘methodist’’ was not a term of sweet savor to the stiff, orthodox palate. What this ‘‘methodist scrape’’ was is of interest chiefly in determining whether or no this new sect had already invaded the stronghold of Congregationalism in Royalton. Mrs. Olive Barnes, a centenarian, joined the M. E. church in 1804, and was a member of this particular church in 1841, its earliest rec- ord of membership. The next reference to the Methodists is a recorded certificate . given by Bishop Asbury to Noah Bigelow, stating that he had been set apart as a deacon of the Methodist Episcopal Church, with the authority to marry, bury the dead, and baptize in the absence of an elder. It is dated at Lyons, Ontario Co., N. Y., July 24, 1812. The date of recording is not given. A similar certificate given to Thomas C. Pierce is dated 1815, and both appear to have been recorded in 1814 or 715. The fact that these certificates were put on record in this town indicates that these men intended, at least, to perform some of the duties of a deacon belonging to the Methodist church. Bishop Asbury was very active in promulgating the doctrines of Methodism in the United States, and was Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church in America. It is very probable that Methodist services were held in town more or less after 1800, and that some sort of an organization that could be called a church existed as early as 1818. In the first division of public money which is on record as coming from the rent of ministerial lands in 1820, the Methodist church got about one-fourth of the whole, and it is stated that it 460 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT was for the past two years. Stephen Freeman received the money. In 1822 the money was paid to Peter Wheelock. In 1427 the Methodists received the largest sum of any church in town. In 1829, when the rents were divided according to the membership, it stood second in amount received. When one con- siders the slow growth of the Baptist church, and the by no means rapid growth of the Congregational church at a time when it was the only church in town, it seems reasonable to suppose that the Methodist church had been organized for several years previous to 1818. That the right hand of fellowship was not extended to it by the Congregational people is pretty evident from the fact, that the Congregational church in 1834 adopted a particular form of dismission to the Methodist church. A member who desired to join the Methodists might be good enough for that particular church, but they must not open to him the doors of any strictly orthodox church. In 1837 there seem to have been two divisions of Methodists, one on the south side of the river, for whom Stephen Freeman drew $3.75 of the ministerial money, and the other, location not stated, which drew $33. In 1839 the Congregational church voted to give Abner Kent a letter to the Methodist church on Broad Brook. There is an incidental reference to a camp meet- ing on Broad Brook before any authentic records of the church are found. Rev. Russell Spaulding was a Methodist minister, who married one of Nehemiah Leavitt’s daughters, and it is said that meetings were held in the Leavitt house, later known as the Amasa Royce residence on Broad Brook. The first authentic records of the church are found in the minutes of the Tunbridge Circuit. A quarterly conference was held in Royalton, Sep. Ist and 2nd, 1838. The presiding elder requested a report of the spiritual condition of the church, which was given as low, with two cases of seriousness. J. M. Culver was elected to attend the district stewards’ meeting to be held at East Williamstown, Oct. 16. E. J. Scott was preacher of the circuit at this time. A quarterly conference was held at Tunbridge on the 24th of the following November. It was voted that the stewards and class leaders should form themselves into a missionary society. J. H. Stevens, A. Button, and J. M. Culver drew up a constitu- tion for this society, and the following officers were elected: J. M. Culver, president; A. Button, vice-president; I. Riddall, T. W. Kelsey, Mr. Sawyer, and J. Adams, committee, The time was now ripe for establishing a church with a house of worship in Royalton. Accordingly, those in sympathy with the movement gathered together on March 15, 1839. and adopted the following agreement: , History oF RoyaLton, VERMONT 461 “We the inhabitants of Royalton and vicinity do hereby volun- tarily associate and form ourselves into a society to be called the Methodist Episcopal Society for the purpose of building a house for publick worship on or near the town common in Royalton village ac- cording to the first section of an act entitled an act for the support of the Gospel passed Oct. 26th 1797, and we hereby agree to be governed by the following constitution. Art. 1st. To build a house on the plan of the Methodist house at East Barnard with the exception of a vestry in the Gallery and the desk & Steeple or spire which is to be similar to the Methodist house at Chelsea Green. : Art. 2. The house shall be owned according to the amount paid by each subscriber who wishes to receive his subscription in slips, and those who subscribe and do not wish to take slips will have their amount set off in free slips. Art. 3. The whole expence of said house when finished to be esti- mated on the whole number of slips in said house by the appraisal of men appointed for that purpose by the subscribers, and each subscriber shall obtain his or her slip or slips by bidding for choice—the average price of the slips shall not exceed thirty dollars. Art. 4th. Each subscriber shall pay to the Treasurer of the build- ing committee one third of the amount of his subscription by the first of June next, and the remainder in semiannual payments from that time. Art. 5th. When eight hundred dollars are subscribed the subscrib- ers shall meet at some suitable place and appoint a building committee to superintend the building said house. Art. 6th. When the house is finished there shall be a board of Trustees appointed by said society who shall be members of the Meth- odist Episcopal Church to superintend and manage the affairs of said house. Art. 7th. After the sale of the slips in said house each purchaser shall receive an executed Deed from the board of Trustees conveying to them the right and title of their slip or slips on the conditions herein mentioned.” The required amount in subscriptions seems to have been promptly secured. The subscribers met on the 24th of March and organized by choosing David Wheelock, moderator, and Ora- mel Sawyer, clerk. John Marshall, Oliver Curtis, and Oramel Sawyer were chosen a building committee, and J. M. Culver, David W. Wheelock, and Garner R. Lyman a committee to select and prepare the ground for the building. The building committee called the society together January 14, 1840. Rev. Patterson and Lyman Wing were appointed appraisers, and Oramel Sawyer, Paul McKenstry, J. M. Culver, Joel B. Fox, and Garner R. Lyman were appointed as trustees. According to their constitution this action was to be taken when the house should be finished, so the presumption is that it was now completed. The land on which the building was set was a part of the Jacob Smith estate, and the deed for that was given Jan. 24, 1840, to the trustees for eighty dollars. They were ready now for bids for the choice of slips. A list of the subscribers, sums each gave, and the number of the slips that each secured are given: 462 History or Royauton, VERMONT Oliver Curtis, $200; Oramel Sawyer, $150; James M. Culver, $50, Nos. 2, 17; James Williams, $25, No. 45; Joel B. Fox, $25, No. 15; George Lyman, $25, No. 14; Bela Hall, $25, No. 35; Paul McKenstry, $100, Nos. 3, 9; David Wheelock, $100; Polly Fay, $25, No. 47; Joseph P. Chamberlin, $25, No. 12; Samuel Osborn, $20, No. 43; Garner R. Lyman, $25, No. 8; Luther Howe, $10, No. 12; Samuel Blodgett, $25, No. 16; Joseph Johnson, $40, Nos. 28, 54; Elias Stevens, $25; Arunah Clark, $15, No. 52; Jacob Fox, $10; John Marshall, $25, No. 32; Jona- than Dyer, Jr., $25, No. 31; Joseph A. Denison, $10, No. 23; Salmon Joiner, $5; Charles Clapp, $25, No. 13; George Barnes, $25, No. 26; Marshall Rix, $5; Calvin Goff, $10, No. 55; Job Bennett, $15, No. 52; William Leonard, $25, No. 30; E. P. Nevens, $10, No. 25; T. H. Safford, $10, No. 24; Thomas S. Davis, $20, No. 18; Lyman Benson, $25, No. 53. James Denison bought No. 4 and John Francis No. 19. Several of these were probably not members of the Meth- odist church, but subscribed and took slips to aid the society. The amount bid for choice of slips varied all the way from two cents to $4.50. According to the records four never paid anything on their subscriptions and ten others did not pay in full. The entire cost of the new church was $1,744.17. The next year the society bought of the Congregational society a small strip of land adjoining their lot. In 1841 the name of the circuit was changed from Tunbridge tc Royalton, and included East Bethel and Tunbridge. The offi- cial members of the church in Royalton were J. H. Culver, re- cording steward and class leader; Lyman Benson, class leader, and Oscar Henry, Joshua Eaton, Alva Button, and Reuben Dodge, stewards. The local preacher was Thomas W. Kelsey. The membership was sixty-three. At the quarterly conference held at Tunbridge, Dec. 7, 1844, the church expressed its views on the question of slavery by these resolutions: “Resolved in view of the fearful encroachments that slavery is making in our land not only in the enslavement of our colored brethren but also the incarceration within prison walls of our free fellow citi- zens for no other crime than in aiding the enslaved from slavery to the liberty which the Declaration of our independence declares to be the birthright of all, that we are more than ever convinced of the great evil and sin of slavery and will not cease our efforts for its overthrow until we lose the name of freemen or see our nation free. Resolved that the doctrine of Millerism is a dangerous error and ought not to be countenanced by us in any shape.” The church in Royalton village had an existence of only one decade, when steps were taken for its removal to the new vil- lage springing up in South Royalton. A subscription paper was drawn up May 6, 1850, for a Methodist meeting-house in South Royalton to be begun that season and finished as soon as prac- ticable. Each subscriber was entitled to draw back his money in pew property, and those who owned pews in the house belong- ing to other denominations were not to be prohibited from the use of the house on funeral occasions and on the Sabbath, when History or Royatton, VERMONT 463 it was not regularly occupied by the Methodists. The subscrib- ers to this building were Lyman Benson and Oliver Curtis, each $150; P. Pierce, Cyrus Hartshorn and Daniel Tarbell, Jr., each $75; Elisha Flint, John Manchester, Amos Robinson, I. P. Mor- gan, and Manahan, McCain & Co., each $50; H. K. Blake, E. B. Stanley, Josiah Smith, Ezra Wills, William M. Dennett, and A. Button & Co., each $25; Tracy Morgan, $40; Jireh Tucker, $15; Lorenzo Mosher and Thomas Burgess, each $10; William Hoyt, Nicholas Mosher, Azuba Hutchinson, and Benjamin H. Cushman, each $5. The subscribers met on June 10 and elected Cyrus Harts- horn and Oliver Curtis a committee to investigate the means for, and facilities of, building a meeting-house. On June 22 Edwin Pierce and Forest Adams were chosen a committee to appraise the meeting-house at Royalton village in its relative value to move and put into another at South Royalton. Lyman Benson, Oliver Curtis, and Ezra Wills were chosen a building committee, and Mr. Benson was elected treasurer. The building committee made a contract with Ezra Wills for erecting the new house, 40 by 52 feet on the ground, 19 feet between joists, four twelve-lighted windows in the front, 12 by 16 glass, three windows on each side of the house, 48-lighted, 9 by 11 glass. There were to be two front doors with window between, and three windows above for the vestry, provided with blinds. The front end was to be built with a belfry 11 feet square and of suitable height, with a dome well tinned. The inside was to have space way 11 feet wide, with two pair of stairs to go up to the vestry and singers’ seats, with a door at the top to enter, and folding doors in the front of the singers’ seats. One row of seats in front was for the singers, and the vestry on the floor with the gallery was to extend from one stair- way to the other, with stairs at one end leading to the belfry. Two entrances to the body of the house were provided for and two aisles, the wall slips were to face, and the slips were to be without doors. The wall slips were to be elevated, and two short aisles to be on each side. The altar was to be made in ‘‘modern Methodist style.’’ The foundation was to be put in that fall and the whole done by June Ist of the next year. Mr. Wills was to receive $1,500. He was to bear equal burdens with the other committee, and if all the money was not collected when the job was done, each member of the committee was to bear equal proportions of the deficiency, with interest until all should be paid, and have a claim on the house for the deficiency. Daniel Tarbell, Jr., signed with the committee as surety. There seems to have been a kind of tacit understanding from the first that the church was to be a union church so far as the 464 History or RoyaLTton, VERMONT building was concerned, and that the Universalists should have the use of it a part of the time. On Sep. 24, 1852, the sub- scribers and owners of pews or slips consented that one-half of the meeting-house should be sold by the building committee to pay for the deficiency or balance that was due to Daniel Tarbell, Jyv., that he might improve one-half of the house with such preaching as he might choose, not to exceed one-half the time. By this arrangement the Universalists and Methodists were to have the use of the building on alternate Sundays, the pastor for the Universalists coming from Rochester. This arrangement was carried out for some time, but it was scarcely to be expected that two denominations so variant as these two should agree to live together permanently, and one day when the Methodists found the Universalists in possession of the building, a day which they claimed as theirs, and they had to go to the schoolhouse for their services, a breach arose that resulted in the separation of the joint ownership. March 12, 1851, Lyman Benson deeded to the M. E. Society 66 and one-half rods of land so long as wood grows and water runs, they paying one cent per year if demanded, provided the stewards and successors in office should keep in repairs one-half the building and support preaching one-half the time. He re- ceived $200 for the land. ‘When the quarterly conference met on May 8, 1851, the stewards were authorized to give a quitclaim deed of the Meth- odist chapel in Royalton village to Oliver Curtis, provided he should obtain deeds of the owners of property in said house, or give a writing in his own name to secure the society from loss in consequence of giving said deed. Mr. Curtis already held con- siderable interest in the pews of the old church. On the Janu- ary 7th previous to this meeting of the conference, Mr. Curtis had taken a deed from the trustees of the church and about twenty other owners of the property, by which he secured the lot and most,,if not all, of the pews. The following December Mr. Curtis sold this property to William Skinner for $1,000. On Nov. 15, 1852, Lyman Benson sold to Daniel Tarbell, Jr., sixty-six and one-half square rods, stating that it was the land on which the Methodist meeting-house stood. In the same deed the building committee say that they have been paid by Mr. Tarbell for one-half the meeting-house, the pew holders’ rights to be respected. On Mar. 26, 1856, Mr. Tarbell deeded his half interest to the South Royalton Bank. October. 1867 the stewards of the church secured a quitclaim from several per- sons interested, and the following year they got a clear title to their real estate from Daniel Tarbell, Jr., George Tarbell, and History of Royauton, VERMONT 465 Chester Downer, and for the first time held all the church prop- erty in their own right. At the second quarterly conference in August, 1867, James M. Culver, Harvey Reynolds, and William Tarbell were ap- pointed a committee to superintend and raise funds for repairing the church. At a meeting of the association for purchasing, holding, and keeping in repair the meeting-house, which was held in November, they voted to raise $900, and to assess each pew holder ten dollars. The extensive repairs meditated were not made, but the interior of the building was renovated, and new carpets were laid, and pews changed. At the quarterly conference of Oct. 28, 1878, it was voted to build a parsonage, the cost not to exceed one thousand dollars. W. A. Bryant, J. H. Buck, and Constant Dodge constituted the building committee. Mrs. Harvey Reynolds, Mrs. J. H. Buck, Mrs. G. W. Waterman, and Mrs. J. M. Culver were a committee to solicit funds. Rev. W. A. Bryant was the treasurer. The parsonage was built with a small debt remaining. Rev. A. H. Webb was the first to occupy it. Rev. W. R. Davenport called a special meeting for Mar. 9, 1888, to discuss the advisability of repairing the church or build- ing a new one. It was voted to build a new one, and a committee made up of the pastor, Mrs. A. C. Waterman, and W. H. Sar- gent was appointed to solicit funds. The quarterly conference applied to the Church Extension Society for $300. The dedica- tion of the church was held the second week in June, 1890, in connection with Preachers’ Meeting. William Ingraham Haven, D. D., of Boston, son of Bishop Haven, preached the sermon. The church was dedicated free of debt and with free seats. The pastor said it might truly be called the ‘‘Friend of the Poor Man.’’ The new church is valued at $5,500. The old debt had been hanging over the church until 1887, when the last note against it was burned with proper ceremony. In accordance with the custom of the Methodists the pas- tors were not allowed to remain with any one church more than two years, and often were changed every year. In 1837 Rev. QO. E. Hall was preaching for the Methodists, and the next year Rev. William H. Stoddard was pastor of the Methodist churches in Royalton and Tunbridge. In 1840 Rev. J. H. Patterson served these two churches a part of the time at least. Daniel Field seems to have been the first pastor sent by the Conference. He was born at Springfield, Oct. 13, 1805. He entered the itin- eracy in 1831. He was a.man of many rare gifts. He died May 20, 1883. He was located in Royalton in 1840-41. Nathan- ie] Aspinwall supplied the church a part of 1841. He was born at Bradford, Jan. 26, 1801, and died Nov. 17, 1873, at Chicago. 30 466 History or RoyaLTon, VERMONT Charles N. Smith, 1842-43, came to the greatest prominence of any of the Royalton Methodist ministers. After leaving the Vermont Conference he joined the New England Conference, and was at one time stationed at Bromfield Street Methodist church, Boston, Mass. Edmund Copeland, 1844-45, was born at Braintree, July 3, 1811. In 1852 he was chosen delegate to the General Conference. He filled with success some of the first ap- pointments in the state. He died April 6, 1881. Homer T. Jones, 1846, was born at Madison, Maine, Aug. 16, 1816. He was educated at Newbury Seminary. He died at Barton Land- ing, Feb. 3, 1886. J. L. Slason, 1847-48, was transferred to the Troy Confer- ence. He was a great singer, and led the choir at Rutland at the age of sixteen. O. S. Morris, 1849, joined the Congrega- tional church, and was pastor of that church at Tunbridge. This closes the list of pastors before the church was removed to South Royalton. Perez Mason, 1850-51, was transferred to the N. E. Confer- ence, and was a missionary in Boston. Pliny Nye Granger, 1852-53, was born July 17, 1807, at Brompton, Canada East. He prepared to enter college, but instead of pursuing a collegiate course, he turned his attention to the study of medicine. He labored in the ministry from 1837 to 1864. He died in 1868. Adna Newton was the pastor in 1858, and Ira LeBarron in 1859. Daniel A. Mack, 1860-61, was born June 4, 1825, at Plain- field. He died at the N. H. Orphans’ Home in Franklin, N. H., Dec. 1, 1883. He was left an orphan at an early age. He studied at Newbury Seminary, and fitted for the ministry at the General Biblical Institute, Concord, N. H. He was chaplain of the Third Regiment in the Civil War. He was prominently en- gaged in the founding of the Orphans’ Home, where he died. His early history, ministerial career, army services, and efforts in behalf of orphans gave him prominence in society. He was grandson of Daniel Mack, captain in the Revolutionary War, and a participant in the battle of Bunker Hill. Harvey Webster, 1862, was born in Weston, June 6, 1826. He was a graduate of Newbury Seminary and of Concord Bibli- cal Institute. He was a preacher for forty-four years. He died Jan. 6, 1899, at Swanton. Zadoe Haynes, 1863-64, was trans- ferred. Nelson M. Granger, 1865, was transferred to the N. H. Conference. Amasa G. Button, 1868-69, was born at Tunbridge, Oct. 19, 1814. In his ministry of forty effective years, he filled many of the most important charges. He died Jan. 23. 1884 at Evanston, Ill. William H. Wight, 1870-71, was born in Brimfield, Mass., Feb. 10, 1834, and is now living in Springfield, Mass. He filled History oF RoyaLTon, VERMONT 467 acceptably some of the largest appointments in the state. Thomas Trevillian, 1872-74, was born in England, Oct. 22, 1828. He died at Lebanon, N. H., Nov. 30, 1900. Before leaving England he was engaged in mercantile business, and was a local preacher. He came to the United States in 1867, and immediately entered upon the ministry. George H. Hastings, 1875, was transferred. James E. Knapp, 1875-78, was born in Greenwich, Conn., Aug. 25, 1845, and died Dec. 15, 1905, in Irasburg. He served eleven charges in the Conference. Revivals were the legitimate result of his faithful preaching and earnest work everywhere he went. He always took especial interest in the children and young people, while his cheerful face, happy smile, and pleas- ant greeting won the hearts of young and old alike. For several years he had charge of children’s meetings at the Claremont camp ground. He was methodical and punctual in his habits. As a preacher he was intensely earnest, often eloquent, always impressive. His hearers felt that he believed what he preached, and was shaping his own life accordingly. He was always in demand for evangelistic work. An appeal to his heart for sym- pathy, or to his pocket for money, always met the most generous response. As a pastor he gave himself to his people, and won their love and confidence. W. A. Bryant, 1878-80, was born July 7, 1828, in Weston. His first appointment was in 1874. He died in 1899 at South Londonderry. A. H. Webb, 1881-82, was born Oct. 16, 1846, at Biddeford, England. He is a preacher of a high order, and has served the largest appointments in the state, among them being Montpelier, Northfield, Woodstock, and Brattleboro. He was eight years at Bradford. O. W. Barrows, 1883, died in 1887. John §8. Little, 1884-85, was a very acceptable pastor. The largest revival in the history of the church was during his pas- torate in the fall of 1885. The evangelists were Mr. and Mrs. Charles Ballou. The Sunday school was increased in numbers, and the class meetings were much better attended. Be ae .. % Oe @ 4 9toy 7 @ ns % oe Oe CPO % > "e en oO A es 32 Qore, 4 3 Qa: F320 ° . xz : “ ceo sce « . 2 - a4 8 exe . e <= Sf os e vit se 2 & ee ee 4 ? R e 2 ~ “ul aor Vi eo 9 ke ee aN Crm a 39.8 “ ‘404 o « . Yur 948, at 37 ve ‘ 7 Ze Tag © Beruf - 22S st Ada re eT ee ae a Le Ae Wert he $2 Ss 6° ee ee ek Se as v a re ist AD ae Oe Re OR She arent hers ee. CE « s Riad e 4 age — % bb, Ue en%® % 2 PAS AK GS Lal lems Becoot) SS, 94%, a *@, eae 4% ar wt i? j go ‘og Sere 8 e Bg None wy — a te wae iq? Ss P Zz r So SSS t BS f E eo § < IFIED — = PSS $ Culver ON 4 Wagon Shoe 13 69 i OWNERS 1909 OCCUPANTS /LBOow 2 Amos Ernery 3 SC Doubleday 4 Kate Marey 5 Mrs S Culver 6 Burned 7 Burned 8 Town Vacant 9 Town Hall 10 Auto Shop-lown W Harvey tl Mrs MI Peek E Smith be G Taggart PGreen Mrs C Taggart YW Skinner (3 Mrs E Harvey 16 Mrs MIWitlard ‘TwSkKinner Garriage House 1 Wagon Shop S Culver 195 Culver EN Smith 20 Cornelia. Stiekn ay Zz! DOHemenway 22C A Hanks Z3IM Boyd 24C ALlLaird-Store GPO xe J H Buck Est. 29C Danforth JO MrsE Roundy 34 Mrs SJ Learer 3J2MrsALyman 33 Mrs A Danforth 94 E Corbin I* G. Joy 36 MroE Taylor 37 Burned 3F Mrs SE Kendal 39GA Laird 49 Burned 41 GALaird Storehouse 42 Burned 43 Burned 44 Destroyed 49” R Waterman 46 Town Clerks Office 47 Mrs JWhitney 4¥ Rev Jwhitney 49 Barn SO Mrs E Denison Heirs 5’S Richards ae H waldo G Joy-B $ Shop Vacant Vaeant i . ao ares 7 40t Hote at rr oan DCP yman 2eor tS W Peeor HW bOeS ae MIE IS Tint 6s Pereival Furniture Shop Oa mm Abbott® Doyle Saw Mill JMKibbey Grist Mill | Uy e ; te < JM Kibbey Residence a 9 * Abbot+% Doyle Owners / ose nie BrookS Residents NS ii c Diekery m C Hutehing ee, ic 1 fagper 2 'Chardson ’ & ~w Residence w/o Newton zt © Oo” =e AWoodward Owner wW Salter Resident *" (M Adams Owne lr s Oaks Ras He Kt “Cage SOUTH ROYALTON , 30 Belknap e WH Woedwa,, e& ot Pi & : a é e oe & +X gvid mye oe gor o” o\ = ee ye of Mos LE B.; < ae bos Dr DE Dearing & as et Rowndy” BUSINESS DIRECTORY : THE BLOCK OWNERS OCCUPANTS Mrs SP Tarbell J 0 BetKnap- P. 0. ~AGWhitham Nea &% Pheips-Hardware i)Mrs BANickerson Sons of Veterans Halt Tim BWhitham Tarbell ® Whitham Lawyers Mrs J Dickerman 2 Samé at No ! { 3 Same as No! YCERBRtLack 530 Belknap AAAbbott Har MS Adams Store and Residence 6 WM Sargent ie Sargent’ Son Drug Store M J Sargent Residence Lumber Dealer Adams? Moe Nicholi- Marble Shop Belknap, Leonard & Brown- Glove Factory H Foster-Grainend Flour APSKinner Meat Market Ashiey & Benediet-Barbers £§ AP Skinner A R Fietders Garber Dr H Carpenter- Dentist IL welcome Photographer Masonic Hallin Nos, 1%2 9 AW Bohonnon ie Dewey Hardware. EF Moody-Furniture WMSargent Tenant Store and Residence 5 ht Haw eet Ootee ian a EM Sargent Isabelle Martin Undertaker HC Sargent. Meat Market Ul Same as No 16 Or DE Dearing Dentist - Seymour Jeweler 12 Same as No 16 JMGhepard Tenant ness Shop Hapgood®Y Kent . Shoe Manufacturers Harrington’ Woodard Livery M Haren NE Telephone Agent JH Hewitt Grain & Feed F Blake Carpenter Mrs R Lyman Bakery JJ Bianth Station Agent Bertha Morse Millinery C Ctapp Cattle Dealer WH Sargent Meat Market F Gutver Harness Ghop Y Spavlding Carpenter CS Daggett Fish Dealer DG Stoughton Mason TG Dearborn Livery AC Waterman% Co Millinery LC Diekerman Dry Goods, Groceries Cattle Dealer J B Goodrith CP Abbo#+tt RR Fietders WE Graham - Photographer Grain & Feed BlaeKkK$smith Xia! Wagon Shop 29C Danforth 390 Mrs FE Roundy dt MrsS JT Learer J2MrsALyman 33 Mrs A Danjorth 94 E Corbin 35 G. Joy 36 Mrs E Taylor 37 Burned 3 Mrs SE Kendall 39GA Laird 49 Burned 41 GALaird Storehouse 42 Burned 43 Burned 44 Destroyed 42° RwWaterman 46 Town Clerks Offrce 47 Mrs JIWhitney 4¥ RevIwhitney 49 Barn SO Mrs E Denison Heirs 513 Richards G Joy-B $ Shop 52 JTHWwaldo Vacant 53 EIRomrill SYHG Lobdell {P ¢ Pecor F Mickavie STRICT o” P(E A Woodward Owner W Salter Resident - {* Adams Owner FS Oaks Resident YM Ouh a 4 Robin sep Z Wne,. Ores, Ouse Dicker : Man O vtehin wner $s i Resident Men SOW 1 ELOY AL ON @, Leomavd 7 eon get gwater we a & Me Shoe Soo tone “2 a 30 Belknap Y WH Woedwa,y ve e er 3? e ° oe wv s oe? we M, ne on es LEB,; 7) ped Dr OF Dearing © eR HJ Roundy’ BUSINESS DIRECTORY * HE BLOCK OWNERS” = occ U Pants: ali Mrs SP Tarbell J 0 Belknap. P.O. AGWhitham bey are tena weee iJMrs B Nickerson Sons of Veterans Halt 7M B Whitham Tar beu & Whitham Lawyers Mrs J Dickerman \ 4 Foster-Grainend Flour APSKinner Meat Market Ashley & Bened (et-Barbers & A P Skinner A R Fietders Barber 2 Same as No! Oru Carpenter- Dentist TLwWelcome Photographer Masonic Hallin Nos, 1&2 9 AW Bohonnon Ce Dewey Hardware. EF Moody-Furniture WMSargent Tenant YCE Black Store and Residence Aree EM Sargent JH Howitt Groeer and SIO Belknap Store and Residence Isabelle Martin Undertaker 6 WM Sargent tes Sargent% Son Drug Store HC Sargent- Meat Market M J Sargent Residence Dr DE Dearing Dantist (F Seymour Jeweler ITMShepard Tenant 3 Same as No! Same as No 10 12 Same as No 10 AAAbbot#t? Harness Shop HapgoodY Kent. Shoe Manufacturers MS Adams Lumber Dealer Harrington’ Woodard Livery Adams% Mae Nichot- Marble Shop M Haren NE Telephone Agent Belknap, Leonard & Brown- Glove Factory JH Hewitt Grain & Feed Mrs R Lyman Bakery Bertha Morse Millinery WH Sargent Meat Market I Spaulding Carpenter DG Stoughton Mason AC Waterman Co Millinery LC Dickerman Dry Goods, Groceries CPAbbott Grain &% Feed J B Goodrich Cattle Dealer RR Fietders BlaeKsmith WE Graham - Photographer F Blake Carpenter JJ Blanch Station Agent C Clapp Cattle Dealer F Gutver Harness Shop CS Daggett Fish Dealer TG Dearborn Livery CHAPTER XXXVIIL. THE CENTRAL VERMONT RAILROAD. There is not space to give even a brief history of the begin- ning of railroads in the United States, however interesting that might be; suffice it to say that Pennsylvania took the lead in rail- oa in 1823, and Massachusetts in railroad building in : Twenty years after the first railroad was built in the United States, the Vermont Central Railroad was projected. It was, however, discussed ten or more years previous to 1846. The Watchman and other Montpelier papers early saw the value to the state in developing its resources, which a railroad would af- ford. Gov. Charles Paine used his influence, and the legislature passed an act in 1835, which granted a charter to the line through Vermont. It was not until eight years later that much was ac- complished. Then a new charter was obtained, the next year a convention was held in Montpelier, at which time James R. Lang- don, Esq., advanced $10,000 for a survey, and work was begun on this survey. The road was to be built from some point on the eastern shore of Lake Champlain, up the valley of the Onion river to some convenient point on the Connecticut river. The points selected were Windsor and Burlington. This survey was to be & part of the connecting link between Boston and Lake Ontario. Work began at Windsor, Dec. 15, 1845. The first rail was laid at White River Junction early in 1847. Isaac B. Culver, as assistant division engineer, drove the first spike. Little by little the work progressed through Hartford, and through the town of Sharon. A gang of Irishmen were at work in the summer of 1847 on the cuts above and below South Royalton. It is remem- bered that they had their weekly Sunday drunks, when timid women stayed in their houses. The people of this town had ample time to think about the lengthening railroad, and the probable effect it would have upon their property, before it reached them. Its advent was, no doubt, recognized by every one as a good thing for the state and the town as a whole, but, as in case of all improvements, it was not unmixed with evil. Yes, a railroad was needed, a railroad was wanted, a railroad was welcomed, but each land owner along its line hoped he would escape serious injury in having his land cut 37 578 History or RoyaLton, VERMONT up, or his buildings menaced. As the road was finally laid out, it necessitated the moving of some buildings, and the ruin of the fine lawns in Royalton village, the pride of their owners, and the chief beauty of the hamlet. It is needless to say that the route was bitterly opposed by many of the people of Royalton village, but all to no purpose. They had hoped it would run nearer the river, along the border of the village, instead of cutting through the heart of the settlement. In the general office of the C. V. R. R. in St. Albans can be seen a chart showing the different surveys made through Roy- alton in March, 1846. By one survey, the road would not cross the river near the site of the old Stevens bridge, as it does today, but run along the south bank of the river, taking a short cut from a point opposite the house of Edward Rix to a point above the John Marshall place. The second survey ran very much as the road does today, except it crossed the river nearly opposite Ed- ward Rix’s, and struck the first survey a little beyond the crossing point. The final survey laid the road along the north bank of the river after crossing it below Royalton village. By the first survey the village of Royalton would have remained intact, and the distance would not have been much greater, not enough to make it an object to cut through the best part of the small settle- ment at the center of the town. Doubtless there were other good reasons which controlled the decision of the officers of the rail- road corporation. Beginning with Sharon line the persons through whose prop- erty the road was laid were, Reuben Hartshorn, Prosper B. Slack, Elias Stevens, Cyrus Hartshorn, Elisha Flint, J. Kilburn, Oliver Curtis, Joseph Lee, Azuba Sessions, Archibald Kent, Cyrus Saf- ford, Lyman Benson, Darius Dewey, Milo Dewey, Salmon Joiner, J. 8S. Marey, J. A. Denison, Jr., G. W. Bradstreet, E. P. Nevens, G. Francis, R. Sprague, H. H. Chandler, J. 8. Williams, Hart- well’s Estate, J. A. Denison, Parkhurst Barrett and H. J. Adams, Oramel Sawyer, Calvin Skinner, Hiram Parkhurst, George and William Rix, P. Richardson, William Smith, Solomon Downer, Simon and Coit Parkhurst, Josiah B. Powers, John Marshall, Jacob A. Davis, Lovell Hibbard, C. W. and John Bliss, Jonathan Dyer. Minot Wheeler. The railroad awarded damages to these several persons, and the majority of them accepted the award, but there were a few cases of appeal, which resulted mostly in an increase. The esti- mated amount paid for the land taken by the railroad is not far from $15,000; the largest sum received by any one was $2,000, paid to E. P. Nevens. In 1851 or 1852 the V. C. R. R. deeded Charles Paine and Joseph Clark all land not needed in Windsor, Hartland, and Royalton. These two persons with John Smith, History or Royauton, VERMONT 579 John H. Peck and Lawrence Brainard had become sureties for the road. The Royalton shareholders, like others, lost most, if not all, that they invested in the road. The building of the road brought in a considerable number of foreign laborers. These lived mostly by themselves in unoc- cupied small houses along the line, and conditions were not favor- able for health. An epidemic broke out among them and several deaths occurred, mention of which has been made in the chapter on ‘‘Cemeteries.’’ This epidemic was not the only evil accom- panying the construction of the road. There was a constant fight against the sale and use of intoxicants. The town could scarcely be called a prohibition town before, but the drink habit was now deplorable. It was two years after the road was decided upon, before it was ready for travel. In the fourth annual report of the direc- tors of the V. C. R. R., issued in 1849, they state that the road was opened for travel to passengers from White River Junction to Bethel, June 26, 1848, and for freight on the 10th of July fol- lowing. On Sep. 17th the cars ran to the summit of Roxbury, on October 10th to Northfield, and from White River Junction to Windsor for the first time, Feb. 13, 1849. On June 20, 1849, the road was open for passengers to Montpelier. Until July, 1849, they had but five locomotive steam engines of a large class. Three regular trains had been running most of the time, two of them passenger trains. Passenger and freight buildings had been erected at all the stations between Windsor and Montpelier, ex- cepting at N. Hartland, West Hartford, Sharon, and Braintree. The road owned seven (!!) eight-wheeled passenger cars, but had twenty-five more in process of construction. The whole number of passengers carried during the year was 47,095, and the whole number of tons of freight was 25,074. The net earnings of the road were $66,126.41. They began July 1, 1849, to carry mail. The entire cost of the road of 116 and 1/10 miles was $4,155,- 813.35, and the Company was in debt $276,427.47. The condi- tion of the road at that time is of interest in comparison with the enormous business done by it today. Cyrus Hartshorn had an interest in the road. He had as a neighbor Gen. Elias Stevens, then an old man, ninety-four years old. Mr. Hartshorn arranged with the road officials to give Gen. Stevens a free ride when they should first run through the town. As he was too feeble to go to the station, it was planned that the train should stop at the lower end of the cut near the Stevens residence, and take on the General, at least, they so understood it. Gen. Stevens had been through too many dangers to take any chances when one foot was in the grave, and he declined the offered courtesy. Mr. Hartshorn did not wish to seem unappre- 580 History or Royauron, VERMONT ciative, and so he invited others to a free ride, and at train time nearly the whole neighborhood had gathered at the upper end of the cut, and waited for the train. Not seeing any one at the lower end of the cut, the conductor went whirling by with a full head of steam, and the crowd hungry for a ride were left to walk to the station, or return to their homes as they chose. Some re- member that the school children were at one time given a free ride, which must have been a red-letter day in their lives, though they may have been a bit terrified at the snorting of the iron horse. The steady, as well as the high-spirited horses of the farmers were not prepared to welcome such a rival, and showed their displeasure in ways not conducive to the safety of their drivers. It is told of one man in Royalton village that his horse turned squarely around with him, whereupon an odd character standing near drawled out, ‘‘Never mind! there’ll be another train along in a minute, that’ll turn you around the other way.”’ Mr. Daniel Tarbell for a time was in the good graces of the railroad officials. The depot at first in South Royalton was in his store at the end facing the tracks, where wide platforms were built. When the bridge was a sure thing, the railroad built a freight and a passenger depot at South Royalton. Royalton vil- lage was not so favored, neither was North Royalton, which were both anxious for depots. The depots at both places were built very largely through the efforts of Mr. William Skinner. The one at North Royalton was first built. The ‘‘Upper Village,’’ or Foxville, had at this time a hotel, stores, and stage patronage. James M. Currier was in the hotel. He bound himself to pay one- fourth of the expense of ‘‘building A Passenger Depot in this Place after using the amount paid by the railroad company and what is or may be subscribed for the same purpose.’’ Presum- ably there were three others who assumed like obligations. It was specified that Amplius French was to be the superintendent. Mr. Currier’s paper was dated Jan. 29, 1848. Lewis Fish was the first agent at North Royalton, presumably the only one. The station was at the crossing between the railroad and the river, and the freight house was made from the old tannery west of it. Mr. French lost heavily in the erection of the depot, as some failed tc pay their subscriptions. Mr. French and William Patterson entered into a contract with the railroad company to erect a depot at North Royalton, then called the ‘‘Upper Village.’’ The building was to be 20 by 50 feet, with a platform five feet wide on one side and two ends, and steps the whole length of the platform.