anes a Ss oe oe aa setae cS we ea a Roe Ba onne qed era Ree ee SS ae oo patna 5 See See a rae ees = fe oe s he a ae me aaa See Be lode ates ema 5 oi ees ere ear Tk rat eee airs eee ee pees Mie aso Datos ieee ee ie Beate erro Fite eo be es ee ei gpa pa, ito ie ee rere ae Tea aoe Oe is Seren ieree aay OG i te acidic aie ease anata ore be Oe ee ere Ree re e Sinan in eo Lee ee, 2. 5 a 5 th, ‘ ay DAI Gea eCe iP o : r q se Sai e Gator rs ais! ote Pete ee i rates aaa Cr a petiet ea ona enn ye 5 is roman ei aa este ale a a oe Cornell University Library ERTBe! -M52 Wii int 3 1924 029 440 587 Z olin vers THE ORIGIN PERSECUTIONS AND DOCTRINES OF THE WALDENSES. SP “Nothing is covered that shall not be revealed : nor hid that shall not be known.” —St. Matthew x. 26. ‘ | sep sin re tag % Al atart feconoy ft quith bd mal obra ho fen mays fut q itajrna + Claton gary angel fuent alveydlee! Garston abet On baptinssaaton Ao. fe Fryer arabe Duzer cree hat Can fe cipli londbre 8 qos ot ae he me Last fe gusan. AAC ros s00n adc Hchaud 0 Si RL ro eect tan cS hatiil.e , cent au apls enhezament, ¥ Que fo Gyn ina Clon alrver tip i UP onan cubitar- Cen afromanent, “Hing , Ey ala fr AW tar, ben ha aml c cooe, any copl ¢ tictant. quefo fera lo ra ava fon alderter'tepy. Aa daurian cubita. C. fer alromanet. Cot yorn nen ra Heche ie ae pl tint. SP mat oe a de bens. Rvcofo liperillh qicfetura dt- Ar anageli Ovecovtan efatt paul atych. €. newn he Anina no po faber faftny . 39¢0 = _ ater fcomayfé used yal ob 0k Sen maw tinh gy umpna i "Pa C-latn aay angel Puente alrey Ble _ Aue nd fon lidernor g fon dapnia cenfern ” Oo. fe Fay amb darn cage starring, Agaull tan apg OLR 1 ea ey eae Auren lay efhal gta egnin oBLaaon Wenayza si on —_— fen aquill pfen Shpfert Oam fR spl lonolzeDuerleyt Miprttia Stpytatatapra Se fill clabitn sts. fyi ‘fen en ee yorn ucn Las a nemr 29plr ? viamit 3m mnct de Be hperilh qleit -y eal Ovecd fy Po ten tren me eng We 7 SE lotetepe, aunt Iapamar cme ‘ + isd THE ORIGIN PERSECUTIONS AND DOCTRINES OF THE WALDENSES FROM DOCUMENTS, MANY NOW THE FIRST TIME COLLECTED AND EDITED, BY PIUS MELIA, D.D. LONDON: JAMES TOOVEY, 177, PICCADILLY. 1870. \\ TO HIS HIGHNESS PRINCE LOUIS LUCIEN BONAPARTE, AS A TRIBUTE TO HIS UNRIVALLED PHILOLOGICAL LEARNING, THIS VOLUME Is, WITH PERMISSION, DEDICATED BY HIS OBLIGED AND OBEDIENT SERVANT, THE AUTHOR. CORRIGENDA. Page 23, line 17, for “taught” read “ thought.” Page 33, line 19, for “ Sir James Morland” read “Sir Samuel Morland.” Page 68, line 24, read “ the extract of his narrative as nearly as possible in his own words.” Page 99, line 17, for ‘ pense” read ‘“ penze.” Page 131, line 2, for “ six” read “seven.” Page 133, Ist col. 1. 26, p. 184, 2nd col. 1. 20, for “ Alexander” read “ Innocent.” PREFACE. * the following expressions relating to the Wal- denses of Piemont. ‘‘ For sixteen hundred years, at least, the Waldenses have guarded the pure and primitive Chris- tianity of the Apostles. . . No one knows when or how the faith was first delivered to these mountaineers, . . Irenzus, Bishop of Lyons, in the second century found them a church. . . . These gallant hill-men have kept the tradition of the Gospel committed to them as pure and inviolate as the snow upon their own Alps. . . . They have maintained an Evan- gelical form of Christianity from the very first, rejecting image worship, invocation of saints, auricular confession, celibacy, papal supremacy or infallibility, and the dogma of purgatory; taking the Scripture as the rule of life, and admit- ting no sacraments but Baptism and the Lord’s Supper . . No bloodier cruelty disgraces the records of the Papacy than the persecutions endured by the ancestors of the twenty thousand Waldenses now surviving. . . . Never did men suffer more for their belief. . . .” The quoted expressions not being in accordance with vill PREFACE. my former knowledge of the Waldensian history, I imposed upon myself the task of collecting as many books bearing on the subject as I could find, in order to ascertain whether my old impressions were wrong, or the greatest part of the above assertions unfounded. The following are the principal books I have read through relating to this object: Jean Paul Perrin, ‘“‘ Histoire des Vaudois,” Geneve, 1619; Alexander Ross, ‘‘ TANSEBEIA,” London, 1653; Samuel Morland, ‘‘The History of the Evangelical Churches of the Valleys of Piemont,” London, 1658; Jean Leger, Pasteur, &c., “‘ Histoire Generale des Eglises Evangeliques de Piemont,” Amsterdam, 1680; P. Allix, D.D., ‘ History of the ancient Churches of Piedmont,” London, 1690; William Jones, “ History of the Waldenses,” London, 1812; Jean Rodolphe Peyran, Pastor, with appen- dices by Rev. Thomas Sims, M.A., ‘‘ An Historical Defence of the Waldenses or Vaudois,” London, 1826; Rev. J. L. Jackson, M.A., ‘“‘Remarks on the Vaudois of Piemont,” London, 1826; William Stephen Gilly, M.A., “ Narrative of an Excursion to the Mountains of Piemont,” London, 1827; ‘‘Recherches Historiques sur la veritable Origine des Vaudois, par Monseigneur Charvaz,” Paris et Lyon, 1836; Robert Baird, D.D., “Sketches of Protestantism in Italy,” New York—British edition, London, 1847; Antoine Monastier, “A History of the Vaudois, translated from the French,” London, 1848; Alberto Bert, Ministro, “ J. Valdesi, ovvero i Cristiani Cattolici secondo la Chiesa Primitiva,” Torino, 1849; Alexis Muston, D.D., Pastor, ‘The Israelof the Alps,” the Vaudois of Piemont,” translated by Montgomery, A.M., Glasgow, 1857; E. Enderson, D.D., “The Vaudois, bs. Observations,” London, 1858; F. M. “The Israel of the Alps: a History of the Waldenses,” London, 1863. PREFACE. ix Beside these works, I bave consulted some of the known dictionaries and encyclopedias, viz., “Le grand Dictionnaire Historique ou Melange curieux de I Histoire, sacre et profane,” par M. Louis Moreri, tom. viii. p. 47-8, & Amsterdam, 1780; “Encyclopedie methodique, par une Societé de gens de lettres, de savans, artistes, &c., Histoire,” tome cinquieme, Paris, 1791; “The Cabinet Cyclopedia,” History, by the Rev. Henry Stebbing, A.M., vol. ii, London, 1834; “The Ency- clopedia Metropolitana, or Universal Dictionary of Know- ? ledge,” vol. xi.; “ History and Biography,” vol. iii., London, 1845; “The English Cyclopedia,” conducted by Charles Knight, Biography, vol. v., London, 1857 ; “ Dizionario di Erudizione Ecclesiastica,” del Cav" Gaetano Moroni, vol. Ixxxvil., Venezia, 1858, p. 212; and “The Popular Ency- clopedia, or Conversation Lexicon,” new and revised edition, vol. vi., London, Glasgow, and Edinburgh, 1862; and other dictionaries and biographies. I have also read on the subject many writers on Ecclesiastical history, both Catholic and Protestant. However, before assenting to the statements of the above writers, I undertook another and much more troublesome labour; namely, that of consulting the principal authors quoted by them, and of reading their original works. And, as I could not obtain all of them in England, I went to Italy, and was fortunate enough to find them partly in the Roman libraries, but principally in the King’s library of Turin; where I was allowed, by that learned and courteous librarian, Commendatore Proni, to make extracts from some authentic, but not yet published, manuscripts bearing upon the Waldensian history. But what induced me more than anything else to pub- lish, not all, but the most clear and undoubtedly genuine x PREFACE. documents so collected, was the precious little work of Professor James Henthorn Todd, senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, entitled ‘“‘ The Book of the Vaudois: the Waldesian Manuscripts,” London and Cambridge, 1865; and the notice given there of the long lost Morland manuscripts, lately discovered by Mr. Henry Bradshaw, M.A., Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge, and librarian of that University. Upon my return from Italy, towards the end of last year, I was introduced by a friend to Mr. Bradshaw, who kindly showed me the Waldensian manuscripts, which, by the same acute and fortunate discoverer, are truly called ‘“ the oldest extant relics of the Vaudois literature,’ and I must add, “the most important documents relating to their history.” I have thought it necessary to say all these things, to show to the learned reader the full reliance which is to be placed on the Documents, which I have with some labour ex- tracted from the originals, and which I now present faith- fully to the public in relation to the Origin, the Persecutions, and the Doctrines of the Waldenses in the Valleys of Piemont. If, from the evidence of the Documents, there should follow a conclusion contrary to the assertions of writers till now considered of authority, I beg the reader to bear in mind, with the old Christian philosopher and martyr, Justin, that ‘Reason commands those, who are truly good and lovers of wisdom, to cultivate and love truth alone, casting aside the opinions of their ancestors, if they are wrong;” and that ‘ We are not allowed to honour men more than truth,’* Preescribit ratio ut qui vere pii et philosophi sunt, veruin unice colant et diligant, recusantes majorum opiniones sequi, si prave sint (Apologia I. ad Antoninum Pium, § VII.) Plus honoris non est habendum homini quam veritati (Apologia II. pro Chris- tianis, from Socrates). ‘ PREFACE. xi I conclude by saying with another glorious martyr, Ire- nxus, Bishop of Lyons, ‘That from me, while writing in a tongue very different from my native language, nobody must expect graces of style which I have not acquired, or force of expressions which I cannot pretend to, nor a choice of words and eloquence which I do not possess; I only wish that the Documents which, with a simple translation and some not unnecessary remarks and comments, I publish for love of truth, be read and accepted in the same spirit.” * P. Mera. 14, Gray’s Inn Square, November 1st, 1869, * Non autem requires a nobis qui apud Celtas commoramus . . . orationis urtem quam non didicimus, neque vim conscriptions quam non affectamus, neque ornatum verborum atque suadelum quam nescimus, sed simpliciter et vere et idiotice, que tibi cum dilectione scripta sunt, cum dilectione percipias. (In Preefatione, Adversus Heereses.) CONTENTS. DerpicaTiIon PREFACE Part THE First. THE ORIGIN OF THE WALDENSES. Section I. Authority of Richard, Monk of Cluny Ssecrion II. The Venerable F. Moneta’s Evidence Section III. F. Stevan Borbone De Bellavilla’s Testimony . Secrion IV. Abbot Bernard’s Evidence Section V, Reincrius Sacco’s Statement Sxcrion VI. Peter de Pilichdorff’s Authority Section VII. Archbishop Seyssell’s Evidence Srctrion VIII. Eneas Sylvius Piccolomini’s Statement Section IX. Samuel Casini’s Evidence Paah vil 14 16 20 25 30 31 xiv CONTENTS. Srction X. Revd. Edmund Champion’s Assertion Srction XI. Prior Rorengo’s Testimony Srction XII. Rev. Theodorus Belvedere’s Evidence Section XIII. Extracts from some Manuscripts in the King’s Library of Turin Srction XIV. Other Authorities not liable to suspicion, principally that of the Wal- densian Manuscripts Section XV. The Dates which Leger and Morland have assigned to the Waldensian Manuscripts are counterfeit . Part THE SECOND. ON THE PERSECUTIONS OF THE WALDENSES. Szctron I. Character of John Leger. A : i : . ; : Section II. The Conduet of the Waldenses in Piemont , ‘ F Srcrron III. Sketch of Events connected with the supposed Waldensian Massacre of 1655 Section IV, The Particular Murders of the year 1655 described by Leger, confronted with the Legal Statements of the same Facts . Section V. Other Authoritative Statements on the same Argument PAGE 32 33 37 40 45 52 59 63 68 83 CONTENTS. Parr tHe Turn. THE RELIGIOUS DOCTRINES OF THE WALDENSES. Section I. A Sketch of the Changes in the Waldensian Doctrines from the earliest period to the time of the New Reformers Section IT, The Religious Doctrines of the Old Waldenses which agreed with those of the Catholic Church, and differed from the Tenets of the New Reformers Section IIT. The Religious Tenets of the Old Waldenses agreeing with those of the New Reformers, and at variance with the Catholic Doctrines . § 1. Waldensian Tenet.—On the Church of God . , ‘ Catholic Doctrine on this Point . 3 3 ' ‘ § 2. Waldensian Tenet.—On Prayers : ‘ i : i Catholic Doctrine . ; : : : § 3. Waldensian Tenet—On the Holy Siero. Catholic Doctrine on this Subject ; ‘ . ? § 4, Waldensian Tenet.—On the Blessings and saiseadians of the Church. 3 ; ; ; . i ‘ , Catholic Doctrine. 4 § 5. Waldensian Tenet.-On the Sieh of ie Catholic Priests and of the Pope : i ‘ 7 ; i i Catholic Doctrine. ; : > * § 6. Waldensian Tenet—On ne Right of aane Catholic Doctrine. : ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘ ; § 7, Waldensian Tenet.—On is Right of Hearing Confessions : Catholic Doctrine. a ‘ ; i § 8. Waldensian Tenet.—On Oaths : Catholic Doctrine. ; : : ' 3 : § 9. Waldensian Tenet.—On Lies ‘ é : i ’ Catholic Doctrine . § 10. Waldensian Tenct-—On Pur ee : ; : ‘ ‘ Catholic Doctrine . : i 7 i xv PacE 87 92 100 101 102 103 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 110 111 111 112 112 113 113 114 115 xyl CONTENTS. PAGE § 11. Waldensian Tenet.—On Indulgences ‘ : : . 116 Catholic Doctrine : : 116 § 12. Waldensian Tenet.—On Fasting and Holy aie : . CLEE Catholic Doctrine ‘ : : 7 117 § 13. Waldensian Tenet.—On the Invocation of Saints . z : 118 119 Catholic Doctrine i ‘ . § 14. Waldensian Tenet.—On Holy eee Pastas, and Relies. 120 Catholic Doctrine . 121 § 15. Waldensian Tenet.—On Two mee er to a Midis. trates and to the Precept—Not to Kill 122 Catholic Doctrine . 123 Section IV. Religious Tenets adopted at a later period by the Bohemian Waldenses before the time of Luther and Calvin : : j « 124 § 1. The Tenet of the Bohemian Waldenses on Auricular Confession. 125 Catholic Doctrine ‘ . 125 § 2. Definition of the Church of God given ba the Bdiaaka Waldenses. 126 Catholic Definition of the Church of God on Earth . : s 12e § 3. The Tenet of the Bohemian Waldenses on the Holy Communion. 128 Catholic Doctrine : . ; ‘ ; : - . 128 § 4. The Tenet of the Bohemian Waldenses on Transubstantiation . 129 | Catholic Statement on the same. : : : : . 129 Conclusion . . - ; : 5 é ‘ ‘ . » 130 General Index : 5 : ‘ ‘ : . ‘ 2 P 133 Part THE First. THE ORIGIN OF THE WALDENSES. Section I. AUTHORITY OF RICHARD MONK OF CLUNY. % 3) ET us begin with a document from the Chro- ) nicle of Richard, Monk of Cluny, published by 4q POS GR Muratori (‘Rerum Italicarum Scriptores,” tom. Spee iii. p. 447, et seg. Mediolani, 1723) from the manuscripts of the learned Bernard Guidoni, who lived from the year 1260 to the year 1331. Richard flourished about 1156, according to Martinus Polonus, Valaterranus, and Vossius: and Muratori (ibid.), on the ground of his having written, not only the life of Alexander III. who died 1181, but also that of Innocent III., who died 1216, argues that Richard must have lived writing at least to the last mentioned year. That the lives of the two Popes were written, not by Guidoni, but by the monk Richard, is evident from the following statement, written in large red letters immediately after the two lives: Huc usque Chronica Richardt Monachi Cluniacensis protenditur et terminatur. Now, in the life of Alexander, exalted to the Pontifical Chair in 1159, there is the following, clear account of the origin of the Waldenses, written, as we have said, by Richard, a respect- able contemporary, and preserved for us by Guidoni, a Bishop, compared to the first Fathers of the Church for his prudence, B 2 THE ORIGIN OF learning, and virtues: (Assémilatus. Patribus primitivis) (see Muratori, ibid. p. 274). “ About the year of Our Lord 1170’ arose the sect and heresy of those who are called: Waldenses, or Poor of Lyons. The author and founder of them was a citizen of Lyons called Waldensis,? from whom his followers received the like name. He being a man possessing riches, abandoning every- thing, resolved to live a life of poverty, and Evangelical per- fection, as the Apostles did. And having caused the Gospels, and some other books of the Bible, and several authorities of Saints, which he called Summas, to be written for his own use in the vernacular tongue; he reading them often by himself, and little understanding them; proud in his own conceit, and possessing a little learning; assumed to himself and usurped the office of the Apostles: preaching the Gospel “ Circa annwm Domint MCLXX. inceepit secta et heresis illorum qui dicuntur Valdenses, seu Pauperes de Lugduno, cujus auctor et inventor fuit quidam civis Lugdunensis nomine Valdensis, a quo sectatores ejus fuerunt taliter nominati; qui dives rebus extitit et relictis omnibus, proposwit servare powupertatem et perfectionem Hvangelicam sicut Apostolt servaverunt. Et cum fecisset sibi conscribt Hvangelia et aliquos libros Biblice in vulgari et nonnullas auctoritates Sanctorum quas summas appellavit, ea sceepius secum legens et minus sane intelligens, sensu suo inflatus cwm esset modicum literatus, Apos- tolorum sibi oficuwm usurpavit atque presumpstt, per vicos et plateas Hvangelia ? Asthe author mentions the year 1170 as godliness; and by Pope Gregory IX. in the beginning of the sect, and other authors, instead, point out 1160, and some hint other years between the two, and some others 1180, we may say that those who put the beginning of the Waldensian sect in the year 1160 speak of the first change in Peter Waldensis’ life from riches to poverty, and the others, who mark the year 1170, allude to the public spreading of the sect. After which time the Waldenses were restrained or condemned many times; principally by Alexander JIT. in the third Council of Lateran, in 1179; by John Bellesmayns or Bellismanibus, Arch- bishop of Lyons in 1182 or 1183; by Pope Lucius III. at a Council in Verona, in 1184; by Innocent III. in the twelfth General Council, which was the fourth Lateran, in 1215; where (in theDecree II.de Haereticis) , the Waldenses are described as persons hay- ing the appearance, without the reality, of 1236, in a Constitution ( Decret. L. v. Tit. vit. de Haeret.), with these words: Excommu- nicamus et anathematizamus universos haere- ticos, Catharos, Patarinos, Pauperes de Lug- duno, etc. Damnatique vero per Ecclesiam Saculuri judicio relinquantur, animadver- sione debita puniendi. ? Pcter Waldensis, or Waldesius, or de Vaudia, or Valdo, or Vaudois (different man+ ner of spelling the same name by different writers), was a citizen of Lyons in fact, though born in a little village near Lyons, on the Rhone. He had his dwelling-house in Lyons near the church of St. Nizier, in a street, which, after his expulsion, was called Rue Maudite, till the fourteenth century, when it was named Rue Vendrant. (See Guy Allard, “Bibl. de Duphiné,” Chorier, vol. ii, p, 69, Paradin, p. 127; and Per- rieaud’s documents, in the Libr. of Lyons.) THE WALDENSES. 3 in the streets and in the squares. He caused many men and women to become his accomplices in a like presumption: whom he sent to preach as his disciples. They being simple and illiterate people, traversing the villages and entering into the houses, spread everywhere many errors. Called to account by the Archbishop of Lyons, John Beles-Mayus, they were prohibited by him. But they would not obey, offering as a pretext for their folly, that they ought to obey not men but God, who commanded the Apostles to preach the Gospel to every creature: arrogating to themselves what had been said to the Apostles, of whom, by a feigned appear- ance of poverty and sanctity, they professed to be followers and successors, despising the Clergy and Priests. Thus, from the presumptuous usurpation of the office of preaching, they became first disobedient, afterwards contumacious, and there- fore being excommunicated, were exiled from that country. At last, cited to a Council which was held in Rome before that of Lateran, they were adjudged contumacious and schis- matics. And being dispersed through the provinces, and mingling on the borders of Lombardy with other heretics, and also imbibing and following their errors, were adjudged heretics. predicando; multosque homines et mulieres ad similem presumptionem com- plices sibi fecit, quos ad predicandum tamquam discipulos emittebat. Qui cum essent idiote et illiterati, per villas discurrentes et domos penetrantes, muitos errores circumquaque diffuderunt ; et vocati ab Archieyrscopo Lug- dunensi Domino Johanne Beles-Mayus, prohibiti sunt ab eodem; sed obedire minime voluerunt, velamen suce vesanice preetendentes et dicentes quod oporteret magis Deo quam hominibus obedire, qut preecepit Apostolis, omnt creature Evangelium predicare; arrogantes sibi quod Apostolis erat dictwm ; quorum imitatores et successores, falsa paupertatis professione et ficta sanctitatis imagine, se esse profitebantur ; aspernantes Clericos et Presbyteros. Sic itaque ex presumptuosa usurpatione oficti predicandi, inobedientes, deinde contumaces et exinde excommunicati, ab illa patria sunt expulsi. Demum vero convocati ad Conciliwm quod fuit Rome ante Lateranense celebratum, fuerunt pertinaces et schismatict judicati. Sreque disperst per provincias, et in confinibus Lombardice cum aliis hereticis se miscentes et eorum errores bibentes et sectantes, fuerunt heeretict judicatt.” 4 THE ORIGIN OF Section II. THE VENERABLE F. MONETA’S EVIDENCE. SHE second document relating to the Origin of the _ Waldenses is given by Father Moneta, whose c= Sv manuscripts, in the libraries of the Vatican, of Boloone, and of Naples, have been published by Thomas Augustin Ricchini in Rome, 1743, under the title, “ Venera- bilis Patris Monetee Cremonensis Ordinis Preedicatorum ad- versus Catharos et Waldenses, Libri quinque.” Father Moneta was a professor of philosophy in Bologna in 1218, when, at the preaching of the blessed Reginaldus Aurelianensis, he was induced to abandon his secular pursuits, and two years after- wards gave his name to the Dominican Order. St. Dominic appointed him to be his vicar in Milan, and through Insubria ; and it is said that the holy founder died in Bologna in the very bed of F. Moneta. F. Moneta’s learning, zeal and virtues, and chiefly his patience when he became blind, are praised by many writers of his time. The year in which he wrote his work is clearly stated by him, when (Lib. m1. cap. iii. § ii.), after quoting the saying of our Lord: “I saw Satan falling from heaven like a flash of lightning,” the author continues: “ But He (our Lord) did not see the fall of Sathan with his human eyes, because it is not more than twelve hundred and forty-four years that he was incarnate.” (In the Vat. MS.), Sed non videbat eum cadentem secundum homo, non enim sunt plusquam 1244 anni quod Ipse factus est homo: from which F. Moneta derives a proof of the eternal divinity of our Lord. Now this epoch of 1244 is to be marked, both because it gives us the date in which F. Moneta wrote his book, and it helps us to understand an important part of the following passage (Lib. v. cap. i. § iv. pp. 402, 408) : ‘Having proved that the community of the Catharites is not the Church of God, let us prove that the community of THE WALDENSES. 5 the Poor Lyonists is not the Church of God. This appears from what is said in the second letter of St. Peter the Apostle (chapter ii. 1 and 10): ‘Who shall bring in sects of perdition, and despise authority.’ Secondly, the same thing is proved if their Origin is attended to; because it is clear that they had their beginning from Waldesius, a citizen of Lyons, who entered on this path not more than. eighty years ago; or, if they are more or less, the difference of more or less is little.* Consequently, they are not the successors of the primitive Church, and of course they are not the Church of God. And if they should say that their manner of proceeding was before Waldesius, let them prove it with some testimony, which they cannot do. Thirdly, it may be demonstrated that their congregation is not the Church of God through the remission of sins. You come from Waldesius, tell us, from whence did he come?* . If they say that they came forth from God and from the Apostles and from the Gospel, the fact is against them, because God for- gives sins through his minister (John xx. 23): ‘To whom you shall forgive their sins, are forgiven to them.’ Therefore, if God forgave the sins of Waldesius, He forgave them through “ Ostenso quod universitas Catharorum non est Heclesia Det, ostendamus quod universitas Pauperwm Leonistanum non est Ecclesia Dei. Et probatur per tllud (2 Petri ii. 1,10): Qut introducent sectas perditionis . . domi- nationemque contemnunt. . . . Secundo modo id ostenditur si ipsorwm origo attendatur. Non enim multum tenporis est quod esse coeperunt. Quoniam sicut patet a Valderio cive Lugdunensi exordiwm acceperunt, qui hance viam inceepit non sunt plures quam octoginta annt; vel st plures aut pauciores, parum plures vel pauciores existunt. Hrgo non sunt successores Ecclesice primitive, ergo non sunt Heclesia Dei. St aaitem dicant quod sua vita ante Valdesium fuit, ostendant hoc aliquo testimonio, quod minime facere possunt, ... Tertio per remissionem peccatorum ostendi potest quod eorum congregatio non est Heclesia Dei . . . Vos venstis a Valdesio; dicatis unde ipse venit? . . » St dicant quod a Deo venerunt et ab Apostolis atque Evangelio, contra ; 3 Taking 80 from 1244 we have the year 1164, more or less. Now this perfeetly agrees with the document first quoted, in which the Origin of the Waldenses is put about the year of our Lord 1170. ; 4 Here the author repeats the fable forged by the Waldenses, that one of their chiefs, Peter, went to the Pope, and promised to him that they would hold to the four Doctors Ambrose, Augustin, Gregory, and Jerome; and that the Pope gave him the office of preaching. 6 THE ORIGIN OF His minister. But tell me through whom of His ministers did God forgive him his sins? Fourthly, the same is proved from the Ecclesiastical Orders, of which they confess that there are three at least—Episcopacy, Priesthood, and Dea- conship. Without these three Orders the Church of God cannot and ought not to exist, as they admit. Let us, then, say to them: If the Church of God is not without these Orders, and you are without them, it follows that your congregation is not the Chtrch of God. If they should say that their congregation has Orders, I ask, From whom did they receive them? Who, then, is your Bishop? If they should name a particular man, I ask again, Who gave him the Ordination? If they name some other, I equally ask, Who ordained this other? And, so going on, they will be obliged to ascend to Waldesius. Next, it is to be asked, From whence had he his Orders? If they answer that he had them by himself, it is clear that it is against the Apostle, who says (Heb. v. 4): ‘And no one assumes the honour, except him who is called by the Lord, like Aaron.’ If, then, Waldesius had the Orders from himself, he glorified himself to be a Bishop; in consequence, he was an antichrist, namely, against Christ and his Church. And if they should say that Waldesius had his Orders from God directly, their assertion cannot be confirmed by any testi- Ipse non parcit nisi per ministrum ; unde: ‘Quorum remiseritis peccata remittuntur eis’ (John xx. 23). Hrgo si remisit Valdesio, per ministrum remisit. Sed dic mihi, per quem ministrum ei remisit? Quarto modo idem ostenditur per Ordinem Ecclesiasticum, quem ipst ad minus triplicem confiten- tur, scilicet Episcopatum, Presbyteratum et Diaconatum, sine quo triplict ordine Ecclesia Dei non potest esse nec debet, wt ipsi testantwr. Dicamus ergo eis: Si Ecclesia Dei non est sine istis ordinibus, vestra autem generatio sine eis est, ergo non est Ecclesia Dei. St autem dicant: Nostra generatio illos habet, quero a quo habuit ? Quis enim est episcopus vester ? Si dicant, talis homo ; dicite quis ordinavit cum? Si dicunt: Quidam; quero etiam, Quis istum alium ordinanit? Ht sic ascendendo compellentur usque ad Valdesium venire. Postea querendum est, Unde iste ordines habuit ? Si dicunt quod a seipso, palam est, st hoc est; quia contrarius Apostolo sit, gut dicit (Heb. v. 4). Nec quisquam sumit sibt honorem, sed qui vocatur a Deo tamquam Aaron. . . . Valdesius autem si a se Ordinem habuit, clarificawit semetipsum ut pontifer fieret. Ipse igitur antichristus fuit, idest Christo et Ecclesice ejus THE WALDENSES. z mony of Scripture. . . . Some said that Waldesius received his Orders from the community of his brethren. The first who said so was one chief of the poor Lombards, called Thomas, a perverted doctor, and he endeavoured to prove it thus: Every member of his congregation could give Waldesius the right of a ruler over himself, and so all the congregation could give, and really gave to Waldesius, the rights of a ruler over them all; and thus he was made their pontiff and prelate. But if that heresiarch had understood how foolish that reason was, he would not have allowed himself to utter those words; because every Bishop has the right of being a ruler, but not every ruler has the right of being a Bishop. From the assertion that they could give him the office of a ruler, it does not follow that they could make him a Bishop... . One thing is to confer Orders and another to give domination. Orders are given by a Bishop only... . It appears, then, that it is a falsehood to say that Waldesius received Orders, and that he could give them to others. He had no Orders, and, consequently, you have no Orders, and you cannot be the Church of God, in which there are three Orders at least. Perhaps (did. § v. p. 407) they might say that their congregation and the congregation of the Church of Rome are one, holy and contrarius. St dicunt quoniam a Deo Ordinem habuit immediate; dallud nullo testimonio Scripturee ostendere possunt. Sciendum autem quod quidam dizerunt quod Valdesius ordinem habuit ab universitate fratrum suorum. Horwm autem qui hoc dixerunt auctor fut quidam heresiarcha Pauperum Lombardorwm, doctor perversus Thomas nomine. Hoc autem probare taliter misus est: Quilibet de illa congregatione potuit dare Valdesio jus swum, scilicet regere seipsum ; et sic tota congregatio illa potuit conferre et contulit Valdesio regumen omniwm, et sic creaverunt illum omnium pontificem et preelatum. Si autem heresiarcha lle intellexisset quam fatuum istud esset, nequaguam ex ore suo istud procedere permisisset. Omnis enim pontificatus est regimen, sed non omne regimen est pontificatus. Quomodo ergo sequitur ; potuerunt et dare regimen sut, ergo pontificatum. . . . Aliud est conferre Ordinem, et aliud conferre regimen; primum enim tantum Episcoporum est... Unde palam est quia fabulosum est dicere quod Valdesius Ordinem habutt, et quod altis conferre potuertt. Sic ergo ordine caruit: ergo et vos, ergo non estis Ecclesia Det, que in tribus Ordinibus ad minus consistit, (Ibid. § v. p. 407.) Forte dicerent quod eorum congregatio et congregatio Romance Hcclesic est 8 THE ORIGIN OF Catholic, though they are divided into two parts: one part malignant, which now is called the Roman Church; one part benignant, which is the Waldensian congregation. But against this assertion there is the fact that the latter (namely, the Waldensian congregation) had no existence from the time of Silvester to the time of Waldesius, which you cannot disprove. Therefore the Church failed with Silvester, and it is shown to be false in the third chapter. . . These heretics (chap. iii. § i. p. 412) say that the Church of God failed at the time of blessed Silvester . . . and that it has been restored, in these times by themselves, the first of whom Waldesius was. Let us then ask from whence they know that the Church failed. And, as they have no testimony to confirm it, they will be reduced to silence. Let us show (iid. § ii. p. 413) that the Church of the New Testament, from the time of her beginning, did not fail to exist: ‘The Lord God (Luke i. 32, 33) shall give Him (to Jesus Christ) the seat of David His father, . . . and of His kingdom there shall be no end.’ And Daniel (chap. ii. 44): ‘In the days of those kingdoms God will raise the kingdom of heaven, which shall never be destroyed, and His kingdom shall not be delivered up to another people, . . . and itself shall stand for ever.’ (Jbid. § ii.) ‘A bad life does not take away the power attached to the ministry. Hence, una, sancta et catholica, licet duce sint ejus partes: wna est pars maligna que dicitur modo Romana Ecclesia, alia benigna que est congregatio Valdensiwm. Sed contra. Illa pars a tempore Silvestri non fit, usque ad tempus Valdesit, quod tw possis ostendere; Ergo Ecclesia defecit in Silvestro ; quod falswm esse ostenditur in tertio capite. (Ibid. Lib. v. Cap. iii, $i p. 412.) Isti heretici dicunt, Heclesiam Det, tempore beati Silvestri defecisse tae MD temporibus autem istis restitutam esse per ipsos, quorum primus fuit Valdesius, Queramus ergo, unde habent quod defecerit? Ht cum inde testimonium non habeant, obmutescent. Ostendamus (Ibid. § xi. p. 418) quod Ecclesia Novi Testamenti postquam esse ccepit, non desierit esse: *‘ Dabit lt Dominus Deus sedem David patris ejus.. . et regni ejus non erit finis (Luc. i. 32, 33.). In diebus autem regnorum iwlorum suscitabit Deus cali regnum, quod in eternum non dissipabitur, et regnum ejus altert populo non tradetur .. . et ipsum stabit in ceternwm’ (Dan. ii. 44). (Ibid. § i.) Mala vita non tollit effectum suum ministerio. Ergo, posito quod Silvester peccavit (which THE WALDENSES. 9 though we should admit that Silvester sinned and became wicked (which is false), yet the Church did not fail with Silvester. The minister does not lose his Orders for his sin. ‘Many (Matt. vii. 22) will say to me in that day: Lord, Lord, have not we prophesied in Thy name, and cast out devils in Thy name, and done many miracles in Thy name?’ They did so, not in virtue of their lives, but in virtue of their ministry.” Section III. F. STEVAN BORBONE DE BELLAVILLA’S TESTIMONY. ¢ F. Stevan de Borbone, called also De Bellavilla, Z from the name of a castle in Burgundy, where he was born, towards the end of the twelfth century. After finishing his studies in Paris he entered into the Order of St. Dominic, and about 1228 he was already preaching in Lyons, and in many other places; and also on the Alps. Famous for his virtuous life, his zeal and learning, he, during the fourth of a century, discharged the office of a defender of the faith in Clairmont and in Lyons. He wrote a great volume on the Gifts of the Holy Ghost, and ended his life in Lyons in the year 1261. (See Quetif and Echard, “Scriptores Ordinum Predicatorum,” vol. i. Lutetize Parisiorum, 1719, séc. xiii. p. 184 et seg.) Before giving Bellavilla’s document on the Origin of the Waldenses, -it will not be useless to state a few particulars related by him in the above-mentioned work bearing on our argument. He says that he heard (Sorb. MS. fol. 391) from a man, who is denied by the wuthor afterwards), et malus factus fuerit, non tamen defecit Ecclesia in Silvestro. Ergo non amittitur (ordo) per peccatum. ‘ Multe dicent mihi in illa die: Domine, Domine: nonne in nomine tuo prophetavimus, et in nomine tuo demonia ejecimus et in nomine tuo virtutes multas fecimus (Matth. vii. 22.)? Non per vitam sed per ministerium.” 10 THE ORIGIN OF assured him that he was present on the occasion, that in a town of Lombardy there were seven chiefs of different sects, opposed to each other, who, at a meeting held by them, tried each one to establish his own doctrine, and to show the false- hood of the others; and that everyone concluded his speech by excommunicating everybody else, if they should propose or accept anything contrary to his belief. He also relates that in the town called Joinville (super Sagonam in Diacest Bisuntinensi (Bisanzon) appeared a man in disguise, who, being summoned before a magistrate and obliged to give an account of himself, admitted that for eighteen years he had been absent from the place in order to study in Milan the tenets of the Waldensian sect; that there were seventeen sects, everyone contrary to the others, which sects were also condemned by those of his sect (and he gave the names of them all); and that he was of the sect of those called the Poor of Lyons, who also call themselves Poor of Spirit, who, from the name of their chief, are called Waldenses, who, amongst other errors, condemn every person possessing earthly goods. Prima, de qua ipse erat, dicebantur Pauperes de Lugduno, qui se etiam vocant Pauperes Spiritu, qui dicuntur Valdenses a suo heeresiarcha, qui cum aliis erroribus suis damnant omnes terrena possidentes (L. C.). But let us hear on the subject F. Steven Borbone de Bellavilla in the thirty- first chapter of his work already quoted. “Fourthly, we ought to speak of the heretics of our time, namely of the Waldenses, whence they had their beginning, and from whom and why and how they are so called. From the author of this heresy named Waldensis, they are called Waldenses. They are also called Poor of Lyons, because they began to profess poverty there. They call themselves “Quarto dicendwm est de lcereticis nostri temporis scilicet Waldensibus . . . unde ortum habuerunt, et unde et quare et quomodo appellentur. Waldenses autem dicti sunt a primo hujus heresis auctore qui nominatus fuit W aldensis. Dicuntur etiam Pauperes de Lugduno, quia ibi inceeperunt in professione poupertatis. Vocant autem se “ Pauperes Spiritu,” propter quod Dominus THE WALDENSES. 11 Poor of Spirit, because our Lord said (Matt. v.) ‘ Blessed are the poor of spirit.’ Truly poor in their spirit, without any spiritual good and without the Holy Ghost. That sect took its origin in the following way, as I have been told by many who knew their elders, and by that Priest who was much respected and rich in the town of Lyons, and was a friend of our brethren, Bernard Ydros by name, who, when he was young and a transcriber,* wrote for money for the said Waldensis the first books possessed by the Waldenses in the old Provengal language. The translator, under whose dictation the books were written, was Steven de Ansa (or de Emsa, MS. Rotom.), whom [have often seen. He after- wards obtained an Ecclesiastical benefice in the Cathedral of Lyons, and falling from the roof of a house, which he was building, he was suddenly killed. A rich man in the said town, called Waldensis, hearing the Gospels, and having a little learning, desirous to know their contents, made a bar- gain with these Priests, that the one should translate the Gospels into the vernacular language, and the other should write under the dictation of the first. They did so; and with the Gospels they also translated many other books of the Bible, and many authorities of Saints united under titles which they dicit (Matt. v.) ‘ Beati pauperes spiritu.’ Ht vere pauperes in spiritu a spiritualibus bonis et a Spiritu Sancto. Inceepit autem illa secta per hunc modum, secundum quod ego a pluribus qui priores eorwm viderunt, et a Sacerdote illo qui satis honoratus erat et dives in civitate Lugdunensi, et amicus fratrum nostrorum, qui dictus fut Bernardus Ydros : qui, cwm esset juvems et seryptor, scripsit dicto Waldensi priores libros pro pecunia in Romano quos ipsi habuerunt, transferente et dictante et Stephano de Ansa (Cod. Rotomag. de Hmsa), qui postea beneficiatus in Ecclesia majore Lugdunensi (Cod. Rotom. promotus est in Sacerdotem et), de solario domus quam cedificabat corruens, morte subita vitam finivit, quem ego vidi scepe. Quidam dives rebus in dicta urbe dictus Waldensis audiens Hvangelia, cum non esset multum litteratus, cwriosus intelligere quid dicerent, fecit pactum cum dictis sacerdotibus, alteri ut transferet et in vulgart, altert ut. scriberet que ille dictaret: quod fecerunt. Similiter multos libros Biblice, et auctori- tates Sanctorum multas per titulos congregatas, quas Sententias appellabant. 5 In that age, in which the art of printing was unknown, it was a respected and useful profession to be a good transcriber. 12 THE ORIGIN OF called Sentences. Now the same citizen, often reading those writings and learning them by heart, resolved to keep Evan- gelical perfection as the Apostles did. He sold every thing he had, and through contempt of this world threw his money into the streets to the poor: and preaching the Gospels and what he had learned by heart, presumptuously assumed the office of the Apostles. So he succeeded in gathering to- gether men and women: and teaching them the Gospels, induced them to do the same: and though they were of a very low state and profession, he sent them to preach through the surrounding villages. They, men and women, silly and illiterate, going here and there through the country, entering into the houses, and preaching in the squares and also in the Churches, induced others to do the same. But as by their temerity and ignorance, they spread many errors and scandals all around, they were called to account by the Bishop of Lyons, named John, who commanded them not to dare to explain the Scriptures nor to preach any more. They defended themselves with the answer of the Apostles (Act. v.); and their master assuming to himself the ministry of St. Peter, answered, as St. Peter did to the chief Priests: It is necessary to obey God rather than men: God commanded the Apostles to preach the Gospel to every creature. As if our Que cum dictus civis scepe legeret et corde tenus firmaret, proposuit servare perfectionem Evangelicam, ut Apostoli servaverant. Qui rebus suis omnibus venditis, in contemptum mundi, per lutum pauperibus pecuniam suam spro- jectebat ; et officium Apostolorum usurpavit et presumpsit ; Hvangelia et ea que corde retinuerat per vicos et plateas preedicando, multos homines et muleres ad idem faciendum ad se convocando, firmans eis Hvangelia. Quos etiam per villas circumjacentes mittebat ad preedicandum vilissimorum quorumcumague oficiorum. Qui etiam tam homines quam mulieres idiote et illiterati per villas discurrentes et domos penetrantes et in plateis preedicantes et etiam in Hcclesiis, ad idem alios provocabant. Cum autem ex temeritate sua et ignorantia multos errores et scandala circumquaque diffunderent vocati ab episcopo Lugdunensi, qui Joannes vocabatur, prohibuit eis ne intromitte- rent se de Scripturis exponendis vel preedicandis. Ipsi autem recurrentes et responsionem Apostolorum (Act. v.) et magister eorum usurpans Petri officium ; sicut ypse respondit principibus sacerdotum ; ait; Obedire oportet magis Deo quam hominibus qui preeceperat Apostolis, predicare Evangelium omni creature (Marci in fine). Quasi hoc diaisset Dominus eis quod diverat THE WALDENSES. 13 Lord had said to them what he said to the Apostles; who notwithstanding did not dare to preach till they received virtue from on High, till they were gifted with perfect wis- dom, and had the gift of speaking every language. They then, namely Waldensis and his followers, through pre- sumption and the assumption of the office of the Apostles, became at first disobedient, afterwards obstinate, and finally were excommunicated. Exiled from that place they were then cited to appear at the Council, which was held in Rome before the Lateran. As they were obstinate, they were ad- judged schismatic. Afterwards mixing with other heretics, and imbibing and spreading their errors in the land of Pro- vence and in Lombardy, they were pronounced heretics. They are hostile and noxious to the Church in the highest degree, they spread everywhere, appearing to have holiness and faith without professing its truth; so much more dan- gerous because they are concealed, because they cunningly disguise themselves in different ways and disguises. It happened sometimes that one of their chiefs was imprisoned, who had in his possession many means of fictious disguises, with which he assumed different forms like Protheus. If he was persecuted as wearing a particular form of dress, and it was reported to him, he appeared transformed. Now he had a dress and the usual attire of a pilgrim, now he had Apostolis ; qui tamen preedicare non presumpserunt, usquequo induti virtute ex alto fuerunt, usquequo perfectissime et plenissime scientid perlustrati fuerunt, et donum linguarum omnium susceperunt. It ergo, Waldensis scilicet et sui, primo ex presumptione et officit Apostolici uswrpatione, ceci- derunt in inobedientiam, demum in contumaciam, demum in excommunica- tionis sententiam. Post expulst ab alla terra, ad concilium quod fuit Rome ante Lateranense vocati et pertinaces, fuerunt schismatict postea judicatt. Postea in Provincice terra et Lombardice cum aliis heereticis se admiscentes, et errorem eorum bibentes et serentes heeretici sunt judicati. Heclesice infes- tissimi et periculosissimt, ubique discurrentes, speciem sanctitatis et fider proe- tendentes, veritatem autem ejus non habentes ; tanto periculosiores quanto occultiores, se sub diversis hominum habitibus et artificiis transfigurantes, Aliquando quidam maximus inter eos fuit captus qui secum ferebat multorum artificiorum indicia, in que quasi Proteus se transfigurabat. Si quereretur in una similitudine et et tnnotesceret, in aliam se transmutabat. Aliquando 14 THE ORIGIN OF the stick and the iron of a penitent man; now he had the fictitious habit of a shoemaker, now of a barber, now of a mower, &c. The others are doing the same. This sect began in the year of our Lord 1170, or (as it is in MS. Rotom. ) 1180° under John Bolesmanis or Belesmanis, Archbishop of Lyons.” Srcrion IV. ABBOT BERNARD’S EVIDENCE. es) URTHER evidence relating to the time in which $ the Waldenses made their first appearance, is aé given to us by an old Abbot who had his title fork the Abbey called Chaud Fountain (Fontis Calidi). His manuscripts were published by Jacob Gretzer, S. J. and are printed in the Great Library of the Fathers (“ Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum,” &c. vol. xxv. p. 1585, et seg. Lugduni, 1677). It is supposed that he wrote his book towards the end of the twelfth century. His work bears this title, ‘“‘ Bernardus Abbas Fontis Calidi adversus Valdensium sec- tam.” In twelve chapters he relates and confutes the errors for which the Waldenses were condemned by Bernard Arch- bishop of Narbonne after a discussion which took place under the presidency of Raymundus de Deventria a Priest of high ferebat habitum et signacula peregrini, aliquando baculam peenitentiarw et ferramenta, aliquando se fingebat sutorem, aliquando barbitonsorem, aliquando messorem ac alit similiter idem faciunt.” “Incospit autem heec secta ab incarnatione Domini McLxx sub Joanne dicto Bolesmanis Archiepiscopo Lugdunensi (in Cod. Rotom. Mcixxx sub Joanne dicto Belesmamis), Sc. 6 John Belesmanis, or De Bellismanibus, being Bishop of Poitiers in the year 1181, was elected Archbishop of Narbonne. How- ever, when he went to Rome to obtain the sanction of the Pope, the clergy of Lyons chose him to be their Archbishop and Primate. Pope Lucius III., newly raised to the Pope- dom, confirmed this second election in the year 1182, and made him Legate of the Apostolical Chair in the kingdom of France. John, in 1195, renounced spontaneously his seat, and retired to the monastery of Clair Valle, Ubi usque ad mortem cum maxima pietate et doctrina perseveravit. (See “Gallia Christiana,” vol. iv. p. 180, e¢ seq. Paris, 1728). From this notice it appears that Bellesmanis could not pronounce, in Lyons, his sentence against the Waldenses before the year 1182 or 1183, THE WALDENSES. 15 respectability. He, after having heard the allegations of the two parties, gave his final sentence in writing and pronounced the Waldenses to be heretics, under the heads of which they were accused. Auditis igitur partium allegationibus, prefatus judex per scriptum definitivam dedit sententiam, et hereticos esse, in capitulis de quibus accusati fuerant, pronun- ciavit (ibid.). In reading his statement it will be observed that he, having called the Waldenses by the name by which they were called by all contemporaries who wrote in Latin, he assumes the liberty of deriving its signification from a dense valley a valle densa, in order to have an opportunity of making a moral allusion to their errors. The same obser- vation is applicable to Eberardus Flandrensis of Betunia (an- other author of the same century) who in the xxvth chapter of his book, entitled “‘ Antihereseos,” says that they called themselves Vallenses eo quod in valle lacrymarum maneant (see Bibl. PP. L. C. p. 1525). And as we have here related the mystical etymology given to the name Waldensis by these writers, let us bear in mind what is stated by the best historians about the surname of Peter the wealthy merchant of Lyons (see “ Helyot, Histoire Complete des Ordres Monastiques,” vol. ii. p. 283, e¢ seg. Guingamp. 1839). He was a native of a village called Vaud or Vaux in Dau- phiny, on the river Rhéne near Lyons. Thence in his lan- guage he was called Peter de Vaud or Vaudois, and his fol- lowers are equally called Vaudois in the vernacular language from the name of their founder; and from thence most of the Latin writers gave to Peter the name of Valdensis from the Latin name of his native place, Valduwm, and to his partisans that of Valdenses, changing the original ‘‘w” of Vaud into “7.” and giving to the word the Latin termination “ ensis.” It is not surprising then that the two above-mentioned writers, dividing the name Valdensis into two parts Val and densis, and adding two letters to the first part, and changing is into a at the end of the second, in order to moralize on the supposed etymology of the name, took the liberty of 16 THE ORIGIN OF deriving it from Valle densa. Yet it must be confessed that this derivation is only a fantastical one. Let us see now and mark well the expressions of the Abbot on our subject. They are short and conclusive. “Pope Lucius,’ of happy memory, was the president of the Holy Roman Church, when new heretics suddenly raised their heads. As if it were a presage of future events, they were called Waldenses, namely, from a dense valley, because they are enveloped in the deep and dense darkness of errors. Though condemned by the said Pontiff,® with their rash daring, they spread throughout the earth the poison of their perfidiousness.” Section V. REINERIUS SACCO’S STATEMENT. ZHE fifth document is from Reinerius Sacco, of whom Quetif and Echard, in their able work 67 on the Dominican writers (‘Scriptores Ordinis Predicatorum.” Lutetie Parisior. 1719), say, according to Leander (fol. 148) and Antony Senensis (in Bibl. Dom.), that he was born in that part of upper Italy called Gallia Togata, in the town of Piacenza; that he was at first, for seventeen years, a chief and bishop of heretics, and caused “ Sancte Romane Ecclesie presidente Domino Lucio inclite recordationis, subito extulerunt caput novi heretici, qui quodam presagio futurorum dicti sunt Valdenses, nimirum a valle densa, eo quod profundis et densis errorum tenebris involvantur. Hi quamvis a prefato Pontifice condemnati, virus sue perfidie longe lateque per orbem temerario ausu evomuerunt” (Id ib. in Pref.). 7 Pope Lucius III. sat on the Pontifical Chair from 28 August, 1181, to 23 No- vember, 1185. 8 The Waldenses were condemned, in fact, by Pope Lucius III., at a Council held in Verona, in the presence of many Bishops and of the Emperor Frederick, in the year 1184, with these words: “By Apostolical Authority, and by means of this Consti- tution, we do condemn every heresy, what- ever name it bears, and principally the Catharites and the Patherines, and those who, with a wrong name, call themselves, with deception, the Humbled or the Poor of Ly yons.” Omnem heresim quocumque no- mine censeatur per hujus Constitutionis seriem Auctoritate Apostolica condemnamus. In primis ergo Catharos et Patherinos, et eos qui se Humiliatos vel Pauperes de Lugduno Jfalso nomine mentiuntur. (Sacr. Concil. Nova, et A. Collectio, tom. xxii. Venetiis, 1778.) THE WALDENSES. 17 a great many evils to the Catholic faith in the province of Emilia; but that, after his conversion, having entered the Dominican Order, he defended, during the remainder of his life, the revealed doctrine against the false principles of the heretics with all his might, and wrote a book to the same purpose. According to the same Dominican writers, besides the manuscript published by Jacob Gretzer (‘ Ingolstadii,” 1614, in 4to.), and reprinted in the “ Library of the Fathers” (“Bibliotheca Patrum,” tom. xxv. p. 262 et seg. Lugduni, 1677), there are two other manuscripts of the same work of Reinerius. One of them existed in their Convent at Rouen, and was afterwards brought to Paris; the other in the library of Trinity College, Dublin (t. 1. p. ii. 273, 133), both on parchment.® These last two manuscripts are nearly identical; but Gretzer’s differs from them both in the order of the chapters and in the disposition and ex- pressions of some sentences, though it is admitted that this also is a genuine work of the same author, excepting the German words interpolated here and there in the text by the German publisher; and, we may add, excepting the mistakes generally unavoidable when the manuscripts are very badly written and incorrect, as Gretzer confesses is the case with his text. Hear him in his preface (L. C.): “ Reinertt Com- mentarium ex papyraceo quodam codice admodum vitiose exarato exscribendum curavimus.... Utinam codex emendatior et emaculatior obtigisset! And, in fact, the title of the book in Gretzer’s publication, “‘ Reinerii Ordinis Predicatorum contra Valdenses Hereticos Liber,” does not comprehend the argument of the author, as the greater part of the work ® The title of the work there is: Summa Fr. Reinerii de Ordine Fratrum Predica- Leoniste sive Pauperes de Lugduno, quorum opiniones presenti pagina annotantur. In torum, De Catharis et Leonistis, sive Pau- peribus de Lugduno. The preface is: In nomine D. N. J. C., cum secte hereti- corum olim fuerint multe que omnino fere destructe sunt per gratiam J. C. tamen duo principales modo inveniuntur, quorum altera vocatur Cathari sive Paterini, et altera the same two manuscripts in the fifth chapter, De Falsa Penitentia Catharorum, the au- thor states what he was: Ego autem F, Reinerius olim heresiarcha, nune Dei gratia Sacerdos licet indignus, ete., dico indubi- tanter, quod in annis XVII, quibus conver- satus sum cum eis, etc. 16 THE ORIGIN OF is against the Catharites. So it is with the title of the fourth chapter, “De Sectis Antiquorum Hereticorum,” which does not agree with all the names subjoined there, as there is a mixture of old and new heresies. The same Gretzer, in along catalogue of various readings (Bibl Patr., ibid. p. 264), makes this addition to chapter iv.: ‘‘ Prater sectas Manicheorum et Patherinorum que occupant Lombardiam, et preter sectas Ortlibariorum, Runcariorum,” &e.; and, line 61 of the said page, chapter v., at the words “Zorum et rancor,” is said instead, “ Eorum et Runcarit.” So, again, in chapter vi. (ibid. p. 269), amongst the Catharites a certain Joannes de Lugdino is named; yet, in the two other MSS. above- mentioned, this John is more than once called de Lugio: “De propriis opinionibus Joannis de Lugio; dictus Joannes de Lugio heresiarcha,” &c. I mention this in order to show the learned reader that, since the Gretzerian text is so corrupt, although under the title “De Sectis Antiquorum Hereti- corum” there may be found some mention of the Poor of Lyons, that is no proof of their being of a greater antiquity than appears from the evidence of all other documents; and also from the following Chapter V. of the same text of Gretzer. Perhaps the adjective antiquorum is also a mistake. Before reading the document, observe that in the fourth chapter of Gretzer’s MS. there are the following expressions: ‘Amongst all these sects which now are, or have been, there is none more dangerous to the Church than that of the Leonists, and this for three reasons. First, because it has lasted longer; some people say that it has endured from the time of Silvester, and some say from the time of the Apostles.” “Inter omnes has sectas que adhuc sunt vel Juerunt, non est perniciosior Ecclesice quam Leonistarum, et hoc tribus de causis. Prima est quia diuturnior; aliqui enim dicunt quod duraverit a tempore Silvestri; aliqui a tempore Apostolorum.” I am fully persuaded that nobody will THH WALDENSES. 19 agree with those writers,” who, on the strength of the pas-: sage quoted, endeavour to establish the pretended antiquity of the Waldenses. First, because the author simply relates here what some people say, aliqui dicunt, without giving any approval to that assertion. Secondly, because in the next chapter, in which Reinerius speaks for himself, he gives a downright denial to that opinion, as we shall presently see. The time at which the document was written is given at the end of the manuscripts mentioned by Echard (L. C.): “ The above work was faithfully completed by the said brother Reinerius, the year of our Lord twelve hundred and fifty.” “A.D. MCCL. compilatum est fideliter per dictum Reinerium opus supertus annotatum.” “Chapter V. ‘Of the Sects of Modern Heretics’ (Bibl. Patr. L. C., p. 264). Observe that the sect of the Poor of Lyons, who also are called Leonists, had its origin after this manner: The principal citizens in Lyons being as- sembled, it happened that one of their number died sud- denly™ in their presence. By this event one of them was so much frightened that he immediately gave a great amount of money to the poor; in consequence of which a great multitude of poor gathered around him, and he taught them to observe voluntary poverty, and to be followers of Christ and of the Apostles. And, as he was to some extent learned, he made them acquainted with the New Testament Chap. V.—De sectis modernorum heereticorum. Nota quod secta Pauperum de Lugduno, qui etiam Leonistee dicuntur, tali modo orta est. Cum cives majores pariter essent in Lugduno, contigit quidam ex eis mori subito coram eis. Unde quidam inter eos tantum fuit territus quod statim magnum thesaurum pauperibus erogavit ; et ex hoc maxima multitude pauperum ad eum confluxit ; quos ipse docuit habere voluntariam paupertatem, et esse wnitatores Christi et Apostolorum. Cum autem esset aliquantulam litteratus, Novi Testamenti textum docuit eos vulgariter. " Rubys, in his ‘Histoire de Lyon,” 10 Morland, “The History of the Evyan- confirms this statement, saying (page 268) gelical Church of the Valleys of Piemont,” London, 1658, page 28; John Leger, “ His- toire des Eglises Evangeliques de Piemont,” Amsterdam, 1680, pages 15, 125, 169; and a-score of their imitators, copyists, and fol- lowers. that Peter Valdo homme grand riche, le qual estant une soir sur sa porte avec ses voising pur prander le fraiz . . . un de la trouppe tumba sudain raide mort sur la place, etc. 20 THE ORIGIN OF in their vernacular language.” (Supply here what we know from other contemporaries, that Peter had the Gospels trans- lated by the two Priests Bernard Ydros and Steven de Ansa, and that he and his followers went about preaching and spreading errors.) “ Being reproved for this act of temerity, he treated the admonition with contempt, and obstinately continued teaching, saying to his disciples that the Clergy, living a wicked life, envied their holy life and doctrine. The Pope then pronounced a sentence of excommunication against them, but they stubbornly disregarded it. And thus, to the present time, in every way they go on with their doctrine and with their rancour.” Section VI. PETER DE PILICHDORFF’S AUTHORITY. S)ETER DE PILICHDORFY, S.T.P., wrote his 88 book against the Waldenses at the end of the four- : teenth century, as appears from the thirtieth chap- ter of his treatise, where he says, that it was then the year of our Lord thirteen hundred and ninety-five: “ Jam sicut scri- bitur anno Domini mcccxcv.” There are three manuscripts of his work. The first” is entitled, ‘‘ Oblationes contra Here- ticos Valdensium.” The second,” ‘‘ Obviationes Sacree Scrip- ture contra Errores Baldenses.” The third’ has the full title, “Petri de Pilichdorf Sacre Theologie Professoris contra Heresim Valdensium Tractatus.” (See Bibl. Patr. tom. xxv. p. 277, et seq.) John Leger, in his “ Histoire Pro qua temeritate cum fuisset reprehensus, contempsit et carpit insistere doctrine sue, dicens discipulis suis, quod Clerus, quando male vite esset, invideret sancte vite ipsorum et doctrine, Cum autem Papa excommunicationis sententiam tulisset in eos, pertinaciter contempserunt. Et sic usque hodie in omnibus terminis illis proficit doctrina ipsorum et rancor. 12 Diessendis MS. 18 Nicolainus MS, ‘ Tegersensis MS, THE WALDENSES. 21 Generale des Eglises Evangeliques de Piemont,” at pages 20 and 175, and many other writers on the Waldenses, quote a passage from a fragment of Pilichdorff detached from its context, in order to confirm by it the fabulous antiquity of the Waldenses; as the same Leger and some of his followers are in the habit of doing with the authorities of several old writers on the same subject. The time at which the Wal- densian sect began is already undoubtedly proved by the contemporaries in the first five articles, and in the fourteenth article of this part will be established by an unanswerable evidence from the ancient Waldensian manuscripts. I shall, however, state here and in the next sections some of the principal passages unfaithfully quoted by Morland, Leger and their followers, to show that the historical truth is actually confirmed by the authority of these very writers, who, either through ignorance or malice, have been too often quoted against it. Let us first read the whole text of the Pilichdorff fragment as itis printed. (“ Bibl. Patr.” L. C. p- 300). “Tf the Waldenses should say that they are sent, let them bring forward some proof of their mission, and say if they have been sent by God or by any man. They are not sent by God, because, in order to prove their mission, they say ” that a companion of Silvester in the time of Constantine would not consent that the Church be enriched in those times, and that he for this reason separated from Silvester, keeping the path of poverty; and that the Church remained with him and his followers who lived in poverty; and that Silvester and his followers apostatized from the Church. Again, they Si Valdenses dicant se missos, dicant suce missionis testimonium, et an sint missi ad Deo vel ab homine. Non a Deo ; qui pro suce missions initio (alibi indicio) dicunt quod socius Silvestri, tempore Constantini, noluit consentire quod Ecclesia Constan- tint temporibus ditaretur : et ex hoc a Silvestro recessit, viam paupertatis tenendo : apud quem etiam, suis adherentibus in paupertate degentibus, Ecclesia permansit ; et Silvestrum cum sibi adherentibus ab Ecclesice dicit cecidisse. Item quod post 'S Mark this well, “they say.” 22 THE ORIGIN OF say that three” (say eight) “hundred years after Constan- tine some one came out from the country of Waldis,”’ called Peter, who equally taught the path of poverty, from whence the Waldensian sect sprung up. But what kind of wonder- ful signs are there to give testimony to these assertions ? While on the contrary, the most famous actions and wonders of Silvester are known throughout the world.” (Bibl. Patr. L. C. p. 278.) Chapter the First. ‘The birth and Origin of the Wal- densian heretics is this. Notwithstanding that the sons of iniquity are spreading falsehoods among simple people, saying that their sect lasted from the time of Pope Silvester, namely, when the Church began to have possessions of her own. The heretics think that this is not lawful, as the Apostles of Christ were commanded to live without any possession of their own. ‘Do not possess gold or silver,’ &e. The Church answers, that the same Lord Jesus Christ who whilst in his mortal body said so to his Disciples, yet at the time of his going out and parting from them, he said (Luke xxii.), ‘ But now he that has a purse, let him take it, and like- wise a scrip.’ What he forbade at first, hedidallow them after- wards. Itis therefore allowed to the Prelates of the Church to have possessions of their own to defend the Church, &c. annos'® trecentos a Constantino surrexit quidam e regione Waldis Petrus nominatus, qui similiter viam paupertatis docuit, a quibus secta Waldensis est orta. Sed que signa virtutum preedictis perhibent testimonium? cum tamen facta celeberruma et miracula Silvestri totum mundum non latuerunt, Caput 1.—Ortus et origo hereticorum Waldensium talis est. Licet iniquitatis filti coram simplicibus mentiantur dicentes, sectam eorum durasse a temporibus Silvestri Pape, quando videlicet Ecclesia cepit habere proprias possessiones. ‘Hoc heresiarchee reputant non licere, cum Apostoli Christi sine proprio jussi sint vivere. (Matth. x.): Molite possidere aur neque argentum, ete. Respondet Ecclesia, quod idem Dominus Jesus Christus, qui quamdiu mansit in corpore mortali diait ad discipulos verbum premissum; ipse tempore recessus et separationis ab eis diait (Luce: xxii.): Sed nune qui habet sacculum tollat similiter et peram. Quod prius prohibuit, postea concessit. Ideo licet Prelatis Ecclesiasticis habere proprium ad ‘8 This three is a mistake of the tran- densian manuscripts. seriber. It must be eight hundred years, as Vaud or Vaux, in Latin Valdum, by the the same author says, in the next passage, Rhone, near Lyons, and we shall sce it also stated in the Wal- ~ THE WALDENSES. 23 Then they (the Waldenses) state a falsehood when they say that their sect lasted from the time of Pope Silvester. Wherefore, it is to be marked, that about eight hundred years after Pope Silvester, at the time of Innocent II.," in the town of Walden, which is situated on the frontier of France, there was a certain rich citizen, who either read himself, or heard that the Lord said to a youth (Matth. xix.), ‘If thou wilt be perfect, go sell what thou hast, and give it to the poor.’ And as he went away sad, because he was rich and possessing much property, the Lord said, that ‘ A rich man shall hardly enter into the Kingdom of Heaven.’ And again, ‘It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom of Heaven.’ And after a few words, Peter said to the Lord, ‘ Behold, we have left all things and have followed thee.’ Hearing or reading this passage of Scripture, that Peter Waldensis taught that the Apostolic life was no more on earth, and resolved to renew it; and selling everything he had and giving it to the poor, began to lead a life of poverty. Some other persons seeing this, were touched in their hearts, and did the same..... Having been a length of time in poverty, they began to consider that the Apostles were not defendendam Ecclesiam, Gc. . . . Mentiuntur ergo quod ex tempore Silvestri Pape secta eorum duraverit. Unde notandum est'® quod fere octingentis annis post Papam Silvestrum, tempore Innocentit Pape II.,in cwvitate Walden, que in finibus Francie sita est, fuit quidam civis dives, qui vel ipse legit vel audivit Dominum dixisse cuidam adolescenti (Matth. xix.): St vis perfectus esse, vade, vende omnia que habes et da pauperibus, Et cum ille tristis abiisset, eo quod dives fuerat multas possessiones habens, dixit Dominus: Quia dives difficile intrabit in regnum ceelorum, Et iterum: Multo facilius est camelum per foramen acus transire quam divitem intrare in regnum celorum. Et post pauca dixit Petrus Domino: Ecce nos reliquimus omnia et secuti sumus te. Putabat ille Petrus Waldensis, cum hano audiret aut legeret scripturam, quod vita Apostolica jam non esset in terra. Unde cogitabat eam innovare ; et omnibus venditis et pauperibus datis, cepit vitam pau- perem ducere. Quod videntes quidam alu, corde compuncti sunt et fecerunt simi- liter. . . Cum autem diu in paupertate fuissent, inceperunt cogitare quod etiam 18 Ag Innocent II. was Pope from the year Peter Waldensis was a youth, or that the 1130 till 1148, we must say either that the | manuscript was incorrect, or badly copied, author speaks here of the time in which 24 THE ORIGIN OF only poor, but preachers also. And they too began to preach the Word of God. Their manner of acting being reported to the Apostolic See, the Apostolic Lord com- manded them to desist, because the preaching of the Word of God was not becoming for ignorant and unlearned people. They refused to obey, under the pretext that the Roman Court issued that prohibition moved by envy. As soon as it was known, the Church excommunicated them. And as they resisted with stubbornness, they were con- demned by the Church; and as they did not venture to preach publicly, they preached privately. Then in hatred of the Clergy and of the true Priesthood, assuming the errors of old heretics, and adding new and dangerous articles, they began to destroy everything, except the Sacraments only; and to condemn and blame those practices by which the Clergy, as a pious mother, unite their children, as the hen gathers her little ones under her wings..... And having so preached secretly for a long time, and under the appear- ance of fictitious godliness having detached many from the communion of the faithful, and brought them to their sect; they thought their preaching ineffectual, unless they also scrutinized the consciences of their followers, through hear- ing their Confessions. And after a time, they began at last to hear Confessions, to enjoin penances, and absolve from Apostoli Christi non solum erant pauperes, imo etiam preedicatores ; coeperunt et ipsi predicare Verbum Dei. Quod postquam ad Sedem Apostolicam pervenisset, mandat Dominus Apostolicus quod cessarent, cum predicatio verii Dei rudibus et illiteratis non conveniat. Ipsi noluerunt obedire, quasi hoc Romana Curia ex invidia prohiberet. Quo comperto Ecclesia excommunicavit eos. Et ipsi resistentes con- tumaciter, ab Ecclesia condemnati sunt. Et quia jam in palam predicare non prasumebant, occulte saltem preedicabant. Unde, in odium Clericorum et veri Sacerdotit, ex antiquis erroribus veteranorum hereticorum et superadditis novis et damnosis articulis, inceperunt, solis exceptis Sacramentis, omnia destruere et con- demnare et reprobare, per que Clerus, velut pia mater, filios congregat, sicut gallina congregat pullos suos sub alis. . . Cum autem longo tempore furtive preedicarent taliter, et multos, sub prevtensa sanctitatis apparenti simulatione, a fidelium commu- nione ad suam sectam adducerent ; cogitabant inutiles esse ipsorum preedicationes, nist etiam scrutarentur conscientias credentium suorum per Confessiones. Tandem post successum temporis, inceperunt Confessiones audire, penitentias injungere, et a peccatis absolvere. Et quia credentes ipsorum viderunt et quotidie vident eos THE WALDENSES. 25 sins." And because their followers saw and daily see them endowed with an exterior godliness, and a good many Priests of the Church (O shame!) entangled with vices, chiefly of lust, they believe that they are better absolved from sins through them than through the Priests of the Church. And if the Mercy of God be not pleased to inspire the Prelates of the Church to be more vigilant, there is fear that they may usurp for themselves still greater power.” Section VII. ARCHBISHOP SEYSSELL’S EVIDENCE. SOHN LEGER, in his history of the Evangelical 3 Churches, quotes (at pages 15 and 171) amongst 3 others a passage of the Rev. Claudius Seyssell, Areheihos of Turin, endeavouring to prove the fabulous Origin of the Waldensian sect by the authority of so good a witness; and making him say, that it arose in the time of the Great Constantine, from a very holy man called Leo. I shall give here the full text of Seyssell alluded to, from which it will appear, that if Leger be not a deceiver, certainly he was grossly deceived. Archbishop Seyssell had the people of the valleys of Piemont under his pastoral jurisdic- tion, and visited them carefully in their villages and houses. It cannot be imagined then that he knew less of the Wal- denses of his time and their history than Perrin, Morland, Leger, and others, who spoke of them at a later age. Seyssell wrote his forcible and elegant disputations “ Ad- exteriori sanctitate pollere, Sacerdotes vero Ecclesie quamplurimos vitiis, proh dolor ! et maxime carnalibus insistere, credunt se melius per eos a peccatis absolvi posse, quam per Sacerdotes Ecclesiae, Et nisi Divina Clementia dignata fuerit Prelatis Ecclesice majorem inspirare vigilantiam, tumendum est ne forte majorem sibi adhuc usurpent potestatem. 9 Though this last part of the document Ihave inserted it here to show the reader how does not bear directly on the present subject, far so fair a writer is to be trusted. 26 THE ORIGIN OF versus errores et sectam Valdensium,” at the beginning of the sixteenth century. I shall produce a few passages from the edition of Paris, mpxx., hoping that the reader will not be tired with seeing the same facts repeated many times, and in so many documents. The Origin of the Waldenses has been for more than two centuries so much darkened with clouds of artificial misstatements by a great many writers, that, in order to establish the truth, it is necessary to bring forward many more witnesses than would be the case with regard to an ordinary historical fact. ‘(Sheet I.) The weed of which we have resolved to speak, is the heresy of the Waldenses, who by the Roman Church are commonly called The Poor of Lyons. (Sheet II.) There is confided to me the country in which the infection of this plague either began or has obstinately endured from the beginning of the sect to this time. It is more than two hundred years” since this heresy has been propagated in our diocese of Turin, principally in its extreme parts and amongst the gorges of those Alps, which divide France from Italy, both in the royal dominions of Dauphiny and those of Savoy: and the same sect has also in our age been (Fol. I.) Hoc autem, de quo loqui decrevimus zizania, heresis est Valdensium, quos Pauperes de Lugduno Ecclesia Romana vulgo appellat . . . (Fol. II.) Est ea mihi regio credita in qua pestis hujus lues vel initium fecit, vel ab ipsa secte origine ad hec usque tempora obstinatissime perseveravit. Quippe in hac Taurin- ensi Diecesi nostra, in extremis presertim ejus partibus et inter ipsas Alpium que Galliam ab Italia determinant fauces, tam in regia Delphinalique quam in Sabau- diensi ditione, supra annos ducentos hec heresis invalwt, palamque nonnumquam 20 Mark the words: It is more than two not then be exact; the author ought to have hundred years since this heresy has been pro- pagated in our diocese of Turin, amongst the gorges of those Alps which divide France from Italy, This statement bafiles the as- sertors of the immemorial existence of the Vaudois in Piemont. Archbishop Seyssell wrote his disputations certainly not later than the year 1519, when he died, Let us allow that the words, more than two hundred years, may mean any additional period of years less than one hundred, because the ex- pression, more than two hundred years, could said, in this case, zt is now about three hun- dred years. Yct let us allow, for the sake of argument, that the time meant by the said expression be three hundred years before the death of Seyssell. Now, deducting 300 from 1519, we have 1219 as the furthest ap- proximate year in which the Waldensian heresy could have existed in Piemont. In Section XII. of this first part the reader will find a more positive proof on the same point. THE WALDENSES. 27 not unfrequently defended by the inhabitants, both by arms and by public disputations and preaching. (Sheet V.) Now in order to come to the point, it is proper to mention the Origin of this sect, in order that everybody may know that it did not proceed from a man in any way famous; because its author, whosoever he was, had so low an extraction, and so little learning and reputation, that his very disciples do not dare to mention his name publicly: and as regards either holiness of life, or literary pursuits and virtues and miracles, he had no renown at all. He was celebrated on this account only, that he gave his name to a very dangerous and im- pious sect. It is said that he was called Waldensis, and that he had the freedom of the town of Lyons, from whence the infection of this plague spread. Nevertheless,” some patrons of this heresy, in order to obtain favour with common persons ignorant of history, tell the story, that this sect had its beginning at the time of Constantine the Great, from a certain Leo, a man of very great sanctity, who holding in abhorrence the covetousness of Silvester, then the Pontiff of the city of Rome, and the boundless prodigality of the same Constantine, preferred following poverty in the simplicity of his faith to being defiled with ab incolis et armis et publicis disceptationibus concionibusque, nostra etiam cetate, defensa fuit, . . (Fol. V.) Primum igitur (ut ad rem ipsam aceedamus) Originem sectee hujus ea ratione commemorare convenit, ut intelligant omnes, non ab alicujus nominis viro processisse. Hic etenim qualiscumque fuerit, tam obscuro loco natus, tamque nullius doctrine nulliusque existimationis fuit, ut ne ipsi quidem ejus discipuli palam proferre audeant : utpote qui neque vite sanctitate neque literarum scientia neque virtutum et miraculorum gloria clarus, hoc solo nomine famosus extitit, quod perniciosissime imprissimeque secte ex suo nomine vocabulum indidit. Val- densis quippe (ut ajunt) appellabatur, et Lugdunensis urbis municeps fuit, unde et prima hujus pestis contagio pullulavit. (Confunditur fabula fictt auctoris.) Quamvis nonnulli hujus heresis assertores, ad blandiendum apud vulgares et historiarum ignaros favorem, hane eorum sectam Constantini Magni temporibus, a Leone quodam viro religiosissimo, initium sumpsisse fabulantur, qui, execrata Silvestri Romane urbis tune Pontificis avaritia, et Constantini ipsius immoderata lurgitione ; pauper- tatem in fidei simplicitate sequi maluit, quam cum Silvestri pinqui opulentoque Sacerdotio contaminari. Cui cum omnes, qui de Christiana religione recte sentie- 21 Here, at the margin, is printed, “ The fable of the forged author is refuted.” 28 THE ORIGIN OF the rich and earthly Priesthood of Silvester; (Sheet VI.) and that all those who were rightly affected to the Christian Religion, having united with Leo, and living according to the rule of the Apostles, transmitted this rule of true Religion to posterity. What can be more fabulous than this falsehood? Amongst so many approved Greek and Latin writers, who lived at that time or afterwards, who is there that has mentioned this man (Leo)? while there is left an everlasting memory of Antony, of Hilary and other ancho- rites, who, besides abandoning all worldly goods, passed their lives in the vast wilderness. From this single argument it is made clear that this heresy had its Origin not from that Leo, or from any other man famous for doctrine and holi- ness, but from that very citizen of Lyons, called Waldensis. He with perverted texts of the Holy Scriptures, and with sanctity simulated under the garb of poverty, having per- suaded simple and unlearned men and women to adopt his own opinions; spread in that town and the neighbourhood errors not a few, under the pretext of teaching a new religion. Afterwards (as the inconstancy of men is eager for novelties) the number of his followers being greatly increased, and the heresy of their opinions having become evident, he with his disciples was sent into exile from Lyons. The greatest number of them took refuge in the neighbouring mountains, hoping, not without reason as the bant, adhesissent, sub Apostolorum regula viventes (Fol. VI.) hane per manus ad posteros vere religionis normam transmiserunt. Quo sane commento quid potest esse fabulosius? Quis enim est inter tot probatos auctores Greecos et Latinos, qui per id tempus vel deinceps extitere, qui hujus hominis fecerit mentionem ? Quum tamen Antonit, Hilarii, ceterorumque anachoritarum, qui preter rerum omnium humanarum contemptum, arctissimnam in vasta solitudine vitam degerunt, memoria relicta est sempiterna. Quo uno argumento fit perspicuum, non « Leone illo aliove ullius nominis doctrine sanctitatisque viro; sed ab ipso Lugdunensi cive Valdensi nomine, heresim hance initium sumpsisse. Lie nempe, simplicibus et indoctis tum viris tum etiam mulierculis, adulterinis Sacre Scripture doctrinis et simulata sub paupertatis specie sanctitate, in suam sententiam persuasis, errores nonnullos sub novo religionis pretertu, in ea urbe vicinsque locis disseminare capit. Deinde (ut est humana inconstantia novarum rerum cupida) aucto majorem in modum assecta- torum numero et patefacta heresi, Lugduno cum suis sequacibus pulsus, in proxima montana loca pars marima sunt delapst, haud incogitanter sperantes, quod eventus THE WALDENSES. 29 event showed, that amongst country people labouring under the want of worldly goods, and still more of learning and Religion, it would be easy to persuade them to adopt prin- ciples, which, besides being pleasant in themselves, could without trouble be accepted by ignorant persons, when con- firmed by some kind of reasons and some authority of the Holy Scripture. . . . The poison began to spread gently. . . and by-and-by some persons of some learning, but already badly disposed against our Religion, or for some cause enemies to the Priests, through opposition and envy, began to be united to the sect. .. . (Sheet LAX XIX.) At last, to put an end to our volume, I pray you, O simple and unlearned men, whosoever have been deceived by these barbas and heretics, I pray you by the power of Almighty God . . . and for the salvation of your souls, I exhort and conjure you to be on your guard against these false prophets, who approach you in the dress of sheep, but inwardly are ravening wolves. ... Who forged some genealogies of that holy Leo, who never existed, from whom as we have said, they falsely state that in the age of the Great Constantine their sect had ‘its origin, and that in subsequent times others succeeded him.” docuit, fore ut rusticane plebis, inopia rerum multoque magis ingeniorum et doctrine Religionisque laboranti, ea facile persuaderet que, preeterquam quod concupiscibilia essent pro sese, ratione insuper aliqua et auctoritate Sacre Scripture, apud imperi- tum vulgus approbari haud gravate possent. . . Venenum paulatim diffundi corpit. Donee paulatim nonnulli alicujus literature viri, sed aut jampridem de nostra Religione male sentientes, aut Sacerdotibus aliqua ex causa infensi, ad emulationem invidiamque illorum, huic sectee adherere ceperunt, (Fol. LXXXIX.) Denique, ut finem imponamus operi, vos o simplices et ignari litterarum, quicumque ab his barbis et heereticis decepti estis, per Omnipotentis Dei virtutem . . . et per salutem animarum vestrarum, hortamur et obsecramus, ut ab istis falsis prophetis caveatis, gui veniunt ad vos in vestimentis ovium, intrinsecus autem sunt lupi rapaces. . . « Qui genealogias quasdam confingunt illius s. Leonis, qui numquam fuit, a quo tempore Constantini Magni sectam hanc, ut preediximus, initium habuisse et alios ili per tempora successisse, mentiuntur. 30 THE ORIGIN OF Section VIII. ENEAS SYLVIUS PICCOLOMINI’S STATEMENT. y HERE are some other authors to be quoted, not @ because their authority is necessary to confirm M2 what is already proved by the testimony of so many contemporaries, but because they are brought forward by John Leger, as holding the fabulous antiquity of the Waldenses, whilst it evidently appears that they are all against it. Eneas Sylvius Piccolomini, afterwards Pius II. (1458) is the first in order of time. His authority quoted by Leger (L. C. page 172) does not prove anything for him. Piccolimini, speaking of the Waldenses, says that they were a pestilent faction long ago condemned. Une faction pesti- lente et de long tems condemnée. Considering the date at which the Waldenses were first condemned, namely about sixteen years” before the end of the twelfth century; and the time in which Eneas Sylvius wrote his Bohemian His- tory, namely about the middle of the fifteenth century, every body will perceive that the expression “long ago” can- not be used to prove for the Waldensian sect any greater antiquity than the real one of about two centuries and a half before the time in which Piccolomini wrote his history. The passage (Ainee Sylvii “Opera que extant omnia.” ‘“‘ Historia Bohemica,” cap. 35, p. 103, Basileee, 1571) is this: “‘ They (the followers of Wickliff) broke forth into blas- phemies, and began to clamour against all Priests; and re- tiring from the Catholic Church, gave their names to the im- pious and foolish Waldensian sect. The doctrines of this pestilent faction long ago condemned are these,” &c. “ Proruperunt in blasphemias et . . . in omnes latrare Sacerdotes coeperunt, et ab Ecclesia Catholica recedentes, impiam Valdensium sectam atque insaniam amplext sunt. Hujus pestiferce ac jam pridem damnatee factioms dogmata sunt, etc. * By Pope Lucius III., the year 1184. (See our note 8.) THE WALDENSES. 31 Section IX. SAMUEL CASINI’S EVIDENCE. 2 Casinis, who by the same J. Leger (L. C. p. 15) Aes is made to say that the Waldenses are as old as the Christian Church: and the same Leger (L. C. 172) assures us that Casini says that he for his part cannot deny that the Waldenses always had been and still were members of the Christian Church. I could not find in the principal libraries of England or Italy Casini’s Vittoria Trionfale quoted by Leger (L. C.). But I have found in the King’s Library of Turin, a little Latin volume of the same author, printed in the same year 1550, and at the same place (Cuneo) as mentioned by Leger, in which the same argument is treated; but the expressions are quite contrary to those stated by Leger. The book begins thus: De statu Ecclesia, De Purgatorio, De Suffragis Defunctorum, De Corpore Christi. Libellus feliciter incipit contra Valdenses qui heec omnia negant. At the end of the volume there is printed : Perfectus est iste tractatulus per me Fratrem Samuelem de Casinis die 26 Octobris 1510 die Sabbati in mane. Impres- sum autem per me Simonem Bevilaqua Papiensem in egregio oppido Cunet anno nostre salutis 1510. Let us hear what he says on the point. ““ These (pp. 2, 3) are the arguments of the Waldenses, in their substance extracted by myself from their sayings, from which it clearly appears, that they conclude, that they are the Church of God, and that the real Pope is amongst them. The truth is manifestly the reverse; because what they say cannot be proved by any direct or indirect authority of the Ista sunt argumenta Valdensium virtualiter ex suis dictis a me excerpta, ex quibus clare patet ipsos inferre quod ipsi sunt Ecclesia Dei, et quod in ipsis est verus Papa, In contrarium patet veritas, eo quod ex nulla auctoritate Scripture, neque directe neque 32 THE ORIGIN OF Holy Scripture, and besides it is repugnant to all reason. .... From what (five pages before the end) has been said, after a sufficient division, it follows that the barbarians and the Jews, who evidently are infidels, or the Valdenses who do not know the Church of God, and who deny the practices of the Church of God, which she now holds, and has received from the primitive Church, are not the Church of God.” SECTION X. REV. EDMUND CHAMPION’S ASSERTION. fay, HE third, in order of time, is the famous Edmund 2 Champion, S. I., who towards the end of his life e4 in London, gave in his little pamphlet an eloquent and forcible account of his own Catholic persuasion to the English ‘ Academicians.” A passage of his also is grossly misrepresented by John Leger, who says (L. C. p. 15), that Champion calls the Waldenses Majores nostros, and from this appellation argues that Champion means to say that the Waldenses are more ancient than the Church of Rome. And the same Leger repeating again (L. C. p. 171) the Majores nostros as said by Edmond Champion, adds sati- rically: ‘“ Yes your Majors, from whom you have much degenerated,” Dont vous avez bien degeneré. Now let us read the only passage in the Address of Champion® to which Leger can possibly have alluded, and mark either the igno- rance or the impudence of this undeservedly celebrated historian of the Waldenses. mdirecte potest hoc elici, imo repugnat omni rationi. . . Ex dictis ergo (probatur) a@ sufficient divisione, non esse Ecclesiam Dei barbaros et Judcos qui expresse sunt infideles, nec Valdenses qui ignorant Exclesiam Dei, et qui negant modum Ecclesie Dei, quem nune tenet et habet a primitiva Ecclesia.” * « Prescriptiones adversus hereticos: Ed- _micis Anglie—Secunda ratio,” pages 670, mundi Campiani Rationes reddite Acade- 671, Moguntiz, anno MDCII, THE WALDENSES. 33 “Tf the heretics should wish to have a Church, they are obliged to establish one in the darkness, and call by the name of their fathers those whom they had not known, and no mortal man had ever seen. If perchance they would not glory to acknowledge for their ancestors those who were evidently heretics, as Aerius, Jovinianus, Vigilantius, Hel- vidius, the Iconoclasts, Berengarius, the Waldenses, Lo- thardus, Wickleff, Huss, from whom they have begged some fragments of doctrine.” Section XI. PRIOR RORENGO’S TESTIMONY. ~ middle of the seventeenth century, quoted by ? Morland, Leger, and a great number of their abettors, in order to confirm by some detached passages stolen from them the immemorial antiquity of the Wal- densian sect. The first is the’ Reverend Mark Aurelius Rorengo, or Rorenco, of the Counts of Lucerna, one of the Waldensian valleys. Sir James Morland (“ History of the Evangelical Churches of the Valleys of Piemont.” London, 1658, pp. 18 to 28,) and principally John Leger (‘ Histoire Generale.” Amsterdam, 1680, pp. 14, 163, 173,) quoting Rorengo with praise, makes him say generally that ‘ There is no certainty of the time in which the Waldenses first appeared, that in the ninth and tenth century they were not a new sect,” &c. We only observe that Rorengo speak- ing of the different sects of the eighth, ninth, tenth and “ Hi (Heeretici) coguntur Ecclesiam, si quam volent, in latebris venditare, et cos parentes asserere, quos nec ips. noverint, neque mortalium quisquam aspexerit, Nisi forte gaudent majoribus ills quos heereticos fuisse liquet, ut Aerio, Joviniano, Vigilantio, Helvidio, Iconomachis, Berengario, Waldensibus, Lothardo, Wiclefo, Hussio, a quibus pestifera quedam fragmenta dogmatum emendicarunt.” _ D 34 THE ORIGIN OF eleventh centuries, makes no mention of the Waldenses, or the Poor of Lyons. When he mentions the twelfth century, he points out that the Waldenses were condemned in that century. But let us hear the Reverend Prior speaking for himself, and destroying the castle built in the air.™ “They of the valleys, in order to show that they are of an ancient source, put forward and boast to be the descendants of Waldus. . . . Now, Boterus relates, that from the year 1159, Waldus began to form a new doctrine in Lyons, and that he retired with his disciples into the valleys and Alps of the Dauphiny and Provence, and that some others went to Picardy. Gualterius says, that this fact happened in the year 1160, and that Waldus was con- demned at the Council of the Lateran under Pope Alex- ander. . . . Now there are persons who say that out of those who were exiled from Lyons, there were some who from that very time retired to the valley of Angrogna. But I believe that they only stopped within the mountains of Dauphiny, because there is no proof either that they Questi delle valli si vagliono e si onorano di essere delli discandenti di Valdo .. + Ora il Botero riferisce che del 1159 comincié Valdo a formarsi una nuova dottrina in Lione, e che in poco tempo sia stato cacciato da Lione, e ritiratosi con i suoi nelle valli e Alpi del Delfinato e Provenza, altri in Piccardia. Gualterio dice che fosse nel 1160, e che sia stato condannato nel concilio Lateranese sotto papa Alessandro . . . Ora vi @ chi vuole che di questi scacciati da Lione, chiamati Valdesi o Poveri di Lione, se ne fossero sino in quelli tempi ritirati nella valle di Angrogna, Ma credo che solamente si sieno trattenuti nelli monti del Delfinato ; poiche non si trova che abbino testimonio di alcun suo progresso, né di gastigo : ma 24 « Breve narrazione dell’ introduzione body went then to Rome in order to be au- degli cretici nelle Valli del Piemonte,” Torino 1632, pages 57, 59, 60. And “ Memorie istoriche dell’ introduzione dell’eresie nelle Valli di Lucerna &e.” Torino, 1649. And also “ Esame intorno alla nuova Confessione di fede delle Chiese riformate di Piemonte,” Torino, 1658. 25 This is Alexander the Third, who, ex- alted to the Popedom in 1159, held the third Council of Lateran, which was the eleventh general, in the year 1179, and died in 11€1, The assertion of Gualterius, that the Wal- denses were condemned at the said Council, is not confirmed, to my knowledge, by any document. That some delegates of their thorised in their proceedings, and that they went back with a refusal, is the only fact ascertained by the English Franciscan Walter Mapes or Mapeus, who saw, and had some conversation with two of them in Rome, and has left a very interesting account about them in his work, “De Nugis Curialium,” kept among the MSS. of the Bodleian Library, Oxford. The part of the MS. in which is related his conversation with two of the am- bassy has been published by Archbishop Usher, in his work “De Christianar. Ecclesiar. . » . Continua successione,” &c. Londini, 1687, f. 112. THE WALDENSES. 35 came here, or that they suffered any punishment; but that many years afterwards, having much increased in numbers, they spread into different parts of the world... . So we cannot state with certainty the time in which they first came here. It is not very easy (‘‘ Mem. Istor.” pp. 6 and 7) to find out precisely the time at which the Waldensian sect was introduced here, and what their belief was. Some persons thought that they were Albigenses already confuted in the time of Saint Dominic. . . . Others were of opinion that they were followers of John Huss and of Jerom of Praga. . . . But the common opinion is that they are dis- ciples of Waldus, called Waldenses, or Poor of Lyons, who exiled from France, retired part into the corners of Provence, part into those Alps which stand between France and Pie- mont. They had this peculiarity, namely, to live in common, and to be very secret in their doctrines. . . . Besides, in order that their errors might not be there known, each one of them was ordered to attend publicly the Divine Services of the Catholics. . . . Now, without going from the proofs (same, p. 9), from the very assertions of your own writers, it is manifest that the opinion, of your ancestors having professed the Thirty-three Articles from the Apostles to our own time, is a false one. . . . Because though from that time to the present hour, there have been many sects, or, as you say, churches, adverse and rebellious to the Catholic che molti anni dopo, avendo assai popolato, si sieno sparsi in molte parti del mondo «+ + € COSt NON si puo avere contezza del principio del suo ingresso. Il sapere precisamente il tempo che fu introdotta la setta dei Valdesi in questi popoli, e che cosa abbiano creduto,non é tanto facile. Alcuni sono stati di parere che Sossero Albigesi confutati fino al tempo di San Domenico . . . Altri li stimarono seguaci di Giovanni Huss ¢ di Girolamo di Praga . . . Peri la comune opinione é che siano det seguaci di Valdo, chiamati Valdest o Povert di Lione, quali scacciati da Francia, st ritirarono parte in alcuni angoli della Provenza, ed altri fra queste Alpi tra Francia e Piemonte. Ebbero questi in particolare il vivere in comune, e segretissimi nella dottrina. Anzi per non palesare allora 1 loro errori, ciascuno era esortato di andare publicamente alli Divini Oficit Cattolici. . . . Ora, senza partire dalle pruove, con vostri proprii scrittori consta che falsa sia Popinione, cio avere li vostri antenati pro- fessata la Confessione dei 33 articoli dalli Apostolt sino at nostri ultimi tempi . . . Che sebbene da quel tempo sinora vi sieno state sette, o chiese, come voi dite, op- ponenti ossia ribelli dalla Chiesa Cattolica, tuttavia non si trova espressamente che 36 THE ORIGIN OF Church; yet there is nowhere distinctly to be found in them the confession of the Thirty-three Articles published by you... . (L. C. pp. 14 and 15.) I have represented all these facts in order to prove clearly that it is untrue that your confession of faith has been professed from the Apostles to this present age; because, there would have been found different practices, different orders, different articles, without making these new ones in the year 1564. . . . To endeavour to send a date a thousand years and centuries back, is a malice deserving to be severely cor- rected. . . . According (L. C. p. 47) to Saint Augustin, the true Church is that which communicates with the Roman Pontiff, whose succession to Alexander VII. we are pre- pared to hear you say is not as well proved, as the succession of your Barba Martini from the Apostles is proved by the chronicles and the synods of the valleys: the catalogues of which we are always expecting with great desire that you should show to us: because to the present time we could not obtain from you even one authentic proof of your continued succession in your beautiful Waldensian nobleness.” sia stata in essere la confessione di 33 articoli che dato avete alla luce. . . . Tutti questi successi ho rappresentato per far vedere evidentemente non esser vero che la vostra confessione di fede nuova sia stata professata dagli Apostoli sino a nostri secoli, perché st sarebbero gid ritrovate altre discipline, altre ordinanze, altri articoli senza fare questi nuovi nel 1564 . . . Voler far passare un’ antidata di mille e centinaja @annt . . . é malizia da esser corretta con severite. Vera é la Chiesa che comunica col Pontefice Romano, dice Sant’ Agostino ; la di cui successione sino ad Alessandro VIL. staremo aspettando che mi alleghiate essere men provata che quella dagh: Apostoli sino alli vostri Barba Martini, per le croniche e sinodi delle valli; delle quali staremo con gran desiderio attendendo che voi facciate vedere i cataloghi, mentre sino ad ora non abliamo da voi potuto ricavare una pruova autentica della continuata vostra bella nobilta Valdese. THE WALDENSES. 3 Section XII. REV. THEODORUS BELVEDERE’S EVIDENCE. r~ ex HE Reverend Theodorus Belvedere is the other author alluded to in Sect. xi. Morland (1. c. pp. of 28, 387), Leger (1. c. pp. 14, 169), and others, quote the following passage from Belvedere’s “ Relazione all’ Eiia Congregazione di Propaganda Fede” (Torino, 1636): “ The valley of Angrogna always and in every time had heretics.” And the reader is directed by them hence to conclude, that this “famous missionary” (as Leger calls him) confirms the supposed immemorial antiquity of the Waldensian sect. Now, let us read the full text of Theo- dorus, and it will be evident that his assertion does not extend the antiquity of the sect further than the time of Peter Waldensis. Besides the passages from the “ Rela- zione,” I shall give some other extracts from the same author out of his “ Turris contra Damascum,” also printed at Turin in the same year, 1636, which will confirm the same point. ‘““(* Relazione,’ p. 87.) Further to the North, facing the West, there is the valley of Angrogna, which at one time or another always had heretics, either Albigenses or Waldenses, as is gathered from the chronicle of the Dominican Fathers, where it is stated that the holy Vincent Ferreri had been preaching there.” (P. 242, et seg.) ‘‘The unhappy valleys of Lucerna, Angrogna, Saint Martin, and Perosa . . always have been subject to various plagues of heretical Pits verso il settentrione al medesimo aspetto occidentale é la valle di Angrogna, la quale sempre in un tempo o in un altro ha avuto eretici o Albigest 0 Valdesi, secondo che si raccoglie dalle croniche dei Padri Domenicani, memorando esservi stato a predicare il Santo Vincenzo Ferreri. . . Le sfortunate valli di Lucerna, Angrogna, San Martino e Perosa . . . sempre sono state soggette a vari flagelli o 23 Saint Dominic, the founder of the Dominican Order, died in the year 1222, and St. Vincent Ferreri much later, in the year 1419, 38 THE ORIGIN OF locusts, or of unfaithful caterpillars, mildew and grass- hoppers. Wherefore the most illustrious and most reverend Prior of Lucerna says, in his Narrative of the introduction of the heretics into the valleys of Piemont, that it was the opinion of some persons that the first heretics introduced into the valleys had been the Albigenses, who came out from the mouth of Cerberus about the year 1160.” .... (Ibid. p. 249, et seq.) “‘ And since the same Prior concludes, that he thinks it probable that the heretics now living in the said valleys are the descendants of Waldus, I may be allowed to explain in a few words the time at which they arose, who was their founder, and how they came into the valleys, and how they changed their sect, adopting the reformation of Calvin. According to Guido, they arose about the year of our Lord 1170, from Waldus merchant of Lyons, who, excited by the heresy of the Catharites, which was spreading at that time, rose up and caused a schism against the Roman Closely,” sis It would be useless to quote everything Belvedere says about the Waldenses in his Narrative, as the present point is to show that this writer, by the expression that “ those valleys always had heretics,” does not mean a time prior, but posterior, to the existence of Peter Waldensis. This clearly appears, not only from the reported passages, but is further shown from his quoting an order, dated the 28th November, 1474, “against the heretics of the valley of Lucerna, called Poor of Lyons,” bearing the signature of John Campesio, Bishop of Turin, and of Father Andrew di ereticali locuste, o @ infidi bruchi, rubigini e cavallette. Onde narra il molto il- lustre e molto Reverendo Signor Priore di Lucerna nella sua narrazione della in- troduzione degli eretici nelle valk di Piemonte, essere stato parere di alcuni che i primi eretici in queste valli introdotti steno stati Albigesi, i quali usctrono dalle fauci di Cerbero Vanno 1160 in circa, . . E perché il medesimo Signor Priore conclude, parere a lui verisimile che gli eretici che ora in dette valli dimorano siano discendenti da Valdo, mi sia lecito con due parole esplicare il tempo che questi principiarono ; Pautore, e come vennero nelle valli, e come abbiano mutato setta col pigliare la riforma Calviniana. Questi, secondo Guido, ebbero principio circa Vanno del Signore 1170 da Valdo mercante di Lnone, il quale comincid a sollevarsi e fare scisma contro la Chiesa Romana, eccitato dalla eresia det Cattari, che a quel tempo st promulgava. THE WALDENSES. 39 John of Acquapendente, Under-delegate of the Holy Office, as well as from a proclamation of the Most Serene Duchess Jane of Savoy, dated Rivoli, 23rd January, 1416, “against the heretics, poor of Lyons or Waldenses,” in order to prove that the Waldenses were then in the valleys. But let us hear Belvedere again in his “ Turris contra Damascum” (pp. 26, 27, 30), where, besides repeating the fact of their being founded by Peter Waldensis, he reproaches the sectarians for having abandoned their mother the Catholic Church: ‘The Waldenses are those who, being the followers of Peter Waldone of Lyons, in France, were called at first the Poor of Lyons. . . Since that Waldus of Lyons, their father and founder, being a cunning and rich merchant, desiring to found and assemble a new sect through the persuasion of Satan, in order to comply with his licentiousness, resolved to renew the old Church of the Apostles, in which every- thing was in common, principally the wealth. And so he gave his riches in common, and a great many poor, who were starving, gathered around him. From thence the sect of the Poor of Lyons began. . . That the Waldenses after- wards had corroded the bosom of their mother, when, like the dog Cerberus, they bark so badly against the Roman Church, endeavouring to pluck out of her her soul and bowels, as Nero with Agrippina his mother, I think that it cannot be reasonably disputed. And that the Roman Church was to them a very kind mother, it is not only true in some “ Ceterum Valdenses sunt qu a Petro Valdone in Gallia Lugdunsi exorti, primum Pauperes de Lugduno sunt appellati. . . Quoniam Valdus ille Lugdu- nensis, eorum parens et auctor, cum callidus esset locuplesque mercator, intendens (suasu deemonis) novam sectam, ut suce libidini satisfaceret, instituere et coadunare ; vetustam Apostolicamque Ecclesiam, in qua omma communia, preesertim Sacultates, suppeditarentur, renovandam consuluit. Sicque opibus suis in commune erogatis, quanplurimi pauperes qui inedia conficiebantur, confugerunt ad eum . . . hineque secta Pauperum de Lugduno inchoavit. . . Quod deinceps Valdenses corroserint viscera matris, dum adeo contra Romanam Ecclesiam instar canis Cerberi oblaterant, eidem viscera simul et animam, Neronis instar erga suam matrem Agrippinam, eruere ; arbitror non posse oppositum jure deduci. At vero quod Ecclesia Romana extiterit eis humanissima parens, est adeo verum quam quod verissimum ; nam ex ea 40 THE ORIGIN OF measure, but in the very highest degree. Because Waldus was her son, and he and his first followers were fed and nourished with the milk of her Evangelical Doctrine, and he in the year of our Lord 1170 drew his impious sword against his own nurse.” Section XIII. EXTRACTS FROM SOME MANUSCRIPTS IN THE KING’S LIBRARY OF TURIN. N the library of King Victor Emanuel in Turin, - there is an unpublished manuscript in folio, num- =oxcéy bered 169; which appears to have been written a little after the time at which John Leger published his ‘* Histoire Generale.” The title of the manuscript is: ‘‘ His- toire veritable des Vaudois,” without the name of the writer. That part of the MS. which relates the facts which happened in the second half of the seventeenth century, is very in- teresting, and we shall make use of it in our second part. Here we shall only give a faithful summary of what the dili- gent and truthful writer says about the Origin of the Wal- denses in Piemont. And in order that every body be able to compare our abridgment with the original, the numbers of the pages of the said MS. shall be quoted. (Pp. 4, 5.) “ Peter Waldensis from being a rich merchant, changed his manners of living, and followed poverty at the sudden death of one of his companions in the year 1160 under Louis VII. king of France, and Pope Alexander ITI.” That Peter Waldensis was the founder of the sect of the ortus est Valdus, ejusque lacte Evangelice Doctrine nutritus una cum primis suis sectariis et alitus, anno Domini 1170, gladium iniquum contra propriam nutricem arripuit.” 7 We sat in the Pontifical Chair from 1159 to 1181, as we have before remarked (note 25). THE WALDENSES. 41 Vaudois is stated also by John Dubravius, Bishop of Olmutz in his fourteenth book of the Bohemian history (‘Prestanne ex Officina Gualterii an. 1552’), where he says: The author of the sect is Peter Waldensis, a Gaulois by nation, of the town of Lyons, a silly, ignorant and unlearned man, who is not worthy to be numbered amongst the serious heretics. ‘Auctor ejus Petrus cognomine Waldensis, natione Gallus, civi- tate Lugdunus, vir idiota, indoctus illiteratus, nec dignus inter serios hereticos numerart. (P. 9.) At the time of the said Alexander III. a Gallican Council was held in the year 1176, under the presidency of Guilbert, Bishop of Lyons, who with the approbation of a great number of Bishops and Prelates condemned Peter Waldensis as a false prophet, hypocrite and enemy of God.” Here I would call attention to what is reported by some other contemporaries of Peter Waldensis, and is also asserted by the Rev. G. B. Semeria (“Storia della Chiesa Metropo- litana di Torino,” 1840), namely that another Archbishop of Lyons, called Bolismanis or Belismanus, condemned Peter Waldensis, and even exiled him with his followers from his diocese. Belismanis ruled the diocese of Lyons from the year 1182 to the year 1195.* (Pp. 82, 83.) “It seems that the first coming of the Wal- denses into Piemont was at the time of Philip Augustus King of France. They, after retiring to the mountains of Douphiny, multiplied to such an extent that in order to pro- cure for themselves the necessaries of life, by degrees they crossed the mountains of Piemont and descended into the valleys of St. Martin and Lucerna in the commons of An- grogna, Villar, and Bobbio. This happened when Thomas I. Count of Savoy and Prince of Piemont was yet a minor, under the guardianship of the Marquis of Monferrato; and the Savoyards adhered to Pope Alexander III. and were against the Emperor Frederick surnamed Redbear. Thomas * See our note 6. 42 THEH ORIGIN OF having attained his majority was obliged to take part in the wars of his time, and could not attend to what was taking place in the mountains and valleys of Piemont, where the Counts of Lucerna still exercised a great power. It then so happened that the Waldenses had time to settle there and to multiply with their families; and they were not molested at that time by the Catholic inhabitants of the places. The fact is that at the beginning the Waldenses; keeping their religious opinions to themselves alone, and holding their secret meetings now on the very tops of the mountains, now in the grottoes, now in their low and dark huts; gave no out- ward sign of their disagreeing in any way from the Catholic Doctrines. Besides, they appeared of a good moral and tem- perate life, and lovers of hard work; and at the same time they frequented the Catholic Churches and occasionally approached to the Sacraments with the Catholics. And in order not to give rise to any suspicion that they were under the spiritual guidance of their own religious chiefs, they gave them the not suspicious name of Barba; which in Pie- montese tongue means uncle, and is given to the elders also as a mark of respect; and they thus disguised the honour shown to them under the pretext of relationship or of old age.” (P. 42.) “But at last, James, Bishop of Turin, perceiving that the bad Waldensian and heretical grass had grown in the middle of his Catholic field, wrote to, and also called on the Emperor Otto, in order to obtain his imperial aid in exter- minating the Waldenses from his diocese, as the Bishop of Lyons had done.” This happened in the year 1209 or 1210. James obtained his petition and was fully authorized to em- ploy for the purpose even the imperial assistance. But, as immediately afterwards disagreements arose between the Emperor and Pope Innocent III., it seems that the Bishop of *® John Semeria, in his “Storia della heretics yoing astray with errors, and inflex- Chiesa Metropolitana di Torino,” 1840,adds, ible with obstinacy had recently crept into his from old documents, that the Bishop, in his diocese. Mark the word recently. application to the Emperor, said: That THE WALDENSES. 43 Turin was unable to employ the means promised to him, and in consequence the Waldenses remained unmolested.” (Pp. 48, 50.) “ Under the same Innocent III. the Waldenses, with other heretics were condemned in the Council of Lateran.” ” Here we shall subjoin some other particulars relating to the first Waldensian existence in Piemont, abridged from another manuscript, also existing in the King’s Library of Turin, amongst Miscellanea Patria, Volume cxxu. The author of the MS. is Monsieur Vegezzi, a very exact and careful writer. ‘ The oldest public document in which the Waldenses are mentioned who came into the district of Pinerolo, is con- tained in the book of the Statutes of that town of the year 1220. There is set a fine of ten soldi upon any person who should give shelter or harbour to any of those innovators. Observe that according to the opinion of antiquarians, ten soldi of the money of that time are equal to about 280 francs or lire of the present French and Italian coins, a very heavy fine indeed. The said book of Statutes was published in Turin in the year 1602, with this title: ‘Statutes and Orders given by the most illustrious Count, and by the Wisemen of Pinerolo during the year twelve hundred and twenty.’ Statuta et ordinamenta facta per illustrissinum Dominum Comitem et Sapientes Pineroli currente millesimo ducentesimo vigesimo. ‘Again it is ordained that if any man or woman shall knowingly give harbour to any Waldensis man or woman within the district of Pinerolo, he or she shall pay the fine of ten soldi every time he or she shall so harbour them.’ Item statutum est quod siquis vel st qua hospitaretur aliquem vel aliquam Valdensem vel Valdensam, se sciente, in posse Pinerolit, dabit bannum solidorum decem quotiescumque hospitabitur.” From the said document it is plain that in the year 1220 the Waldenses were not resident or established in the dis- trict of Pinerolo, and that they brought with themselves the °° Tt was the twelfth General Council and the fourth of Lateran held in the year 1215. 44, THE ORIGIN OF name of Waldenses, with which they were already called before entering there. This is a proof against those partial - writers, who, being forced by the historical evidence to admit that Peter Waldensis is the author of the Waldensian sect ; nevertheless, without any foundation, state and endeavour to make us to believe that the followers of Peter, coming into Piemont, united themselves with the Vaudois already from time immemorial supposed to exist there.” Idle tale of story tellers! The same MS. continues: ‘‘ From the said year 1220 the Waldenses are not mentioned in any way in the Piemontese documents till the year 1334 in which the Prince William of Acaja gave an order to Belangerus of Rorengo, and to Uretto his nephew, who were the masters of Della Torre, and to the other feudatories of the valleys of Pellice and Chisone. The order directed them to put a stop to the preachers of those new doctrines already excommunicated in the year 1332 by Pope John © XXIT.; because the said preachers would not cease nor desist from preaching. After this order, there is a long silence about the Waldenses in the State Memorials for nearly a century and a half. Then comes a Rescript of Duchess Io- lunta, dated the 23rd January, 1476, and an order of Duke Charles I. issued in the year 1484 for the purpose of re- pressing the Waldenses, who would not desist from spreading their new principles. And it was necessary that the Prince should send a good number of soldiers to subdue them. At that time the Waldenses would have been scattered alto- gether, if the clement Sovereign had not, upon their humili- ation and begging pardon, been moved to compassion. He was satisfied with only levying a fine to defray the expenses of the war. From this year 1484 there is no public act in the Piemontese Annals having relation to the Waldenses, till the year 1535.” 39 See Morland’s “ Tistory of the Evan- London, 1827, page 18; Alexis Muston, D.D., gelical Church ;” William Jones’s ‘History “The Israel of the Alps,” Glasgow, 1857— of the Waldenses,” London, 1812, page 343; Introduction; and many others, W. FI. Gilly, M.A., “A Narrative,” &c., THE WALDENSES. 45 Section XIV. OTHER AUTHORITIES NOT LIABLE TO SUSPICION, PRINCIPALLY THAT OF THE WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. )T may be objected against most of the documents - already quoted, that nearly all the authors, con- ees! temporary or near to the time of Peter Waldensis, are Catholics by profession, and some of them very bitter enemies of the Waldenses: and of course it may be supposed that they have not published what they knew about the antiquity of the Origin of the sect, at least from the time of the Great Constantine, or at the very latest at the time of that famous Claudius of Turin in the beginning of the ninth century. I answer, first. By those who make this objection no proof is alleged of the existence of this sect, either at the time of Constantine or of Claudius of Turin; their statements are not confirmed by any document or historical fact; they are merely gratuitous suppositions. In consequence we may here apply that old sentence of the schools: what is asserted without proof, we have the right to deny without bringing forth any proof: Quod gratis asseritur, gratis negatur. I answer, secondly, that Father Moneta at Section ii, Reinerius Sacco at Sect. v., Pilichdorff at Sect. vi., and Arch- bishop Seyssell, quoted at Sect. vii., have already dispelled the first supposition that the Waldenses are the successors of that holy man called Leo, who separated from Pope Silves- ter at the time of Constantine. It is not proved that this good holy man existed at all, and if he had been in existence then, he had no reason for separating himself from Pope Silvester on account of the prodigality of Constantine towards him: because it is a clear falsehood that Constantine had given to the Pope the Italian States, or even the crown 46 THE ORIGIN OF of the Western Empire. This is as great a lie in history as would be the assertion that the Great Constantine was one of the Popes of Rome. About the Spaniard Claudius, who in the first part of the ninth century was Bishop, not Arch- bishop, of Turin under Louis, son and successor of Charles the Great, I only say that he had no followers in his hatred against the Cross and the holy Images. Louis the Pious, who caused him to be made a Bishop, not knowing that Claudius was an Iconoclast; when he afterwards learned of his destroying the sacred pictures and figures, directed Jonas, Bishop of Orleans, Agobert, Bishop of Lyons, and Wilfridus, called Strabon, to write against and to condemn the error and the doings of Claudius. Dungalius also, an eloquent Deacon of the time, confuted his false opinions. I cannot refrain from quoting a few lines of the last-mentioned writer. (See Bibl. Patr. tom. xtv. p. 197, e¢ seg.): “ Qualis et quanta est insana elatio et vana temeritas, ut quod a primcevo tempore Christianitatis per annos ferme DCCCXX. et e0 amplius a sanctis et beatissimis Patribus et religiosissimis postea Principi- bus ... in Eeclesis et in quibusdam Christianorum domibus jiert concessum, constitutum et jussum est; unus homo blas- phemare, reprehendere, conculcare, projicere ac sufflare pra- sumat.” ... Mark the words unus homo, hinting at his not having imitators in his diocese. Claudius himself in his letters admits that his people were against him, when he relates their saying to him that they did not believe that there was any divine thing in the Images, and that they venerated and honoured them in relation to the originals represented by them. The fact is, that his subjects were so badly disposed towards him for his destroying the holy Figures, that, when he died, the people of Turin were so furious against him that they gave no rest even to his mortal remains, and Crosses and holy Images were immediately restored with applause by the Bishop his successor. I answer, thirdly, that there are authors in no way favour- able to Catholics who confess the historical truth that the THE WALDENSES. 47 Waldenses were founded by Peter Valdo. It would be too long to quote them all here, but I refer the reader to the ‘‘Encyclopedie Metodique-Histoire,” tom. 5™, p. 431, Paris, 1791; the ‘Cabinet Cyclopedia,” History, vol. u. p. 247, London, 1834; the “ English Cyclopedia,” by Ch. Knight, Biography, vol. v. p. 479, London, 1857; the “ Popular En- cyclopedia,” vol. vr. p. 861, London and Glasgow, 1862. Mr. Schmidt, the author of the “History of the Catharites;” and Mr. Gieseler, of Gottingen, in his letters quoted by Alexis Muston, D.D., in the introduction to his “Israel of the Alps,” Glasgow, 1857. The reader will be satisfied if I quote here only four authors. First, Mr. Perrin, amongst a great many mis-statements inserted in his “ Histoire des Vaudois,” Geneve, 1619, in order to please his Calvinists; (p. 1, ch. ix.) admits that “ Valdo commenga a enseigner les peuples les quals de son nome furent appelle Vaudois en Pannée de notre Seigneur J. C. Mille cent soixante.” Second, Alexander Ross, in his ‘“‘ TIANSEBEIA,” London, 1653, in the catalogue of the twelfth century, says (p. 219), ‘“‘The Wal- denses so called from Waldo of Lyons, who having distri- buted his wealth professed poverty.” Third, Mosheim, “Histoire Ecclesiastique, traduit en Francois sur la second edition Anglois,” Yverdon, 1776, tome m1. part ii., ch. v. § xi.; “Origine et Histoire des Vaudois,” clearly says, That the sect of the Vaudois is so called from the name of its author Peter, surnamed Waldensis or Valdisius, of Vaux or Valdum, in the Marquisat of Lyons, who employed a Priest to translate the Gospels, &c. into his vernacular language in the year 1160; and that in the year 1180 he stood out as a doctor teaching publicly the doctrine of Christianity in the way in which he understood it,” &c. To this passage there is a note saying, “The Vaudois, according to the historians, came from Lyons, and received their name from Peter Waldus, their founder.” No one who reads the documents I have here collected concerning the historical Origin of the Waldenses will give any weight to the opposite opinion of 48 THE ORIGIN OF the English translator, who in another note, with some unauthorized quotations of Beza, Leger, and others, blames Mosheim for his having written the historical truth against their unfounded assertion. Fourth, Dr. Augustus Neander, in his “General History of the Christian Religion and Church,” written in German, and translated by Joseph Terry, London, 1852, vol. vi. pp. 352, 853, writes: “ It was quite a mistake to think of deriving this sect (of the Wal- denses) from an outward connection with the reforming spirit consequent to the time of Claudius of Turin.... All the accounts which go back to the Origin of the sect agree in this, that it started with a rich citizen of Lyons by the name of Peter Waldus (Pierre de Vaux),” &c. I answer, fourthly and lastly, that the very oldest Wal- densian manuscripts, when read in their genuine orig nals, and when sifted from some unwarranted accounts (which are mere legends), confirm the fact that Peter Waldensis is the true author of the sect which began and took his name in the latter part of the twelfth century. Gentle reader, be slow in condemning this my absolute proposition, but read first the following document, which is not published by Morland or by Leger, and in the next chapter my remarks upon the Waldensian documents, particularly “The Noble Leysson,” translated and published by them under false dates: and I am convinced that this point of history, called by Bergier (“ Dictionnaire de Theologie, Vaudois) one of the most de- bated,” will then be settled indisputably and for ever. (Waldensian Manuscripts in the library of the University of Cambridge, Vol. A, fols. 36, 37, 38.) ‘‘ Now this holy Church, also at the time of the Apostles, grew to many thousands, and in a saintly order, through the vastness of the earth, and remained for a long time in the verdure of holy Religion; and the rulers of the Church perse- *' Tl n’est peut-ctre aucune secte dont l’origine ait été plus contestée . . . que la secte Vaudoise. THE WALDENSES. 49 vered in poverty and humility, according to the old histories, for about three hundred years, namely, to the time of the Emperor Constantine Cesar. But reigning Constantine ‘ leprous there was a ruler in the Church, who was called Silvester, a Roman. He was living on the Mount Soratte, near Rome, as we read, on account of the persecution, and was living the life of a poor man with his own people. As Constantine received an answer in a dream, as it is related, he went to Silvester, and was baptized by him in the name of Jesus Christ, and he was cured from his leprosy.” Then, Constantine, seeing that he, in the name of Jesus Christ, was cured from so miserable an illness, thought to honour him who had cleansed him, and left to him the crown and the dignity of the empire; and Silvester accepted it.” But his companion, as I have it related, parted from him, and gave not his consent to those things, and kept the way of poverty.“ Now Constantine went with a multitude of Romans into the countries beyond the sea, and then built Constantinople, as it is called from his name. Then from that time the heresiarch rose up in honour and dignity, and Fol. 236. {¥lag a questa sancta glesya ac’ al temp De li appostol creyse en moti milbiers e en sant orde per ia repondeca De Ia terra e permas per moti temp en ber- Dor De gancta religion; e li reginor De Ia gleysa permaseron en pabvreta ¢ en humilita, segont fas antiquas storias, encerque trey cent ans co es entro a Constantin emperi Cessar: mas regnant Costantin iebros un regivor era en {a gleysa Io cal era apella Silvestre (fol. 237) roman, A quest istava al mont De serapbio iosta Roma, enapma es lege, per cayson De perseguecion, e menaba bita De paures cum Ii seo, Fas Costantin receopu respost en Ii sopme, enayma e reconta, anne a Silvestre, e fo babteia al nom ve I" Xie fo monda de Ia lebrosia, Hla Costantin besent ge sana al nom be Xi de tanta miserioga enfermeta pense Honrar {ui fo cal labia monba, ¢ liore a tui Ia corona e Ia Degneta Del emperi. f¥las el Ia receop, mas Io compagnon, enapma ap anni recontar, se Departie be lui e non congentic en a questas cogas, mas tene {a bia ne pabreta. elas Constantin se Departie cum mooteca De romang en lag patt Dautra Io mar, e aqui bedifique Congtantinopoli enayma es e apelle icy Del sio nom. Donea da quel temp Ia resiarcha monte in Honore ¢ en Degneta, e {i mal foron multiplica sobre Ia terra, Jos non cresgen alpostot que Ia 32 The two facts are denied by the most it was invented for the first time in the accurate historians. eighth century. 33 This statement is so gross a falsehood 4 Tt is not known that the supposed vir- that we are relieved from writing against it; | tuous man ever existed. E 50 THE ORIGIN OF evils were multiplied upon the earth. We do not believe after all that the Church of God, on the whole, went out of the path of truth. But a part failed, and the greater part, as it commonly happens, was hurled into evil. But the part which remained, persisted a long time in the truth which they had received. Thus, by little and little, the sanctity of the Church failed. Yet, about eight hundred years after Con- stantine,* rose one, whose proper name was Peter, as I have heard, and he was of a country called Vaudia. He, how- ever, was rich and wise and very good, as our predecessors say. Then, either by reading it himself or hearing it from others, he received the word of the Gospel, and sold the possessions he had, and distributed them to the poor, and took the path of poverty, and preached, and gathered dis- ciples. . He entered then into the city of Rome,” and dis- puted in the presence of the heresiarch on faith and religion. There was there at that time a Cardinal of Puglia, who was his friend, and praised his manner of living and his words, and loved him. Yet at the end he (Peter de Vaudia) received the answer at the court, that the Roman Church could not endure his words, and would not abandon the path she was engaged with. And thus, the sentence being oleysa De Dio sia Departia macament De Ia bia De verita Dal tot, mas una partia cagit e Ia maior part, enayma es usanca, trabuche en mal, ftlas Ia part permasa permas per moti temp en aquela berita fa cal ilh abvia teceupu. napei la sanctita de fa alepsa manque poc a poc. las enapres 8 cent anc be Costantin se lebe un Io propi nom Del cal era Piero, enayma yo auvic, mag ef era Duna region Dicta Claudia, Hag aquest, enapma dion {i nostre Derant anavor, era tic e sabi e bon forrment. Donca o el legent, o auvent ve li autre, receop lag prrollas del ebangeli, e bende a quellas cosas lag ef abia e las Departie a li pabre ¢ pres a bia de pabreta e prediche e fe disciples, e intra en Ia cipta De Roma e¢ Disputa Devant (fol. 238) Ia resiarcha be Ia fe e De la religion, fflas en aquel temp era aqui un cardenal de \Dulba to cal cra amic De Iui, e laubaba Ia bia De ui e€ Ia parolla,e amabaiui. @ fa perfin receop resport en Ia coit que {a glepsa romana non popa portar {a parolla De lui, ni 36 The Emperor Constantine the Great died the year of our Lord 337, which added to 800, makes 1137, the approximative time of the birth or youth of Peter Waldensis or de Vaudia, perfectly in accordance with the authors given above. 6 All this part, of Peter Waldensis having been in Rome, and found a Cardinal friend, and disputed there personally, is not con- firmed by the contemporaries. Some Wal- denses went to Rome to obtain the Pope’s sanction in the year 1179 as we have men- tioned, Sect. XI. THH WALDENSES. 51 given, he was cast out of the Synagogue. Nevertheless, he himself preaching in the town made many disciples; and going through the Italian provinces, gathered a multitude of people, so that, in different places, many adhered to their conversation—I mean of him and his successors. And they greatly multiplied, because the people heard them willingly, on account of the word of truth being in their mouths, and of their pointing out the path of salvation. And they so multiplied that there were joined to their teaching sometimes eight hundred, sometimes a thousand, sometimes very few. God worked wonders through them, as we are told by many who readily speak the truth. However, these fruitful works lasted for the space of two hundred years,” as we are assured by the elders. At last the envy of Satan and the malignity of wicked men rising up, not a little persecution took place amongst the servants of God, and they were chased from one country to another; and their cruelty against us endures to the present hour.” * non volia babandonar Ia bia acomenca. dona a si sentencia fo fayt fora Ia sina goga. sent De ment el meseyme predicant en {a cipta fey plusors peciples, CE facent camin per Iae regions da Wtalia fe aiostament enayci que en plusors parc nuitreron moti en 1a lor conversacion, tant el mesepme tant {i sucessor de lui, e foron forment multiplica; car io poble aubia for volentier, emperco que {a parolia Be bverita fossa en Ia bocca Be for, e Demostresan bia ve salu. C multipliqueron tant que sobendierament saiostesan en fi tor congselh alecuna bec, 8 cent, alcuna bec mil, alcuna bec mot poc. Dio obraba merabvilhas per lor, enayma nog aven de plugors li cal parlan bolentie berita, las aquestas obras fructuogas Dureron per lespaci De Dui cent an, enapma es Demonstra per li belh. A Ia perfin, Iebant se Lenbvidia Del gatanac e fa maligneta de It felfon, persequecion non peta es ba entre fi serf de Dio, ¢ Degiteron lor ve region en region; e Ia crudelleta De lor persebvera entro ara contra m0. 37 If this 200 is added to the 1137 we says that the manuscript was written at the have the year 1387 pointed out by the writer beginning of the fifteenth century, at the of the present passage. Consequently this earliest. (Antiq. Soc., March 10, p. 212, piece was written after the year 1337, and Cambridge, 1862.) perhaps much later. Mr. Henry Bradshaw 88 See the Article XIII. towards the end. 52 THE ORIGIN OF Section XV. THE DATES WHICH LEGER AND MORLAND HAVE ASSIGNED TO THE WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS ARE COUNTERFEIT. —— $ the Waldensian sect did not exist before the time ASN AS of Peter of Valdum, and that he is its real father andl founder, there might be produced the dates assigned by Morland and Leger to the most ancient Waldensian manu- scripts; which dates, if correct, would prove that the sect existed before the time of the said reformer. And in truth John Leger has printed the following dates, fixing La Nobla Leygon At the year a.p. 1100 Page 25 The Catechism fe. ae , 1100 , 88 The Antichrist - » L120 4; 71 The Purgatory Os » 1126 ,, 838 The Invocation of Saints ,, __,, » 1120 ,, 87 And, in his Chapter xviii. the first Waldensian Confession at the year 1120. Now, if we clearly prove that the recited dates of Leger have not any ground of truth, and indeed are against the best evidence derived from the same manuscripts, which themselves tell the tale that they were written some cen- turies after the existence of Peter Waldensis, the last strong- hold in support of the fabulous antiquity of the Waldensian sect will be destroyed; and at the same time the impudence of John Leger will be manifested, who so shamefully imposed upon the public, and misled nearly all who wrote on the subject after him. I have said, the impudence of John Leger, because my opinion is that Sir Samuel Morland was also misled by the same Leger, both in what concerns the history of the Waldensian troubles in Piemont, and in what relates to the dates of their manuscripts, given by the same THE WALDENSES. 53 Leger to Morland, and by Morland deposited in the Cam- bridge Library, and partly published by him, with an Eng- lish translation, in his “ History of the Evangelical Churches,” &c., some twenty-two years before the time in which Leger published, in French, his work bearing the same title, which may be called an enlarged second edition of Morland’s. I am persuaded of this, because I cannot be induced to believe that Samuel Morland, an English public man, would wilfully deceive his readers with false and unwarranted statements, had he not been led by Leger to think that they were undeniable facts. And what I have said of Morland, I say also of those many fair and learned English writers, who, not having the means which, after the new discoveries, we now have to sift the wheat from the chaff, have been in- duced, through the same false statement of Leger, to copy and repeat his assertion again and again. About the public character of John Leger, I shall produce in the next part some historical facts which will show that this my opinion of him is too well grounded. After this short digression, let us see the true dates of the Waldensian manuscripts, principally of those in the Cambridge Library, because they are the oldest of all, and because they are solely quoted by Morland and Leger. On this argument I follow Professor J. H. Todd (“The Wal- densian Manuscripts,” Dublin, 1865) and Mr. H. Bradshaw (‘‘Recovery of the Long-lost Waldensian Manuscripts,” Antiquarian Society, May 10, 1862,Cambridge), two authors of unexceptionable authority on the matter. ‘“ Besides the Dublin collection” (H. Bradshaw, p. 217), “all of which seem to have been written in the sixteenth century (from 1520 to 1530), we have two miscellaneous volumes at Geneva and four at Cambridge—A, B, C, D, as well as more than one copy of the New Testament, all assignable to the fifteenth century; and in addition to these, at Cambridge and at Grenoble, one incomplete and one complete copy of the New Testament, which may be ascribed to the close of the four- 54 THE ORIGIN OF teenth century.” With regard to the volume existing at Geneva, Mr. Bradshaw observes (L. c. p. 204) that it was “attributed by the librarian there to the twelfth century; but from the writing of Dr. Todd and other judges, it is assigned, without hesitation, to the middle or latter half of the fifteenth.” Let us see now more particularly the dates of the Cam- bridge manuscripts, in accordance with the order of age, under the guidance of the same Mr. Bradshaw (Lt. c. p. 206, et seq.). Volume F, containing the greater part of the New Testament and certain chapters of Proverbs and Wisdom, is assigned to probably the first half of the fifteenth century. Volume B, containing a good many various pieces, and “ La Nobla Leygon,” with its date partly scratched out, is assigned to probably the same first half of the fifteenth century. Volume C, containing some sermons and transla- tions from the Vulgate, and in addition, the beginning of another copy of “ La Nobla Leygon,” with its date in full, is assigned to the middle of the fifteenth century. Volume A, containing translations, sermons, instructions and the historical passage partly stated in our last preceding article, is assigned to the latter half of the fifteenth century. Volume D containing sermons, discourses and instructions, is also assigned to the latter half of the fifteenth century. In volume E there are different pieces in Latin, and some moral metrical compositions, and in one place there is marked the year of O. L. 1521, and in another, 1519. The handwriting is perfectly in accordance with the sixteenth century. About the date given by Leger to the first Wal- densian Confession of Faith, we shall have a better oppor- tunity of speaking in our Third Part. Besides the criticism of antiquaries on the style, language and handwriting, by which the true dates of the manuscripts, as here stated, are fixed against those imagined by Leger, we may here touch upon some other internal evidence. First, In the treatise of the “‘ Invocation of Saints,” there is quoted the “ Millelo- THE WALDENSES. 55 quium,” which is not of St. Agostin, but of Fra Bartholo- mews of Urbino, and was written about the middle of the fourteenth century; and Leger assigned to it the beginning of the twelfth. Second, The Catechism contains quotations from the Bible as divided into chapters; and it is commonly admitted that the division of the Bible into chapters was introduced more than two centuries after the date assigned to it by Leger. For these first observations I am indebted to the Rev. P. Allix, D.D. (‘Some Remarks,” &c., London, 1690), who, having given the above reported reasons, con- cludes thus (p. 169): “So that it seems these gentlemen (Morland and Leger) founded their judgments of the antiquity of these pieces on too weak grounds.” Third, In the volume A, there is mentioned Doctor Evangelicus, the title given to the English John Wickliff, who flourished in the fifteenth century. And in the same volume there is also mentioned Peter de Vaudia, who appeared (as it is there said) about eight hundred years after the Great Constantine ; and facts also are hinted which happened two hundred years after P. Waldensis (see Article XIV.) Fourth, The sixth verse of “ La Nobla Leygon,” published by Morland and Leger, as saying: “ Ben ha mil e cent anz compli entierament”—‘‘ There are a thousand and a hundred years fully completed”—in fact, has an erasure and an empty space, in the manuscript Volume B, between e¢ and cent, and with a magnifying glass Mr. Bradshaw and others saw there the number 4 in great part cancelled. If, therefore, this number be inserted in the proper place, the reading will run thus: “ Ben ha mil e 4 cent anz compli entierament”—“ There are a thousand and four hundred years fully completed.” And in this case the stronghold of the miraculous Waldensian antiquity is dismantled. Fifth, If the said reading should . be uncertain, yet the famous verse of ‘‘ La Nobla Leygon” could not give any ground for placing the existence of the Waldensian sect before the time of its true founder. And here praise is due to the Rev. Th. Sims, M.A., who in his 56 THE ORIGIN OF appendices to ‘‘ Peyran” (London, 1826, p. 147), speaking of the supposed 1100 years found in “ La Nobla Leygon,” according to the printing of Morland and Leger, very wisely observes that, even on the supposition that 1100 be the true reading of the manuscript, it cannot be taken as the real date of the composition. This date, he ingeniously says, is the time in which the words “ara sen al derier temps”— ‘“‘now we are at the last time’””—were uttered. And this is plain, if the whole sentence is joined together: “Ben ha mil e cent anz compli entierament que fu scrita lora: ara sen al derier temps ”—‘‘ There are eleven hundred years fully com- pleted since the hour was written: now we are at the last time.” The meaning, then, of the composition is this: that eleven hundred years are fully passed away from the time in which the sentence was written: ‘‘ Now we are at the last time.” Let us ask, then, at what time the words alluded to were written? The answer is: that the words “We are at the last time,” or “the last hour come,”— “ Ultima hora venit” —were written by St. John in his 1st Ep. chap. ii. v. 18. St. John wrote the said Epistle in his old age, and at least about seventy years after our Lord’s birth. In consequence, these seventy years are to be added to the supposed eleven hundred years written in the com- position, which will give the real date of the manuscript, namely, the year eleven hundred and seventy: which shows that the composition was not written before the time of Peter de Vaudia. I have endeavoured to place Rev. Th. Sims’ reasoning in the clearest possible light, because it gives him credit for his ingenious explanation. Yet we %° Antony Monastier, in his seventh chap- ter, “ Origin of the name Vaudois,” in order to maintain that the Waldenses existed be- fore Peter Valdo, amongst other gratuitous suppositions, after having quoted the name of Wallenses, given to them by Eberard of Bethune, and that of Waldenses, given to them by Abbot Bernard of Foncauld (Fontis calidi, from whose work I have quoted in Section 1V.), assures his readers that Abbot Bernard dedicated his work to Pope Lucius the Third, and that that Pope, who con- demned the Waldenses, mentioned by the Abbot as dead (felicis recordationis), was Lucius the Second, who died in the year 1144; and hence concludes that the con- THE WALDENSES. 57 do not want this interpretation, as it is now well proved that the number 1100 is not the true reading of the manu- script: there is no doubt now that it is a composition of the fifteenth century. Sixth, This appears also by the best possible evidence from the last page of the manuscript, Vol. C, in which there are the first fourteen lines of another copy of “La Nobla Leygon,” and the fifth verse is fully written thus: ‘Ben ha mil e ccce anz compli en- terament”—“ There are a thousand and four hundred years completed fully.” ‘There can be no doubt,” says Mr. Bradshaw (x. c. p. 211), “that the Geneve and Dublin copies are both later than our two; and, however we may explain the omission from them, it is at least the evidence of two earlier against two later copies; and this . . . Seems enough to satisfy the most strenuous advocates of the antiquity of the poem.” After the alleged evidences in confirmation of my present argument, it would be a waste of time to add any further words. Let us then repeat with emphasis the fact that Peter Waldensis is the true author of the sect which arose and was called by his name, in the latter part of the twelfth century. demnation of the Waldensian heresy must have taken place before the last mentioned year, and in consequence that the heresy of the Waldenses existed before the time of Peter Waldo. Now Monastier shows him- self a very worthy follower of John Leger in the publication of this new falsehood; 1st, Because Gretzer, who published the manu- script of Abbot Bernard, which was in the College of the Jesuits of Bruges, assures us that nothing is known about its writer, ex- cept that he wrote Adversus Valdensium sectam: certainly nothing is said of any dedication to any Pope Lucius, either by Gretzer or by the same Abbot Bernard. 2nd, Because the same Gretzer has in the margin of his publication, in the Bibliotheca PP. vol. xxv. p. 1585 (quoted also by Mo- nastier), a note saying that it was Lucius the Third (not Lucius the Second) who con- demned the Waldenses, 3rdly, Because it is clearly proved that the Waldenses, under the name of Pauperes de Lugduno, were really condemned by the same Lucius the Third, at a Council held in Verona in 1184 (see above, Section III. p. 16, and Sacer. Concil. Nova et ampliss. collectio, tom. xxii. Venetiis, 1774). The documents I am publishing speak for themselves, and disprove most absolutely the unfounded assertion that the Waldensian sect and the name of Waldenses, or Wal- lenses, was known before the time of Peter, the rich merchant of Lyons; and, therefore, there is no need to refute all the particular assertions put forward by many, although clever, yet prejudiced writers. I have men- tioned here this misstatement of Monastier, in order to show the learned reader what kind of ridiculous assertions are published by those who impose upon the public through party spirit. 58 ORIGIN OF THE WALDENSES. The above-mentioned passages of the two copies of “ La Nobla Leygon” are exhibited at the first page of this book, both for the fuller satisfaction of the learned reader and for a visible evidence of what has been said. . PART THE SECOND. ON THE PERSECUTIONS OF THE WALDENSES. Section I. CHARACTER OF JOHN LEGER. DSA ET us begin this Second Part by endeavouring : to give the real character of John Leger, the Aq PQ & famous historian of the Vaudois, in order to ” CatuHotic Doctrine. The power of granting Indulgences is not derived from any invention of man, but from the authority given by our Lord to the Church.” * Item reprobant Valdenses Indulgentias Prelatorum Lcclesic. dorff.) + Ipsi affirmant . extorquendas ab imperitis pecunias. (Pilich- Indulgentias esse inventas a pseudosacerdotibus ad (Arch. Seyssell.) 5° The Waldenses enjoy the reputation of having made the first attack upon Indul- gences. Wickliff, Huss, Luther, Melancthon, and principally Calvin, distinguished them- selves by dwelling on the same doctrine ; but we do not know of any body of reformers who had taken their stand against Indul- gences before the Waldenses, Pilichdorff (ch. xxx.) admits that the Waldenses and many Catholics of his time doubted about the value of Indulgences by reason of the indiscreet promises of the collectors of alms: Hoc facit indiscreta pronunciatio questuo- sorum Sacerdotum, qui indifferenter omnibus hominibus hoc et illud facientibus Indul- gentias promittunt. However, the same author adds that those assertions and pro- mises were made against the intention of the Pope and of the Prelates of the Church, who do not grant Indulgences to every body, but only to those who are truly penitent, who confess and are contrite: Et hoc non est in mente Domini Pape et aliorum Pre- latorum, qui non dant eas nisi vere peniten- tibus et confessis et contritis. 9 The Catholic doctrine about Indulgences is this, that when our Lord said to His Apostles (Matth, xviii.) : “ Whatsoever you shall... loose upon earth shall be loosed also in heaven ;”” He gave to the first Pre- lates of the Church the power of remitting to the penitent man, under some conditions, the temporal penalties due for the sins already pardoned in relation to their guilt, but not yet atoned by the necessary satisfaction to the justice of God. And beginning with the pardon given by St. Paul to the penitent man of Corinth (2 Cor. ii.), and continuing with the pardon granted by the Church to repentant sinners, at the request and through the intercession of those who had suffered or were suffering for their faith ; the Catholics conclude by quoting Indulgences granted from ancient times to those who visited on some stated days, particular Churches or holy places, or performed some prescribed pious works, centuries and centuries before the Waldenses rose against them. OF THE WALDENSES. 117 § 12. WaALDENSIAN TENET. There is no obligation to fast, nor to keep holy any day, Sunday excepted. ‘¢ Another error of the Waldenses is to reprove religious abstinence.” (Arch. Seyssell, sheet Lxxuut.).* ‘““No day is to be kept holy, except Sunday.” (Eneas Sylvius, “ Hist. Bohem.”) + Remarks: To fast and to keep holy some particular days in the week are laws of the Church. Therefore the united assertions of the Waldenses may be considered as corollaries to that tenet, in which they maintained that the Prelates of the Church, being all wicked, have no authority, and that in consequence their precepts are not binding. Yet the Wal- denses did not condemn voluntary mortifications, &c. as we have seen before. CatHotic Doctrine. All Christians are obliged to keep holy, not only the Sundays, but also all other particular days appointed by the authority of the Church; and to fast and abstain on some other days, according to the ordinances of the same Church, if there is no good reason to be exempted. There may be quoted here St. Augustin, (‘‘Ad Januarium,” Epis. 118. 2), saying, that St. Ambrose told him thus: “When I go to Rome I fast on the Sabbath day, when I am here (in Milan) I do not fast. You do the same. Keep the custom of the Church of that place in which you are.” Cum Romam venio jguno Sabbato, quum hic sum non jejuno. Sic etiam tu, ad quan forte Ecclesiam veneris, jus morem serva. * Alius error Valdensium quo improbant jejunia, (Arch. Seyssell.) + Nulla die ab opere cessandum, nisi Dominica, (Eneas Sylvius). 118 THE RELIGIOUS DOCTRINES § 13. WaALDENSIAN TENET. The Invocation of Saints cannot be admitted. ‘Now, it is to be said of the Invocation of Samts, which (the Catholics) publish as it were an article of faith, saying that the Saints existing in heaven are to be prayed to by us who live. . . . And this does not appear worthy of belief.” (Waldensian Treatise ).* ‘‘ They hold that the blessed Virgin Mary and the Saints of heaven are not to be invoked by us, because they cannot pray for us. . . . They donot say the ‘ Hail Mary.” (Pilich- dorff ).+ “They say that mortals are not in need of their interces- sion, Christ alone being more than sufficient to do everything for us all; and the Saints absorbed in the delights of their felicity do not know what is passing here below” (Arch. Seyssell).} * Gra es a Dire De invocation De fi sanct, fa qual publican coma per article be fe, Digent que li sanct existent en fa patria celestial sun D'esser prega Da nos bient. .. + Gt aizo non es bist esser De creyre, (Waldensian Treatise.) + Tenent Beatam Virginem et Sanctos in patria non esse invocandos a nobis, quia non possunt orare pro nobis... Non dicunt ‘Ave Maria,’ (Pilichdorff.) + Dicunt Sanctorum . . . suffragio mortales non indigere, Christo omnibus ad omnia abunde sufficiente. ... Et Sanctos ea que in sceculo fiunt ignorare, tanta felicitatis illius ameenitate capti. (Arch, Seyssell. ) OF THE WALDENSES. 119 Catuouic Doctrine. It is good and useful to have recourse to the intercession of Saints, and all persons who con- demn this practice are out of the pale of the Church.® ®t The Catholic teaching on the invocation of Saints is not precisely that expressed by the quoted Waldensian tenet. The defini- tion of the Church does not say that the Saints of heaven are to be prayed to by us; as though any Christian, who does not pray through the Saints, were a trespasser against the prescription of the Church. She only says that the invocation of Saints is good and useful in accordance with the Tradition and the written doctrine of the Old and New Testament. The condemnation, therefore, of the Catholic Church is only against those who say that the Saints are not to be in- voked; that they do not pray for us; that their invocation is an idolatry against the Word of God, and against our only Mediator Jesus Christ, &c. (see Council of Trent, sess. 25, Deer. de invocatione, veneratione, &c. Sanctor.) The Catholics, while invoking the Angels and Saints, and Mary the mother of Christ, do not mean any thing else than to have them as intercessors with our Lord, from whom alone every good gift and grace comes upon men, 120 THE RELIGIOUS DOCTRINES § 14. WALDENSIAN TENET. Every honour given in the Church to the holy images or paintings, and to the relics of Saints is to be abolished. “The Antichrist makes the people idolaters: he deceit- fully causes them to serve the idols of all the world under the name of Saints and of relics. . . . He causes the wor- ship of Latria, due only to God, to be given to men, male and female Saints parted from this world, and to their images, noisome corpses, relics.” (Waldensian Treatise on the Anti- christ. )*® ‘“The Waldenses say that the Images and Pictures are to be abolished.” (Reinerius Sacco. )+ “They say that Christians are idolaters by reason of Images and the Cross.” (Pilichdorff.)f * Yo antichrist fa inoloter Io poble, serbir fraudolentement a {og idolos De tot Io mond sot Ii sant et a lag reliquias.... Da latriaa li bome gsanct o sanctas trapassa D'aquest mond, as a las imagenas de lor, galas, reliquias, (Waldensian Treatise “de Antichrist.”) + Imagines et Picturas dicunt esse abolendas. (Reinerius Sacco.) t+ Dicunt Christianos esse idololatros propter Imagines et Signum Crucifizi. (Pilichdorff.) ® Some ground for this Waldensian tenet is to be found in Deuteronomy (ch. y.), and in Exodus (ch. xx.), where it is said; “‘ Thou shalt not make to thyself a graven thing, nor the likeness of any things that are in heaven above, or that are in the earth beneath, or that abide in the water under the earth. Thou shalt not adore them, and thou shalt not serve them. For I am the Lord thy God, a jealous God.” OF THE WALDENSES. 121 CatHotic Doctrine. The religious honour given in the Church to holy images and paintings, and to the relics of Saints, is in accordance with the revelation of the Bible and ancient Tradition, and has nothing to do with idolatry.” *3 The Catholics understand the quoted passage not as forbidding us to make any figures or paintings, or giving any kind of honour to them, but as simply and solely forbidding the making of figures or paintings of any thing in order to adore them as idols and gods. They quote, besides, many other passages of the same Bible, in which the figures which God ordered Moses and David to make, and place in the sanctuary in the middle Temple, &c. are mentioned. The same Catholics confirm their interpretation by saying that, if a different explanation be given to the quoted passage, it would imply an open contradiction between the two orders issued by the same Almighty God. Further, explaining the Greek word “ Aarpeta,” as meaning the supreme highest religious honour due to God alone, principally by the offering of sacrifices ; and stating that in the Catholic Church no sacrifice is offered to Mary the Mother of God, nor to any Angel or Saint, or to any painting or figure of Saints; but only to God alone, and that the Saints are simply honoured as friends and servants of God, and their figures and relics as objects relating to the servants and friends of God; the same Catholics disclaim any participation with idolatry, or with idolatrous superstitions (see St. Augustin “Contra Faustum,” lib. v. cap. xix, and lib, xxiv. cap. v.)- 122 THE RELIGIOUS DOCTRINES § 15. ON TWO TENETS RELATING TO Lay MAGISTRATES, AND TO THE PRECEPT, Not To KU1t. Eneas Sylvius (x. c.) assures us that the Waldenses held, that “A lay magistrate, if wicked and guilty of a mortal sin, does not possess any authority, and that he then is not to be obeyed.”* And Archbishop Seyssell states, that “ They affirmed generally that to kill a man is a mortal sin.” + Nevertheless, it does not seem that these two tenets can be put in the roll of their unchanged religious opinions. Because they at any rate retracted the former before the middle of the sixteenth century, when they pro- fessed ‘‘ To acknowledge the Princes of the earth.” And in relation to the latter, the same Archbishop Seyssell re- marks, that ‘‘The Waldenses of his time did not hold it unconditionally, but made some exception, for instance, when a man is executed in accordance with the laws of justice, for public vengeance,” &c. * Qui mortalis culpae reus sit, eum neque Saeculari neque Ecclesiastica dig- nitate pollere, neque parendum et. (Hneas Sylvius. ) + Omne homicidium mortale peccatum esse affirmant. (Seyssell.) OF THE WALDENSES. 123 CaTHoLic Doctrine. Every legitimate magistrate is to be obeyed as far as concerns his lawful authority, as St. Paul says (Rom. xiii. 2), that “He that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist purchase to themselves damnation.” And with St. Peter (1 Eph. ii.) they repeat: “Fear God. Honour the King. Servants be subject to your masters with all fear, not only to the good and gentle, but also to the froward.” In relation to the precept, Not to kill, the Catholics, whilst maintaining that every wilful murder and suicide is a mortal sin; at the same time admit that there are instances in which the destruction of man’s life is not to be accounted to be a sin: as when a criminal deserving capital punishment is condemned and put to death; when soldiers are fighting and killing in time of lawful war; and also when it happens that a man occasionally kills another in self-defence, or through some innocent mistake, &c. Therefore, if the Waldenses admitted alike exceptions, there could not have been any disagreement on this point between them and the Catholics. 124 THE RELIGIOUS DOCTRINES Section IV. RELIGIOUS TENETS ADOPTED AT A LATER PERIOD BY THE BOHEMIAN WALDENSES BEFORE THE TIME OF LUTHER AND CALVIN. ancient Waldenses, I will now quote some of the Vx articles contained in that Waldensian confession ae faith, which their Bohemian brethren sent to Wladislaus, King of Hungary, in the year 1508 (“Rerum Bohem. An- tiqui Scriptores,” by Freher. Hanovie, 1602). As I under- took to mention the religious doctrines held by the Waldenses before the time of Luther and Calvin, I feel myself obliged to say something on the said confession of faith, on account of its having been written before the time of the said reformers. In the fourteenth century John Wickliff rose in Eng- land, and in the following century John Huss in Bohemia. These two followed the Waldenses in nearly all their tenets enumerated in our last section, and on this ground Wickliff and Huss might be styled Waldensian disciples, though they added many more articles of their own, at variance with the universal Church. Thence it naturally happened that the Bohemian Waldenses, though in some way their masters, in other points followed the novelties of their disciples. OF THE WALDENSES. 125 § 1. THE TENET OF THE BOHEMIAN WALDENSES ON AURICULAR CONFESSION. “The Bohemian Waldenses held that Auricular Confession is useless, and that it is enough to con- fess our sins to God.” Hist.” * © (Eneas Sylvius, “ Bohem. Catuoric Doctrine. There is an obligation imposed by our Lord upon Christians to confess their grievous sins to the authorized priests.” * Auricularem Confessionem nugarem esse; sufficere sua quemque Deo con- fitert peccata. (Eneas Sylvius, L. c.) 64 The reason generally alleged against Auricular Confession is chiefly this, that God alone knows men’s hearts, and He alone forgives the repentant sinners. 6 The Catholics, on the authority of the Gospels understood in accordance with the old Tradition of the Church, hold that Auricular Confession of sins is commanded to Christians by our Lord with His positive precept, when He said (John xx. 28): “‘ whose sins you shall forgive, they are for- given them, and whose sins you shall retain, they are retained.” And in support of this doctrine, they quote the Acts of the Apostles (xix. 18), St. James (v. 15), Origen (“ Hom. 2 in Levit. ad Hom. 2 in Ps, 37”), St. Cyrian (“De Lapsis”), St. Gregory of Nyssa (“ Adversus eos qui conversione in- digent.”), St. Basil (in “Reg. Brev.’’ 288), St. Augustin (Hom. 49, ex lib. 50 Homil.), St. Leo the Great (Ep. 91, ad “ Theod. Epise.”), &c. &c. And in relation to the Decree of the General Council of Lateran, under Innocent III., in the year 1216, obliging every adult Christian to confess his sins to the lawful Priest at least once a year; the Catholics remark that it was not a law establishing Auricular Confession for the first time (as Auricular Confession of sins is a part of the Sacrament of Penance instituted by our Lord), but a simple law of the Church, directing Christians not to allow a year to pass without fulfilling this already existing divine precept of confessing their grievous sins. 126 THE RELIGIOUS DOCTRINES § 2. DEFINITION OF THE CHURCH OF GOD GIVEN BY THE BOHEMIAN WALDENSES. Another change in the Waldensian doctrine, and a very substantial one, is the definition of the Church. They say (L. c. p. 240), “ That the holy Catholic Church, which they believe is the whole of the elect from the beginning of the world to its end.” But that in relation to the ministries, “They believe that the holy Catholic Church is the con- gregation of all Ministers and people obeying the Divine will, and by obedience united under the same subjection from the beginning till the consummation of all times.” Which is in substance the definition printed by Morland in the Catechism, in shape of dialogue, between the Barba and the Infant. ‘The Church of God” (it is said there) ‘“ com- prises in her substance the whole of the elect of God; but, in what relates to her ministry, the Church of God com- prises the Ministers with the people subject to them, and participating in the same ministries through faith, hope, and charity.” OF THE WALDENSES., 127 CATHOLIC DEFINITION OF THE CHURCH OF GOD ON EARTH. The Catholics, regarding the quoted definitions as con- fused as well as very gratuitous in what relates to the Church of God on this earth, which ought to be Visible, One, Holy, Catholic, or Universal and Apostolic; reject them, and thus define the Church of God on earth: ‘The Church is the society of all those who profess the faith and the doctrine of Christ; which Church Christ, the Prince of Shepherds, confided to the Apostle Peter and his Successors ® to be ruled and governed.” * * Ecclesia est omnium Christi fidem atque doctrinam profitentium universi- tas, quam princeps pastorum Christus tum Petro Apostolo tum hujus Successoribus pascendam tradidit atque gubernandam. (Peter Canisius, “Christian Doctrine,” Colonie, 1577, p. 131). 6 The writer of this definition of the Church illustrates and explains its last part with many authorities; and concludes with that well known passage of one of the oldest fathers of the Church, quoted and praised also by Tertullian, St. Irenzeus (‘‘ Adversus Heres,” lib. m1. cap. iii.), who says that “ It is necessary that all Churches, namely, all believers existing in every part of the world, should unite to the Church of Rome for the sake of her powerful primacy, and for her having kept the Tradition of the Apostles :” Ad hance Ecclesiam propter potentiorem (alibi potiorem) principalitatem necesse est omnem conventre Ecclesiam, hoc est, eos qui sunt undique fideles ; in qua semper ab tis qui sunt undique conservata est ea que est ab Apos- tolis Traditio.” 128 THE RELIGIOUS DOCTRINES § 3. THE TENET OF THE BOHEMIAN WALDENSES ON THE HOLY COMMUNION. “It is necessary to receive the Holy Eucharist under the two kinds of bread and wine.” (‘ Rerum. Bohem. Script.” L.c. p. 250). CATHOLIC DOCTRINE. It is not commanded, nor necessary, that laymen should receive the Holy Communion under the two kinds of bread and wine.® 6’ The Bohemian Waldenses supported their assertion by that passage of the Gospel in which it is said, that without eating the flesh and drinking the blood of the Lord, we shall not have life in us. 68 While admitting that at the beginning of Christianity, laymen received generally the communion under the two kinds of bread and wine, when they assisted at the celebra- tion of the Holy mysteries; the Catholics, in support of their doctrine, make the following remarks :—1st, That even in the Primitive Church, the Holy Communion, when not ad- ministered to those present at the time of the celebration of the Holy mysteries, was given under the kind of bread alone, not only to the laity, but also to the Priests and Bishops. 2nd, That as our Saviour assumed our human nature, soul and body, in unity of His Divine Person, and as His living body is undivided from His Divine blood; to re- ceive the communion under one kind (say of bread) alone is to receive at the same time His blood. 3rd, That, in consequence, an equal grace is given to those who receive our Lord under the two kinds, or under the kind of bread alone, if they are equally well disposed in their souls. 4th, That to give the com- muhion under the two kinds, or under the kind of bread alone, is a matter left to the discretion of the Church, as is the case with all other practices which do not pertain to the substance of Sacraments (see the “‘Coun- cil of Trent,” sess. 21, ch. i., and segq.). For these reasons, the Catholics conclude that it is not necessary to receive the Holy Eucharist under the two kinds of bread and wine; and that the Church had and has the lawful power to prescribe to the laity, and to the Priests and Bishops, when they are not themselves celebrating the Holy Mysteries, to receive the communion under the kind of bread alone. OF THH WALDENSES. 129 § 4. THE TENET OF THE BOHEMIAN WALDENSES ON TRANSUBSTANTIATION. “The Bohemian Waldenses rejected admittance to the word ‘Transubstantiation’ in reference to the Mystery of Eucharisty.” (‘Rerum Bohem. Script.” L. C. p. 264). CATHOLIC STATEMENT ON THE SAME. The doctrine expressed by the word “ Transub- stantiation” is founded on the written and the tra- ditional Word of God, and has been always believed in the Church.” 6 The word Transubstantiation, adopted by that General Council of Lateran, under Innocent III.—by which the Waldenses were condemned in 1215—was rejected by the Bohemian Waldenses, after having adopted with Wickliff the tenet that the substance of bread and wine remains in the Eucharist after the words of consecration, as the Lutherans also did afterwards. Yet the same Bohemian Waldenses, in this confession of faith, still admit in some degree the real presence of the body of Christ in the Eucharist, as appears from the following words (Lu. c. pag. 261): “ Dicimus autem et simpliciter confitemur quod nobis est unus Deus et unus Dominus Jesus Christus, et quod est in Sacramento cum suo naturali corpore talis sed per aliam existentiam quam in dextris Dei, et adhuc dicimus quod est etiam cum carne spiritali.” 7 The doctrine of the Catholic Church expressed by the word Transubstantiation, is this, that when a duly consecrated Priest pronounces officially the words of consecra- tion on the bread and wine, then, by the power of the Almighty, the substance of the bread and of the wine is changed into. the substance of the body and blood of Christ, notwithstanding the outline, and form, and taste of bread and wine remaining un- changed. And this doctrine is derived both from the Evangelists, and from the sayings K of St. Paul (ad Cor. Ep. 1), and is ex- plained by the old Fathers of the Church. I will quote here, as an instance, the ex- pressions of St. Cyrill of Jerusalem (‘ Cat. 4 Mystag.”): “ When Christ himself thus affirms and says of the bread, ‘This is my body,’ who is there afterwards who should dare to be doubtful? Once he changed the water into wine by his holy will, and is it not right to believe him, that he had changed the wine into blood? Therefore, let us re- ceive the body and blood of Christ with all certainty. Because, under the species of bread, is given his body to you, and under the species of wine, is given to you his blood. Keep it as most certain that the bread which we see is not bread, though to our taste it seems bread, but it is the body of Christ; and the wine which we see, though to the taste appears to be wine, it is not wine, but it is the blood of Christ.” Quare cum omni certitudine corpus et sanguinem Christi sumamus. Nam sub specie panis datur tibi corpus, et sub specie vini datur sanguis . . . Pro certissime habeas panem hune qui videtur a nobis non esse panem, etiamsi gustus panem esse sentiat, sed esse corpus Christi, et vinum quod a nobis conspicitur, tametsi sensu gustus unum esse videatur, non tumen vinum, sed sanguinem esse Christi. 130 THE WALDENSES. CONCLUSION. 24) T has been clearly proved, by means of undeniable 3 authorities, that the Waldenses had their first =s4 aa origin in the second half of the twelfth century, and that Peter of Vaud, the rich merchant of Lyons, was their founder; that the persecutions endured by the Wal- denses in Piemont were chiefly caused by their transgressing the laws of the country and the orders of their civil rulers; that the barbarities described by an unfaithful historian, and on his authority published by other writers, as perpetrated against them in the year 1655, are all mere inventions of a deceiver; and that the religious opinions adopted by the same Waldenses, after separating from the Universal Church, are not the doctrines taught by our Lord or his Apostles. The gentle reader, who has seen and perused this little volume, not commendable indeed for its elocution and style, but yet entitled to some consideration on account of the authorities and documents herein contained, will, I hope, take now the trouble to cast his eyes again on my pre- face, and compare the established historical facts with the unwarranted assertions related there to have been made at a meeting held last year at the London residence of a noble Duke. In making this comparison, he will be sur- prised at seeing the old saying confirmed, that ‘There is nothing so clear and certain that may not be easily dis- torted by false assertions and sophistries.” In fact, none of those bold assertions there made, can stand when brought face to face with the real facts. Every proposition stated there is not only incorrect, but has not any foundation of truth. It is not true that the ‘“ Waldenses had guarded the primitive Christianity of the Apostles for at least six- CONCLUSION. 131 teen hundred years.” They appeared the first time only six hundred years ago. It is not true, that “‘ The beginning ‘of their belief is unknown.” By a great number of con- temporaries it is proved that they separated from the Universal Church, of whom they were children, in the second half of the twelfth century. And, setting aside the other assertions respecting their doctrines and sufferings, so fully contradicted in the second and third parts, it is not true that Ireneus, the glorious Bishop and Martyr of Lyons, ‘Had founded in the second century a Church for the Wal- denses.” They did not exist until ten centuries after his time. That St. Ireneus, the champion of the Apostolical succession of the Roman Pontiffs, the assertor of the Tradi- tions of the Church, the conqueror of all heresies, can be stated to have founded a Church for those who resisted the Roman Church, rejected the Traditions of the ancient Fathers, and held doctrines characterized as heretical by the same Church, is most intolerable and calumnious. The labour I have undergone in collecting and putting in order and commenting upon the documents published, many of them for the first time, in this volume, will not be despised, I hope, by those learned men who, being free from prejudiced opinions, will be glad to see some better light shining upon the Waldensian origin and facts. These facts have too often been distorted and misrepresented, on ac- count of the narrative of John Leger being taken as a true historical statement. It will be a full reward to me, and will cause me to forget the tediousness of my labour, if these persons will judge that I have not lost my time, and am giving to the public a volume not altogether un- profitable. Before ending I cannot disguise my fear in relation to another class of persons, who have the idea deeply rooted in their mind that the Waldenses are the link of the golden chain connecting the Protestants and new Reformers with the Apostles and disciples of the Primitive Church. When 132 OONOLUSION. hearing of a book which shows clearly that the imaginary link does not exist, and that the Apostolical origin, the innocent conduct, and the pure doctrine of the old Wal- denses cannot be maintained; they will, perhaps, rise up against my little work. I can well imagine that some of this class will at least say that this publication is only good for mischief; that it is contrary to the persuasion of all the good friends of the Vaudois; and that it would have been much better to have left matters as they stood for centuries. Such persons may be compared to that man mentioned by Horace, who, instead of being grateful to his friends for having restored him to his senses, reproached them in these words: “By Jove! you have killed and not saved me, friends, by taking thus forcibly away my pleasure and the most pleasing rambling of my mind.” * I conclude by saying to those, who are more influenced by party spirit than by a love of truth, that no objection against this poor volume will be conclusive, if the Docu- ments brought forward here are not proved to be false. * Pol! me occidistis, amici, Non serviastis, ait ; cui sic extorta voluptas, Et demptus per vim mentis gratissimus error. (Hor. Epistol. 2d. a. ep, ii. ad Julium Florum.) LN DEX. Ae =a CTS, Public of Piemont, 6 earliest in which the Waldenses are named, ‘ 44, * Alms sent to the Wal- denses from England in 1655, to the amount of £7500, note 40, p. 60. Barpa, name given by the Walden- ses to their spiritual rulers in Pie- mont, and why, 42. Bellavilla (de). See Borbone. Beles Mayus, or Belesmanis, or Bo- lesmanis, Archbishop of Lyons, exiles the Waldenses from his dis- trict, note 6, pp. 8, 12, 138, 14, 89. Bernard, Abbot of Chaude Fontaine, writer against the Waldenses about the year 1200; 14, 16. - Archbishop of Narbonne, condemns the Waldefses as here- tics, according to the sentence of Raymundus de Deventria, 14, 15. Primo, formerly a Waldensis, united to the Catholic Church, and chief of a religious society approved by Pope Alexander III., in 1210, 89. Bianchi, a criminal. condemned to death, quoted by J. Leger, as con- firming the details of his narrative, 72. Blessings. See Consecration. Borbone, or de Bella Villa F. Stevan, a preacher of the Dominican order, author of a book on the gifts of the Holy Ghost, 9. his interesting account of the origin of the Waldenses, 10, 14. Bradshaw, Henry, Librarian of the University of Cambridge, discoverer of the long lost Waldensian manu- scripts, preface ; his statement on the true dates of the same, 538, 54. Brethren of Our Lord, the so-called, his cousins, note 43, p. 99. Castnis' (De) Samuel, opinions on the Waldenses, 31, 32. Champion (Rev. Edmund) view of the antiquity of the Waldenses, 32, 33, Church (The) of God, failure of, under Pope Sylvester, asserted by the Waldenses, 8, 101. : —— denied by the Catholics, note 44, p. 102. —— definition of, according to the Bohemian Waldenses, and accord- ing to the Catholics, note 66, p. 127, Claudius, Bishop of Turin, an icon- oclast, had no followers—blamed by his contemporaries, dishonoured in his remains, 45, 46. Communion under the two kinds, opinion of the Waldenses and Ca- tholics concerning, notes 67, 68, p. 128. Condemnation (the first principal) of the Waldenses, note 1, p. 2. Confession (Auricular), denied by the Bohemian Waldenses, and confessed necessary by the Catholics, notes 64, 65, p. 125. —— (Sacramental), doctrine of, ac- cording to the Waldenses and the Catholics, notes 51, 52, p. 111. Consecration and Blessing, opinions of the Waldenses, 106, and Catho- lics concerning, note 48, p. 107. Constantine the Great, did not leave 134 the Western empire to Pope Syl- vester, note 33, p. 49. Cromwell, the Protector, offers to transplant the Waldenses to Ire- land, 70. Datzs of the earliest public acts of Piemont in which the Waldenses are named, 44, —— (false), assigned by Leger and his followers to the oldest Walden- sian manuscripts, 52. —— the real, of the same manuscripts, 58, 54, —— proved, proofs from the contents of the Waldensian manuscripts, 54-57, Doctrines (religious) of the Walden- ses :— do not contain many errors at- tributed to them by mistake, 87. not at first at variance with the doctrines of the Catholic Church, 88; afterwards some of their doc- trines opposed to the teaching of the Church, 89. did not originally profess many doctrines afterwards adopted from Calvin, 0. profession of faith presented to the Senate of Turin, 90-91. reproached for their religious changes, by M. A. Rorengo, 91; ad- mitted at first, like the Catholics, the whole of the Bible, 93, 94; the Seven Sacraments, 95, 96; the honour due to the Virgin Mary, 97, 98; the confession of sins, 98; the necessity of good works :— chastity — the indissolubility of marriage, 98, 99. ( Church. Communion. Confessions and confessing sins, Consecration. Fasting. Holy days. Images and relics. Indulgences. Lay magistrates. Lies, Lord’s Prayer, | Murders. See 4 INDEX. Oaths. Pope and Priests. Preaching. Purgatory. Saints. Scriptures. Transubstantiation. Document (the oldest public) in which the Waldenses are mentioned, 43. Dubravius (John, Bishop of Olmutz), his opinion of the character of Peter Waldensis, 41. Dungalius writes against Claudius, Bishop of Turin, 46. Durandus of Huesca, formerly a mas- ter of Waldism, in Milan, united to the Catholic Church with many” followers, 89. —— his Society approved in 1208, by Alexander III., 89. Enxas Sytvius. See Piccolomini. Engraving representing the alleged massacres of the Waldenses. See Massacres. Epoch (the) of the beginning of the Waldensian sect, confirmed by the Waldensian manuscripts, note 37, p. 51. See Origin and Dates. Fastine, the Waldenses deny the ne- cessity of, and the Catholics main- tain it, 117. Ferreri (St. Vincent), preaches in the valley of Angrogna, note 26, p. 37. Hermits of St. Augustin, the two Societies of Bernardo Primo and of Durandus of Huesca incorpo- rated with, in 1256, 89. Histoire veritable of the Vaudois, in the King’s Library of Turin ; its author's opinion on John Leger, 75, 76, 82. Holy days of obligation not admitted by the Waldenses, except Sundays ; contrary opinion of Catholics, 117, Huss (John), See Wickliff. Imacns of Saints. See Relics. Indulgences condemned by the Wal- denses upheld by Catholics, note 59, 60, p. 116. Innocent the Highth; his letter con- INDEX. cerning the crimes of the Wal- denses, 64. : Innocent the Third condemns the Wal- denses, note 29, p. 43. Ireland, a part of, offered to the Waldenses of Piemont by Crom- well, note 41, p. 70. Irenzus, St., wrongly stated to have built a church to the Waldenses. Conclusion. Irish regiment, none with the mi- nister Pianezza in 1655; 70, 71. James, Bishop of Turin; his applica- tion to the Emperor Otho for assistance in driving away the Waldenses, note 28, p. 42. Joseph, chastity of St., asserted by the Waldenses, 99. Lay Magistrates, views of the Wal- denses concerning their power, &c., 122, 123. Leger, Anthony, uncle of John, retires to Geneva, condemned to death, 59, 60, 61. Leger, John, caution respecting, 59. his character, given by Guisher- non, 59. by the author of the “ Histoire Veritable,” 60. perverts the order of Maria Christina, 61. —— deceives Morland—forges dates of the Waldensian MSS.—his mis- statements—condemned to death for high treason, 62. —— sentence upon him, 63. —— his details of cruelties compared with the real depositions, 73 to 83. his erroneous interpretations of the statements of Reinerius Sacco —of Pilichdorff—of Archbishop Seyssell — Samuel de Casinis— Ed. Champion—Prior Rorengo— Rev. T. Belvedere, 62. See also Bianchi and Mondone. Leo in the time of Constantine—re- puted facts concerning him mere fables, 27, 28, 29, 45, 46, 49. Lies, view of the Waldenses concern- ing, and of the Catholics, note 55, 56, p. 118. 185 Lingard’s sketch about the facts of the year 1655; 68 to 71. Lord’s Prayer, the doctrine of the Waldenses as to; of the Catholics, note 45, p. 103. Louis the Pious, causes many eccle- siastics to write against Claudius, bishop of Turin, 46, Lucius III., Pope, condemned the Waldenses, in 1184, at Verona; his words, notes 7 and8. See also Monastier, 16. Manvscrirts, the extant Waldensian, true antiquity of, note 37, p. 51. Mapes or Mapeus, Walter; his state- ment about the Waldenses; his work, “De Nugis Curialium,” in Rome at the third Council of Late- ran, note 25, pp. 34, 88. Massacres, the supposed, described by Leger, first published with en- gravings by Morland, republished twenty-two years after by Leger, with the same engravings, com- pared with the real depositions, 71 to 83. Mondone, quoted by Leger as having received the depositions of the de- tails of the supposed massacres in his quality of a public notary, not a notary then, and declared not to have received any depositions, 72. Monastier, Anthony; his statement about the Pope Lucius the Second proved erroneous, note 39, p. 56, 57, Moneta, Ven. Father, flourished in 1280, professor of philosophy—be- came a Dominican—wrote ‘Contra Catharos et Valdenses”’ in 1244.— Vicar of St. Dominic in Milan— evidence on the Origin of the Wal- denses—his arguments against some Waldensian tenets, 4 to 9. Morland, Sir Samuel, misinformed and misled by Leger in relation to the Waldensian facts, 52. his “ History of the Evangelical Church” may be regarded as the first edition of Leger —bis cha- racter defended, 58; sent by Crom- well to Turin, and entertained in Turin at the Duke’s expense, 70. deposits the MSS. relating to 136 the descriptions of the cruelties of | 1655 in the Cambridge Library, 72. — — his letter to Thurloe, 85. —— his translation of a Waldensian passage, 97. Moscheim, statement of, that Peter of Vaud or Vaux is the founder of the Waldenses, blamed by the English translator, 47, 48. Murders, particulars of, related by J. Leger proved inconsistent. See Massacres. —— doctrines of the Waldenses, 122, and of the Catholics, concerning, 123, Neanper, Dr. Augustus, derives the sect of the Waldenses from Peter Waldus, 48, Nobla Leycon, La, two MSS. of, exist- ing in the library of the University of Cambridge do not support the antiquity of the Waldensian sect stated by Leger— description of, 52 to 57. —- photograph and lithograph of, Frontispiece, 58. Oatus, doctrine of the Waldenses as to, notes 53, 54, p. 112; of the Ca- tholics, ib. Obedience to lay magistrates not al- ways denied by the Waldenses, 122. Catholic teaching about the same, 123, Opinions. See Religious Opinions. Origin of the Waldenses, note 3, pp. 2, 5, 8, 11, 12, 16, 19, 28, 26, 27, 28, 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 45, 48, 50, 57. Parntines. See Relics. Perrin derives the Vaudois from Peter Valdo, 47. —— has not translated faithfully the Waldensian MSS., 96. his history the offspring of the French Protestant Church, 97. Persecution of the Waldenses in Pie- mont; why they were persecuted, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 84, 85. —— details of facts relating to the persecution of 1655; 69, 70. Pianezza, Marquis of, fought against the Waldenses, 69. Piccolomini’s, Eneas Sylvius, state- IN DEX. ment does not confirm the false antiquity of the Waldenses, 30. Pilichdorff, Peter, S. T. P.; epoch of his writing on the Waldenses, and various MSS. of his work, 20. true version of a passage from, unfaithfully quoted by Leger and others, 21. — mistake in the miswritten num- ber of years corrected, 22. Pope (the Pope of Rome) called an heresiarch by the Waldenses; re- - spected by the Catholics as the Primate and Chief of the Church of God, 108, 109. Preaching, public, permitted to every- body, according to the Waldenses, not according to Catholics, note 50, p. 110. Priests, when wicked, have no au- thority, according to the Wal- denses, 108; according to the Ca- tholics, their authority depends only upon their ordination, note 49, p. 109. Purgatory, the, regarded by the Wal- denses as an invention of the sixth century, 114. —— by Catholics maintained to be an article of old Christian faith, notes 57, 58, p. 115. RayMuNDvUS DE Deventria. See Ber- nard, Archb. of Narbonne. Records of public men proving the rebellion of the Waldenses, 84. Reinerius Sacco, from being bishop of heretics, became a Dominican, and defender of the Catholic faith. —— notices about the MSS. of his works, note 9, p. 17. —— passage of his work misconstrued by Leger and others. —— derives the Waldenses from the merchant of Lyons. date of his writing, 18, 19. Relics, paintings,and images of Saints, views of the Waldenses respecting, note 62, p. 120; of the Catholics, note 63, p. 121. Richard of Cluny, writer of the lives of Popes Alexander III. and Inno- cent ITT., 1. his statement about PeterWaldus INDEX. as founder of the Waldensian sect in the year 1170; 2. Rorengo (Rev. Mark Aurelius, Count of Lucerne, falsely quoted by Leger and Morland), does not confirm but destroys their assertions ; disproves the boasted antiquity and ancient succession of the Waldenses, 33, 34, 35, 36. Sacco. See Reinerius Sacco. Saints (the) according to the Wal- denses, are not to be invoked, 118. Catholic doctrine on the same sub- ject, note 61, p. 119. Scriptures (the Holy) alone, according to the Waldenses, sufficient for sal- vation, note 46, p. 104; by the Ca- tholics not deemed sufficient without the Tradition of the Church, note 47, p. 105. Sects at Milan in the middle of the thirteenth century, number of, 10. Seyssell, Archbishop of Turin, his testimony as to the antiquity of the Waldensian sect in his diocese, note 20, pp. 25, 26. See also Leo. Sims (the Rev. Thomas), his very in- genious and true remarks on the supposed date of La Nobla Leygon, 55, 56. Trapitions (the Apostolical) held by the Catholic Church, note 47, p. 105. Translation and transcription of part of the Bible in the vernacular lan- guage by two priests, by desire of Peter Waldensis, 11. Transubstantiation, doctrine of the Waldenses as to; of the Catholics, notes 69, 70, p. 129. Watpensis, or de Vaudia, or Vaudois, or Valdo (Peter) : his birthplace and dwelling- house, note 2, pp. 2, 27. caused part of the Bible to be translated by two priests, 2, 11. author of the Waldensian sect, notes 20, 35, pp. 2, 5, 8, 10, 16, 19, 23, 26, 27, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 47, 48, 50, 51. 137 —— his riches and learning, 2,11, 19. his preaching, 12, 28, 29. his change of life, note 11, pp. 3, 13, 19, 41. restrained from preaching — exiled and excommunicated, or con- demned, notes 1, 7, 8, pp. 3, 12, 16, 20, 24, 28. educated in the Catholic Church with his first followers, 40. Vallenses, or Valdenses (the name of), given by two old writers to the fol- lowers of Peter de Vaudia, false de- rivation of, 15, 16. Virgin Mary, views of the Waldenses concerning, 99. . Wa penses (The) : founded by Peter Waldensis, 2, 5, 10, 30, 41, 47. origin proved by the Waldensian MSS. 48, 51, 57. — not the successors of the Apostles, 6, 7. date when they were restrained or condemned, note 1, pp. 2, 3. | why called Poor of Lyons, 10. appearance of holiness, and their disguises, 13, 14, 25. did not exist in the time of Pope Silvester, 22. their derivation from a certain Leo at the time of Constantine the Great, a fable, 26, 27, 28, 29. were not in existence at the time of Claudius, Bishop of Turin, 45, 46. spread over the mountains of Dauphiny, and, many years after- wards, into different parts of the world, 34, 35. not in Piemont before the end of the twelfth century, 37, 38. approximate date of their going into Piemont, 26, 41, 43. their conduct there at first, 42. so named when they went into Piemont, 43. were not in Piemont before the time of Peter Waldo, 43, 44. punished in Piemont for their rebellions and crimes, 63, 67. confess their guilt in a public petition, 67, 68. ; 138 INDEX. ¢ Manuscripts. | Wickliff and Huss (John), followers | Murders. | of the old Waldenses, 124. See 4 Persecutions (of the). | Writers (the) of the Waldensian facts | lations Doctrines (of the). | not blameable for their mis-state- Records (of the). | ments, being deceived by Leger, 53. Walter Mapes. See Mapes. | Writersand books (alist of) consulted War in Piemont, number of killed in, | by the Author—Preface. 40, 43, 85. CHISWICK PRESS: PRINTED BY WHITTINGHAM AND WILKINS, TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, roe ie Sa inepe rare: ees es re oe ee = pene am aot ol Se eee = eit es Pea eee rf TE ii oe ws aaedaaee pe Eee ee ae fa te (078 fi ete . a ro ae p a ee PANS IP ee hs ort ue ann ich Mie