a :
Aas | ae
S53

 

CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

ENGLISH COLLECTION

 

THE GIFT OF

JAMES MORGAN HART
PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH

Aart
 

DATE DUE

GAYLORD PRINTED INU.S.A.

mca aioiond

es University Library
PE225 .S53 c

oii

olin

 

 
YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH
ALBERT s. COOK, Epiror

XVITI

THE EXPRESSION OF PURPOSE
IN r.

OLD ENGLISH PROS

4

BY

HUBERT GIBSON SHEARIN, Pu.D.
A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate ‘School of ©
~ Vale University in Candidacy for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.

 

. NEW YORK _ 4
~ HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY |
: 1903 .
YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH

ALBERT 8S. COOK, Epiror

XVIII

THE EXPRESSION OF PURPOSE

IN

OLD ENGLISH PROSE

4

BY

HUBERT GIBSON SHEARIN, Ps.D.

A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School’ of
Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of _
Doctor of Philosophy.

 

NEW YORK
HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY
1903

8
A. AVHONS
CONTENTS

GENERAL INTRODUCTION . ‘ a Ae ‘ .

~

Part I. THE PURPOSE PHRASE
INTRODUCTION . : 5 ‘ ‘ .
CuHapTer I, VERBAL PHRASES . js : ; : F

I. The Simple Infinitive . - . ei 7 . F ‘i
A. After verbs of motion: cman, faran, sendan, &c.  . 7
B. Theinfinitives of drincan, etan, supan, dicgan, after sellan,

beran, don, hladan - 4 Fr ‘ ‘ ‘

C. The independent infinitive of purpose . . . . :
D, The infinitive of reference becoming final . . F

Supplementary: the voice of the simple infinitive of purpose

II, The Prepositional Infinitive . . . . es .

A. The form of the prepositional infinitive phrase .  . ,

1. The preposition Zo and its intensifying by means of for
2. The inflexion of the infinitive; inflexion omitted ; inflexion
in -ende. 5 : . 3 - : ‘ . .

B. The function of the phrase as the equivalent of a final clause
Supplementary: the prepositional infinitive after sellan
C. Voice, tense, negation of the phrase, co-ordination of a series

III. The Present Participle of Purpose 7 . . ‘

CHAPTER II. PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES ., P . : a
I, Zo-phrases . ve. @ ‘ makes “Med: ci
A. To+ verbal nouns in -zmg . 7 . ; ’ $ .

B. s 53 -ung . i a ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘
Cc. ae ss “NESS. ‘ i A s : -
D. 3 »» With no formalending . 7 7

b

PAGE

13
15
15
16
16
16

7

19
21
26
28

32

33
33

35
36
37
39
CONTENTS

PAGE

II, For-phrases . . : 3 ; ge lig . - 42

A. For + verbal nouns in -2mg . . ‘ : 3 7 . 43

B. 3 3s “Ung. q é : . . : 43

Cc. ” ” “ness . . . . * 44

D. 55 » With no formal ending . : : 45

Supplementary: /ove-phrases . . 3 : : 46

II]. Ov-phrases s/s we - 47
A. On + the accusative of :

I. Verbal nouns in-wng : 2 3 3 ‘ ‘ 48

2. 5 3 -ness . : 7 ‘ ; 48

3s » x, with no formal ending mS Te. ee Gk a8

B. Ox + the dative after dcon and weordan A é ‘ 50

IV. Zn-phrases . 3 ; ‘ 7 ‘ Fi ‘ x. 4 5I

V. Ymbe-phrases : i eke 08 . : , : - 52

VI. 4fter-phrases 5 3 ‘ A é 2 si 3 53

CHART OF PURPOSE PHRASES . . oY : : : 54

Part II. THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

INTRODUCTION 5 ‘ z : : ‘ . : . 55

CHAPTER I. CONNECTIVES OF THE CLAUSE. : 3 - AT

I. Dat and Dette : a . . ; a 58

Tl. Prepositional Formule - 3. www - 63

A. Zo-formule, viz. . 2 3 . ‘ 3 64

1. Todon Bet . e ‘ é : Z 5 . ‘ 65

2. To di (By) Sat 3 ‘ : é Z r F ‘ 66

3. To Sam (Sem) Set . . ; : 3 66

The rhetorical value of the o- formtilss ‘a ‘ a ‘ ‘ 67

B. or-formule, viz. i 7 4 ‘ ‘ . . : 68

1. For Son Set (Se). ee as : . ; : hi 7O

z. For Si (Sy) Set é és oi ee. “a ; 70

3. For Seam (Sam) Set : 7 5 . 5 ‘ 71

The rhetorical value of the for-formulze ‘ ; : 42
CONTENTS

PAGE

C. Wid-formule, viz. yok ‘ ‘ , : i: ‘i 73

I. Wid Sees Set . ° é . : . 2 . . 73

z. Wid Son (Sem) Se . j , ‘ . . 7 74

3. Wid Set... Sat . : . ‘ é : . . 75

D. Be dem Set é 3 - A 3 . 5 ; . 75

E. On Sem Set. é ‘ : : ‘ ; 7 . 75

F. The preposition alone + the dz¢-clause - 2 me -» 9s

a. To Set . : : ; fs : é 3 2 . 76

2, Wid Set . ‘ 3 . ‘ . ‘ ; "6

3. Embe Set : ‘ - : ‘ : ; A 77

Supplementary : de used for det . . 7 : - 5 78

tmesis of the formula. . é . 7 78

III, The Relative Adjective Clause of Purpose . . ; ‘ 80

Supplementary: De as apparent relative F 3 : , 85

IV. Object Clauses of Purpose with Hu and Hwever . i . 87
V. Result and Conditional Particles introducing the Purpose

Clause: swa dat, gif, buton dat . : ‘ eo 4 89

VI. Paratactic Clauses of Final Intent 5 ‘ ‘ 4 i gl

THE NEGATIVE CLAUSE OF PURPOSE . : ‘ 5 i ‘ 93

I, Introduced by the foregoing Formule and with Negative, Ve . 93

II. Introduced and negatived by dy les (Se): ‘ : 94
1. Dy Jes in the Ailfredian period - 2 . a 3 95

2. Dy les de (Jeste) as a rule in the later period . ‘ é 95
The mode is almost always the simple optative é a ‘ 98
CHAPTER II. MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE - . : 99
I, The Simple Optative, denoting wish. s . 100
II. Modal Auxiliaries . . r ‘ : 5 i - Io!
A. Magan. ‘ 3 ‘ ‘ 3 : é . 102
B. Sculan 2 A i 5 ‘ 4 : . 106
C. Motan ‘ . ‘ 4 é é 4 ‘ . IIo
D. Willan (Dencean) 7 : . r é : - Img

III. The Indicative . z i 7 . : 3 ¢ 116
CONTENTS

PAGE
CuHarTeR III. TENSE oF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 7 . - 123
I. Regular Sequence . e of “ae. ae 4 "123
II. Irregular Sequence : ‘ : J F : - 123
A. The sequence, present ... preterite (the optative of unreal \
wish), to mark the accomplishment of the purpose as
doubtful or difficult . 4 : : 124
B. The sequence, preterite . . . present, to denote the con-
tinuance of the action of the purpose clause : . 126
CONCLUSION F : ‘ 5 : ‘ 129
APPENDICES
I, CHART OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 3 : 130
II, INDEX-LisT OF DZT-CLAUSES : ‘ é , 4 - 130
III. = 5 T0-FORMULA . , é * 2 - 135
Iv. 5 ay NEGATIVE FINAL CLAUSES. f ‘ . 136
Vv. 0 ” CLAUSES CONTAINING MODAL AUXILIARIES 139

VI. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIsT : : : : 2 3 - 142
THE EXPRESSION OF PURPOSE
IN OLD ENGLISH PROSE

 

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

AIM, SCOPE, AND» METHOD

Tue aim of this study is to treat exhaustively, and yet
systematically, all manifestations in the Old English prose
monuments of sentence-elements that express Purpose or
Finality, viz. the Purpose Phrase and the Purpose Clause. The
investigation of these will form Part I and Part II, respectively,
of this paper.

To this end, every occurrence of each phenomenon pertinent
to the subject has been noted and either recorded under its
proper category in the body of the work, or else relegated to
the index-lists in the Appendices. In addition, two charts have
‘been inserted, one for the Purpose Phrase, the other for the
Purpose Clause; these are designed to give in succinct form
the actual numerical occurrence of each in its logical divisions,
arranged with regard to authorship and chronology, in so far
as these are determinable. It will be noticed also that the
structure of the charts is in conformity with the topical sequence
within the Part to which each is appended. ,

The Latin original of the translations has been observed, and
has been recorded in those cases where it would be at all
elucidative of the question under discussion. Excerpts for illus-

B
2 GENERAL INTRODUCTION

tration, both those from the Old English texts and those from
the Latin parallel, have for brevity’s sake been freely stripped of
superfluous elements under categories where this process would
not be detrimental to their value. However, omissions within
the excerpt are always indicated.

Wherever possible and practicable, brief notice has been
taken of parallel phenomena in cognate Germanic, in Latin
and Greek, as influencing Germanic syntax, and also in the
later periods of English itself. Statements made apropos of
this are necessarily hurried, incomplete, and in great part taken
at second-hand, since they are meant to be merely suggestive of
the broader vista of Comparative Syntax; so that the reader
may think of the purpose phrases and clauses of Old English
not as isolated things, but as the outgrowth of earlier influences
and tendencies, on the one hand, and as the origin in direct line
of subsequent English usage, on the other.

It need hardly be remarked that the Phrase of Purpose bears
a fundamental relation to the Final Clause, in that the former is
often an abbreviated logical equivalent of the latter; while the
prepositional formule introductory of the clause (pp. 63 ff.)
owe their function immediately to the parallel prepositional
phrase (pp. 33 ff.).

Finally, that there have not been errors both of inclusion
and of exclusion due to oversight in dealing with so large a field
of research, as well as discrepancies due to the personal equation
in the case of some of the vaguer categories, I do not dare
to hope. Indeed, I am conscious of a few minor incongruities
between the citations to be gleaned from the body of the work
and the supplementary index-lists, on the one hand, and those
indicated in the charts, on the other. Theoretically, these
should co-incide, but for practical purposes I feel sure that this
inability to adhere to strict mathematical accuracy in every case
will not vitiate in the least any results that may follow from this
study.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION 3

LIST OF OLD ENGLISH PROSE-TEXTS EXAMINED

This list is intended to include all the more important and
representative monuments available. One gloss, the Vespasian
Psalter and Hymns (contained in OET., v. zzfra), has been
considered. These writings’ are arranged below, and indeed
usually throughout the whole work, in approximate order of
chronology and authorship. The abbreviations used are indi-
cated on the left-hand margin of the pages following. Where
more than one edition of a given text is cited, the references
are to be taken as belonging to the first in order named, the
others having been used only for verification &c. They are
made in every instance to page and line, with these exceptions:
the Bible translations and the Gloss= chapter and verse; Int.
Sig. = dine; Inst. and Aic. Th. = page and marking on page.

OET. = The Oldest English Texts, Henry Sweet. London,
1885 (EETS. 83).

Chron. = Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, Earle and
Plummer. Oxford, 1892.

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, B. Thorpe. London,
1861 (Rolls Series).

Cod. Dip. = Codex Diplomaticus A&vi Saxonici, Tonti i-vi,
Johannis M. Kemble. Londini, 1839-1848.

Cartularium Saxonicum, i-iii, Walter DeGray Birch.
London, 1885-1893.

Diplomatarium Anglicum, B. Thorpe. London,
1865.

The Anglo-Saxon Charter of Edward the Confessor
to Coventry Minster, W. DeGray Birch. London,
1889.

Laws == Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, Reinhold Schmid,
zweite Ausgabe. Leipzig, 1858.

Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, F. Liebermann,
erster Band, erste u. zweite Lieferung. Halle,
1898-1899.

B2
GENERAL INTRODUCTION

The Legal Code of Ailfred the Great, M. H. Turk. ,
Halle, 1893.

PPs, = Libri Psalmorum, Versio Antiqua Latina, cum
Paraphrasi Anglo-saxonica, B. Thorpe. Oxom,
1835. (The first fifty psalms are prose.)

O. = King Ailfred’s Orosius, Old English text and Latin
original, Henry Sweet. London, 1883 (EETS.
79)"

BH. = The Old English Version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical
History, Part I, text and translation, Thomas
Miller. London, 1890 (EETS. 95, 96). The
Latin original in Migne’s Patrologia Latina,
vol. 95.

Bo. = King Alfred’s Old English Version of Boethius
de Consolatione Philosophie, W. J. Sedgefield,
Oxford, 1899.

King A#lfred’s Anglo-Saxon Version of Boethius
de Consolatione Philosophie, with an English
translation, J. 5S. Cardale. London, 1829.
The Latin original in Migne’s Parologia Latina,
vol. 95.

Sol. = King Alfred’s Version of St. Augustine’s Solilo-
quies, with the Latin original, H. L. Hargrove.
Holt & Co., 1902.

Blooms of King A#lfred, from Flores Soliloquiorum
of S, Augustinus, text of W. H. Hulme, Engl.
Stud., 18. 331-356.

CP. = King Atlfred’s West-Saxon Version of Gregory’s
Pastoral Care, with an English translation,
Henry Sweet. London, 1871 (EETS. 45, 50).
The Latin text in Migne’s Patrologia Latina,
vol. 77.

Dial. = Bischofs Weerferth von Worcester Ubersetzung
der Dialogen Gregors des Grossen, aus dem
Nachlasse von J. Zupitza, nach einer Copie von

* With reference to J. Bosworth’s London ed., 1859.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION 5

Henry Johnson, herausgegeben von Hans Hecht.
Leipzig, 1900. The Latin text in Migne’s
Patrologia Latina, vol. 77.
M. = The synoptic edition of the Gospel of St. Matthew,
W. W. Skeat. Cambridge, 1887.
Mk. = The synoptic edition of the Gospel of St. Mark,
W. W. Skeat. Cambridge, 1871.
L. = The synoptic edition of the Gospel of St. Luke,
W. W. Skeat. Cambridge, 1874.
John = The synoptic edition of the Gospel of St. John,
W. W. Skeat. Cambridge, 1878.
The Gothic and Anglo-Saxon Gospels in parallel
columns, with the Versions of Wycliffe and
Tyndale, J. Bosworth and G. Waring, 3rd
ed. London, 1888.
Guth. = The Anglo-Saxon Prose Version of the Life of
St. Guthlac, C. W. Goodwin. London, 1848.
Mart. = An Old English Martyrology, G. Herzfeld. London,
1900 (EETS. 116).
Lech. i. Leechdoms, Wortcunning and Starcraft of Early
Lech. ii. | England, O. Cockayne, i-iii. London, 1864,
Leh. iii, 1865, 1866.
Das Herbarium Apuleii, Hugo Berberich. Heidel-
berg, 1902.
AEHIi. = Homilies of Alfric, with English translation, vol. i,
B. Thorpe. London, 1844.
ZEHii. = The same, vol. ii. London, 1846.
Arch. = Supplement to ¥lfric’s Homilies, A. Napier.
Herrig’s Archiv, ror & 102.
De Temp. = A£lfric’s translation of Bede’s De Temporibus, in
Wright’s Popular Treatises on Science, pp. 1-19.
London, 1841.
Gram. = £lfric’s Grammatik, J. Zupitza. Berlin, 1880.
LSi. = A£lfric’s Lives of Saints, with translation, vol. i,
W. W. Skeat. London, 1881~1885 (EETS.
76, 82). ,
6 GENERAL INTRODUCTION

LSii. = The same, Parts iii and iv. London, 1890-1900
(EETS. 94, 114).

Int. Sig. = Alfric’s Version of Alcuini Interrogationes Sigeuulfi
in Genesin, the Anglo-Saxon and the Latin texts,
G. E. MacLean. Anglia, 6 and 7.

Gen(esis)

Exod(us)

Lev(iticus) Bibliothek der angelsachsischen Prosa, Bd. i,
Num(bers) = C.W.M. Grein. Cassel und Gdttingen,
Deut(eronomy) 1872.

Jos(hua)

Jud(ges)

; Heptateuchus, Liber Job, et Evangelium Nicodemi,
Anglo-Saxonice. Historize Judith Fragmentum:
Dano-Saxonice, Edwardus Thwaites. Oxon.,
1698. :

Ec. Asm. = 4Elfric’s writings’ contained in Angelsichsische
Homilien und Heiligenleben, B. Assmann.
Kassel, 1889.

“Zc. Th, = Alfric’s writings contained in Ancient Laws and
Institutes of England, B. Thorpe. Printed under
the direction of the Commissioner of the Public
Records of the Kingdom, 1840.

ZElfric de vetere et de novo Testamento, also his

De Vet. | _ Preefatio Genesis, in Bibliothek der angelsiich-

Pref. sischen Prosa, Bd. i, C. W. M. Grein. Cassel
und Gottingen, 18732.

Hex. = The Anglo-Saxon Version of the Hexameron of
St. Basil, with translation, H. W. Norman.
London, 1849.

Coll. = Colloquium A£lfrici,in Wright’s Vocabulary, end ed,
(Wiilcker), vol. i, 89-103, London, 1884.

Neot = Ein angelsichsisches Leben des Neot, Wiilcker.
Anglia 3, 102.

Esther = AElfrics Bearbeitung des Buches Esther, B. Assmann.
Anglia 9, 25-39.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION 7

Inst. = The non-Z4élfrician writings contained in Thorpe’s
Ancient Laws and Institutes. See Aic. Th.
above. © ,

BIH. = The Blickling Homilies of the Tenth Century,
with translation, R. Morris. London, 1880
(EETS. 58, 63, 73).

Wulf. = Wulfstan’s Homilies, A. Napier. Weimar, 1882.

HL. = The non-£lfrician writings contained in Angel-
sachsische Homilien und Heiligenleben, B. Ass-
mann. Kassel, 1889. See Aic, Asm. above.

BR. = Die Winteney-Version der Regula S. Benedicti,
Lateinisch und Englisch, M. M. A. Schréer.
Halle, 1888 (cérca 1200 A.D.).

Die angelsichsischen Prosabearbeitungen der
Benedictinerregel. Kassel, 1885. (AZthelwold’s,
or the ‘Common’ version, cvca 961 A.D.)
Edited by the same.

The Rule of St. Benet, Latin and Anglo-Saxon
interlinear version, H. Logeman. London,
1848 (EETS,).

‘BO. = Das Benedictiner-Offizium, ein altenglisches Brevier—
aus dem 11 Jahrh., Emil Feiler. Heidelberg,
1go1 (Anglistische Forschungen, J. Hoops,
Heft 4).

Ap. T. = The Anglo-Saxon Version of Apollonius of Tyre,
with translation, B. Thorpe. London, 1834.

The Latin original is: Historia Apollonii Regis
Tyri, Michael Ring. Posonii et Lipsiz, 1888.

Nic. = Evangelium Nicodemi, in Heptateuchus, Liber Job,
et Evangelium Nicodemi, Anglo-Saxonice, Ed-
wardus Thwaites. Oxon., 1698.
PART I

THE PURPOSE PHRASE

INTRODUCTION

‘Tue term ‘phrase’ is here understood to include all elements
of finality except the clause, the study of which will form the
second half of this paper. This application of the word will
always appear logical except perhaps in regard to some mani-
festations of the simple infinitive of purpose (pp. 10 ff:), which
are more strictly words, not phrases. However, questions of
symmetry and of convenience in the grouping of the greater
divisions of this study have, in view of the very limited scope of
the phenomena that might be called words expressing finality,
caused the extension of the term ‘ phrase’ as explained.

Phrases of purpose, then, will find treatment below in the
following divisions :

Chapter I. Phrases containing non-finite Verbal Forms.

Chapter II. Prepositional Phrases.

CHAPTER I
VERBAL PHRASES

HERE are meant all phrases of finality containing some form
of the non-finite verb, which will be studied in three sections,
Viz. :

I. The Simple Infinitive.
II. The Prepositional Infinitive.

III. The Present Participle.
VERBAL PHRASES 9

I. THE SIMPLE INFINITIVE OF PURPOSE (148)

The manifestations of this fall into four categories, which will
be easily recognized in the sub-sections below.

A. Verbs expressing or implying motion may be followed by
the simple infinitive of purpose.

A similar usage can be traced consecutively through other
languages more or less nearly related to Old English. Greek
in the poetry shows the simple infinitive after elu, xu, Baivo
and sometimes after other verbs; e.g. Eur. Zro. 874 xraveiy
epoi vw @ocav. Latin has it in the earlier monuments, and in
the poetry as an archaism; e.g. Ter. Hec. iii. 2 fikus tum
introwt videre guid agat; Ain. i. 524 non ferro Libycos populare
Penates venimus. Also in post-classical usage (cf. 2%/ra,
p- 10).

In the Germanic branches this usage may be sketched thus:
Gothic exemplifies it freely after verbs of motion, both in exact
translation of a parallel Greek construction and in paraphrases;
e.g. L. 14.19 gagga kausjan thans (= ropedouar Soxtpdoot aird.
Cf. also M. 5. 17. According to A. Kohler (Germanda xl. 421),
the verbs usually followed by a simple infinitive of purpose are:
(faura-) gaggan, ( faura-) giman, galeithan, garinnan, urrinnan,
sntvan, sandjan, atsteigan, usstandan, stk nehujan, (stk) gawandjan,
briggan. After these the prepositional infinitive with dw is
exceptional, so that in Gothic we find the greatest extension
of this usage, as will appear presently.

OHG. shows later restriction, the simple infinitive of purpose
here being admitted only after gan, faran, gueman, ilan, sentan
(Grimm, Gram. iv. 97). For MHG., H. Rétteken (Q/. 53. 119)
finds it surviving after se/zen, gen, vallen; and Modern German
has it only in a few phrases with gehen; viz. baden gehen, schlafen
gehen, spagieren gehen, jagen gehen, weiden gehen, sitzen gehen.
Rarely it occurs after kommen; e.g. Ich komme sie warnen
(Freytag); and in a few phrases with recten; e.g. Als er allein
ritt jagen (Simrock). This is similar to its survival only after go
in Modern English, noted in the next paragraph.
Io THE PURPOSE PHRASE

Coming to the Low German dialects, Old Saxon admits the
simple infinitive of purpose after kuman, gewilan, gangan, and
' faran (Steig, Z/dPh. xvi. 307). Old English prose shows it
after faran, feran, gan and its compounds, uégan, foregan, after
gewttan, sendan and its compounds, asendan, onsendan'. This
will be fully illustrated below. However, just as we have seen
the restriction of this usage in the development of German, so
we are not surprised to find (Einenkel, AZ#elengl. Syntax, 238)
that in Middle English the pure infinitive follows only cumen and
$n, while in Modern English (Matzner, Gram. iii. 16) it survives
" only after go, parallel to the above-noted construction with gehen.
For an example, cf. Marlowe, Doctor Faustus 5. 4 Let us go
visit Faustus.

Note. This use of the simple infinitive always implies more or less of
auxiliary force in the main verb. In the modern survivals in English and
German, go and gehen are sometimes very nearly pure auxiliaries of will or
even of futurity. E.g. ‘I am going to sleep,’ ‘I am going to do it’; or ‘Ich
gehe schlafen’ = almost ‘Ich will (werde) schlafen.’ Cf. the French, ‘Je
vais lire,’ &c.

The occurrence of the simple infinitive of purpose after verbs
of motion is in Old English prose as follows :

5. after cuman.

OET. 326, Vesp. Ps. 95. 13 cwom doeman eordan (= venit
judicare terram (Repeated id. 328. 97. 9). BH. 296. 9 Sone
Se hy untrumne neosian cwomon (= quem languentes visitare
venerant. Dial. 251. 9 Sider com eles biddan. M. 5. 17 nelle
ge wenan Get ic come towurpan Ga ze... ne com ic na towurpan,
ac gefyllan (= veni solvere .. . non veni solvere sed adimplere.
Mk. 1. 24 come Su us forspillan (= venisti perdere nos? L.1.
59 hig comon Set cild ymsniSan (= venerunt circumcidere.
Id. 5. 32 ne com ic rihtwise clypian (= non veni vocare. Id.
12, 51 fordam de ic com sybbe on eorSan sendan (= pacem veni

* Matzner (Cram. iii. 39) would add fundian to this list, quoting as an
example Czedmon 2363 hwider fundast Su... sidas dreogan; and he adds,
‘fundian kann freilich den Verben der Bewegung (niti, properare) beigezahlt
werden.’
VERBAL PHRASES II

dare in terram. Id. 19. ro Mannes Sunu com secean and
hal don Set forwearS (= venit ... querere et salvare quod
perierat.

2. after /aran.

AEHIi. 372. 24 and ic wille faran fandian Szra (= et eo
probare illa. Gram. 134. 12 ic fare huntjan (= venatum
pergo.

3. after feran.

L. 7. 24 hwi ferde ge on westene geseon (= quid existis...
videre? Id.6. 12 he ferde on anne munt hine gebiddan (= exiit
in montem orare. Id. 7. 26 ac hwi ferde ge Sene witegan
geseon (= sed quid existis videre.. .

4. after gan, gangan, and their compounds.

BH. 186. 29 eode gesittan to Ges halgan weres liice. Id. 198.
1 georne bed Szt he eode to his sedle sittan to his swaesendum.
Id. 214. 14 weron foregongende in Sone leg Ses fyres todzelan
(sic) (= precedentem ignes flamme dividere. CP. 415. 14 Set
Dina were utgangende sceawian Szes londes wif (= egressa est D.
ut videret mulieres regionis illius. AlsoCP. 415.19. M.11. 8
hwi eode ge ut geseon (= quid existis videre? Id. 20. 1 Se

. .uteode ahyrian wyrhtan (= quiexiit ... conducere. L. 1. 76
Su gest beforan Drihtnes ansyne his wegas gearwian. /EHii.
242. 35 he eode eft sittan mid his Segnum. LSi. 404. 3 4
Hieu 8a eode to his gereorde sittan. LSii, 200, 176 eode
ongean feccan Szxt oer. Gram. 134. 12 vis doctum ire, wylt
Su gan leornian; lectum pergit, he ge redan; bibitum pergo,
ic gange drincan. Add OET. 416. 12 foregzst soblice biforan
onsiene dryhtnes gearwian wegas his (= preibis (sec) ante faciem
Domini parare vias ejus.

5. after sendan.

BH. 2. 1 ic Beda ... sende gretan Sone leofastan cyning
Ceolwulf. Id. 54. 30 he sende Agustinum (szc) ... bodian
Godes word (= misit... A... . predicare verbum. Id. 226.
11 (he) heo sende Godes word bodian (= misit preedicare ver-
bum. Id. 2g0. 19 Sasende he Gearaman. . . to gereccenne Sone
gedwolan and heo to soSfestnesse geleafan eft gecegan (= misit
I2 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

ad corrigendum errorem revocandamque ad fidem. Id. 398.1
beed Szet he him onsende wines ondrincan. L. 1. 19 ic eom
asend wid Se sprecan and Se Sis bodian (= missus sum loqui
... et evangelizare. Id. 4.18 he sende me Searfum bodian and
gehzeftum alysednesse and blindum gesihSe, forbrocene gehzlan
and bodian drihtnes andfenge ger and edleanes deg.

It will be noticed that most of the above instances of the
simple infinitive of purpose occur within the earlier period of
Old English. In the writings of the A#lfrician period it is hardly
exemplified at all, the prepositional infinitive having taken its
place. It may be added that this simple infinitive is even more
common in the earlier poetry than in the prose of Atlfred’s
time’.

Note 1. The familiar idiom, a hortatory imperative formed with (w)uton

(<witan, Miatzner, Gram. ii, 120) + infin., is probably an instance of the
simple infin. of purpose after a verb of motion. Mid. and Mod. Eng. still
show the hortatory force of the verb of motion, which in the later language
is go(z) ; but instead of the infin. of OE. is found a paratactic imperative
after asyndeton. EE. g. Chaucer, Morris’s ed. iii. 208 Goth bringeth
forth the vessealx, Cf. also the Mod. Eng. ‘ Go, bring it to me,’ &c. The
survival of such imperatives with go tends to controvert yet more Grimm’s
theory that OE. (w)uton < witan (=novimus). See Grimm, Gram.
iv. 89.
: NoTE 2. In this connexion is to be noticed a paratactic construction, in
which the second verb, though grammatically co-ordinate, is the logical
expression of the end of motion with reference to the first, faranz or gan.
This second verb translates a Latin hypotactic infin. or participle of purpose ;
and, as far as our investigation has been able to go, the idiom is peculiar to
English. In the prose the occurrences are: M. 18. 12 and ged and secd
(= etvadit querere. The Lindisfarne Gloss has: geonged to scecenne. L. 14.
19 nu wille ic faran and fandian hyra (= eo probare. Lind. and Rush.
give: gongo to cunnanne. Id. 14. 31 cynincg wyle faran and feohtan (=
rex iturus committere bellum. Lind. and Rush. give: cyning bid feerende
to settanne gifeht. BIH. 23. 13 Sat he.moste faran and his feeder bebyr-
gean. Here the original as well as the North. glosses show unmistakable
final force in the second verb. See also p. 91.

In Mid. Eng. (Einenkel, Gram. p. 239), this construction is not infrequent.
E.g. Chaucer, Morris’s ed. ii. 210 But I say not that every wight is holde
- +. To gon and usen hem in engendrure. Or after asyndeton: id. ii. 177

1 See K. Kohler, Der syntactische Gebr. des Inf. u. Part. im Beowulf,
Miinster Diss., 1886. :
VERBAL PHRASES 13

Goth geteth hire that hath my life in cure; id. iii. 208 Goth bringeth forth
the vessealx. Cf. Note 1, above.

This usage has survived, with some extension of application, in present-
day ‘colloquial English, E.g. ‘Now you've gone and done it!’; ‘ Next
he went and shot.’ Or after took, e.g. ‘ He took and hit me!’ Perhaps after
try, e.g. ‘ Try and do it.’ In all these expressions the first verb in parataxis
has lost its logical meaning and serves only to indicate a mere sequence of
the action which is contained in the second verb, with reference to a pre-
viously existing state of affairs. The content of the first verb is so insigni-
ficant that vulgar usage suppresses it altogether, putting in its stead a vague,
colourless adverbial merely zmzplying motion. E.g. ‘ He up and threw the
brick’; ‘ He out and said what was in his head.’

Norte 3. There is met four times, in the prose of the early period, the
infin. of a verb of motion after another verb of like kind, used pleonastically
to express manner of motion. Cf, Homer's é8y tuev, 28 Oéev. This usage
is also met rately in OS. (Steig, Z/@P%. xvi. 307). In OE. it is common
only: in the poetry, the instances in the prose being: BH. 400, 28 ic mid
dy heafde and mid honda com on Sone stan dryfan. Bo.6.9 Sa com Ya gan
in to me heofoncund wisdom. HL. 179. 328 ure Drihten himself com of
heofonum to eordan astigan. Dial. 63. 28 he gewat feran ut. By the time
of Aélfric this infin. of manner of motion had been supplanted entirely by
the construction that survives even to-day, viz. the present part. (B. Schrader,
Al fric. Syntax, p.70). E.g. EHii. 14. 7 Gabrihel him com to fleogende,
Id. 134. 26 him com 8a ridende to sum arwurde ridda. Other examples
are: id. 162. 13 3 510. 14.

B. Idiomatic Expressions after Sel/an and Kindred Verbs,

After sellan, rarely after hladan, beran, don, the infinitives of
the verbs, drincan, efan, supan, dicgan, occur, forming the stock
phrases, sellan drincan, sellan etan &c. Greek shows this
usage after 88wp1; Latin allows it even in prose after do and
ministro. Gothic (A. Kohler, Germania, xii. 436) has drigkan,
skalkinon, matjan freely after geban: e.g. Mk. 15. 23 jah
gebun imma drigkan vein mith smyrna (= kal édiSow aire
mei éopuprvicpéevov oilvov. OHG. (Grimm, Gram. iv. . 100)
has geban ezzan, geban trincan; while Modern German yet
retains this idiom, lost in English, in the rare construction
exemplified in the sentence, ‘Gib mir trinken.” See Grimm,
Gram. iv. 103. The modern idiom, always in English and
usually in German, has the prepositional infinitive (v. p. 26).

Doubtless the original force of the infinitive was that of
14 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

purpose, which may still be seen in many of the examples cited
below that translate the Latin gerund, supine, or infinitive of
final force: e.g. BH. 192. 12 8a gehalgode ic weeter... and sealde
Sam untruman drincan (= tunc benedixi aquam... et abtuli
zgro potandum. Secondly, the purpose idea may be so weak
that the infinitive is felt almost as a complementary object of the
main verb: e.g. John 4. 10 syle me drincan (= da mihi
bibere. Thirdly, the two may be crystallized into one verb-
idea, which is then followed by an accusative object: e.g. Lch.
i, 178. 25 wid toSece syle etan Sysse sylfan wyrte croppas.
Further instances of all these degrees of unity between sel/an
and the dependent infinitive can be found at will among the
examples below, viz.

1. sellan + drincan.

O. 134. 36 and sealde hie Sem gewundedum drincan (= her-
ba...in potum sauciis data. BH. 178. 7 Sa seolfan moldan
... monige men neomende weron...and sealdun heora un-
trumum monnum and neatum drincan. Add BH. 156.7; 192.
13; 203. 33: CP. 328. 13. Dial. 161. 4 him syllan drenc
drincan. M. 25. 42 ge me drincan ne sealdun (= non dedistis
mihi potum. John 4.10: Mart. 44. 73 94.19: ASHI. 574. 11;
582. 23: LSi. 312. 70: Gen. 21. 19: Exod. 2. 19: Inst. 483,
top: BIH. 229. 14 him sealdon attor drincan. The Leech-
doms naturally have very frequently the formula, syle drincan,
standing at the close of a prescription. We have noted in the
three volumes of Cockayne’s edition seventy-six occurrences.

Three instances are found of an analogous use of drincan
after deran, don, hiadan, respectively, viz.: BH. 396. 8 ineode
and Sem biscupe ber drincan and us... scencte. LSi. 464.
376 ode gif him Syrste, Su do him drincan. CP. 469. 7
ac hlada® iow nu drincan.

2, sellan + etan.

CP. 328. 2, 3 saldom etan. M. 25. 42 ge ne sealdon me
etan (= non dedistis mihi manducare. Mk. 5. 43; L. 8. 55;
9. 13; John 6, 31 he sealde him etan hlaf of heofone (= dedit
eis manducare... The Leechdoms show sedlan efan used as
VERBAL PHRASES 15

a formula in prescriptions. (Cf. sellan drincan, above.) E. g.
Leh. ii, 180. r2 selle him Sonne flesc etan. Id. i. 104. 10;
178.25; 380. 8: il, 128. 21; 264. 213 312. 4; 314. 3, 153
330. 12; 358. 2: iii, 18. 4; 22. 5, 24; 106. 1g.

3. sellan + supan.

Lch, iii. 106. 21 syle him supan. Add id. i. 82. 21; 86. 27.

4. sellan + Sicgan. .

Lch. i. 172. 12 eft gif Su Sas wyrte sylst Sicgean. Id. 198.
22 syle hy delmalum swa grene etan ode on drince
Sicgean. The imperative formula, syle deegean occurs: Lch.
i. 72. 153 122, 21; 130. 21; 172. 2: ii. 184. 6; 320, 12:
iii, 70. 4.

C. The Independent Infinitive of Purpose.

Twice we find the simple infinitive following loosely the main
verb as a final element. E.g. O. 46. 16 hie heora here on tu
todzldon ; oSer zt ham deon heora lond to healdanne, o@er ut
Jaran to winnanne. L. 1. 17 he ge® toforan him on gaste
and Elias mihte Set he feedera heortan to heora bearnum
gecyrre and ungeleaffulle to rihtwisra gleawscype, Drihtne full-
fremed folc gegearwian (= et ipse precedet ante illum... ut
convertat corda patrum in filios et incredibiles ad prudentiam
justorum, parare Domino plebem perfectum. In the latter
example, the Latin word-order may be responsible for the Old
English construction.

D. The Infinitive of Reference becoming Final after certain
Words.

Here the force of the infinitive is not that of pure finality ;
but, since the simple instead of the prepositional form is excep-
tional, the instances are noted. BH. 218. 8 ond he from
eallum middangeardes Singum freo in ancorlifes drohtunge
gestihhade his life geendian (= in anchoretica conversatione
vitam finire disposuit. Miller here translates ‘settled to end
his life” CP. 232. 22 he tiolode men forleran Sxt hie wurden
eac forlorene. BH. 56. 20 forSon he gearo were in Sam ylcan
gewinne mid him beon.
16 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

Supplementary.
The Votce of the Simple Injinitive of Purpose.

Only the active meaning of the simple infinitive in final
function is found in Old English, as may easily be noted in the
examples already quoted, in which the Latin original is of like
voice. However, Gothic exemplifies what may be taken as a
passive infinitive: e.g. L. 3. 7 atgaggandeim manageim daupjan
fram sis (= éxropevopévors dxAo1s BarticOjva tx’ abrod). Old
English exemplifies a passive simple infinitive in non-final con-
structions, however, after dedeodan, hatan, letan, geseon, gehyran
(Wiilfing, 2/4 Syntax ii. 191). Cf. Beow. 38 ne hyrde ic
cymlicor ceol gegyrwan. BH. 36. 3 het hine Sa teon and
leedan to Sam deofolgyldum (= ad simulacra eum jussit pertrahi.
But for all this, the fact remains that Latin active forms, infini-
tives and supines of purpose, alone are translated by the Old
English simple infinitive; while on the other hand (v. p. 28)
the passive forms, the gerunds and gerundives, are usually repre-
sented by the Old English prepositional infinitive.

II. THE PREPOSITIONAL INFINITIVE
. OF PURPOSE (524)

Under this head will be discussed:

A. The form, or composition, of the phrase.

B. The syntactic function.

C. The verbal properties, negation, and co-ordination of
a series. es

A. The Composition of the Prepositional Infinitive expressing
Purpose.

This consists of two essential parts: the preposition, with its
variations, and the infinitive, in its inflexional manifestations.
These will be discussed separately in the sections following.
Here it must be remembered, however, that, as regards com-
position and form, the prepositional infinitive expressing purpose
is not logically to be differentiated from. this in other syntactic
VERBAL PHRASES 17

relations. Still, in the sections below only the instances of the
phrase in final function have been noted.

Therefore, as to the form of the prepositional infinitive phrase
of purpose, there will be discussed :

1. The Preposition before the Infinitive.

2, The Inflexion of the Infinitive.

1. The Preposition before the Infinitive.

The Germanic languages all use freely the prepositional
infinitive, formed with a preposition + the infinitive. This pre-
position has in all the same general meaning seen in the Latin
ad, viz. Gothic, dz; High German, ze, 27, 24; Old Saxon and
Old English, 7. Norse uses a¢*, but the fundamental idea is
unchanged. Cf. the Latin ad + gerund, the Romance é + inf.

Grimm suggests (Gram. iv. 107) that this prefixing of the pre-
position to the infinitive is probably in origin only a strengthened
form of the earlier simple infinitive (pp. 9 ff.) to mark a less com-
plete blending of this with the verb upon which it depended.
To, by analogy of its wide application in all phrases of finality
(v. pp. 35 and 64), was naturally the word chosen for this use ;
so that finally the emphatic 0 + infinitive became the common-
place usage and supplanted almost altogéther the simple infinitive,
making this in its turn exceptional (v. p. 12).

This gave reason for a second strengthening of the /o-phrase,
which actually is found widespread in English and related
languages. This will be explained under the caption:

The Intensifying of the Preposition.

As just remarked, this is general in English and cognate
languages. German in its later development shows wm zu, and
later Netherlandish om fe (Grimm, Gram. iv. 104). Cf. OE.
ymb in phrases (v. p. 52) and clauses (v. p. 77) of purpose.

. Swedish and Danish, on the other hand, prefix for to the pre-
viously existent af (v. sufra) making the phrase, for a/ + infin.

1 For an instance of at instead of 4o in English, cf. Warton, Ywain, 3.
120 that ge wald grante to me that grace a¢ wend with me to my purchace.
(Quoted in Fiedler and Sachs’s Gram. p. 66.)

c
18 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

To this for, of Scandinavian stock, is due the Old English inten-
sive for, giving the phrase for fo + infin. ; which by the analogy
of Old French pour & became so widespread in the later lan-
guage as to become in its turn weakened in force, so that a”
third preposition, men, of Germanic stock, is rarely found
before for; e.g. Halt Meidenhed, p. 5 Se deueles here of helle,
Szet is umben for to leaden in to Se worldes Seowdom Syones
dohter. And, on the other hand, just as the Old French pour
was used without 2 in the unemphatic phrase, so occasionally
later English shows for alone without “0; ¢.g. Layamon, 1. 60
Corineus was to wode ivare for hunti deor wilde. See Miatzner,
Gram. iii. 57, 58.

Thus we have seen that English shows traces of three dif-
ferent intensives of the /o + infin.-phrase, viz, the High German
and the Low German zm, om, on the one hand; and the Danish
Jor, and later the Old French four, on the other. The influence
of the first upon English usage we have found to be hardly
perceptible ; but to the Danish, as regards its origin, and to the
French, as regards its extension, is due for in the phrase, for
to + infin., which attained great predominance in the seventeenth
century, and which may yet be heard among the unlettered of
to-day.

Coming now to our specific problem, we meet the intensified
phrase with for /o only twice in Old English, each time in the
later period of the language, as is to be expected in view of
what has just been said. The occurrences are: Cod. Dip. iv.
306. 3 (Harold, 1066 a.p.) and ich bidde eou alle Set ge
bien him on fultume at Sys cristendome Godes gerichtten for
to setten and to driuen (= rogamus etiam uos quatenus eidem
si necesse fuerit auxiliari velitis ad christianitatem sustinendam.
Chron. Thorpe’s ed. i. 377. 30 (1127 a.p.) Oc se kyng hit dide
for to hauene sibbe of se eorl of Angeow and for helpe to hauene
togzenes his neve Willelm.

Note 1. In Lch. i. occur several word-combinations in which wid
apparently is used as an intensifier of zo, viz. Leh. i. 124. 7 Wid innod
to astyrigenne genim Sas wyrte. Id. 126, 21 Wid feestne inno® to styri-

’
VERBAL PHRASES 19

genne genim Bisse ylcan wyrte. Id. 308. 10 Wid hagol and hreohnysse to
awendenne... Id. 330: 3 his hyd is bryce hundum and eallum fiverfetum
nytenum wid Soles gewinne on to donne. Id. 334. 13 Wid wyrmas to
cwellenne...drince. (Cf. id. 334.16 Needran eac to acwellanne, nim .. .)

However, w#d here is not to be conceived as strengthening zo, Rather is
anacoluthon to be recognized just after the noun which in each case follows
wi3. Cockayne’s translation of id. 126. 21 above, ‘ For fast inwards, to stir
them take the juice &c.,’ gives the true syntactical relation. W720 + object
is merely a stock phrase for the beginning of a leechdom; and it must also
be borne in mind that all these expressions are medical formule, and
disregard often any show of syntactical coherence; e.g. id, 336. 3 Eft
” wid teter of andwlitan to donne, heortes horn gebzrnedne, meng wi ele,
smyre... Add id. 336.15; 362.8 Wid widerweard her onweg to adonne,
gif Su nimest wulfes mearh and smyrest mid hrade Sa stowe Se ue heer beod
of apullud, ne gedafad seo smyrung Seet hy eft wexen.

2. The Inflexion of the Prepositional Infinitive.

Inflexion of verbal substantive forms is too familiar to need
comment. It is enough to say that in all the Germanic languages,
with the exception of Gothic and Norse, inflexion of the infinitive
after the preposition is the rule. The case is the dative, with
ending -(m)e.

This is rarely omitted. However seven times we have noted
an uninflected prepositional infinitive in final phrases, viz.

PPs. 18, heading, Dafid sang Gode to Sancunga.. . mannum
to Seowian. CP. 366. 14 mon snidé 6a bearn-eacan wif...
hiora mearce mid to ryman. See also id. 366. 3. Chron. 115.
31 and sztte Ser munecas Gode to Sewian. Cod. Dip. ii. 304.
6 (Charter of Eadred, 955 a.v.) fif hida .. . to freon him and his
erfeweardum. Cod. Dip. iv. 195. 27 (Charter of Eadweard, 1066
A.D.) Set ge him fulstan to driuan Godes gerichte (= ut
auxiliari eidem velitis ad christianitatem sustinendam. Cod.
Dip. iv. 293. 10 (c?rca 1066 a. D.) and ic an into eueri bisscopes
stole fif pund to delen for mine soule. Add Chron. 117. 13.

Note. Once the preposition is omitted, leaving the inflected infinitive
alone in expression of finality, viz. LSi. 222. 38 Petrus siSode neosigenne
(MSS. U and B, read weosigende) da geleaffullan.

Grimm (Gram. iv. 112) cites two parallel cases of omission in Early
ena; but adds, ‘leicht kann die partikel beim schreiben ausgefallen
sein.” In the Old English sentence the copyist no doubt confused the
participle of purpose (v. p. 32) with the prepositional infinitive.

c2
20 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

The Preposttional Infinitive in -ende.

We have just seen that the infinitive in final phrases was, with
a few exceptions, inflected by the dative ending -ze, -e. How-
ever, there have come under observation ten instances of forms
in -ende, co-inciding with the present participle. These will be
discussed in the paragraphs below.

Grimm (Gram. iv. 113) apropos of the infinitive inflexional
ending says: ‘...schon in mhd. die form -ende, fiir -enme, hin
und wieder auftaucht,...im 14 jh. scheint (sie) ganz vorzu-
herrschen, .. . ja diese form erscheint sogar im altfries. als die
gewohnliche. ...’ Thus we find the prepositional infinitive in
-nde abundantly in the cognate German and Saxon dialects,
parallel to its above-mentioned presence in Old English. Koch
suggests (Gram, ii, 69) the Old Norse pres. part., which was
used in a passive gerundial sense without a preceding pre- ©
position, as having perhaps immediately influenced the spelling
in Old English. Grimm (Gram. iv. 66) and Erdmann (Deussche
Syntax i. 93) speak also of the similar form and use of the Latin
ad + gerund in -zdum as being to some extent explanatory of
the -zde ending in Old English. Finally the analogy of the pres.
part. (v. p. 32) is to be thought of.

However this may be, we find especially frequent in the
later MSS. of Old English, such as MS. E. of the Chronicle or
the Winteney version of the Benedictine Rule, the ending -ende
of the prepositional infin., causing this to co-incide with the
pres. part.in form. This ending, be it said in parenthesis, passes
in Middle English into -zzde and then, by a well-known confusion
with verbal substantives in -2mg, -ung, becomes finally -zng. E. g.
Layamon 5561 He sohte to flaeinde (MS. A.); id.’ 2647 He
ferde ut to raeving. ’

Thus the prepositional infinitive of purpose in -ende, on the one
hand, occurs in the late monuments; on the other, strange to say,
we note it in the early Vespasian Psalms and in a charter of
circa 867 a.D., leaving a long intermediate period during which it
does not appear. This apparent difficulty would perhaps yield to
VERBAL PHRASES ar

systematic study of all infinitive forms in -ende, whatever their
function; but our field must be limited to those expressing
purpose, which occur as follows:

OET, 283. Vesp. Ps. 69. 2 to gefultumiende me oefesta (= ad
adjuvandum me festina. Id. 363. 118. 62 ic aras to ondetende
Se (= surgebam ad confitendum tibi. Id. 391. 141. 8 gelad
ut of carcerne sawle mine to ondetende noman Sinum (= educ
de carcere animam meam ad confitendum nomini tuo. Cod.
Dip. ii. 97. 16 (Aithelred of Wessex, 867-871 a.p.) ich... selle

.. fif hide him to habenne and to brukende on elche halue.
John 7. 25 se Se hi secea® to ofsleande ( Varzants = ofsleanne,
acwellanne). BR. 29. 3 ne com ic to donde myne agenum (s7c)
willan (= non veni facere voluntatem meam. Id. 35. 23.
Id. 31. 30 on San sydum mystlice stepas of zadmodnysse
and of Seawfzstnysse seo godcunde laSunge to stigende upp
mid hafod gefeestnod (= in qua latera diversos gradus humi-
litatis vel discipline (sic) evocatio divina ascendendos inseruit.
Id. 39. 9 to eallum Sam Singum, Se hyre beod betaht to donde
(= ad omnia que (scc) sibi injunguntur... Id. 39. 26 Seo
mynecena hyre tunga forwyrnod to specende (= linguam ad
loquendum prohibeat....

B. The Syntactic Function of the Prepositional Infinitive
Phrase of Purpose.

Common in all Germanic languages is an infinitive phrase
used as the logical equivalent of a final clause. In English this
usage began early (Matzner, Gram. iii. 68) and has grown with
the language into greater freedom, so that in colloquial Modern
English the phrase has almost entirely supplanted the longer
construction. In Old English, therefore, we may expect to find
the infinitive phrase used often as an equivalent of the final
clause. The two may even stand co-ordinately side by side ;
e.g. Cod. Dip. ii. 175. 23 and ic an Sees landes... Affan to
brucenne and to bewitanne and Szt heo hzbbe ... ealra gear-
weestma Sa Srie dzlas. Also, John 12. 47; HL. 202. 222, &c.

This logical abbreviation of the final clause by means of the
22 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

phrase is possible whenever the subject of this clauseis co-incident
in meaning with some element within the main clause; which
element, in event of the abbreviation of the final clause, would
become the logical subject’? of the infinitive. This can occur in
six ways, viz.

1. The grammatical subject of the main clause is the logical
subject of the prepositional infinitive of purpose.

2. The object of the main verb is the logical subject of the
phrase.

3. A dative in the main clause is the logical subject of the
phrase.

4. A genitive in the main clause is the logical subject of the
phrase.

5. The object of a preposition standing in the main clause
is the logical subject of the infinitive in the purpose phrase.

6. Some element implied in the main clause is felt vaguely
as the logical subject of the phrase.

These will be exemplified in the sections following.

1. The logical subject of the infinitive is the grammatical
subject of the main verb, which may be, (a) active, (4) passive.

(2) The main verb is in the active voice.

Chron. 238. 21 Sises geares eac com se Eorl Rotbert of |
Normandig to sprecene wid Sone cyng. Laws 64.16 Sat ‘he
ne come no %as bebodu to brecanne ne to forbeodanne ac... to
eacanne (= non veni (legem) solvere sed adimplere (M. 5. 17).
Gen. 2, 10 and Set flod eode of stowe ,.. to wetrienne neorx-
ena-wang (= et fluvius egrediebatur de loco. . . ad irrigandum
paradisum. This is the most general manifestation of the abbre-
viation of final clauses.

The other instances noted of the same phenomenon are :—

OET. 175. 10; 267. 58. 6; 334. 102. 20; 336. 103. 26;
340, 105. 5; 373. 121. 4: Laws 62. 6, 29; 64. 19; 70. 143
352. 6: PPs. 9. 12; 26. 3, 4; 36. 323 41.9: O. 46. 16:
BH. 62. 8,14; 76.11; 82. 21; 98 18; 132.53 158. 27, 313

1 See p. ror, and foot-note.
VERBAL PHRASES 23

162..7; 208. 20; 220.133; 224. 21; 236. 233 294. 20; 296.
16; 330. 29; 362. 18, 24; 366. 23; 372. 10; 388. 10; 408.
17; 422. 13; 438. 14: Bo. 19. 73 31. 153 40. 25; 48. 125
96. 32; 133.14: CP. 186.6; 292.3; 381.24: Dial. 20.27;
63. 28; 231. 13; 287. 2; 325. 10: M. 2. 2, 13; 8. 29; 9.
13; 10. 34: Mk. 15. 36: L. 1. 76-79: John 5. 18; 12.
47: AHI. 48. 19; 194. 28; 534..18: AlHii. 160. 2; 254.
21; 424.16; 570. 1: Lev. 1. 3: HL. 202. 22,

(4) The main verb is passive.

Chron. 11. 28 her Patricius ws asend . . . to bodianne
Scottum fulluht. BH. 272. 24 Sonon he wes sended... to
bodienne and to leranne (= unde erat ad preedicandum verbum
. +. destinatus, Id. 396. 14 was se biscop gelaSod .. . cir-
can to halgianne (= vocatus ad dedicandam ecclesiam. Exod.
5.12 and Geet folc wees todrifen ofer eall Egipta land cef to
gadrienne (= dispersusque est . . . ad colligendas paleas.

Other examples are:

Chron. 55. 4: O. 282. 34; 290. 10: BH. 108. 22; 160. 7;
260. 11; 330. 18; 394. 18; 396. 28; 420. 15: CP. 441. 30:
Dial. 183. 25; 301. 25; 302. 10; 309. 2; 315. 6; 325.1;
327.9: M. 26. 12.

Note. The following infinitives are used absolutely, yet implying a pur-
pose relation to a main verb to be supplied, whose grammatical subject will
be logically the subject of the phrase ; e. g. Lch. ii. 188. 19 To rymanne Sone.
cealdan magan ... (sc. ‘genim’): id. 304. 9 gealdor on to singanne.

2. The object of the main verb is the logical subject of the
infinitive phrase of purpose.

Chron. 21. 31 Mellitum he sende to bodianne ... fulluht.
O. 46. 21 and Sone oderne del Ser leton Set lond to healdonne.
Id, 188. 10 his folc sende gind Set lond to bernanne and to
hergenne. BH. 142. 22 8a sende he hine godcunde lare to
leranne (= misit eum ad praedicandum. Id. 468. 30 sende
him creftige wyrhtan steenene cyricean to timbrianne. John 1.
33 sede me sende to fullianne on watere (= qui misit me bap-
tizare. AEHi. 402. 29 se asende his sunu Titum to oferwinnenne
24 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

$a earman Iudeiscan. Other examples: OET. 367. Vesp. Ps.118.
112; 390.140. 4: id. 416. Vesp. Hym. 9.17: Chron, 227. 20:
Laws 40. 2: O. 96.11; 234.4: BH. 60. 28; 104. 14; 114.
143 150. 8; 172. 173 244. 30; 290.19; 268. 31; 356. 31:
CP. 405. 33: Mk. 3.14: L. 1. 71: John 4, 38: ASHI. 388.
16; 520.6: AEHii. 74. 11.

3. A dative after the main verb is the logical subject of the
infinitive.

Chron. 35. 12 her Egbriht cining sealde Basse preost Raculf
mynster to tymbrianne. Id. 223. 17 him wees betaht Se castel
to healdene (ste). Laws 68. 18 selle...his wepn... his
freondum to gehealdanne. O. 296. 1 he hie beta[h]te his twaem
ealdormonnum to bewitanne, BH. 158. 29 se cyning him gef
and sealde zehte and land mynster to timbrianne (= ad insti-
‘tuenda monasteria. Id. 396. 3 he hiere sealde Sat wzeter to
bergenne (= precipiens ut gustandum illi daret. Dial. 186. 24
Set Su me berest to drincane. John 17. 4 Set weorc Set Su
me sealdest to donne (= quod dedisti ut faciam. Gram. 135. 7
commoda mihi librum ad legendum, lene me 8a boc to reedenne.
The other instances are: OET. 447. 11: Chron. 73. 24;
127. 11; 176. 1: Cod. Dip. i. 310. 13: il. 5.24; 121. 29;
178.19; 388.3: iv. 26.2; 106.15: vi. 126. 31; 178. 7:
O. 42. 29; 564. 10; 64. 25; 142. 24: BH. 50. 10; 76.
30; 108.16; 160. 8; 230. 17; 232. 25; 262. 7; 272. 9;
“396. 33 440. 13 454. 9: Bo. 19. 22; 42. 8: CP. 368. 13:
M. 3. 7; 20. 19: Mk. 3. 15: John 6. 52; 19. 16: AHii.
190. 14; 198. 11; 244. 13; 554. 8: LSi. 358. 328: HL.
202, 238. |

Norte. It has occurred to’ me as possible that the later use of for intro- -
ducing an acc. + infin. construction may have been suggested, or at least had
the way made easy for its adoption, by an Old English dative belonging
grammatically to the main verb and being logically the subject of a following -
infinitive phrase; e.g. Deut. 32. 46 beodad 8a word eowrum bearnum to
healdenne and to donne (= mandetis ea filiis vestris custodire et facere. LSii.
138. 203 and dydon on weeter wanhalum to Sicganne = ‘ put it into water

Jor the sick to drink.’ Other examples are: Cod. Dip. i. 297. 5; 316. 15 ;
Dial. 194. 20; EHIi. 2.5 3 go. 5.
VERBAL PHRASES 25;

4. A genitive in the main clause is the logical subject of the
infinitive. The examples are:

OET. 360. Vesp. Ps. 118. 5 eala sien gereht weges mine to
haldenne rehtwisnisse Sine (= utinam dirigantur vie mez ad
custodiendas justificationes tuas. Also id. 400. Vesp. Ps. 149. 7.
Bo. 40. 15 Set bid Sone cyninges andweorc and Azs tol mid to
ricsianne. L. 20. 20 Set hig hine gesealdon Sam ealdron to
dome and to des deman anwalde to fordemanne.

5. The object of a preposition in the main clause is the
logical subject of the final infinitive. The example is:

Dial. 104. 32 Set glesfet...to Sam arwurdan fader ws
gebroht ... to bletsigenne.

6. Sometimes there is no clearly defined element in the main
clause that can be pointed out as the logical subject of the
phrase, which in this case is logically, as well as grammatically,
impersonal. Here the infinitive loses in predicative force, and
is joined to some element, viz. (2) noun, (4) adjective, (c) adverb,
in the main clause with modifying or restrictive function, rather’
than being felt in purpose relation to the main verb.

(2) The idea of purpose in the infinitive phrase fades into an
adjective element, modifying a noun.

BH. 472. 27 Seawas on to lifgenne. Id. 232. 4 Sette Sa
onfongnan neowan stowe mynster to timbrenne (= loca ad
faciendum monasterium. Id. 242. 7 bec on to leornienne
(= libros ad legendum. Id. 436. 7 Set he stowe heefde in
Sem streame to standenne (= quo haberet locum standi.
M. 11. 15 se Se earan hbbe to gehyranne, gehyre (= qui
habeat aures audiendi, audiat. Mk. 3. 15 he him anweald
sealde untrumnessa to helanne (= et dedit illis potestatem
curandi. Gram. 135.6 habes agros ad arandum, hefst Su zeceras
to erigenne. Add BH. 236. 1; 238.23; 274.7; 456. 19:
Bo. 40. 21: Mk. 3. 203; 4.9, 23: Leh. ii, 158.21; 180. 24:
Exod. 17.6: Num. 11. 6.

(6) The purpose idea in the infinitive phrase fades into a
mere adverbial element of reference, modifying an adjective, e.g.
26 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

OET. 149 (Bede’s Death-song) Fore there neidfere nzenig
uuiurthit thoncsnotturra than him tharf sie, to ymbhycganne
(= ad cogitandum. Id. 201, Vesp. Ps. 13. 3 bid hrede
foet heara to ageotenne blod (= veloces pedes eorum ad effun-
dendum sanguinem. Dial. 287. 2 Sa 8a hire lichama wes
nacod to Sweanne. Lech, i. 338. 3 heortes her beod swide gode
mid to smeocanne wifmannum. BH. 410. 4 scearpe weron
Godes word to bodienne and to lerenne (= ad preedicandum
verbum idoneus. Laws 152. 5 ealle beon gearwe. . . to
farenne (= parati sunt...ire. Add PPs. 7.13: BH. 420. 1:
Lech. i. 346.18: AEH. 128. 18, 25: Gen. 3.6: Num. 14. 4o:
BIH. 163. 13.

(c) In two instances the infinitive depends upon an adverb in
the main clause and the purpose idea fades into one of mere
reference, e. g.

AEHIi. 78. 14 ge habbad hwonlice to swincenne = ‘little time
to labor.” Int. Sig. 285 Hweet is, Set God gelogode Cherubim
and fyren swurd and awendedlic to gehealdenne (= Quid est:
Cherubim vel flammeum gladium atque versatilem ad custodien-
dum viam ligni vite posuit.

Note. The incomplete verbs, eon, weorSan, &c., are often followed by
a prepositional infinitive to express obligation or privilege, like the Latin
second periphrastic conjugation: e.g. AEHi. 2. 24 buton 3am bocum.. . 3a
synd to hzbenne. Here the phrase is in origin perhaps one of purpose, but
this function had long passed into that of mere predication after the incom-
plete verb, with the syntactic value just mentioned.

Supplementary.

The Prepositional Infinitive after Sellan.

This verb as a rule is followed by the simple infinitive
(v. p. 13) of drzncan, etan, supan, &c. in the idiomatic expres-
sions, sellan drincan, &c. However, occasionally the pre-
positional form is met with in Old English. Cf. Gothic gzdan
drigkan or gtban du drigkan; similarly High German geban
ezzen or geban ze ezzenne (H. Rotteken, Q/. 53.124; Grimm,
Gram, iv. 108; Kohler, Germ. xii. 436). The prepositional
VERBAL PHRASES 27

infinitive, instead of the regular simple form, after se//an occurs
in Old English as follows :

Sellan + to drincanne = 8. Sellan + to supanne = 4.
i, » etanne = 6, » Sicganne=6,

As is natural, the prepositional infinitive in many of these
instances marks a less degree of unity between the main verb
and the following infinitive, se//an not having so completely the
force of a mere auxiliary as it shows when followed by the usual
form. This will appear in the following categories :

1. The prepositional infinitive seems to be preferred in trans-
lating the Latin gerund or gerundive constructions of purpose.
As already seen (v. p. 13), the simple form is usual in translating
the Latin infinitive and supine. O. 42. 29 and sealdon Sem
Minotauro to etanne (= qui... filios . . . devorandos addicebant.
John 6.52 Hu meg Ses his fleesc us syllan to etene (= quomodo
potest carnem suam dare ad manducandum? Gen. 28. 20 and
syI8 me hlaf to etenne and reaf to werigenne (= et dederit mihi
panem ad vescendum et vestimentum ad induendum. Num.
11. 4 Hwa syl8 us flesc to etanne (=Quis dabit nobis ad
vescendum carnes? (repeated Num. 11. 13).

NoTeE. The presence or absence of ad may have been to some extent a
determinant of the use or omission of Zo.

2. A separable adverbial prefix seems to have the effect of
divorcing se//an from the following purpose idea enough to cause
this to be expressed by the prepositional, not the simple, in-
finitive; e.g. AUHii. 244. 12 eft swa gelice gelehte cenne calic
...and sealde his gingrum of to supenne efter gereorde. LSii.
142. 264 sealde Sam adligan of to supenne. The same effect is
seen after the passive; e.g. Lch. i. 370. 15 eft weSe hundes
heafod and his lifer gesoden and geseald to etanne ... gehzled ;
as well as when the infinitive precedes se/lan; e.g. O. 108. 28
and hit on mete oSSe on drynce to geSicgenne gesellan.

3. The other occurrences show a usage not to be distinguished
perhaps from the more common simple infinitive. Lch. ii.
180, 23 sele Sonne crest Set healf to drincanne ; id. 188. 10
28 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

1 *
sele elce dege to drincanne; id. 190. 2 sele bollan fulne to
gedrincanne. Other examples with fo drimcanne are : id. 236. 14 3
248.19; 252-2; 268.1; 288.7. Lch.ii. 216.9 sele to etanne.
Id. 220. 6 Sam mannum sceal man sellan zgra to supanne. Id,
288. 9 sele Sam men to supanne. Id. 218.8; 230. 25 238.2;
282, 14 have the construction sel/ad to dicgenne. .

Nore. Ceowan and swillan, though quite analogous in meaning to efan,
drincan, supan, dicgan, are not found in the simple form after se//ax.
However, the exemplifications are too few to warrant the statement that the
use of the simple infinitive of these verbs would be unidiomatic. They are:

Lech. ii. 24. 9 sele to ceowanne and wyrc him to swillanne Sone geagl ; id. 24. 11
sele Sonne gelome Sxt geagl to swillanne; id. 24. 28 sele to swillanne dxt

geagl.

C. The Properties of the Prepositional Infinitive Phrase of
Purpose.

Since the subjects under this head are not peculiar to the
infinitive in final function, we note briefly:

1. The Voice of the Infinitive. 3. The Negativing of the Phrase.
2. The Tense. 4. Co-ordination and Copulation.

1. The Voice of the Prepositional Infinitive of Purpose.

It is doubtful whether this can ever be with certainty called
passive, since the infinitive may be felt as a mere verbal noun, as
in John 17. 4 Szt weorc Sat Su me sealdest to donne, where the
Latin, guod dedistt ut faciam, and the concurrent Lind. and Rush.
glosses, detie tc gedoe, show plainly that 40 donne = not ‘to be
done,’ but ‘for doing.’ The analogy of the Gothic, M. 6. 1
atsaihwith armaion izwara ni taujan in andwairthja manne dz
sathwan im (= pds 76 Oeabjvat airois, gives little conclusive
evidence, in view of the slavish finger-tip transliteration some-
times seen in Ulfilas. Therefore, in spite of the fact that the
Old English simple infinitive in non-final function seems at times
to have passive force (v. p. 16), and that the prepositional
infinitive even in final function now and then translates a Latin
passive construction ; yet it seems more probable, in view of the
scarcity of such examples and of the frequent close approxima-
VERBAL PHRASES 29

tion of all Old English infinitives to mere abstract verbal
nouns, to think that this last is the case in sentences like
the following. ,

BH. 150. 6 Saeft seo modor efter Son onsende . . . in Gallia
Tice to fedanne Degbrehte Sem cyninge (=quos postea mater
. .. misit in Galliam nutriendos regi Deegberecto. Dial. 275. 25
sum meessepreost were Sere, Sam wes an cyrice befested to
healdanne. Dial. 324. 24 nu ic eom geseald Sysum dracan to
forswelganne (= ecce draconi ad devorandum datus sum.
M. 27, 26 and sealde [hine] heom to ahonne (= tradidit eis
ut crucifigeretur. Lind. and Rush.= Sette he on rode were
genegled. Add John 19. 16: O. 290. 9 on Gem ferelte
Firmus weard gefangen and fordgeleded to sleanne. BH. 142.
17 rice men sendon heora dohtor Sider to leranne (= filias
suas erudiendas ... mittebant. Id. 244. 30 sende he hine to
hadiganne ofer sz to Avgelberhte biscope (= misit eum ordi-
nandum. Id. 396. 27 Sa Gruh him biggesette in Sere he to
bebyrgenne geseted beon scolde (= in quo sepeliendus poni
deberet. Add BH. 260. 12, 13; 420. 15: Dial. 183. 25; 301.
25; 302.10: AEH. 534.18: ALHii. 254. 21.

2. The Tense of the Infinitive of Purpose.

In Old English only the infinitive of present signification occurs,
whether this be simple or prepositional in form. The, peri-
phrastic perfect phrase of purpose (e. g. Marlowe, Jew of Malta,
5. 6 This train he laid 40 have entrapped thy life) belongs to
the later language.

3. The Negation of the Prepositional Infinitive.

A purely negative phrase of purpose, i.e. one equivalent
strictly to a negatived clause (e.g. ‘He paid him zof #0 do it’),
does not occur in Old English prose. Here, a negatived final
phrase is always found to follow a main verb of like kind, and the
negation of the former is only a repetition of that of the latter.
The particle is a (me + @), placed in the phrase immediately before
the infinitive or any of its modifiers that precede it. E.g. Laws
62. 38 leases monnes word ne rece Su n6 Ses to gehieranne.
30 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

Id. 64. 16 Seet he ne come no Sas bebodu to brecanne ne to
forbeodanne, ac mid eallum godum to eacanne. Hi. 320. 5
he ne com na to demenne mancynn ... ac togehelenne. HL.
202. 222 ne coman hig na to feohtanne. The sole exception,
allowing vé + infl. infin. after a positive main verb, is in event of
a negative phrase standing in a positive series; e.g. Cod. Dip,
ii. 175. 19 and selle ... fif peningas... to habbenne and to
brucenne and xa of dam mynstre to sellanne, (The phenomenon
appears twice more in the same charter.)

4. Co-ordination of Phrases.

In a series of co-ordinate phrases, each is usually inflected and
do is repeated before each. But in a few instances only the first
of the series takes /o and the inflexional ending, the rest showing
the simple infinitive form ; e.g.

BH. 250. 19 sende he Gearaman... to gereccene Sone
gedwolan and heo to sodfeestnesse geleafan eft gecegan (=misit
ad. corrigendum errorem revocandamque ad fidem . . . provinciam.
L. 1. 71 and he alysde us ... mildheortnesse to wyrczenne mid
urum feederum and gemunan his halegan cySnesse (=ad facien-
dam misericordiam ... et memorari testamenti sui. L. 9. 2 he
sende hig to bodianne Godes rice and untrume gehelan (=misit
illos preedicare ... et sanare.

This non-repetition of the preposition, first in copulative and
then also in disjunctive co-ordination, began greatly to extend
itself at an early period (Pers Pi. then to jangle and jupe and
jugge hir even cristen); so that in Modern English, as in Modern
German, this amission is the rule}.

However, in our investigation, full inflexion and repetition
of 4 is the rule, as stated above. The instances are as
follows :

(2) and. BH. 372. 10 Set wit eac somod moton to heo-,
fenum feran his gife Ser to geseonne and to sceawigenne,
M. 20. 18, 19 mannes sunu byd geseald ... Seodum to
bysmrigenne and to swingenne and to ahonne. AZHi. 582. 6

1 See Valentine and Keane’s German Grammar, p. 146.
VERBAL PHRASES 31

ic com to secanne and to gehwlenne. Add Chron. 224. 20:
Cod. Dip. i. 310, 13: ii. 5. 22; 175. 19: iv. 26, 2: Vi,
178. 7: O. 188. 10: BH. g0. 10; 62.8; 172,173 242.243
438.143 454.9: CP. 292.3: Lch. i. 346.18: ii, 180. 24:
EH. 360, 21; 444.5: Inst. 444. xvii; 439. xxxvi: Wulf,
202.13 295. 31.

(4) ac (occurring only after a negatived member in the series).
Laws 64. 16 Set he ne come no Sas bebodu to brecanne ne to
forbeodanne, ac mid eallum godum to eacanne. AEHi. 320. 5
he ne com na to demenne mancynn .. . ac to gehalenne,

(c) ge... ge. BH. 330. 16 monige men... weron beernde

. to gebiddenne ge zelmessan to sellene ge Godes aseegdnesse
to beranne. Lech. ii. 4. 11 blodgetena, ge on to bindanne ge on
eare to donne...

(d) ode. Laws 62. 29 gif mon nabbe buton anfeald hregl
hine mid to wreonne od%e to werianne.

(¢) swude ... swudum (sive... sive). Cod. Dip. v. 167. 19
(Bishop Denewulf, gor-909 a.p.) hie mz mid ealre este
unnun his mz Set to bocianne Sinn deg, swude to brucanne
swudum to lenanne, Se Se leofust bid (= quod ipsi bono fauore
concedunt michi ut eam tibi per cartam tradam quamdiu uixeris, |
stue ad possidendum szve ad commodandum alteri, cuicunque tibi
magis placuerit.

(/f) ne... ne (v. sub b, supra),

Note. Once occurs with asyndeton a series of phrases alternately
exemplifying the simple infinitive and the prepositional form. This is prob-
ably due to slavish imitation of the original. L. 1. 76-79 du gest beforan
drihtnes ansyne his wegas gearwian, to syllenne his folce hys hzle gewit...
onlihtan Sam Se on Systrum and on Seaves sceade sittad ; ure fet to gerec-
cenne on sybbe weg (= preeibis... parare vias, ad dandam scientiam .. .
inluminare his qui... sedent, ad dirigendos pedes nostros in via pacis.
Gothic shows the same succession of simple infinitives and infinitives with
du in the translation of Ulfilas,
32 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

III. THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE EXPRESSING
PURPOSE (11)

This is an extension of the common appositive participle of
circumstance, i.e. manner or concomitant action, after verbs
of motion, rarely after verbs of rest. Crenshaw (Pres. Part. in
OHG. and Mod. HG., p. 36) mentions this blending of the
functions of manner and purpose in all periods of High German.
See also Grimm, Gram. iv. 125. Since the participle does not
predicate finality, but merely allows this to be inferred from the
context, we must grant much to the personal equation in deciding
upon the presence of the purpose function here. Compare, as
an illustration, the following versions of zpoca:rév and mendicans
in Mk. 10. 46 éxdOnro rapa riv 6dév tpooaray (=sedebat juxta
viam mendicans. Ulfilas has: sat faur wig du athiron*; Wycliffe
and Tyndale have: sate... Jegeynge; and Luther translates:
sass ein Befiler ... am Wege und Jeffelfe. Among these, Ulfilas
alone felt the participle as one of purpose. Luther, on the other
extreme, understood it as expressing only concomitant action.
Hence there is extreme difficulty in determining with precision
in all cases whether the present participle has final force or not.
The following list, therefore, embraces those present participles
in Old English that appear to me to contain something of final
value. In view of what has been said above, others might be
added, or conversely some of these may be excluded; but,
though no fixed category is possible, the instances given may
perhaps be taken as typical of the use of the present participle
in Old English to express finality, viz.

CP. 172. 1 he Sonne ferd secende hwet he sellan scyle.
L. 13. 7 ic com weestm secende (= venio querens fructum.
John 6. 6 Set he cw his fandigende (= hoc autem dicebat
temtans eum. The North, glosses have here dese gecostade.
4EHii. 358. 5 Sa ferde he to Sam weele his lic secende. Arch.
Ior. 318. 19 and ged secende Set an Se him losode. LSi.

* Of course it is possible that the translator here took mpooa:ray as an
infinitive form.
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY 33

388. 78 se cyning sende...erendracan ,.. emb Se axiende,
LSii. 130. 70 se biscop 8a ferde bodigende. Id. 324. 142 eodon
Sa secende ealle. Alc. Asm. 104. 57 comon him to... frides
biddende, Id. 113. 365 wende ut ongean ‘secende Judith*.

Nore. Cf. the pres. part. after a verb of fearing, Mk. 9, 32 and hi
adredon hine ahsiende (=timebant eum interrogare. Lind. and Rush, have
dat hia gefrugno,

CHAPTER II
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY

TueEseE fall easily into the following sections :

I. Zo-phrases. IV. Jn-phrases.
II. For-phrases. V. Fmbe-phrases.
III. On-phrases. VI. fter-phrases.

It will be noticed that each one of these prepositions is also
a factor in the introductory prepositional formulz of the Purpose
Clause (v. pp. 63 ff.).

I. Zo IN PHRASES OF FINALITY (358)

The preposition /o in Old English is used very freely with
a noun of verbal content to form phrases of purpose. This
usage also prevails with its parallels in cognate languages and yet
survives in Modern English as well. E.g. Er that es mir zum
Trost (= damit er mich tréstete); Er kam mir zu Hilfe (Il vint
& mon secours). OHG. and O. Saxon will furnish examples of
the same usage. For later English, cf. Butler’s Hudzbras, i. 3.
505 Some, to the glory of the Lord, perjured themselves.

It is to be noted that the prepositional infinitive with /o, already
discussed, is logically of this category, the function of the pre-
position being exactly the same in origin, whether this be
followed by a formal verbal noun, the inflected infinitive ; or
whether it be followed by a word verbal in conéent only, not in

1K, Kohler (uf und Part. in Beow., p. 68) points out Beow, 2062 hin
se oder bonan losad lifigende, as.an instance of the part. of purpose.

D
34 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

Jorm, The first class has already been treated as the pre-

positional infinitive of purpose’. The study of the second
class, ¢o + the abstract verbal noun, occupies the next pages.

Zo expressing purpose is only an easy metaphoric extension
of ¢o in its primary meaning of motion foward. An interesting
example of both applications in one sentence is: HL. 144. 10
Set... he Sider cume to his uhtsange and to mzssan and to
‘eefensange and na to nanum idelum geflite ne to nanum woruld-
-licum spreecum, ac to Sam anum Sethe his synna Gode andette.
Here, #o dam anum det introduces a clause of final significance
(v. p. 67).

In true purpose phrases?, the object of /o is always a.noun of
verbal content, which is often accompanied by a modifying
objective genitive, thus making a combination equivalent to
a purpose clause containing a transitive verb. E.g. Num. 18.1
God geceas Aaron him to sacerde and of his ofspringe 40 his
offrunge simle (=fratres tuos de tribu Levi sume tecum wf minz-
strent tibt. Rarely we find instead of an objective genitive +
verbal substantive, a compound word, the first member of which
is logically the object of the verb-idea in the second: e.g. Exod.
5. 7 ne sylle ge leng nan cef Sis Ebreiscan folce 40 Agelgeweorce
(=nequaquam ultra dabitis paleas ... ad conficiendos lateres.
BIH. 105. 36 hwa him to hele and to helpe and ¢o feorhnere
on Sas world astag? (cf. for dearn-teame, p. 45).

In addition to this very usual genitive just mentioned, there.
will be observed in many of the examples below a dative of
interest, placed always just.before the 40 and ‘having very nearly

1 See pp. 16 ff.

? To be distinguished from the true purpose phrase composed of fo + an
abstract verbal noun, are phrases consisting of o +a noun denoting office or
personal relationship, on the one hand; or function, on the other.

Examples of the first are: Exod. 2.14 hwa gesette Se to ealdre and ta
deman ofer us (=qui te constituit principem et judicem super nos? Cf.
also to wife, Laws 62.15; 96.43; LSii. 384. 109: 4o were, id. 382. 87: Zo
Seder, Hi, 92. 16 : to biscope, BH. 146. 14: to lareowe, id, 240. 15, &c.,
&c. For instances of the second, cf. ¢o tacne, Laws 58. 25; O. 38. 35: ¢0

bisne, id. 74. 24: Dial. 2. 275 to mete, id. 36. 29, and many others, See
footnotes on pp. 43 and 47. Cf. p. 52, note.
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY 35

the function of an object accusative, in case the phrase were
expanded into a clause. E.g. Amc. Asm. 43. 484 seo sunne
scind ... mannum to lihtinge==sctnd det heo Ja menn onlthte.
(Cf. Ey kam mir zu Hiilfe, and for the Gothic parallel see
Douse, Jui. to Ulfilas, p. 218.)

Phrases of purpose, consisting of 40+ the dative of a noun of
verbal content, will be divided for study into four classes,
according to the form of the noun, as follows:

A. Zo+ verbal substantives in -2ng 4,
B. ” ” 9 “ung.
C5 ‘5 ii -7€SS.
D. Zo+verbal abstracts with no formal ending.

These will be fully exemplified below.

A. Zo+verbal substantives in -2mg forming purpose phrases.

letting: Chron. 237. 4 and se cyng syddan scipa ut on se
sende his broSer to deere and to lettinge.

lihting: 4®Hi. 110. 14 Sa steorran sint mannum to nihtlicere
lihtinge gesceapene. Add Arch. 102, 42.12. Gen. 1. 16
Set mare leoht to Ses deges lihtinge and Set lzsse leoht
to Szre nihte lihtinge (=luminare majus ut preesset dici,
et luminare minus ut praesset nocti, Bc. Asm. 43. 485:
Hex. 12. 14.

rihting: Dial, 315. 9 were etewed...to rihtinge... manna.
AGHI. 558. 21 and him God halige ze sette to heora lifes
tihtinge: A®Hii. 210. 5: De Vet. 21. 27: Cod. Dip. iv.
279. 22 (v. p. 43).

(ge)trymming: AEHi. 28. 23 we wyllaS to trymminge eowres
geleafan eow gereccean: AZHii. 378.8; 384.8: LSi. 6. 4:
Ec. Asm. 5. 111: De Vet. 4.153 14. 8 (Vv. p. 43).

B. Zo + verbal substantives in -wxg forming purpose phrases.
andettung: CP. 102. 25 Set hie mzgen iernan and fleon to
Sas lareowes mode him to andettunge.

1 The rarer verbal substantive in -eng is not found in purpose phrases.
D2
36 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

behreowsung: A®Hi. 402. 11 feowertig geara fyrst Godes mild-
heortnys forlet Sam wzelhreowum ceastergewarun to be-
hreowsunge heora mandzeda.

blawing: Jud. 7. 16 Sa het Gedeon his geferan habban heora
byman him mid to Sere blawunge.

bodung: BIH. 185. 33 he me to bodunga sende,

clensung: A‘Hii. 48.26 Sreo healice Sing gesette God mannum
to clensunge. Lev. 1. 4 (v. p. 44).

fandung: A®Hi. 182. 7 Sis he cw to fandunge Ses leorning-
cnihtes (=hoc autem dicebat temtans eum.

feormung: Laws 82. 9 gif sweord-hwita ores monnes wepn
to feormunge onfo,..

geedstaSelung : A°Hi. 342. 25 Sa wxs mancynn gesceapen to
geedstaSelunge Szs forlorenan heapes.

getimbrung: Hex. 38. 8 hoga Su nu... ymbe a gastlican
gestreon to Ses stypeles getimbrunge.

halgung: A®Hii. 578. 17 Salomon Sa gegaderode ealle his witan
to Ses temples halgunge. BH. 368. 25 (v, p. 44).

herung: ASHI. 180. 21 se man Se for gylpe hwet to gode -
deS, him sylfum to herunge, nefS he.,.. AHii. 36. 5.
Int. Sig. 189.

hreowsung: HL, 144. 4 Se eallum mannum to hreowsunge, and
to dedbote geset is.

offrung: Num, 18. 1 God geceas Aaron him to sacerde and of
his ofspringe to his offrunge simle (=fratres tuos de tribu
Levi sume tecum ut ministrent tibi.

sceawung: Dial. 195.8 com to sceawunge Ses biscopes deades.
BIH. 187. 13 fole come to Sisse sceawunga.

strangung: Hex. 8. 17 he gesceop to ures lifes strangunge.

(ge)swutelung: Cod. Dip. iv. 279. 20 and 8a boc... sealdan
to swutelunge. ALHi. 92. 32: LSi. 264. 39; 468. 428:
Gen. 21. 30: Inst. 437, middle,

tacnung: Bo. 16.17 to hwaem cumaé hi Sonne elles butan to
tacnunge sorges and anfealdes sares? (v. p. 44).

teolung: Dial. 26. 20 geornfulran to Sere teolunge godcundra
-beboda, Hex. 16. 6 maran tuxas to heora metes tilunge.
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY 37

Sancung: PPs. 29, heading. singd ... Gode to Sancunge Sere
blisse. —

- Senung: BH. 38. 9 seo menigo... wzs geciged’to Senunge
Ses... martyres. Id. 38. 30 bed Set him weeter seald
beon to sumre his Senunge. Id. 38. 33; 90. 13 226.18:
Dial. 206. 9 com to Segnunge Ses Godes weres. Id.
288. 7: Leh. iii. 440.13: ASHI. 406. 4: Inst. 458. xxxiv:
BR. 124. 20 (v. p. 51).

Singung: Cod. Dip. iii. 60. 6 and Sa munecas libban heora lif
zfter regole Sas halgan Benedictes us to Singunge Szt
we Sone Helend hebben us gladne.

Sre(ajung: Bo. 137. 13 cym® he to edleane his yfla odde
to Sreunge (szc) (v. p. 44).

weterung: AtHii. 222. 29 Set Israhela folc geSafode Sat sume
..- leofodon to wudunge and to weterunge.

weordéung : Laws 316. 25 gehwylc to weordunge his Drihtne do
(=ad honorem Creatoris sui faciat. Inst. 433, end: BIH.
11. 30 se com to wlitignesse and to weorSunge his bryde.
Wulf. 106. 29: BO. 55. 5 (v. p. 44).

witnung : AZHi. 410. 29 Sam feondum heo bi betzht on hire
geendunge to ecere witnunge.

wrastlung: Dial. 321. 2. Very doubtful.

wudung: AtHii. 222. 29. See under weserung, above.

wuniung: BR. 125. 20 mynecene ne underfo to wuniunge
(= ne ... sanctimonialem ad habitandum suscipiat.

wyriung: ACHii. 36. 5 ure tunge is gesceapen to Godes herun-
gum... na to deofollicum wyriungum.

C. Zo + verbal abstracts in -zess forming purpose phrases.

alys(ed)ness: PPs. 48. 7 Set he Szt weord agife to alysnesse
his sawle. AHI. 194. 16 Sa sende God Feder his Sunu
to mancynnes alysednysse. Cod. Dip. vi. 190. 22 nu
geude he dis land... his sawle to ecere alysednisse. Id.
ii, g7. 11; iv. 260, 1; 268. 12; 288. 2; v. 106. 23:
M. 20. 28: AHI. 24.333; 214.19; 284.24; ADHii. 6.
38 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

9; 202. 15: Dial. 261. 25. Add Cod. Dip. v. 248. 10
(v. p. 44).

awehtness: BH. 422. 20 to awehtnesse lifgendra monna of saule
deaSe sum mon wes (s7c) sum feec dead (=ad excitationem
viventium.

awrigenness: L, 2. 32 leoht to Seoda awrigenesse and to Sines
folces wuldre (=lumen ad revelationem .. . et gloriam.

beorhtness: Lch. i. 348. 5 to eagena beorhtnysse, wudu buccan
gealla.

forgifenness: AZHii. 98. 29 and Szs halgan husles Sigene mid
geleafan underfon, us to synne forgifennysse and to ge-
scyldnysse deofellicra costnunga: Wulf. 284. 26 (v. p. 48).

forsewennyss: ASHi. 60. 24 and woldon 8a (gymstanas) tocwy-
san... to wfersyne, swylce to forsewennysse woruldlicra
ehta.

gereordness: Dial. 347. 32 brohte .. . hlaf to gereordnesse.

gescildness: O. 194. 30 se him Sone ren to gescildnisse
onsende. A®Hii. 98. 29.

gewemmedness: LSi. 212. 39 Sa Sing Se Su woldest to gewem-
mednysse me syllan.

gewitnyss: Dial. 86. 29 sealde Sis tacen to gewitnysse his agenes
megnes. Id. 342.16: Laws 196. 13: John 1. 7 Ses com
to gewitnesse (=hic venit in testimonium (v. pp. 48, 50).

hereness: Dial. 91. 22 ic wolde asecgan hwylce hugu wisan to
herenesse ures Alysendes (v. p. 52).

hyrsumness: Dial. 288. 7 heo were farende to Segnunge and
hyrsumnesse Seere . . . feemnan.

onlysness : Dial. 340. 9 ne beod heora lichaman na in circan
alegde ma, and furSur to onlysnesse heora sawle Sonne
to maran eacan heora genySrunge. Cf. alys(ed)ness,
supra.

onsegdness: BH. 142. 5 he in Sam ilcan herige wigbed hzfde
to Cristes onszegdnesse and oSer to deofla onszgdnisse.

(ge)trymness: cf. (ge)trymming, supra. BH. 108. 17 Se se ilca
papa... sende to frofre and to trymnisse. Id. 204. 19 Ga
ilcan studu utan togesette was to trymnesse Sees wages
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY 39

(=in munimentum ... parietis. Id. 204.27: Dial. 20.9;
71. 76 (v. p. 45).

sahtnyss: Chron. 199, 8 geaf Sa Sone cyng xl marc goldes to
sahtnysse.

wlitigness : BIH. r1. 30 se com to wlitignesse and to weorSunge
his bryde.

D. Zo + abstract nouns of verbal signification, but having no
formal ending.

Here are classed the following phrases containing nouns of

more or less verbal force.

to whte: BH. 196. 20 Set ic Se synderlice to zhte geceas
(=quem tibi specialiter possidendum elegi.

to andlifene: Bo. 30. 3 Sas eorSlican weestmas sint gesceapene
netenum to andlifene.

to are: Lech. i. 388. 22 and eac Susend Gisa engla clipige ic me
to are. Cod. Dip. ii. 77. 28.

to bernette: LSi. 108. 301: Gen. 22. 9 swa he hyt wolde
habban to his suna bernytte.

to beswice: PPs. 23. 4 ne nenne a& ne swerad to biswice his
nyhstan (=nec juravit in dolo proximo suo. Bo. 30. 4 Sa
woruldwelan sint gesceapene to biswice Sam monnum.

to bigengum: LSii. 406. 113 preostas gehadode to Ses Helen-
des biggengum.

to cwale: ASHI. 54.3 Seah Se ic minne agenne lichaman to
cwale gesylle (= etsi tradidero corpus meum ita ut ardeam

_ (1 Cor. 13. 2). De Vet, 23. 35.

to dere: AEHii. 416. 15 he Se asende his deofellican englas to
minre dare. Chron. 237. 5.

to dome: Laws 116. 1 healde hine man to dome (=servetur ad
judicandum.

to edleane: Bo. 137. 13 cym® he to edleane his yfla.

to edwite: See 40 hospe. Cf. on edwit (p. 49).

to forwyrde: AEH. 240. 5 Set hi cunnon hweet deofol taechd
mannum to forwyrde.

to frofre: Dial. 286. 5: ASHI. 374. 20 ic sende minne Seowan
40 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

Paulum Se to frofre. LSi. 74.394: HL. 121.152. Cf.
on frofre (p. 49).

to fultume: Chron. 13. 15 hy Sa sendon hider mare weored Sam
odrum to fultume. Cod. Dip. ii. 120. 28: O. 144. 29;
200. 31; 204. 21: BH. 32. 24; 58. 16; 106. 22:
AEH. 518. 21: BR. 79. 25 and nineteen other instances.
Cf. on fultum (p. 49). Cf. p. 50.

to gate: Lch. i. 350. 20 to slape gate, horn under heafod...
gecyrred ...

to gebeorge: BH. 44. 18 feesten worhtan him to gebeorge .
(=instruere ... murum qui arcendis hostibus posset esse
praesidio. Chron. 10. 24 bred weall Szr on ufon fram sz to
se Britwalum to gebeorge. LSii. 112. 678. Cod. Dip.
v. 142. 29 (v. p. 45).

to gefeohte: O. 78. 11 Sa Sci8Sie noldon hiene gesecan to folc-
gefeohte. OET. 207. 17. 35; 208.17. 40; 393. 143.1:
O. 54. 13.

‘to geleafan: LSi. 112. 375 he his mihte geswutelode mannum
to geleafan.

‘to helo: BH. 322. 27 seo Sruh .. . monegum monna ... weard
to helo (=loculum . .. nonnullis. . . saluti fuisse perhibent,
/EHii. 214. 15 se elmihtiga Cyning of Sam cynne asprang
Drihten Helend, ure sawle to hele. LSi. 86. 599; LSii.
62. 140; 440. 222: Aic. Asm. 25.19: De Vet. 15. 8:
BO. 62. 13. Cf. on haele (p. 49) and v. p. 45.

to helpe: Gen. 41. 35: Wulf. 82.16 com us... to helpe...
and to frofre. BO. 72. 22: Cod. Dip. iv. 220. 2 (v. p. 50).

to hlisan: v. sw to lofe.

to hospe: ANHi. 568.28 Se Syria cyning asende to hospe and
to edwite (=misit . . . ut exprobaret.

to lare: BH. 88. 30: Bo. 137. 13: A®Hi. 186. 20 Moyses hi
awrat to steore and to lare Sam ealdan folce. ADHii. 154, 8:
fic. Asm. 5. 111; 26. 49: Inst. 475 middle.

to lofe: ASHI. 505. 14 hi Sa sona Ser-ofer cyrcan arerdon
and weofod Sam heah-engle to lofe ... AHI. 538. 23:
-JEHii. 426. 24 se casere Sa and his biscopas arerdon
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY ‘41

mezere cyrcan ofer heora lichaman to lofe am zlmihtigan
Gode. LSi. 362. 365: LSii. 374. 305: De Vet. 7. 26:
Inst. 412. xiv: Wulf. 195. 6; 277. 12; 279. 25: BO.
55:5: Chron. 29. 10. Cf. on lof (p. 49). v. p. 52.

to slege: ASHI. 88. 3: LSi. 64. 282 wear’ sona asend... to
Sees caseres slege: LSii. 182. 225.

to steore: AXHi. 186. 20: Int. Sig, 71 8a sette God x Surh
Moysen to ege and to steore and to geleafan on God (=ut
terror disciplinz corrigetur ... et fidem reformaret, Inst.
453. viii: De Vet. 5. 36.

to Seowdome: LSii. 332. 257: Inst. 472 end, Se weron to
Godes Seowdome gehalgode.

to wrace: ALHi. roz. 3 hi sind to wrace gesceapene yfeldaedum.
AEA. 538. 29: De Vet. 20. 28.

to wuldre: Int. Sig. 189 se man so@lice is to wuldre and to
herunge his Scyppendes geworht (=homo vero in gloriam
et laudem Conditoris sui factus est. ASHI. 538. 23.

to wurSmynte : Chron. 29. ro Geet hi wolden an mynstre areren
Criste to loue and sce Petre to wurdminte. O. 276. 14:
FEHI. 10.17; 90.4; 538.23: LSi. 220.17: De Vet.
II. 45; 14.11: Wulf. 88.18; 277. 12 (v. p. 50).

to wurdscipe: De Vet. 7. 31 and of gehwilcum landum him
comon lac to wur@scipe.

Note. Worthy of consideration in this connexion, because fundamental
to certain of the prepositional formule before the final clause (p. 64), are
phrases composed of fo + the dat. of the demonstrative pronoun, viz. Mk. 1.
38 witodlice zo dam ic com ( = ut et ibi preedicem et hoc (szc) enim veni.
L. 4. 43 ¢o Sam ic eom asend (=ideo missus sum. Wulf. 242. 21 God us zo
dam gefultumige.

If the pronoun be the interrogative, the instrumental form is used, viz.
Dial, 165. 26 to wax wyllad we on us alecgan... 8a byrdene? M. 26. 8
to Awan ys Biss forspilled (=ut quid perditio hac? Id. 26. 50 to kwax
becom $u (=ad quod venisti? /HHii. 432. 14 Seah Se ure deeda beon gode
ge®uhte, to Awan magon hi.... BIH. 165. 2 to Awon eodon ge to
westenne—witgan to secenne? Arch. 101. 313. 30 to Aw2 untige gyt Sone
assan? HL, 143. 134 to Awy synd we... acenned?
42 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

II. For IN PHRASES OF FINALITY (70)

For, in Old English (like faér, furt, fér in Goth., OHG.,
Mod. HG. respectively) denotes primarily reason or cause.
But since the reason, or motive, of an action considered objec-
tively becomes the end, or purpose, of that action, we find for
used with the dative to form a phrase of finality, This transition
is of course possible only when the noun after for is a verbal
substantive. In the other Germanic languages, this adaptation
of the preposition seems not to occur, save rarely in Modern
German. E.g. Niebuhr, K/. Schr. 1. 23 England begann die
Welt fir Enideckung umsegeln zu lassen. Hence it is not of
native stock, and indeed is not usual in Old English before the
time of Aélfric, as may be seen from the lists below, or from
the chart at the end of Part I.

In Middle English, this use of for, already exemplified in Old
English, and especially in LWS., received an extension by the
analogy of the Old French por, pour, which itself often passed
from cause into final meaning (Matzner, Fr. Syntax i. 295;
Engl. Gram. ii. 458; Einenkel, Mitelengl. Syntax 139).
From this it has persisted into later English. E.g. Chaucer,
Morris’s ed. iii. 129 for reverence of his modir Marie. Wright
and Halliw., Rel. Ant. i. 42 to teche hem curtesie ... more for
the mayntenaunce of pride... than for worscipe of God. Scott,
Old Mort, 2 Frequent musters... both for military exercise
and for sports .. . were appointed by authority.

In Old English this passing of for of cause into for of purpose
is found, as we have said, most frequently in Atlfric. The case
of the noun in the phrase is the dative, though in the pre-
positional formulz introducing the clause of purpose (pp. 68 ff.)
the instrumental form of the pronoun is not unusual. The two
phases of for are not always clearly differentiated. ‘They both
may exist side by side in one sentence; e.g. ZHI. 534. 1 he
leofode on mynstre for neode swidor Sonne for beterunge. Here
the first phrase is causal, and the second final.

Still, it is also evident that for could be present in the mind
’

PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY 43

of the writer with full final force, being joined co-ordinately with
a purpose clause. E.g. A‘Hii. 324. 10 ne gesceop se elmihtiga
God men for.galnysse, ac Set hi gestrynon mid gesceade heora
team.
The dative after /or in true! final phrases is an abstract noun
of verbal content (p. 33), accompanied often by an objective
genitive (p. 34). Here, as with aeeeere (p. 35), we distinguish
four categories :
A. For + verbal abstracts in ee
B. ,, 9 -ung.
Ce 5; 4 i -ness.
D. For + nouns of verbal content, but having no distinctive
ending.
A. For + verbal substantives in -2mg forming purpose phrases.
reding: Alc. Asm. 100, 269 and eode him sona ut... swilce
for redinge.

tihting: BR. 9. 10 ic... getezece for gesceades rihtinge and for
synne bote (= propter emendationem vitiorum vel conser-
vationem caritatis (v. p. 35).

trymming: Wulf. 21. 7 sungon credo in Deum for trymmincge
and for mynegunge Szs sodan geleafan. Id. 270.8. Inst.
441. iii. gegaderode he sinod ... for Ses geleafan trym-
minge. Id. 437, middle gesamnode ... sinod ... for
trymminge rihtes geleafan (v. p. 35).

_ B. For + nouns in -ung.

beterung: AlHi. 414. 25 seo gesihd him weard zteowod for
oéra manna beterunge, na for his agenre.

bysnung: LSii. 238. 311 for Sees folces bysnunge .. . he gesta-
Selode him mynster.

clensung: L. 5. 14 and Mk. 1. 44 bring for Sinre clensunge

1 To be distinguished from phrases of purpose, containing a verbal noun,
are expressions with for denoting merely function, E.g. BH. 128. 29 Set
he ealle 3a god... for mede . . . syllan wolde (=pro mercede, CP. 318.4
mon foreode fleesc and win for bisene his brodram, Gen. 21. 14 and sealde
him ‘for mete hlaf and weter. BIH. 23. 34 setton (sc. beag of Sornum) on
heafod for cynehelme. See foot-notes on pp. 34 and 47. Cf. p. 52, note.
44 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

(=affer pro emundatione. Arch. 102. 30. 25 sodlice
Ser weeron gesette six steenene weeterfatu for clensunge
Sera Judeiscra manna (v. p. 36).

earnung : BO. 62. 24 him womdzede witan ne Sencea® for ear-
nunge ecan lifes.

getacnung: (with explanatory Jz#clause). AHI. 218. 9 and
geoffrian Sonne Gode Sone palm for Sere getacnunge.
Id. 324. 35 se Helend ableow his gast on his gingran
for Sere getacnunge Set hi... sceolon lufigan ... Id.
232.13: LSii. 70. 64: Int. Sig. 215,479: De Vet. 24. 5
(v. p. 36).

halgung: Wulf. 219. 33 for Sees deges halgunge and weordunge
Sa sauwla onfod reste (v. p. 36).

leornung: BH. 168. 28 for leornunge haligra gewreota he wes
... in Ibernia wuniende (= legendarum gratia Scripturarum
. .. demoratus.

mynegung: Wulf. 21.7. V. trymming, supra, p. 43.

Sreaung: Int. Sig. 236 Sat he dyde for Sreaunge, na swylce he
nyste, and Sat Adam understode hwar he Sa wes (= non
utique ignorando quesivit, sed increpando admonuit ut
attenderet ubi esset (v. p. 37).

weordung: Wulf. 219. 33. V. halgung, supra; cf. p. 37.

C. For + nouns in -vess.

alysedness: Cod. Dip. iv. 205. 2; 211. 23; 217. 10: Dial.
273-33 345-393 347.14; 348.28: AEHI. 290. 33 for ure
alysednysse Crist geSafode Set. Id. 312. 18 sede...
wees geoffrod for ure alysednysse. Id. 382. r1-he astah
of heofonum for middangeardes alysednysse. Id. 480. 8:
SEMi. 6.17; 22. 3; 240. 23; 264. 30; 358.83 412. 7:
LSii. 30. 446; 170.13: Alc. Asm. 27. 62: De Vet. 13.
40. Hex. 42.33: Wulf. 15. 11 he for ealles middaneardes
alysednesse .. . mennescnesse underfeng. Id. 21.23: BO.
42. 15 (v. p. 38).

ehtness: AEHi. 82. 19 he ealle his efenealdan adylegode for his
anes ehtnysse.
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY 45

gescieldness: CP. 88. 20 Sat is Sonne Set he fare togeanes
Tsrahela folce . . . for gescieldnesse his heorde.
trymness: Dial. 259. 12 asecge for trymnesse manigra manna

(v. p 39):
D. For + nouns of verbal content, but having no formal ending.

Here belong the following final phrases containing nouns of

more or less verbal signification.

for bote: BH. 350. 10 seo Searlwisnis ... him... of nede
becwom for bote his synna (= ex necessitate emendendz
sue pravitatis obvenerat. BR.g.10. V. sud rihting, p. 43.

for bearn-teame: Here the first member of the compound word
is the equivalent of the usual objective genitive (v. p. 34).
AGHIi. 70. 19 Se on rihtum sinscipe wuniad, swidor for
bearn-teame Sonne for galnysse. Id. 94. 13.

for eacan: AEHii. 94. 20 Set he,., for folces eacan bearn
gestreone.

for gebeorge: AZHi. 40. 32 Maria wes... Sam rihtwisan
Iosepe beweddod for micclum gebeorge (v. p. 40).

for gemynde: Inst. 459. xxxviii. het us... swa don for his
gemynde (v. p. 52).

for gestreone: AUHi. 148, 21 Sa Se... for bearnes gestreone ©
hemed begas. .

for gylpe: AEHi. 62. 6 Sas gymstanas synd tocwysede for ydelum
gylpe, = ‘that they may boast.’

for hele: Dial. 329. 25 laecas comon for his lichaman hale.
LSi. 32. 140 Sa bead ses wydewe Sam meedene sceattas for
hyre hele. LSii. 194. 63: BIH. 73. 7 he his blod ageat
for ure hele. Id. 97. 10. (v. pp. 40, 49).

for helde: ACHi. 462. 23 ac Sonne hi for heora lichaman hzlSe
us offriaS. ASHii. 396. 20 Sat folc andbidode Sry dagas
mid Sam Heelende for helSe heora untrumra. Id. 484. 11
we comon for manna hzl%e hider.

for ware: LSii. 112. 675 ne synd swa-Seah awritene, Ses Se
wyrdwriteras seecga6, ealle Judan gefeoht for his freonda
ware,
46 . THE PURPOSE PHRASE

Norte 1. In BH. occur five instances of for + the dative of intinga,
translating the Latin causa, gratia in phrases of purpose. Whatever be the
etymological connexion of éztinga—whether with Koch (Zug. Gram. ii. 376)
we ally it with ‘tihan, ziehen, daher Beziichtigung,’ or whether with Grimm
(Gram. ii. 355) we think of it as <-dénga = ding—still this is true that the
word is the close equivalent of causa. See BH. 52. 20; 78.3; 82.17, 19;
172. 15; 230. 28. But considered objectively cause, or motive, becomes the
end of action; and hence for + intingan + a restrictive genitive of a verbal
noun may pass into final signification, as does for + the verbal noun.
Indeed, the purport of the two constructions is the same (see BH. 242. 1

. quoted below). However the phrase with zztézgan, exemplified only a few
times in Bede alone of all Old English, must be considered unidiomatic, as
only a clumsy individual attempt to translate literally the similarly formed
Latin phrase, causa, gratia + the genitive. V. p. 72, note 2.

The occurrences of this are: BH. 194. 26 Seer efter feece for intingan
clensunge Sisses manes wes mynster getimbred ( = castigandi hujus facinoris
gratia monasterium constructum est. Id. 242. 1 8ider gewiton sume for
godcundre leornunge, sume for intingan fovhebbendran lifes ( =vel divine
lectionis vel continentionis vite gratia. Id. 270. 16 cwom to him of Breotone
Sore neosunge intingan se halgesta wer (=cum ergo veniret ad eum gratia
visitationis de Britannia vir sanctissimus. V. izfra. Add id. 386. 20.

In one instance the genitive of the verbal noun is replaced by the preposi-
tional infin., viz, BH. 82, 18 seo gemengnes Ses fleesces seo for intingan
bearna ¢o cennenne (=creandorum liberorum sit gratia.

Note 2, The prepositional formulz with for (for Son Set, for Sy Set,
for Sem Set, &c.) belong logically under the heading of phkvases of pure
pose, as well. See p. 68.

Supplementary.

‘Fore + the Dative in Phrases of Purpose (3).

Three times in BH., fore, the doublet of for (Wiilfing,
LEIf, Syntax ii. 354), occurs with final meaning, viz.

BH. 326. 31 fore alysnesse his sawle gelomlice mzessesong
dyde (= pro absolutione animz ejus saepius missas facere cura-
vit. Id. 330. 16 ond monige men weron beernde in geleafan
and in arfeestnisse willan to gebiddenne ge zelmessan to sellenne,
ge Gode aszgdnesse to beranne Szes halgan laces, fore genered=
nisse heora freonda (= accensi’sunt in fide ac devotione pietatis
ad orandum vel ad eleemosynas faciendas, vel ad offerendas
Domino victimas sacre oblationis pro ereptione suorum. Id.
226.14 Cedd ham ferde and cwom to his cirican to Lindisfarena
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY 47

ea_ fore sprece Finano Ses biscopes (= propter colloquium. (This
last is perhaps only doubtfully final.)

III. ON + THE ACCUSATIVE AND THE DATIVE IN
PHRASES OF PURPOSE (68)

On, like 40, denoting motion toward, tendency, may by a
simple metaphorical extension express that to which the action
of a verb is directed. Hence arise phrases of finality with on
(cf. p. 75).

This use of the preposition seems to be confined to
the Low German family, and even here it is not nearly so
general as the parallel construction with 4. The Gothic ana
and the later High German az do not show this function; but
traces of it appear in Old Saxon, Old English, and Modern
English. E.g. Heliand 4412 so hwat so gi dadun...an
iuwes drohtines namon, godes fargavun an Godes era them
mannum the her minniston sindun. Also Hel. 672; and add
the phrases sendian (faran) an arundi, cuman on gebodscept.

In Modern English, 0” expressing finality is even rarer than
in Old English, having yielded to 2”, which under the influence
of the French ez in this sense, grew upward from a few scattered
imitations of the Latin in BH. into an established Middle
English and Modern English idiom (v. p. 51). Cf. Chaucer’s
‘as he on huntyng rood,’ and the Mod. Eng., ‘I came on
purpose to tell you.’

In Old English, oz stands immediately after for in relative
frequency of occurrence, fo being, as we have seen, the most
generally used. Unlike 4 and ar, it is followed by two cases,
the dative and the accusative, the former being the rule after
the neuter verbs Jeon and weordan. As was true of 40 and /or,
the noun following o# is one of verbal content’, or a pronoun

1 To be differentiated from purpose phrases are those expressing merely
office or function, c.g. Laws 58. 26 Seah hwa gebycgge his dohtor ov deo-
wenne (== si quis vendiderit filiam suam z# famulam. Cf. BH. 382. 16 da
genamon hi sumne Sel his feaxes him to reliquium Szt hie mihton heora bid-
dendum freondum syllan, ode seteawan in tacon Ses wundres. See foot-
notes on pp. 34 and 43. Cf. p. 52, note.
48 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

representing such a noun. E.g. BH. 466. 10 om heora weor-
dunge wibedes sette and porticas worhte and todealde on det
sylfe binnan Sere ylean cyricean weallum.

Therefore we have these divisions :

A. On + the Accusative.

B, On + the Dative after the neuter words, Jeon and weordan..

A. On + the Accusative (43).

On the same principle of division used with the two pre-
ceding prepositions, we have:

1. On + verbal abstracts in -ung.
Ba xy 35 35 -neSsS.
3. On + nouns of verbal content having no formal ending.

1. On + nouns in -uag.

hergung: O. 138. 7 gewealdenne here . . . sendon an hergiunge
and Gat folc to amierrenne (= ad populandos hostiles
agros... preemissis.

weordung: BH. 466. 11 on heora weorSunge wibedes sette and
porticas worhte, (An example from the poetry is: Gen.
1452 let fleogan culufran on fandunga.)

2. On + nouns in -vess.

forgyfenness: AZHi. 352. 11 and bodade ... . fulluht on synna
forgyfenysse (= predicans baptismum pcenitentiz in
remissionem peccatorum, Hii. 244. 15; 268.1 (v. p.
38).

(ge)witness: M. 24.14 and Sis godspel byS bodod ofer ealle
eorSan on gewittnysse eallum Seodum (= in testimonium.
Mk. 6. 11 asceacad Set dust of eowrum fotum him on
gewitnesse (= in testimonium. Li 9. 5 (v. pp. 38, 50).

3- On + verbal nouns with no formal ending.

on erende: Bo. 63.15 gif hwele swide rice mon... on his
hlafordes zrende ferd. Id. 136. 25 he sent ealla gesceafta
on his zrendo.
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY — 49

on bismer: O. 234. 22 Sa sende him mon ane blace hacelan
‘angean him on bismer. CP. 45. 8 hine mon scyle on
bismer hatan se anscoda. Id. 261.147 Sa 8a him mon on
bismer to gebed. Laws go. 3.
‘on edwit: BH. 438. 9 Syles him etwite and on edwit sette his
geSoftan (= ne exprobrarent sibi sodales (v. p. 39).
on frofre: BIH. 203. 21, 26. See the next phrase (v. p. 40).
on fultum: PPs. 17. 9 and astah me on fultum. Id. 33,
heading, him God sende his godcundne engel on his fultum.
O. 68. 13 Tarcuinius...aspon Tuscea cyning him on
fultum. Id. 82.9; 90.7; 96.5; 106.3; 110. 8; 112.
2: BH. 50. 14; 356. 24: BIH. 203. 21 engel... cwom
on fultum and on frofre. Id. 203. 26 (v. pp. 40, 50).
on helo: CP. 399. 25 he cw Get hio were swide neah and
Seah genoh fest on his helo (= et tamen ad salutem tuta
perhibetur (v. pp. 40, 45).
on hergod: Rolls Chron. 168. 23 (MSS. abcd) and eft odre
side he was on hergod gelend on Geet ilce rice. Id. 234.
14 (MS. c) and woldon Sa faran on hergod on Set Cristene
folc.
on reste: Mart. 34. 28 com to us on ece reste,
on Searfe: CP. 232. 7 Ses muvdes tunge sceal faran on Sara
earana Searfe (= ad usum suum auribus oris lingua con-
currat.
on wrixle: CP. 341. 18 Sonne sculon hie eft niedenga gadrian
over ierfe on Ses wriexle Se hie zr ...sealdon. (Belden,
Prepositions in A. S. Prose, p. 32, takes wrzexle here as
dat.)
on wurémynte: /EHi. 74. 10 (hi) arerdon Gode mere cyrcan
on Ses apostoles, wurdmynte (v. p. 41).
Note 1. An example from the poetry is: Gen. 1665 to faran on land-
socne.
NoTE 2. For instances of pronouns representing verbal abstracts in pur-
pose phrases, cf. BH. 466. 10 and on heora weordunge wibedas sette and
porticas worhte and todzlde on det sy/fe. Laws 80, 15 mid LX scill. gebete

Sam byrgean and Set sie on cwiceehtum feogodum, and mon nzenigne mon
on Vat ne selle.

E
50 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

Note 3. . Gerad in the sense of ‘purpose’ occurs, O. 236. 8 8a Silla
geacsade on hwelc gerad Marius com to Rome. See also on da gerad dat,
introducing a purpose clause (p. 76, note).

B. On + the Dative after Beon and Weordan (31).

Here purpose is often very hard to differentiate from the
mere expression of function (v. p. 47, foot-note).

on byrgene: Mk. 14. 8 heo com to smyrianne minne lichaman
on byrgene.

on fultume: PPs, 15. 8 he bid simle on minum fultume. ., 90.
11 Darius .. . Lecedemonium on fultume weard wid Sem
Athenienses. Id. 196. 7 he wende Szt hie wolden Hanni-
bale on fultume beon, O. 48. 24; 74.313 78. 22; 98.
20; 112.22; 144. 26; 162. I1; 196. 7; 200. 10; 208,
7,10; 220.4; 236.15, 22; 238. 7; 240. 5: BH. 46.
29; 236. 8: Sol. 55. 6 uton gelyfan Set God sie on
uncrum fultume. A®Hi, 510. 16: BIH. 203. 1; 209. 25.

(v. pp. 40, 49).

on fylste: O. 52. 5 ealle Sa Se he ondred Set him on fylste ||

beon woldon.

on gewitnesse: O. 114.18 Sat he hie ymb Set rice gesemde and
on Sere gewitnesse were Sat hit emne gedzled were (v.
pp. 38, 48).

on helpe: Sol. 68. 24 hy zr on nanre helpe neron, nader ne
heom sylfum ne heora freondum (v. p. 40).

on stale: O. 232. 23 Seh Se hie mid Sere wrace Seem adrefdan
on nanum stale beon ne mehton.

on Senunge: BH. 420. 7 8a brodor Sa Se in Fresum weran
mid hine on Sere Segnunge Ses Godes wordes (= qui erant
in Frisia verbi ministerio mancipati (v. p. 37).

Nore. For a pronoun representing a verbal idea in a phrase of purpose,
ef. John 18. 37 on 3am ic eom geboren and to 3am ic com...
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY 1.51

IV. JN + THE ACCUSATIVE IN PHRASES OF
FINALITY (7)

Much rarer than oz do we find its doublet, 2#, forming phrases
of purpose. For a discussion of the relation of these two pre-
positions one to another, see Wiilfing, 2/f Syntax ii. 383 and
the articles there referred to. From these sources the facts for
our purpose seem to be as follows:

1. Jn, for on, is characteristic of the earlier period of Old
English and is met most frequently in the translations, where
the Latin 2 may have exerted an influence. (Too much, we
think, must not be attributed to this, for the poetry, which niay
reasonably be considered free from direct Latin contamination,
exemplifies such an 2. E.g. Exod. 296 he up arerde reade
streamas in randgebeorh; Guth. 459 setton me in edwit Szet
ice...)

2. Jn is very rare in LWS., on being used instead.

_ 3» In Middle English, by analogy of the Old French en, which
often had final meaning (cf. Chev. au Lion 260 Aprés ce me
pria, gié par son ostel m’an revenisse, an guerredon se je
poisse), 7% began to be used again; so that by the time of
Chaucer we find it in many phrases of finality or function.
E.g. in guerdon of, in gré, in laude, in honour of, in despyt.
Cf. Chaucer, Morris’s ed. iii. 124 and is this songe imaad
in reverence of Cristes moder. Modern English has extended
. this yet farther, showing such phrases as: in aid of, in recom-
pense, in memory of, in return, in denial, in search (quest) of,
in witness, in answer. Cf. Cooper, Zhe Sgy, p. 5 He
despatched Captain Lawton im pursuit of the pedler. See
Einenkel, AMi#telengl. Syntax 151, and Matzner, Zngi. Gram. ii.
375-

Hence we may expect to find final phrases with z” belonging
to the earlier writings, which come into contact directly with
Latin originals. That this is the case appears from the occur-
rences immediately below. ,

E2
52 THE PURPOSE PHRASE

in cy@nisse: Lind. and Rush. version of on gewtfnesse in
Mk. 6. 11. See on gewiiness, p. 50.

in gemynd: BH. 204. 26 a ilcan studu... in gemynd Ses
wundres in Sa ciricon setton (= in memoriam miraculi
(v. p. 45)-

in hernesse: BH. 344. 5 6a ongon he sona singan in herenesse
Godes scyppendes Sa fers and 8a word (= in laudem Dei
Conditoris. Id. 348. 22 seo tunge Se swa monig halwende
word in Sas Scyppendes lof gesette—he Sa swelce eac Sa
ytmeestan word in his herenisse .. . betynde (v. p. 38).

in lof: See the sentence immediately preceding (v. p. 41).

Note. The instances of 7 with the acc, forming phrases that express
Sunetion are:
in tacon: BH. 382.17 Set hie mihton ... ateawan in tacon Sees wundres,
in ege: BH. 258. 20 waeron her stronge cyningas ond wel cristne ond eallum
ellreordum cynnum ut in miclum ege (= barbaris nationibus essent
terrori.
in setle: BH. 478. 27 seo stow neowan gemonigfealdedum geleafsyumum
folcum in setle bisceopstoles wees tozteced (= in sedem pontificatus
addita. Cf. Belden, Prepositions in A.S. Prose, p. 19. See foot-notes

On pp- 34; 43) 47+

«

V. Yuee + THE ACCUSATIVE EXPRESSING
PURPOSE (6)

Ymbe, denoting that with reference to which an action takes
place, passes by a process similar to that discussed under for
(p. 42) from causal into final function. Cf. the German wm gu
+the infinitive, and note the introductory formula, ymb de...
hu (p. 89, note).

The occurrences of this preposition in phrases closely
approximating purpose are: Laws 66. 1 8a gesomnodon we
us ymb Szt. Schmid translates, ‘da versammelten wir uns
deshalb.’ O, 142. 1 6a sendon Romane erendracan to Gallium
gmbe frid (= Romani ad exorandos Gallos misere legatos. BH.
96. 5 Set he swa geornfulle gymenne dyde ymb %a helo ure
PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES OF FINALITY 53

Seode (= tam sedulam erga salutem nostra gentis curam gesserit.
CP. 48. 23 gif he ymb Set geornlice swunce. Id. 168. 3 on
him sie uparered se craft Sere giemenne ymbe Sa foresceaw-
unga Ses hefonlican lifes (=vim sollicitudinis et erga ccelestem
vitam provide circumspectionis. AZHii. 380. 22 Herodes
cyning wolde ... geswencan sume of Szre geladunge and
sende werod ymbe det (= misit H. rex manus wf affigeret
quosdam de ecclesia (Acts 12. 1).

VI. 4FTER + THE DATIVE IN PHRASES CLOSELY
ALLIED TO PURPOSE (4)

This phrase is found a few times in Old English after verbs
of motion, denoting the end of motion. This desired end, being
conceived as motive, or incentive, of action, thus passes into
a purpose relation to the main verb. Cf. Wiilfing, 22/6 Syntax ii.
308. See p. 89, note.

The instances of this are: O. 154. 22 Sa sendon Tarentine
egwern zefter fultume. Id. 160. 2 sendon hi... efter fultume.
Repeated, id. 170. 20; 174.247. Id. 182. 9 Sa sendon hie...
zrendracan ... efter friSe. Id. 260. 9 he self zfter gewinne
for, and nan findan ne mehte.

Note. To be added is perhaps O. 136. 26 Set hie hiene zefter frive
sohton. ‘Wegen des Friedens,’ says Wiilfing, 7/, Syntax ii. 308: also,
‘doppelte Fiigung: sie suchten ihn, und sie suchten nach dem Frieden.’
“uspqumy}0 Noy

 

* soseiyd-cayf

 

 

 

 

~-- eee er oe er ee ee ee ee ere ee ee ee ee eet ee tte |] saseiyd-sgut
Hee ee ne ne ee ne ne oe ae te te ne te ne ne ne ne ce ee ne ne ne ee ee ne oe oe TT ee ee ee te Qo ce ee ee ce ee af * saseryd-zez
----- - €- ee ee ee ee He tte He Ht er Ht He FH eoOrg ere -}* * saseryd-xo
Wee ae ne ee te ne ce te ne ee te ee oe oe te oe ee ne oe oe ce oe te oe oe te ae ce we oe oe oe Boe ce we we ee wef Of = atof
CIIIIETIIIIITIIDIILIIGIIIILII IIIS III II): siege od
seen Zove oe G Eo pce ee 1 EH Le G6 ve eh OF OL te ee ee ee oe we TT oe GZ oe oe T ae oe we Toe of * * Saszaqd-40/)
-ebvréorgE--GergGzte--gioke r-1rrrerée giz tr e€rizh Girg E]° * saseiqd-y
ae oe 00 oe 0 os ve ce ae [ ve ue & ov ow G& on ov [ J oe oo cv ee ee J ee cece [ ov eo ov oe os ve es we eof ° “tu ‘sald
---bt------ - = + SSS Se oe pS | pS SS == -- - 1 = © | apu- ur ‘yur+ o7
See ee ce oe ne ne ne oe ne oe ee we ce Tne ne oe oe we ce oe oe oe ee te oe ne oe ce oe oe oe ae oe oe we oe oe f * paqqtuo ‘dad
- ee eee ee er er ere eK ee He eH eK - rte er ere Pee ee Eo |] yo porn +o
we we ae ne we we oe oe oe ae oe te on ce oe ce oe ce ce ce GF ne ne ce ae oe oe oe oe 0 ce we oe oe te oe ce oe oe se “JUL YUL + 07 9202
sie ---- -- ee - ---- - ee eee ee ~ se eee eee ee 1 or —] yur purtoz sof
obs Gg gire rs t horse + 68 r +. Lelegr be € 1 Er g or 61 zevoz + o1ggSr Q zr Fr 1 G1] *uyur ‘yWsodard
-I--1-trr----- z2-brr-eelrgohz~-~-2z2625$ €€ --61--—--- ze] ‘aguraduis
ZPemorsy Zotob rE OOOm®NE OMe oy ree yaoeywoOoVHAASG
Bu OR 4 22 Ono eonrndt o °, a pe ROR W295 “yb o> ea
Pe PREP re ee eae PEER PURER eee Ras
: a ee i g!

& Bp: ? v

o

oa

“ASVUHd

asOdund AHL JO

AGIA IVWYANAD
PART II

THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

INTRODUCTION

Ir will be seen in the sections following that the purpose
clause in some of its exemplifications lies close to causal clauses,
adjective relative clauses, object clauses with 4u and hweder
after certain verbs, and, finally, to clauses of result and condition.
Of course in such cases the personal equation cannot have been

_altogether eliminated in deciding upon the presence of purpose
intent; but as a rule this function has been evident enough,
1 think, not to vitiate any conclusions that follow.

I have been guided by Wiilfing (ZA Syntax ii. 155),
as opposed to Erdmann (Deutsche Syntax ii. 136 and Syntax
des Offrids i. 277), to exclude as containing object clauses, rather
than clauses of purpose, those sentences in which ‘der Hauptsatz
bereits eine Absicht andeutet, und der Nebensatz als erganzende
Ausfiihrung dieser Andeutung erscheint,’ that is in sentences
whose main verb belongs to one of the following categories:

1. Wishing, hoping, asking, imploring, seeking, beginning, &c.
E.g. biddan, halsian, wenan, willan, wenian, wyscan, secan,
onginnan, &c.

2, Exhorting, warning, teaching, &c. E.g. manian, myngian,
leran, teecan, &c.

3. Commanding. E.g. (be)beodan, &c.

4. Granting, promising, pefmitting, forbidding, &c. E.g.
unnan, forgiefan, gehatan, alyfan, letan, geSafian, forbeodan, &c.

g. Fear, hesitation and expressions of caution. E. g. (on)
dreedan, (for)wandian, gieman, gemynan, gemyndig beon, be-
healdan, wer beon, warnian, &c.

As stated above, I have usually excluded as object clauses -
56 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

those after the verbs just named. I have not, however, allowed
myself to be bound by strict verb-lists, since the same main
clause may be followed now by a clause of purpose, now by an
object clause, according to the context. For it must be re-
membered that a subordinate element of finality may come with
all freedom after any verbal idea whatsoever not logically
incompatible, so that the attempt to classify purpose clauses
according to the verbs they depend upon would be both useless
and futile.

However, as is natural, they occur most frequently after
words of outward, objective activity (e.g. verbs of motion:
(a)\sendan, arisan, astigan, secan, bringan, gesomnian, efstan,
gewendan, &c.), and much less often after a main clause of
subjective intent, expressing a mental attitude or denoting mere
predication.

A general view of the ratio of clauses that follow verbs of
objective intent to those after expressions of subjective intent
will be seen in the scheme below. Four texts, only, taken as
representative, are included, since the others do not differ
essentially from these in this respect. In the right-hand column
are placed for the sake of comparison prepositional infinitives of
purpose, which we have already seen may be regarded as abbre-
viated clauses (see p. 2).

Main clause No. of final clauses No. of prep. infin.
objective 64 54
Bi. Voibiective o 8
objective 14 12
508 debfective 4 I
Hii ea 93 31
* (subjective 24 3
objective 1It 28
Hept. | subjective 16 8

Note. Sometimes the main verb is to be supplied after ellipsis; e.g.
John 1. 22 hwat eart Su, Set we andwyrde bringon (= quis es, ut responsum
demus? id. 9. 36 hwylc is drihten, dzet ic on hine gelyfe (= quis est domine
(sée), ut credam in eum?
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 57

The Purpose Clause will be discussed under the following
chapters :
Chapter I. The Connectives of the Purpose Clause. .
Chapter II. The Mode of the Purpose Clause.
Chapter III. The Tense of the Purpose Clause.

CHAPTER I

THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE
CLAUSE

Tue Old English final clause is always joined to the main
clause by an introductory word or formula, which has the
function of an adverbial conjunction of purpose. This is never
omitted, as sometimes occurs in Otfrid, for example. See
Erdmann, Deutsche Syntax i, 137, quoting Ot. ii, 2. 12 er
quatn, sie manoti = er kam, damit er sie ermahnete.

Of the various words and formule found in Old English
joining purpose clauses, we make eight categories, six for the
positive and two for the negative clause. These may be arranged
as follows, which order will prevail throughout the succeeding
study of each division.

A. The Positive Clause. The clause is introduced by:

I. Det (det, dat) and, more rarely, deste.

II. The compound prepositional formula, composed of a
preposition (0, for, w2d, be, on, embe) + a pronominal object +
Jet. E. g. to dy det, for dem dat, &c.

III. The relative pronoun: relative adjective clauses of
purpose.

IV. The interrogatives, Au and hweder : indirect interrogative
object clauses of purpose.

V. Result and conditional conjunctions, shading into purpose
function.
58 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

VI. Paratactic clauses of final intent.
B. The Negative Clause.

I. Introduced as the positive clause above and negatived by
the particle ze (a), which stands always immediately before the
finite verb in the clause.

II. Introduced and at the same time negatived by the com-
bination dy les or dy les de.

I. FINAL CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY DAT
AND DATTE
A. Det.

The Old English daet, like the Gothic shater (that + ez) and
the High German daz (dass), Old Saxon ¢hat, originally a pro-
nominal neuter accusative used with relative force as a con-
junction, is very frequent before substantive, consecutive, causal,
and final clauses.

For the last, it is the usual conjunction in unemphatic
expression of a purpose. As may be seen from the chart in
Appendix I, out of 3,000 clauses expressive of finality, the
simple def introduces 2,463. Of these, 298 are negative in
meaning and will find later treatment (v. p. 93). Examples
are not needed to illustrate the particle, though an index-list will
be found in Appendix IT.

Nore. The rarer spellings, Se¢ and Sat, have been noted as follows :

det: OET. 197, Vesp. Ps. 9. 29 Sited in Searwum .. . Set he ofsle
Sone unscyldgan (= sedet in insidiis . . . ut interficiat innocentem. Chron,
174. 27 (1048 A.D.) gymde he grides and gisla Set he moste unswican into
gemote cuman. Cf. to San Set, Chron. 172.6 (cf. p. 65, note 1).

The late spelling dar occurs in the Winteney Version of BR. 13.10, | This
vetsion belongs to the first quarter of the thirteenth century (Schroer, ed.
p- ix). The earlier ‘Common’ version (circa 961 A.D.) shows de? in the
same passage.

In a few instances, dz is repeated for clearness’ sake after an
interjected element out of its natural order, viz.
BH. 270. 2 fordon us gedafenad Set we his heofonlicre
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 59

monunge mid gedefenlice ege and lufan ondswarige ; dese, swa
he lyft onstyrge ond his hond swa swa us to sleanne beotiende
eteawed, ne hwere nu gyt sled, det we sona cleopien and
bidden his mildheortnesse.

CP. 96. 23 sie he... upadened . . . dei/e Surh Sa mildheort-
nesse his arfeestnesse d¢¢ he teo on hiene selfne oderra monna
scylda ... and Sztte he swe healicra Singa wilnigende ne
forsio his nihstan untrume, .

Hex. 24. 13 nes na se dead Gurh drihten gesceapen .. . ac
hit wes swa Seah, det, gif he tobrec Get litle bebod, de¢ he
were sy6dan sona deadlic. Also BO. 55.1. Cf. to Son Sette
. . « Sette BH. 288. 7 (v. p. 65, n. 1).

Note. Three times a clause with de is intensified by the instrumental
dy, used demonstratively and expressing purpose. Dial. 153. 26 ac Sect se
man mage swa fela of eordan gefremman, Sy com to eordan of heofonum se
scyppend. AEH. 248. 27 Si he elcad Sat we sceolon beon oflyste. Id.
456. 13 and @i he com to Byssere scire Set he aidlige ealle a hxdengyld.
Here it is possible to conceive of the Jzz-clause as substantive and explana-
tory of dy used adverbially with final force.

The following sentence from Schmid’s second edition (1858) of the Laws
would seem to exemplify the simple instrumental 87 used relatively to intro-
duce a clause of purpose: Laws 194. 33 (Eadgar, 959-975 A.D.) ic and mine
Segnas wyldan ure preostas to San, Se ure saula hyrdas us teecad, Set syndon
ure bisceopas, ... 32 we... Sat ece lif geearnian. However, since such a use
is unsupported by further illustration, and since Liebermann’s edition of the
Laws (p. 208) has de¢ (from #) as the reading of both MSS. C. and F.,
which Schmid professes to follow, I am inclined to think that the latter, in
writing 0, is in error. It is interesting to see that Schmid’s first edition
(1832), p. 104, has correctly dat.

B. Dette (Set + Se).

Instead of det introducing the purpose clause, we find in the
earlier writings several occurrences of the form deie. This
form for de? is not peculiar to purpose clauses alone. See, for
example, dese introducing substantive clauses: BIH. 27. 1, 23;
41. 34; 53-273 61.8; 77.173 87.5. But only its use in the
purpose clause has been considered, a fact to be borne in mind .
with reference to whatever follows.

Delle consists, of course, of det + the relative particle de, as
60 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

may be seen in the uncontracted form de/ de. E.g. OET. 284.
Vesp. Ps. 70. 3 bio Su me in God gescildend and stowe
getrymede, Geet de (sze) halne mec gedo (= esto mihi in Deum
protectorem et in locum munitum ut salvum me facias. And
also before a substantive clause: CP. 105. 1 Eac wes Set Se
beforan Sem temple stod ceac.

This addition to de? of the relative particle de finds a parallel
in the common Gothic purpose particle shate! = that + ef
(cf. Brugmann, Vergl. Gram. ii. 2a, 7471 and 777) and also in the
less common ¢he! = tha, < thata, + et. (See P. Br. Beitr. 4. 467
and 6. 402, and Z/dAlt. 29. 366.) E.g. John 6. 7 twaim
hundam skatte hlaibos ni ganohai sind thaim, ¢Aec nimai wharyi-
zuh leitil. Also John 6. 12; 13. 24; 16. 33: ii Cor. 2. 4. But
for Old English, as we have said, the added relative particle
is de, which here merits a somewhat extended discussion. (See
pp. 95 ff.)

De is most commonly seen as a relative pronoun, a use so
common as to need no exemplification here. Secondly, it is
found with relative adverbial force: e.g. CP. 391. 12 Sonon
d¢ hi utan biod ahzfene, Sanon hie bio’ innan afeallene. Thirdly,
it occurs introducing substantive clauses: e.g. O. 142. 13
hit is, cweeS he, Seem gelicost, Sonne ic his geSencean sceal,
Se ic sitte on anre heare dune and geseo. Also Beow. 1334,
2468 and Elene 984. Finally, introducing adverbial clauses:
e.g. Beow. 1436 he wes sundes Se szénra, de hyne swylt
fornam'. PPs. 143. 4 hweet is se manna Se Su him cySan.
woldest. O. 148. 32 he wolde Set Sa folc him Sy swySor
tobuge, Se he heefde hiera ealdhlafordes sunu on his gewealde.
Id. 150. 31 hie Sa Set gewinn Sees licost angunnan, Se hi hit zr
ne angunnen.

From these sentences we can see how the transition of de into
clauses of purpose would be easy; and, though I have found no
instance in Old English prose, it has been met by accident once
in the poetry: Beow. 241 ic wes ende-seta, sg-wearde

* Wyatt, Zd. Beow. (Cambridge, 1894), pp. 226, 227, marks the vowel
of d¢ long, considering it probably as an instrumental form.
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 61

heold, Se on land Dene laSra nenig mid scip-herge sceS®an ne
meahte. See also Furkert, Syniax des ‘ Guihlac,’ p. 27.

Therefore the relative de standing alone as a final particle
is not found in Old English prose. However, in the combina-
tion mentioned above, dese (de@/ + de) is not infrequently in the
earlier texts used as a conjunction of purpose, occurring as follows :
OET. 203. Vesp. Ps. 16. 4; 235. 36. 8; 284. 70. 3: Laws (Ine)
20. 7: O. 46.3; 64. 11; 148. 8: BH. 76. 26; 98. 2; 128. 26;
182. 33; 204. 28; 270. 3; 350. 22: CP. 76, 12; 86. 6;
102, 21; 104.3; 218.7; 228.3; 274.183; 303. 19; 309. 6;
3l2. 19; 364. 16: Lech. ii. 208. 7; 234. 10: BIH. 233. 36:
Total = 28.

To this total of twenty-eight may be added fifteen instances
in the Lindisfarne and Rushworth Gospels, where the Northum-
brian‘ versions agree in using dete for the form de/ of the WS.
version, They are: M. 22.11; L.12. 1: 21.34; 22.6: John
5. 14; 6. 38; 7. 32; 8 6, 59; 10.10; 11. 53, 55, 575 12.
10, 42.

Note. Cf. to ton Bette BH. 74. 8; 288.8: to ton dete (p. 65) Cod.
Dip. i. 114. 15: also for dem datte (p. 72) CP. 32. 23; 76.10; 146. 6;
220. 22; 356. 6.

From this it is easy to see that the form deéfe, at least in
purpose clauses, is early usage. Aélfred, for example, has about
twenty-five instances of this, while in A¥lfric we find not one—
which is somewhat surprising in view of the fact that dy les de,
a form with the appended relative de, does not occur at all in
Elfred, while in Elfric this is the rule (pp. 94 ff.).

Rhetorically considered, desfe seems to be used to introduce
a clause with more emphasis than does the simple de#. Hence,
especially in the long and involved periods of the Bede and the

+ In the Lind. Gloss dette is the prevailing form for all clauses, trans-
lating wt, guia, quod, guoniam, quando. The ratio of det to Sette, all uses
included, appears from the following figures taken from Cook’s Glossary of
Lind,, Gos. (Halle, 1894) :

det, M.=75; Mk. = 35; L. = 19; John= 23.
detie, M. = 38; Mk. = 142; L. = 310; John = 351.
62 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

Pastoral Care, dei/e may have been originally chosen as being
more strongly conjunctional in character. On this principle we
notice dese introducing,

A. A complex or involved purpose clause.

B, A purpose clause following a complex or involved main
clause.

Some examples follow.

A. Dette + complex clause.

CP. 86. 6 Szt tacnad Sette eal Sa god and Sa megenu Se he
do bion gewlitegode mid Szre lufan Godes and monna beforan
Sem eagum Ses ecean Deman, Sette se spearca Sara godra
weorca, Se her twinclaS beforan monnum, ... birne healice
ligge...

CP. 244.17 fordem is gesceadwislice to Senceanne hwelcum
tidum him gecopust sie to sprecanne, Sette, Sonne Sonne he
sprecan wille, he his tungan gehealde...

CP. 303. 17 sua mon sceal on Sem upahefenum monnum
Sone fruman and Sone ingong Sere Sreatunga and Sere telinge
gemetgian, and wid heringe gemengan, Sette hie for Szre
licunga Sere heringe and Sere olicunga Se hie lufigead, eac
geSafigen Sa telinge and 8a Sreaunga Se hie onscuniaS. Add
BH. 270. 2: CP. 102.21; 104.3; 136.22: O. 46.2; 148.7.

B. Complex main clause + d@i/e-clause.

Laws 20, 1 ic Ine... wes smeagende be Sere helo urra
sawla and be Sam stadole ures rices Satte ryht zw and ryhte
cynedomas Surh ure fole gefeestnode and getrymede wezron,
Satte nzenig ealdormonna ne us undergeSeodedra efter Sem
weere awendende Sas ure domas.

BH. 204. 26 and Sa ilcan studu nales swa swa zr uton
togesetton to trymnesse Sees huses, ac in gemynd Ses wundres
in Sa ciricon setton Sette Sa ingongendan Seer heora cneo begean

_scolden...

CP. 312. 17 ongean Set sint to manianne Sa feestendan Set
hie huru geornlice giemen, Ser Ser hie fleoS Sone undeaw
Sere gifernesse, Sette of Sam gode ne weorSe wierse yfel
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 63

acenned, Szette, Sonne Sonne Set flesc hlaena’ Set mod ne
bereese on ungedyld. Add BH. 98.1; 128. 25: CP. 182. 4;
218.75; 364.173; 380. 6.

In the other instances, deste is not to be categorically differ-
entiated from de?; hence, in conclusion, to sum up what has
been said of deéfe introducing a final clause, we have :

1. Detie is found only in Northumbrian and in early West
Saxon.

2. Rhetorically considered, it is more emphatically conjunc-
tional than de/, though often not to be definitely distinguished
from it (v. pp. 67, 72).

Il. THE PREPOSITIONAL FORMUL

Next in order of frequency after de/, occur purpose clauses
introduced by a compound formula (e.g. fo dem det, for don
dei), composed of a preposition + object + de. Here the purport
of purpose lies in the preposition, which with its object forms
a phrase of finality; while the def introduces what, strictly

_ analyzed, is a substantive clause explanatory of this object.

In these formule, the word immediately following the pre-
position is almost always in Old English a demonstrative pro-
nominal: e.g. PPs. 9. 13 Se me uppahofe fram deaSes gatum
to dam Set ic bodade eall Gin lof (= exaltas... ut annuntiem.
However, rarely a noun may be in the place of the usual pro-
nominal object, as in the Modern English ‘0 the tntent that, for
the purpose that, in order that. Cf. also the German im der
Absicht dass. In this way Old English exemplifies the formule,
to dam dingum dat, for dem intingan det, on dai gerad deat,
which are treated in their proper places below. But, as stated,
these are exceptional; the pronoun after the preposition is
the rule.

Hence, growing out of prepositional phrases of purpose + an
explanatory substantive clause, are found next in order the
compound introductory formule of the final clause. These will
be discussed according to the following scheme :
64 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

A. Zo+ instrumental, dative + det (269).
B. For + instrumental, dative + det (41).
C. Wid +instrumental, dative, accusative + der (8).
D. Be + dative + det (2).
E. On + dative + def (2).
F. Exceptionally, /o, wd, and in addition embe precede directly
the de-clause, giving the formule :
1. fo det. 2, wid del. 3. embe dat.
Nore. It will be seen at once that these introductory formulz are merely
the phrases already studied (v. pp. 33 ff.) with the addition of a limiting det-
clause ; and that the preceding study of the phrase has shown the same pre-

positions in the same relative frequency of occurrence as will be met in the
following sections treating of the final clause.

A, Zo + object + dz/-clause (269).

Just as /o was used the most frequently of all prepositions in
phrases of purpose (v. pp. 33 ff.), so here among the compound
formule the combinations with /, e.g. fo Jon deat, to dy dat, &c.,
are in the large majority. See chart in Appendix I.

Other Germanic dialects show parallel usage. For example,
in Gothic we have duthe ef of Mk. 4. 21: ii. Cor. 3.13: Eph,
3.4; 6. 22: Col. 4. 8: or with the dative form, e. g. du shamma
et of John 18. 37. Older H. G. shows 27 thim thaz: e.g.
Tatian 77. 5 zi thiu, thaz gifullit wurdi thaz giquetan uuas
(= ut adimpleretur quod dictum est. Modern German has a
logical parallel in dazu dass. See the following example quoted
by Wetzel, Gram. p. 341: Die Thiere sind zwar dazu da, dass
wir sie benutzen, nicht aber dazu, dass wir sie qualen. Cf, also,
auf dass in the same use. Also the Middle English fo the
entente that and Modern English 40 the end that. French
afin que.

In Old English the cases after fo in forming these compound
formule are: (a) the instrumental (205) and (4) the dative (64).
The first of these shows the two instrumental forms don and dy,
which fact, it will be seen, is significant from the standpoint of
chronology and authorship (v. p. 65). Therefore in the exami-.
nation of the /o-formulz, we shall recognize three distinct cate-
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 65

gories, the first two including the instrumental forms; the third
the rarer dative. This yields for discussion the formule *:

1. To Son (San) Geet (144).

2. To Si (Sy) Szt (61).

3. To Sem (Sam) Set (64).

Note. Don has a MS, variant dé, and dene (Sam) sometimes in LWS.
is written Jaz (Sievers-Cook, Gram, p. 186). Since dd and daz are not
distinguishable in the texts, in the following pages I have consistently
considered dan with don,

1. To Son Set (144).

The number of occurrences appears from the following

scheme:

Chron. 5 CP. 2 Int. Sig. 5
Cod. Dip. 2 Dial. 80 Inst. 1
O. 29 Guth. I BIH. 2
BH, 6 Mart. x HL. 2
Bo. I LS. 3 Ap. T. 4

From this, compared with the chart in Appendix I, we find:

(a) that 40 don dei, with the instr. form don (dan), is charac-
teristic of the earlier writings, showing out of a total of 144, 127
occurrences before the time of AE lfric.

(4) that Dial. is unique in all Old English in that 40 don det?
is more frequent than the simple de¢. The numbers are: 40 don
det = 80; det = 25.

(c) that the WS. Gospels, being close translations (cf. p. 100),
do not show this formula at all, though John has four instances
of 40 dem (dam) det (v. App. I).

(d) that O. is unique in that of all the /o-formulz, it shows
only 40 don det (29).

Note 1. Zo don dette occurs twice in BH., viz. 74. 8; 288. 6. In
a land grant of Aithilbald of Mercia (743-745 A.D.), we find the unique fo
don dati: Cod, Dip. i. 114. 14 ic wees syllende for minre sawle lecedome ¢o

1 For these formule expressing result, cf. e.g. O. 164. 18: Dial. 18. 9;
38. 33; 65. 31; 188.13; 189. 27; 240.18; 2423.10; 270.19; 276, a2:
Wulf. 54. 10; 154. 29; 194. 23. ;

3 The later MS. H. often has zo dam Sat for to Yon Det of MS. C.

F
THE PURPOSE CLAUSE:

don Seti for minum synnum hi heo geeaSmedden. In the same charter,
line 3, occurs defz, and line 5, def, introducing substantive clauses. Cf.
also the Lind. Gloss #2, of John 21. 25. See also p. 58, note.

NoTE 2. Zo den, probably by confusion of dem and dan, occurs: Cod.
Dip. v. 163. 8 (Eadweard of Wessex, 901-909 A.D.) ic. Eadwerd cinig
begeat .. . to Jen det ic Ser mynster on gestadolode.

(An index-list will be found in Appendix ITI.)

2, To di (Sy) Set, (61).

This occurs numerically as follows :—

Chron. 1 (232.29, 1096 a.p.) AEHi. 27 Alc. Asm. 2
Laws 1 (196.1, 975 4.0.) AHHi. 14 Wulf. 2
Lech. i. 1 LS. 4» BH. 6

Examination of the occurrences of #0 dz (dy) det introducing
clauses of purpose brings to light the following facts :,

(a) The forms dy (97) are found only in monuments that may
reasonably be placed after 950 a.p. As the above table shows,
not one of the 61 examples belongs to the pre-Atlfrician period,
when as already seen the form don was the rule.

(4) Within this later period just mentioned, the form d7 (44)
as opposed to dy (16) is the prevailing one (v. pp. 70, 5 and 96, ¢).

(c) Hi. and AZHii. show no other /o-formula but 0 dy (di)
det, which occurs here 41 times.

Note 1. The above statements are practically true of the rarer for. 02
(8y) dat (v. p. 70, 2). :
Note 2. Zo dam set and to dy det stand side by side in AHI. 614. 8

to Jam he wext det he fealle; ¢o dyhe sprytt de¢ he mid cwyldum fornyme
swa hweet swa he zr sprytte.

(An index-list is in Appendix IIL.)

3. To Sam (Seem) Set (64).
This occurs as follows:

Laws I John 4 Inst. 2
PPs. 12 Lech. iii. 2 BIH. I
Bo. 2 LS. 4 Wulf. 12
CP. 6 Hept. 9 HL. 6
Dial. I, fic. Asm., 1 Nic. I,
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 67

From the study of the occurrences of the /o-formulz with the
dative Jam (dem), we note the following :

(2) Zo dam (dem) dat, like to don det and unlike 4 dy (a7)
det, is found in all periods.

(6) The form dam (50) is more common than dem (14)
(v. p. 71, 8).

(c) Hept. (9) and PPs. (12) are unique, in that of the /-
formule they show only zo dam (dem) det. Did the old Psalter
of Allfred’s time have an influence upon AElfric’s diction in his
Bible translations? (see also p. 95).

Note. MS. H. of Dial. often has ¢o dam det for the to don det of
MS. C.

If any other word than a form of the demonstrative se seo det
follows Zo, naturally this is in the dative. This is seen in the rare
phrases following :—

(a) to Sisum Get: Dial. roo. 3 ic wees to Sisum hider
onsended, Sat wit nyman and geSicgan samod %a gife Ses
zelmihtigan drihtnes.

(6) to Sam anum Set: Wulf. 55. 24 Set mete were mannum
gescapen to Sam anum zt men his scoldan brucan. HL.
144. 10 Set... he Sider cume...na to nanum idelum geflite,
ne to nanum woruldlicum sprecum, ac to Sam anum zt he -
his synna Gode andette (cf. p. 34). Add BO. 55. 2.

(c) to Sam sylfan Set: Wulf. 175. 24 nu syndan we bis-
ceopas to Sam sylfan gesette, Sat we bodian sceolan Godes
riht.

(d) to Sam Singum Set: Wulf. 16. 11 her wearS man
geboren to Sam Singum Get he... mancynn alysde. Id. 178. 18
gode we hy betecaS to Sam Singum Set cristene menn Szrto
faran magan.

(See an index-list in Appendix IIT.)

Rhetorically considered, the compound /-formulz, like dese
(v. pp. 61 ff.) and the for-formule (v. p. 72 f.), denote greater em-
phasis upon the purpose idea than would be felt with the simple
det. E.g. John 1. 31 ic com and fullode on wetere to Sem

F2
68 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

Szet he were geswutelod on Israhela folce (= sed ut manifesta-
retur in Israhel propéerea veni ego in aqua baptizans. Deut. 1. 27
he alzedde us ut of Egipta lande to Sam Set he us sealde on
Amorreiscra hand to ofsleanne (= zdcirco eduxit nos de terra
Egypti ut traderet nos in manu A. atque deleret, Note here
the emphatic proplerea .., ut, tdcirco ... ut of the original.

Therefore, in long, involved sentences we often find the
emphatic /o-formulze employed to mark inter-clausal relations
that would not appear so boldly and clearly, if only the usual,
less emphatic dei were used. E.g. O. 102. 18 mid hwelcum
lotwrence hit deofla dydon... Sat hie mid Sy yfele Sa menn
swenctan, to Son Set hie geliefdon... and Sat hie Sonan
mosten to Szem sawlum becuman, and Set hie mosten tawian...
BH. 74.7 alle Bretta biscopas we bebeodad Sinre broSorlicnesse,
to Son Sette unlerde seon gelerede and untrume mid Sinre
trymenisse syn gestrongade and unrehte mid Ginre aldorlicnesse
seon gerehte. Id. 288. 4 wes heo semninga gehrinen mid
hefigre untrymnesse lichoman, and Surh nigon ger full mid Sa
arfeestan foreseonisse ures Alesendes swide swenced wes, to Son
Szette, swa hweet swa in hire unclenes betweoh Sa megen Surh
unwisnesse 0360 (szc) Surh ungemenne gelumpe, Sette eal Set
se ofn Sere singalan costunge asude.

However, on the other hand, often the /o-formulz are hardly
to be differentiated from the simple dz/ in force, as in Dial.
180. 6 syle me on deowdome for hine, det du dinne sunu eft onfo,
compared with the almost juxtaposed id. 180. 12 me fweo du na
dat Gu sylle disne biscop on deowdome to don dat du dinne sunu eft
onfo. Similar are examples passzm in Dial.

Finally, the ¢o-compounds, though often apparently faded in
intensity, like Modern English cz order that, were the normal
introductory conjunctions in Old English for the emphatic
expression of a final clause.

B. For + object + dez-clause (41).

We have already seen for of causal signification passing
into for of purpose in the simple phrase (p. 42). There, we
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 69

found it ranking next to /o in order of frequency of occurrence.
Hence, naturally here the for-formule (/or don det, &c.) in-
troducing the purpose clause come next in numbers after the
zo-formulz just discussed; however, they are met with much less
frequently than the latter, the exact figures being 41 : 269, which
gives practically the same ratio as that observed between the
two prepositions in simple phrases of finality (v. pp. 33, 42).

This shifting of the causal idea to one of purpose may be
seen, as well, in the German darum dass, deshalb... damit.
E. g. Darum, dass dem Lechzenden werde sein Heil, so will ich
das Wasserlein jetzt in Eil durchwaten mit nackenden Fiissen
(Schiller). Bei vielen Geschaften schliesst man deshalb schrift-
liche Vertrage ab, damit etwaigen Streitigkeiten vorgebeugt
werde 3.

Later English also furnishes examples of the blending of for
causal with for final. E.g, Orm, 11406 ure Laferrd.. . was
ledd ut inntill wessteland Surrh Gast, for Satt he shollde beon
fandedd Surrh Se lade gast. Chaucer, Zhe Monkes Tale, 371
his chaar ... this grete Romayn, this Aurilian, hath with
him lad, for that men schulde se. Shakespeare, Rich. //. 1. 3
for that our kingdom’s earth should not be soiled... . and for
our eyes do hate the dire aspect... . therefore we banish you
our territories. See Einenkel, M/zHelengl. Syntax, p. 1433
Mataner, Engl, Gram. iii. 482. Note in this connection the
same logical tendency in the Latin causa... ut, propterea...
ut (A. Drager, Hist, Gram. des Lat. ii. 658) and the Old French
por ce que (see Einenkel as above).

Note, Matzner, Gram. i. 466, notes for alone as a purpose particle in
Piers Ploughman, 7278 briddes ... hidden and hileden hir egges .. . for
men sholde him noght fynde.

To return to the for-formule in Old English, sometimes it
is difficult to decide whether the /or-phrase, for don (dy, dem),.
is to be regarded as final or whether it is merely an illative
‘therefore’ within the main clause, This difficulty is met where

1 For these two citations, see Ed. and Fr. Wetzel, Die deutsche Sprache,
oth ed., Berlin, 1887, at p. 341.
qo ‘THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

there occurs tmesis (v. pp. 78, 80) of the /or-formule, in which
case this latter appears as for don (dy, dem)... det. E.g. Int. Sig.
458 and wurdon /ord? mid sweflenum fyre forswelede, det
heora fule galnys wurde .. . gewitnod.

After for, as with fo (v. p. 65), we find the instrumental
‘and the dative forms of the demonstrative pronominal used,
giving introductory formulz as follows :

1. For Son Sat (Se) (4).

2. For i (Sy) Set (16).

3. For Sem (Sam) Set (21).

1. For Son Sat (Se) (4).

The only instances of the older instrumental form for don det
(or de, v. p. 78) denoting purpose are:

CP. 150. 13 monige sint swe swe we ser cwedon, Se mon
sceal weerlice licettan and Seahhweédre eft kySan for Gon Set
hie ongieten Set hie mon tele. Add id. 362. 8. LSi. 108,
330 and eode mid his wife aweg to his huse, for San Se he ne
mihte geseon hu his sunu forburne. Guth. 84. 4 ic foréon her
...hire onsyne fleah... det wyt eft...unc eft gesawon;
(where, however, the /ordon may be merely the illative ‘ there-
fore’).

2. For Si (Sy) Sat (16).

This occurs as seen in the following table :

PPs, I Abii. 6 Hept. I
CP. I Int. Sig. 2 fic. Asm,
JEHI. =

From this and from the chart in Appendix I, we see:

(a) Just as the formula /o & (dy) det was met with only in the
later writings (v. p. 66, 2), so here for dz (dy) (with instr. form
..0¢ (dy)) occurs only twice in the pre-Alfrician monuments (viz.
PPs. 18 heading; CP. 451. 4), as opposed to 14 occurrences
‘within the later period.

(2) As seen to be the case with the /o-formulz (66, 4), for
d de/, in contradistinction to for dy det, is the rule. The pas-
sages just referred to afford the sole exceptions.
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE ‘Ji

The instances of for d¢ def are: ALHi. 162. 25 se weig-...
is forSi nearu -and sticol, fordi Set we sceolon mid earfodnysse
geearnian urne eSel. Id. 296. 24 he gereordode hine:zfter his
eriste na fordi Set he syS®an eorSlices bigleofan behofode,
ac to Si Sat he geswutelode his sodan lichaman, (Note the
juxtaposition of Zo 0% det and for dy dat.) AEH. 592. 315
606. 26; 608. 10: ABHii. 44. 18; 88. 133; 412. 12; 534-
29, 32; 580.1: Int. Sig. 170: Num, 23. 11: ic. Asm, 110.
261. In some of these for d¢ may be illative.

Note. The formula for dé... Jet occurs Gen. 20. 6.
3. For Sem (Sam) Set (21).

This formula occurs as follows :

Bo. 3 EH. I
CP. 16 Exod. I

From this we see:

(a) For dam (dam) det occurs 19 times in the earlier
writings and only twice within the £lfrician period. We have
just seen that in this the formula is for d7 dei.

(6) Contrary to what might be expected in accordance with
the greater frequency of /o dam dat over to dem dat (v. p. 67, 8),
we find for dem det (18) more frequent than for dam dai (3).

Citations and references follow:

Bo. 54. 6 sume tiliad ... wifa, fordam Set he Surh Set
mage mest bearna begitan (= uxor ac liberi qui jucunditatis
gratia petuntur. Id. 133. 19 oft eac becymS se anwald Bisse
worulde to swide goodum monnum, fordem Szt se anwald Sara
yfelana weordSe toworpen (= fit autem szpe, uti bonis summa
verum gerenda deferatur, ut exuberans retundatur improbitas.

Nore. In the above sentence, Sedgefield’s ed. gives fordeam ?. Cardale’s
(p. 350. 6) omits 7. Wiilfing, following the latter, lists for dem as a
purpose formula (Uf. Syntax, ii. 155) and quotes this sentence (id. p. 158,
near end) as containing a purpose clause introduced by for dem. Since
I have found nothing similar to a combination like for dem, with
omission of de, in purpose clauses, and since the Sedgefield text is to be

preferred to previous ones, fordem in this paper is not recognized as an
introductory formula of purpose.
72 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

CP. 74. 19 se reccere sceal bion simle clzene on his geéohte,
Seet[te nan] unclennes hine ne besmite Sonne he Sa Senunga
underfehd, forSem Set he mzge adryggean of oSerra monna
_ heortan Set Szron fules sie (= rector semper cogitatione sit
mundus... ut in alienis quoque cordibus pollutionis maculos
tergat. Id. 158. 14 geSence ge hwet ge sien for Sem Set ge
eower mod gemetgien (= ‘pensa quod es, ut se spiritus tem-
peret. Add id. 182. 13, 19; 184. 21; 210. 25; 212. 203
218.5; 417.33; 459.1: Bo. 134. 24.

See for dem datte CP. 32. 22; 76.10; 146.6; 220. 20;
356. 6 (cf. p. 61, note). Also for dem de CP. 202. 23

(v. p. 78).

Note :. The sole instance found of the form for dam det is Exod. 9.
16 for Sam ic Se gesette, Set ic mine strengde on Se gecyde and det min
nama sig gecy8ed ofer ealle eorSan (= idcirco autem posui te, ut ostendam
in te fortitudinem meam et narretur nomen in omni terra.

Note 2. Once the noun ixtinga, ‘ purpose,’ follows for, making the
formula for dam intingan dat. ARHii. 534. 35 se Se bodad for 3am intingan
Set he his Drihtnes hese and willan gefremme. See also for + intingan,
p. 46, note 1,

NoTE 3. The clause with for dat, with verb in the indic., in Sol. 10. 5
(Hulme’s text, Anglia 18. See also O. Cockayne, The Shrine, 168. 21),
given by Wiilfing (27. Syntax, ii. 156 mid.) as a purpose clause, I can
take only as causal,

Rhetorically considered, the for-formulze in clauses of purpose,
like daéve (v. pp. 61 ff.) and the /o-compounds (v. pp. 67 f.), denote
purpose more emphatically, mark it more clearly, than the
simple de‘, Hence we find the /or-formulz, as we have seen
to be true of deve and the fo-compounds, occurring in long,
involved sentences, to make more perspicuous inter-clausal-
relations. E.g. CP. 74. 19 quoted above. Id. 210. 24 ac
we sculon him forbeodan Szet hie huru swe ne don, swelce
hit Sonne giet gedon ne sie, fordem Sat sio hering Se we
zr heredon, us gefultume Set we hie wiSermode ne gedon us
mid Sere telinge, ac Set sio hering getrymme & gemetgige
Ses wacmodan...mod. Id. 212. 19 swe gedyde se sodfeesta
Jareow Sat he zrest gehierdun Sa heringe Se him licode, fordem
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 73

Set hie zefter Sem Sy lustlicor gehierden Sa lare, Sette Szet lof
hie to Sem getrymede Sette sio monung hie eft ne geSrycte.
Id. 220. 18 ac eft sint to manigenne 8a geSyldegan Sette Sxt
hie mid hiera wordum and mid hiera dedum forgiefad Sxet hie
Geet eac on hiera inge@once forgifen, Sylas he mid dy nide yfles
ingeSonces toweorpe Sa mzgenu Ses godan weorces Se he.
Gode utan anwealglice forgeaf, forsem, Sonne hit nan man
wietan ne meg hweSer hit eallinga forgiefen sie, Szette hit
Sonne se ne wrece Se. . . . Id. 362. 8 eac sint to manianne
Sa Se on Sem biod abisgode Szet hie sibbe tiliad, Szet hie zerest
tiligen to gecySonne Sem ungesceadwisum modum hu sio
‘lufu bion scyle Sere inweardlican sibbe, Sylaes him eefter firste
sio uterre sib derige; forSon ... St hie eac geSencen
Set hie ne weorSen beswicene mid Sere uterran lufe and. .
Seette sio eorSlice sib hie ne geteo to wyrsan. Id. 417. 31 ac
Sa sint to manienne 8a Se Sa geSohtan synna hreowsiad Set
hie geornfullice giemen on hwelce Szera synna hie befeollen,
fordem Set hi megen ongean Set be Sem ilcan gemete
hreowsian Se hi on hira (inn)geSonce ongieten Szt hie gesyngo-
don, Syles. . . . Perhaps also id. 32. 23.

C. Wid + object + de#-clause (8).

Wid is found to a limited degree in formule introducing a final
clause, and, like for, indicates a blending with some other ad-
verbial relation, as will be seen below. So far as I am able to
discover, this use of zd is peculiar to Old English alone; and
even here it was never in extended use, though not confined to
any one author or period of time.

It is followed by (1) the gen., (2) the instr. and dat., and (3)
the acc., giving the formule:

1. Wid Ses Set (1).

2. Wid Son Se and wid Sem (Sam) Se (6).

3. Wid Set .. . Set (1).

1, Wid Ses Set (r).

Here wd = primarily ‘motion toward’ (cf. the /o-formulz,
p- 34), as in, e.g., O. 194. 11 Sa wifmen urnon mid stanum
;
‘14 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

wid Sara wealla. See also id. 116, 28; 166. 19; 170. 14;
190. 3; 234. 8. Hence we are not surprised to find the sole
instance of wd des det introducing a final clause, after a verb
of motion, viz. onetian. The instance is: Bo. 139. 24 me were
leofre Szet ic onette wid Ses Set ic Se moste gelestan Set ic Se
zr gehet (= festino debitum promissionis absolvere.

2. Wid Son Se and wid Sem (Sam) Se (6).

Here the idea of reciprocity between action and purpose is
present—‘to the end that and in exchange for’—where a
phase of conditionality blends with finality. See also p. go, B.
These formulz more often mean ‘on condition that,’ ‘in case
that.” E.g.Chron. 129. 11 and him gafol behete and metsunge,
wid Son Se hi Sere hergunge geswicon. O. 192. 1 hie hit
eall forgeofon wid Sam Se hie him zt Sem gewinnum fuleoden’.
Add Chron. 133. 33: Lech. iii. 44. 21. Also cf. Leh. i312. 21.

However, in the following the idea of finality is predominant
in the wd-formule :

BH. 126, 20 Sa sende he sona zrendwrecan to him and micel
feoh, wid Son Se he hine ofsloge, od3e him to cwale agefe
(= misit nuncios, qui Redualdo pecuniam multam pro nece
ejus offerrent. See Wiilfing, AJA Syntax ii. 157, mid. Lch. ii.
156. 5 Wid Son Se* her ne weaxe, emettan egru genim. . ..
‘CP. 254. 8 hu micle swidor sculon we Sonne bion gehiersume
Sem Se ure gasta Fader bid, wid Sem Se we moten libban on
ecnesse! (= non multo magis obtemperabimus patri spirituum,
et vivemus! Wulf. 173. 23 Seowlincgas Sa Sry degas (szc) zelces
weorces beon frige wid Gam Se hig Set feestan Se lustlicor
festan. Id. 181. 31 and . . . geleste man Godes gerihta
huru rihtlice wiS Gam Ge us God zlmihtig gemiltsige and us
geunne Sst we ure fynd ofercuman motan. Id. 290. 9 and
Se Sar georne to Gode bide and to allum his halgum, wid
Sam Se Sine synna Ses Ge forgifenron (sic) beon and Set Su
Geet ece lif habban mote. -

1 See, however, Wiilfing, .Z//. Syntax, ii. 157, end.

2 Here Cockayne proposes to read wid Yon Set. Cf. the other examples
under this paragraph, all of which show Je, not det.
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 75

3. Wid Set... Set (1).

This is exemplified only in Sol. 68. 5 he gelere Sat hy
hi wid Seet warnien Set hy Ser ne cumen. However here
may be only a substantive dz#clause, explanatory of the Je
after wd.

D. Be Sem Set (2).

Here the formula expresses a meaning lying, perhaps, between
‘with reference to this that’ and ‘with this in view that,’ Old
Saxon affords a parallel in dzthiu; e.g. Heliand 1041 God wuolde
theson uueroda forgeban ho himilriki . .,. bithiu hie is suno
sanda. The examples in Old English are:

Bo. 108. 1 fordy ic Se wolde gegaderian manigu spell and
manega bisna be Sem Set Su meahte Sy eS ongitan hweet ic
secgan wille (= sed quoniam te ad intellegendum promptissimum
esse conspicio, crebras coacervabo rationes. Bo. 132. 4 ic Se
meg eac reccan sum bispell be Sem Gxt -Su hit meaht Se
sweotolor ongitan (= no Latin parallel.

E. On Sem Set (2).

This formula is rare introducing a final clause, in spite of
the relative frequency of oz+dat. acc. in the simple phrase
of purpose (v. p. 47). .

In this connection, note the Gothic 2” ‘hzs ez, and the Old
Saxon an thiu in Heliand 3259 (MS. Monac) huat scal ik
manages duan an thiu the ik hebenriki gehalan moti (= quid
‘boni faciam ut habeam vitam aeternam? (M. 19. 16).

In Old English, CP. furnishes the only two instances of on
dem det as a formula before a final clause, viz.

CP. 236. 7 hie simle swincad on Sem Set hie tiliad Szet hie
ne scielen leasunga secgean ( =quod studeant numquam falsa
dicere. Here the indic. “ad may mark the de¢clause as
strictly substantive and explanatory of dem. However, the
other example shows the verb in the opt., viz.

CP. 250. 4 ac swinced on Sem Get he liornige undeawas
(= perpetrandis vitiis elaborat.
76 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

Note. The combination, o7+acc. of the noun gerad, ‘ condition, pur-
pose,’ gives the formula, on det (8a) gerad dat. See p. 50, n. 3. This
usually means ‘on the condition that,’ as in O. 190. 31 and ealle Sa men
Be hie on Seowdome hzfdon hie gefreodon on Bet gerad Set he him adas
sworan Set hie him zt Sem gewinnum gelesten.

But twice in OE. it has been found meaning ‘for the purpose that,’ viz.

O. 52. 32 he Cirus cyning heefde Briddan Sel his firde bezftan him, on
Beet gerad, gif enig were Be fyr fluge .. ., St hine mon sloge (= no Lat.
parallel. . Inst. 482, of Sonne hwa to his scrifte cyme on 8a gerad Sat

. he wille his Searfa to him sprecan and his synna andettan.

Note the Mod. Eng. ‘on purpose’ + infin. as in Butler’s Hdibras I. 1.
165 As if Divinity had catched the itch on purpose to be scratched. Cf.
also the German ‘in der Absicht zu’ in the sentence following : Schipper,
Grundriss der Engl. Metrik, p. 359 der Dichter noch einen mit dem letzten
Verse c reimenden neunten, sechstaktigen Vers ausschloss, offenbar in der
Absicht der Strophe einen deutlich sich vernehmbar machenden . .. Abschluss
zu geben.

F. The preposition alone + de/-clause (10).

Rarely “0 and wd treated above and, in addition, embe
immediately precede the de/-clause, without the intervention
of an object, forming the compound introductory formulz :

, 1. To Set; 2. wid Set; 3. embe Set, which occur as
follows :

1. To Set (4).

This occurs as follows:

Sol. 26. 12 cume [ic] to Set ic hine mzge sweotolor
geseon. Mart. 42. 7 het him beran weeter to Set he mihte
onbergean. Id. 66. 26 brohtan Sat heafod to Set he gesege
hulic Set were. LSii. 362. rr0 Se com Ses wynsuma bred

‘to Set Su wite heonanforS hwzs blod readad on rosan

gelicnysse.

2. Wid Seet (4).

This occurs only in the Leechdoms and seems to be an
extension of the frequent wz de? in the sense of ‘in case that’;
e.g. Leh. i. 312. 21 Seos wyrt . .. to manegum Singon wel
fremad ; Set ys Sonne erest ongean Seofol-seocnyssa and wid
neddran ... and wed det du gife hebbe. Also see Leh. i., the
index, passim.
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 47

In four instances, however, it introduces a final clause, viz.

Leh. i. 214. 24 wi8 Set heafod ne ace for sunnan heetan,
genym Sysse sylfan wyrte leaf. Id. 216. 19 wid St man
lela and ore sar of lichaman gedo, genim Sas wyrte. Id.
224.18 wid Set Su nane yfele geancymas ne ondrede, genim
Sas ylean wyrte. Id. 346. 13 wid Seet cildum butan sare ted
wexen, haran breegen gesoden. Compare, however, p. 19, and
note I.

3. Embe Szt (2).

This formula is somewhat doubtful, since emJde in the citations
below may be only an adverb (v. p. 89, note).

John 10. 39 hig smeadon witodlice embe Set hig woldon
hine gefon (= querebant ergo eum perdere. Wulf. 136. 13
beo he swySe geornlice embe Set he hit leornige.

Note. R6étteken (QF. 53. 86) cites a parallel in the MHG. wmibe

daz, daz, E.g. B. von Regensburg 221. 11 so tuot ez doch umbe daz, daz
ir iemer ewiclichen lebet.

Finally, in explanation of the formule ‘fo def, wid det, embe
det, two considerations present themselves :

First, and far more probably, here we have two des, the
accusative object of the preposition and the dz¢ introductory
of the clause, blended into one. Logically expanded the formule
would be fo det, det, &c., parallel to the MHG. umde daz, daz
just noted, or to the Old English wd det . . . det (p. 75, 3).
In later English, this simplification is the rule after for, giving
the formula for that. Note Einenkel, Mittelengl. Syntax, p. 143:
‘Das genau genommen notwendige doppelte ¢ha/ wird meist
zu einem zusammengezogen, und hiufig fehlt auch dies eine,
. ohne dass sich an der conjunctionalen Kraft des /or etwas andert.’
For instances of this, see p. 69, 3rd par.

Second, it is conceivable that the de/-clause as a whole in the
above sentences is a substantive object of the preceding pre-
positions (fo, wd, emée), which govern it directly without an
intervening pronominal. But this is hardly tenable in view of
the parallels that go to support the former theory.
78 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE.

Supplementary.

The study of the prepositional introductory formule of ‘the:
final clause is now finished. However, in addition must be
noticed two phenomena therewith connected, viz.

1. De used instead of det (9).

Nine times in the prepositional formule just studied, de is
met in place of the normal def standing after the pronominal
object in the compound. ‘The occurrences follow:

(a) To Sam Se (1). .

Laws (4£lfred’s) 60. 2 aluc Su hine fram minum weofode, to
Sam Se he deaSe swelte (= ab altari meo evelles eum, ut
moriatur (Exod, 21. 14).

(6) For Sem (Son) Se (2).

CP. 202. 23 Sa Se worldmonnum Syncead dysige, Sa gecist
Dryhten, for Sem-Se (Sweet emends to for Sem Szxt) he Sa
lytegan ... gescende (v. p. 72). LSi. 108. 330, see p. 70.

(c) Wid Son Se (6).

BH. 126. 21: CP. 254.9: Leh. ii. 156. 5: Wulf. 173. 23;
181. 31; 290.7. Seep. 74.

2. Tmesis of the introductory formula (47).

Not uncommon has been what may be called tmesis of the
compound prepositional formule. In such cases the def
introducing the purpose clause is separated from the preceding
preposition + demonstrative by a part of the main clause, thus
giving, for example, the formula 40 don ...dc@¢ instead of the
usual 40 don det.

This tmesis, like the Latin ad hoc... wut, tdetrco...uty ea
re... ul, ea causa... ut, propterea ... ut (v. p. 70), has
merely the rhetorical effect of emphasizing the final clause. It
occurs in connection with all the commoner formule, and is
confined to no one author or period, as may be seen from the
following statement, where the figures indicate the actual number
of exemplifications of the phenomenon.

To Gon... Sat, O. 4; BH. 2; Dial.2; HL.2 . . (ro)

To Oi... Set, HHi 4; #Hi1; BRr . . . . (6)
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 79

To Sam... Set, CP. 4; Dial. 1; John 1; Inst. 1;

Wulf. 6 : ag ag a Sb"? cot) wa CEQ)
For Son... Set, ‘Guth. Decay may! fs » . (t)
For 31. | Set, CP.1; Hi. 3; AU, 45 5 tnt Sig. 23

Hept. 2; ‘Be. Asmar... oa a (1)
For Sem... Szt(te), Bo. 1; CP. 2; Fade Poa. 44)

Some examples for illustration follow:

(2) To Son... Sat.

O. 34. 19 wundor ... . 40 don gedon, def hi hiora agnum
godum getealde weron. Id. 264. 12 Sat mon acwealde eall
Dauides cynn to Son, gif Crist geboren nzre Sa giet, Set he na
siddan geboren ne wurde. Dial. 68. 13 to Son he dis dyde, Set
he him selfum geearnade mede. Id. 184. 25 se... gast to
Son ferde in Set hus Set he manna eardunge of 6am huse adrife.
HL. 155. 96 to San se... cyning ... us hider .. . gesohte,

. Set he us wolde Surh his tocyme ece lif Senian and forgeo-
fan. See also so don... hu (p. 8g, note).

(2) To Si... Set.

AHI. 32. 24 Ses caseres gebann ... getacnode ... Ses
heofonlican Cyninges deede, Se to Si com.... Set he .... his

gecorenan gegaderode and heora naman ... awrite., Id. 598. 5
gif Su to Si come Set Su me alyse... BR. 119. 21 healde
mon on hreglhuse a reaf ... todi, gyf heo ahwanne mid

deofles costnunge beswicen byd (sec), Szt heo on geSafunge
ged, Set heo hyre gehat Gode awege.

(c) To Sem... Set.

CP. 4. 2 Su Se Sissa woruldSinga to Sem geemettige, swa
Su oftost mzge, Set Su Sone wisdom ... befeeste.. Id. 134. 7
sovlice Sa gimmas Sara halignessa to Sem weron gemacode
[getacnode] Szet hie sceoldon scinan. Id. 352. 21 ic to Sem
come on eoréan Szt ic sibbe sende. Id. 389. 30 sio
orsorgnes. .. bid to Sem gelaned Set hie sien Surh Sa to
beteran life getogene. Dial. 27. 25 he hine to Sam befeste Set
he moste beon lace. John 18. 37 to Sam ic com on. mid-.
daneard Get ic cySe sodfestnysse (= ad hoc veni.. .,ut.
80 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

. perhibeam. Inst. 434, evd to Sam asette syn, Set hi
Godes folce riht bodian sculan. Wulf. 7. 4 Seto Sam gesette
syn, Szet hi Godes folce riht bodian sculon. Id. 283. 7; 304. 3.
Id. 8. 12 to Sam hy gesceop God elmihtig Set hy and heora
ofspring scoldan gefyllan...Id. 9. 2 mann to Sam gescapen
wees Geet he scolde ... gefyllan . .. Id. 154. 11 bisceopas
syndon to Sam gesette on Sisre worulde Szet hy georne sculon...
Godes fole wenian.

(2) For Son... Set.

Guth. 84. 4 ic for$on her... hire ansyne fleah ... Set wyt
eft... unc eft gesawon.

() For Si... Set.

EHI. 592. 31 fordi ic Sreatige Se to ura goda offrunge, Set
Sis folc ...forleton... Id. 606. 26 uton fordi us gearcian

.. Set we... becumon... Id. 608. 10 and fordi cydde Sa
yfelnyssa .. . Szet he us fram his lufe gestilde. Add CP. 451. 4:
ALHIi. 88.135 412. 125 534. 29; 580. 1: Int. Sig. 170; 458:
Gen. 20. 6: Num. 33, 11: Aéc, Asm, 110. 261 (v. p. 70).

(/) For Sem... Set.

Bo, 134. 24 manegum men biod eac forgifene fordem Sas
weoruldgeszlda Szet he scile Sem goodum leanian hiora good.
Add CP. 451. 3: Exod. 9, 16. Cf. also for dem... daite,
CP. 220. 22.

III. THE RELATIVE ADJECTIVE CLAUSE OF
PURPOSE (47)

This construction is fairly frequent in Old English, more
frequent here indeed than in the other Germanic dialects, perhaps.
Balg (Goth. Lit. p. 282), after excluding such passages as
L. 15. 12; John 13. 29; i Cor. 10. 33; Col. 1. 10 from con-
sideration as containing merely the ‘ general,’ or ‘ characteristic,’
relative clause, says that Gothic shows only one true final
relative clause, viz. Mk. 14. 14 hvar sind salithwas, tharei paska
mith siponjam meinaim matjau? Erdmann (Deutsche Syntax
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 81

i. 137) notes it in MHG.; e.g. Ot. i. 18. 33 farames then weg,
ther unsih wente zi eiginemo lante. In Modern English
and German it is rare, being chiefly poetic or archaic. E.g.
Schickt einen sichern Boten ihm entgegen, der auf geheimem
Weg ihn zu mir fiihre (Schiller). Gen. 11. 4 Let us build us
a city and a tower, whose top may reach into heaven.

The relative clause of purpose, then, is limited in the Germanic
field and seems to be due to Latin influence. Even in Old
English, the branch of early Germanic that allows it perhaps
most frequently, it is felt as unidiomatic. This is shown by the
great number of Latin relative clauses of purpose which find
expression in the Old English translation, not by the Old English
relative clause, but by the native purely adverbial clause. Some
examples of this are: BH. 56. 6 sendon Agustinum .,. Set
he scolde. . . Singian (=remittunt . . . qui obtineret. Id. 62. 30
sende serendwrecan .. . Set heo scoldan secgan (=misit . . . qui
...Teferrent. Id. 104.21 8a heht ASelberht .. . cirican getim-
bran ... Set he ... biscopsetl hefde (=in qua locum sedis
episcopalis ... haberent, Id, 120, 25 wes gehalgod to biscope
Gode se leofe wer scs. Paulinus ,..to Son Set he Sa feemnan
. ..trymede (=ordinatus ... qui... confirmaret. Laws 198. 24,
(AiSelred, 979 a.v.) zlc freoman getreowne borh heebbe, Szet se
borh hine to elcon rihte gehealde (=habeat ... plegium, qui
eum.., presentet. Others are: BH. 72. 16; 146. 15; 238.
223 244.283 248.113 304.20; 314.18, 31; 320.33; 322.123
382. 16; 388. 11, 21; 420. 8; 434. 275 436.6; 444. 16;
468. 8, 23; 496. 4,13: O. 286. 10; 294,12: Laws 66, 3;
154.12; 290.153; 376. 10: BR. 73. 21.

Below ‘are given in full the adjective relative clauses in Old
English that seem to contain a purpose idea, they being especially
hard to differentiate. It will be noticed that frequently they are
direct translations of a Latin relative clause of purpose, as is
to be expected from what has been said above. They will be
classed according to the case of the introductory relative pro-
noun, and sub-classed under the first and largest category with
reference to the modal form of the verb, as follows:

G
82 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

A. The relative pronoun is in the nominative case (34).

1. The verb is the simple optative (15).

BH. 72. 15 ac Se sculon... biscopas cuman, Sa Se et bis-
copes halgunge . . .stonde (=veniunt... qui assistant. Id. 258.
23 heo hefdon gearwe magistras, Sa Se heo lerdon (=magistros
qui docerent. Id. 308. 2 he sealde him meessepreost... se...
Godes word and fulwihte be Segnode (=dans illi presbyterum
... qui... ministraret. Id. 340. 25 cwomon ... sume
broSor, Sa Se hyre forSfare seegdon (=venerunt . . . fratres
qui... nunciarent. M. 21. 41 and gesett hys wingerd myd
odrum tilion, Se him hys wastm... agyton (=locabit ... qui
reddant. Lch. ii. 210. 1 éslege (sec) Se Sa wunde clensien.
Id. 210. 19 zrest him is to sellanne S#t Sone inno® stille
and smeSe. LHI. 44. 26 Sa setton hi lease gewitan, Se hine
forlugon and cwedon, Set he tallice word sprece. ALHii.
46. 5 witodlice nes nan heahfeeder ne nan witega asend to
heSenum folce Se heora gedwyld beloge. Id. 122. 8 and
hine bzed, Set he Angelcynne sume lareowas asende, Se hi to
Criste gebigdon. LSi. 150. 56 he him sendan sceolde . . . sume
munecas Se him mynster-lif astealdon. Id. 404. 82 Ser nan
feond ne cym®, Se his friS awyrde. BIH. 207. 31 se biscop’ Sa
Seer gesette gode sangeras .. . Sa Seer seoddan deghwamlice...
weordode. BR. 99. 27 beon gesette an odSe (sic) twa ealde
swustre...6e Sat mynster geondgangen and Sas gyman (=
deputentur una vel due (sz). . . que (sec) circumeant. . . et
videant. Id. 137. 25 to Ses mynstres geate beo gesett an eald
mynecene and wis, Se wel cunne andsware gyfe (=que (szc)
sciat .. . responsum .. . reddere.

2. Magan as auxiliary in the relative clause (8).

BH. 162. 21 se cyning ... biscopes bede se Se him meahte
and his Seode Cristes geleafan and fulwihte Segnian and healdan
(=rex . .. postulasset antistiten, qui... ministraret. Id.
254. 14 hweeser he... meahte oSerne findan, Se mon to biscope
hadian meahte (=qui episcopus ordinaretur. A‘Hii. 142. 8 ac
beed Geet he asende sumne bro®er, Se hire gerihta gedon mihte.
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 83

Id. 312. 29 and... biscop gehadode, Se mihte behwyrfan
Sa halgan martiras. LSii. 128. 50 and him sumne lareow
-sendon Se his leoda mihte to Gode geweman. Id. 178. 152
Godes Seowas gehadode Se Sam heofonlican Gode Seowian
mihton. Gen. 19. 31 and nan oder wer ne belaf on ealre
eordan, Se unc mage habban (= nullus ... remansit ... qui
possit ingredi ad nos. Exod. 2. 7 wilt Su Sst ic ga and clipie
Se Ebreisc wif, Set Sis cild fedan mege? (=vocem tibi mulierem
Hebrzam, que nutrire possit infantulum (v. p. 85, note 2).

3. Scudan as an auxiliary in the clause (6).

BH. 120. 25 wes gehalgod...se leofa wer... se mid heo
feran scolde (=ordinatur ... vir. . . qui cum illa veniret. Id,
222. 6 se cyning him sealde feower messepreostas, Sa sceoldon
his Seode fulwian. Id. 226. 22 diaconas halgode, Sa Se him

. fulteman scolde (=decanog ordinavit qui .. . adjuvarent.
Id. 374. 7 odSet se biscop gecoren were, seSe fore CuSbyrhte
gehalgod beon sceolde (=donec eligeretur, qui . . . ordinari
deberet. Nic. 20. 7 hig Ser to his byrgene gesetton feower and
feowertig cempena Se Sone lichaman healdan sceoldon. Arch,
ror. 318. 7 (L. 16. 19-31) hi habbad Sone lareow, Moysen and
witegan, Se him wyssian sceolon (v. p. 85, note 2).

4. The verb is in the indicative (5).

Once occurs an indicative in an Old English clause translating
a Latin subjunctive of purpose, viz. AEHi. 78. 15 of Se cymS se
Heretoga sede gewylt and gewissa& Israhela folc (=ex te enim
exiet dux qui regat populum meum Israel (Matt. 2.6). With
this parallel in view, and considering the fact that the indicative
mode sometimes occurs in the purpose clause (v. p. 116 ff.), ladd
the following as possible examples of purpose clauses: ASHi.
34. 12 of Se cym®d se latteow Se gewylt Israhela Seoda. Id.
516. 26 zlcum geleaffullum men is engel to hyrde geset, Se hine
wid deofles syrwunge gescylt, and on halgum megnum geful-
tumad. Id. 534. 18 efne her is cumen an draca Se me sceal
forswelgan. LSi. 308. 22 ge him weardas settad Se hi bewaciad

wid Seofas.
G2
84 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

B. The relative pronoun is in the genitive case (2).

BH. 158. 9 beed he Szt heo him biscop onsende, Szs lare and
Segnunge Ongoldeode .. . Ses Drihtenlecan geleafan gife leor-
nade (=ut ,.. mitteretur antistes, cujus doctrina... gens ..
disceret, Gen. 1. 11 spritte seo eorSe growende gers and sed
wircende and zppelbere treow waestm wircende... Sas seed sig
on him silfum ofer eorSan (= germinet terra herbam virentem
et facientem semen et lignum pomiferum faciens fructum ...
cujus semen in semetipso sit super terram.

C. The relative pronoun is in the dative case after a preposi-
tion (7).

OET. 392. Vesp. Ps. 142. 8 cudne me doa weg in Sem ic
gonge (=notam mihi fac viam in qua ambulem. BH. 194. 27
wees mynster getimbred in Sem ... deghwamlice ... bene and:
gebedo borene beon scoldon (=monasterium constructum est, in
quo... preces offerri deberent. Id. 282. 12 he getimbrade ...
his sweostor . . . in stowe, in Scere heo meahte . . . lareow and
fester-modor gestondan (=in quo ipsa .., mater ac nutrix
posset existere. Id. 396. 19 wes him eac Surh gegearwad and
geworht, in Sze he forSfered bebyrged beon scolde (=loculus
... erat preparatus in qua ...condi deberet. Id. 396. 27 Sa
Sruh him biggesette, in Sere he... geseted beon scolde (=locu-
lum, in quo... poni deberet. Dial. 65. 10 (ALS. Z. only)
Szt him God forgeafe mid hwam he mihte gestillan Sees _hat-
heortan messepreostes woffunga (=ut ei redderet unde presbyteri
furentis insaniam mitigare potuisset. Add BH. 256. 34.

D. The relative pronoun is in the accusative case (3).

OET. 335. Vesp. Ps. 103. 9 gemere settes him Sa hie ne
ofergongad (=terminum posuisti eis quem non transgredientur.
Deut. 1. 33 and mearcode Sa stowa, Se ge eowre geteld on slean
sceoldon (=metatus est locum, in quo tentoria figere deberetis.
HL. 139. 22 we eow... Set sidfet etwyen, Se ge durh magon
to Sam ecan life becuman.

E. The relative pronoun has the instrumental form (1).
In a charter of Edward the Confessor, found at Coventry
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 85

Minster, and published separately by W. DeGray Birch, London,
1889, at l. 4, occurs a unique blending, apparently, of the
relative clause of purpose with the usual adverbial dez-clause of
purpose, viz. and elmesdeden georne befellen, Jurh hwan dat he
of symbanden hine selfne mote alyman (=alysan). Corruption of
the MS, might be postulated here (and the MS., though clear,
has several errors in spelling), were it not that Rotteken (QF.
53- 87) points out an exactly parallel construction in the da mt
daz of Berthold von Regensburg, 32. 6. Luther’s Bible also has
damzt dass not infrequently, and the compound is not unknown
to even Low German. Therefore durh hwan det is to be
considered as syntactic confusion, rather than as an error of the
scribe.

NoTe1. The following sentence may contain a clause of purpose intent
introduced by the relative adverb Jer: BIH. 211. 8 Set he ure saula geleede
on gefean, Szr hie motan blissian abuton ende on ecnesse.

Note 2. Closely akin to the relative clause of purpose and sometimes
almost blending with it is the relative clause of result, or characteristic, also
an imitation of the Latin, Some examples are: BH. 52. 33 ne wes enig
se Se bebyrignysse sealde (= nec erat qui... sepulturze traderet. Id. 86.
15 oBer sacerd... ne bid seSe... Set geryne...gegearwie. Id. 86. 16
gif Sar oSre seon, Se Sa Segnunge gefyllan megge (= nam si adsunt alii,
qui implere ministerium valeant. Id. 212. 24 Sis syndon 8a fyr Ja Se mid-
dangeaid wzron forbzernende and forneomende (= hos esse ignes, qui
mundum succendentes essent consumturi. Id. 326. 10 gif he hweer znigne
freond metan meahte, Se his gymenne dyde and his wunda lecnian
wolde (= sicubi amicos, qui sui curam agerent, posset invenire. AEHii. 40. 8
Johannes cwzd be Criste Sat he were Godes Lamb, sede zetbrnde middan-
eardes synna. Id. 400. 25 Ser nas nan man Se Sone hlaf him betwynan
tobraece (= nec erat qui frangerit eis (Lament. 4. 4).

Supplementary.

Det as an Apparent Relative Pronoun Introducing a Purpose
Clause (11).

In eleven instances the form dt of the relative pronoun,
occurring irrespective of the case, gender or number of its
antecedent, introduces a relative clause of purpose. This last
is in six sentences the construction in the Latin original. The
sentences are :-—
86 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

1. Translating a Latin relative clause of purpose.

Exod. 10. 2g wilt Su us syllan offrunge, St we bringon urum
Gode? (= holocausta da nobis, que offeramus. Id. 23. 20
nu ic sende minne engel Szet Se leede (=mittam angelum meum
gui introducet (sic). Id. 82. 1 wirce us godas, Sst faron
beforan us (=fac nobis deos, qui nos precedant. Lev. 26. 22
and ic sende on eow wildeor, Set forspillon eow (=inmittam
. .. que consumant, Num. 13. 3 ceos Se menn, Set magon
sceawigean Sone eard (= mitte viros qui considerent terram.
Deut. 1. 22 uton sendan sceaweras, Set sceawion Set land
(= mittamus viros, qui considerent terram.

2, Examples apparently independent of Latin influence.

O. 72. 15 Romane curon III. hund cempena and siex, Set
sceolde to anwige gangan. Id. 154. 16 Set weron Sa Se hie
gesett hafdon Gzt sceoldon be heora wifum bearna stienan
Sonne hie on gewin foron. John 14. 16 he sylS eow oSerne
frefriend Set beo wefre mid eow (=paracletum dabit vobis ut
maneat, BIH. 2447. 24 send Sinne Sone Halgan Gast, Set
awecce ealle. Num. 11. 13 hwanon sceolde me cuman flesc,
Cet ic sylle Sison folce ? (= unde mihi carnes, ut dem,

Norte. A similar construction in a relative clause of characteristic after

a general neyative is: HL. 166. 61 nys neenig man, def asecgan mage Sa
miltse...

Further study of the phenomenon in all subordinate clauses in
Old English might show that the Modern English relative pronoun
that, standing for all genders, numbers and cases, was materially
influenced by the analogy of the conjunction dz/.

Another possible explanation, but in view of the Latin relative
clauses translated above one not so probable, is to consider def
a pure adverbial conjunction of purpose with omission of pro-
nominal subject or object within the clause. A pronominal
nominative would be required in all the above examples except
Exod. 10. 25 and Num. 11.13. These would require a pronoun
object to be implied if det be considered a conjunction.

For the reasons adduced, this latter explanation seems to me
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 87

the less likely, although Behaghel, Syn. des Hel. pp. 328-329,
explains in this way the similar phenomenon in the Heliand,
e.g. 12 and 1228.

IV. INDIRECT INTERROGATIVE OBJECT CLAUSES OF
PURPOSE AFTER HU AND HW DER (22)

An object clause of indirect question, especially after verbs of
striving, seeking, planning, attempting, may be looked upon as
the end of action and hence appear as final. Here we find two
introductory interrogative particles (A) Az and (B) Aweder,

A. The object clause is preceded by Az, of manner, as in
L, 22. 6 he sohte hu he easelicust hine .. . gesealde (=quzrebat
oportunitatem (szc) ut traderet illum (20). :

Rétteken (QF. 53. 98) notes in Otfrid and in Berthold von
Regensburg object clauses after verbs of mental striving, ‘ bera-
then, iiberlegen, anweisen, etc.,’ introduced by wze and wze daz,
which become virtually final in meaning. E.g. B. von Reg. 489. 5
er satzte allen sinen fliz unde sine ahte, wie er den rehten
kristenglouben moehte gehoehen. Modern English sometimes
shows how passing into purpose function after expressions of
caution, which imply striving, such as: beware, be chary, take
heed, have a care, &c. But here the negative idea of the main
verb has passed into the Aow-clause, making this negative as
well: e.g. A wise horseman should take care how he pull the
Tein too tight.

The object-clauses with vz in Old English that seem to pass
into the function of purpose are as follows:

1. After verbs of striving, seeking, planning, &c. (14).

(a) secan (6).

PPs. 37. 12 and mine sawle seceaS hu hy magon yfel don
(=qui querebant animam meam et qui inquirebant mala mihi.
Bo. 89. 7 sece him freodom hu he mege becuman to Sam
geseldum. CP. 226, 13 sxetad Sonne digelice and secd hu he
88 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

hiene mege gefon (=ad exercendas occulte insidias exardescit.
Dial. 28. 7 Su secest nu beladunge hu Su mage Get findan.
BR. 121. 7 ne hi nefre neenne intingan ne secean, hu hig hyre
to syndrium ehtum gerimed beo. See L. 22. 6 supra.

(2) cepan (2).

LSi. 386. 36 he cepte symle hu he cwemde Gode. Id. 322.
48 Sa heSenan cepton hu hi hine acwealdon.

(c) cunnian (2).

LSi. 286. 54 he cunnad ... hu he mege tobrecan Sa gebedu.
LSii. 328. 201 cunnodon mid creefte hu hi in cumon mihton.

(d) sierwan (2).

O. 52. 3 he angan sierwan ... hu he hiene beswican mehte.
LSi. 256. 317 hi syrwdon mid sweartum ge®ance hu hi Crist
acwealdon.

Note. The object-clause with iz after smeagan is closely related to the
construction here. E.g. Bo. 7.17 8a ongan he smeagan and leornigan on
him selfum hu he Set rice 3am unrihtwisan cyninge aferran mihte. LSii.
290. 1148 smeade se halga wer hu he heora gehelpan mihte. Add LSi.
196. 8; LSii. 318. 57. :

(e) efstan (1).

BR. 145. 13 zlc efste myd arwurdnesse (szc) .. . hu heo ore
on halige Seudome fordeon mage. .

(/) fandian (1).

HL. 195. 5 deofol is swySe swicol and fandiende hu he mage
Sa earman saule . . . beswicon.

2. After verbs of directing, showing, &c. (3).

(a) gestihtan (1).

LSii. 192. 26 he 8a gestihte his werod... hu hi on Sone
huntad fon sceoldon.

(4) wisian (2).

Inst. 436. xxii. riht is Set gehadode men Sam lewedum wisian
hu hi heora awe rihtlicost sculon healdan.

(c) leeran (1).

Hex. 32. 21 ic wylle Se... leran Set gastlice gewinn hu
Su Gode campie.

3- Au occurs once after cardan, which is usually followed by
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 89

a dei-clause: A®Hii. 78. 2 Ga Se cariaS mid wacelum mode hu
hi o@ra manna sawla Gode gestrynan.

4. Once after an expression of readiness, which is also usually
followed by a dei-clause (v. AZHi. 600. 29; BIH. 247. 32).
The sentence is: LSi. 132. 238 bid se deofol geare hu he him
derige.

5. Finally, after szwzczan (1).

LSi. 352. 220 swicad se deofol digollice embe us hu he Surh
leahtras forlere a cristenan.

Note. In three instances Az stands in place of the usual de¢ in certain
of the prepositional compounds, giving the formule fo don... hu, ymb
vet hu, efter dem hu, as follows:

1. toon...hu. O. 54. 23 and geworhte anes fearres anlicnesse of are
to Son, Sonne hit hat were and mon 3a earman men oninnan don wolde, hu
se hlynn meest weere (=fecit... ut... sonum vocis augeret (v. p. 79, a).

2, ymb tet hu. CP. 238. 21 hie swuncon ymb @zt hu hie meahten
gesyngian (= ut peccent laborant (v. pp. 52, 77).

3. eefter Seem hu. Bo. 76. 26 ne swincd he nauht efter Sam hu he fore-
meerost sie (= de potentia nihil laborat (v. p. 53).

B. Twice in the Translations Aweder has been noted after
secan introducing an object clause of inditect question, which
passes into purpose. Here the Latin formula is sz (fori).
BH. 326. 28 Sa cwom he and sohte in Sem weele his lic, hwzeSer
he hit findan meahte (= venit quzrere si forte corpus ejus
invenire posset. Dial. 199. 3 sohton hweSer hi findan mihton
enig tacen (=exquirentes si quod signum...monstrari...
potuisset.

V. RESULT AND CONDITIONAL PARTICLES INTRO-
DUCING THE PURPOSE CLAUSE (9)

Very rarely the result formula swa det and the conditional
words, gif and Juton det, which last follows a negative verb,
introduce a clause containing something of final intent.

A. Swa det: purpose blending with result (4).

EHi. 96. 10 orsorh and blissigende ic cume to Se, swa Sat
Su me blissigende underfo. Id. 604. 5 uton awurpan Seostra
go THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

weorc, and beon ymbscrydde mid leohtes wapnum, swa Szt
we on dege arwurSlice faron (= abjiciamus ergo opera tene-
brarum et induamur arma lucis. Sicut in die honeste ambu-
lemus. A®Hii. 252. 20 and betehte hine Sa to heora benum,
swa Set he welhreawlice wurde ahangen. Thorpe translates,
‘and delivered him to their prayers, so that he should cruelly be
hanged’ Id. 546. 8 ac us gedafenad Sext we mid wacelum
eagum Sas Sreo gemetu behealdon, swa Set we nateshwon ne
ceorion ongean Godes swinglum ..

B. Purpose blending with condition (5).

i. The clause is introduced by gzf (cf conor sz of Latin) (3).

LSii. 48. 732 geornlice mid his eagena scearpnyssum hawi-
gende ge on Sa swidran healfe ge on Sa wynstran, swa swa se
gleawesta hunta, gif he Ser mihte Gzes (séc) sweteste wildeor
gegripan. Or by the combination gif wen were dei, translating
nist forte: BH. 408. 25 to Sem se forespreecana Cristes caeempa
ymblivendre Breotene utan cuman wolde, gif wen were Sat he
Ser hwelce meahte diofle odgripan and to Criste gecerran
(=venire ... disposuit, si quos forte ... transferre valeret.
Id. 414. 17 cuomon hio to Ealdseaxna mage gif wen were
Seet hi Seer eenige Surh heora lare Criste begytan mihte (= vene-
runt ... si forte aliquos ... acquirere possent.- These sentences
show a blending of ‘72 the hope that’ with ‘in the case that, and
express the purpose idea with modesty or mark it as doubtful
of fulfilment (cf. p. 90, 2).

Note, That sé forte could be felt with final force in OE, appears from
the following sentence, where it is translated by a det of purpose : Gen. 16.2
nim nu mine Sinene to Sinum bedde, Set ic huru underfo sum fostercild of
hyre (=ingredere ad ancillam meam, si forte saltem ex illa suscipiam filios.

2. The clause is introduced by duston de, translating mzs7 ut
after a negative verb (2).

Bo. 20. 24 se dead ne cym to nanum odrum Singum butan
Set he Geet lif afyrre. John 10. 10 Seof ne cym® buton Set
he stele and slea and fordo (= fur non venit nisi ut furetur.
Here duton is conditional (cf. John 3. 2 ne meg nan man Sas
tacn wyrcan Se Su wyrest, buton God beo mid him), and the

f
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE gI

det is final. Logically expanded, the words would stand ‘ne
cym6 buton fe cume Set...’ Ellipsis of the verb after duson
is demanded, since this is only a repetition of the verb before
buton: then blending of condition with purpose results.

Note, The temporal o8 seems to border very closely upon a purpose
relation in Gen, 44, 12 he sohte fram Sam yldestan o8 Sone gyngestan 03
_he funde Sone leefyl on Benjamines sacce. Cf. Erdmann, Deutsche Syntax,
i. 140.

1

VI. PARATACTIC CLAUSES OF FINAL INTENT

What is logically a subordinate element of purpose, as is
shown in many cases by Latin originals, may sometimes stand
grammatically independent in parataxis, or co-ordinate construc-
tion, without any introductory formula whatever. This can
occur only when the two clauses in parataxis, the logical main
clause and the logical final clause, are positive and have one
and the same subject. Also the predicate of this logical main
clause is usually a verb of motion. Two separate categories are
to be distinguished here, as follows:

A. In the first, the purpose clause contains no auxiliary. The
verb stands in the simple indicative, optative or imperative, as
the case may be, and in the present tense. This form of para-
taxis is not different from that noted at length under the Simple
Infinitive of Purpose (v. p. 12, n. 2). Hence one or two examples

_ for illustration must suffice here, viz. AHi. 30. 29 uton faran to
Bethleem and geseon Szt word. Exod. 33. 2 and ic sende
minne engel beforan Se and drife ut (= mittam . .. ut ejiciam.

B. The second category always takes the auxiliary wan in
the purpose clause, and this is always in the preterite tense,
wolde(-on). As noted above, there is no change of subject
between the clauses. That the second clause in parataxis had
full purpose intent may be seen from the following parallels of
M. 25. 10 “Arepyopevwy S& abrdv dyopdoa, FAGev & vupdlos
(= dum autem irent emere venit sponsus (= witodlice 8a hig
ferdun and woldon bycgean, Sa com se brydguma (Lind.
92 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

= geeodon to bycganne; Rush. = eodun bycgan). Wycliffe
and Tyndale = whyl they went (for) to bye; Lusher = und da
sie hingingen zu kaufen. See under wz/J/an as auxiliary, pages
114 ff.

The occurrences of a purpose idea in a paratactic clause with
wolde(-on) are as follows:—CP. 366. 3 hie snidon 8a Galatiscan
wif Se bearneacne weron, and woldon mid Sy geryman hiora
landgemeru (= secuerunt pregnantes Galaad ad dilatandum
terminum suum (Amos 1, 13). John 7. 1 Ga Judeas hine sohton
and woldon hyne ofslean (= querebant eum Iudei interficere
(Zind. and Rush.'= to acwellanne). Mart. 8. 3 8a leton hie
his lichaman licgan buton Hierusalem Sere ceastre, ond woldon
Set hine fuglas toberon. Id. 62. 3 and hi Ser to urnon, ond
woldon mid weetre dwescan Sone bryne zfter monna Seawe.
Hii. 72. 18 seSe ferde on ernemerigen, and wolde hyrian
wyrhtan (WS. Verston = Se on erne mergen uteode ahyrian
wythtan) (= qui exiit primo mane conducere operarios (M. 20.
1). Arch. 102. 37.16 astah ana up to anre dune and wolde hine
gebiddan (= W.S. Version M. 14. 23 he eode on Sone munt, and
hyne Ser ana gebzed (= ascendit in montem solus orare.

In the following, the logical subordination of the second clause
is felt so clearly that amd is omitted: John 4. 7 Sa com an wif
of Samaria, wolde weeter feccan (= venit mulier de S. haurire
aquam (Lind. and Rush. = to hladanne). LSi. 398. 242 8a
sende se cyning sona fiftig manna to Sam Godes witegan, wolde
hine gelangian. LSii. 102. 530 betwux Sysum ferde se fore-
szede Antiochus to Persiscre Seode mid micclum Srymme, wolde
Ser oferwinnan sume welige burh. Id. 146. 36 he swanc Sa
git swiSor, wolde geswutelian his mihte. Id. 158. 3 se ferde
to franc-lande mid mycelre fyrdinge, wolde gewyldan mid wige
6a leoda. Id. 188. 322 Sa beron Sa heSenan cwelleras Sera
halgena lic sona to scipe, woldon hi besencan on flode. Id. 210.
329 Sa cyrde he eft ongean, wolde feccan me.
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 93

THE NEGATIVE CLAUSE OF PURPOSE

Purpose clauses in Old English are negatived in two ways},
appearing as follows:

I. Introduced by the usual connectives, e.g. Jet, fo don dat,
&c., and negatived by me (ad) placed just before the finite verb
(298).

II. Introduced and at the same time negatived by dyles or dy
les de (334).

As the figures in () show, both are regular, and it may be seen
from the chart in the Appendix that each is evenly distributed
as to authorship, chronology, dialect, &c. The two methods
differ but slightly, just how will be seen below (p. 98), one con-
struction sometimes even running into the other. E.g.

CP. 40. 4 and Ga untrymnesse hira heortan ic wolde getrym-
man and gestiran ... Sst hira nan ne durre gripan swee orsorglice
on Set rice and on Sone lareowdom, Syles Sa gongen on swe
frecne stige Sa Se ne magon uncwaciende gestondan on emnum
felda. Id. 461. 31 ac him is Sonne micel Searf Seet he hine
hreedlice selfne gewundige... Sylas he weorde upahzfen for
his wordum ; Sette Ser Ser he oder(ra) monna wunda lacnaé,
he self ne weordSe adiunden. Cf. also L. 21. 34: John 5. 14;
12. 42 for examples where the Northumbrian glosses give dete
... me, for the WS. dyles (de).

I. Clauses negatived by xe (za) (298).

Here stand clauses introduced as are the positive clauses dis-
cussed above and differing from them only in the insertion of
the usual negation-particle, xe (a), always just before the finite
verb; e.g. Gen. 42. 2 and bicgad us mete def we ne forwurson
(= emite...ut possimus vivere; or with intensified negation,

1 Once (OET. 200. Vesp, Ps. 12. 4) we note OE. ze introducing a negative
clause of purpose. The glossator was here only carelessly misled by the
Latin ze, viz. inliht eagan min ne zfre ic aslepe in deade, ne fre cwevde
feond min (=inlumina oculos meos ne umquam obdormiam in mortem, ne
quando dicat inimicus meus,
94 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

Deut. 25. 15 hzebbe elc man rihtne anmittan .. . Hef hig nader
ne sin ne lessan ze maran. In one case za has been found
instead of ze, viz. Chron. 209, 1 (MS. E) Sa munecas widstoden
Sect hi na mihton incumen.

Examples of the other introductory formulz in clauses nega-
tived by ze are:

1, to Son (Sem) Set... ne: CP. 385.1 Crist ... sealde
bisene Sem lareowum to Sem Set Sa unleredan ne scoldon
leran. Dial. 277. 10 hi geseod in heora dea®e Sa, gesihdSe
haligra foregangendra wera to Son Szt hi heom ne ondreedon.
Add O, 264. 12: Dial. 256. 273 381. 6.

2. for Son (Sem) Set(te)...ne: CP. 184. 20 and siéSan
gehierde his agne scylde forSam Szet he eft ne meahte Sem
ilcan dome widcweSan. Id. 218. 4 holh wees beboden Set
sceolde beon on Sem weobude uppan, forSem Set wind ne
meahte 8a lac tostencan. Add id. 76.10; 220. 203; 451. 3;
459- 1; and see for don de... ne, LSi. 108. 331.

3. wid Son Se... ne: Leh. ii, 156. 5 (v. p. 74).

wid Set... Set...ne: Sol. 68. 5 (v. p. 75).
wid Get...ne: Leh. i, 214. 24; 224. 18 (v. p. 77).

IL. Clauses introduced negatively by dy les (de) (334).

Here /gs contains the negative idea, and dy is used relatively?
with conjunctional force, the combination being exactly parallel
to guo minus of the Latin. See Skeat’s Etymological Dict. and
the Mew English Dict. s.v. ‘lest.’

Note, It is interesting to see that just as OE. uses dy es to introduce
a negative purpose clause, so does OS. sometimes allow ¢he mér, ‘ the more,’.
to introduce a positive one; e.g. Hel. 5292 sia hietun im thuo te hoske
huit giuuadi umbi is lithi leggian, thiu mer hie unrthi them liudion thar
iungon te gamne.

Here we must make two categories:
1. clauses with dy des, earlier usage (214).
2. clauses with dy les de, later usage (120).

* For dylas used demonstratively, cf. AAHii. 538. 6 ure Drihten foresede
8a toweardan frecednyssa. . . Gaet hi Sy las manna mod gedrefon.
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 95

1. Sy les (214).

As may readily be seen from the chart in Appendix I, this
form, without an appended de, is the logical and the earlier one.
It is found in Allfred 118 times, while lfric, with whom dy
des de is regular (v. p. 96), shows it only 11 times. It persists
all through the Old English period, but is rare in the later writ-
ings; it is distinctive of early usage.

The spelling dy des is the rule, occurring 166 times, of which
élfred contains 114. 22 /es is found 6 times, 3 of which are
in Ailfred and 2 in AElfric.

The form de des occurs 40 times. It is best illustrated in the
Bible translations. The WS. Gospels, where this spelling is
the rule, show it 17 times, and Hept. comes next in order with
8 occurrences. Since this is the only one of A#lfric’s writings
that has the form de des at all (except Coll. 91. 7), it is easy to
suspect that in his Old Testament translations he was adopting
what was already in his time the more archaic de /es of the WS.
Gospels. As will be seen below, Aéliric almost always used
dy les de (cf. p. 96).

Note1. Twice in CP. we find the formula dy fas... me, viz. 246. 15
eac sint to manianne 8a halan Set hie Gode wilnigen to licianne 3a hwile Se
hie mzgen, dyles hie eft ne mzgen, Sonne hie willen (= admonendi sunt ne
placere Deo si cum possunt noluerint, cum voluerint sero non possint. 372. 6
and hafa hie Seah de anum, dyles elSiodige hie xe (AZS. Hatton omits) deelen
wid Se (= habeto eas solus, nec sint alieni participes tui (Prov. 5. 17).
However, the first sentence hardly contains a purpose clause, and we of the
second is obviously a scribal error.

Note 2, Twice after a clause interjected after 3e Jes, we find the con-
struction resumed with the formula Jet... me, viz. BH. 76. 25 buton
znigre eldenne is to gebeorenne and to gefremmenne, dy /zs, gif hwylc
lytel elding sy, dette me megge gemeted beon se %e alesed si (= provi-
denda est. ..ne inveniri non valeat, qui redimatur. Mart. 210. 27 heo
wyscte Set heo nanne efter hyre ne forlate Je /zs, gif hyra hwylc were hyre
oferstealla, de¢ se xe myhte on heofenum beon hyre efngemacca.

Norte 3. Once is noted the chance spelling Je /eas, viz. Gen. 3. 22. de
des occurs Sol. 15. 10.

2. Sy (Ge) les Se (120).
This form, with appended de of relative origin (cf. deive, p.59),
96 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

is almost a sure criterion of lateness. See chart in Appendix I.
Not a single instance’ occurs in all the writings of A€lfred ;
while A#lfric, with whom this is the rule, shows 95 instances,
as opposed to 11 occurrences of the forms without the appended.
de. This will be apparent from the chart in Appendix I.

In the writings that may with the greatest probability be placed
chronologically speaking near A#lfred, viz. Gregory’s Dialogues
and the WS. Gospels, a word must be said with regard to the
use or non-use of the appended de after dy /es, viz.

(a) The earlier MS. C.? of the Dialogues has 14 instances of
dy les without variation, while the later MS. H. in three places
(35. 28; 59. 24; 80. 32) has dy les de (which we have seen to
be the later formula) as a variant of the older MS. C.

(4) Of the WS. Gospels, Matthew and John stand together
in that they alone contain the later formula dy /es de. On the
other hand, Mark and Luke agree in that they show 9 cases
of the earlier dy des and not one of the later dy les de. This
tends to corroborate A. Drake’s theory that Matthew and John
stand together as opposed to Mark and Luke. (See Bibliography
in Appendix VI. and cf. Z/@Ph. 29. 139.) The relation of dy
les to dy les de in Matthew and John is as follows:

M. dy les = 8 times: dy les de=4 times (4. 6; 5. 25;
20. 28; 25. 9).

John dy es = once: dy les de = once (5. 14).

Variations in the spelling of the instrumental form before /es
may be seen at length in the chart in Appendix I. Some’ gene-
ralizations that may be put here follow:

(a) dy les de, the logical spelling, occurs 44 times, 36 of
which are in AUHi. and AHii.

(8) dz les de is found sporadically 13 times.

(c) de les de occurs 53 times, 31 of which are in Atlfric.

1 Except a single dy /est in Sol. 49. 1. This, however, is a late form in
a MS. of the twelfth century ; cf. Hulme, Zng/. Stud. 18, p. 331.

? For the relation of these MSS. to one another, see Hecht’s ed. of Dial.,
pp. vii-xi,
THE CONNECTIVES OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 97

' From this we see the order of relative frequency of these three
forms to be: de des de (53), dy les de (44), dt les de (13). This
varies from the order found among the earlier forms, without
appended de; viz. dy les (166), de les (40); d/ les (6). Cf. also
to dy dat, for dy det with to di det, for d Jet (v. p. 66, 5).

Nore, , Other chance variations of spelling are :

1. Be les Se. Job 1.5 offrode Gode . .. Biles Se hi wid God... agylton.

BR. 125. 7 Set heo Sanan gewite, Seles Se heo mid hyre yrmBe Be odre
(séc) geleahtrige.

2, J@ les Se. BR. 121, 12 sy ealle 8a ehte, Se Sam cilde gebyrige, swa
fordylegode and todelode, Set him nan hiht ne Yurfe beon, Seles Se hit

losige: and di les Jz, BR. 133. 3 and na oferswyde ne dreage, Silas Sx
Sat rustige feet mid ealle toberste.

3. Se lesse Se. Lech. iii. g2. 25 wyl on an niwen crocen, nes to swide,

Be lesse de ele his mzegn forleaosen. Here the spelling esse is probably

due to confusion with the neuter of the adjective comparative form /assa.

’ Another instance of similar confusion, not however in a formula of purpose,

is: CP. 74. 14 and Seah for Sara bisgunge ne sie his giemen no dy lesse
ymb %a gehiersuman.

In the later MSS., as the chart in Appendix I shows, we
begin to find not infrequently assimilation of the appended -de
to -#, giving the formula de Jesfe (3) or dy lest (1); viz. Wulf.
300. 27 ne nenne man ne lete unbisceopod to lange, Se laste
him fordsid getimige. BR. 63.10 and nane seax be heora sydan
(sc) nabban, Se laste hy on slepe gewundede weorSan (= non
habeant ... ne forte ...vulnerentur. Id. 69. 27 heo gewite,
Seleste an adlig sceap ealle heorde besmite (= discedat, ne
...contaminet. The spelling dy dest is found sporadically, due
perhaps to the manuscript corruption, in Sol. 49. 1 Su
heest (st) me forletan Sa unrotnesse dy lest ic ... Sy met-
trumra si.

After the form de Jeste, the next stage comes with the loss of
the prefixed d, which was originally organic and essential to the
conjunctive force of the compound. The result is Jeste (2),
which passes into the later and yet extant form dest. See
Matzner, Engl. Gram. i. 462; also Skeat’s Etymological Dict.
and the Wew Eng. Dict.s.v. ‘lest’ The instances of deste found

-in Old English are: BR. 23. 24 ne sceal non swerie, laste hyre
H.
98 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

gelympe Sat hu (szc) forswerie (= non jurare, ne forte perjuret.
BR. 29. 33 Sat beo Sonne geaxsod of Sare ealdre .. . lzeste heo
mare spece Senne hit fremye (= requirantur, ne videatur plus
loqui quam expedit.

Note. The earlier version of BR., ‘ thelwold’s,’ shows only the form
by les (de).

To sum up in a sentence the evolution of the Modern English
Zest as we have traced it, the stages are as follows:

1. dy (de, 0) les = AElfredian usage.

2. de (dy, dt) les de = ALlfrician usage.

3. de leste = Wulf. 300. 27 and BR. 63. 10; 69. 24.

4. leste = BR. 23. 243 29. 33.

5. lest.

Rhetorically considered, the purpose clause negatived by Jes.
in the combination dy Jes (de) differs from that whose negative
is me, in that it denotes the purpose, not as a negative action or
state, but as something feared or not desired’. The clause is
conceived as mon-optative merely, and hence only the simple
optative mood (p. 100) as a rule stands in a clause introduced.
by dy les (de). Out of 334 such clauses only 6 admit an auxiliary
verb, viz.

1. Magan (3). PPs. 9. 18 aris, Dryhten, Sy les se yfel-
willenda mzge don Set he wille (= exurge, Domine, non
prevaleat homo. PPs. 37. 16 nefre mine fynd ne gefegen
zefter me, Sy les hi megan sprecan gemetlico word. A‘Hii. 262.

1 Dy les, by an easy extension of this function, already in OE., is found
after (0”)dredan, introducing an object clause ; e.g. BH. 294. 25 3a ongon
Ses cynelecan modes monn him ondredan... dy les he owiht unwyrdes
dyde (= timere coepit ... ne... aliquid indignum... proferet. Also
Inst. 472, fop. (On)dredan is usually followed by an object clause with
det, not dy les; e.g. O. 48. 16; 144.16; 150.8: Gen. 27.12: Num. 12.
8: or by the infin.; e.g. BH. 492. 37; 591. 5. Cf. in this connection
Macbeth 2. 1 hear not my steps for fear thy very stones prate of my where;
about.

Dy les also introduces an object clause after gyman, which usually is
followed by a Sef-clause (see CP. 326.13: Wulf. 52.14; 112.15: BR.
99. 28), viz. Dial. 106. 12 he gymde dy las his agenra Searfa and wenunga
hine selfne forlete.
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 99

1g nu wille we ... gewissian eower andgit ymbe Sere gerynu
... Sy las Se enig twyning eow derian mage.

2. Sculan (3). CP. 326. 12 eac sint to manianne Sa Se nu
hiora mildheortlice sellaS, Set hie geornlice giemen Szt hie eft
$a synne ne gefremmen Se hie nu mid hiora zlmessan aliesad,
Sy les hie eft scylen don Szet selfe (= admonendi sunt etiam
qui jam sua misericorditer largiuntur, ut sollicite custodire
studeant, ne cum commissa peccata eleemosynis redimunt,
adhuc redimenda committant. Inst. 445. xxiii. we sceolon
beorcan and bodigan Sam lewedun, Se les Se hy for lar-lyste
losian sceoldon. Add AEHii. 162. 35.

On the other hand, it will be seen from the chart in
Appendix I that clauses negatived with me take the so-called
modal auxiliaries almost as freely as do the positive clauses
(see p. 100, table), exact figures for those introduced by det
and negatived by ze being: simple opt.= 178; magan = 16;
sculan = 8; mofan = 2.

To summarize what is perhaps practical in the above study of the
negative clause of purpose, we have the following statements, viz.

(2) The formula dy Jes is for the most part early usage, while
dy les de is only late.

(4) The clause with dy des (de) almost never contains one of
the modal auxiliaries.

CHAPTER II
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

As to the mode of the verb in the purpose clause, we find:
I. The simple optative.
II. The optative of the modal auxiliaries, magan, sculan,
motan, willan, + the infinitive.
III. The indicative.
This order will be followed in the discussion below.
H2
I0o THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

I. THE SIMPLE OPTATIVE (2211)

The simple optative is by far the most common usage in the
Old English final clause. Considering the two predominant
clause-types, viz. the clauses introduced by def and those with
the /o-formule (pp. 64 ff.), we find in regard to the relative
frequency of the simple optative and of the modal auxiliaries
the following:

Of de/-clauses, 2041 take the simple optative.
” ” 393 Bs modal auxiliary.
Of ¢o... da@i-clauses, 174  ,, simple optative.
” ” ” Q2 ” modal auxiliary.

(These figures do not include the instances with the indicative,
pp. 116 ff.)

Hence we see that in the Old English purpose clause the
simple optative is about four times as frequent as the modal
auxiliary. That this ratio is fairly constant throughout the
whole of the Old English period, may be readily seen from the
chart in Appendix I: though it appears there that A#lfric uses
relatively somewhat fewer auxiliaries than does At lfred, viz.

felfred = 153 opt.: 125 aux. Ailfric = 501 opt.: 188 aux.
It is also worth noting, perhaps, that the WS. Gospels, which
rarely allow another introductory word than def (v. p. 65), give
the ratio, 219 opt.: 17 aux.1 This adherence to the simple
optative is due to timid translation of the Latin simple subjunctive.

As to syntactic function, the simple optative denotes a purpose
conceived merely as optative, wished for, striven for, and hence
as a motive, with reference to the action of the main verb.
Merely the adverbial relation of one clause to another is thought
of. But the use of one of the modal auxiliaries means that, in
addition to this simple adverbial relation, more or less stress is
thrown upon the modality under which the action of the final
clause is conceived. This modality is explained in the sections
immediately following.

} This total ratio is distributed among the four Evangelists as follows:
M. 41 opt. : 3 aux.; Mk. 36:1; L. 76:03; John 69: 13.
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE IOI

II. THE MODAL AUXILIARIES (483)

We have seen that about one-fourth of the final clauses in Old
English have, instead of the simple optative such as is the usage
in Latin and Gothic for instance, circumlocutions consisting of
the so-called modal auxiliaries + the infinitive of the verb. These

are magan, sculan, motan, willan, named in order of frequency
of occurrence. This ratio will be seen from the chart to be
fairly constant throughout the Old English period.

These auxiliaries in final clauses divide themselves into two
classes: magan, on the one hand, and sculan, motan, willan, on
the other—a division based upon the objective or the subjective
conception of the conditions under which the finality in the clause
is to be attained.

Therefore, magan in the purpose clause denotes that the end
of action is conceived in relation, not to the psychological, but
to the material circumstances that attend its actual accomplish-
ment. Sculan, motan, willan, on the other hand, denote that
the purpose to be effected is thought of, not with reference to
the. external forces that accompany its fulfilment, but that it is
considered in its relation to the will of the agent of the purpose,
that is, of the logical subject? of the final clause. These
auxiliaries occur when the psychical genesis and trend of the
purpose idea is more prominent in the mind of the writer than
is its actual accomplishment in the face of objective: surround-
ings, obstacles, adverse circumstances, &c. Hence, scuan,
motan, and wellan denote subjective conception of the purpose
to be effected; and here we finda subdivision within this group,
as follows:

Sculan and mofan, on the one hand, mark the subjective
dependence of the agent of purpose upon the will of another
than himself, scw/an giving to this dependence the phase of
necessity, obligation, or duty with reference to the purpose

1 The term ‘ logical subject ’ means always in this treatise, not the gram-
matical subject taken with its modifiers, but the agent of action.
102 ‘THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

idea ; while mofan denotes this as permitted to the purpose agent
by a will more powerful and authoritative than his own.

Finally, wz//an, in contradistinction to the two last-mentioned
auxiliaries, expresses freedom of the purpose agent, his indepen-
dence of any will other than his own in the accomplishment of
the final idea. ‘

These relations may appear more clearly from the following
scheme :

I. The simple optative: the attainment of the purpose con-
ceived as a thing desired; the mere adverbial relation of action
to action thought of.

IJ. The modal auxiliaries.

A. Objective: magan, denoting the purpose idea in its relation
to exterior circumstances attendant upon its accomplishment.

B. Subjective: the psychological relation of the agent of
purpose to the purpose idea is in mind.

1. Subjective dependence of the will of the agent of purpose
upon the will of another.

(a) Sculan, marking obligation, duty, &c.

(b) Zotan, denoting permission granted by a higher will.

2. Subjective independence: freedom of will in the purpose
agent: zz/lan.

These auxiliaries will be discussed in the following order:
Magan (218). Sculan (133). Motan (69). Willan (63).

A. Magan as Auxiliary in the Purpose Clause (218).

Magan in its proper sense of gueo, valeo is by far the most
common of the modal auxiliaries in Old English; and it has
survived in the language of the present as the regular construc-
tion in final clauses (Matzner, Engl. Gram. ii. 143). Scudan,
the nearest rival of magan in the early period, has become yet
more restricted in Modern English, since only its past tense,
‘should, is at all usual in the final clause, which in this case is

Cf. O. 170, 20 sendon Momertine efter Romana fultume, Set hie wid
Pena folce mehte.
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 103

apt to be negative, after Zest. Willan and mofan in the purpose
clause are now lost entirely.

Thus in final clauses magan has virtually taken the place of
the simple optative in the development of English, having lost
all tangible modal force and having become with its dependent
infinitive a mere circumlocution for the older optative. And
from the great predominance in frequency of occurrence which
magan was taking even within Old English times—a frequency
natural since objective conception of purpose, indeed of all
adverbial relations, is psychologically more usual—we could
only expect that, when in the course of the language modal
inflection was lost, magan, the objective, denoting purpose in
relation to exterior circumstances, would be called upon as
auxiliary here, rather than that the subjective, scudan, motan,
willan, should be put to a like service.

Hence, in the Old English purpose clause, we often find
‘magan, in contradistinction to the other less-used auxiliaries,
occurring with no perceptible idea of potentiality. Its difference
in force from the simple optative cannot be felt. It is the old
law—familiarity has bred contempt, and magan through much
using is losing in its meaning of potentiality, and is on its way
to its modern function, a mere circumlocution for the former
optative.

This vagueness of magan, this loss of its primitive force,
viz. potentiality of the agent of purpose over attendant circum-
stances, this weakening into the function of the simple optative
almost, may be seen for instance in the following versions of
M. 2. 8 renuntiate mihi ut et ego veniens adorem eum. Here the
WS. translator has: cydad eft me, dat tc cume and me to him
gebidde, showing the simple optative. But A£lfric, Hom. i. 78.
zo and Arch, 101. 312. 17, has without apparent difference of
meaning: ... det zc mage me to him gebiddan.

Often in this same way, magan + infin. translates a Latin simple
subjunctive of purpose. Here the potential force of magan can
hardly be felt at all. E.g.

PPs. 9. 28 he syt symle on geSeahte mid Sam welegum
104 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

dygollice to Sam Gxt he mege fordon 8a unscedSendan
(= sedet in insidiis cum divitibus in occultis ut interficiat inno--
centem. Id. ro. 2 fyllaS heora coceras mid flanum, to Sam
Set hi magon sceotan 8a unscyldigan heortan (= paraverunt
sagittas suas in pharetra ut sagittent...rectos corde. Id, 22.
8, 9 and folgie me nu Sin mildheortnes ealle dagas mines lifes
Set ic mage wunian on Sinum huse (= et misericordia tua
subsequatur me omnibus diebus vitee mez ut inhabitem in domo
Domini. Id. 36. 13 and benda® heora bogan, to Sem Set hi
meegon besyrian Sone earman (= tetenderunt arcum suum ut
dejiciant inopem et pauperem. Id. 40. 1oarzre me, to Sam Set
ic him mege forgyldan Ses lean (= suscita me et (sec) retribuam
eis. O. 102. 11 Set him man worhte anfiteatra, Sat mon mehte
Sone... plegan Serinne don (= suasere... ut ludi...
ederentur. John 11. 57 Set he hyt cydde Set hig mihton hine
niman (= indicet ut apprehendant eum. Int. Sig. 343 Set
ealle . . . eft gewendad Ganon Se hi zr comon, Set he eft
flowan magon (= ad locum unde exeunt flumina revertuntur, ut
iterum fluant. Gen. 6. 19 twegen gemacan Su letst in to Sam
arce mid Se, Set hig libban magon (= bina induces in arcam
ut vivant. Id. 19. 2 and Swead eowre fet, Set ge magon
faran on eowerne weg (= lavate pedes vestros et mane profici-
scemini in viam vestram. Exod. 5.1 forlet min folc Seet hit
mege offrian me on Sam westene (= dimitte populum meum
ut sacrificet mihi in deserto. Num. 16, 21 asindriad eow fram
Sisre scildigan gegaderunge, Set ic hig feerlice fordon mege
(= separamini de medio congregationis hujus ut eos repente
disperdam. Jos. 3. 7 nu to deg ic onginne Se to mersigenne
zetforan Israhela bearnum St hi magon witan (= incipiam
exaltare te coram omni Israel ut sciant. Id. 10. 4 bringad
me fultum Set we magon 8a burh Gabaon oferwinnan (= ferte
presidium ut expugnemus Gabaon. Id. 11. 4 and hi anmodlice
comon... Szt hig mid Sere meniu mihton oferwinnan Israela
bearn (= egressique sunt omnes cum turmis suis . . . ut
pugnarent contra Israel. BR. 39, 20 Su me genySeradest,
Sat (sz) ic mage leornie Sine beboda (= humiliasti me, ut
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 105

discam mandata tua. Id. 43. 12 Szet a litol wile Serzefter beo
gehealden Sat Sa sustren magie gan ut to gecyndrelicere neode
(= intervallo quo sorores ad necessaria naturee exeant custodito.
Id. 79. 13 sy toforan gesettan bigleofan Geet hi Sé gladlicor
.. . Senian mege (= accipiant ... panem ut... serviant.
Ap. T. 3. 6 and to 8am Set he hi Se lenge brucan mihte his
dohtor arleasan brid-beddes, and him fram adryfan 5a Se hyre
girndon to rihton gesynscipum, he asette...(=et ut...
fruetur, ad expellendos . . . petitores . . . proponebat.

Nor, on the other hand, is it to be inferred that magan is
always colorless, lacking in distinctive potential value. As the
examples following go to show, there is often to be seen in
the original of the purpose clause itself, a distinct modal idea of
potentiality, which naturally finds its expression in magan. This
will be seen in the examples following:

1. Magan translates posse of the final clause. ASHii. 218, 2
ymbscrydaS eow ... Set ge magon standan (= induite... ut
possitis stare (Ephes. 6. 11). Id. 408. 19 Set ge beon on
sore lufe gewyrtrumode, Set ge magon underfon ... hweet sy
bradnyss (= ut possitis comprehendere. Int. Sig. 356 Hwi is
Set tacn... gesewen? To San Set hit ealle men geseon
magon and Set we beon gemyngode...(= Cur... positum
est? Ut... . inspici potuisset et ut . . . oculos cordis ad eum
-attollamus. Coll. 100. 18 ac sprec us efter urum andgyte Set
we magon understandan (= sed loquere nobis juxta nostrum
intellectum ut possimus intelligere. Gen. 6. 20 faran in mid
Se Set hi magon libban (= ingredientur tecum ut possint
vivere.

Note. Once we meet fosse + infin. becoming the simple opt. in OE.

John 8. 6 Gis hig cwzedon his fandiende Jet hig hine wrehton (= dicebant
temtantes eum wf Possent accusare eum.

2. And further, we can often feel in the context even of
original Old English passages that magaz is distinctly potential.
E.g, Jud. 15, 9 hi hine ageafon to hira anweadde, Set hig wrecan
mihton heora teonredenne mid tintergum on him. John 1. 12
‘106 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

he sealde him anweald Szet hi weeron Godes bearn (= dedit illis
potestatem filios Dei fieri. LSii. 412. 216 se forgeaf us Sa
mihte Seet we mihton gehelan. Here the idea in anzweald,
mthte, at once makes us anticipative of magan in the following
clause.

Other examples which seem to show magan in its distinctive
force, denoting the potentiality of the purpose-agent as to external
circumstances, are, e. g.: ASHi. 580. 31 and stah uppon an treow
Seet he hine geseon mihte. APHii. 154. 21 hi... Szet hridder
upahengon zt heora cyrcan geate, Set men mihton tocnawan
Ses meran Benedictes merda. Id. 196. 4 Sa aheng se
munuc ane lytle bellan on Sam stan-clude Set Benedictus mihte
gehyran, Exod. 7. 9 wircad sum tacn beforan me, Set ic
mege eow gelyfan. Jud. 6. 2 behiddon hig on screefum mid
hungre geweehte Set hi mihton gesean. BR. 99. 19 and don
hi gearwe, Set hi magon to cyrce gan. Ap. T. 18. 15 gan we
secan ure gesthus Sat we magon us gerestan. Nic. 1. 19 hweet
ys Set he ded Geet he mage eowre « towerpan?

To summarize, then, what has been said of the syntactic function
of magan, whichalone of all the Old English auxiliaries has survived
to any great degree in the modern English purpose clause, we
believe that in the great majority of final clauses where it occurs,
it is not to be categorically defined. Personal equation and inter-
pretation of the context count formuch. We have tried to indicate
the two extremes that enclose its long line of values. One is magan
in its proper force, translating possum ; the other is magan in its
faded sense, translating a Latin subjunctive and hardly to be
distinguished in Old English from the simple optative. Between
these extremes of the scale of potentiality are to be arranged the
majority of magan-clauses, which arranging each mind must do
for itself. (See index-list in Appendix V.)

B. Sculan as Auxiliary in the Purpose Clause (133).
Sculan, the first of the auxiliaries that mark subjective modal
relation, expresses the final idea, not as a motive dependent
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 107

upon the will of the agent of purpose himself, as does wlan;
but as an obligation, necessity, or duty, dependent upon the will
of another than the logical subject of the final clause.

Hence, there is almost always found a change of logical
subject in clauses that take sculan; the logical subject of the
clause, the agent of purpose, being a different person or thing
from that of the main verb. It need hardly be remarked here
that with clauses containing magan and mofan the purpose
agent may or may not co-incide with the subject of the main
verb. In we//an-clauses, it will be seen later, these two always
co-incide, just as in scudan-clauses they almost always differ.

Hence we have two divisions in the final clauses that contain
‘the auxiliary scudan, viz.

1. The grammatical subject of the main verb is not the
‘subject of the final clause: change of subject between the
clauses.

2. The grammatical subject of the main verb co-incides with
the grammatical subject of the clause, while the logical subject,
the agent of purpose, does not.

These divisions will be the headings of the following sections :

1. Change of subject between the clauses.

This is the case in almost all final clauses containing sculan,
and this is what is logically to be expected in view of the fact
that this denotes, or at least connotes, the obligation or duty of
the agent of purpose with reference to a will not his own. This
will appear in the following illustrations.

O. 80. 26 he het Sa Seet feeste lond utan yméfaran Set him
mon. sceolde on ma healfa onfeohtan Sonne on ane. Id. 238. 16
Romane gesealdon Gaiuse Iuliuse seofon legan to Son Sat he
sceolde fif winter wznnan on Gallie. BH. 184. 30 and gehet Sone
messepreost to hire Szt he sceolde mid heo gan (= evocans
presbyterum rogavit secum venire. Id. 256. 19 sende he .
his gerefan Sider Set he scolde hine fetigan and to him geleedan
(= misit ... prefectum ...ad adducendum eum. Bo. 145.14
ac he us ne ned no Sy hrador to Sem Set we nede scylen good
don. Cod. Dip. ii. 387. 23 (Eadgifu, 960-963 a.p.) Sa witan
108 THE ‘PURPOSE. CLAUSE

... gerehton Eadgife Set heo sceolde hire feeder hand geclen-
sian be swa miclan feo. Mart. 4. 9 hie sealde his gerefan Szt he
hie sceolde ... bregean. Id. 40. 15 Sone sz he gesette to
Son Set se sceolde fixas fedan. ASHi. 372. 34 Simon...
getigde znne ormetne rySdan innan Sam geate Ser Petrus inn
heefde, Seet he feerlice hine abitan sceolde. Id. 416. 25 and
hine Greatodon Szt he Sere deadan anlicnysse his lac offrian
sceolde. Id. 594. 32 hi hine mid widéum handum and fotum
on Sere rode gebundon, Set he langlice Srowian sceolde.
AGHii. 112. 24 sodlice se Ailmihtiga Feeder asende his ancen-
nedan Sunu... Szt hi sceoldon ... to fulluhte bugan, Id.
212. 12 and God gesette Josue Sam folce to heretogan Set he
hi to Sam behatenan eWele ledan sceolde. Id. 242. 24 ic
gesette eow nu sode gebysnunge Set eower elc sceole o@res fet
aSwean (= vos debetis ... lavare. Exemplum enim dedi vobis
(John 13. 15). Id. 310. 34 and het Deodolum standan et
Sam muse Set he for Sam ogan him abugan sceolde. Arch.
IOI. 315. 6 and sealdon heom mycelne sceat to Gi Set hi sceoldon
secgan Szet Cristes lic him were forstolen. Gen. 2.15 God...
gelogode hine on neorxena wange Set he Ser wircean sceolde
(= posuit eum in paradiso voluptatis ut operaretur.

2, Co-incidence of grammatical, but not of logical, subject
between the main clause and the final clause.

Rarely are met exceptions to the rule seen in the last section,
sculan occurring in the purpose clause with no change of gram-
matical subject from that of the main clause. But this is only
apparent, since a logical conception of the following sentences
in their context shows that the subject of the final clause in each
case is operative in accordance with a will not its own, which
will is the logical (i.e. thought-) subject, the real agent of action,
with the main verb. Here we note two categories, as seen in
the sections immediately following.

(a) The main verb is grammatically a passive, and the zmplied
agent of this passive is the real thought-subject of this main
verb, Hence there is /ogécally a change of subject between the
clauses. Examples are:

‘
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE | 109

O, 274. 23 he wes Sapan Sem cyninge to Son geseé... Sect
he swa oft sceolde stupian swa he to his horse wolde and he Sonne
se cyning hzefde his hryeg him to hliepan. BH. 174. 9 feo to
Son Sider sende weron Set heo sceolden Set gyldne mynet...
geneoman (= ob hoc illo fuerint destinati ut . . . assumerent.
Id. 398. 25 waes ic .. . in his geferscipe dratiiveniie and him
befested wees to Son Set ic scolde eghweSer ge sang ge bec
leornian (=legendi quidem canendique studiis traditus. A®Hi.
16. 27 Sa ongeat se deofol St Adam and Eua weron to dy
gesceapene Set hi sceolon .. . geearnian Sa wununge. Id.
238. 28 zlc bisceop and zlc lareow is to hyrde gesett Godes
folce Set hi sceolon Get folc...gescyldan, HL. 182. 32 ic
wes aszend Set ic sceolde...cuman. Wulf. 256. 21 wzron
we oft gemyngode to ures Drihtnes hersumnesse Szet we sceoldan
his willan wyrcan. Ap. T. 6.16 he wes aszend to Sam Set
he sceolde Apollonium acwellan (= qui... fuerat missus ad
necandum juvenem. i

(2) The context shows that the subject of the two clauses is
in both acting under the direction of a will not his own, that he
is performing an appornied duty, as a mission, an embassy, &c.;
and therefore, though grammatically the subject of the main
verb, it cannot be felt as the thought-subject of this in the same
way in which it is the subject within the purpose clause. In
such case, sczlan, denoting subjective dependence of the purpose-
agent, is found as auxiliary in the final clause, expressing duty,
obligation, &c.

Some illustrations are: Chron. 172. 5 5a com Sparhafoc
abb’ beweg{e] to him mid Szs cynges gewrite and insegle to
®an Set he hine hadian sceolde to b’ into Lundene. BH. 58. 20
(the description of Augustine and his embassy in the presence
of King 4thelberht) Warnode he (thelberht) him 8y lzs hie on
hwylc hus to him ineodan; breac ealdre healsunge, gif hie hwylcne
drycreeft heefdon Geet hi hine oferswiSan and beswican sceolden.
Id. 102. 31 Sa geseah he AlSelfriS se cyning heora sacerdas
and biscopas and munecas sundor stondan ungewzpnade in
geheldran stowe Szet heo scoldon for heora compweorod gebiddan
Ilo THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

and to Gode Singian (= ad exorandum Deum, Id. 410. 15
ic com hider Szet ic sceolde Drihtnes Helendes zrende Ecgbrihte
bringan (= veni ut... afferam.

Only rarely, in negative clauses introduced by dy-les, does
sculan seem to weaken from its original meaning (dedere), and
appear as little more than a mere circumlocution for the simple
optative. It need only be noted that the Modern English idiom
of should in clauses after dest is an extension of this weakening
of sculan, which began within the Old English period. The
occurrences of scwlan + inf. = simple opt. after dy/es are as follows:
EHii. 162. 33 8a geseah se halga wer Szs arleasan preostes
niSfullan ehtnysse, and wende Sa aweg mid his gebrodrum fram
Sere stowe, Sy-les Se znig his leorning-cnihta Surh his andan
losian sceolde. Inst. 445. xxii. we sceolon beorcan and bodigan
am lewedum, Se les Se hy for lar-lyste losian sceoldon.

(For other instances of final clauses with scudan, see Appen-
dix V.)

Finally, we have seen that scw/an in the final clause marks the
dependence of the will of the purpose agent upon another will
than his own, this dependence being conceived as obligation,
duty, &c. ; and that as a logical outcome of this, with the excep-
tion noted just above, there is always between the clauses a
change of Jdogical (thought-) subject, usually of grammatical
subject. In no purpose clause of the Old English period, apart
from those negatived by dy /es mentioned in the last paragraph,
has sculan weakened in its original force, to become with its
infinitive a mere circumlocution for the simple optative, as we
have seen to be the case with the more frequently occurring.
magan: but in this exceptional weakening after dy Jes, we see
the beginning of the regular idiom, should after dest, in later
English.

C. Motan as Auxiliary in the Final Clause (69).

The primary meaning of motan, mihi licuit, is always present,
when used as modal auxiliary in final clauses: e.g. Laws 30. 2
rymed he Sam deadan to Sam ave, Szet hine moton his megas
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE III

unsyngian (= ampliabit mortuo ad juramentum, quod licet
parentibus suis purgare eum. The context will always reveal
that the fulfilment of the purpose is conceived as dependent upon
permission received.

Since this permission, unlike obligation (sculan) or desire
(wllan), may with equal logical facility be conceived as granted
to the subject of the main verb or to another person or thing which
is the subject of the final clause, we have moan in purpose
sentences both with and without change of subject between the
clauses.

The context may denote the permissive force of mofan, in no
end of ways; but the following categories are perhaps the most
inclusive in Old English, as well as the most clearly defined.

1. Motan is found in the purpose clause after verbs implying
petition, or the granting of petition.

(a) after dzddan. Cod. Dip. iii. 274. 28 and hine eadmodlice
bidde Set he... eft minum dege gefelste Set min cwide...
standan mote. Id. iii. 364. 4 nu bidde ic . . . Set hi beon
on fultume Set min cwyde standan mote. Id. iv. 222. 22
ic bidde eow eallan Szt ge beon Baldewine abbe on fultume, Set
he mote beon... wurde. O. 82. 21 and biddende wes Seat
hie... awende, Szt hie... mosten...sumne ende gewyrcan.
Id. 100. 6 beden Set hie Sas gefeohtes geswicen, Set hie
mosten Sa deadan bebyrgean. Id. 196. 13 se was biddende
Set him mon fultum sealde, Szt he moste on Ispanie firdes
gelzedan.

And without change of subject: O. 48. 23 zt eow biddende
sindon to Son Szet hie eow on fultume beon moten. Nic. 13. 22
Su durfe biddan Sone ele of Sam treowe Sere myldheortnysse,
Set Su Adam Synne feeder myd smyrian mote.

(2) after forletan. O. 164. 27 rade efter Sem hie beedon
Set hie mon to hiora earde forlete, Set hie mosten gefandian
hwe®er...

(c) after fr:d gebeodan. O. 98. 30 efter Seosan gewinne
geweard Sette Perse gebudan friS eallum Creca folce... Set
hie mosten for him Sy bet Sem gewinne fullgongan.
112 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

(d) after alyfan. BH. 132. 7 he ne wolde him fyrst alyfan,
Szet he moste his weorod eal gesomnian (=non... dederat...
spatium quo .. . congregaret.

(e) after sellan fridom. Sol. 10. 17 se God sealde fridom
manna saulum Set hy moston don swa good swa yfel. Ap. T.
21.6 me leafe sealde Set ic sylf moste ceosan hwilcne wer ic
wolde.

(/) after gyrnan grid and gisla (no change of subject). Chron.
174. 27 Sa gyrnde he grives and gisla Set he moste unswican
into gemote cuman and ut of gemote. Also id. 175. 1.

2. Motan occurs in purpose clauses, the fulfilment of whose
tendency is dependent upon or connected with Deity. Here
motan seems to give a somewhat reverential tone to the
sentence.

(a) with change of subject: Cod. Dip. iii. 363. 35 he me
cydde 4 mines feder worde, Set ic moste be Godes leafe.. .
geunnen. Id. iv. 301. 6 God and ealle his halgan gehealde
zlene Sara Se Serto gefyrdrige, Set he standan mote.
PPs, 15. 2 Drihten gefylde ealne minne willan .. . Set ic
moste ofercuman Sa Seoda, Id. 19. 4, 5 eall Sin geSeaht He
gétrymie, Set we moton fegnian. John 5. 27 se feeder...
sealde him anweald Set he moste deman. BR. 3. 8 eornestlice
nu ic sende mine spece to zlc Sare (sec) mannum Set hit Surh
drihten to fulfremedum znde cuman mote.

(4) without change of subject: AZHi. 84. 1 geszlige hi
wurdon geborene Szt hi moston for his intingan dead Srowian.
Id. 178. 10 se heretoga feste eac feowertig daga and
feowertig nihta to Si Set he moste underfon Godes «2. ASHii.
100, 2 (has the same auxiliary) Sada se heretoga Moyses feste
feowertig daga and feowertig nihta tosamne, to Si Set he moste
Godes z underfon. Id. 364. 6 we sceolon .. . hine herian,
Set we moton becuman to his fulfremedan oncnawennysse.
Id. 380. 16 uton we herian urne Drihten .. . Set we moton
etwindan Sam welhreawum deoflum. Ap. T. 15. 2 gehiht on
God Geet Su mote silf to Sam selran becuman.

In all these, predominance of the will of Deity in granting:
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 113

permission to the purpose agent is expressed by mo/an as a
modal auxiliary.

Nore, Though occurring less frequently, mzotan may be used to imply
predominance of other authority than Deity, which authority is conceived
as permitting the fulfilment of the purpose idea.

(a) with change of subject. Laws 196. 1 sy Seah hwze¥ere Bes red gemzne
eallum leodscipe.. . to Sy Set earm and eadig mote agan Beet.

(4) without change of subject. Hi. 386. 3 he nam Sa gewrit xt
Sam ealdor-biscopum ... St he moste gebindan Sa cristenan (= ut...
vinctos perduceret in Ierusalem. Id. 598. 26 and his broor heold Sees
halgan Andreas lic mid micelre arwurdnysse Set he zetwindan moste.

3. Finally, in sentences that contain ideas of the Sacred, such
as future reward or punishment, the Resurrection, the indwelling
of the Holy Spirit—things only to be conceived by man as per-
mitted by Deity—we find mofan. This is related closely to the
last category.

(2) with change of subject. AZHi. 302. 8 godspel is us to
gehyrenne and Searle lufigendlic Set we moton forbugan helle-
wite. Id. 400. 31 is nu fori munuchades mannum mid
micelre gecnyrdnysse to forbugenne Sas yfelan gebysnunga and
geefenlecan Sam apostolum, Set hi... Set ece lif habban
moton. /EHii. 478.11 and gestranga hi on halgum mzgnum
Szet hi mid wulder-beage eces meg Shades to Sines Suna Heelendes
Cristes clenan geSeodnysse becuman: moton.

(4) without change of subject. ZHi. 348. 32 ac uton...
geomrian mid behreowsunge ure synna, Set we Surh Drihtnes
mildheortnysse Sa heofonlican wununge swa swa he us behet
habban moton. A Hii. 98. 18 tihtad eower mod ... Set ge mid
gedylde godne westm to Godes handa gebringon, Szt ge mid him
and his halgum Set ece lif habban moton. Id. 98. 25 we
sceolon... us... adwean, Sat we... Sa Easterlican mzrsunge
Cristes zeristes wurdian moton. Id. 402. 27 we aweriad us
mid Szre segene ... Set we ealle habban moton Sa mede Se
mannes eage ne geseah ne eare ne gehyrde... 8a Se God
gearcaS Sam eallum Se hine lufiad. Id. 494. 35 and us
fultumige, Szet we moton to Sam wulder-beage becuman. Id.
574-13 we sceolon wacian ... Set we moton faran into heofenan

I
II4 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

rice mid Sam clenan Brydguman. Id. 580. 29 fordi, sceolon
cristene men ®a fulan leahtras forseon... Set hi moton beon
wurde Ses Halgan Gastes onwununge.

(For an index-list of final clauses with mé/an, see Appendix V.)

Finally, mofan, the second and last of the modal auxiliaries
expressing dependence of the will of the purpose agent, can
never be said, we believe, to lose its original meaning of per-
mission, so as to become with its infinitive a mere circumlocu-
tion for the simple optative. That this idea of permission
granted to or bounty bestowed upon the purpose agent by
a higher will than his own is palpably present, has been pointed
out; and we have also seen that the subject may change between
the clauses, or not, according to the demands of the thought’
expressed. ;

Note. Forthe formula magan and motan, see e.g. Wulf. 94. 12; 129.

133 148. 11; 150.163 204.7; 215.9: and for this formula in a final clause
cf. HL. 163. 267 to San Det we magan and motan beon delneomende...

D. Willan as Auxiliary in the Final Clause (63).

Willan, in contradistinction to sculan and mofan, marks the
finality as a motive of action dependent upon the will of
the purpose agent himself. Hence, when zd/an is used as the
modal auxiliary of the purpose clause, we find that the subject
of the main verb is also always the subject of the clause (cf.
p. 107). It need hardly be said that in such case this subject is
a personal noun, the name of a rational entity having the
capacity of will, or desire. This will be readily understood from
the examples following. (For other zw¢l/an clauses, see Appen-
dix V.)

Willan used as auxiliary with no change of subject between
the clauses: e.g. O. 130. 10 hiene gesohte Minoth(e)o, seo
ScidSisce cwen ... to Son Set heo wolde wid Alexander and
wid his mzerestan cempan bearna strienan (= Minothea regina
excitata suscipiendee ab eo subolis gratia... venit. BH. 320. 33
seo abbudisse in Szet geteld eode and fea monna mid heo, Set
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 1I5

heo 8a ban woldon up adon (=abbatisse .. . ossa elevatura et
delatura intrasset. Id. 432. 27, to Son ic Gat dyde, Sat
ic wolde geahsiani (= ad hoc feci, ut... agnoscerem. M. 22.11
Ba eode se cyning in, Set he wolde geseon 8a Se Ser szton
(= Intravit ut videret. Id. 28. 1 com seo Magdalenisce Maria
and seo oder Maria Sat hig woldon geseon Sa byrgene
_(=venit...videre. John 8. 59 hig namon stanas to Sam Szt
hig woldon hyne torfian (= tulerunt ergo lapides ut jacerent in
eum. Cf. Arch. 102. 33. 27, where 4ilfric paraphrases: Sat
hi hine torfodon. John 12. 20 sume dege weron haSene Se
foron Szt hig woldon hi gebiddan (= ascenderant ut adorarent.
AEH. 94. 17 he cwxd Set he ne come to Sy Set he wolde Sa
ealdan ze towurpan (= Nolite putare quoniam veni solvere legem
(Matt. 5.17). Id. 168.1 se Helend com... Set he wolde
ealle ure costnunga oferswidan. Id. 382. 33 cwedon Set hi
comon fram Hierusalem, to Sy Sat hi woldon Sera apostola
lic bebyrian. A‘Hii. 388. 3 he astah to heofenum Set he wolde
us Singian to his elmihtigan Feder. Exod, 20. 20 God com,
Set he wolde fandian eower (= ut... probaret .. . venit.

Note. Three times in O., dexcan is used with the force of wz/lan, as
auxiliary in the purpose clause, whose subject is unchanged logically from
that of the main clause; viz. O. 44. 32 hie wepna namon to Son Set hie
heora weras wrecan Sohton. Id. 132. 11 Ercol se ent Ser wes to gefaren on
zrdagum to don det he hie abrecan Sohte. Id. 212. 2 Sa for Scipia Sriddan
side on Affrice, to Son Sat he Sohte Cartainan toweorpan.

This use of Sencan for wllan in the purpose clause finds a parallel in
Beow. 355, 448, 1535, where it expresses futurity or a wish; e. g. Beow. 355
Ba andsware ... Se me se goda agifan Senced. Here Sencan, just as wellay
in final clauses, is merely a sign of subjective independence, in polite
speech. The German (ge)denhen is used in the same way. See Anglia
10. §50, and cf. Goethe, /f2. i. 2 Wenn heut’ der Konig mit dir redet, so
Erleichtr’ ihm, was er dir zu sagen denkt.

So far in the discussion of mode, we have noted first the
simple optative, second the modal auxiliaries, magan, sculan,
motan, willan, Next we turn our attention to the final manifes-
tation as to mode in final clauses, viz.

12
116 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

III. THE INDICATIVE IN THE PURPOSE CLAUSE (48)

The purpose of an action is the end ‘hoped for. Hope implies
desire with expectation ; or, using grammatical terms, optative-
ness with futurity. Hence, we have seen the regular construction
in the purpose clause is the optative, which, except in unattained
(impossible) wishes, is always of future intent. This is what is
logically to be looked for, and what historically occurs both in
Germanic (Erdmann, Deutsche Syniax i. 136) and in Latin and
Greek, the ancient languages with which the former came in
contact.

This is the rule. But occasionally, for reasons to be noted
later, there occurs in Greek, Gothic, High German, Old Saxon,
Old English and later English an indicative in the purpose
clause, In Latin alone we have not found it. We will review
briefly in the order just given this purpose indicative as it occurs
in the cognate languages that have more or less bearing upon
the syntactical problems of Old English.

For Greek, I give the results of an article by Ph. Weber in
Schanz’s Betrdge ii. (Wiirzburg, 1884), who says in substance
(on p. 107):—The indicative, instead of a final subjunctive or
optative, after iva, as, dws is found first in Auschylus. From
this time down to Xenophon occur 9g pret. indicatives after d:rws,
6 after ds and 41 after iva, all evenly distributed, in the dramatists,
orators, and philosophers. The explanation of this, he says, is
the blending of unreal condition with the purpose idea, though
‘cause and result may also press in.

For Gothic, Klinghardt (Z/¢dPh. 8. 291) says that the final
clause is always in the optative; that what seem indicatives are
to be explained by anacoluthon before the would-be final clause
in which they occur. Balg (Goth. Zit. 278) goes a step
farther and says, ‘A purpose or motive is generally expressed
by the optative (of wish),’ but he does not cite instances of this
implied exceptional indicative. Erdmann (Deutsche Syntax
i. 142) finds examples where Gothic e+ indicative translates
iva + subj. or opt.; e.g. John 16. 2 quimith hveila, ei thugkeith
THE MODE OF THE. PURPOSE ‘CLAUSE Il7

(= ta 8d&y, or John 14, 3 franima izwis ... ei tharei im ik,
tharuh sijuth jah jus (= ta fre, uf sis. But he is inclined to
allow consecutive, or result, intent in the Gothic renderings.

Among the OHG. writings, Erdmann (Deutsche Syntax i.
142) finds the indicative occasionally in the final clauses of
Otfrid; e.g. Ot. ii. 5, 16 gispuan, thaz er thaz firliaz (=‘ver-
lockte ihn, zu tibertreten.’ However, he says this mode occurs
only after ¢haz, never after the purely final 27 dz, and hence
result blending with the purpose idea is to be suspected. For
a later period of HG., viz. in Berthold von Regensburg, Rétteken
(QF. 53. 87) finds the indicative of swdlen often in clauses of
finality; e.g. 3. 39 hat dir Got fuenf sinne gegeben, daz du
lernen sollt. He suggests that cause blends with finality. In
Mod. HG., Erdmann (Deutsche Syntax i. 139-143) finds the
indicative in final clauses after both dass and damit; e.g. Goethe,
Laune des Veri. 1 Drum liebt dich der Tyrann, damit er jemand
hat, dem er befehlen kann; and in explanation says (p. 141):..
‘Im Deutschen lasst sich schon friih mehr als in anderen
Sprachen die Neigung beobachten, das Ziel einer Handlung
nicht als vor dem Beginne derselben erstrebt, sondern als nach
ihrem Ablaufe erreicht anzusehen und darzustellen. Das kann
freilich im Indic. Prat. nur geschehen, wenn dasselbe (woriiber
mittlerweile die Erfahrung entschieden hat) tatsachlich auch
erreicht worden ist; im Indic. Pras, aber—gemiss der fut.
Bedeutung desselben—auch dann, wenn das Erreichen (oft allzu
optimistisch!) bestimmt erwartet oder vorausgesehen wird.’
This means, in a word, that the purpose is looked upon as
attained—that is, as blending with result.

Coming next to the Low German family, we find Behaghel
(Syntax d. Hel. 328) noting this same indicative in final clauses
of the Heliand; e.g. Hel. 12 uuordun gicorana te thio, that sie
than euangelium enan an buok scoldun scriban : id. 1228 uuarun
im thar gefarana te thiu, that sia uses drohtines dadeo endi
uuordo faron uuoldun. This, he explains (pp. 328, 371) as
a ‘Constructionsmischung,’ by which he means that the purpose
clause is also conceived as a co-ordinate second statement in.
118 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

parataxis; ‘e.g. Hel. 1004 he habad maht, that he alatan mag’ is
equivalent to, ‘he hatad maht, that he alata + he alatan mag.’

In Middle English, Kellner (A@i#elengl. Syntax p. 246) notes
the final indicative; e.g. Gesta Romanorum p. 93 wacchemen
shulde go about the cete and visit eche house, that there was no
mysgouernage. Modern English shows it occasionally as well;
e.g. Addison (S2r Roger p. 36), He bid him call a hackney
coach, and take care that it was an elderly man that drove it.
Trollope (Zhe Duke's Children i. 30) I am bound to see that
your father Azows a thing which is of such vital importance.

Collecting, then, the various explanations given of this indica-
tive in final clauses—the same syntactic phenomena, though
occurring in different languages—we have the following :

1. For Greek, says Weber, we have to postulate blending of
purpose with unreal conditionality, cause or result.

2. For Gothic, says Klinghardt, we are to understand ana-
coluthon before the purpose clause.

3. For High German, Erdmann infers admixture of result.

4. For Old Saxon, Behaghel finds a paratactic construction
blending with purpose,

And when we turn to the treatment of the indicative in Old
English, we are even less liable to suffer under monotony of
opinion. Of the six investigators who have treated the final
clause widely and searchingly enough to receive recognition, we
find two opposing ranks arrayed thus:

1. Prollius* (p. 49), Fleischhauer (§ 79), Klinghardt (in Rev.
of Hotz, Engl. Stud, vi. 264) deny that a clause in the indicative
can be one of finality.

2, Matzner (Engl. Gram. ii. 138), Furkert (p. 27), Hotz
(p. 35), Wilfing (74. Syntax ii. 155) take the opposing
view. Hotz and Furkert alone do more than note the occur-

rence of the phenomenon?, and they think it due to the
admixture of result,

1 See sub Appendix VIL, of. cét.
2 Since in final clauses the ratio of the opt. to the indic. is so overwhelms
ingly large in the verb-forms that are distinctively opt. or indic. (i.e. Ist,
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE II9Q

Thus the problem stands, As may be seen from the lists
that follow, the indicative occurs in clauses whose form, intent,
and even whose Latin original, are so clearly final in meaning,
that to call them instances of result clauses would mean blunt-
ness to all feeling for the Old English sentence. Note for
example, L. 8. 12 kai aipe rov Aéyov dé ris Kapdias airav,
ta py moredcavres cwldow (= sollit verbum de corde eorum, ne
credentes salut fiant (= yah usnimith thata watird af hairtin ize,
ei galaubyandans ni ganisaina (= and zt-bryt Set word of hyra
heortan, Set hig Surh Sone geleafan hale ne gewurdad (= Wycliffe:
takith awey the word fro her herte, lest thei bileaynge be maad
sauf; end Tyndale: and taketh awaye the words out of their
hertes, lest they shulde beleve and be saved. In view of the
undoubted finality in this sentence, shown both in the original
and the translations, it is impossible to believe that the Old
English also, which we have seen in the Gospels to be almost
slavish (v. pp. 65, 100) in its adherence to the Latin, was not felt
as a purpose clause.

Hence, in view of all that has been said, as well as with
reference to the examples which follow, this indicative does not
remove the clause from the category of finality. Nor is it to be
maintained, on the other hand, that it is an exact equivalent
of an optative. The optative denotes purpose sudjectively. It
means that an end of action is conceived as desired, hence as
a motive. The indicative denotes purpose objectively. It presents
the end of action as a reality (not a desire), and hence as a
motive. Of course this conception of purpose lies nearer result
than to any other adverbial relation, but it is not result. The
indicative in the purpose clause means added emphasis, vividness.
It probably gave to the Old English final clause a stylistic and
syntactical effect similar to that conveyed by ‘actually’ in:
‘ They next sunk a shaft in order that they might actually blow
up the walls of the stronghold.’
3rd, sing. pres, and pres. plur.), the equivocal forms (i.e. plur. pret. forms in

-on, -an, -en) should not be admitted as undoubtedly indicative so freely as
does Wiilfing, ZU. Syntax ii. 150 ff.
120 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

Following are the occurrences of the indicative in final clauses,
arranged primarily according to the person of the verb, since
Sweet (Reader p. Ixx) and Hotz (Zhe Subj. Mode tn A-S.
p- 7) are inclined to suspect the second personal forms in -s¢ of
not being distinctive as to mode.

1. The verb is in the first person indicative (6).

(2) no auxiliary (3). Sol. 8. 16 Du us getrymedest and gyt
trymest on urum geleafum, Set us ne magon 6a ungelyfeedan
amirram (szc), Du us sealdest and gyt silst Set angyt Set we
ofercumad Sone dwolan. LSi. 498. 173 and Sinon awyrgedan
deofolgildan we nefre nellad offrian, Sy les Se we us sylfe
gebringad on fylSe. Ap. T. 27. 22 and me getehte Szt ic to
Se becom (= ut ad te venirem, iter ostendit.

(6) sculan (2). ABHii. 14. 8 ic eom cumen to Se, Danihel,
to Si Set ic sceal Se teecan (= egressus sum ut docerem te
(Dan. 9. 22). Nic. 13. 5 ic eom Johannes Ses hehstan witega
and ic eom cumen toforan hym Set. ic his wegas gegearwian
sceal and geican 8a hele his folces.

(c) willan (1). Dial. 298. 7 we comon hider, Szet we willad
sume 8a brodra seendan ... in camphad (= ad hoc venimus ut
de monasterio . . . quosdam fratres in militiam mittamus.

2. The verb is in the second person (22).

(2) no auxiliary (9). PPs. 36. 33 and he Se uppahef®, to
Sem Set Su bust eordan (= et exaltabit te, ut inhabites terram.
Sol. 15. 10 sohtest calles hwet, Se les (sc) Su anes hwet
woldest, wylnodest, ofer gemet. /EHii. 584. 25 Se Se geceas
and gesette ofer Israhela rice, Set Su domas settest. LSi.
126. 163 Su beede Sinum bearnum fyrstes to Si Set Su gelyfdest
heora leasum gedwyldum. Gen. 20. 6 and ic Se eac for dig
geheold, Set Su wid me ne syngodest ( = et ideo custodivi te, ne
peccares in me. Id. 44. 21 and Su bude us, Set we hine
leddon to Se Set Su hine gesawe and wéstest be Sam Set we
nzron sceaweras. Num. 23. 11 ic Ge fette for Si, Set Su mine
fynd wirigdest (= ut malediceres inimicis meis, vocavi te. Jos.
7. 7 hwi woldest Su ledan Sis folc hider ofer Sas ea, Set Su us
sealdest on Amorrea handum and us fordydest (= quid voluisti
THE MODE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE I2I

traducere ... ut traderes...et perderes? Ap. T. 8.14 Peet
wyrreste Singc Su didest Sect Su me warnodest (= Rem fecisti
optimam ut me instrueres.

(6) magan (6). Bo. 17. 10 ic hit Se eft eal agife Set Su
gereccan miht Geet Sines agnes were. Id. 105. 3 ac Ser ic nu
moste Sin mod gefiserigan ... Sat Su mihtest mid me fliogan.
Id. 132. 4 ic Se meg eac reccan sum bispell be Sam Szet Su hit
meaht Se sweotolor ongitan (v. p. 75). LSii. 350. 253 ic
wilnode Se geseonne Set Su sume frofre Surh me eadmodre
findan mihtest. Add Nic. 13. 14 and AHI. 592, 25.

(c) seulan (5). Dial. 228. 22 ure fostefeeder me sende to
Se, Sanctus Petrus, to Son Szt Su sceoldest me alysan of Sissere
mettrumnesse (= ad te me misit ut ab infirmitate ista’liberare
me debeas. A®Hii. 172. 22 we andbidodon Sin, halga feeder,
Set Su us Ses mynstres gebytlu dihtan sceoldest. Wulf. 259. 5
Se ic hit sealde to San Sat Su hit sceoldest Searfum delan.
Nic. 2. 12 se dema Se het clypian Set Su sceoldest in to hym
gan. Id. 13.11 ic Se asende to neorxnawanges geate Set Su
sceoldest dryhten byddan.

(d) willan (2). Guth. 48. 13 Su iu Se ahofe Szt Su woldest
beon gelic Sam ecan Gode. ADHi. 304. 4 fordsi Su come Set
Su woldest us fordon. .

3. The verb is in the third person (16).

(z) no auxiliary (9). O.234. 23 hie him sendon ane tunecan
ongean ... Set he ealles ... to Rome necom. John 20. 31
Sas Sing synt awritene Set ge gelyfon ... and Set ge habbad
ece lif (= scribta (szc) sunt ut credatis ... et ut vitam habeatis.
Mart. 40. 3 se uplica se is to Sem geseted Sat he celed Sera
tungla heto. Exod. 17. 6 and Set weter ged ut of him Set
Set folc hefS genoh (= et exibit ex ea aqua, ut bibat populus.
BIH, 231. 6 ic sende to Se Andreas... Set he Se utaleded of
Syssum carcerne. Add perhaps CP. 176.13; 236.7: L. 8.12:
Lech. i. 348. 8.

(6) magan (4). Dial. 264. 7 he... Surhwunad in Sam
ungezndedlican wite Sst be Son mzg beon ongyten Set. Id.
269. 22 anim aweg Sin mod Szt Se ne mag nan man geseon.
122 THE PURPOSE ,CLAUSE

Guth. 80, 26 se gast beo gegearwod Set ic meg Gode filian.
Arch. ror. 318. 2 betwux us and eow is micel Srosm gefeestnod
Set ure nan ne meg to eow, ne ge to us.

(c) motan (3). Bo. 45. 28 heo forsihS Sonne eall Sas
eordlican Sing . . . Set hio mot brucan Szs_ heofonlican.
Id. 49. 22 se ilca forwyrnd Szerze (séc) sae Set heo ne mot
Sone Seorscwold ofersteppan. APHii, 378. 21 Se zr gesette
Sere se gemeru Set heo nateshwon ne mot middaneard
ofergan.

Occasionally an indicative in the final clause may be due, not
to a desire on the writer’s part to denote the purpose as an
objective reality, as explained above, but to some peculiarity in
the context, as in the following examples:

BIH. 239. 8 cum nu mid us Syles wen zs Set hi. Here wen
probably contains enough of optative meaning to make the
combination wen 7s equivalent to (Az/) sze. However, usually
wen sie is found, viz. BIH. 243. 19 we Se on Sissum ne
hersumiad Sy les wen sve Set hine God geireoleige, Also
L. 14. 8; BIH. 247. 2.

In the following cases, the indicative in the final clause may
be due to attraction:

(a) of a preceding indicative; viz. Dial. 315. 8 God wolde
Set weere etewed'in Sysum middanearde seo gesyhd Sara wita
to rihtinge manna, Set Sa mod Sara ungeleaffulra, Sa Se na
gelyfad Set syn helle tintregu, hi geseod . . . Sees tintregan stowe.
L. 14. 28 sytt he wrest and teled ... Seles sySGan he Sane
grundweall leg and ne meg hine fullfremman, ealle Se hit
geseod, agynnad hine telan (= ne posteaquam posuerit ... et
non poterit ... omnes qui vident incipiant inludere ei.

(2) of a following indicative ; viz. John 20. 31 as Sing synd
awritene Set ge gelyfon...and Set ge habba® ece lif, Sonne
ge gelyfad on his naman.

Nore. In the following, the dez-clause may be felt as appositional to
the demonstrative Jam, and hence the indicative. Nic. 5. 1ac ic eomto Sam
cumen on Sysne myddaneard Set elc Sera da Se sovfestnisse lufiad, myne
stefne gehyrad,
THE TENSE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 123

Finally, we hope that the illustrations in the foregoing section
have shown beyond doubt the existence of an indicative in the
purpose clause, used to express the finality as an objective
reality, or due to some peculiarity, of attraction, &c., in the
immediate context.

CHAPTER III

THE TENSE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

Here the question is merely one of sequence, and the old
tule of Latin Grammar, ‘Principal tenses depend upon principal
tenses, and historical upon historical,’ is valid for the purpose
clause in Old English, and indeed for all subordinate clauses.
Some illustrations are :

I. Primary sequence.

1, A present in the main clause: e.g. John 5. 34 Sas Sing
ic secge Szet ge syn hale (= heec dico ut vos salui sitis.

2. A future in the main clause:

(2) present used for future: A®Hii. 300, 8 he cym® on
wolcnum on Sissere worulde geendunge Szt he gehwilcum deme
be his zrran deedum.

(4) future formed with scazlan or willan: AEHI. 400. 4 hweet
sceal ic don Geet ic hebbe Geet ece lif (= quid faciens vitam
zternam possidebo? BH. 328. 26 ic Sec ne wille ofslean Sy
les ic min gehat .. . forleose (= nec te tamen occidam ne
fidem ... praevaricem.

3. A present-perfect compound tense formed with 4addan +
the perfect participle, in the main clause: PPs. 16. 10 Sa eagan

.. habba& geteohhad Set hi me gebygen 08 eordan (= oculos
suos statuerunt declinare in terram. Also Cod. Dip. ii. 58. 19;
Chron. 221, 22; LSii. 336. 40.

II. Secondary sequence.
124 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

‘

1. A preterite in the main clause: O.4. 2-hu Punice gesetton
eft Sone ealdan Hannibalan Set he mid scipum wid Romane
wunne.

2. A pluperfect compound tense, formed with the preterite of
habban + the perfect participle, in the main clause: O. 122. 26
Set hie hiene to Son gecoren hefdon, Set he mid gefeohte
mehte Sem maran Alexandre widstondan. Also id. 286. 10.

3. An imperfect of continued past action in the main clause :
BH. 146. 9 mid feederlice Iufan hine wees onbzernende, Szt heo
in Seem geleafan...symle...astoden and aa wunedon (= ut
..- persistere semper... curarent. Also id. 98. ro.

The above statements and examples illustrate the rule.
However, exceptions sometimes occur giving:

A. A present of the main clause followed by a preterite in the
final clause; and conversely,

B. A preterite of the main clause followed by a present in the
final clause.

These two phenomena will be treated in the section below
under the title,

IRREGULARITIES OF SEQUENCE (37)

A. The sequence, present .. . preterite (6).

Balg (Goth. Lit. 278) firids this sequence only once in Gothic;
viz. ii, Cor. 12. 7 atgibana ist mis hnutho leika meinamma,
aggilus satanins, ei mik kaupastedi. Rétteken (Q/. 53. 87)
points it out very rarely in Berthold von Regensburg. Erdmann
(Deutsche Syntax 141) notes its limited occurrence in all periods
of High German, where it usually denotes a purpose as unac--.
complished. E.g. Schiller, Grafvon Hapsburg : Von den Fiissen .
zieht er die Schuhe behend, damit er das Bachlein durchschritte.:
English no longer shows this sequence for the final clause, though
it may yet be found here and there in subordinate sentences of .
other kinds. See Kellner, Eng. Syntax 235.

In Old English, the instances of this rare sequence are:

1. showing the simple optative: BH. 462. 24 and fordon ic
eom sended Set ic Se fram deaSe generede and alysde (= missus
THE TENSE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 125

sum ut te a morte revocem. AMHi. 462. 20 ure ealdor, swa
gebunden swa he is, sent? us to mancynne Set we hi mid
mislicum untrumnyssum awyrdon.

2. with meahte: Bo. 145.16 ic Se meg eac teecan sume bisne
Set Su Se yS ongitan meahte 8a spraece (= no Lat. parallel.

3. with sceolde: Cod. Dip. iv. 200. 23 Set heo becwede hire
land and ehta into sancte Petre zt Abbodesbyrig swa hire leofest
sy be minan fullan geleafan, swa full and swa ford swa Sa fore-
wirda zr gewrhte (sec) weeran, Set hit sceolde .. . gan into Sam
haligan mynstre.

Note. Itis perhaps possible to consider com sended above in BH. 462.
24 as a logical past tense. This would at once justify the sequence. The
pret. sceoide in Cod. Dip. iv. 200, 23 also may possibly have been attracted
by the immediately preceding geworhte weron, or the Saf-clause may
possibly be explanatory of forewdrdu.

4. with wolde: Bo. 145. 9 ac ele wind be his andgites me
Set he hine wolde ongitan, gif he meahte (= no Lat. parallel.
CP. 120. 17 and swide ryhte de for Sere licettunge Se he
licette, Szet he wolde habban Sa Senunga Seawas and Seodscipe
to leronne (= no Lat. parallel.

Nore. John 18. 8,9 and 31, 32 only apparently have this sequence,
since here in fact a preterite tense of the main verb is to be supplied.

To explain the reason and purport of this variation in
sequence is a harder task. We have no Latin parallel to any
sentence except the first, and here the original confuses rather
than clears the problem. The Old English examples cannot be
said to contain clauses of unfulfilled purpose, as is the case in
the High German illustrations of the phenomenon. Rather
in Old English is the purpose conceived as doubtful of accom-
plishment. This may be seen with especial clearness in the
last sentence but one cited above, Bo. 145. 9, where the added
‘gif he meahte’ shows the idea of finality to be thought of as
conditional or doubtful or unusually difficult of attainment.

* Thorpe translates, ‘ Our prince, bound as he now is, sent us to mankind,’
&c. However, in favor of the form sent = sended, cf. Mk. 4, 29 and Sonne

se westm hine fordbringd, sona he set his sicol foram Szt rip et is (=et
cum se produxerit fructus, statim mittit falcem quoniam adest messis,
126 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

We have already seen (p. 100) that the optative of wish is
logically inherent in the purpose clause, which wish in most
cases is a possible one. But if, on the other hand, this be
thought of as impossible or doubtful, then we find a preterite
optative in the clause, irrespective of the tense of the main verb.
For a preterite optative is the means of expressing impossible,
wish in Old English, as may be seen from A£lfric’s Grammar,
p- 125, where are the words: ‘ufnam amarem deum = eala
gif tc lufode God; swylce du cwebe, forgeafe God dat tc hine
lufode.

Hence, finally, the phenomenon rests on the same principle,
whether it mark the purpose as wzaccomplished—see the above-
quoted example in High German—or whether it denote that
this is thought of as merely doubtful or difficult of attainment, as
we believe to be the case in the Old English sentences. The
difference is one of degree, not of kind; and in both the
irregularity of sequence is to be regarded as due to a preterite
optative of unreal, unattainable, wish standing in the final clause
without reference to the tense of the leading verb.

B. The sequence, preterite ... present (31).

Far more frequent in the Germanic dialects is a variation
from the regular secondary sequence, one that allows a present
tense in the final clause after a main verb in the preterite
form. .

Gothic shows this not infrequently (Balg, Gosh. Lit. 278;
Bernhardt, Z/¢dP, 8.20). E.g. John 6. 38 atstaig us himina
nih theei taujau wiljan meinana (= xaraBéByxa .. . iva rod
(= descendi... non ut faciam (=ic ne com... Set... ic

. do. Also id. 16. 1; Mk. 12. 19; Gal. 2. 2. High
German allows the same; Rétteken (QF. 53. 87) notes it in
Berthold von Regensburg, while Erdmann (Deutsche Syntax
i. 141) cites other instances; e.g. Walther 15. 13 hie liez er
sich reine toufen, daz der mensche reine si.’ It need only be
remarked that modern English and German permit freely enough
this same sequence.

Therefore, we are not surprised to find it in Old English,
THE TENSE OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE 127

where it doubtless rests upon the grounds that would explain its
presence in the other Germanic dialects, viz.

1, Latin models: the frequent and familiar present subjunctive
after the pure perfect, as in ‘méstmus ut factat’=‘we have
sent, &e.

2. Logical considerations: the lapse of the verb into present
time after a preterite marks the purposed action or state as
continuing.

Of course both these reasons may be exemplified in one and
the same sentence. See the citations just below.

1. The Old English sequence, preterite . .. present, translates
a Latin pure perfect ... present subjunctive (16).

CP. 32. 6 forSam we Sis feaum wordum sedon... Sy les
enig hine underfon durre Sara Se his unwierSe sie, Sy les hi
Surh Sa wilnunga Szre worldare underfo Sone ladteowdom Szs
forlores (= diximus ... ne... audeat... et... suscipiat.
Dial. 100. 3 ic wees to Sisum hider onsended Get wit nyman
and geSicgan samod Sa gife Szs elmihtigan drihtnes (= et ego
ad hoc missus sum, ut omnipotentis dona Dei pariter sumamus.
Add id. 326. 15. Mk. 11. 28 and hwa sealde Se Sisne
anweald Set Su Sis do (= quis tibi dedit hanc potestatem
ut ista facias? John 10. 10 ic com to Sam Set hig habbon
lif (= veni ut vitam habeant. Id. 13. 15 ic eow sealde bysene
Set ge don swa ic eow dyde. Add id. 4. 34; 5. 36; 15. 11,
24; 16. 4; 17. 2, 12, 22. APHii. 362. 12 Su forgeafe him
andweald ealles fleesces Szet he forgife ece lif Sam eallum (= de-
disti... ut... det. BR. 39. 20 Su me genySeradest Sat
(sic) ic mage leornie (sic) Sine bebodu (= humiliasti me ut
discam mandata tua.

Norte. The following, in the relation of the OE. sequence to the Latin, at
first seems anomalous. Laws 66. 3 mid him we sendon Judam and Silam, Set
(hi) eow Set ilce secgan (= misimus etiam... J. et S., qui et ipsi vobis verba
referent eadem (Acts 15. 27). However, the variant sezdad of MS. G.
relieves the difficulty. The OE. translator has only consistently changed
the past time of the Latin into the present.

2. The Old English sequence, preterite .. . present, is used
128 THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

independent of apparent direct Latin influence to denote the
continuance of the purposed action or state (15).

Cod. Dip. ii. 114. 1 Saet hy Beet folcriht arehton Syles enig
man cwede. PPs. 25. 6 ic adwoge mine handa ... Sat ic
meahte hweorfan ymb inne Sone halgan alter . . . and. Sat
ic meege cySan eall Sin wundru. (Mote the effect of the change
to the presentin mege.) Bo. 106. 7 acic Se wolde .. . gereccan,
Set Su mege Sy bet gelefan (= sed uti nostre sententiz fides
abundantior sit, alterutero calle procedam. Dial. 70. 23 Sis
wes gedon, Petrus, of mycelre stihtunge ures scyppendes, Set
we gehihtan sceolon. 8a maran god Surh Sa lytlan (= hoc,
Petre, ex magna Conditoris nostri dispensatione agitur, ut per
minima quz percipimus sperare majora debeamus. Cod,
Dip. vi. 150. 1 (1002 a.p.) hit mid munecon gesette Szt Scr
fre inne Sees hades menn under heora abbude Gode Seowian.
Mart. 208. 23 ic Se Sis sealde, Sat Su gehalgie myn hus to
cyrcan. ALHI. 336. 34 Set he ware gesewen on Sam atelican
hiwe to Gi St we sceolon besargian. Id. 446, 14 Szet wuldor-
fulle mzeden heofonas astah, Set heo...rixige. Id. 456.13 and
Si he com to Syssere scire Set he aidlige ealle Sa heBengyld.
Id. 610. 27 Drihten gecigde hine sylfne mannes Bearn.. . Set
he us mynegige. A®Hii. 210. 4 and tyn beboda weeron awritene

. Set Sa deofellican leahtras Surh 8a bebodu adydde beon.
Id. 406. 28 and het leran Sa ungeleredan, Szt men sceolon
yfel forletan. Add Hi. 16. 26; BIH. 179. 28; Sol. 8. 16.

In conclusion, we have seen the law of tense-sequence violated
in the Old English final clause in two ways:

1. Primary sequence is broken 6 times to mark the purpose
as doubtful or difficult of attainment.

2. Secondary sequence is violated 31 times under the influence
of the Latin, as well as to denote the continuance of the purposed
_action or state into present time.
CONCLUSION

In closing this study, I have collected the references to those
phenomena discussed which have impressed me as being of more
than usual interest as syntactical problems, or which may be of
some value as determinants of chronology and authorship; viz.

A. Items of syntactic interest may be:

1. The occurrence in the adjective relative clause, of the
uninflected form dz/, used independently of the gender or
number of its antecedent noun (p. 85).

z. The paratactic clause of final intent (p. 91).

3. The fact that only the simple optative occurs as a rule in
dy les (de) clauses (p. 98).

4. The use of dencan for willan (p. 115, note).

5. The occurrence of the indicative in final clauses (p. 116).

6. The occurrence of the preterite optative of unreality in the
final clause after a primary tense (p. 124).

B. Items that may be of value in fixing chronology or author-
ship are :

1. The fact that de/fe introducing purpose clauses is found
only in Northumbrian and EWS. monuments (p. 61).

2. That the formula o dy (dz) daz, with instr. form dy (02), is
not thet with in the earlier writings, though it is the rule in
llfric (p. 66).

3. That Atlfric in his Bible translations shows traces of
archaisms or peculiarities that belong to the West Saxon Gospels
(pp. 67, 95)-

4. That the formula dy les de, with appended de, is not
met with in the earlier writings, while in Atlfric it is the rule
(p. 98).

5- Tending to corroborate A. Drake’s theory that Matthew
is affiliated with John, is the fact that these two alone of the
West Saxon Gospels have the formula de les de, with appended
de (p. 96, 4).

K
APPENDIX I

A cuart of the Old English prose-texts arranged in approxi-
mately chronological order, showing the numerical occurrences
of all Purpose Clauses therein, with reference to the intro-
ductory words or formule and to the modal manifestation of
the verb.

Note. For the sake of convenience in binding, this has been placed next
the cover.

APPENDIX II!
INDEX-LIST OF DZT7-CLAUSES

OET. Vesp. Psalms. (Refer to psalm-number and verse.)
8.3: 9.15, 21,35: 103: 13.2: 25.6: 26.2, 4: 29.12: 30.
3, 14: 36.14, 34: 38. 5,14: 40.7: 49.4, 15: 55.13: 59. 6:
62. 3: 63. 4,6: 66.3: 72. 28: 77.6,18: 79.3: 85. 11,17:
Q1-15: 93.12: 100. 6: 101. 18, 20: 103. 14, 15, 21, 27: 104.
22, 30, 45: 105. 5, 8, 23,47: 106.7, 21: 107.6: 108. 27:
110, 7: 112.8: 118.11, 37, 71, 73, 76, 95, 125,134: 144. 12.

Vesp. Hymns. (Refer to page and verse.) 403.18: 408.
26, 34: 416. Io,

Chron. (page and line) 3. 12: 69. 26: 138. 23: 174. 6:
221. 24.

Cod. Dip. (page and line) ii. 58. 19: 387. 23. iii. 60. 37:
112.17: 274. 28: 305.14; 363.34: 364.4. iv. 199. 14:
200. 23: 276. 30: 278, 27: 301.6, v. 333-6. vie 150, 1.

1 The index-lists in this and the three appendices following are designed

to be supplementary to their respectively corresponding categories in the
body of the work.
APPENDIX II I31

Laws (page and line) 16. 13: 30.2: 58.10: 66.3: 82.
2: 154.12: 160.6: 198. 15, 22: 202,12: 392. 18.

PPs. (psalm-number and verse) 9. 19, 30, 38: 10, heading:
10.1: 15.2: 16.10: 19. 4: 23. 8: 25.6: 30.2: 33, heading:
33-7: 42.3: 48.7: 50. 8.

O. (page and line) 4. 2,3: 38. 28: 48. 23: 52. 20: 80. 26:
82. 21: 98.20: 100.6: 102.11: 114. 25: 122.7: 126.12:
146.8: 162. 20: 164.27: 168. 11: 170.20: 172. 12, 25:
174.5: 196.13: 206. 25: 222, 2: 234. 23: 238.16: 248,
15: 256.2: 274. 23: 284. 3: 286. 10: 294. 12, 17.

BH. (page and line) 46. 1: 50. 4: 56.6: 58.21: 62. 30:
42.16: 94. 22: 98. 10: 102, 31: 104, 21: 114. 25: 122.1,
II: 132.7: 140. 10: 146.9: 184.30: 212.14: 230.6:
244.28: 248. 11: 256. 6,19: 264.33: 268. 29: 304. 20:
314. 18, 31: 320. 3, 33: 322. 21: 332. 12, 29: 356. 9: 364.
16: 382. 16, 21: 386. 4: 388. 11, 21: 406, 4, 13: 410. 15:
418. 27: 420. 8: 434.27: 436.6: 444.16: 450.4: 402. 24:
468, 8, 23.

Bo. (page and line) 4. 33: 14.18: 17. 10: 18. 8: 20. 26:
24.23: 38.18: 45. 28: 51.12: 85.24: 105.5: 106.7:
12, 24: 123. 14, 33: 133. 25: 134. 4: 145. 9, 16, 26:
147.12.

Sol. (page and line) 8.16: 10,17: 14.14, 17.’

CP. (page and line) 8. 14: 42. 16: 44.10: 46.4: 52. 18:
68.11: 80.2: 84.13: 88.17; 90.3: 120.17: 124.11:
130. 7,8: 152. 13: 154.2: 166.13, 17: 168.9, 24: 202, 20:
204.16: 220.15: 232.22: 264. 22: 292. 7: 304.11: 320.
14,17: 395-33: 421.14: 423. 21: 441.30: 443-35: 449.
34: 467. 12.

Dial. (page and line) 1.17: 14. 21: 35. 10: 70. 23: 95.5:
100. 3: Fog, 32: 128. 16: 154.22: 159.13: 164. 25: 179.
21: 180.7: 184, 21: 201. 9: 208.14: 213.15: 264.7:
269. 22: 272.8: 298.7: 304.17: 307.11: 310. 13, 21: 312.
25: 315.8: 318. 2: 329. 5: 339. 22: 343. 21: 345. 7-

M. (chapter and verse) 2. 8, 10, 23: 3.13: 4.1: 5.15: 6.
I, 2,5,16: 11.1: 12.10: 13.34: 14.15, 29: 18.16: 19.

K 2
132 APPENDIX IT

13,16: 20. 28: 21. 4,34: 22.11: 28.5, 26: 24.1, 17, 45:
26. 2, 12, 56, 58: 27.1: 28.1, Io.

Mk. (ch. and v.) 1. 38: 2. 10,17: 3.2: 4.12, 21: 5. 32,
14, 23, 32: 6. 36, 41, 45: 9.22, 31: 10.1, 13,17, 45: 11,
25, 28: 12. 2,15: 18.15: 14. 12, 55: 15. 11, 21, 32: 16. 1.

L. (ch. and v.) 1. 3, 9, 17, 74: 2. 1, 45 By 22, 27, 35: 3.7,
12; 4.16, 29: 5.1, 15,24: 6. 7,17, 34,42: 8, 16, 35: 9.12,
16, 28, 51, 52, 54: 10. 25, 40: 11. 33, 49, 54: 12. 1, 13, 36,
42: 13. 24: 14.1, 10,17: 15.1, 15, 29: 16. 4, 9, 24, 27: 17,
8, 31: 18. 10, 15, 18, 39: 19. 4, 12, 15: 20. 10, 14, 20; 21,
38: 22. 8, 31, 47, 52: 23. 26, 32: 24. 29.

John (ch. and v.) 1. 7, 12, 19, 22: 3.17, 21: 4.34: 5.20, °°

22, 27, 34, 36, 40: 6.5, 28, 30,38: 7.3: 8.6: 9. 36: 11. 4,
31, 42, 57: 12.7, 20, 36, 38: 13. 2,15: 14. 3, 13, 290, 31:
15, 2, 11, 16, 17,24: 16. 4, 33: 17. I, 2, 12, 13, Ig, 21, 22,
23, 24, 26; 19. 4, 24, 28, 36: 20. 31.

Guth. (page and line) 24.6: 44.14: 48.13: 50.25: 80.
26: 86. 25.

Mart. (page and line) 4. 8,9: 12,12: 18.18: 28.21: 40.
3: 48.19: 52.20: 60.6: 66.24: 68.2: 90.13: 134.9:
146. 1: 170, 2; 188.25: I99, 19: 200. 8: 208. 23: 212. 26,

Lch. ii. (page and line) 20. 12: 74.18: 86.3: 114.9: 182,
5: 216. 26: 226.19: 234. 10: 284. 2: 330. 6.

Lech. iii. (page and line) 20. 2: 130. 18, 23: 132.29: 426.
12: 434. 7

Lech. i, (page and line) 348. 8: 352. 23: 384.8: 404. 11.

Hi, (page and line) 8. 5: 20. 33: 34.5, 29: 36.1, 3, 17:
54. 34: 56. 9, 13, 21: 58,17, 28: 62.12: 64. 13, 18: 66. 9,
28; 70. 28, 35: 72. 2,14, 34: 74. 28: 80,2:84. I: 92. 31:
94.15; 162. 4, 12: 166. 32: 168.1: 176. 32: 180. 23: 214.
1: 238.27: 240,4: 302.8: 304. 4: 334. 3,12: 348. 32:
372. 22, 26, 34: 380. 30: 386. 3, 23, 28: 388.3: 400. 4, 3E:
410.5: 414.10: 416. 7, 22, 28: 418. 4: 434.3: 442.9:
444. 34: 446.14: 450. 26, 32: 452.34: 460. 11: 462,14,
22: 464. 31: 466. 5, 30: 468.16: 470.27: 474.18: 478.8:
492. 22: 498.9: 504.16: 510.15: 518, 10: 520.34: 522.
APPENDIX IT 133

19: 548.24: 560.14: §66. 14: 568. 22, 26: 572.31: 574.
21: 678.15: 580. 31: 592. 7, 23: 594. 32: 596.17: 598.
26: 600, 29: 608. 12: 610. 15, 23, 27, 33.

EHIi. (page and line) 20. 29: 28.19: 36.1, 14: 46. 5, 20:
58. 20: 60, 32: 94.35: 98. 18, 25: 100. 34: 102.19, 24! 104.2:
112.24: 116.7: 122.35: 126.12, 29: 134.6: 138.27: 148.
18: 154.21: 156.4: 172. 21, 35: 176.29: 180. 20: 184.
Ig: 190.8: 196. 17: 210, 4, 20: 212. 12: 216.16: 218.
2: 236.20: 240.9: 242.26: 250.18: 258.19: 260.17: 266.
10: 278.8: 290. 5: 294.4: 300. 1, 8, 14, 33: 310. 20, 34:
316.9: 318. 33: 320.8, 23: 328. 11, 32: 360: 7: 362. 12,
21: 364.6: 368. 11: 376.1,14: 380.16: 384. 27: 392. 33:
402. 27: 406. 28: 408.19, 22: 416: 23: 420.8: 426.15:
450. 8, 28: 452. 34: 454. 6: 474. 26: 478. 11, 29: 482. 19:
486. 6, 12: 488. 34: 490. 6,8: 494. 35: 502.13: 548.18:
574.12: 580. 29: 584. 25: 604. 17.

Arch. (page and line) 101. 317. 29; 318. 2, 5: 102. 33. 26.

De Temp. 9. 3.

LSi: (page and line-numbering on page) 26. 19: 28. 66:
46. 384: 64.245: 80. 505: 88. 635, 641: 102.207: IIo.
343: 124.126: 214. 82: 220, 26: 274.188: 302. 265: 342.
96: 374. 158: 404. 221: 420. 113! 474. 48: 484. 93, 209.

LSii. (page and line-numbering on page) 4. 30: 6.59: 8.117:
14. 21L: 22. 331: 24.357, 358: 28.412: 56. 29, 34, 06: 60.
95: 62. 143: 88. 349: 104. 246: 106. 600: 108. 629: 118,
762: 160. 26: 168.176: 172.61: 182. 205: 194. 53, 58:
204. 2363 254.416: 226.116: 230.156: 236. 263: 242. 368:
248.452: 254.558: 256.582: 294.1272: 318.50: 336. 40:
338. 48: 342. 109: 350. 252: 352. 286, 307: 356. 18: 358.
47: 370. 250: 382. 93: 390.207: 392.267: 408.149: 410.
176: 412, 209, 216, 222: 414.256: 416. 283: 420. 342: 424.
392, 400: 428. 37: 432. 114: 438. 206, 216.

Int. Sig. (by liries) 88: 205: 228: 261: 284: 343: 356:
459: 540.

Gen. (ch. and v.) 1.17, 29: 2.15, 19: 3.23: 6.19, 21:
7.3: 8.8: 11.31: 15.7: 16.2: 18.3, 19: 19. 2, 13, 32:
134 APPENDIX II

22.10: 27.4, 7,9, 20: 31.44,54: 32.5, 18: 38.20: 39.
14: 41. 34: 42.16: 48. 16, 18: 44, 24: 47. 23: 48.9.

Exod. (ch. and v.) 1. 10, rr: 2. 20: 3. 8, ro, 18, 19: 4. 4,
15, 18, 21, 23: 5.1, 3, 22: 6, 27: 7. 2,9, 16,19; 8.9: 9.

2:10.12, 21: 11.7: 14.16: 17.6: 19.9, 22: 20. 20: 23,
It, 12: 29. 29: 33.5, 13: 34. 8, 10.

Lev. (ch. and v.) 25. 18: 26. 13.

Num, (ch, and v.) 10. 28: 11. 12, 16, 22: 16.13: 17. 10:
21. 4: 23, 27.

Deut. (ch. and v.) 4. 40: 5. 16, 29, 33: 9. 5, 14,28: 13. 11:
14. 23: 16. 18, 20: 24. 5, 12: 25. 5: 28. 24: 29. 6,9:
32. 13.

Jos. (ch. and v.) 3.7: 10. 4: 11. 4.

Jud. (ch. and v.) 2.2: 3.7: 6 2: 7.7: 10. 4: 11.14:
15. 9.

Job ch. 10, comment: 11. 2.

Ec. Asm. (page and line-numbering on page) 2. 28: 4. ae
17. 89: 32. 193: OI. 241: 93. 35: 100, 272: 105. 95.

ic. Th. (page and marking on page) 452. v: 454. xii.

De Vet. and Pref. (page and line) 2.18: 3.44: 4.1: 11.17:
13. 19, 31: 14.3: 21. 27.

Hex. & Ad. (page and line) 2.9: 8.2: 12. 10, 17: 24. 25:
28.8: 40.13: 42,12: 50.1.

Coll. (page and line) 92. 8: 93. 14: 96.5: 97.2: 100. 18;
ror. 8.

Neot (page and line) 104. 2, 4: 105. 2.

Inst. (page and marking on page) 344, mid.: 379. xviii:
404. Xi: 436, top.

BIH. (page and line) 14.8: 19. 14: 39. 33: 63.34: 71.2:
497.172 93.33: 135. 23: 143.22: 209.25: 211.34: 221.7:
224. 21: 231.6,10: 237.11: 239. 25: 241. 12,14: 245. 27:
247. 21, 22, 32, 34.

Wulf. (page and line) 6.9: 15.7: 145.7: 175. 222 221,
20: 228. 21: 229. 33: 231. 32: 244.4: 257.1: 277. 10.

HL. (page and line-numbering on page) 132. 535: 143. 132:

‘150.154: 152. 21: 163. 270: 164.14: 174. 159: 175. 194:
APPENDIX III 135

176, 213: 182. 32: 183. 79: 184.83: 199.135: 201. 214:
206. 382.

BR. (page and line) 3. 3, 8, 13, 15: 15. 27: 17.18: 33. 27:
35-9: 39.20: 43.8: 69.19: 73.21: 79.13: 85.15: 91.17:
97-9: 99-19: TOI. 28: 107. 9, 22,29: 109.6: 115. 17:
123. 25: 129. 25: 143.5: 145. 30.

Ap. T. (page and line) 5. 18: 8. 14: 15.2: 18.16: 21.
6: 24. 24: 27. 22. :

Nic. (page and line) 2. 12: 8. 32: 13.6, 12, 23, 34.

APPENDIX III
INDEX-LIST OF THE 70-FORMULE

A. To Son Set.

Chron. 5. 18: 172. 6: 174. 4. Cod, Dip. i. 114. 14.
O. 34. 19: 54.18: 56.32: 60.13: 72.14: 88,18: 116.4:
130. 10: 132. 4: 138. 9: 160. 11: 162. 29: 194. 30: 200.
14: 212.16: 214. 19: 240.18: 264.10. BH. 74.7: 120.
25: 174.9: 288.8: 398.25: 432.27. CP. 300. 2: 303. 11:
391.4. Dial. 12.5: 33. 30: 37. 29: 39.25: 45. 25: 47.25:
59. 32: 60.24: 66.10: 68.13: 77.22: 83.3: 88.23: 91.20:
94. 20: 97. 1, 34: 99.5, 14: 126.1: 131.15: 134.28: 141,
23: 142.28: 146.35: 163.9: 165.17: 169.15: 1470. 4:
177. 17, 21: 180. 12: 184, 25, 28: 186. 9, 19: 189. 25:
IOI. 7: 194. 22: 202. 14: 204. 7: 214. 7: 219. 12:
220, 26: 224, 2: 228.22: 230.9: 238. 21: 239. 24: 240.1:
241.27: 247.9: 256.11, 27: 261.27: 274.23: 277.10:
281.6: 286. 18: 290. 2: 292. 20: 299.1: 300. 22: 304.4:
309. 15, 18: 316. 23: 317. 11: 323.17: 325.15: 326.15:
334-13: 337-32: 343. 28: 345. 25, 31: 381. 6. Mart.
40. 15. LSii. 30. 440: 40. 600: 52, 780. Int. Sig. 37:
43: 85. Inst. 480, mid. BIH. 53. 16: 71. 22.
136 APPENDIX IV

Wulf. 196. 8: 198.8: 200. 20: 259. 5. HL. 155. 96:
163. 267. Ap. T. 24. 13: 26. 20.

B. To Sy Set.

Chron, 232. 29. Laws 196. 1.

AGHi. 16. 26: 32.27: 34.13, 30: 78.7: 94.17: 120, 22:
164.13: 166.7: 178. 10: 302. 4: 336. 34: 382. 33: 514.
35: 834-9: 558.5: 598.5: 600.4: 766.7. ABHii. 14. 8:
4. 25,32: 90.11: 100. 2, 7,32: 390.5. Arch. ror. 312.
5: 315. 6. LSi. 14. 78: 16.153: 126.163: 344. 10.
LSii. 22. 338: 414. 239. Zéc. Th. 453. ix. Wulf.
285. 16, 22. BR. 33. 24: 65. 25: 113.13: 119. 21: 125.
Io, 26,

C. To Sam Set.

Laws 60. 2. PPs. 2. 6: 9, 28: 10.2: 13. 11: 30.16:
33-16: 34.21: 36.13, 33: 40. 10. Bo. 51.19: 145. 14.
CP. 4. 2: 134. 7: 332. 1: 352-21: 385.1: 389. 30. Dial.

247. 25. John 1. 31: 8. 59: 10. ro: 18. 37. Lech. iii.
426.16: 438. I9. LSi. 288. 73. LSii. 8. 92, 123:
330. 21. Gen. 11. 5: 25. 22: 37.35: 39.14: 42. 10:

45.7: 47. 4. Deut. 1. 27: 4. 20. féc. Asm. 38. 355.
Inst. 434, end: 466, end. BIH. 155. 33. Wulf. 7. 4:
8.12: 9.2: 30.8, 12: 154.11: 213.17: 254. 15. HL.
163. 267: 181.14: 187.188. Ap. T.3.6: 6.16. Nic.
5.1.

APPENDIX IV
INDEX-LIST OF NEGATIVE CLAUSES

A. Detclauses with Negative Ve.

OET. Vesp. Ps. 9. 32: 16. 4. Chron. 11. 23: 205. 22,
PPs. 7.2: 12.4: 15.9: 16.5: 24.18: 29.11: 33.13: 34.
23: 35.12: 36, heading, O. 134. 29: 168. 5. BH.
APPENDIX IV 137

44.24: 54.11: 122.2: 128.27: 270.2: 358.7: 414.9.
Bo. 18.12: 40.25: 49. 22: 55.26: 72.19: 81.12: 90.4:
134. 1, 2: 137.13: 138. 5. CP. 40. 4: 56. 23: 58. 18:
62.17: 74.19: 94.9: 102,14: 122, 26: 124.13: 138.4:
140. 13: 176.13: 294.18: 334.21: 360.4: 449. 36: 453.
24: 467. 14. Dial. 111. 15: 301. 24. Cod. Dip. iii.
254. 9. Laws 10. 13: 210.9: 222.4: 228. 28. M. 2.
12: 6.1, 17: 8.4: 9. 30: 17.27: 18.10: 21.37: 24. 4, 6:
26. 41. Mk. 1. 44: 3.9: 13. 5. L. 4.42: 11.35:
16. 28: 21,8: 23. 2: 24. 16. John 3. 14, 16, 20: 4. 15,
16: 6.12, 50: 7. 22, 23: 12.35: 16.1: 18.28, 36. Guth.
4. 8. Lech. ii. 306. 7: 318. 18: 356.23. Lch.i. 326. 15.
fEHI. 36. 13: 38. 35: 76. 3: 88.3: 120.15: 152.27: 156.
17: 170.9, 11: 184. 10: 190. 3,6: 220.2: 342. 28: 394.
12: 414.29! 474.13: 534.17. ALHii. 22.17: 24. 31: 34.
52: 40.23: 46.7: 48.13: 64.5: 72.21: 96.2: 238.5, 30,
32: 244.21: 262.8: 316.7: 324.25: 378. 21: 392. 32:
414.28: 456.30: 536.4: 558. 17: 600. 23: 602. 2, 23.
Arch. tor. 318. 3. Gram. 2. 21: 3.9: 266. 12. LSi.
108. 33: 200. 83: 308. 4: 378. 219: 478. 87. LSii. 38.
552: 384. 102: 442. 266. Int. Sig. 99: 484. Gen.
4.15: 20.16: 24.6: 81.18: 38.15: 41. 35: 42.2: 45.11:
47.19. Exod. 5. 3,9: 10. 29: 19. 12,22: 32.11. Num.

11.15, 17: 32. 35. Deut. 4. 23: 6.12: 9. 28: 15. ro:
18.10: 25.6, 15: 28.27. Jud. 6. 18: 15, comment. Job
16. 42. Zéc. Asm. 78. 154. De Vet. & Pref. 12.
g: 48. 14, 42: 21. 39. Hex. 4. 27: 26. 16: 38. 20.
Inst. 376. xvi: 404. X: 460. xxxix, BIH. 179. 28:
243.2: 323.9. Wulf. 149. 16: 236. 7: 246. 5. HL.
141. 78: 172. 62. BR. 7. 32: 18.17: 21.6: 29. 21:

35- 13: 47. 20, 21: 67. 18, 22: 73. 24: 75.13: 77. 27:
81.5, 15: 85.13: 91.23: 99.28: 101.10: 107. 24: 115.
Il: 125.19: 127.6: 137. 20: 139. 14: 188, 25: 232. 13.
138 APPENDIX IV

B. Clauses introduced by Dy las (de).

(All references in italics show dy des de; the rest have dy les.)

OET. Vesp. Ps. 58.12: Hymns 412. 52. PPs. 2.12: 4.5:
9.18: 12.5: 37.16: 49. 23. O. 168. 5: 337. 17. BH.
58.20: 74.13: 84.9: 106.17: 120.14: 122.6: 146. 22:
326. 2: 328, 26: 356. 10: 438. 7. Bo. 81.6: 133. 4, 22:
134.18: 136.8: 137.17: 138.24: 147.9. Sol. 4. 17:
49.1. CP. 22. 2, 8, 13, 22: 24.5: 32.6: 40.4: 50.1: 58.
17: 62.19: 78.16, 21: 84. 7: 92.7,24: 98.14: 116.14: 118.
3, 15: 126.15: 130. 2: 134.22: 140.16: 142.8: 146. 15,
16: 158.7, 11: 160.1: 166.3: 170. 24: 172.11: 180. 7:
184.13: 190.15: 196. 2: 216.12: 218.8: 220. 19: 228. 6,
16: 230.11: 236.24: 246. 8: 248.12: 280.21: 292.6:
302.16: 303. 14: 307. 5: 312. 10: 314. 10: 316. 11: 322.
2, 6, 10, 12, 21: 324. 2, 4, 7, 18: 326. 14: 340. 1: 350.
17,19: 362.11: 364. 11: 370. 3: 374.8: 378. 20: 385. 6:
387. 11, 20: 389. 4, 36: 395. 11: 397. Ig: 401. 15, 19: 413.
8: 417.35: 419.1: 439. 3,10: 449. 25: 451. 1,30: 455.
31: 459.7: 461.16, 27: 465. 33: 469. 11. Dial. 13.6: 35.
26: 50. 20: 59. 24: 80. 32: 95.20: 106.12: 128.17: 188.
10: 206.2: 207.22: 240.16: 252.2: 253.3: 276.10: 337.
5: 349. 10.

Cod. Dip. ii. 114. 1: 222. 59. 36. Laws 164. 7: 210.10:
392.19. M. 4.6: 5.25: 7.6: 13.15, 29: 15.32: 20. 28:
25.92 27. 64. Mk. 4.12: 14.2, L. 4, 11: 12. 58:
14. 8, 12, 28: 18.5: 21. 34. John 5. 74: 12.42. . Guth.
4. 15, 16. Mart. 40. 3: 210, 24. Leh. ii. 16. 25: 26.
12: 36.8: 68.14: 154.8, 9: 208.8, 17, 19: 252.3: 328.
25: 330. 9. Leh. iii. 92. 27: 442. I. Lech. i. 302.
14: 318.15: 350.12. AEH. 8.9: 38.4: 60.29. 124. 31:
JO. 14: 376.19: 432. 8, 23: 436.23: 456. 31° 462.8: 516.
28: 558. 28: 598.9. 30: 602.28. ALHii.2. 20: 34. 26: Igo.
IO: 142. 24: 178. 25: 230. 12,14: 262.19: 282.5% 312, 22°
j20. 15: 324. 20: 358. 2: 376. 32: 394. 2: 396.27: 402.12:
408.25: 418.4: 420.15: 446.17: 484.1: 486.17: 488.12:
APPENDIX V 139

532.21: 598.1: $70. 13. LSi. 74. 58: 158. 179: 234. 240:
498. 173: 528.662. — LSii. 58. 67: 142. 270: 198. 135: 202.
201! 292. 1172. Int. Sig. 403. Gen. 3. 3: 19. Zs, 19:

32. 1: 43. 12: 44. 34. Exod. 19. 21, 24: 23. 32:
33. 3: 34. z5. Lev. 10. 6: 18. 30: 19. 29. Deut. 4. 79 :
6.14: 15, 8: 21. 23. Jud. 2. 16: 7% 2. Job 1. 5.

Ec. Asm. 4. 95: 96.136. Hic. Th. 445. xxiii: 448, top:
452. 0. De Vet. & Pref. rz. 28: 24. 28. Hex. 6.17:
38.10: 48. 7, 8. Coll. 91. 7. Inst. 346, end: 374. Vi:
398. xxxtt: 426, mid.: 472, mid.: 476, mid. ° BIH. 24.
IE: 57. 22: 65. 14: 95. 22: 0%. 10, 33: 177.34: 183.
21: 189,22: 213.23: 231.12: 239.9: 243.19: 247. 2,
Wulf. 40. 24: 75.22: 79.14: 94.12: 134.22: 166.2: 169
8: 248.8: 273.17: 300. 27. HL. 166. 48: 183 60: 195.
10: 204. 319. BR. 3. 15: 5. 8: 23. 24: 29.33: 63.10:
69. 27: 83.18: 91.2: 105. 17: 109. 24: Tig. 12: fat. 12:
125.7: 133.3: 137. 20. Ap. T. 20. 6: 22. 23.

APPENDIX V
INDEX-LIST OF CLAUSES CONTAINING MODAL
AUXILIARIES
A. Magan.

Chron. 3. 12: 11. 23: 138. 23: 205. 22. Laws to.
13: 194. 30: 246. 44. PPs. 9. 18: 25. 6: 35. 12:
36. 32: 37. 12, 16. O. 52.3: 64.23: 68.13: 80.8: 96.
15: 114. 24: 116. 28: 150. 34: 162.7: 166. 28: 192. 22:
240.6: 284. 19. BH. 44.13: 76.25: 94.14: 138.1:
230.6: 304.20: 320.3: 326. 28: 332.12: 382.16: 388.
TI, 21: 408, 25: 414.17: 434.27: 468. 8, 23. Bo. 7.

17:9.27: 12.12: 14.7: 18.12: 40.9: 50.31: 51. 25,
29: 54.6: 59.28: 79.1: 85.24: 89.7: 104. 29: 106.7:
108. 1: 123. 14: 132.4: 134.2! 135.19: 145.16: 146.26:
140 APPENDIX V

149. 21. Sol. 8.16: 11.14, 16: 14.3: 18. 5. CP.
8.14: 28.7: 42.16: 74.19: 76.10: 88.17: 146. 6: 152.
13: 168, 24: 184.18, 20: 202,20: 218.5: 220.15: 226.
13: 238. 21: 246.15: 3c4. 15: 326. 14: 360.4: 395. 33:
417. 31: 449. 34: 459.1: 467. 14. Dial. 14. 21: 35
TO: 95-5: 109. 32: 128. 16: 179. 21: 184. 21: 199. 3:
213. 15: 272.8: 301. 24: 318. 2: 329. 5: 339. 22. Mk.
4. 33. John 12. 5. Mart. 42.7: 88.9: 210. 27.
Leh. ii. 24. 12: 62.12: 188.15: 208. 17. Lech. i. 128.
TO: 326. 15. JEHI. 26. 7: 40.17: 62. 7: 184. 8: 234.
71 274. 26: 280. 2: 300.12: 320: 10, 21: 326.35: 342.28:
448. 2: 564. 23: 584. 22: 592. 33: 594. I. AEHii.
_ 144. 32: 182. 29: 262. 19: 324. 35: 344. 33: 372-

30: 398. 9: 416. 17: 478. 3: 496. 8: 526. 32: 576. 17.
Arch. ror. 318. 2. LSi, 108.330: 286.54: 420,113. LSii.
6.59: 14.211: 22.331: 48. 732: 56.34: 108.629: 194.
58: 290.1148: 294.1272: 328, 201: 338. 48: 352. 307:
358. 47: 428. 37: 438. 206. © Int. Sig. 159. Gen. 38.
15: 42.18: 43.8, 16. Exod. 32.26. Num.13.3. Ec.
Asm. 2. 28: 17. 89. De Vet. 8. 19: 22. 37. Hex. 2.9:
12.10: 28. 8. Neot 104. 4: 105. 2. Inst. 404. xX.
BIH. 63. 34: 221.7. Wulf. 15. 7: 145.7: 236.7: 274.
4: 277.10, HL. 174.159: 183. 79: 184. 83: 195.5: 199.
135: 201. 214. BR. 7. 32: 39. 20: 139.14: 145. 13.
Nic. 12.6: 13. 34: 15. 8.

Add the examples on pages 82, 83.

B. Sculan.
Chron. 167. 8. Cod. Dip. iv. 200. 23. O. 46. 12,
29: 70.28: 72.15: 78.17: 154. 10: 258. 3. BH. 56.

6: 62. 30: 110.30: 146.15: 236.26: 244.28: 248.41:
314. 18, 31: 414. 8. Bo. 47. 14: 134. 4. CP. 102. 14:
134.7: 292.7: 326.12: 385.1. Dial. ro. 23: 111. 15:
256.11. Guth. 58.4. Mart. 4. 8: 58.7: 118.9: 122. 24;
170.2. BHI. 96. 12: 152. 27: 170, 11: 176. 32: 190. 3:
192.6: 232.15: 326.2: 336. 34: 362.6: 468.9: 562. 33.
APPENDIX V 141

AHI. 10. 22: 12. 16: 36.23: 40. 23: 44. 27: 162. 34:
184. 34: 304. 21: 314.1: 400. 20: 406. 28: 412. 23: 478.
17: 574.9. Arch. 102. 30.12. LSi. 274.188. LSii. 58.
66: 118. 762: 182, 205: 192. 26: 214. 416: 244. 410: 248.
452: 412. 209: 414. 256: 424. 400: 432. 114: 442. 266.
fc. Asm. 61. 241. De Vet. 3. 4. Inst. 379. xviii:
434, end: 445. xxiii: 436, top, xxii. BIH. 77. 17. Wulf.
9.4: 8 12: 9, 2: 30. 8, 12: 154. 11: 175. 22: 2547. 1:
283.7: 304. 4. HAL. 176. 213: 182. 32: 206. 382.
Add the examples on page 83.

C. Motan.

Laws 30. 2. Bo. 139. 24. CP. 166.17: 168. 176:
254.9.  EHi. 170.9: 600.29. LSi. 478.86. LSii. 168.
176: 204, 236: 352. 286: 356. 18: 370. 250: 410.176:

442, 266. Féc. Th. 454. xii. Hex. 28. 8. Inst.
404. xi. Wulf. 228. 21: 290. 9. HL. 143. 132: 163.
270: 175. 194. BR. 3. 13.

D. Willan.

Chron. 232. 29: 174. 4. O. 126.23: 148.31. BH.
154.4: 210.7: 378.17: 434. 21. Bo. 145. 9. CP.
120. 17. Dial. 154. 22: 345. 7- M. 26. 4. John
7.32: 10.3: 11.8, 19, 53, 55: 12.9, 10. Guth. 8. 21:
44.21: 48.5: 66. 22:.82. 15. AGH. 26, 26: 82, 22:
154.2: 322,11: 582. 8 JEM. 44. 18: 54.8: 98.17:

226.9: 354.8: 580. I. LSii. 28. 412. Exod. 18. 14.
Inst. 482, top. BIH, 231. 10. HL. 152. 21: 155. 96:
164. 14.
142 APPENDIX VI

APPENDIX VI
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL

Bersipzs the standard works of reference, the following have
been of value in the preparation of this study.

1. For the Theory of Syntax,

E. Becker. Beiordnende und unterordnende Satzver-
bindung, Am. Jour. of Phil. 18. 70.

J. Jotry. Die einfachste Form der Hypotaxis, Curtius-
Studien 6. 215.

E. P. Morris. On Principles and Methods in Latin Syntax,
New York, rgor.

H. Orrrer. Lectures on the Study of Language, New -
York, 1901.

J. Riss. Was ist Syntax? Marburg, 1894.

2. Indo-Germanic.

B. Detsricx und E. Winpiscu. Syntaktische Forschungen,
Halle, 1871. :

J. Jotzy. Geschichte des Infinitivs im Indo-Germanischen
(Zhe Germanic Infinitive, pp. 150-176), Miinchen,
1873.

3. Greek and Latin.

G. Bernuarpy. Wissenschaftliche Syntax der griechischen
Sprache, Berlin, 1829.

A. Draczr. Historische Syntax der lateinischen Sprache,
Leipzig, 1874.

W. W. Goopwin. Syntax of the Modes and Tenses of
the Greek Verb, London, 1889.

R. Ktxner. Lateinische Grammatik, Hannover, 1877.

Griechische Grammatik, Hannover, 1890.

E. H. Mirzs. Comparative Syntax of Greek and Latin,
Part I, Cambridge, 1893.

 
APPENDIX VI 143

J. H. Scumarz und Fr. Storz. Lateinische Syntax, in
J. Miiller’s Handbuch der klassischen Alterthumswissen-
schaft, 2. Bd., 2. Aufl., Miinchen, 1890.

Pu. Weser. Entwickelungsgeschichte der Absichtssitze
(in Greek), in Schanz’s Beitrige, Bd. IJ, Wiirzburg,
1884.

4. Gothic.

O. Aprtt. Uber den Accusativus cum Infinitivo im Goti-
schen, Germ., 19. 280.

G. H. Bate. Gothic Literature, Milwaukee, 1891.

‘E. Bernuarpt. Der gotische Optativ, ZfdPh., 8. 1-39.

—— Zur gotischen Syntax, ZfdPh., 9. 383.

F. Burcxuarpt. Der gotische Conjunctiv verglichen mit
den entsprechenden Modis des neutestamentlichen
Griechisch, Zschoppau, 1872 (Rev. ZfdPh., 4. 455).

Lorenz Dierensacu. Vergleichendes Worterbuch der goti-
schen Sprache, Frankfurt am Main, 1851.

T. LeM. Dousr. Introduction to the Gothic of Ulfilas,
London, 1886.

Ecxuarpt. Syntax des gotischen Relativpronomens,
Halle diss., 1875.

O. Erpmann. Uber got. e und ahd. ¢haz, ZfdPh., 9. 43.

GaseLentz und Lose. Grammatik der gotischen Sprache,
Leipzig, 1846.

H. Gerinc. Uber den syntaktischen Gebrauch der Parti-
cipia im Gotischen, ZfdPh., 5. 393.

H. Krincuarpvt. Die Syntax der gotischen Partikel e,
ZfdPh., 8. 127 & 289.

A. Kéutzr. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Optativs im
Gotischen, Germanische Studien, 1. 77.

— Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs und Particips
im Gothischen, Germ., 12. 421-462.

F, Nazer. Gothische Prapositionen, Beilage zum Programm
des Gymnasii Leopoldini und der damit verbundenen
Realklassen zu Detmold, 1897.
144 APPENDIX VI

G. Necxet. Die germanischen Relativpartikeln, Berlin
diss., 1g00.

C. C. Untznpecx. Etymologisches Wérterbuch der goti-
schen Sprache, Amsterdam, 1900.

5. Old High German.

J. B. Crensoaw. The Present Participle in Old High
German and in Middle High German. Johns Hopkins
diss., 1893.

Denecxe. Der Infinitiv bei den ahd. Ubersetzern, Leipzig
diss., 1880.

H. Dirrmar. Uber die ahd. Negation, ze, in abhangigen
Satzen, ZfdPh., Erginzungsband, 183.

O. Erpmann. Untersuchung tiber die Syntax der Sprache
Otfrids, I and II, Halle, 1874-76.

W. Kant. Xédnnen und migen im Altdeutschen, ZfdPh.,
22. 1.

V.E.Movurex. Zur Syntax des ahd. Tatian, Prague, 1895.

M. Rannow. Der Satzbau des ahd. Isidor im Verhiltniss
zur lateinischen Vorlage, Berlin, 1888.

W.E.Scuotten. Satzverbindende Partikeln bei Otfrid und
Tatian, P. Br. Beitr., 22. 391-423.

‘Tomanetz. Die Relativsitze bei den ahd. ibereeinens
des 8. und 9. Jahrh., Wien, 1879.

6. Middle High German.

L. Bocx. Der mhd. Conjunctiv, Strassburg, 1878.

S. W. Currinc. Der Conjunctiv bei Hartmann von Aue,
Chicago, 1894.

H. Paut. Mittelhochdeutsche Grammatik, Halle, 1884.

H. Rorrexen. Der zusammengesetzte Satz bei Berthold
von Regensburg, QF., 53.

WacxernaceL. Die mhd. Negationspartikel xe, in den
Fundgruben ftir die Geschichte der deutschen Sprache
und Litteratur, herausgegeben von H, Hoffmann, I. 269,
Breslau, 1830.
APPENDIX VI 145;

4. Modern German.

OQ. Bruacuet. Der Gebrauch der Zeitformen im kon-
junktivischen Nebensatz des Deutschen, Paderborn,
1899.

——- Die deutsche Sprache. E. Trechmann’s translation,
London, 1891.

O. Erpmann. Grundziige zur deutschen Syntax, I & II,
Stuttgart, 1886 & 1898.

VatentInE and Kzane. German Grammar, I & II,
London, 1894.

I. Vernatexen. Deutsche Syntax, I & II, Wien, 1861 &
1863.

Ep. und Fr. Wetzzt. Die deutsche Sprache, Berlin, 1887.

W. Witmanns. Deutsche Grammatik, Berlin, 1881.

8. Old Saxon. :

O. Benacuet. Die Modi im Heliand, Paderborn, 1876.

—— Syntax des Heliand, Wien, 189%.

H. Pratye. Syntax des Heliand, I. Das Verbum, Jahrbuch
des Vereins fiir niederdeutsche Sprachforschung, 11. 1.
1885.

P. Remmann. Die altniederdeutschen Prapositionen, Pro-
gramm des Realgymnasiums zu St. Petri und Pauli in
Danzig, 1891.

R.Sterc. Uber den Gebrauch des Infinitivs im Altnieder-
deutschen, ZfdPh., 16. 307, 470.

E. Wituetmy. Die Einleitung der Relativsatze im Heliand,
Leipzig diss., 1881.

g. Old English.

H. M. Berpen. The Prepositions 2%, on, for, fore, et in
Anglo-Saxon Prose, Baltimore diss., 1897.
F. A. Bracxsurn. The English Future: its Origin and
Development, Leipzig diss., 1892.
R. Brume. Uber den Ursprung und die Entwickelung
des Gerundiums im Englischen, Bremen, 1880.
L
146

APPENDIX VI

F. H. Cuasz. A Bibliographical Guide to Old English
Syntax, Leipzig, 1896.

A.S.Coox. The Optative of unexpectant wishing, Modern
Language Notes, 1895, 1. 56.

A. Dewirz. Untersuchungen iiber Allfreds des Grossen
westsichsische Ubersetzung der Cura Pastoralis Gregors
und ihr Verhaltniss zum Original. Breslau diss., Bunzlau,
1889.

A. Draxe. The Authorship of the West Saxon Gospels,
New York, 1894, Rev. ZfdPh., 29. 139.

E. ErnewxeE, in Paul’s Grundriss, vol. I, go07-930.

A. Erpmann. Essay on the History and Modern Use of
the Verbal Forms in -zmg in the English Language,
Part I. The Anglo-Saxon Period, Upsala diss., Stock-
holm, 1871.

Firpter und Sacus. Wissenschaftliche Grammatik der
englischen Sprache, Bd. II, Leipzig, 1861.

J. Framme. ‘ Syntax der Blickling Homilies, Bonn diss.,
1885.

W. FreiscuHaver. Der Conjunktiv in der Cura Pastoralis,
Géttingen diss., Erlangen, 1885.

M. Furgzrt. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Verbums im
Guthlac (the poem), Leipzig diss., 1889.

A. Harstrick. Untersuchung iiber die Praépositionen bei
ZElfred dem Grossen, Kiel diss., 1890.

A.N. Hensuaw. Syntax of the Indicative and Subjunctive
in the Anglo-Saxon Gospels, Leipzig diss., 1894.

B. Herter. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Verbums im
Crist, Leipzig diss., 1891.

G. Horz. On the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-
Saxon and its further History in Old English, Ziirich
diss., 1882.

W. H. Hurme. Die Sprache der altenglischen Bearbeitung.
der Soliloquien Augustins, Freiburg diss., 1894.

E. Kemer. Darstellung der Syntax im Exodus, Leipzig
diss., Halle, 1888.
APPENDIX VI 147

H. Kuincuarpt. Ze und die relative Satzverbindung
im A.-S., Beitrige zur deutschen Phil., Halle, 1880,
P- 193.

C. F. Kocs. Historische Grammatik der englischen
Sprache,. 2nd ed. II., Cassel, 18478.

K. K6utrr. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs und
Particips im Beowulf, Miinster diss., 1886.

C. Kricxav. Der Accusativ mit dem Infinitiv in der
englischen Sprache, Gottingen diss., 1877.

P. T. Keun. Die Syntax des Verbums in lfric’s Heili-
genleben, Leipzig diss., 1889.

K. Kuyacx. ‘On the Use of the Auxiliary Verbs in Old
English, Programm der Realschule der Albinus-Stiftung
zu Lauenbund a.d. Elbe, 1846.

C. Lurrezns. Uber Bedeutung’ und Gebrauch der Hilfs-
verba im friihen altenglischen. Scwdan und Willan, Kiel
diss., Wismar, 1888.

E. MArzner. Englische Grammatik, II and III, 3. Aufl,
Berlin, 1882-85.

F. A. Marcu. A Comparative Grammar of the Anglo-
Saxon Language, pp. 137-221, New York, 1870.

A. Monrsutter. Darstellung der Syntax in den vier echten
Predigten des . . . Wulfstans, Miinster diss., Liibeck,
1885.

A. Mtrtizr. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Verbums in
der... Judith. Leipzig diss., 1892.

E. Naver. Tempus und Modus im Beowulf, Anglia, ro.
542-563 and 11. 444-499.

W. B. Owen. Latin Syntax in the Old English Gospels,
in Transactions of the Am. Phil. Ass’n., 1882, 59-64.

J. Prawer. Syntax des Verbums im Phoenix, Leipzig diss.,
no date.

M. Prozuus. Der Gebrauch des Conjunctivs in Elene,
Juliana und Crist, Marburg diss., 1888. ‘
‘H. A. Reussner. Die Syntax des Verbums im Andreas,
Leipzig diss., Halle, 1889.

L2
APPENDIX VI

B. Scuraper. Studien zur Ailfric’schen Syntax, Gottingen
diss., Jena, 1887.

A. Scurézr. Die ags. Prosabearbeitungen der Benedic-
tinerregel, Engl. Studien, 14. 241.

J. Scutrmann. Darstellung der Syntax in Cynewulf’s
Elene, Minster diss., Paderborn, 1884.

_H. Szyrartu. Syntax des Verbums im ... Genesis, Leipzig

diss., 1891.

J. D. SpAtu. Syntax des Verbums im Daniel, Leipzig diss.,
1893.

E. M. Tavsert. Der Gebrauch der Prapositionen im
Andreas, Leipzig diss., 1894.

T. Woutraurt. Syntax des Verbums in Elfric’s . ..
Heptateuch und Hiob, Leipzig diss., Miinchen, 1885.

J. E. Wutrine. Die Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des
‘Grossen, I & II, Bonn, 1894.

1o. Middle and Modern English.

E, A. Assotr. A Shakespearean Grammar, London, 1891.

J. L. Armstrone. The Gerund in Nineteenth-Century
English, Mod. Lang. Ass’n. Publications, 7. 200.

C. S. Batpwin. Inflexion and Syntax of Malory’s Morte
d’Arthur, Boston, 1894.

F. Brinkmann. Syntax des Franzésischen und Englischen,
I & II, Braunschweig, 1884-1885.

E. Bucutenxircu. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Infini-
tivs in Occleve’s De Regimine Principum, Jena diss.,
Braunschweig, 1889.

E. E1nenxew. Streifziige durch die mittelenglische Syntax,
Miinster, 1887.

—— The Infinitive in Middle English, Anglia, 13.

W. P. Few. Verbal Nouns in -izde in Middle English and
the Participial -2mg Suffix, Harvard Studies and Notes,
5. 269-276.

W. Franz. Zur Syntax des dlteren Neuenglischen : Kon-
junktionen, Englische Studien, 18, 422.
APPENDIX VI 149

W. Franz. Zur Syntax des Alteren Neuenglischen: Prapo-
sitionen, Englische Studien, 20. 68.

F. Grimm. Der syntaktische Gebrauch der Prépositionen
bei John Wycliffe und John Purvey, Marburg, 1891.

O. Hennicxe. Der Conjunctiv im Altenglischen und seine
Umschreibung durch modale Hiilfsverba, Géttingen diss.,
1878. (By ‘ Altenglisch’ is meant the period from 1250
to 1350.)

H. Hupr. Die Praposition for, Anglia, 12. 388.

Leon Kettner. Historical Outlines of English Syntax,
London, 1892.

Zur Syntax des englischen Verbums, mit besonderer

Beriicksichtigung Shakespeares, Wien, 1885.

Caxton’s Syntax, in Transactions of the Philological
Society, 1888-1890.

F. G. A. Rustesure. The Historical Development of the
Gerund in the English Language, Leipzig diss., Gétt.,
1874.

A. Scuraprr. Das altenglische Relativ-Pronomen, mit
besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Sprache Chaucers, Kiel
diss., Jena, 1880.

M. Sremincer. Der Gebrauch der Prapositionen bei
Spenser, Halle, 1890. :

A. H. Totman. Shall and Will and Should and Would, in
Mod. Lang. Notes, 7. 4.

 

 
“OXFORD: HORACE HART
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
II.
I.

IV.

VI.

VII.

VIII.
IX.

XI.

XII.
XIII.

XIV.
XV.

XVI.
XVII.

XVIII.

YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH

Apert S. Coox, Eprror

. The Foreign Sources of Modern English Versification.

Cuartton M." Lewis, Ph.D. $0.50.

Ailfric: A New Study of his Life and Writings. Caro-
tinE Louisa Wurts, Ph.D. $1.50.

The Life of St. Cecilia, from MS. Ashmole 43 and MS.
Cotton Tiberius E. VII, with Introduction, Variants,
and Glossary. BertHA ELten Lovewett, Ph.D. $1.00.

Dryden’s Dramatic Theory and Practice. MARGARET
SHERWOOD, Ph.D. $0.50.

. Studies in Jonson’s Comedy. Exisapztu Woopsrrnce,

Ph.D. $0.50.

A Glossary of the West Saxon Gospels, Latin-West
Saxon and West Saxon-Latin. Mattie ANsTICE
Harris, Ph.D. $1.50.

Andreas: The Legend of St. Andrew, translated from
the Old English, with an Introduction. Rosrrt
Kitpurn Root. $0.50.

The Classical Mythology of Milton’s English Poems.
Cartes Grosvenor Oscoop, Ph.D. $1.00.

A Guide to the Middle English Metrical Romances
dealing with English and Germanic Legends, and with
the Cycles of Charlemagne and of Arthur. Anna
Hunt Biriines, Ph.D. $1.50.

. The Earliest Lives of Dante, translated from the Italian

of Giovanni Boccaccio and Lionardo Bruni Aretino.
James Rosinson Smitu. $0.75.

A Study in Epic Development. Irzenz T. Myers, Ph.D.
$1.00.

The Short Story. Henry Semen Cansy. $0.30.

King Alfred’s Old English Version of St. Augustine’s
Soliloquies, edited with Introduction, Notes and
Glossary. Henry Lez Harcrove, Ph.D. $1.00.

The Phonology of the Northumbrian Gloss of St. Mat-
thew. Emiy Howarp Fotzy, Ph.D. $0.75.

Essays on the Study and Use of Poetry by Plutarch and,
Basil the Great, translated from the Greek, with an
Introduction. FReprrRick PapEtrorp, Ph.D. $0.75.

The Translations of Beowulf: A Critical Bibliography.
Cuauncey B. Tinxer, Ph.D. $0.75.

The Alchemist, by Ben Jonson, edited with Introduction,
Notes, and Glossary. Cuartes M. Hatuaway, Jr,
Ph.D. $2.50. Bound in cloth, $3.00.

The Expression of Purpose in Old English Prose.
Husertr Grsson Surarin, Ph.D. $1.00.
GENERAL VIEW OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE
(see Appendix I, p. 130)

 

i

ZElfred Gospels | rate
fm nee re
Cod. | 5
P. Psalms Orosius Bede Ilist. Boethius Sol, Cura Past. Dial. Dip. | Laws | M. | Mk] L. John Guthlac Mart. Leh. 3} Leh. I | AEMfric Hom. I |} Elfric Hom, I
(late)' | (late)! 8
|

De T. & Gram

Lives of S

| Cod. Dip. (early) '.
| Laws (early) }.

 

 

   
   

  

+] opt.
t+ as
a & oO

Seet (p. 58) - - - - - |66
di... Set (p. 59, note) + “ te anlar
Beet. .dy (p. 59, note) = - - el-|- ----
Seette » KO) ae o ee oe set Dee ce ce ce cefee| T sefee ae ee ee oof TT ve te ee eel ove

to Von Set (p.65) = -
to Bon,,.8eet (p. 79) +

a ag 5 feg.! Saagaqg.| egal 4g ag.| 4a 2eaeanca. a ey ac Ge S 8 Fags “qa. c ee a a. ° a ae
£8 g|,, &S $3 as SSS), 82898 3/,03 8), 06598 5/, 8288 5/, 88), 8 8), 2], 8.8], £28 8|.88 6 aaa]. § a3|/.8888s5|. 88945 a4

ms 3 BOtMle Soo ooie ‘B a 2 s sole sa pole So bole 3 a te Sse sole PSs sie Male Weel ws SS Cy re ee a eet ae tba eee as

5 5 oa. SB oo roe. UA, Se SIOS SSE BIOS SPAS Ss SSVaAs BOR DEE OC] Has la e/a Vlas oss Bo sa eigj/2ectiges on cele #eSES 2933

ae Elo 828 Slo BE Slo RBA BICHB REE Siok BE SISCB RAE SISE 9 BE S|S9 B B|o Elo slSs|S 8 8 ES RE SiS 8 9 EB BIGSISS SIGS SSE ESIGE RR EE #68

3 7 5 3 5 4 ; 7

' 2 © | opt.
+ %] opt.

 
      

eae |
.
iS)
~
~

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

to Bon Beette (p. 65, note 1) - - -|[-|- ---- el- -|/- --- -/------ 2 - - -!| - - -|- -|- -|- -J- ---- -- - -/----- - -[-/- - -/------ SS ee a ele fey Cl Se
to Yon Sreti (p. 65, note 1) «+ . sleefee ee ae ee ee] T ‘ . : tees I. he . re
to dy det (p. 66) - - - -|-|- ---- e|- -[- -- - -[- -- - - -J- -- - -|/--- - - - ec ee e[- ee ee ele ee ee - - -J- - T]- -J- -J- -|---- - -- - -]/- -- - - Seale |e slqcto= oe Goss ee eb ellelie pb x
to di Set (p. 66) a. . te soleolee oo oe oo 72 e soles ay 8, ow | Ses aie ag Sate! ae wll ee ee ‘< “ ‘ok we “|S -. 4 1 2 621241 I

to Bi,,.Set (p.79) = - - -|-|- ---- ele -]- 2 - - -f- - - - - ele - ee ele eee ee SE ee Se Sep a ere [fee peal lie ee ne |e ere eee ee ede ee Re ok SS. euee cn) eB thee ia |S ae ee ot Se fle |S ec te
‘to Seem Beet (p. 66). te oe sie [ a: Wes sie ee: ee oe] eae SO) ODP Se ee Deeds wens ge sell se uincwe eres | Dees Cae ee lel ee 68 ee ee! eee I wi sae eels vid oe ae. dis we [PO ver 38 bear teas) ie see lea wee das Sei Pi tesserae. teeroener ais aie all sis are Mail ora era a Dis] ie se ac | ce! ate, “Wes. dies Saas ees sel wale ata seray_ real baai lied) ie ean ee
to Sam Veet (p. 66) + - - -|-|/- ---- elo -/2 4-2 -|- -- -- -/- ----/------ et eft ee ee ele eee ee SEEPS eS ems eee ae ce a ae a I ae a a SS ier SSeS: So ee ele ser ee Se =| gcse =
to Vam,, .Yeet (p. 79) + or ol asik es heeled aa we, weil exile Maellee abe aeoae : ZBe0 I I ae

to Nam Be (p. 78) - - -|-|- ---- e]I -|- = - - -|- ---- -J/-----/------ SS Sefer Se Se Sele Se eee coc ete ce epe cle ete ele ee ee --- -J/----- SU hel rm a | at te ay at cs | ee eee Se Boe tee ce
to disum Beet (p. 67) ++ . oe vee ee weleefee s te te oe . ‘ I :

 
 

to Yam anum Set (p.67) + - w[al—e = ew oo cas gs st ane ath fay SE a as Ses ho ea ee en es
to Yam sylfan Beet (p. 67) ‘ ‘ atbie sare | steh ale -ar- Sa alesrale)| aes une es” seal el| 44 b aynaey aad aie. ~G Lato cies vac bane: ataec aw atord Clue aig KR tee alan Sakae ass Loko alec aul aoa ell
to: Bam Vingrm: Set (p. 67) 62 — allele: eco area] a clea es eee ee eee ee ee, ee

 

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
      

for Son eet (p. 70) ++ . Se ee eee ETE SEU IRS, CE NS ee ee SN LO Ht BO AEN ARE Oe 8 |e PS eS a va Hse gc eas, | ke Hh, ern naa ie ECA BGs aed aon Menges ee ae Verba aa aca GR Gace TEE Coe

for Gon Be (p. 78) ws ss "elas = ss 5 I ee Se Se ee Se ea te ede te sts ste ste 2 an nts o = nto =e - =} -/-fe - -1- - ~~ - Ie Ge eee hate

for By Teet (p. 70) ee ee ee selec[on ve oe oe evlevloe solee oo oe ve voles oe J : ol ra, saa eens. Ee ae eis Aviat lua. idle ils, Jane. MG) See isis ace. Cares eee a Pais Bisi|LPSRe RR RARE ES, Mite Oe cei gss slat ela aie am ARH eet ep COR ae sel] He s,| Sa lhaehuaie wien aga w aes Gare, | ae aa a a Pie eel lastion aw:

for ¥i Veet (p. 70) = = «= ewfaele ee ee a a ees pe oS eo oe ele ee es ae os ane cat ae ome [hae Te iciceelPast fetal actrees oncah ak Eee ately ke, oe ee a Oa in ek hea ca ep ee

for di,,,.Weet (p. 80) + ni sefee]ee ce oe ca selanlee soles en ce ee celee ee oe oe ae tale te ce ee salen oe ce te te tel ee ce te cafe te ce ee ce elon oe ce ee ce ce fee ce cefee ve cafes cafes cele selec ce ve ee cafes ve ce velae 3 Be 3 I

for Big. eet (p. 71, note. and p, Ro) e[-|/- -- -- a he res a eS eae Sali ee See She ee a | Ss ee els a ee

for Sam Veet (p. 71) te <a ee line| se eo. ae see) 60 ]'se.| 00 cool ve eb. sie. cae sel ‘i miele ae DoT se te te ee ee ee ee ee] BB ee ee ee {es Rien Geta A wees esd a8 als. ee |e RI GA BN Set More cere! aes Weieillae coe’ sie Wa’ wie NB. esas se Wage -gucriew ak cen ie [se] Obs ‘ates Wal taise ay alee ee aw Balinese aeee ba os oc: alice tn Ware,

for Saem,,.Uset (pp. 71 and 80) -|-|----- e|- -|- -- - -|- -----|j----- OS oh) ee dS NS See ns Foe He i eee eee SS [ISS ee eee eee el i ey ce, a -- oe ele - eee A MeN epi Ser) ess Sty See er ae Se a a cae aeitftest aay eer as

for Beem Veelte (p. 72) ++ se ve we fae fee oe oe we ce fee lee cefee ee ce ve vel ee te te te te tele te te te celee ee te ae ae 3.1 | : _

for Sam,,,.daet (p. 72, note 1, and p. 80)-|-|- - - - -|-|- - Se ere) a Ses) oe Sy oe FS) tere Sh Fes Meine edi eo ite Spey ore ig eae A Se LS arty tees see Se | te] eh cian cea Settee) cet em ~ ot efe ee ee Bere ee ee ee rast i ee ae | ee se, ted Sierayess

for Sem intingan Geet.(p, 7a, note 2). selves [ie ts ae we oe] sales 0 be oy oe ae de [au ae oe Ge, ve) Veil cdl we ow Se wel ve wie Ge Se we si fwere - ied 40 Galle lea toa ahrasledh-culh seth atcha meee
' —------_SXx_——————

wid Does Veet (p. 73) - - e-f-|- ---- ele ele ee ew ele ee ee oie ne ee earn ere SAS ee ae es is ce Dia ie pape ene eel. oy htey Weal daces a --- -f----- See ee Sey Stes JOS, ar sess hee ai[hes Gale te. wa

wid Yon Se (pp. 74 and 58) + . os selee[oe ve ce ve soleelee soles on
wid Seem Se (pp. 74 and 78) aie | am Sk a fn Pa ee aes Ce ape cme Sere ee ee eee) se) See | |
wid Yam Se (pp. 74 and 78): i ee Lee | we we rer SAN] Reise GALE Be NES [amess Sel ias neil Re Ean ale Rar HO ae GED al ee ae eee a. i eal can ee Mae iaie te Hines Sa aie ie wid Bas] Sierceind| an @HNGS! “galls @eb-oe/ yon ne [lem auras wala ear ce Seacibien @ Bhaale cae bode dae Ges as, Ha Behe. on Ae His ee sit ahaa ated
wid Deet,,.Neet (p. 75) = =  efel- = = = -fele -l- - - - -J- - - - - ele ee ee ele eee ee Te Se Sire ee ae ee ae ns eas sae eo ie a thee aa, eS SEA eee care se Bete te aren eee ieee it eee caneseiae 2. le at ates gees
| | KKK
be deem Veet (p. 75) e466 Sees Be Oe we ae [ee te te ee tee ee oe Oe oe ce oe solen oe we oe ae tolee ae eelee as aie bisa as PEE INSEE SORT acas iia MRL asi die [HS esi Solar SED aa a aah” cater hisigl|liee nee! | wields, meow [kee Weld eis: Reset cote laws rave Seven @ ee eel ool ee oe se oe
on ?cem Weet (p. 75) |
on Seet (Sa) gerad Veet ©. 76, note)
to Wet (p. 76) = -
wid Beet (p. 76) ++ ve
embe Beet (p. 77)

adjective clauses (p, 80)

Surh hwan Set (p. 85 5)

Neer (p. 88,

hu (p. 8 = -

to Sake (p. 89, note)

ymb Weet hu 4 89, note)
efter Sem hu (P. 89, note) --

hweeSer (p. 89, B) - - -

swa Set (P., 89,A) «+
gif(p.90,B) = =

gif wen weere Seet (p. 99 B)
buton Bret (p. 90)

paratactic clauses (p. 91) ee ae soil ee

Yeet...ne 3) -

By les (p95) +s

Sy lees,, eet ne (p. 95, note a)’
By lees,, Weette ne (p. 95» nate 2)
Bi lees (p. 95) -

Se lees (p. ‘

dy les Be (p. 95)

Be leesse Ve (p. 97, note)
Bi lees Be (p. on -
Be lees Se (p. 97, note)
See lees Be (p. 97, note)
Be leeste (p. 97) on
leeste (p. 97) =

dy leest (p. 96, footnote) ++ i

     
 
 

  

. . oe wel eel ew we we oe wel ew law wel ee oe ne te we lew ne oe

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Negative Clauses

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1 In order to illustrate more clearly the chyonological Wisiiietion between dy des and Oy Les de, Laws and Cod. Dip. have each been divided approximately al g50 ALD, 2 1oys A.D. § Variants, in later MS. LL
GENERAL VIEW OF THE PURPOSE CLAUSE

(see Appendix I, p. 130)

| “El fric

Gospels

|
Dip. | Laws | M. | Mk.} L. John Guthlac Mart. /Elfric Hom, II

Lives of Saints. | Int. Sig.) Heptateuch & & Hex. |Coll.! Neot Inst. Bl. Hom. Wulf. Hom. | Heiligenleben Nicodemus

&
T& Il Ac. Th. Pref. B. O.

&.
| Leh. III
ie
2.
5
2
o
3
=
>
=
4
<
3

rr
—
p
o
c
Vs
—
p
=>
o
VY
—
—_

sculan
willan
indic.

magan|
willan |

: + | magan
opt

ton

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

: . eee] ee ve ce ce colan oe cel ee co colon selee soles seo so te colee on ce co colee co ce oe ce colew oe oe ae te

|

1 7 |

. qo Se 8 . el 1 9° . eT ove ee] 2 ve oe]
:

kT tos eft ss = af 4g - -]r ee - fee ee

 

 

Bove celee cefen eefee ve Tove vl se fe ee we cel 7 (oe 48 co se en ley ae se we eel 3 we wel ve ee te exec ee eo oe te
I

 

cot te eft le ee ee fee ele eee ef er ee ete ele ele eH fe ele ec ee ele eee ele ee ee ele eee en ee

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

. eee 8 sins | egy sere eS) iat Sees ss ethane: alg, Gare JS sie teey oe ee ce wel ee ce cel ee sefee eofee oe ce ce ee lee oe ce oe wel ee ce se oe oe wel ee oe ce te ee

 

 

 

 

Dip. have each been divided approximately at 950 A.D. > 1095 A.D. $ Variants, in later MS. TL. * 970 ALb, 5 979 A.D. and 1016 A.D.