yeh ee ‘Lizarp’s TRAIL © CARL E, PERSON Froperly Op _ MPN lagu Feane Yr = SiLWI®. Large “ CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, Cornell University Libra Lizard THE LIZARD’S TRAIL DEDICATED TO THE STRIKERS AND THEIR FRIENDS WHO PRO- TESTED WHEN THE PRINCIPLES OF ORGANIZED LABOR WERE SURRENDERED BY LABOR LEAD- ERS TO THE ILLINOIS CENTRAL AND HARRIMAN RAILROADS IN THE STRIKE OF 1911 AND 1915, IN- CLUSIVE. Sincerely, CARL E. PERSON. Chicago, February, 1918. THE LIZARD’S TRAIL A Story from the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines Strike of 1911 to 1915 Inclusive BY CARL E. PERSON Published by THE LAKE PUBLISHING COMPANY (Not Inc.) CHICAGO Copyright 1918 By Cari E. Person Published February, 1918 fox. FOREWORD F ALL the strikes that played the circuit of industrial () unrest, the Hlinois Central and Harriman Lines strike took its place in history by itself. It was different than other strikes for it played the crisis with thirty-eight thousand men on the industrial stage for forty-five continual months at an estimated expense to the railroad companies of three hundred and fifteen million dollars. Some of the Labor Leaders who commanded the men to strike stood in the pulpits and cried “let there be war and war to the finish,” with this pledged their last dollar, then turned trai- tors to those they commanded to strike by returning to the same pulpits where they had sung the song of Victory with no Compromise, preaching peace at any price. Confronted with these copperheads from the very ranks of leadership the strike still played its drama for forty-five continual months. No other strike has played the industrial circuit for this length of time. With this large army of men, under such great expense to those who claim the ownership of the factory altars, while deserted by the labor leaders who cried in the storm that they were themselves responsible for. The purpose of this book is to convey some of the suppressed information of the strike to the students of the labor movement, and those who were swindled by the traitors during the strike. Some of this information was brought to the surface in the his- toric convention of the Railway Department at Kansas City, Mo., in 1916. There it photographed so shocking that behind the closed doors of the convention it was ordered buried with the resolutions that the rank and file back home, who paid the price, were too ignorant to understand it. After the suppres- sion of the minutes at the Kansas City convention, the only re- maining method by which this suppressed information could 5 6 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL reach those who desired to have it, was through the publication of this book. In writing this story I have frequently added the original correspondence. This with the desire of making the point clear to the reader and to back my statements up with undeniable facts. Many of the letters used as evidence have contained per- sonal and confidential matter not relating to the subject in ques- tion. All such matter has been omitted from the correspondence used in this book. This book is not written to satisfy the personal feelings of the writer, but to satisfy the wishes of a large number of those who were swindled and deserted by the Labor Leaders during the strike. It is to be expected that the element who profits by calling and recalling strikes for financial considerations will seriously object to the information contained in The Lizard’s Trail. Should they not, the writer would be very much disap- pointed, for one of the main reasons for its publication is to make their operations in the future more difficult. The honest labor leader is a necessity to the progress and welfare of the labor movement. Just as honest leadership is essential to the welfare of any other movement. This book is not published for the purpose of injuring the standing of the honest labor leader, but for the purpose of helping to ferret out of the labor movement the Labor Traitor who sometimes oper- ates under the cloak of authority in an official capacity of the labor movement. Those who so frequently came to the surface during the strike on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines. Do not commence reading this book with the expectation of reading a book written and prepared in compliance with the art of perfect English. This will be a sad disappointment to you. This book is not written to please the critics of ancient arts or those who have mastered the science of logic. It is written in the language of the workshop for those who work. Written for them that they might have additional information to fortify themselves with as they stand in the trenches, in the War of the Classes, making the world safe for democracy. Cart E. Person. CONTENTS PART ONE The development of the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines Strike and some of the forces at work until July nineteen twelve. PAGE The Origin of the Federation........... 0.60 ccc eee eee n ene eee 9 Officers Demanding the Men to Strike............ 6... cece eee cece 16 The Calling’ of the Strike: .. iss succasdasseasasesy censewaeeyersanes 28 Traitors Coming to the Surface............ cc cece cece eee eee ees 33 The Demand for a Convention............... ccc cece cence eens 39 The General Strike Vote...... 0.0.0. cece cece eee e ete eee e nee eens 45 PART TWO Indisputable evidence showing the attitude of certain Grand Lodge officers and organizers relative to the men on strike and the Principles of Federation. The Palmy Days of Jack Buckalew.............. sce eee ee eee e eee 65 The New Cabinet’s Declaration of War.......... cece eee ener eee 72 The Break at Water Valley............ 0 cece eee ence eect eee eee 90 Strikers’ Funds Confiscated.......... 0.00. e eee ene eee e en eeee 95 Johnston Offers to Compromise......0...--. eee c erence eee teen es 99 The Federation Reorganized............: sees eect eee eee e ees 102 Washington in Great Excitement......... 06.0.0. sects eee eee eens 107 The Coming Back of the Federation.............5.0.secees eset eeee 121 Pete Conlon Mad with Power..........cec eee e eee e eee eeetee eee eee 123 Jack Buckalew Caught in the Crisis......... 0.000 e cece cece eens 131 McCreery Turns Traitor for the Promise of a Job..........+++++++ 139 Buckalew’s Dying Effort for Revenge..........s.seeeeer cree e ee ees 146 PART THREE The declaration of war on the Illinois Central system federation by the Grand Lodge presidents, and the Federa- tion’s fight for existence. Federations Appeal for Co-operation.........sseereeeeereccereees 163 The Chicago Frame-Up.....--+--sseseereneeseccceeeneestenereees 174 8 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL PAGE The Grand Lodge Injunction.............. 0. cece eee eee e renee eees 179 Wharton and Scott New Disciples......... 0.0.6 c eee e ene ence eens 189 Wharton Declares War on Johnston......... 6. cece eee een e eee 196 General Strike Agitation........... 06. c cece cece eee nents 205 The Coming Back of the District.............. cece eee eens 213 The Awakening of Omaha Sam.......... cc cece cece ene ence een eeeene 228 PART FOUR Grand Lodge officers and their emissaries at work in various channels against the federation, and eventually de- clare the strike off against the wishes of the men involved. Forces Leading to the U. S. Investigation................ eee eee eee 239 The 1914 Convention of the Railway Department................-- 248 A St. Louis Conference with Mr. Wharton.............0c cece eeeee 261 The Grand Lodge President’s Unsuccessful Attempt..............-- 267 Another War Declared on the Strike Bulletin..................200- 309 The Augusta Resolution.......... 0. cece cece eee teen eteees 328 The Strike: Declared: Of vai ccccisee ce ans erases ata mew we va 333 he New: Autumn: Drive siceviceii ccna ence a ews eee tases aue 867 PART FIVE The secret session of Jim Kline’s trial during the 1916 convention of the Railway Department at Kansas City, Mo., and the suppression of the minutes. Jim Kline’s Trial at Kansas City........ ccc cece cesceeseccceeeeees 875 PART SIX Johnston takes revenge by excommunicating Carl Person from the International Association of Machinists without a trial. Excommunicated Without a Trial............c. ccc ecscccucccecvece 413 PART SEVEN Conclusion The Policy of Federation Defended...............cccceceececeeees 443 SUMMATY: eres. i aci4y paw dee Vadands sadivida Duce Leculaleeateand scabs 450 PART I THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ILLINOIS CENTRAL AND HARRIMAN LINES STRIKE, AND SOME OF THE FORCES AT WORK UNTIL JULY, NINETEEN- TWELVE. THE ORIGIN OF THE FEDERATION NE of the history-making events in the first admin- O istration of Woodrow Wilson as President of the United States was the appointment of a committee unique in the annals of both capital and labor. It was known as the United States Commission on Industrial Relations and was made up of individuals experienced in both phases of the industrial life of the nation. Numerous differences between employers and employees were made subjects of investigation previous to September, 1915. This volume is particularly interested in but one of these. On the seventh of that month the commission began a searching inquiry into the causes as well as the results of the strike on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines. In the final report of the Commission, Volume 10, pages 9699 to 10066, inclusive, some interesting admissions concerning the strike are printed. Julius Kruttschnitt, President of the Harriman Lines, was one of the men to give valuable testimony; so was C. H. Markham, President of the Ilinois Central. Both these dis- tinguished railroad men agreed upon one point. They de- clared unreservedly that the chief objection they had to a well- 9 10 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL organized Employees’ System Federation was that it might become too powerful. There was danger, said both the gentle- men—said it quite frankly and unaffectedly—that such organt- zation might force the railroads to grant such concessions as the Federation asked. “Undoubtedly,” said the gentlemen, “a federation of employees is in a much better position to force issues than is an individual craft.” “And therefore,” substantially stated Mr. Julius Krutt- schnitt, “railroads do not favor the consolidation of shop em- ployees for any purpose whatsoever.” What was true at the time of the hearing by the U. 5S. Commission was equally true during 1911, when the strike of the 38,000 employees of the Hlinois Central and Harriman Lines was in progress. Most consistently both these gentlemen refused to confer with any and all committees representing the striking employees. The Illinois Central favored the idea of federation of shop employees, when engaged in work that was in the interest of the railroad company. This company first organized their shop employees into a federation in 1907 according to the testimony of Machinist Business Agent H. J. Molloy before the commission (page 9846 of report). Several conventions were held for the purpose of develop- ing a sentiment among their employees not to cash their pay checks during the panic of 1907. Again in 1910 the Illinois Central sent their federated committee to storm the state legis- lature, and call on Governor Deneen requesting him to allow an increase in freight rates to the railroads operating in Illinois. A city ordinance was being considered by the City Council of Chicago compelling the Illinois Central to electrify its lines within the city limits. Again the federated committee was sent down to storm the City Hall in behalf of the Illinois Cen- tral. At the request of the railroad officials, a committee rep- resenting the Federation of Shop Employees was elected on the hospital boards at various terminals of the Ilinois Central. ORIGIN OF THE FEDERATION 11 Mr. Charles H. Markham before the commission corroborated Business Agent Molloy’s statement concerning the Federation as organized by his company. The Illinois Central taught their men that through a fed- erated effort greater results could be accomplished. Inasmuch as the individual crafts had been unsuccessful in procuring any results in relation to the demands they were making for an increase in wages and changes in working conditions, they adopted the company’s idea of federation. Organization was fairly begun at Memphis, Tenn., May 1, 1911. Business Agent J. G. Taylor, representing the Machin- ists on the Pacific system of the Harriman Lines before the Commission, states on page 9874 of the U. S. Industrial Report: “When the tinners asked for a conference in 1909 they were refused; had a strike and lost. In 1910 the machinists on the Pacific system asked for a conference, and were refused. The boilermakers asked for the same thing and then the demand for the System Federation became general.” Therefore, we find that the men on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines could get nothing through craft organization. Had they desired “to press their demands” they could do nothing but strike. Realizing this, they made up their minds that if it was necessary to strike, a federated effort in striking would give them the best results. Mr. Charles H. Markham of the Illinois Central charged his men with failure to give his company the thirty days’ notice in requesting a conference as stipulated in the then existing different craft agreements. However, it was fully understood that Mr. Markham only used the thirty-day clause as an excuse for not granting his men a conference. In a statement before the Commission, Vol. 10, page 9699, Mr. Markham states that “we had made up our minds that the Federation had to be fought regardless of cost.” Mr. Markham’s company, however, was notified through the officers of the Illinois Cen- tral Federation shortly after May 1, 1911, when it was organ- ized at Memphis, Tenn., that a committee representing all of 12 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL the shop crafts desired a conference with the Illinois Central Railroad Company. This notice was served on the company some five months prior to the calling of the strike through the Federation officers, J. F. McCreery, President, and W. E. Bowen, Secretary. The Harriman Lines Federation was organized in Salt Lake City in the early part of June, 1911, by delegates rep- resenting the different shop crafts on the Harriman Lines. Subsequent to this convention of the Federation, the manage- ment of the Harriman Lines was notified as to the action taken by the shop crafts, and a conference was requested between the company and committee representing the Federation. In conjunction with the request made by the Harriman Line Federation upon the company for a conference, the dif- ferent crafts that prior to the Salt Lake convention of the shop crafts had standing agreements with the company also notified the management of the Harriman Lines, calling atten- tion to the thirty-day clause in their standing agreements, and to their desire in the future to meet the management through the federated committee, representing all crafts on the Harri- man Lines. The testimony of Machinists’ Business Agent Samuel H. Grace, representing the machinists on the Union Pacific, Oregon Short Line, and Oregon-Washington Rail- road and Navigation Company., of the Harriman Lines, before the Industrial Commission, Vol. 10, page 9863, verified the above mentioned statement. The testimony showed that, as far as the shop men on the Harriman Lines were concerned, the thirty-day clause in their craft agreements was complied with. Federated agreements had been signed on twelve railroads up to the settlement of the Missouri Pacific strike in 1910, the victory on the Missouri Pacific and Iron Mountain Rail- road having been accomplished because of the federated effort of the shop crafts. This strike was first called by the machin- ists, and after being out for several months they were assisted by all other crafts employed on the Missouri Pacific and Iron ORIGIN OF THE FEDERATION 13 Mountain systems. Shortly after the federated effort was introduced in this strike, a settlement was reached, and it has been generally conceded that the Missouri Pacific strike was won because of the fact that all shop crafts came to the assist- ance of the machinists who first went on strike. Therefore, the victory was accomplished through federation. The Blacksmiths’ Journal for October, 1911, page 13, gives us some information relative to the success of labor organizations in procuring a hearing before railroad manage- ments shortly before the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines strikes. It makes the following statement: Following the Harriman trouble, reports come that the M., K. & T. (Missouri, Kansas & Texas Railroad) are refusing to meet the Federated committees. The carmen are now on strike and conditions are very seri- ous, and the other crafts are in a gloomy mood on account of what they think is an arbitrary stand taken by the company. The Kanahwa & Michigan Railroad employees are experiencing the same difficulty. The superintendent of Motive power on the C. & E. I. (Chicago & Eastern Illinois Railroad), after meeting the committees, insolently remarked that they had better take their proposed agreements home and frame them. The foregoing was written and printed before the incep- tion of the strikes on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines, and should give us some idea relative to prevailing conditions in the labor market during the month of September, 1911, about the time that the strikes on the Illinois Central and Harriman lines were called. With the passing of the year 1910, the average man who understood the labor movement was convinced that the time of individual craft strikes were of the past. They could no longer deliver the goods. This had been demonstrated on the Santa Fe, the Erie, the B. & O., the L. & N., the Great West- ern and on many other roads where failure was the result of individual craft effort. The Iowa Central, the Denver & Rio Grande, and the Missouri Pacific strikes, which had plagfed their part in the social crisis prior to the Illinois Central jd Harriman Lines strike, were successful in securing’ some kind 14 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL of settlements because of the fact that there was a joint or federated effort among the shop crafts involved. Craft agreements were in existence between the men on the Illinois Central and the Harriman Lines, but for three years they had procured nothing to speak of through these agreements. The time was approaching, and in fact had al- ready arrived, on the Pacific system of the Harriman Lines where the company would not even grant the individual crafts a conference. There was only one course for the men to pur- sue, and that was to adopt the line of action that had given those who had been confronted with the same opposition the best results. The testimony of railroad managers and labor leaders alike, before the Industrial Relation hearing of Sept. 7, 1915, established the fact that the men on the Tllinois Central and Harriman Lines were forced to organize into a federation, because of their failure to get anything through craft organi- zations. They were forced to go on strike to establish respect for themselves and for the federated movement on the twelve roads that had already signed federated agreements. Had not the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines men put up a fight for federation, the federated movement would have depre- ciated on the roads where it was established. It would have been deprived of its respectability before the managements of those roads where the men hoped to have it established in the future. The Illinois Central and Harriman men had to strike to maintain the few bettered conditions that they had procured through many years of effort, or, like cowards, surrender them. They were fully aware of the fact that to maintain the some- thing called honor among those in organized labor, it was necessary to strike, even though that strike could not be won, or the Federation recognized by the company. It was there- fore necessary to strike in order that the men on some of the other railroads might be relieved of going on strike when they in the future had occasion to make demands for the federated ORIGIN OF THE FEDERATION 15 systems in handling their legislation with their respective man- agements. It was the full duty of the men on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines to act decisively, because it was on these reads that the right to organize as a Federation was first challenged. The men on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines were too big to “pass the buck” to the shoulders of their fellow- men. Instead they met the responsibility and made the sacri- fice so that those who were scheduled to arrive upon the rocky roads of progress might be able to travel free without being hampered by the precedent of cowardice. Clearly, then, it was the duty of the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines men to strike. The attitude of Mr. Charles H. Markham of the Illinois Central and Julius Kruttschnitt of the Harriman Lines, in relation to System Federation, was very well established prior ‘to the strike of 1911, as well as during the strike and at the hearing before the Commission appointed by the President. ‘At no time did they change their position as to the Federation when directed toward the interest of the shop employees. The railroads will be operated in the interest of ‘shrewd finance” as long as they are successful in procuring men of the Markham-Kruttschnitt type to serve them as officers. They do not go to bed and wake up with illusions that have altered their decisions, but boldly stand out true to their deter- mination, that might makes right. They fully realize that if they want to establish their conception of what is right, they must be mighty enough to do so. Among the labor leaders who had jurisdiction over the men involved in the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines strike, there were but few of them who stood as true to the federated movement as Mr. Markham and Mr. Kruttschnitt were true to the stockholders of the railroads. Inasmuch as these labor leaders were not questioned regard- ing their attitude towards the Federation and the men on strike during the Industrial Relation Investigation of the Illinois 16 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL Central and Harriman Lines strike, we will so review their actions that it may be understood that the men involved in the strike were not only engaged in putting up a fight against the railroads for federation, but against that smiling indi- vidual as well who sometimes is garbed with the cloak of authority and known as an International officer, or “business agent,” who can perform so artistically under the spot lights that he secures the admiration of half-baked thinkers, whose thoughts never penetrated deeper than upon the painted like- ness of a burlesque star. In order that we may best determine the duties of the International officers toward the men who went on strike, we shall first make an effort to find the attitude of the different International Presidents and their organizations involved in the federated movement as organized on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines prior to the calling of the strike on Sept. 30, 1911. Orricers DemanpING THe MEN To STRIKE Upon the failure of the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines System Federation to procure a conference with the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines, through their officers and committees as elected at the convention of the federated shop crafts at Memphis, Tenn., May 1, 1911, and Salt Lake City, Utah, June 5, 1911, the controversy was turned over to the respective International officers of the crafts affiliated with the system federations. None of the International Presi- dents had prior to this time manifested any objections to the organization of the Federation, but had authorized the sign- ing up of twelve federated agreements on twelve different railroads, prior to the time the matter concerning the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines Federation was placed with them for disposition. A strike vote among the men involved on the Illinois Cen- tral and Harriman Lines was taken, to determine to what OFFICERS DEMAND MEN TO STRIKE 17 extent the men would go to enforce their demand for the recognition of the Federation. This vote carried for a strike by 97 per cent of the men involved. The International officers now, fortified by the strike vote, requested a conference with the railroad management for the purpose of securing recog- nition for the federated committees. The International officers who were handling the Illinois Central end of the controversy were making their headquarters in Chicago. All of them had a strike vote with which to back up their demands. All organizations, save one, had through their respective executive boards sanctioned the strike. The exception was the machinists. On Sept. 12, 1911, President James O’Connell of the Machinists notified the Chicago dele- gation of International officers that the machinists would take action on the strike situation at the coming convention at Davenport, Sept. 18, 1911. A circular issued by the Chicago delegation of Interna- tional officers handling the Illinois Central matter, dated Sept. 12, 1911, included the following statement: “Upon being advised by President James O’Connell that the machin- ists would take no action until the Davenport convention, Mr. Al. Hinz- man of the Boilermakers, made a motion, which was seconded by Frank Paquin of the Carmen to submit another strike vote to the men on the Illinois Central.” In this strike vote they proceeded to ask a lot of “ifs” and laid the cause of the delay directly to the machinists’ organiza- tion, because they had not sanctioned the strike. This strike vote carried with it the four specific questions, First: ‘Will you strike to enforce recognition of the System Federation?” Second: “Will you strike if the machinists’ organization refuses to sanction a strike?” Third: “Will you strike regard- less of financial assistance?” Fourth: “Should the demand of the company that the thirty days’ notice be served be complied with?” This strike vote was sent out, and met with much ridicule from the men all over the system, and at many terminals on 18 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL the system the men refused to take this vote, sending the ballots back to their International officers, in their blank forms, and at other places they were destroyed with much contempt. The men took the stand that they had already taken one strike vote, which had been taken in compliance with the constitutions of their respective organizations, and that the International officers had this vote and knew what the men would do in the event of a strike. This vote was to be returned on Oct. 10, 1911, but, when they discovered that the men were going to stand by the vote they had first taken, this second attempt was abandoned. There were, however, some underlying reasons for submitting the second strike vote. It was possibly sent out for the purpose of discouraging the men, or for the purpose of causing a split between the machinists and the rest of the trades by showing the machinists up as the “yellows” among the shop trades, The most important question in this strike vote was the third question—“Will you strike regardless of financial assist- ance?” Every International organization had a constitution in which there was a clause governing strikes and strike benefits. These constitutions can only be altered by a referendum or a convention. The men on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines had no right to change the laws governing strike benefits of their respective organizations either to favor or disfavor themselves, and the International officers of the organizations who submitted a constitutional question to a handful of men of their craft organization, such as those who were within the jurisdiction of the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines, which was only a small fraction of those who must be considered when changes in constitutions take place, were actuated by impure motives. Why was this important question not asked on the first strike ballot? To submit such a proposition to the men who were willing to go the limit, who were willing to sacrifice their jobs when instructed to do so, and then again, ask them to sacrifice their little six dollars a week as strike benefits was absurd. OFFICERS DEMAND MEN TO STRIKE 19 There is, however, no record of any session being held among the International officers where they submitted a vote among themselves on a proposition of “Should they remain and serve the interests of their organizations without a salary?” “Would they join the men in this fight for the principle that was involved in the federated movement, without pay, and surrender their monthly allowance?” They overlooked the importance of acting on this proposition among themselves, The fourth question in this strike vote was, “Should the demand of the company, that the thirty days’ notice be served, be complied with?” Vice President P. J. Conlon of the Machinists, who represented the machinists in the Chicago delegation of International officers, was a strong advocate of giving the Illinois Central the thirty days’ notice, when it was a fact that the Illinois Central Company was notified through the officers of the Federation shortly after their convention on May 1, 1911, some four months previous to the time of this meeting of International officers in Chicago. The shop trades on the Illinois Central agreed at their convention in Memphis to handle their negotiations with the company jointly or in compliance with federated law. There- fore, anyone who advocated individual negotiations with the company subsequent to the Memphis convention did not com- ply with the idea of federation. Further, why should the Illi- nois Central Railroad Company be asked to recognize the Federation, if the shop trades affiliated did not or would not recognize this Federation themselves? ‘There was only one legitimate method by which to reach the company after the Federation had been organized, and that was through the Federation and its officers. The Federation officers had noti- fied the company and served the thirty days’ notice on them. The Illinois Central through the newspapers made an effort to confuse the public; a method practiced by all corporations when engaged in a strike with its employees. They had much to say concerning the thirty days’ notice clause before and after the strike had taken place. The companies hoped to 20 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL use this in confusing the men as well as the public, in order to play for more time in which to secure strike breakers, gun-men and guards, and to get their motive power and rolling stock in the best possible shape, so that they would be better equipped to put up an effective fight when the strike took place. To prove that the companies were getting ready for the strike and had prepared for it for some time, and were taking advantage of any delay that was granted them, Business Agent W. F. Evans of the Machinists in Denver, Colo., in his report written before the strike was called, and published on page 1057, October issue of the Machinists’ Journal, states in part: “The Union Pacific shops in Denver are now closed shops by a high board fence.” From this we can gather that the company was getting ready by fencing in their properties, and what they had done in Denver was done at many other terminal points on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines. That the company was given ample time to get ready there is no question, inasmuch as they had several carloads of strike breakers for each ter- minal point, that arrived at the shops the night following the calling of the strike, and anyone that favored giving the company “more time” had but very little idea how strikes should be handled in the interest of those who must go on strike and pay the price. After considerable effort the International officers, of whom President J. W. Kline of the Blacksmiths had been selected as Chairman, were granted a conference with Mr. Julius Kruttschnitt of the Harriman Lines, at San Francisco on Sept. 2, 1911. The entire Advisory Board of the Harriman Lines Federation was called to Frisco in conjunction with the Inter- national officers for Sept. 1, 1911. On Sept. 2, the meeting between the International officers and Mr. Kruttschnitt took place. In this meeting he stated that his company refused to meet the Federation committees and that he had been advised what the consequence would be. OFFICERS DEMAND MEN TO STRIKE 21 The minutes of this meeting of Sept. 1, 1911, show that Mr. J. W. Kline, President of the Blacksmiths; J. A. Franklin, President of the Boilermakers; J. F. Ryan, President of the Carmen; J. D. Buckalew, Vice President of the Machinists, and J. D. Crane of the Sheet Metal Workers were the Inter- national representatives who conferred with Mr. Kruttschnitt. According to these minutes, all of the above mentioned Grand Lodge officers were strongly in favor of “pressing” their demands upon the company to the extent of a strike if neces- sary, in order to protect the national honor that was at stake and for the purpose of forcing the company to concede to the demands as presented by the general officers to Mr. Kruttschnitt. During this meeting the International officers and the Advisory Board of the Harriman Line Federation at Frisco were notified that the Machinists’ Executive Board had not sanctioned a strike on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines, and would not take any action on same until the Davenport convention which would go in session on Sept. 18, 1911. Therefore, President J. A. Franklin of the Boilermakers; M. F. Ryan, President of the Carmen, and J. D. Buckalew, Vice President of the Machinists, returned East via the Machin- ists’ Convention at Davenport, for the purpose of putting before this convention the urgent necessity of the convention endorsing the strike on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines. Several volumes of collected testimony could be printed relative to the high pressure speeches, statements and letters conveying the attitude of such distinguished gentlemen as J. D. Buckalew, J. A. Franklin and M. F. Ryan, and inasmuch as we are fully prepared to prove upon subsequent pages that they played their part in “trimming the strikers” by failing to recognize the Federation themselves. Their speeches at the Davenport Convention of the Machinists are quoted in full. For reference see Davenport Convention Proceedings, Sept. 18, 1911, page 103, paragraph No. 6. 22 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL The chair then introduced President Ryan (of the Car- men), who said in part: “I want to say that I appreciate the fact that it is very necessary and advantageous to have funds to finance a strike, but there isn’t any organization in the federation of these lines that can finance a strike at this time, but, my friends, do we propose to let it go out to the railroads, to the general public and the employers all over the country, that _be- cause we haven’t funds to pay men strike benefits, that we will sacrifice our rights as union men? I say for the men that I represent that we will stand and fight for the principles of unionism, even though we haven’t one dollar to pay our men. (Prolonged applause.) He said he had met Mr. Kruttschnitt on the Pacific Coast and had told him that it was the treatment received by the men that had caused the organization of the Federation, and that his men had been anxious to strike for some time, but that he had talked for peace, and had managed to hold them off until after a meeting could be had with the Executive Board of this convention. This was a movement in which we must all stand together. I want to say to you that the organization I represent will stand by you and fight, win or lose, and if we win, we will all have glory together, and if we go down, let us all go down fighting for the principles of unionism, and as one body.” (Loud applause.) President Ryan of the Carmen made the above speech on Sept. 26, 1911. Bear in mind that this was before the strike was called. Shortly after the strike, it was said that the strike was ill-advised and caused by “certain unbalanced agitators.” Is it not possible that Mr. Ryan himself was one of these unbalanced agitators? As soon as he got into the strike that he was so anxious for, he commenced to sing the soft song of the “lost cause.” This we will endeavor to show when we arrive at the place in our narrative where we feel called upon to enlarge upon developments after the strike was called. Page 104, Machinists’ Convention Proceedings, 1911, dated Sept. 26th, states the chair then introduced President Franklin of the Boilermakers, who said in part: “T did not expect to talk on the question. I fully realize that it is the most important proposition that we have ever been called upon to handle. The principles of our organization are at stake. The action of the companies has driven the men into a sympathetic Federation. Our men have been discriminated against, and if we neglect to act now we will not have an opportunity in the future. I do not believe that we can afford to back down on the proposition. None of us has ever had an agreement with the Harriman Lines that has been observed, and if we lie down at this time we might just as well take our charters from our walls. I would not attempt to advise you, but you must realize as fully as we OFFICERS DEMAND MEN TO STRIKE 23 do the seriousness of the situation and it is for you to decide in the interest of your organization, and for the principles of trade unionism, what you will do in the case; whether you will permit the companies to scatter us and drive us apart, or whether we will stand together and united.” (Loud and enthusiastic applause.) If agitators were responsible for the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines strike, may we not count Mr. Franklin, Presi- dent of the Boilermakers, as one of the “enthusiastic comrades ?” Page 104, Machinists’ Convention Proceedings for 1911, the chair then introduced President O’Sullivan of the Sheet Metal Workers and Pipemen, who said in part: “Mr. Chairman and Delegates: I believe that presidents Ryan and Franklin have about covered the situation. There is no craft in the Federation that can afford to separate itself from all organizations in- volved. I am glad to have had an opportunity of placing my organiza- tion on record as being entirely and unchangeably attached to the idea of the federated trades movement, and in the present instance we are with you to a man.” (Loud and enthusiastic applause.) President O’Sullivan of the Sheet Metal Workers and Pipemen did not make the trip to the Coast with the other International Presidents. But from his above quoted Daven- port speech, it seems that President O’Sullivan favored the strike, and admitted that the cause of Federation was at stake and had to be fought for. On page 104, Machinists’ Convention Proceedings, 1911, Vice President J. D. Buckalew is quoted as follows: Vice-President Buckalew said that he had been on the Coast, that he knew the spirit of the men; that if this movement was not supported, then it would be equivalent to severing our connections with the federated trades, not only on the Harriman Lines, but all other lines. As to govern- ment interference, he did not fear it. We know that it has no sympathy with us. He said that he believed we had no right to order the men back at Memphis, Tenn.; that we could not order back either the carmen or the boilermakers, and if the machinists were ordered back they would not go back while other trades were out. He said he hoped the conven- tion would not refer the matter to the G. E. B., but would assume the responsibility and act on this matter. The Memphis situation that Vice President Buckalew of the Machinists refers to in his talk before the convention was 24 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL the grievance that had developed at Memphis, Tenn. Being unable to get the matter settled, the Federated Trades struck at Memphis on the 25th of September, 1911, some few days before the strike was sanctioned by the Machinists’ convention. Buckalew put up a good fight for federation and stuck long after the federated movement had been deserted by others who made flowery speeches at this convention in favor of calling the strike. But as the cold, crude breezes of time played on Jack Buckalew, his ideals and dreams of the Federation faded as the green leaves fade before the autumn winds. On page 105, Machinists’ Convention Proceedings, 1911, Vice President William Hannon of the Machinists, who later handled the strike on the Southern Pacific, is quoted as saying: “The grandest part of the discussion is that it has centered on the question of System Federation. It was a question as to whether that idea was a dream or a realization.” He alluded to the situation on the Santa Fe. Many delegates failed to realize that that strike was a strike of machinists not of federation. He believed that a strike on railroads to be successful should not be fought single handed, by any one trade. The System Federation had passed beyond the experimental stage, he said, and cited the Iowa Central and his work in connection therewith. He also referred to the D. & R. G. and other lines where the same results had been apparent; the strike in England which had given us an illustra- tion of what could be done by the Federation. Vice-President William Hannon of the Machinists favored the Federation and represented the Machinists on the Southern Pacific after the strike was called. Mr. J. W. Kline, President of the Blacksmiths and Helpers, who was Chairman of the International officers in their con- ference with the railroad management in Frisco, com- mencing Sept. 1, 1911, according to the Advisory Board minutes of this meeting, shows that he stood out for federation with no compromise, calling attention to the fact that if it became necessary to go on strike in the interest of federation it must be a fight to the finish. In the Blacksmith Journal of September, 1911, page 11, under the caption of the “Feder- ated Trades vs. the Harriman Lines,” President J. W. Kline in OFFICERS DEMAND MEN TO STRIKE 25 an extensive editorial covers the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines controversy, and says on page 13, paragraph 3: “Unless the representatives of the shop federations are recognized by Thursday noon, Sept. 28th, 1911, the members of the Federation will have permission to quit.” In paragraph 4, page 13, he further states: “This is the conclusion arrived at after repeated efforts by the Inter- national officers to get the Harriman managers to meet the federated crafts. We have done everything honorable. We can see no reasons why the federated crafts are treated with such utter contempt, as we have never shown a disposition to hold up any railroad company in our deal- ings with them heretofore; but on the contrary, the railroad companies have been arbitrary, they have held up the public in various ways. They have said, the public be D——d. They have defied the law. They have maintained national, state and municipal lobbies until it became so scandalous that the government was compelled at least to make a show- ing.” President James O’Connell and the Executive Board of the International Association of Machinists on Sept. 8, 1911, presented to the Machinists’ convention then in session a report covering the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines Federation. A railway committee was elected, composed of Delegate R. 8. Ward, Nicholas Ludwig, A. J. Nye, R. S. Craig and Thomas VanLear, who brought before the convention on Sept. 26th a report favorable to calling a strike on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines for recognition of the System Federation. (Reference, pages 1138, 1139, 1140 and 1141, November issue of Machinists’ Journal.) On page 1140 of same issue states : “A vote was taken upon the report of the Railway Committee, which was carried by a vote of 187 yeas, to 113 nays, many of the delegates who voted ‘No’ saying their only objections was the assessment of $2.50, which the report contained.” We now find that the strike was sanctioned by the highest court of the Machinists’ organization, its convention, and that this body legally and constitutionally called the strike on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines, and that it may be 26 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL understood that this convention was not an aggregation of erratic and irresponsible men, Mr. Arthur E. Holder, a f ormer member of the Executive Board of the I. A. of M., in writing up the proceedings of the Davenport convention in the 1911 November issue of the Machinists’ Journal, on page 1180, under the caption of “Synopsis of the Fourteenth Conven- tion,” page 1133, last paragraph, states: “The fourteenth convention at Davenport, consequently met under new and untried conditions. The delegates who composed that body were big men, mentally and physically. Men of positive convictions and won- derfully resourceful in parliamentary maneuvers.” We therefore find that the convention, in Mr. Holden’s opinion, was made up of delegates who were reasonably con- servative and fully capable of analyzing the gravity of the situation. President Wm. H. Johnston of the Machinists succeeded President James O’Connell after this convention. He was at the Davenport. convention, having been elected as President some time prior to this convention, but did not take office until after the convention. On page 84 of the 1911 Machinists’ Convention Proceedings, President Wm. H. Johnston makes a speech, in which he does not enter any objections to a strike being called on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines; the nearest he comes to the matter is when he states: “You have many serious problems facing you. You have the great question of Federation of Railway Employes.” However, after the strike was sanctioned and called by the convention, it became President Johnston’s duty to see that the action of this convention was carried out and the strike prosecuted as vigorously as possible, and if there was a prin- ciple involved so far as federation was concerned, it became the duty of President Johnston to protect that principle. But, unfortunately, he was one of the first ones to throw cold water on the federated movement, and became a useful agent in fighting those who were making and exercising their best and honest efforts to make the fight for federation as effective OFFICERS DEMAND MEN TO STRIKE 27 as possible. This statement will be substantiated when we touch upon other subjects in the history of the strike. The Brotherhood of Railroad Clerks were organized on the Southern Lines of the Illinois Central, from New Orleans as far north as Centralia and East St. Louis, I]. The clerks went on strike some few days before the federated strike was called. President J. J. Carrigan of the Railroad Clerks was an ardent advocate of the federated movement prior to the strike, but shortly after, like his colleagues, he became con- spicuous by his absence. The Painters were involved in the Illinois Central strike, and were represented by Vice President Clarence E. Swick. His International organization sanctioned the strike and paid strike benefits for a few months, and then hoisted up the white flag of surrender. The Federal Labor Union, an organization under the direct jurisdiction of the American Federation of Labor, was directed to strike by authority of the officers of the American Federation of Labor. Strike benefits were paid its members for several months and then discontinued. We have quoted statements of some of the “leading lights” who were the chief engineers of the different organizations composing the Federated Trades sufficiently, so that you can understand what their attitude was at the time, shortly before the strike was called, and so that you can now determine what their duty should have been after the strike was called. We have satisfactory evidence that all of the Interna- tional Presidents of the Federated Trades, with the exception of the Machinists, made statements, public and otherwise, demanding and instructing their constituents to back them up in their demands for the recognition of the Federation to the extent of going on strike. The Machinists, through their Davenport convention in 1911, made the same demand upon its membership on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines. Passing events have shown that the rank and file proved loyal to those who represented them, that they complied with their 28 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL instructions when they were ordered to strike, and were deter- mined to remain on strike forever rather than to surrender the principle of federation. The few who faltered and fell by the wayside were lured on by the treacherous smiles of the Grand Lodge officers, who at this time preached the brother- hood of man, the one for all and all for one, under the new religion of the federated movement, but who later appeared upon the circuit in burlesque fashion and charmed that weak element which in any great movement is always perched ever- lastingly on top of the fence. THE CALLING OF THE STRIKE The strike was called on Sept. 30, 1911. A small army of the International officials were assigned to the struck roads. J. D. Buckalew of the Machinists went to the Illinois Central, William Hannon of the Machinists to the Pacific Lines of the Harriman System, Walter Ames of the Machin- ists to the Northern Lines of the Harriman System. In con- junction with them were the already established business agents of the Machinists’ District, H. J. Malloy of the Illinois Cen- tral, J. G. Taylor of the Pacific System and Samuel Grace of the Northern Lines of the Harriman System. From the Boilermakers, J. F. Schmidt was assigned to the Illinois Cen- tral, William Atkinson and J. P. Ryan to the Harriman Lines. From the Blacksmiths, Vice Presidents Roy Horn and C. H. Glover. From the Carmen, Vice President Frank Paquin, and from the Sheet Metal Workers, Vice President A. O. Hoard. International President J. W. Kline of the Blacksmiths and Vice President Al. Hinzman of the Boilermakers made several trips over the territory on strike. In addition to this, other Vice Presidents of International organizations involved covered the territory from time to time, especially during the early stages of the strike when it was rather popular to “drive in.” J. F. McCreary of Paducah, Ky., was President of the Illinois Central System Federation and W. E. Bowen of New CALLING OF THE STRIKE 29 Orleans was its Secretary. E. L. Reguin of San Francisco was President of the Harriman Lines Federation, and John Scott of San Luis Obispo, Cal., was Secretary. The thousands of men who had gone on strike had left the cause of federation to these men, depending on them to see to it that the ideas and laws of the federated movement were complied with and lived up to. They were now confronted with handling a federated strike. They were face to face with that idea of federation that they had made such an urgent appeal and demand upon the companies to recognize, because of its economy, efficiency and harmony, therefore, it was their duty to see that the strike was not handled on a craft basis, which they claimed had to be discarded as far as doing business with the railroad manage- ments was concerned. Unfortunate as it was, these federated officers were chloroformed by the International officers who drove in on them, and they, like the village rube who went to see the “Gay lights on Broadway” and was intoxicated by the smiles of a dancing beauty; so, too, these Federation officers were intoxicated by the deceiving smiles of those who should have assisted them to demonstrate that the strike could have been handled on a federated basis. Surely if they refused to comply with the laws of federa- tion insofar as their own organizations were concerned, they were inconsistent in asking the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines to recognize the Federation. Why should anyone be asked to comply with a law or regulation that its assumed adherents and sponsors refuse to recognize themselves? So far as the Federation officers on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines were concerned, they proceeded to do nothing from the inception of the strike. The blue prints of their activity show that during the first few months they put out a news letter and later distributed some money to the differ- ent points on the systems—money that had been placed with them for distribution. They did this individually when it was their duty to see that all matters concerning the strike were handled through the Federation; that all men who were as- 30 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL signed to the strike zone as organizers should work through the respective Federations ; that a centralized effort in the handling of the strike, in compliance with the federated idea, should be carried out; that all funds and strike benefits should be handled through the Federation on the respective systems and dis- tributed to those who were on the line and devoting their time to the strike. Here was a movement that demanded the railroad com- panies to recognize it to such an extent that it demanded from the railroads the handling of all the legislation of its affiliated craft organizations. And then these men surrendered all such demands in their relation with their International organiza- tions. Yes, and surrendered them without the slightest pro- test. Had they at the inception of the strike made a demand upon the International Presidents for the recognition of the Federation, they would no doubt have had to fight them as they had to fight the railroads, as time proved we eventually had to do. There is one thing that stands out like a mountain above a valley, and that is, that the strike suffered and eventually was lost because of the failure of the International officers to carry out the principles of federation. The failure on the part of the companies to recognize it was a secondary con- sideration. Had the International Presidents recognized it, and acted jointly, centralizing all their efforts in handling all that pertained to the strike—publicity, finance, organizers, speakers and all of that which is conducive to the best interests of strikes through the federated movement and its officers, then the true strength of federation would have been brought to bear on the companies. Instead of this, the Federation officers sat there either ignorant or afraid to protest against the Grand Lodge Presidents and those agents that robbed the Federation of its vitality, the inexhaustible vitality of col- lective action. Instead of having a federated strike, there was a strike of craft organizations, some nine organizations handled from CALLING OF THE STRIKE 31 nine different strike headquarters. The Machinists handled the machinist end of the strike from Washington; the Black- smiths handled the blacksmiths’ strike from Chicago; the Boilermakers handled the boilermakers’ strike from Kansas City, Kan.; the Carmen from Kansas City, Mo.; the Sheet Metal Workers from Kansas City, Mo.; the Painters from Lafayette, Ind., and so on, the strike being directed from nine different places. Where was their joint action? The International Vice-Presidents assigned to the strike zone were falling over each other. None of them knew where the rest of them were, or where they were going. If a difficulty arose in Chicago and those implicated were Carmen, and the Carmen’s Vice President was in San Antonio, Tex., he had to come to Chicago, even though there were a half dozen International Vice Presidents of the other crafts on the ground in Chicago, who could have handled the situation just as well. But the “jurisdictional lines” were well established and none of them were going to infringe upon each other’s jurisdiction to the extent of “federating’”’ or complying with that popular song that was so frequently sung, but not adhered to, “The one for all and all for one.” And while this drama was being played, the Federation officers, President J. F. McCreery of the Illinois Central Federation and President E. L. Reguin of the Harriman Lines Federation sat humbly by and did not make a protest. In fact the situation became so degenerate that some of the International Vice Presidents com- plained themselves. I shall quote you the statement of Vice President William Hannon of the International Association of Machinists, who was assigned to the Pacific System of the Harriman Lines. In February issue of 1912 of the Machinists’ Journal, page 142, he says: “T have also heard of several meetings having been held, and others are to be called by the officers connected with the strike. Before we can get together with the officials and make arrangements for a conference it would, perhaps, be better for us to get together ourselves. Call a meet- ing of all of the officers handling the strike. I think it would be more 32 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL satisfactory to the rank and file, and a better understanding can be arrived at, as well as a better plan devised for the successful prosecution of the strike if it cannot be settled at this time.” William Hannon got this through in the Machinists’ Jour- nal, a closely censored publication. There is no question but that Hannon’s report was “blue penciled,” but from that part of it that slipped through he conveyed the idea that there was no understanding among the Grand Lodge officers and that they had not adopted a successful plan in handling the strikes. And this is at the late date of the month of February, 1912. Four months after the strike was called, and they did not yet know what they were doing! Mr. Hannon’s report does not indicate that they are recognizing any portion of that Federa- tion that International President M. F. Ryan of the Carmen, My. Franklin of the Boilermakers, or Mr. O’Sullivan of the Sheet Metal Workers held up before the Machinists’ Conven- tion at Davenport, Iowa, on the 26th day of September, 1911. Does it? Not much! Let me quote you another distinguished member of the International Association of Machinists, Mr. James Sommer- ville, from Moose Jaw, Sask., Can., Lodge No. 639, a delegate to the Davenport Convention and a member of the Executive Board of the I. A. of M., in discussing the Federation before the convention (Convention Proceedings for 1911, page 105, last paragraph), said: “The Federation on the Canadian Pacific Railway was one of the first organized, and one of the first to be allowed in a federated strike; that while it could not be said to have been an unqualified success, it was not because of any weakness in the principle of federation, but more because the trouble had been precipitated before they were thoroughly organized; that the blame, if there was blame to be attached anywhere, was to be attached to the executive heads of the different organizations. It was demonstrated that the Federation was a good thing, and when the International heads of the different organizations took hold of it as they should there would be no further doubt about it.” From Delegate Sommerville’s remarks we can at least learn that the strike on the Canadian Pacific had suffered because of some fault due to the “executive heads” of the different organi- TRAITORS COMING TO SURFACE 33 zations, and as far as the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines strike is concerned there is no question about it. The only people who recognized the Federation were the strikers themselves. At each terminal point they held their Federation meetings and co-operated in the handling of the strike locally. Working together on the picket lines and in committees, they had forgotten that they were machinists, car- men, pipe fitters or helpers, but jointly assisted and pressed in service their best efforts and complied with that which make federation as effective as possible. In financing the strike locally, everybody did the best to assist those who were most in need, and when possible compensated those who gave the movement their service and time, regardless of whether they were mechanics, helpers or laborers. Had the International officers done likewise the strike could have been both financed and won. Trarrors CoMING TO THE SURFACE As is customary in large labor disputes, the newspapers are very generous with space in which they play up the leader- ships of the controversy in question. So, too, in 1911 the newspaper syndicates were generous with their two and three column cuts of those who had taken over the responsibility of making the final dispositions of the strike controversy. The newspapers in handling this publicity campaign unfor- tunately paid some disrespect to equality of space granted the different International Presidents. This created petty jealousy among them, and for a while one might have thought that they expected to take advantage of this strike situation from a standpoint of publicity for the purpose of signing up a contract with some theatrical circuit, and had a desire to play the Hippodrome for a thousand a week. In addition to this petty jealousy which was so apparent there frequently came to the surface indications that would lead one to believe that the sincerity among some of the Inter- 34 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL national Presidents to the federated movement could be ques- tioned. At the early date of October 24, 1911, only twenty- five days after the strike was called, President M. F. Ryan of the Carmen, in a letter written to President Kline of the Blacksmiths, says: “Now, Kline, it would seem from the bulletins that everything looks very favorable to us on the Harriman Lines, but I want to be very frank in saying to you that if we are just going to let the strike continue (and I don ’t know of anything else we can do) until such time as Kruttschnitt sends for us, the strike, in my opinion, will be on this time next year. In this I may be mistaken and hope I am, still, as above stated, I don’t know of anything we can do but just continue the fight.” Was this letter to Mr. Kline from President M. F. Ryan of the Carmen a “feeler”? Construe it as you will, one thing is certain, that President Ryan was, after being on strike for twenty-five days, not as drunk with the principles of federa- tion as he made an effort to demonstrate to the delegates of the Machinist Convention on the 26th of September, 1911, less than one month previous to the writing of this letter. What impression could it leave with the men on strike who at that time learned what the attitude of Mr. Ryan, President of the Carmen, had developed into? A few months later, during the month of December, 1911, a mysterious meeting was called at the Briggs House, Chicago. This meeting was not called by President Kline, Chairman of the International Presidents. However, it was called by some- body and no one took the responsibility for calling it, accord- ing to the notes of the minutes of this meeting. Men were there from Council Bluffs, Paducah and New Orleans; there were International Presidents, Vice Presidents and committee- men. President O’Sullivan of the Sheet Metal Workers nomi- nated President M. F. Ryan of the Carmen as Chairman of the meeting, and P. J. Conlon, Vice President of the Machin- ists, was nominated as Secretary. (Reference, minutes of Briggs House meeting, December, 1911.) President M. F. Ryan of the Carmen, in his opening remarks, says: TRAITORS COMING TO SURFACE 35 “Brothers, you all know what we are here for,” and with a few other remarks sat down. President J. W. Kline of the Blacksmiths took the floor and said: “That he did not know what the object of this meeting was and did not know why it was called, or what they were going to do, and would like to be informed.” President M. F. Ryan stated that he had been asked to come here and talk over the strike proposition, as it was not as rosy as some of the pickets and others reported; that he questioned whether we were winning or losing, and he threw a bucketful of cold water on the entire strike proposition. Vice President Frank Paquin of the Carmen did the same. Mr. Kline called on Mr. J. D. Buckalew of the Machinists and asked him if he had made any false reports. Buckalew took the floor and in a heated speech defended the strike and the strikers. He was supported by Mr. J. F. McCreery, President of the Illinois Central System Federation. Business Agent Mr. Sanborn of the Carmen from Council Bluffs, Iowa, Mr. J. W. Kline and others. The only ones who were there with a “yellow streak” were Mr. M. F. Ryan, Mr. Frank Paquin and Mr. O’Sullivan. President Ryan then took the floor and stated: “That his organization was not in a position to carry on a losing game, and that he could not lend his support to something that he knew could not win.” Mr. P. J. Conlon reported that he had seen a railroad official, but his mission with him had proven to be a failure. President Kline of the Blacksmiths said: “That he was in favor of a general strike on all railroads to force a settlement on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines.” President Franklin of the Boilermakers said: “That he was willing to go along for a general strike.” 36 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL All the other International Presidents opposed the general strike idea. (The Briggs House meeting adjourned. ) President Kline of the Blacksmiths at the Kansas City Convention of the Railway Department, April, 1916 (Refer- ence, minutes), makes the following statement: “After this Briggs House meeting President Ryan of the carmen and Vice-President Frank Paquin held a conference with the master car builder, Mr. Bucher of the Illinois Central Railroad, who made them a certain proposition, according to President Ryan’s own statement, that he and Mrs. Ryan would be taken care of for the rest of their days, and that Mr. Ryan got an invitation to attend another conference that would be beneficial to him, and if not, his expenses would be paid.” The object of these meetings and what transpired you may construe as you wish. However, there is one thing that is certain, and that is that President Ryan of the Carmen died on the job, as far as federation is concerned and the strike in general ; someone or something had “tapped him” of that steam and ginger that he possessed in the days of popularity when he was willing to be right at any price, even though it was a losing game. To talk strike and be strong for it was a popular part to play in 1911, even with many of the men on the line, but as the polish of popularity wore off, and they started to face some of the hardships that are to be expected in strikes, then it was discovered that they had not gauged the issue from the standpoint of losing the fight if necessary. So, too, Mr. Ryan of the Carmen lost his enthusiasm as the movement closed up on dark clouds that should have been seen and recognized by him, much more than by the men in the ranks, because he carried the shoulder straps of a general, but. the shoulder straps of a general that feared the outcome of the battle that he stood in the midst of. In order to strengthen up what took place after the Briggs House meeting between President Ryan of the Carmen and Mr. Bucher, ex-master car-builder of the Illinois Central Rail- road, I quote a part of a letter written by Mr. J. A. Franklin of the Boilermakers to Mr. J. W. Kline, President of the Blacksmiths, dated Kansas City, Kan., Jan. 25, 1912, about TRAITORS COMING TO SURFACE 37 a month after the meeting in Chicago; paragraph 2 of this letter reads as follows: Paragraph 2: “In reference to the conference held with Mr. Bucher, I will state that I had a talk with President Ryan Monday afternoon, and he told me there was nothing really out of the way in connection with this matter, as this man Bucher had met President McCreery and told him that he would like to see President Ryan; that he could bring about a conference that would lead to a settlement. Brother Ryan showed me a telegram that he sent President McCreery telling him that he had no confidence whatever in Bucher and that he knew that he was not acting on the square. President Ryan further told me that this man Bucher came to the Kaiserhof Hotel and wanted to see him and that he took Paquin up to his room with him, and it appears that Bucher’s plea was that the carmen could get a settlement with an increase for all their men, and that they could put Richardson’s organization off the system and various other miracles could be performed if they could only go in and settle up for themselves.” Paragraph 3 of the same letter further reads: “There was some other statements made by this man Bucher as reported to me by President Ryan, which no doubt President Ryan will tell you when he sees you, and which IJ don’t care to put into a letter, but they had to do with this gentleman’s effort to bring about a split in our ranks.” Can we learn from this letter that an effort was being made to split up the ranks? Why, certainly. And some of the crafts would have been ordered back in accordance with “proper arrangements” had it not been for the fact that there were men on the lines who would have sounded the alarm of approaching danger. From this time there can be no question but that the railroad companies were making an effort to split up the ranks of the men on strike, for Mr. J. A. Franklin’s own statement to this effect has been introduced. Therefore, anyone from the ranks of the International organizations who made the same efforts that Mr. Bucher was making in January, 1912, was also engaged in a mission of splitting up the ranks, was he not? Or should an agent from the ranks of organized labor be justified in performing such functions that Interna- tional President Mr. Franklin of the Boilermakers himself con- strues as a shady proposition. And if such was considered a disrespect in January, 1912, would time change and alter the 38 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL situation so that which was considered disrespectable in 1912 would be considered a respectable transaction in 1915? Regardless of the already established attitude of President Ryan of the Carmen at this particular time, I will try and show you his ability to ride on both sides of the question at issue. In a circular letter of Feb. 26, 1912, under caption of “Second Special Appeal,” addressed to all lodges, officers and members of the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen, President Ryan states in paragraph 3: “This is one of the greatest strikes that has ever taken place on the American continent. The strike has been in existence for five months, with but very few desertions. This strike must, and shall be won: These men are willing to do the fighting and endure the many hardships that go with it, and all you are expected to do is to furnish sufficient funds to keep their bodies and souls together. Will you do this? I am confident that you will; so confident that I am going to give you the opportunity to show your loyalty to the Brotherhood and your brothers who are engaged in this strike and are making your fight as well as their own.” The news of the Briggs House meetings and his attitude there had “leaked out” among the strikers, and at many of the points President Ryan was losing his grip among his membership and others. This so-called “grip,” however, is a necessary adjunct especially around election for a professional politician, and, therefore, this false play to the galleries. If the men on strike were fighting for this cause, and it was as important as Mr. Ryan says it is in his above statement, then wouldn’t it have warranted him paving his men the strike benefits they were entitled to by the constitution of the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen, or opening up the treasury of his organization which he put under lock and key so far as the strikers were concerned? Mr. Ryan was more responsible for the strike than any member of the Carmen’s organization (Reference, Carmen’s Journal and the minutes of the Davenport Convention, I. A. of M., for 1911), but while he held up the strike benefits or the wages of the strikers amounting to some seven dollars per week, he did not forget to sign the vouchers for his own salary in full. However, with the evolution of time, when the THE DEMAND FOR A CONVENTION 39 strikers had been driven off the line by the cruel forces of necessity and scattered over the continent to start out anew, the principles which they had fought for were surrendered by President Ryan and his colleagues and the mob in copper- riveted overalls did not question their authority. Tur DEMAND FOR A CONVENTION During the early part of January, 1912, Rev. C. H. Doolittle, a striker from the Illinois Central Burnside shops in Chicago, a machinist and a minister of the gospel, was called to the attention of Chairman J. W. Kline as a gentleman who was capable of holding public meetings and talking on the subject of federation. Mr. Kline secured the assistance from the other International Presidents to the extent that they would all pay their pro rata share in the expense of sending the Rev. C. H. Doolittle on a lecture trip over the Hlinois Central. This was the first time anything like federation was complied with in handling the strike. The Rev. Doolittle was a platform orator of the “Billy Sunday type” and fully understood the federated movement and why the men were on strike. He held overflow meetings at the large terminal points on the Illinois Central and was successful in getting the city councils at many of the cities, the business men’s associations and the general public to come out and hear him explain the strike situation. They seemed to get more information out of Rev. Doolittle, the Burnside machinist-preacher, than all of the rest of the platform per- formers that were on the line. He knew his subject and knew how to tell it. When he came back to Chicago he rendered a report in which he says, “I held sixteen Federation meetings, and consulted with a number of different Executive Boards, trav- eled 2,400 miles and averaged four and one-half hours a day of public speaking. Many of the city councils passed resolu- tions condemning the treatment of the Illinois Central and 40 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL Harriman Lines towards its former employees and requested that they recognize the Federation.” The old preacher, as he was called, spread the gospel of the general strike everywhere among the strikers, and this portion of his religion was unforgivable among some of the International officers, who were strong “antis” as far as a general strike was concerned; therefore, he was pulled out of service as an undesirable, and when Chairman Kline of the International Presidents asked them to further federate by assisting financially to pay for Doolittle’s expenses over the strike zone, they refused to further federate on such appropri- ations. However, the preacher had sown the seed for a gen- eral strike on his trip over the Illinois Central and a demand was made to hold a general meeting with representatives from all railroad shop crafts, at Kansas City, Mo., for March 4, 1912, for the purpose of considering the advisability of the general strike. This demand from the men on strike became so powerful that it was granted. In a letter dated Jan. 24, 1912, at Water Valley, Miss., signed by John H. Hawkins for the strikers, and addressed to all of the International Presidents implicated in the strike was a request that they make arrangements for a conference with Mr. Earl Brewer, then elected governor of Mississippi. The letter stated that Governor Brewer came to Water Valley to visit the strikers and conferred with them, inasmuch as he had twelve relatives out on strike and was a friend of the strikers. The state militia of Mississippi had been assigned to strike duty at McComb and other points in Mississippi by the former governor, and it was stated that the governor wanted to see if the strike could not be settled and the militia discharged. Arrangements were made for Grand Lodge Presi- dents to hold a conference with Governor Brewer at the state capital in Jackson, Miss., on February 5, 1912. No settle- ment was reached. The governor had nothing to offer and President Markham of the Illinois Central, who had held a conference just prior, made no concessions to the Federation. THE DEMAND FOR A CONVENTION 41 Mr. Markham stated that the strike on the Illinois Central up to February 1, 1912, had cost his company seventeen million dollars ($17,000,000.00). The General Presidents, leaving Jackson, Miss., went to New Orleans where they secured a conference with the members of the Cotton Exchange. The railroads were represented by Mr. C. E. Markham, Mr. Julius Kruttschnitt and Mr. Lovett, the representative of the Cotton Exchange, being the go- between. This conference also terminated without any results as far as the strike situation was concerned. The General Presidents in their southern tour of the Illi- nois Central frequently discussed the approaching meeting of March 4, 1912, at Kansas City, which had been previously arranged for and was the federated movement out of which sprang the Federation of Federations. At places where men were on strike they were met by many of the restless soldiers, talking general strike, and their “morning mail” brought them the same intrusive religion. The pressure was going up, and how to control the safety valves was the question. b z BS 5 8 Sy 22 Blacksmiths s..20cne« 1,424 711 =: 2,184 = 4,134 = 2,000 13 Boilermakers «e021 0+s 2,524 1,080 3,604 5,000 1,396 1205 ... MACHINIStS. v.saasnenee 4,336 2,485 6,821 11,000 4,179 .... T79 Carmem ......-..ee0ee 4,693 1,975 6,668 12,349 5,681 248 ees Sheet Metal Workers. 875 140 515 800 285 31... Painters: << oes sivesieee 108 = =103 211 825 4 .... 32 Steam Fitters ........ 121 64 185 335 150 sews 2 Railway Clerks ...... 246 = 183 429 429 weeee so tea «AO Pattern Makers....... No vote received "FOtal -s.saauwavnex 13,826 6,741 20,567 34,372 13,805 4013 853 60 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL But let us throw a little more light on this important sub- ject of the general strike vote and introduce further evidence that will substantiate the charges I have made that certain Grand Lodge officers were working overtime in the undercur- rent against this general strike vote in 1912. In doing this I am introducing evidence direct from the records of the Inter- national Association of Machinists, as guaranteed to be cor- rect under the signature of Geo. Preston, who at that time served the Association as General Secretary and who is respon- sible for the following document when requested for a copy of the Executive Board minutes of June 10, 1912. FROM ORIGINAL TYPEWRITTEN COPY OF BOARD MINUTES WASHINGTON, D. C., JUNE 10, 1912 ILLINOIS CENTRAL AND HARRIMAN LINES STRIKE The Int’] Pres. reviewed the course taken by him at the Kansas City Convention in connection with the formation of a Federation of Federations, and supplied each member of the Board with a copy of the minutes of that meeting, which reached him only a few days ago. Fur- ther stated that Bro. A. O. Wharton, anticipating the work of the Kan- sas City gathering, had drawn up a sample constitution, which after some discussion and slight amendment had been adopted, resulting in the saving of a large amount of time of the delegates there assembled. In connection with the strike vote ordered taken by the Convention he drew attention to Resolution No. 5 printed on page 13 of the Pro- ceedings of the Convention of the Federation of Federations, which reads as follows: “Whereas, The crafts composing the Federation of Railroad Em- ployees on the M., K. & T., Illinois Central, and the Harriman Lines have been on strike for the past seven (7) months and are still on strike fighting for the recognition of our Order, and, Wuereras, These roads are members of the General Managers’ As- sociation and have the backing both morally and financially of that organization, and Wuenreas, Our members are still at work upon roads that are contributing financially and hauling freight that was formerly handled by these roads; therefore, Be It Resolved, That a ballot be ordered spread upon every rail- road represented in this Convention, and that the members be requested to vote upon the following questions: First: Shall we demand a Federation agreement similar to the one now being requested upon the Harriman Lines and Illinois Central. Second: Shall we demand settlement of the strike now in progress? _And Be It Further Resolved, That this ballot be spread upon the Chicago & Great Western and the Santa Fe Railroads.” THE GENERAL STRIKE VOTE 61 And in connection with said resolution he had divided the proposi- tion as submitted in Circular No. 13, sent out by him from Washington April 30. He explained that the general officers who were in attend- ance at the Convention had upon adjournment drawn up a uniform letter which had been sent out by each organization to its respective membership for a vote on the strike; that ballots had been distributed accordingly, returned direct to him, and had resulted in a vote as counted by him of 4,336 in favor and 2,485 against the adoption of the proposition. Under the Constitution adopted by the Federation of Federations a majority vote of the membership was required, and under the con- stitution of the I. A. of M. a three-fourths vote was necessary. He pointed out that while our Davenport Convention had gone on record as being in favor of system federation it had not authorized such fed- eration to in any way abrogate our constitution, or to make our organi- zation subordinate to any decision that might be arrived at by such organization. Bro. Wharton being present, explained that he had heard from the Blacksmiths, who had recorded a vote of 1,429 in favor and 693 against. The constitution of that organization called for a two-thirds vote, so that said vote indicated 15 beyond the necessary two-thirds. The Painters had recorded their vote at 108 in favor and 103 against. The reports of other organizations affected were not completed. Bro. Nicholson requested information on the character of the vote, whether in counting results the vote of each organization would be con- sidered as a whole or in accordance with the constitution of the respec- tive organizations; also inquiring what significance the majority for and against as declared by each organization would have in the final count. Bro. Wharton explained that in drawing up the sample consti- tution which had been adopted by the convention he had provided for the questions propounded by Bro. Nicholson, and read sections of the con- stitution, showing that each organization should take its own vote in its own way and be governed by its constitution, whether a two-thirds, three-fourths, or any other proportion was required by them; that the majority for or against the propositions would be tabulated in the final wind-up, the intention being that after each organization had tabulated its vote in accordance with its laws the number of votes over or under the required constitutional majority would be totaled, those coming under the required majority being compiled as a total negative vote, and those over the required majority counted as those in the affirmative, and a majority of this vote would be considered as the action of the federation, giving each organization the representation to which it is entitled, as near as possible in accordance with its membership. The International President announced that he had used every en- deavor to prevent a general strike being called and would continue to work on those lines, believing that our present financial conditions, gen- eral trade prospects and other considerations at this time would tend to render the likelihood of such a strike being successful doubtful. Bro. Wharton endorsed the sentiments of the International President in their entirety. Signed (Correct) Geo. Preston, G. S. T., I. A. of M. 62 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL We have now made our case, as far as showing up the atti- tude of President Johnston of the Machinists and President Wharton of the Federation in relation to the general strike, complete, and it will be well to remember that both of these gentlemen were at this convention in Kansas City on April 15, 1912, and at this convention fell in line with the general strike resolution No. 5 and stepped into the band-wagon with the ultra radical element of the convention. Mr. A. O. Wharton was elected as President of the Federa- tion at this convention of April 15, 1912, as the candidate of the radicals, and that he was double-crossing his best friends at this convention is fully substantiated in the foregoing document, which is the minutes of the Machinists’ Executive Board, inasmuch as the minutes stated that: “Brother Wharton endorsed the sentiments of the International President in their entirety.” And International President W. H. Johnston of the Ma- chinists is quoted in the minutes as conveying the following sentiments : The International President announced that he had used every en- deavor to prevent a general strike being called and would continue to work on those lines, believing that our present financial conditions, gen- eral trade prospects and other considerations at this time would tend to render the likelihood of such strike being successful doubtful. President Johnston was also elected as President of the Machinists as the progressive and radical candidate. However, these records will indicate that he did not give the Association the service that would be rendered by a “dyed-in-the-wool con- servative,” for he not only “double-crossed” that element in the Association that made him President in 1911, but deserted the entire membership of the Association after this Kansas City convention of April 15, 1912. You must keep uppermost in your mind that this convention indorsed the general strike proposition “without a dissenting vote,” and general strike resolution No. 5 was adopted by the delegates to this conven- tion unanimously. We then find that if it is the duty of THE GENERAL STRIKE VOTE 63 Grand Lodge officers to carry out the wishes and instructions of the rank and file which they are elected to serve, it then became the duty of Mr. Johnston and Mr. Wharton, as well as all other Grand Lodge officers, to carry out the specifica- tions as outlined in general strike resolution No. 5 adopted by the delegates of this Kansas City convention. If, however, the decision of the delegates at this convention interfered with the individual opinions of Mr. Johnston and Mr. Wharton, it was their full duty to so notify the conven- tion in session and resign as general officers, thereby giving the convention an opportunity to elect someone that would carry out the decisions of this convention. But as their motives from the very beginning were “impure,” they said nothing at this convention that would indicate their insincerity, and the fact that they were to leave this convention on a mis- sion of “double-crossing” by going out to work diametrically opposite to the instructions and decisions rendered by the con- vention, as I have proven by the already quoted Machinists’ executive minutes. We find included in the minutes of the Machinists’ Execu- tive Board a statement in the last portion of the paragraph following resolution No. 5, which reads as follows: He explained that the general officers who were in attendance at the convention had upon adjournment drawn up a uniform letter, which had been sent out by each organization to its membership for a vote on the strike; that ballots had been distributed accordingly, re- turned “direct to him” and had resulted in a vote as “Counted by him” of 4,336 in favor and 2,485 against the adoption of the proposition. We can also understand from these minutes that this party that is quoted as “him” is the International President of the Machinists—W. H. Johnston. Note the fact that the bal- lots were returned direct to “him” and counted by “him,” and as it was a secret vote, the result of this vote in a local lodge was not even known to the officers or members of such local lodge; therefore, there was only one man who knew what the strike vote in the Machinists’ organization resulted in, and that was this party quoted as “him’—President Johnston of 64 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL the Machinists—the very gentleman who these same minutes have credited as stating that he had worked against the general strike proposition and would continue to do so in the future. What evidence have we to set forth that the Machinists’ organization was not “double-crossed”’ in the counting of the ballots in the general strike proposition by this party quoted as “him” who counted the ballots? None whatever; but we have sufficient evidence to prove that this same party—“him” —double-crossed the Machinists and the Federation in general by the failure to carry out the wishes of the Kansas City con- vention in respect to general strike resolution No. 5. What, then, could we expect from this same party in relation to the counting of the ballots? Is it not possible that this strike vote was given the ‘Tammany cut” and judged to comply with individual opinions? This is possible, providing Secretary Preston’s document, guaranteed as correct, can be accepted as the truth, which indicates that the ballots were returned direct to this party quoted as “him” and counted by “him.” The large vote in opposition to the general strike vote in the Machinists’ organization certainly seems to substantiate the charges I have made against the politicians and machine within the Machinists’ organization in relation to their under- handed method and trickery during this time when the strike vote was taken. The fact that these emissaries bagged 2,485 votes in their favor proved that the machine was well oiled up for the occasion, and the worthy brothers delivered the goods in accordance with the wishes of the Tlinois Central and Har- riman Lines and their aggregation of strikebreakers. PART II INDISPUTABLE EVIDENCE SHOWING THE ATTITUDE OF CERTAIN GRAND LODGE OFFICERS AND ORGANIZERS RELATIVE TO THE MEN ON STRIKE AND THE PRINCIPLES OF FEDERA- TION. Tue Paumy Days or Jack BucksaLEw EFORE the official results of the general strike vote B had reached the men, only three of the International organizations were paying strike benefits. These were the Machinists, Blacksmiths and Boilermakers. The other organizations had cut off their financial support to the men on strike. The Machinists had reduced their constitutional strike benefits from $8 a week to $6 per week. The men having learned that the general strike vote failed to carry, and unable to pay house rent and send their kiddies to school on $6 per week, were forced to seek employment elsewhere. Conditions finally developed into such a condition of affairs that at some points there was not a man on the picket line. The situation was getting in such shape that someone, some place, had to shake the grates to keep the furnace alive or the chiefs would accomplish their purpose of starving the men off the line, which seemed to be the agreement made between some of the Grand Lodge officers. The pass word was “keep the money” from them and then it will “peter out.” J. F. McCreery, Presi- dent of the Illinois Central Federation, was not doing anything to oil up the machine, and E. L. Requin, President of the Harri- 65 66 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL man Lines Federation, was playing the same invisible drama. They were both well meaning fellows, but lacked the sand that was necessary to keep the Grand Lodge officers from allowing the movement to die out. John D. Buckalew, a veteran of many strikes and Vice President of the Machinists assigned to the Illinois Central, had trouble in keeping his machinists’ district alive and couldn’t raise enough money to pay the salary of Business Agent Mol- loy out of the district. Handling a strike, however, on a craft district basis was as much in violation of what is termed fed- eration as it would have been if Mr. Buckalew signed up an agreement between the Illinois Central and his district No. 21 while the strike was on. He, like the rest of them, had handled so many individual craft strikes that now he was in a federated movement and in a federated strike, he could not get out of the old rut of doing business, and so there was this old struggle for existence which disregards co-operation. At the inception of the strike, and for a couple of months after, Buckalew had been successful in getting one thousand per month for his district. Here in July, 1912, his secretary, Mr. W. A. Newman, in his report gave his receipts at $283.11, which made short capital to maintain an office on, pay secre- taries and business agent salaries, traveling expenses, ete. This left no margin for what is necessary to “keep the scabs moving with,” let alone strike benefits to men on the line, and the men on the line were getting mighty scarce at this time. The week before the Kansas City Convention, April 15-23, inclusive, 1912, I wrote an article on the general strike and sent it to the Liberator at Sedalia, Mo., for publication. It was published in Vol. 2, No. 34, of the Liberator under the caption “What Will They Do?” and got the first two columns on the front page of the issue that was distributed among the delegates in Kansas City. Buckalew was a strong advocate of the general strike and rather liked the rough edges that the article was trimmed with. He therefore decided to drop around for a friendly call on one of his tours of the corn-belt. PALMY DAYS OF JACK BUCKALEW 67 After he saw that I was neither chained up nor wore ecar- rings, but cut my hair and wore trousers like the rest of the animals, he sat down and chatted about the things that hap- pened to happen. Mr. Buckalew was more than dissatisfied with the situation, and as yet was full of “Pep and ginger.” He said that his secretary, Mr. W. A. Newman, had gone to work, and he needed an active man that could devote his time to the movement as his secretary, and this position he offered to me. I thanked him for the honor bestowed in the offer of a seat in his cabinet, but I instantly declined. After he left, however, I rather took a liking to the colonel with his western style combined with a frequent touch of Boston refinement. Some time after Mr. Buckalew of the Machinists paid me this visit, he wrote me several Ictters advising that he had a vacancy in his cabinet, and requested that I should give him permission to make the appointment. The following letter speaks for itself: INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MACHINISTS Cutcaco, June 14, 1912, Mr. C. E. Person, Box No. 32, Clinton, Ili. Dear Sir: In all strikes of any duration that I have handled before, T have always had what we call a statistician, a position that carries with it quite a lot of work, and I would like very much for you to accept the position on the I. C. I am asking this at this time because the bulletin you are getting out seems to be the right kind and well liked by the men. Therefore, I am sending out a circular to machinists at all points to send you the shop conditions and conditions of the strike at their point three times a week. You then can compile the different reports and send out a bulletin of all points on the lines instead of just from Clinton, as you are now doing. Let me know at once if you can afford to do this. I have no news as yet from the strike vote of the West, only what I got from another organization, and that is that the Grand Lodge officers will be in St. Louis, June 23rd, for the purpose of discussing this strike situation. Write me, 106 N. La Salle St., Chicago. With best wishes, I am, Fraternally yours, J.D. BucKatew, Int. Vice Pres. 68 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL To which I replied: June 15, 1912. Mr. J. D. Buckatew, 106 N. La Salle St., Chicago, IU. Dear Sir & Brother: Your letter of recent date to hand and con- tents fully noted. Will say in response to same that if there is any- thing that I can do for the interest of the movement, I am only too willing to render my humble service. However, I don’t want to do anything that would make anyone feel that I was intruding on them. If I can compile the reports from the different points without traveling over the jurisdictional lines of anyone else, and to the satisfaction of those concerned, I shall consider it a pleasure to comply with your postulation. With many good wishes for an effective fight to the finish, I beg to remain, Yours for victory and federation, (Signed) Cart E. Person. On the 29th of July, 1912, several strangers were seen stepping off from the “Southern Express.” They found their way to the “rebels? camp” and pushed open the door without sending their cards in as a preliminary introduction. There were Mr. John D. Buckalew, his business manager, Mr. H. J. Molloy, Mr. W. A. Newman, secretary, and Mr. M. Hawver, President of District No. 21, I. A. of M., with sev- eral other members of the cabinet who served the district in the capacity of Executive Board members. After an acquaint- ance had been established, a little satchel was placed on exhibi- tion. This was introduced as the corpse of District No. 21, I. A. of M. About the same time a communication arrived from New Orleans, the office of W. E. Bowen, Secretary of the Illinois Central System Federation, stating that his weekly news letter to the strikers would have to be discontinued for the want of one-cent postage stamps. The “chiefs” were about to realize their dreams. The ship was about to go under. Conditions on the Harriman Lines were about the same. Mr. Wm. Han- non of the Machinists on the Pacific Lines tried to get a con- vention for Salt Lake to centralize the movement on the Harri- man Lines, but he couldn’t get it. The machinists’ organization, PALMY DAYS OF JACK BUCKALEW 69 which had been paying $6 per week, had now run several months back on their payments and attributed its condition to the shortage of funds. I was informed by Mr. Buckalew that he had come in with his cabinet for the purpose of devising some method for its resurrection. The Machinists’ constitution was readily placed under the microscope and all of the cabinet members called on to come forth with their wisdom as profusely as possible. The attention was called to the cabinet of the defection from precedent on the part of the Grand Lodge office, in handling the strike funds, and the following article of the constitution was read to establish such authority. Article 7, section 1, Grand Lodge Constitution for 1912, I. A. of M.: The revenue of the Grand Lodge shall be derived from the sale of supplies, per capita tax, reinstatements, initiations and income from the journal and such assessments as may be levied by the Grand Lodge. There was nothing in the Machinists’ constitution that authorized the Grand Lodge office to confiscate voluntary assessments and donations that were made for the men on strike. If the Grand Lodge was running short of funds to meet their constitutional obligations, such as paying rent, office expenses, strike benefits, organizers and Grand Lodge officers’ salaries, then section 1, of article 7, 1912, Grand Lodge constitution informed them how this revenue could be raised. The law was further looked up and it was found that the Grand Lodge was not complying with its duties, as specified in constitution governing the local lodges, under caption of ‘“Vol- untary Donations,” article 3, section 7, commencing with the line 3, which reads as follows: All moneys sent for financial aid from one lodge for another shall be sent through the General Secretary-Treasurer, who will ac- knowledge receipt of same in the following monthly financial statement. After a day’s discussion the cabinet of the Machinists’ district rendered the decision that the Grand Lodge confiscated the funds which were the property of the men on strike, by 70 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL diverting the voluntary assessments and donations which were made for the men on strike into their own Grand Lodge treas- ury, for the purpose of meeting their own constitutional obli- gations, instead of complying with article 3, section 7. The Grand Lodge laid in waiting for these donations when they were coming “through” and switched them to the “Grand Lodge” treasury, while these lodges which had sent this money were harboring the conception that their strike donations were going “through” the Grand Lodge O. K. After this very important portion of International law had been exhibited to the cabinet and fully discussed by them, Mr. Jack Buckalew in an extended speech, that not only enthused the entire cabinet but was instrumental in inspiring his business manager, the distinguished Mr. H. J. Molloy, to come forward with a motion to declare war on the Grand Lodge office of the International Association of Machinists. The entire cabinet concurred in the declaration: “Declare war on them for confiscating the money which was the property of the men on strike.” Several circular Ictters had been sent out by the Grand Lodge office soliciting assessments and donations in the name of the “Men on Strike,” such as official circular No. 10, pub- lished on pages 292 and 298 of the Machinists’ Journal for March, 1912, calling attention to the worthy cause the men were on strike for, and requesting local lodges to levy an assessment for them. Bfany ledges throughout the country complied with the request, assessed themselves and made dona- tions, but instead of the receipts going to the men on strike as specified in circular No. 10, the receipts were diverted to the Grand Lodge treasury, and from there drawn on to feed the different departments that depend on the Grand Lodge treas- ury for their existence. Those who had put on assessments and made donations had done so because they realized that no man could remain on the line on $6 per week, and therefore assessed themselves that additional money could be distributed to the men on strike. PALMY DAYS OF JACK BUCKALEW 71 Mr. Buckalew explained how the finances were handled in the Missouri Pacific strike and that he was successful in keep- ing the men on the line because he could pay them sufficient to warrant them staying there, and in no other strike that he had ever handled were the donations made to the strikers confiscated by the Grand Lodge. He stated that “If the Grand Lodge ran short of funds in meeting their obligations, such as paying constitutional strike benefits, Grand Lodge officers’ salaries, etc., then those drawing same would have to wait for them until such time in the future as the Grand Lodge could make such payments. Inasmuch as they were constitutional obligations the Grand Lodge would have to meet them in the future when they could do so, but that the Grand Lodge had no right to confiscate the donations made for the men on strike.” The declarations of war were concurred in by the cabinet, and they started to find someone that would carry out their declarations. Mr. W. A. Newman, the Secretary of the Interior, had another occupation and therefore could not give the cabinet the necessary time to execute its new determined responsibili- ties. Therefore, Mr. Newman, Mr. L. M. Hawver, President of the cabinet, who happened to be a gentleman from Water- loo, and Business Manager H. J. Molloy, a very eminent par- liamentarian and experienced counsel on international law; Mr. P. J. Jensen, a cabinet member from Chicago, and the Grand Lodge representative, the Hon. J. D. Buckalew, insisted and demanded that I serve them in the capacity of assistant to the secretary, under the title of Strike Secretary for Dis- trict No. 21, 1. A. of M. I had of course about lost faith in mankind, for I had taken the blue prints of the strike from its inception and had studied them carefully and found scarcely anything but a servile mob, obedient to authority, obedient to that authority that forces slaves to dig their own graves. But here was the movement dead, dead all over the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines, with the exception of a few points, where a few men 72 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL were able to hold on. And dead because the “chiefs” were able to put it over, put it over as never before. After fully con- sidering the proposition I was convinced that there was only one chance to oil up the movement, and that was through the Machinists’ district. Rather than to see the movement die at this time, I conceded to their demands and requested that their declarations of war on the Washington office of the Grand Lodge of the Machinists be placed in writing and signed by all the cabinet members, so that if they fell by the wayside, or cried in the storm, they could not declare themselves as not being the charter members of the new rebel district No. 21, I. A. of M. Tue New CaBINET’s DECLARATION OF War Having received complaint from the men on the line, the following letter was sent to the Grand Lodge of Machinists and reads as follows: August 2, 1913. Mr. Geo. Preston, 402 McGill Bldg., Washington, D. C. Dear Preston: I am in receipt of several complaints from down the line that the boys have not received their Grand Lodge benefits for the last couple of weeks. Prompt payments of the few dollars that the boys are getting from the Association is essential for the best interest of our movement, and while I have the best of reasons to think that you are exerting your efforts to this end, I shall, however, appreciate the receipt of what- ever explanations you have to make because of the unnecessary delay on the benefits. I beg to remain, Sincerely yours, Car. E. Person. We found in the June financial statement that all the Grand Lodge officers had drawn their salaries in full, and there- fore felt justified in calling to their attention that those on the pay-roll for six a week had not received their wages regularly. Vice President Jack Buckalew of the Machinists caused to CABINET’S DECLARATION OF WAR 73 be inserted in the Machinists’ Journal for October, 1912, page 960, paragraph 6, the following: At a recent meeting of the Advisory Board of District No. 21, I. A. of M., held in Clinton, Ill, Carl E. Person, Box No. 32, Clinton, Il., was elected Assistant Secretary-Treasurer to Mr. Wm. A. Newman. In getting a line-up of the situation over the Illinois Cen- tral a letter was sent out to determine how many men were still devoting their time to the picket lines at the different points on the system, and the following letter is quoted because of the fact that it comes from Paducah, Ky., and from the President of the Illinois Central Federation, and as Mr. McCreery will for some time play an important part in this story, therefore I wish you to take particular notice of this letter, which reads as follows: FEperaTION OF Rattway Employees Papucau, Ky., Aug. 22, 1912, Mr. Cart E. Person, Clinton, Il. Dear Sir and Brother:—I am sending you a list of pickets as you reported. Now, brother, these are the men picked out by the different locals to do picket work. You know that this is the biggest shop out- side of Burnside, and we consider that it will be necessary to use this amount of men. These carmen I am sending you the names of are doing active picket duty and I wish you would get behind Ryan of the Carmen about them. I have taken up the matter with him, but then the more we push such matters, the better results we get. The Carmen have got enough money to keep those men on the job for two weeks yet, but they are only paying them $5 per week, and you know that is not enough to live on. The other pickets are holding back to see what is to be done, and, of course, I can’t promise them anything. It is entirely with their own organization what they intend to do. It looks like to me that all crafts should pool their money and use it to maintain picket lines only, and stop all other benefits, and that will force the men that do not serve on the picket lines to get out and get a job, and will enable us to keep good men on the picket line. I will be able in a day or two to give you a report covering the conditions inside the shops. I am, Yours sincerely for federation, F. J. McCreery, President I. C. Federation. As you have noted, there is a request by Mr. McCreery in his letter that I should get after President Ryan of the 74 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL Carmen because of his failure to look after his men. It will be well to remember that this is by President McCreery of the Illinois Central Federation, and indicates that there is not very much life in the situation, and possibly not very much steam in Mr. McCreery; if there was, he would have started a revolution against the Grand Lodge officers for allowing the movement to die out like this. Ina letter of Sept. 9th, after taking the matter up at every point ou the Hlinois Central System, I found two more carmen devoting their time to the strike in addition to the seven men at Paducah; therefore, in my letter to President Ryan I called his attention to what the situation was on the system in regard to his organization. The letter reads as follows: Curuyron Locan or THE ILtinois CentraL System FEDERATION, ProcGress Curnton, Itx., September 9, 1912. Me. M. F. Ryan, 603 Hall Bldg., Kansas City, Mo. Dear Sir and Brother:—I am herewith quoting you the names of several of your men of the INinois Central strikers who are still on the job for the interest of the movement. These men are more than entitled to some compensation, for they are devoting their time to the cause.: M. C. Jenkins, member of Union No. 227, Freeport, IIL Wm. Blackburn, member of Union No. 291, Carbondale, Ill. Jno. McCreery, member of Union No. 14, Paducah, Ky. Tom Hausman, member of Union No. 14, Paducah, Ky. James Markey, member of Union No. 14, Paducah, Ky. Feen Lee, member of Union No. 14, Paducah, Ky. H. W. Cooksey, member of Union No. 14, Paducah, Ky. Ernest Martin, member of Union No. 14, Paducah, Ky. E. Lackey, member of Union No. 14, Paducah, Ky. There is not any of these men receiving strike benefits at this time, and from this we infer that your organization had discontinued paying strike benefits altogether all over the system. J. F. McCreery of Paducah, Ky., President of the Federation and a member of your organization, should be shown some consideration by your organization, and some arrangements should be made with him for a weekly allowance, sufficient enough to live on. Also, M. C. Jenkins of oe He is also an active man in this movement and always on e job. _ 1 am asking you to look into this matter and see what you can do in allowing these men regular strike benefits. In the event that you are not going to do anything for these men I would thank you if you would advise us if your organization is contributing financially to any CABINET’S DECLARATION OF WAR 75 point on the struck roads, or if you are at this time placing money at the command of your men on the Illinois Central. Hoping that you will comply with our request in doing something for the men whose names I have quoted you in this letter, and that you will favor me with an early reply, I am, Yours for victory, (Signed) Cart E. Person. The following reply arrived from President Ryan of the Carmen: BrorHernHoop or Ratrpway Carmen Kansas Ciry, Mo., September 12, 1912, Mr. C. E. Person, Box No. 32, Clinton, IIL. Dear Sir and Brother: Your letter of September 9, furnishing me with the names of several of our men on the Illinois Central that are active in the present strike and wanting to know if I was going to do anything to assist them financially, received, and contents fully noted. In reply, therefore, will say that I have been assisting financially all of our lodges on the Illinois Central in so far as the Grand Lodge was able to do so, and it is my intention to continue to assist them further to the full extent and limit of our financial resources. Trusting that this information will be satisfactory and with best wishes for success, I remain, Yours fraternally, M. J. Ryayn, MFR-C General President. Mr. Ryan in the above letter does not mention that he is placing any money anywhere, and it can be so understood. He, however, says that he will give his men whatever financial sup- port he can, which indicated nothing at the time. This condi- tion of affairs forced his men to go to work elsewhere, and left none of them to speak of on the system for strike duty. These letters are published here as a matter of record. After we get further into the circus, subsequent performances can be better understood by knowing the conditions prevailing at this time in the Carmen’s organization and the attitude of Mr. McCreery, as well as conditions in Paducah under his immediate supervision. The following letter is from Mr. W. E. Bowen, who was at this period of the strike Secretary of the Hlinois Central Sys- tem Federation. 76 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL New Orzeans, La., August 15, 1912. Mr. Cari E. Person, Clinton, Il. Dear Sir and Brother: My delay in answering your communica- tion of the 9th inst. was occasioned by my desire to secure the proper material to do the picket duty as set forth in your letter, and I might say that I have not as yet secured the men I would like to have. How- ever, I have one and will soon have the other and you can depend on New Orleans having two on the list, so if you have many returns and are prepared to submit the proposition, why go ahead, but I have my doubts about the ability of the Grand Lodge being able to finance the proposition as submitted. In my opinion it is a wise move, as it can hardly be expected for men to remain on the picket line at this stage of the game without some compensation. Go to it, brother, and try and make a success of it. Fraternally yours, W. E. Bowen, Secretary-Treasurer. Mr. Bowen’s letter is a reply to a circular letter which requests him to arrange for pickets at New Orleans. However, this letter is only in the records so that you will understand Mr. Bowen’s attitude regarding the strike, and our new effort to handle the strike. You will meet Mr. Bowen later on in the story. Mr. L. M. Hawver, President of the new war cabinet, wrote a letter to President Johnston of the Machinists request- ing that all donations to the men on strike be forwarded to them through the districts. Mr. Hawver’s letter to President Johnston reads as follows: Curnton, Itt., September 7, 1912. Me. Wii11am JonNnston, 402 McGill Building, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir and Brother: Your letter of September 4 to hand and contents fully noted. Will say in response to same that inasmuch as our district has arrived in a critical condition as far as finance is con- cerned, we are forced to issue our circular letter of appeal for aid. I had a conference with Buckalew and it was agreed that some fifty-five men can handle the situation on the Illinois Central at this time; however, in order to arrange and keep these men on the line we have to pay them or else it will be impossible for us to keep them there and ask them to devote all their time to the interest of the movement. The lodges that are paying the assessments are doing so with the expectations that the Illinois Central men or district No. 21 is getting the 40 per cent of the assessments, which we are not getting. CABINET’S DECLARATION OF WAR 77 After talking this matter over with Buckalew, it was decided that we should take this matter up with you relative to this 40 per cent of the assessment money that the district should be allowed. What we want to know, Brother Johnston, is this: Will you pay 40 per cent of the assessment money over to our district so that we can pay these men that we are contemplating keeping on the line? Before we can carry out our plans it is necessary that we know this. We note in the August Journal of the donations to the strike fund for the struck roads, which amounted to $6,602.97. Out of this amount our district should have 40 percent, amounting to $2,200.97. NOW, BROTHER JOHNSTON, WHAT WE RECEIVED for this month WAS §11. It is essential that we get down to a business basis in the handling of this strike, to carry it out effectively. We must get our pro ratio of this assessment money, and we herewith request you to inform us as soon as possible if you can and will comply with our request of for- warding us 40 per cent of the assessment money. With best wishes for victory and federation, I am, Yours fraternally, (Signed) L. M. Hawver, President District No. 21. The following letter is President Johnston’s reply to the letter sent him by President L. M. Hawver of Machinist Dis- trict No. 21: Me. L. M. Hawver, Je., President District No. 21. Dear Sir and Brother: Replying to yours of the 7th inst. regard- ing the financial condition of your district, beg to say that the appeals from the Grand Lodge asking local lodges to assess themselves to raise sufficient funds was in order to meet the strike roll regularly. Prac- tically all those now on strike are beneficial, and if the lodges respond we will be able to distribute equitable the money to those on strike. As to allowing your district 40 per cent, WE CANNOT THINK OF DOING SO. As yet there has been very little received. YOU will notice in the September Journal was received in response to circular No. 10, which was to enable the Grand Lodge to pay the strike benefits. The general circular was agreed upon by all organizations and each one is sending practically the same appeal, believing that they would be able to handle their own men. The Grand Lodge is under obligations to its members and must pay benefits to those legally entitled to same, and all funds received by the Grand Lodge will be given our members direct, and not through any district. We have a large number of men still on the rolls and it is absolutely necessary if we are to continue and meet our present obligations, regardless of back indebtedness, we must have additional help. Regretting our inability to comply with your request, I am, Yours fraternally, Wituum H. Jonnston, International President. Wasuineton, D. C., September 10, 1912. 78 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL President Johnston laid claim to all strike funds on ac- count of circular letter No. 10, issued in March, 1912. In this letter Mr. Johnston made it very plain that he was using and intends to use any money that was donated to the men on strike for the purpose of meeting his Grand Lodge obliga- tions. It will here be understood that in order to be able to pay Grand Lodge obligations, the Grand Lodge confiscated the donations made and the assessments for the men on strike. Therefore, the men on strike could get no funds outside of the Grand Lodge benefits of six or eight dollars a week, realizing, of course, that after men had been on strike for a year, they could not remain on the line at six or eight dollars per week. Mr. Jobnston speaks of circular No. 10, from which the Grand Lodge took the authority for confiscating the funds; therefore, circular No. 10 is herewith quoted: Wasuineton, D. C., March 5, 1912. Orrictat CrrcuLar No. 10 I have just returned from an inspection tour of the industrial situa- tion on some parts of the Union Pacific and Illinois Central roads where a strike has been in effect since September 30, 1911, for the purpose of securing satisfactory working agreements for the system federation, and have been in conference with the International Presidents of the sev- eral organizations involved, at which conference Ames, Hannon and Buckalew were present. I am glad to report that we found the strike being handled effec- tively. The railroad companies are being badly crippled. By their own official statement they admit at some points they have 65 per cent more men engaged than under normal conditions. This large number of men are turning out less than 16 per cent of the work the old reliable trade union employees formerly turned out. At another point I ascertained from an absolutely reliable source that fifty-two new men are not turning out as much work as could be done with five reliable mechanics. From the most accurate data obtained and with many startling facts before me, I am of the opinion that the companies will not permit such a drain upon their resources to continue for an indefinite period. It was the unanimous opinion of the officers attending the confer- ence that they had never before seen manifested a better spirit among men engaged in a railroad strike. This is particularly noticeable because it is really the first federated contest that has been made. All previous railroad strikes were of the one-trade-of-a-time-character. The future welfare of all railroad shop mechanics on all other systems will largely depend on the outcome of this struggle. CABINET’S DECLARATION OF WAR 79 Our men on the firing line are in good spirits, full of courage and determination. They are fighting not only for themselves, but for a prin- ciple for which we all believe is just, and in addition they are fighting the initial battle for all other railroad men. If they win we will win; if they lose it will mean a continual fight on all other railroads. In order to make the struggle short and decisive, more money is required. The conference decided to do its utmost to raise more funds and recommended that each organization send out an urgent appeal to its membership. Personally, I] am opposed to levying an assessment, but in order to avoid it, more money must be forthcoming to enable us to meet our obligations. Therefore, in lieu of an assessment I ask that each lodge imme- diately appoint a special committee to get in touch with every member and secure from each one a voluntary pledge for a specific amount per week or per month during the life of this strike. And I further urge that each member make an earnest effort to keep his dues paid up to date, so that the Grand Lodge may have the use of the per capita tax for the benefit of our brothers who are making such heroic sacrifices for the benefit of our trade. In addition to the foregoing, lodges that are able to donate to this exceptional worthy cause are earnestly requested to do so without delay. All money collected for this purpose should be sent to George Preston, General Secretary-Treasurer. The amount received from each local will be published monthly in our Journal. Let no one hesitate to give, even though his donation be small. What we want is a quick, cheerful, systematic response. I feel confident that this appeal to the generosity of our member- ship will not be made in vain. What you do, do at once. Wim H. Jonnston, International President, I. A. of M. In this circular No. 10 it appears that Mr. Johnston is appealing to his membership to assist the men on strike and to this end the circular speaks for itself. If the appeal is made for the strikers, then this money, and all subscriptions from this appeal, is the property of the men on strike. And all money subscribed on this appeal should have gone directly to the men on strike independent of Grand Lodge strike bene- fits. Therefore, if this money did not get to the men on strike, but instead was placed in the Grand Lodge treasury, then such transaction was confiscation, was it not? If Mr. Johnston found out that his treasury was getting exhausted and reaching that stage where the Grand Lodge officers’ salaries and other Grand Lodge expenses were about to be jeopardized, then shouldn’t Mr. Johnston have sent out 80 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL a circular, stating that there was not enough money in the treasury for his last week’s salary and make an appeal to the membership to come across, as he wants his week’s salary regularly? Instead of this we find him using the strikers as his excuse for raising funds for the Grand Lodge treasury. The fact was that on account of the strike many names were added to the payroll of the Grand Lodge. As soon as these men were ordered to strike they automatically went on the payroll of the Grand Lodge for six or eight dollars per week. This six or eight dollars a week were their wages, their week’s salary for performing a certain function of the Association, the function of going on strike. After the strike the strikers’ wages of six or eight dollars became a Grand Lodge obligation, just as much as the weekly wages of Mr. Johnston, which was a Grand Lodge obliga- tion. And as long as Mr. Johnston kept these strikers on the Grand Lodge payrolls, just that long was the Grand Lodge under the same obligation to pay the strikers for their week’s wages as it was to pay Mr. Johnston for his week’s work, as they were both constitutional obligations. Therefore, the treasury of the Grand Lodge was going under, and its funds being exhausted because of the heavy payrolls. But the con- stitution provides for such emergencies, and sets forth the following specifications in the 1912 Grand Lodge Constitution of the I. A. of M. In article 7, section 1, page 35 of the Grand Lodge Con- stitution and reads as follows: The revenue of the Grand Lodge shall be derived from the sale of the supplies, per capita tax, reinstatement, initiation and income from the Journal, and such assessments as may be levied by the Grand Lodge. It will be understood in this section of the constitution that Mr. Johnston has no constitutional right to ask for char- ity when his Grand Lodge treasury gets exhausted or when it gets in a position where either his salary or the salary of anyone that may be on strike, or both of them, are in danger of being put on the waiting list. But the constitution has CABINET’S DECLARATION OF WAR 81 made provision for Mr. Johnston to take advantage of, and makes specifications on this subject under “Revenue for the Grand Lodge, which reads as follows: Page 36, article 7% Under caption Grand Lodge Assessments, Sec- tion 2: “When the funds of the International Association of Machinists shall require it, the Grand Lodge officers may levy such assessments as are necessary to meet the expenses, providing they are first made legal by referendum vote of the membership.” We find here that when the funds of the Association re- quires it, that assessments may be levied, but there is no sec- tion that gives Mr. Johnston the right to solicit voluntary funds and assessments for the Grand Lodge and its treasury. Therefore, even though it was the desire on the part of Mr. Johnston to replenish his depleted treasury by soliciting volun- tary donations, such transactions were unconstitutional. How- ever, had Mr. Johnston in his circular No. 10 set forth the facts that he wanted to organize certain states and needed money, or that the Grand Lodge officers were demanding their weekly wages promptly, the situation would have been quite different, for those who would have subscribed to his circular No. 10 would have understood that they were doing so for the purpose of keeping up and alive the subsidiaries that fed from the Grand Lodge treasury. But Mr. Johnston in his circular No. 10 plays up the “War Babies” and plays them up strong and, therefore, those that assessed themselves for the “War Babies” did so out of sympathy for the “War Babies,” with full intentions that their funds should and would reach them. If the Grand Lodge treasury was depleted, it was not fair to play on the good fel- lowship of the membership and ask them to carry the burdens which should fall on the entire membership, in the form of as- sessments, or an increase in per capita tax. But as Mr. John- ston sets forth in his circular No. 10, “That he does not favor assessments,” it is alleged he made a portion of his campaign for International President in 1911 against high dues and assessment and when elected, of course, could not come out 82 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL and favor that which he made his campaign issues against. Therefore, the constitution be damned. The idea of getting the money into the treasury by holding up to the membership the “War Babies” as a circus manager tantalizingly discloses half his exhibits, in order to get the crowd on the inside, looked like a better idea to Mr. Johnston than carrying out the regu- lations and specifications of his constitution. We have now established the fact that all and any money subscribed on Mr. Johnston’s circular No. 10 was the prop- erty of the men on strike independently of any wages that they had coming from the Grand Lodge and, as stated, these dona- tions were made, because those that made them realized that the men on the line could not exist on the small wages they were drawing from the Grand Ledge. It is not possible that any lodge assessed itself for the purpose of paying the salaries of the Grand Lodge officers up to date. Had it been so informed in circular No. 10, the members would have said that such assessment should be general and carried by the entire mem- bership, for why should any particular lodge carry the extra expenses of the Grand Lodge? If such were the case, then those that wished to pay per capita tax could have done so, if they so desired, and others would not, and still have the same rights and hold the same membership as those who kept up the expenses of the Association. Therefore, the Grand Lodge confiscated the funds, which was the property of the men on strike, and it will be important to remember this, inas- much as the confiscation of funds will be an issue that arises frequently in coming pages. Now that you have read President Johnston’s letter of September 10, 1912, as well as his circular No. 10, in which he claims the right of confiscation, and further the Grand Lodge Constitution covering this subject, as well as my de- cisions, I take pleasure in introducing to you Mr. Jack Bucka- lew, President Johnston’s confidential man, handling the IIli- nois Central strike, for the machinists, who renders his opinion as follows: CABINET’S DECLARATION OF WAR 83 Cuicaco, September 4, 1912. Mar. C. E. Person, Box No. 82, Clinton, Ill. Dear Sir and Brother: I think that you should send out a letter under the seal of your district, with the president’s and secretary’s names attached, calling attention to the revenue of the Grand Lodge on page 26, article 7, section 1, of the constitution: Then section 2, in regard to Grand Lodge assessments. The membership should understand that this is the provision made by our constitution for the Grand Lodge to secure funds to handle its business with. I think it would be well to quote these two sections verbatim, and then call their attention to the fact that the International President has not levied an assessment. If he had, then it would be compulsory for all money to be forwarded to the Grand Lodge, and those not paying assessments would be suspended and the assessment would be uniform to all members of all lodges in our jurisdiction. Then cite page 40, article 2, section 16. I believe it would be well to quote this verbatim also, showing that a general application for aid by one lodge to another for funds to assist a sister lodge in some cause. It might be for the defense of some other organization or for some brother to be tried, for supposed crime, or for strike purposes. In this case it is for strike purposes, and such money is not the property of the Grand Lodge, according to the constitution. I personally know that a great many lodges do not want the Grand Lodge to have a nickel of this money, but believe they must send it to the Grand Lodge to carry out the letter of the law. If you have Johns- ton’s decision it will be well to quote such sections of that as would show that he is demanding this money to be sent contrary to the intent and purpose of the lodges that are donating. I fully believe, Brother Person, this action must be taken to wake the Grand Lodge up to the fact that we do not propose to be mon- keyed with in this matter and that they will sooner or later have to allow this money to go where it is intended to go. We are getting better results now than for some weeks back. With best wishes, I am, Fraternally yours, J. D. Bucxatew, International Vice-President I. A. of M. Now we have given you Mr. Buckalew’s opinion, which, you will understand, is quite different from that of the learned gentleman, President Johnston. Mr. Buckalew states in his letter that we are getting better results at this time than we were a couple of weeks back, so therefore the activity on the part of the district has already given the strike the desired results. Mr. J. D. Buckalew was authority as far as the district was concerned. He had full power to issue and reissue instruc- 84 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL tions and expect that they should be carried out. I was on the job to carry out instructions, providing I was convinced that such instructions were in the interest of the strike, and after fully considering I accepted Buckalew’s interpretation of the law and started out to execute it, and defend such opinion and decision when it was necessary to defend it. The following letter is a copy of one of the many letters sent out by the district after the district started war on the Grand Lodge for confiscating the funds which were the prop- erty of the men on strike and reads as follows: Cuwton, Itu., September 14, 1912, You are one of that army that rebelled against the jingoism of the autocrats who control the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines, and inasmuch as we are also victims of this economic WAR, we are writing you on a subject matter that has much in relation with our progress and ultimate success. The members of your organization are paying assessments to the Grand Lodge with the understanding that this money is forwarded to the men on the struck roads. However, such is not the case, as this money is confiscated by the Grand Lodge. We have written them con- cerning this matter and requesting the 40 per cent of the assessment money and donations that the Illinois Central men should get. We recently sent an appeal to our sister lodges, impressing them with the necessity of financing our projection and send their money direct to our district. However, the Grand Lodge has since issued a circular letter, requesting all lodges to ignore our appeals for finance. From this you can take it for granted that they expect our men to remain on the line and fight this strike on four and six dollars per week. You know that the men cannot devote the necessary amount of time for the interest of this movement on what the Grand Lodge is allowing them as strike benefits. We are going to compete with the Grand Lodge for this assessment money. It is here that we want to use YOU. We want you to carry on a campaign of agitation in your shop and among your membership to the end that the 40 per cent of the assessment money that the Illinois Central men are allowed be sent direct to the Secretary-Treasurer of our district. If your membership wants their money to go to dead timber and continue under a system that has driven 90 per cent of our good men off the system and forced them to go to work elsewhere, they should continue to pay their assessment money to the Grand Lodge and dona- tions along with it. However, if they see the necessity of winning this strike, they will place this money at the point of production with the district and the money will be placed in the hands of the men who are giving you something in return for it. We feel satisfied that the men will comply with our request as soon as they understand the situation and that they are aware of the fact that we are not getting this money. CABINET’S DECLARATION OF WAR 85 We want you to write the Grand Lodge for yourself, and for the information of your membership, and ask them why this money is not forwarded as expected to our district. We don’t object to the money being sent to the Grand Lodge if they will forward it to our district. It is the confiscation of the money that we object to. There are enough men off the struck roads at the different shops in the country right now, and with the influence that they have to send this assessment money any way they want to send it. GET the strikers together and organize and then you can decide on what is best to do and how you are going to accomplish it. We are working day and night looking after this end of the situation the best we know how. You are one of us and we expect you to do your part at your end of the fight. There are 90,000,000 reasons why you should be alive and on the job for the interest of this strike. If you have not got an assessment on for the struck roads, see to it that you get one. If this is impossible, take up a collection at your meetings or after pay day and send all money for the Illinois Central men to William A. Newman, Box 162, Mattoon, Ill., and all money for the Harriman Lines to T. G. Alvord, 2212 Lincoln Avenue, Ogden, Utah. If you care to get our strike bulletin we shall be pleased to forward same to you. Let us hear from you at intervals and tell us what you are doing for the interest of this strike and your success in getting the money sent direct to the point of production. With sincere wishes, we are, Yours for victory, L. M. Hawvenr, Jr., President. Car. E. Person, Assistant Secretary. As soon as some of the local lodges were aware of the fact that the strikers’ money was being confiscated, they sent their money with special instructions that the money was for the men on strike and intended to go through the Grand Lodge to be recorded, and then forwarded to the men on strike. In some cases when they were instructed to so forward the money, the Grand Lodge returned the money to those who sent it and re- fused to handle it. Here was an army of men on strike who were expected to make that strike as effective as possible and could not even get enough co-operation from the Grand Lodge of that convention that at Davenport in 1911 sanctioned the strike and decided that it was necessary for the men on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines to put up a fight for federation. 86 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL There is no question but that there was a determination to sink the ship right after the general strike vote announce- ment on July 29, but while they were laying down on their own job and waited for the movement to die of itself, we got the machinist district organized. After this period they had to get up and step some to accomplish their purpose. Let it be understocd that they did their best to accomplish that purpose. Mr. Jack Buckalew, Vice-President of the Machinists, and the gentleman who was assigned to handle the strike on the Illinois Central for the Machinists, after being informed of the attitude of the Grand Lodge in refusing to comply with the constitution, instructed another general circular letter to be sent out to all machinist locals. Mr. Buckalew’s instructions read as follows: Cuicaco, September 17, 1912. Messrs. Hawver ann Person, District 21, I. A. of M., Clinton, Il. I am in receipt of circular letter No. 21 from General Secretary- Treasurer Preston relative to voluntary donations. He admits that the original understanding was that 40 and 60 per cent of donations should be divided between the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines, but say that later on they decided to use the money to pay strike benefits, and that such procedure would be continued. I believe I understand the law of our organization pretty well and the donations that are now coming in are covered on page 40 of the subordinate constitution under article 2, section 18. I remember when this article was drawn up I called the attention of the law committee to the words “General” application for aid. I had in mind that local lodges might solicit funds from neighbor- ing lodges, or, for instance, in certain sections or districts without the permission of the Grand Lodge, but when a general application was made I was willing for the law to read that the International President should approve of such appeal for aid and that the money should merely go “through” the General Secretary-Treasurer’s office as a matter of record, but all said moneys belonged to the lodges in which the appeal was taken. For instance, the Illinois Central and Harriman Line strikers have sent out an appeal to their sister lodges for voluntary support. The International President suggested that the support should be $2 per member. Being a well-known fact that this was not adhered to by a great many lodges, as some have no assessments on at all, and others 50, etc., therefore, the action of our sister lodges are entirely voluntary on their part, but the intention is that these moneys should go direct to the Secretary-Treasurer of Districts No, 21 and No. 11. I personally know that a great many of the lodges are under the CABINET’S DECLARATION OF WAR 87 impression that all the money that has been donated went direct to the strikers. Realizing this, I think that it was nothing but fair and just on our part that we issue a circular letter to our sister lodges, citing the constitution under page 40, article 2, section 16. Also calling their attention to Secretary Preston’s letter as to what he has done, and what he is going to do with these moneys. You might also cite in your circular letter that it is NOT unconstitutional for them to send the money direct to the district, and that if they do so we will compile a statement once a month and send to the Journal for publication. If the Grand Ledge has an idea that we can run this strike on four and six dollars per week, they might as well get that out of their head right now, and I am so writing Secretary Preston today. President Johnston is in Canada and will not return for three weeks, and I am sure he will take no action until he returns, and it will do no good to write Conlon. The thing for us to do is to get our literature to those lodges who are donating and have them send the money to us, unless Preston will agree to comply with the constitution, namely, that this money is for the strike and not for the Grand Lodge. I desire that you two, as President and Acting Secretary of the district, use such words cr language or parts of this letter as you desire and take some immediate action towards getting out a circular. I am sorry to say that District No. 11 has shown so little activity of any kind in this line. I do not believe it would be wise for me to send out the circular myself. But if some change of heart is not taken among some of the Grand Lodge officers I will certainly do so. I want to say that the President and Secretary whose names were attached to the Water Valley letter are both members of Little Rock Lodge, and were home on a vacation when this letter was gotten up. Fraternally yours, (Signed) J.D. Buckatew, International Vice-President I. A. of M. We have again had Mr. Buckalew on the stand, in which his testimony as yet differs from President Johnston in regards to the funds for the men on strike. Mr. Buckalew was one of the oldest members in the official family of the machinist organization, and a gentleman wi.ose opinions were taken into consideration when constitutions were altered and writ- ten, and as we have seen in his above letter, he makes it plain that the Grand Lodge of the Machinists were at this time hold- ing up the men on strike, and further instructs the district officers to issue such circulars as will convey to the membership Mr. Buckalew’s interpretations of the question of confiscation. I wish to call your special attention to Mr. Buckalew at this time, inasmuch as we were facing a storm of organized oppo- 88 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL sition, so that you can be able to mold an opinion of what Mr. Buckalew’s duty should be in the coming storm. The following circular was sent out to all machinist lodges in compliance with Vice-President Jack Buckalew’s request, and reads as follows: InrernationaL Association oF Macurnists, Districr No. 21 Curnton, Itt., September 24, 1912. To rue Macurnist Lopce: Dear Sirs and Brothers: We are writing you at this time on a subject matter that has much in relation with the progress and ultimate success of the strike situation on the struck roads, and it is our sincere hopes that you will give the subsequent paragraphs your earnest consideration. Many of the machinists’ lodges are paying assessments with the understanding that this money is forwarded to the men on strike inde- pendent of their Grand Lodge benefits. However, this is not the case, as this money is confiscated by the Grand Lodge and paid out as Grand Lodge benefits, an obligation that the Grand Lodge should meet from Grand Lodge per capita tax and Grand Lodge assessments. We have written the Grand Lodge concerning this matter and re- questing the 40 per cent of the assessment and donations that the Illinois Central men are allowed. However, the answer was that they could not think of doing so, inasmuch as these assessments were put on to enable the Grand Lodge to pay strike benefits. The recent Grand Lodge circular No. 21 requested all lodges to ignore all outside appeals for financial assistance, thus cutting off all avenues of income from the men on the struck roads. The Grand Lodge is paying the men on strike four and six dollars per week and inasmuch as this is the only source of income available to them, you can under- stand that they expect the strikers to continue to devote their time to the best interest of this movement on the basis of four and six dollars per week. We are herewith quoting the sections 1 and 2 of article 7, page 26, of the constitution which relates to Grand Lodge assessments. Section 1. “The revenue of the Grand Lodge shall be derived from the sale of supplies, per capita tax, reinstatements, initiations, income from the Journal, and such assessments as may be levied by the Grand Lodge.” Section 2. “When the funds of the International Association of Machinists shall require it, the Grand Lodge officers may levy such assessments as are necessary to meet the expenses.” From this you will understand that provisions are made for the Grand Lodge to levy assessments to secure funds sufficient enough to handle their business on. The assessment that is paid for the men on the struck roads is the property of the men on the struck roads. It is not Grand Lodge assessment and the Grand Lodge has no constitutional rights to confiscate this money to meet their own obligations with. If the assessments which was paid for the men on the struck roads was a Grand Lodge assessment, it would be compulsory to forward the money for same to the Grand Lodge, and those not paying this assess- CABINET’S DECLARATION OF WAR 89 ment would be suspended and the assessment would be uniform to all members and to all lodges. When money is sent from one lodge to another the Grand Lodge should act as an agent of exchange and reforward the money to its proper channels. We have no objections to this. It is confiscation of the money that we object to. It is the failure on the part of the Grand Lodge to forward the money to the channels of which the money is intended. If YOU want to win this strike, you will have to finance the men who are on the job and send your money to the men who are putting up the fight to YOU. It is the men on the struck roads that are on strike and not the Grand Lodge, and if you want to do anything towards a successful termination of this strike, YOU will see to it that the men who are putting up the fight for you will get your money. If your lodge has forwarded any money for the Illinois Central strikers through the Grand Lodge, this is to advise you that they have not received it in this event; we will ask you to write the Grand Lodge for an explanation. Several lodges are sending their assessment money direct to our district. If you cannot make arrangements with the Grand Lodge to forward your money to the men on strike, send it direct to our Secre- tary-Treasurer, William A. Newman, Box No. 162, Mattoon, Ill. He will receipt you for same and forward to the Journal for publication every month a statement of all money received for the district from the lodge it came from and the amount. The district has about sixty-five men on the system doing picket duty and devoting all their time to the interest of this strike. We can- not keep them there on four and six dollars per week, and it is for this reason that we must have money. There are no dead ones on the district payroll and every cent forwarded to the district will be placed where you will get returns for it. We are doing everything possible at this end to make the strike a success. However, we cannot finance this movement. It is up to the men who are working to do this. If your lodge has not an assessment on for the struck roads, we hope that you will place one on. If this is impossible, we will ask you to employ other methods of raising funds. The district has on hand a supply of raffle tickets for a ten dollar gold piece. If you can handle a set of these tickets, write me for them. This is a small proposition that can be worked most any place. We will be glad to furnish particulars to interested parties. The Illinois Central strikers are allowed 40 per cent of all money raised for the struck roads and should be sent to William A. Newman, Box No. 162, Mattoon, Ill. The Harriman Lines are allowed 60 per cent. This money should be sent to T. G, Alword, 2212 Lincoln Avenue, Ogden, Utah. Hoping that in the future you will make such arrangements as are necessary to get your money to the men who are putting up the fight for you. With many thanks and best wishes, we are, Yours for a successful termination of this strike, L. M. Hawver, Jp., President District No. 21. Cart E. Person, Assistant Secretary District No. 21. 90 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL We had now stirred up a little excitement. This circular letter had the men over the country talking about the situation. A few of them were for us, while of course the large number coincided with the Grand Lodge, for the machine with its “sky pilots” can generally bring the “worthy brothers” to their knees by reading to them that prayer under the caption of “In the name of Harmony.” That same blanket has brought every illegitimate child into the world and caused many a river to be dragged in search of the girl who was last seen on the “bridge at midnight.” Tur Break at WATER VALLEY Machinists’ Lodge No. 61, in Water Valley, Miss., had sent out a circular letter to all lodges in the machinist organi- zation, in which they wanted an expression of opinion in regard to a settlement for the machinists, setting forth that in the cir- cular the advisability of the machinists signing up a contract, or going back to work, and pulling away from the Federation. In other words, it was, go back and scab on the men they had gone out on strike with. Mr. Jack Buckalew of the Machin- ists writes the following letter: Cuicaso, Sept. 11, 1912. Mr. C. E. Person, Clinton, II. Dear Sir and Brother: I have just read the document from Lodge No. 61. I have tried to write a letter about it, and considering that I had a struggle with myself to keep from cussing all the time I was writing it, it will be quite lengthy, but I trust you will get it out and send it over the system. You might send some out on the Harriman Lines. Fraternally yours, (Signed) J. D. Buckatew, International Vice President. After receiving Mr. Buckalew’s instructions and the copy of the letter he had written in reply to the Water Valley cir- cular, his instructions were complied with and a copy of Mr. Buckalew’s reply to the Water Valley circular sent to all points on the Illinois Central System and many points on the Harri- THE BREAK AT WATER VALLEY 91 man Lines. Mr. Jack Buckalew’s reply to the Water Valley circular reads as follows: Cuicaco, Sept. 11, 1912. To tue Intinots CenrraL STrixers: It is with much regret that I am compelled to call your attention to another misleading discussion and lying circular emanating from Water Valley, Miss. The date shows that the action relative to sending out the circular was on Aug. 23rd. The date on which the circular was written was Aug. 26th. I was in Water Valley on Aug. 27th, spoke to the Federation and also to members of Lodge No. 61. At neither of these meetings did anyone tell me of their desire to take such action as this circular outlines. Therefore, I question wheiher this was at a meeting held by the stool pigeons of the I. C. or by the bona fide trade union machinists in Water Valley. ; For the information of those who have not seen this circular, will say that the gist of it is similar to the Roderick letter advocating the individual contract even to the extent of going back in the shop and working with negroes and scabs and becoming the slaves of the I. C. Ry. Co., with no organization to prevent the cutting of wages or the intro- duction of piecework or anything else that the company would desire to put into operation. The letter further states that your district officers held a mecting and voted a certain salary to the President, and then makes considerable comment on the action of the district officers, and talks about living up to the constitution, when nearly every line of the letter they issued is a violation of the constitution. They tell you of this committee meeting and the expenses attached to it, to make you lose faith in your district officers and would further have you believe that they are misappro- priating the funds and are crooks in general. To call a district meeting would entail considerable expense which we did not feel were available to handle the business that was absolutely necessary. We have found that the placing of Brother Hawver on a salary has been a paying propo- sition, as we need someone to solicit finances that we may be able to have money to pay our strikers a little more than the Grand Lodge benefits. Brother Hawver has made a good start and we are not afraid to spend $80 when we believe we are going to make twice that much on the investment. Besides, I do not believe our membership is so narrow minded as to expect a man to put in all his time in a position of this kind for nothing. And now, I call your attention to the President of Lodge No. 61, who signed this document. He has been working in Paragould for some time and if he treated the Grand Lodge fair he should have transferred to the nearest lodge to that point, and, therefore, is not on strike in Water Valley. The journal shows that Bro. H. A. Lyne is Recording Secretary. Bro. Lyne, being a true blue patriot and not in favor of such tactics, was removed from office. Will 61 explain to the membership of district 21 why these things were done? Will they also explain why the biggest kickers in Water Valley have been away to other points and secured positions and really worked as machinists, but are now back in Water Valley operating a disturbance and misrepresenting the strike, which will work to the benefit of the I. C. instead of to the strikers? Will they 92 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL also explain why this document was written on the 23rd of August and not sent out until the 8th of September? ; For the benefit of the members of district 21 and the Federation in general, I desire to say that on the 27th of August I explained to the members in Water Valley, very fully and completely, everything that had been done to bring about a settlement and told them the company had positively stated no contract would be given to anybody, and there- fore, I cannot help but believe that this letter is the product or develop- ment of I. C. sympathizers and cannot benefit our organization. J trust we will not have to say much more about Water Valley and the company’s emissaries. With best wishes, I am, Yours to win, (Signed) J. D. Buckatew. Mr. George Preston, Secretary-Treasurer of the Grand Lodge, who did not approve of the circulars sent out by the Machinist district, which was sent out to urge the continuation of the strike, and for the purpose of making that strike as effective as possible, approved of the Water Valley circular sent out by Lodge No. 61, I. A. of M., and the letter which Vice President Buckalew asserts was sent out by the railroad company’s emissaries. Mr. Preston of the Grand Lodge of Machinists comments on the Water Valley circular in the fol- lowing letter. Wasuineton, D. C., Sept. 23, 1912. (Copy to H. J. Molloy.) Me. Ax. Enveriin, Lodge No. 61. Dear Sir and Brother: I have your favor of the 20th informing me that a copy of circular requested by me has been mailed to the office of the International President. I have made inquiry for the circular and read it over very carefully, the contents of said circular being entirely opposite to what I expected to find according to the contents coming to my notice regarding it. Personally, let me say that I regard the action taken by your lodge as being strictly within the prerogatives. No. 61 or any other lodge involved in the strike, especially in a strike that is continued for so long a time, has certainly the right as a lodge to take any action which it believes to be to the best interest of those involved in said strike, and in issuing the circular you were actuated only by a desire to procure an expression of opinion from other lodges involved in the hope of closing up the strike. You were certainly acting within your right, and I assure you I have no sympathy with the adverse criticism that has been levied at Lodge No. 61 for issuing the circular in question. I recognize the fact that your lodge may be mistaken in the stand that it has assumed in regard to this strike, but as I know personally that you are not the only lodge, and your members are not the only THE BREAK AT WATER VALLEY 93 members involved in this trouble, who believe as you do, I do not think that you should be censured in any way for expressing your opinion, or for making any other effort to influence others to view the situation as you see it. Whatever may be your attitude in regard to the circular referred to, that should not be allowed in any way to interfere with the prompt handling of your business with this office in connection with which I wrote you a few days ago. With best wishes, I am, Yours fraternally, (Signed) Grorcz Preston, S. T. Vice President Buckalew having received a copy of Secre- tary Preston’s comment on the Water Valley circular, makes the following comments in regard to Secretary Preston’s atti- tude towards the men on strike and it will be well to remember that Vice President Buckalew, himself a Grand Lodge officer, regards Mr. Preston’s actions as one of the Grand Lodge officers who are favorable to those knocking the men on strike. The letter reads: Nov. 8, 1912. Dear Comrade: I am trying to get the goods on some of the Grand Lodge men that are putting in overtime knocking this strike. I have written to several places for letter and find this one. I am surprised at Molloy. You will notice that the letter is dated Sept. 23, and this is the first that I have of it. If Molloy had a copy I think that he should have let me know that the G. S. T. was favorable to the knockers that are still on the job. Yours fraternally, J. D. Bucxatew, Vice President I. A. of M. The roads that had already been successful in getting federated agreements regarded the Water Valley proposition as a dangerous one, realizing that if the federated movement was to be surrendered here on the Illinois Central and Harri- man Lines, that their federated movement would be depreciated and their federated agreements taken away from them. Let us therefore put one of them on the stand and see what he says in regard to this proposition. The following letter was written from Princeton, Ind., to the Secretary of the machin- ists at Water Valley, Miss. : 94 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL Princeton, Inp., Nov. 8, 1912. Mz. A. Enverxin, Secretary No. 61. Dear Sir and Brother: In response to circular of Sept. 28th, sent out by Water Valley Lodge No. 61, in respect to a separate agreement as a possible settlement of the I. C. strike, wish to say No. 543 does not concur to this sentiment. We have a very good Federation agreement, and I think it would be advisable for district 21 to hold out at least for a metal trades agreement. The time for single-craft agreements is past. But we do think that you brothers might do well to treat directly with the I. C. officials and leave Brother Buckalew and other Grand Lodge officers out of it. They have been trying without success for over ayear. Now they ought to step aside and give the rank and file a chance. We are prepared to send this same protest to the G. L. Fraternally, (Signed) C. P. Lovuts, Financial Secretary, No. 548, I. A. of M. So that you will better understand the situation as it was in Water Valley, Miss., let us hear from Vice President J. F. Schmitt of the Boilermakers. He states in the Boilermakers’ Journal for 1913, page 185: Superintendent of Motive Power Bell of the Illinois Central and Williain Leighton had been in Water Valley, Miss., and met some of the strikers through one John Garland. This movement was brought about and this meeting had for the purpose of trying to get some of the men to return to work; also a resolution was put out to withdraw from the Federation, also to form an organization known as the Brotherhood of Railway Shopmen. The man Garland in this case was a machinist, and William Leighton, a machinist, who was a district representative from Clinton, Ill., before the strike, who went to work for the IIli- nois Central out of the Park Row station a few weeks before the strike was called. His business was just what Vice Presi- dent Schmitt says that he was doing in Water Valley, Miss. Mr. Schmitt further says: I took this matter up with International President Johnston of the I. A. of M and advised the suspension of John H. Garland. Even our distinguished and learned Mr. Schmitt did not know that the proposition met with favorable mention from the Grand Lodge of the Machinists, and William Leighton was a member in good standing in Lodge 126 in Chicago. Mr. STRIKERS’ FUNDS CONFISCATED 95 Leighton and Mr. Garland possibly got their proposition through the Water Valley lodge of the Machinists, for the Machinist lodge got out a letter requesting that the Machin- ists withdraw from the Federation. Vice President Schmitt of the Boilermakers was boob enough to think that he could interfere with Superintendent of Motive Power Bell’s plans and the efforts of Mr. William Leighton and Mr. Garland, both worthy brothers in the I. A. of M. It was perfectly all right for these people to come around and induce the machinists all over the system, which they did by their circular letter, to turn traitors to the fellows that they went out with in 1911. Anything for a machinist contract these days, on the Illinois Central, and they did not come very far from putting “it over” at that. “Better take a little bit now than nothing at all” was a popular song in the undercurrents and the same song was sung in the undercurrents of the other organizations. STRIKERS’ F'unps CONFISCATED The Water Valley circular which Mr. J. D. Buckalew, Vice President of the Machinists, asserted came from the Illinois Central emissaries, was given due consideration from the Grand Lodge of the Machinists. However, should some lodge have wished to get some money direct to the men on strike, there was no time to give this consideration ; at this time, some of the lodges in sending in their donations and assessment money sent them to the Grand Lodge with specific instructions that their money must go direct to the men on strike, and could not be used by the Grand Lodge to meet their payrolls with. To give you an understanding how little attention anything got that was in the interest of the men on strike, I am quoting you in full several letters, showing that the Grand Lodge refused to live up to the constitution by accepting this money and forwarding it to the men on strike. The letters read as follows: 96 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL INTERNATIONAL AssoctaTION oF MacHINIsts Wasuinoron, D. C., Sept. 21, 1912. Mz. C. J. Barr, President Lodge No. 695. Dear Sir and Brother: Yours of recent date to hand accompanied by check for $400, which you request us to send direct to the I. C. and Harriman Lines on the basis of 40 per cent to the I. C. and 60 per cent to the Harriman Lines. We appreciate very much your motive in sending in this amount, but we regret very much to say that we cannot accept money in behalf of the strikers on the basis outlined in your letter. All donations received by the Grand Lodge must be sent as a dona- tion per circular No. 10. We are, therefore, returning the check to you and ask that if you still desire it to be sent to them, as per your letter, that you will send check direct. With best wishes, I am, Yours fraternally, Georce B. Preston, G. S. T. INTERNATIONAL AssOcIATION OF Macutrnists, BLoomineton Longs, No. 342. Bioomineoton, It, Sept. 18, 1913. Mr. L. M. Hawver, President District No. 21. Dear Sir and Brother: As you requested, so we will respond. In September, 1912, we sent Brother Preston, General Secreteary and Treas- urer, the sum of $432 to be divided as follows: 40 per cent to the I. C. and 60 per cent to the Harriman Lines, and he sent back word if we wished it that way we would have to do it ourselves, as the Grand Lodge did not have time. Yours fraternally, (Signed) Franx Datrton, Financial Secretary No. 342. INTERNATIONAL AssocIaTION OF MacHINists, Orrice or Bustness AGENT Cuicaco, It1., Nov. 6, 1912. Dear Person: I am in receipt of a letter from Lodge No. 27, at Kansas City. They inclose a check for $28 made out in my name. I have sent letter to Newman so that he may make entry. He will, no doubt, send this to you afterward and you can take care of it. You will see by this letter that it is another one where the Grand Lodge would not forward to the district, that is the last one they sent. Well, let them go. We will get them yet. H. J. Motzoy, .ours for the revolution, Business Agent of District No. 21, I. A. of M. Paragraphs 3, 4, 5 and 6 of Malloy’s letter omitted; have no bearing on the strike. STRIKERS’ FUNDS CONFISCATED 97 Union Lopes, No. 27, InrernationaL Association or Macutnists. Kansas Crry, Mo., Nov. 4, 1912. Mr. H. J. Mottoy, Chicago, Il. Dear Sir and Brother: Please find enclosed check for $28 as dona- tion to the I. C. from Lodge No. 27. Please receipt me for same. I send same to vou, as I am not sure as to who receives donations. We have been sending THROUGH THE GRAND LODGE, BUT THEY RE- TURNED THE LAST DONATION. With best wishes for your success, I remain, C. J. Laraam, Financial Secretary, No. 27. Two Harsors, Minn., Oct. 21, 1912. Mr. Wu. A. Newman, Secretary-Treasurer. Dear Sir and Brother: Enclosed find bank draft for $23.60, or 40 per cent of $59. I sent the money to the GRAND LODGE to be sent to you, but they returned it to me. Please send receipt. Yours for federation and success, J. H. Roserns, Financial Secretary N6. 647. Cunron, Inx., Oct. 28, 1912. Mr. J. H. Rossrns, Box No. 368, Two Harbors, Minn. Dear Sir and Brother: Your letter of recent date to our Mr. New- man fully noted. I am herewith forwarding you receipt for the money sent, with many thanks. I have your letter on file wherein you asked me to let you know if we received the money sent us thru the Grand Lodge, and from your let- ter I understand that they would not forward it as per your instructions. From this you can understand what co-operation they are giving us. We are doing all we can to win this strike and with the assistance and co-operation of the men that are working we hope to be able to prosecute this strike to a successful termination. Again thanking you for your large donation to our strike fund, and with the best of wishes, I am, Yours for federation, Cart E. Person. Such were the conditions for any lodge that tried to get the money to the men on strike. The only way the Grand Lodge would accept the money was to accept it into the Grand Lodge treasury, and still there were some men who did not realize that the most important strike breakers the men on the line had to contend with were their own “Grand Lodge officers.’ The only fence that they have to lean on is circular 98 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL No. 10 sent out by Mr. Johnston in March, 1912, the very cir- cular that I have already proven to your satisfaction to be an appeal in behalf of the men on strike. And there can be no question about the intentions of the locals making the dona- tions or having the assessments on for the strikers, as they specify in their letters that their money was for the men on strike, and that it could not be used any other way. Then the Grand Lodge, rather than lay themselves liable any further, take and send them the money back again, instead of comply- ing with the constitution, which reads as follows regarding this subject: Article 3, section 7 (under caption of Voluntary Donations), line 3: “All moneys sent for financial aid from one lodge for another shall be sent through the Secretary-Treasurer, who will acknowledge the receipt of same in the following financial statement.” In accordance with the Machinists’ constitution, it was the full duty of the Grand Lodge to accept this money, make a record of it on their books and then forward it to the men on strike to whom the donations had been made. Mr. Johnston as President of the association had no right to switch any of these donations into the Grand Lodge treasury, or have them so ordered. Mr. George Preston had no constitutional right to refuse the use of his office in sending this money to the men on strike. But such were the conditions on the struck roads, and because of these conditions the strike on the Illinois Cen- tral and Harriman Lines was lost, and for no other cause. Tt again wish to introduce Mr. Buckalew, President John- ston’s confidential man in the strike zone. Mr. Buckalew is one of the stars in this part of the play and it is important to carefully weigh his testimony, so that you can fully under- stand him while performing when caught in the cyclone. Curcaco, Itz, Oct. 21, 1912. Cart E. Person, Asst. Secy. Dist. No. 21, Clinton, IIL Dear Sir and Brother: I had a talk with Harry Carr of the Rock Island Lines and he tells me that he has done as I requested him to do, write all the lodges under him to send the money direct to the district, JOHNSTON’S OFFER TO COMPROMISE 99 instead of the “THE CONFISCATION ROUTE.” I have in mind a few other places that will do the same as soon as I can get to them. I understand they are looking for some evidence to get me for “INSUBORDINATION.” That will be awful, won’t it? Yours for a fight to the finish, J. A. Bucrkarew, Int. Vice President I. A. of M. You will understand that the Grand Lodge is now getting after their man Jack Buckalew and his letter indicates the Washington “spotter” is looking for evidence to take him in on. Therefore, let us carefully note if Jack Buckalew was big enough to stand his ground in the storm that followed. JOHNSTON’s OFFER TO COMPROMISE President Johnston wired Buckalew and Malloy to go to Clinton and from there take me to St. Louis, Mo., where we were to meet President Johnston for a conference at the new St. James Hotel. Both Buckalew and Molloy drove into “The Camp” and served me with the indictment. Both of them appeared nervous, and Jack Buckalew started to explain that he was a Grand Lodge Vice President, etc., and that it was best that he “went along” with the machine as far as possible. As soon as I said, “Why, sure, Jack; we will go down and meet his ‘highness’ and I will take the responsibility for the furnace ‘being shook up.’ Both you and Molloy can play ignorant of what has been done.” The melancholy expres- sions on both of them disappeared when they found that I was willing to shoulder the responsibility for the “entire war cabinet.” We arrived in St. Louis on an early morning train. Of course, I was a crude looking individual—hadn’t been out of the corn-belt for a long time—and here I was about to meet the “President” absolutely ignorant of the rules of metropol- itan etiquette. My only college education was my “round- house dictionary.” But Buckalew and Molloy were fine trav- eling companions and manicured me up the best they could 100 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL for the appointment. There was only one spot that they couldn’t sandpaper, and that was my determination “to ask no favors and give none,” and so we met the “‘President.” The conference took place at the St. James Hotel, where a room had been arranged for the occasion. After the cus- tomary greetings, Mr. Wharton fixed the position of several chairs into a circle at one side of the room, which left Buckalew and Molloy sitting on the side of the bed. While I was wait- ing for Mr. Johnston to introduce the charges for which I had been called on the carpet, he slowly extracted a small book from a handful of documents that he had lifted from his inside coat pocket, and simultaneously precipitated his vision towards Mr. Wharton. As I turned around to search for the attracting causes of Mr. Johnston’s peculiar actions, I observed Mr. Wharton giv- ing Buckalew and Molloy a Bowery drop from the corner of his eye. “Yes, P’ve been a comrade now for eighteen years,” said Mr. Johnston, and as he passed a small book over to Buckalew he added, “and I was the party’s choice as candidate for governor of Massachusetts at one time.” “TI am proud of my red ticket,” said Wharton as he started to pass his due-book around for inspection. “We have a fine little movement in Topeka,” said Buck- alew as he started his book out for the once-over by the comrades. As I sat there perfectly injured over the cheapness of the situation, smiling Hugh Molloy was introducing his ticket, after which a conversation was carried on for my benefit. They had, of course, agreed among themselves to put on this pre- liminary show for the purpose of persuading me to “come along,”’ being fully aware of the fact that I had read Bellamy’s Looking Backward with great delight and considered Karl Marx one of the family. As soon as Mr. Johnston discovered that his grandstand play of trying to get harmony restored on the strength of ’ JOHNSTON’S OFFER TO COMPROMISE 101 his red ticket was a failure, the question of the last circular letter that I had sent out from Clinton charging the Grand Lodge with confiscating the money came up. Mr. Johnston protested against the word “confiscation” being used, and I said that I thought “confiscation” very appropriately described what his Grand Lodge office was doing with the strikers’ money. Well, he said this circularization had to be stopped; that he would not tolerate it, and therefore was willing to come part way with the strikers. Mr. Johnston said that Mr. Wharton and himself had talked it over and that he would give the men on strike on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines 25% of the strike assessments and donation. Buckalew said nothing, and Malloy the same. While they were waiting for me to say something Mr. Wharton spoke up and said that he thought this was a very generous propo- sition. I then told them that I wanted to get for the men on strike every penny that was theirs, and if he was not will- ing to concede this, I could take nothing. I told him I had no authority to give the Grand Lodge 75% of funds that were the property of the men on strike—the men who were putting up the fight on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines—and that such property had been donated by certain machinist locals for the men on strike. Mr. Johnston then declared that the strikers would not get anything. “Very well,” said I, “we shall continue to fight you for this money that belongs to the men on strike.” I returned to Clinton, Ill., where President Hawver of the District had also arrived, and told him of the St. Louis proposition made by Mr. Johnston and Mr. Wharton. He had heard that Mr. Johnston was to be in Chicago the follow- ing day and wired Malloy to meet myself and President Haw- ver in Chicago, where we also met Mr. P. J. Jenson, an execu- tive member of the District. We found President Johnston at the Kaiserhof Hotel, where he was in conference with a committee representing the Chicago & Northwestern machin- ists. We were granted a conference in which we further dis- 102 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL cussed the subject, but he stood by his St. Louis proposition of 25% for the men on strike out of the money that had been donated them, or nothing. Here President Hawver of the Dis- trict served notice on Mr. Johnston that there would be war with “no compromise” if he was going to hold up the men on strike by confiscating the donations made to them, and that we should at least carry this information to those that were making these donations, so that if they still sent their money through the Grand Lodge they would know that they were not assisting the men on strike, but assisting the Grand Lodge treasury and helping to feed its subsidiaries. By this time, as you can understood, the District that Jack Buckalew carried into the “Rebel’s Nest” on that sunshiny August day was very much alive. We had been successful in attracting the attention of the Washington office and they had offered to compromise on the funds. If this money was not the property of the men on strike, then Mr. Johnston had no right to make us an offer of the 25% of the money, and the fact that Mr. Johnston made this offer of 25% was an admission that the money was the property of the men on strike, who, in this case, were entitled to all of this money. TuE FEDERATION REORGANIZED At the time of my appointment as strike Secretary for the District, I accepted the work under the conditions that as soon as we could get some life into the district this organi- zation would be turned over to the Federation, inasmuch as it was a federation that we went on strike for, and that the move- ment to get the proper and best results must be handled as a federated strike. The time had arrived when the change should be made, so that all of the International Presidents could be “oiled up.” President J. F. McCreery was still sit- ing on “the corpse” of the Federation in Paducah, Ky., while he should have been on the job shaking things up, as was done in the Machinist organization through the District. Business THE FEDERATION REORGANIZED 103 Agent Molloy and President Hawver of the District wired for Mr. J. F. McCreery, President of the Federation, to come to Clinton. Mr. McCreery drove in and he was informed of what had been accomplished through the Machinist District, and seemed to be more than satisfied. Mr. Molloy and Mr. Hawver offered to give him the Machinist District, but demanded that he run it as a Federation and get things stirred up and into action in all the organizations affiliated with the Federation, and that he keep things stirred up so that it would be known that there was a strike on. Vice President J. F. Schmidt of the Boilermakers and Mr. A. O. Hoard of the Sheet Metal Work- ers had called in at the “camp” and they, too, agreed that we should all get together on the federated basis of handling the strike. My. McCreery accepted the proposition Mr. Molloy and Mr. Hawver made him, and stated that he could only act as President, as he had in the past, and that he thought the proposition was too big for his secretary, Mr. W. E. Bowen of New Orleans; further, that Mr. Bowen was not equipped to handle the situation. It was then suggested that I should serve them as secretary for the Illinois Central System Federation. I refused on the grounds that I had done my share in getting the District into action for them, and now that they had something to start with there was no need of my services in the future. For three days they looked around for someone to serve them as the secretary for the Federation and could find no one that was willing to take it. Mr. McCreery, Mr. Hawver and Mr. Molloy then decided that if I could not be persuaded to accept the secretaryship of the Illinois Central System Federation, they wouldn’t be able to carry out their expectations of finally getting the strike handled on federated basis. Rather than to see what we had already accomplished “go under,” I con- sented to act as their secretary, and a declaration was drawn up and signed by Mr. McCreery, Mr. Hawver and Mr. Mol- loy of what was to be done, such as inaugurating a federated 104 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL effort in the handling of the strike, start a strike bulletin in newspaper form, route speakers, make arrangements for mass meetings and inaugurate every federated effort in the handling of the strike that it would be possible to inaugurate, place pickets at as many points as possible and increase their number as soon as financial conditions would warrant and solicit funds, etc. I requested President McCreery of the Federation to sub- mit the proposition that was made to his Federation by the District officers to all of his Executive Board members, to the Executive Board members and Advisory Board of the Fed- eration which was elected at the Memphis convention on May 1, 1911. If they would approve of the proposition as made by the District officers, including my election as secretary of the Federation, then very well, I would go to work, for I would then be the authorized and legal Secretary of the Illi- nois Central System Federation, just as much as Mr. McCreery was its President. Before Mr. McCreery left on an evening train, the War Cabinet had a meeting. It was here understood that Mr. McCreery was going out on the road, and also his former sec- retary, W. E. Bowen of New Orleans, to hold meetings, raise funds, etc., and the District officers and Mr. J. F. McCreery signed up all the documents. I was afraid that some of them would get yellow, especially Mr. McCreery, who had sat on the coffin so long in Paducah. I figured that if it was possible to get him to “brush up” at all, it would be a spasmodic demon- stration and would wear off in time, like the little girl who got a new doll and sat up all night with it, then let the puppy pull its hair out and little Brother Mike the sawdust from its legs. IT asked President McCreery and the rest of the “War Cab- inet” what their position would be when the chiefs should hear of this new undertaking and start to fight us. Mr. McCreery jumped to the floor and declared to h—1 with anyone that would hinder or interfere with his sacred undertaking, and, THE FEDERATION REORGANIZED 105 as he fell over the table to throw me his hand of good fel- lowship and assurance, that although others might falter or drop by the wayside, I would always find him as a comrade near, and if we should get caught in the storm he would always be there with his sturdy arm of protection. Business Agent Molloy and President Hawver of the Dis- trict said that here is for war on the ““strikebreakers,’’? mean- ing the Grand Lodge officers. I stated my position and that I was going to go the limit and had decided to “play ball” and expected them to do the same; but regardless of what they would do, I was going on and would not lose any time over them should they get yellow. The District then paid the ex- penses of President J. F. McCreery’s trip from Paducah to Clinton and return of $28.25, and Mr. McCreery left to submit the new proposition to his entire Advisory Board on the Sys- tem Federation, which he did in a letter dated at Paducah, Ky., November 5, 1912, and reads as follows: Papucan, Ky., November 5, 1912. To tHe Memsers oF THE Executive Boarp or tHE I. C. System AnD Autiep LINEs: Brothers: Greeting: The following letter received from the officers of District No. 21, I. A. of M.: “Clinton, Ill, November 3, 1912. “Mr. J. F. McCreery, “President I. C. Federation, “Paducah, Ky. “Dear Sir and Brother: We are in receipt of information that the official bulletin of the Federation will be discontinued within a short time because of financial difficulties. We believe it important that a bulletin be published and are willing to co-operate with the System Federation in order to bring this condition about. “You no doubt are aware of the fact that District No. 21 has been publishing a bulletin which, from comments made, is very satisfactory. Because of this we do not wish to discontinue our bulletin; neither do we wish to continue it if by so doing we would stir up any discord in any craft affiliated with our Federation. “If you wish to co-operate with us in an effort to bring about a bet- ter bulletin than we now publish we would like that you submit to the Executive Board of the Federation this proposition. “We have learned by experience that the broader circulation our bulletin has had, the more effective our strike has been. Recently Dis- 106 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL trict No. 21 made an effort to guarantee additional pay to the pickets and sent out appeals for financial assistance in order to maintain such pickets. We find that those organizations donating on these appeals are desirous of having our strike bulletin. Because of this we feel that the bulletin should be enlarged and a copy sent to all those lodges making donations. This plan has been very successful in our district and we feel that with the proper interest taken in promoting the same systematic campaign in the Federation that a federated bulletin, appeals from the Federation, pickets under the direction of the Federation and all the mat- ters to be handled through the Federation as a federation can be made equally effective. “We hope that you will submit this matter to your Executive Board and upon the approval of same that this method be put in effect as early as possible. “Yours for federation, “T,, M. Hawver, “President, District No. 21. “H, J. Moutoy, “Business Agent, No. 21.” After going over the subject matter of this letter, I see no reason why, if this plan as outlined by them has been so successful with District No. 21, it could not be adopted and put in use for the Federation as a whole. In taking up the matter with them I find that they are willing to co-operate with us in handling this matter, and Brother Carl Person, who is now getting out the Clinton bulletin, has offered to take charge of this matter and issue the bulletin from Clinton, where he has the facilities, as well as it being one of the central points on the system, and that the bulletin be issued from this office, and as soon as possible, and that the strike bulletin be gotten out in newspaper form, issued weekly, for which subscribers will be solicited at ten cents for six months, or as much as a subscriber wishes to give, and that an effort will be made to get as many subscribers as possible, and we hope to be able to get some ten thousand of them. Such money that is made on the strike bulletin, and other money that can be raised, will be used to maintain such pickets at the different points on the system that is necessary for the best interest of this movement, and in this way to concentrate our efforts in one line of action, or in this way carry out a federated effort in handling the strike. Brothers, it is very plain to be seen that we cannot exist as a Federa- tion along the line that has been followed out as per the constitution, and therefore we must devise such means and ways that is to the best interest of this movement at this time, and with this view to end I am submitting to you the proposition as outlined in this letter. After due consideration of this matter, please advise me before the 10th of November. Yours for federation, (Signed) J. F. McCreery, President, I. C. Federation. WASHINGTON IN GREAT EXCITEMENT 107 WASHINGTON IN Great EXCITEMENT In the meantime h—] was popping in Washington. The Water Valley letter that was sent out for the purpose of break- ing the strike and, according to Jack Buckalew, against the best interest of the men on strike, was fully considered by General Secretary-Treasurer Preston of the I. A. of M., inas- much as a portion of the Water Valley letter accused the Dis- trict officers of building up an organization just to make jobs for themselves. Therefore, Mr. Preston started out to make an investigation and wrote as follows: November 2, 1912. Mz. C. E. Person, District No. 21. Dear Sir and Brother: Owing to the statement made broadcast by No. 61 to the effect that President Hawver is drawing from the voluntary fund the sum of eight dollars per month, notwithstanding the fact that he continues his name on the payroll for Grand Lodge benefits, I, at the suggestion of the International President, request that you will send in at your earliest convenience statement of the receipts and disbursements of District No, 21 since the commencement of the strike. There has been numerous circulars issued by the International Presi- dent of the other organizations involved, and in contrast hereto several circulars have been issued by District No. 21, seeking to counteract the advice and instructions of the International President. We would like to have statements of receipts and disbursements of District No. 21, so that we can protect not only the Grand Lodge, but the GOOD NAME of the District. I also desire to inquire whether you, as Assistant Secretary, are drawing any salary similar to what is being supposedly paid to Hawver, and we would especially like to be favored with a statement of all amounts paid by the District to Business Agent Molloy. In fact a com- plete statement of receipts and disbursements of District No. 21 appears to be necessary for the future protection of all parties concerned. With best wishes, I am, Geo. Preston, G. S. T. I replied to Secretary Preston as follows to enlighten the gentleman on the information he took for granted as the truth in the Water Valley letter: 108 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL Cuinton, Itu., November 16, 1913. Mr. Geo. Preston, 402 McGill Bldg., Washington, D. C. Dear Sir and Brother: I have your letter relative to our financial standing. Will say in reply that in a few days we shall hope to forward you the required information. It will take some time for me to copy it all off with the facilities I have to do work with. However, we are more than glad to forward you with any and all information relative to our financial affairs. It is only two months since I have had anything to do with the Dis- trict business and during this time I have forwarded President Johnston with a financial report. I am herewith forwarding you with our report for October. I note what you say in regard to President Hawver. Our report will show that we paid him for the month of October $56. I also note what you say relative to our H. J. Molloy. We paid him $50 for October, which was allowed to us by the Grand Lodge. Our report in its complete form will give you all this information. Next comes my salary. Our report, when you receive it, will not show where there was any money paid to me. The Grand Lodge has paid me four dollars per week since the strike, with the exception of the three months that they are back on their payments. I have not the obli- gations to meet that Brother Hawver and Molloy have, and therefore there is no necessity of the District paying ME. For your information I might state that I am not in this movement for the money that is in itt BUT FOR THE GOOD I CAN DO IT. My head is not filled up with dollar marks, and if it were, I would go some other place outside of the labor movement to exercise it. Words cannot express my deep appreciation to you if YOU are, as you say, trying to protect the good name of District No. 21. However, I am very much inclined to believe, from the support we have already received from the Grand Lodge in the past in the handling of this strike, that if we were to leave it to the Grand Lodge to protect its so-called “GOOD NAME,’ we would be placing it in jeopardy and with some very reckless company; and because of this you shall find us very much on the job when the District’s interest is in question, and we shall try and assist you as much as possible in defending its “GOOD NAME.” We shall continue our fight for federation in a vigorous campaign, and in this we shall court criticism and challenge investigation. We shall wage our battle against the despots of organized dollars from Wall Street as effectively as possible, and stand ready to meet all their auxiliaries on the same degree of aggressiveness, the anti-federations of the Machin- ist organizations and their Washington office included. Thanking you for your inquiry, and hoping that we will be able to get you the desired information without too much delay, I am, Yours for victory, (Signed) Cart E. Person. WASHINGTON IN GREAT EXCITEMENT 109 At this time reports were coming in from all over the country from different lodges that they were unable to get their money through the Grand Lodge for the men on strike. It was therefore decided to take this matter up with President Johnston and call his attention to Secretary Preston’s action in returning the money to the lodges instead of sending it to the men on strike as per the constitution. I therefore wrote the following letter to President Johnston: Curnton, Itu., November 9, 1912. Mr. Wom. H. Jounsron, 402 McGill Bldg., Washington, D. C. Dear Sir and Brother: I want to inform you of the fact that some of your lodges have recently sent money to Preston with instructions that this money should be sent to us. The money has been returned to the lodges with information that the Grand Lodge would not forward this money as instructed. Such has been the case with Bloomington Lodge, Kansas City, Lodge No. 27, Two Harbors, Minn., and a good many other lodges. I have good reasons to believe that this work is carried on and that you are not aware of same, and for this reason I am taking the matter up with you. We do NOT care to run out another circular letter causing more discord. If you have an office organization that is carrying on this work to the disinterest of our efforts and you not knowing about it. In this case it would not be the proper thing to circulate the lodges again. At any rate, I cannot believe that you have instructed Preston to return this money and not forward it to us. We hope to hear from you at an early date relative to this matter, and in the event that the above mentioned is your instructions, we will send out a letter to all lodges informing them that the Grand Lodge has refused to handle our money. Brother Johnston, we have at this time an organization. We have our men doing effective picket work. We are now paying them four dollars per week from the District. We are advertising the strike all over the country. We give an itemized financial statement and account for every cent sent us every month. WE WILL fight the Grand Lodge or anyone else that is working to our disinterest in making our strike effective. We are on the job to see this strike through on an aggressive and business-like method. A few of us will sell the few feet of real estate we have acquired, if we have to, in order to prosecute this strike to a successful termination. It is, indeed, to be regretted that in an industrial WAR of this kind we do not even receive the co-operation of our parent organization, an institution of which we are part and parcel of, and whose future exist- ence we are endeavoring to protect. If we have come to the parting of the ways on this matter at this time, WE MIGHT AS WELL DECLARE WAR. We will run out a circular letter every day if necessary, and send men on the road in 110 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL order to get the money that is coming to us, and the money that is intended for the men on strike. We have many letters on file at this office from different lodges stating that they have been of the opinion that all this time we have received the money that they have sent through the Grand Lodge inde- pendent of the Grand Lodge benefits. You will see from our financial statement that we will forward you in a couple of days that we have been successful in getting the money lately, which are good indications that they want to place the money with the district. We shall await your answer with much interest, and hope that we can get your co-operation for the future success of this movement. Sincerely yours, Cart E. Person. President Johnston of the Machinists was absent upon the arrival of the foregoing letter, and therefore Mr. P. J. Conlon, Acting President, favored us with the following reply: Wasuincton, D. C., November 14, 1912. C. EK. Person, District No, 21. Dear Sir and Brother: Yours of the 9th to President Johnston to hand, and as he is attending the A. F. of L. convention, permit me to say that we do not like the tone of your letter or threat to circularize our association and declare war on the Grand Lodge officers if we do not do so and so. THE TAIL HAS WAGGED THE DOG LONG ENOUGH, and mean to say a few words to you on the question of issuing a circular. Our G. E. B. is a standing jury in our association to hear any complaint against the Grand Lodge officers, and you have access to that jury always, through an appeal, which has not been exercised up to date. Now, any further circulars issued by you or any other district officer criticizing or ridiculing the Grand Lodge as to the officers, the method of handling our affairs, without first seeking redress through our G. E. B., will be sufficient cause for us to suspend the officer or officers ~ whose names are attached to the communication and the date on same in line with the G. E. B. at its last session, which is as follows: IN CASE OF REPETITION OF THE PUBLICATION OF OUR INTERNAL AFFAIRS IN THE PUBLIC PRINTS, WITH OR WITHOUT THE PROPER STEPS BEING TAKEN ACCORDING TO OUR CONSTITUTION, THIS GENERAL EXECUTIVE BOARD WILL FEEL IT TO BE ITS DUTY TO TAKE SUCH MEASURES AS MAY BE BEST CALCULATED TO PUT A STOP TO SUCH PRACTICES. We desire to say that some lodges have sent us money with request it be sent to certain places, and, as we have seen communications which we believe are responsible for such instructions, we have sent them our side of the case that they may fully understand what they were doing, and in most cases received replies that our explanation was satisfactory WASHINGTON IN GREAT EXCITEMENT 111 and for us to place our donation in the General Fund. If this procedure does not mect with your approval, then ask the G. E. B. to instruct Brother Preston to handle the donations in accordance with your wishes; that until you take up any grievances with the Board, we want to warn you on the matter of issuing any more circulars. PLEASE UNDER- STAND THAT THE ACT ITSELF WILL SUSPEND THOSE RE- SPONSIBLE ON THE DATE THE CIRCULAR IS ISSUED. Fraternally yours, P. J. Connon, Acting President I. A. of M. = It will be understood here that Secretary Preston’s action insofar as returning such money as they could not switch into the Grand Lodge treasury met with the cherished support of Acting President, Mr. Conlon, of the I. A. of M. His letter indicates further that when the money arrived at the Grand Lodge office with special instructions that it was for the strikers, independent of their strike benefits, it was held up until sufficient salesmanship was brought to bear to release the money into the treasury of the Grand Lodge. In reply to the letter of Mr. Conlon in which he instructs “the tail to quit wagging his dog,” the tail again shakes up Pete Conlon’s dog with the following: Cun ron, Inu., November 17, 1912. Mr. P. J. Conton, President, I. A. of M., 402 McGill Bldg., Washington, D. C. Dear Sir and Brother: I have your “belly-wash” of the 14th inst. to hand. Have noted same very carefully. I am herewith forwarding you our October report with a letter that we are sending out to your lodges. You can consider this as a starter. Jf YOU think that I am going to lay down on the job when I see an organized movement in motion to annihilate Federation and the little effort the workers are making for solidarity, YOU are very much mistaken and only entertaining delusions. If in the event I am presented with expulsion, precipitation and extermination from the files of the Washington office, I shall always remember this document as a reminiscence from an encounter with the powers of autocracy, and shall always refer with pride to its captivity. I am, Yours for expulsion, Cart E. Person. 112 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL As you may understand, Mr. Pete Conlon and Mr. John- ston and his Executive Board were not very strong for pub- licity at this time. They did not want the “Worthy Brothers” throughout the country to know the game they were playing by confiscating the strikers’? money, so that they could keep the Grand Lodge treasury above water and draw their salaries in full every month (reference, Machinists’ financial state- ments from 1910 to 1916). You'll find that they all got theirs, while poor Jones, with a wife and seven kids, on the line, who had eight dollars per week coming as his wages, was cut down to six dollars. At that, he had to wait a couple of months for it before he got it. Iam not making any complaint about the constitutional strike benefits for Striker Jones on the line. The complaint was that the money donated to the strikers, that they should have received in addition to their Grand Lodge strike benefits, was confiscated by the Grand Lodge and used by them to meet their Grand Lodge obligations, and therefore not placed with the strikers as an addition to their Grand Lodge strike benefits, which was the intention of those who were making the donations. Had the strike donations not been confiscated by the Grand Lodge, but distributed to the men on the picket line, it would have amounted to some five dollars per week. Then, if the Grand Lodge was unable to pay their constitutional strike benefits, the men on the line would have to wait for same, but they could get credit or make loans amounting to this much, and pay such loans when the Grand Lodge could make their payments. This would have placed some sixteen dollars per week to the men on the line and they could have stayed there, put up a fight and won the strike. But this would have placed the Grand Lodge in the position of cutting down Grand Lodge expenses or putting on a Grand Lodge assessment, or assum- ing an indebtedness of back strike benefits that they would have to mect in the future. Therefore, they decided to use the voluntary assessment and donations that was the property of the men on strike when paying the men on strike their Grand WASHINGTON IN GREAT EXCITEMENT 118 Lodge wages. So, if anyone was going to assume an indebt- edness in the future on account of the strike, they were deter- mined that John Jones, Smith and Brown on the line were going to do so. It was very well for poor Jones to slip a plaster on his cot- tage for the sake of the “cause,” but not an International union whose decision it was that Jones must go on strike to. build up respectability for that International union. The consequence was that the International union, the Grand Lodge, came out of the strike with practically the same bank account that they went into the strike with (reference, Ma- chinists’ financial statement for September, 1911 and 1915), while Jones and Brown lost the cottage on the hilltop and Smith his furniture, and many others put on an indebtedness for many years to come because of the principle that was at stake. These men were the real men in the struggle; they paid the price while the Grand Lodge was prospering and did not place itself under any obligations for the future. Indeed, they played the game of the “other woman in the case” who was jilting her merchant lover. To turn the searchlight of publicity on this underworld drama was not to be tolerated at all. Therefore, Pete Con- lon’s letter of November 14 requesting the “tail to stop wag- ging the dog.” On November 16, 1912, a circular letter of thanks to those lodges that were sending their money direct to District No. 21, I. A. of M., was sent out, accompanied with an itemized financial statement of all receipts and expendi- tures. A copy was also sent to Washington, the Grand Lodge of the Machinists. The following letter, which was a District circular, was also sent to Mr. Conlon with my letter of the 17th, 1912: Curnton, Inu., November 16, 1912, To tae Macutyist Lopez. Dear Sir and Brother: We are herewith forwarding you a copy of our financial statement for the month of October. From this you will note that we make an itemized account of every dollar sent us. We note from our Machinists’ journal that you are sending your 114 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL assessment money and donation to the Grand Lodge, and because of this we wish to inform you that at this time there are many of the Machin- ist lodges placing their money with us. ; ; We are placing the money forwarded us in such channels that is for the best interest of this strike. We are paying those who are on the job and are doing picket duty. We are advertising the strike. We are sending out a strike bulletin. We are maintaining an organi- zation that is putting up a fight and making the strike as effective as possible here on the Illinois Central. If in the future you can see your way clear to place your money with us, we will give you the results for it; give you an account for every dollar of it; place it in such channels that the Illinois Central Railroad Company will have to spend many hundred dollars for every dollar spent by you. The Grand Lodge is paying strike benefits at the rate of four and six dollars per week for the money you are sending them. This little amount will keep nobody on the job. It will keep no movement alive. It will not handicap the company in running their trains, and because of this we are soliciting your money. Hoping that you will go over the enclosed report carefully, and thanking you for past favors and future co-operation, we are, Yours for victory, Cart E. Person. On November 18 Secretary George Preston of the Grand Lodge of the Machinists issued the following injunction, which speaks for itself: Department or G. S. T. November 18, 1912. Regardless of any effect the circulars issued by District No. 21 may have had on your lodge, we deem it advisable to place the follow- ing in your hands: Wasuineton, D. C., October 15, 1912. In response to the letters we have received from our lodges in regard to circular issued by District No. 21, I beg to state that being unable to answer each letter personally, some being in favor and some opposed to the circular referred to, I beg to make the following reply: The men issuing these circulars and those in whose behalf they 4RE SUPPOSEDLY acting have received from the Grand Lodge not only its surplus on hand September 31, 1911, but have received practically the entire benefit of August and October, 1911, assessment plus the regu- lar income of the Grand Lodge for nearly a year. In addition to this we have paid out to them the loans obtained from local lodges (about $27,000) on which we are paying 43% interest, and in addition thereto the Grand Lodge is now indebted for strike benefits unpaid reductions in payrolls to these men the sum of about $200,000. The Grand Lodge being so far in debt, and being unable to continue benefits with a rea- sonable degree of promptness, the International President on March 5, 1912, issued circular No. 10 and requested all voluntary donations to be sent to this office to assist the Grand Lodge in paying benefits equally. WASHINGTON IN GREAT EXCITEMENT 115 Later, on July 29, he sent out circular No. 19, requesting all lodges west of Chicago to levy voluntary assessments of $2.00 per member per month, which were also to be sent to the Grand Lodge as per agreement of the International officers of all organizations composing the Federation of Federations. Read over mentioned circulars, After all we have done, as set forth briefly, District No. 21 in the pretense of addressing “THE REBELS OF AN ECONOMIC WAR,” tell you that the Grand Lodge is “CONFISCATING YOUR FUNDS,” and I am sorry to say that many lodges, as the result of said circular, believe such an unqualified and untrue statement to be correct. Let me inform you that the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines have received and are receiving all available funds; that we have prac- tically no other strikes on hand. Are you willing to allow these men to receive and disburse the vast voluntary donations and assessments now being levied by our organizations? If so, let me, as one who is not officially concerned, suggest that the proper methods would be to transfer the officers of District No. 21 to your Grand Lodge headquarters. Brothers Hawver, President, and Carl E. Person, Assistant Sec- retary, signing the circular as District No. 21, are the only two men who are now on strike at Clinton, IIL, and are still receiving benefits from the Grand Lodge. Brothers, you have before you the experience of the Santa Fe and other large strikes. BE CAREFUL WHAT YOU DO. Let me advise that at least you consult the International Presi- dent before going ahead. In answer to those lodges protesting against the action of District No. 21, let me explain that I have no judicial authority. Yours fraternally, Geo. Preston, G. S. T. Mr. Geo. Preston in paragraph 2 of his letter tells you how expensive the strike has been to the Association. He also tells you how the strike was keeping the Association broke. But his association in convention at Davenport, Ia., in September, 1911, when calling this strike by instructing the men on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines to go out on strike, real- ized in so doing that they put them on the Grand Lodge pay- roll, did they not? If the Machinists’ Executive Board and its convention did not realize that they added thousands of men to their payrolls by calling them on strike, they were in Davenport either drunk or ignorant. If neither, then they must have expected that the strike would cost the Association more money, and should have made provisions for such con- ditions, or else face the music with the men who went on strike. Mr. Preston does not mention any of the men who were on strike, and, like the Association, were broke because the Asso- 116 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL ciation put them on strike. These things are never taken into consideration. The Grand Lodge officers were up against a proposition that was too big for them, and therefore men like Mr. Preston favored such propositions as the Water Valley circular, which Mr. Buckalew and J. F. Schmidt of the Boiler- makers said was the work of the company’s emissaries because it would take the drain off the Grand Lodge treasury. Any proposition was welcome that would relieve them to this effect. The Grand Lodge was up against five specific propositions at the time of Mr. Preston’s circular and they chose the weak- est one of the five: First, put on a Grand Lodge assessment to meet expenses with. Second, increase the per capita tax to meet expenses with. Third, assume an indebtedness for the Association to meet in the future whenever they could, of Grand Lodge officers, Business Agent and Organizers’ salaries and strike payrolls. Fourth, autocratically declare the strike off. Fifth, confiscate all funds donated to the starving victims of the strike and turn them into the channels of the Grand Lodge treasury. As it took less courage to apply the fifth one, the fifth was applied. And like a railroad when it runs out of coal, they confiscated anything in sight for the operation of the road. But when a railroad takes the coal it notifies the consignor that it took the coal and will pay for it. It wouldn’t confiscate anything, use it for itself and then notify the consignor that it took his coal and dumped it for the poor on their tracks, as did the Grand Lodge of the Machinists. They took in all available strike funds that came their way so that they could operate their office without going out to raise their money in compliance with their constitution. At no time did the Machinists’ District or the men on strike insist on any funds when they did not have such funds in the treasury. But the Machinists’ District insisted that all funds which were the property of the men on strike, the voluntary assessments and donations should be paid to the men on strike, whether or not they ever got their strike bene- fits from the Grand Lodge; for if they did not, then they WASHINGTON IN GREAT EXCITEMENT 117 knew that they had this much money coming from the Grand Lodge and should get this money whenever the Grand Lodge could pay it, inasmuch as the Grand Lodge would be respon- sible for their strike benefits until they were taken off the pay- rolls legally. The Grand Lodge fully realized that if they could not pay the men, they would be indebted to them in the future, just as they would be if they were unable to pay their Vice Presidents and Organizers. But in the meantime the Vice Presidents and Organizers would realize that they had their wages coming to them and would be able to get credit, if necessary. Had the men on strike received the donations and assessment money that was sent them in care of the Grand Lodge, as they should, they could have received credit for the money that was due them as Grand Lodge strike benefits and then it would have been possible to keep enough of them on the line to put up a fight of such nature that would have won the strike. Therefore, such letters as the circular of November 18, 1912, by George Preston in which he played up the poverty of the Grand Lodge. Sometimes in strikes the same song can be heard by some individual when he is about to go back on his fellows. He generally has a long cry and plays the poverty game or tells what he has done and that he can- not stand it any longer. In this latter case, however, there may possibly be some excuse, but what about an organization that took upon itself certain responsibilities and knew what it was doing at the time it assumed such responsibilities and then is not large enough to face the music and face it like real men? Mr. Preston, in order to make his song effective, made an effort to convey the impression that there were only two men on strike and that the money that was solicited was for Mr. L. M. Hawver and Carl Person, thinking that this would vindicate him, and further that there was something shady pulled off during the Santa Fe strike, when he had in his pos- session the financial statement for October, for the month 118 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL previous to his circular, which speaks for itself and reads as follows: Financia Statement or Disrraicr No. 21, I. A. or M., Wyo Ars on Strike on THE ILiINois CentraL Rartroap For THE Montru or Ocrozer, 1912 Money ReEcrrvep Lodge No. Amount Lodge No. Amount MOB) cciceuicanaisda oe eiee $600: 2086R2 cmstianidan vee eaeieees $ 10.00 666.3 is ose unnsee ea Wn ee W240) (858 ciwaccs couse aweawis cies 10.00 WO 2 ister se naan abies 1S60 DGD wists sciece deet-cacweamndin oe 4.00 DD i Sct cn it Sean easy fentnasytoes de sleomee 10.00 MD ase iutatcntiey ada cnats Mareen, 9.60 OD iis a hire Gadietncn simi hase casete 1380. ADB iss cess aii eieale wanetabien aie 5.00 GO iat tes scarce tats arpa og ae 1000) “SU a wsangaacomengenoawaaa et 5.25 4S osc ed ore eae REED 6 22:50. (GAT: wiixcineed eons 8% boda ds 23.60 LS Gi cic ster winds Mv adh Se dados F088 WOUDOd CBD wipe aieis a ney ceagd ev Qenatuers 6.00 BUD isiser wits. bhe, S ouepeaaae ores ino TOLOO! | CBB isa isdvoctitia a taceaanecaiien teniateess 14.50 BOT ident ovis Sek 5 Sey avavastoy iscttleia ck BTEBO. BO Dic acs: sidesiatnedyniane gue nares 5.00 LOO; 5 coast ect oe oiled tes 40.00 SG ig iciaautaiea? ZS oat WR coe 29.60 SOO se niiciid ose genase T6200.) DOB een genase’ teodveckcotuerae 32.00 BAG sass coraransiind shee sek ear dhcaansiese MOLGOS BOB ioc. snscsguocsce Se corte ae beiniv ate 5.00 AGO. reirvan scone aid-acake ashconmiataecade 20:00) B60 ke dcuspameges yea aunts 73.60 WA ised cicte sao steve oie-escicese MAGO LOG iio dn cmnms eee eed utis 10.00 AOD. sciccsedvain latina woes GRO NN 25.00 BOs cata annie ws Steaua 20.00 Ole 2s nuteeiamneeewaeraled 5.00 Grand Lodge............. 50.00 LD Dias s ges lois cinerea giceuaetnns 19.80 Howard Tuddle........... 1.00 LD asco haretec en bieste ea Foca dehoe ens 50.00 Dy xchn ee cee eee 30.40 Total Receipts ........ $741.85 Srrixe Brenerirs Pam to City Amount City Amount Waterloo ............0005 $ 20.00 Louisville ................ $ 12.00 Preeport eco ncrennoddesiecits 30.00 Paducah ................. 40.00 Clinton) xcccecavssaeedxeees 20.00 Jackson ................6. 10.00 Champaign ............... 20.00 Centralia ................. 20.00 Mattoon ............-..4. 20.00 New Orleans.............. 20.00 Evansville ................ 20.00 Water Valley............. 50.00 Princeton ............... - 10.00 McComb ................. 40.00 CARLO ss usesndiens se Roa as 10.00 Vicksburg ................ 40.00 Mounds .................. 10.00 Total sv semdeev enews $392.00 EXPENSES Wittram A. Newman, SECRETARY-TREASURER SALA TY ast csarhinahsndvoadyarteoes x aon a eonensbd nse Malo magne eden eee al Me $ 15.00 BOSta ge: seavarbiaci. tiesto cssvganclstatinied, Kamada oiled act OUaAte denned encsedeoiaswin ast 7.25 Exchange’ sscssiacsiwane oe emiaiaana’s war badccadvate oe anicnadaiaseoaehy encaehies 2.80 Railroad fare and express.......... 000. e cece cece cece cece cues 7.50 MCLE S PAINS, jsiethexa cient. davh nb arene inns ote saa alpha Fone a neRhyeN-eiea tia .80 Anerdentals:” so. ia ct anosiasnia land ademas mans ikitunogueateadnwn: 1.50 Potal’ ecaraviwadseegs-caaeasunawawe eves aicdiuieaeos eee ewe ceeesen eee Pod BS WASHINGTON IN GREAT EXCITEMENT 119 H. J. Motzoy, Busrness AGENT Salary sacsieivad nasiman areas wont arwada aseun ches dhewdleuaakSeeadee $8 50.00 Postage and supplies LAER Waray CE lees NS wg oa Ree HaT Ra ees 6.45 PPR ONE e555 ria ckbvipnenctn Svuegare SeseNterag sacle ie apa lane ha He AMTRAAUR Sd we te 1.10 CBPIELES seccoweicaGauict lesek ns aailawiis 832084 Guid aie AE OOO MAL oe ces 2.00 CO Cen ec 2s es deectrah city aravoneuarecereaneoa veoh wen ct alata tidal ths esate ace $ 59.55 L. M. Hawver, Disrricr Present Dalary: es 4 oie hadnt ave ay Anahi wk LA ve msiarecs wid prance opbealnee SaaS $ 56.00 Railroad fare and expenses......... 0... cece eee cece een eens 11.12 LOtaL 6 sc aii Heels ae Hewes eg AEM eee creed ye +668 67,12 Expenses at Starke HEapauarTERs US Postapess senses van sedaencege ak ddmadwa Gave 9.2 pnahaeawaA eee $ 36.00 FL Be DIC 861 C0 bce sus oan. ahasvavelage nce annie Arnab avlelewmaladedannies G4 19.60 Dellahauntby Bros., printing. ......... 0.0... ccc eee e eee eee eee 46.20 Carl E. Person, railroad fare....... 0... cece cece ccc eee e ence 12.12 PP POSS) . spe tvece ase Sisuassion scsaid-8 sem eliba al aeona eles subanausuai od tidia mumsoaene teak aca 5.15 Rrelght) sicacageycuaew aces apatlaaind Roa ssaidlews pares awetrog miele ts 50 PelesramMs: jhoag goewivear ee diame Pieed oisasia td (hoes Agua ene’s 15 Tncidenitals) ss sccawuee ce sx do emaien 2 3 A Rhea b4 4A ORE ET 2.80 FROG 22.5 sie tus htiios do odtca iets eer tes veces a is Ranieect anon ah sea eee aes $123.12 Toran Expenses William A. Newman, offfCés sccccissccacageeeescvessesiugawws ee $ 34.85 Hi. Je Molloy; Of CG ig ees cass tem tbe Met 8 BSc Sees ae eR ok 59.55 DIN MGs PWV OB esos cs thctnay ds scdstu ss adwvay pete Sod as ead Ke suanctantvee valor wie. ie avdusvernnananag 67.12 Strike: headquartersSsc i. cacccsiae sso wi tenuman Vai ieeka nEmee ees 123.12 Strike. benefitsisgcgeshy s ovaweswa nea. wise Genigntes Sle sane OdgEaNEH & < 392.00 Grand total expenSeS.......... cece eee eee eens SRSA Ave ES $676.64 RECAPITULATION Total cash on hand from month of September..................8 597.88 Total receipts for this month.........-.... cece sere eee e eee 741.85 Total CaShii sick h4h24 Pagar eee we mie Gee eee FRA ee RES $1,339.73 Total Cxpenses sori cin cacti win aiencesdieis dun daveinnelele gp ticecna oom 676.64 Cash on hand November 1........... ccc ec eee ene eee ee eee $ 663.09 Yours, Cart E. Person, Assistant Secretary. Nors.—A mistake was made last month. We credited Lodge No, 695 with $5 too much. Therefore, our total cash on hand from September was $597.88 instead of $602.88, as reported in our last month’s report. 120 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL The following letter from Lafayette, Ind., will speak for itself and substantiates the fact that Mr. Preston’s circular of November 17 was injurious to the men on strike and the movement in general: Larayette, Inp., November 25, 1912. Mr. Cari E. Person, Clinton, IL. Dear Sir and Brother: Replying to your favor of November 16, in which you advise that one thousand raffle tickets were sent to our recording secretary and requested that I do what I could to get the tickets out, permit me to advise that our recording secretary received a communication from the Grand Lodge (a copy of which was sent to all lodges) requesting that we pay no attention to the request of District No. 21. I had several of the machinists and the good members to boost the thing along, but when the letter from the Grand Lodge was read, everything went to pieces. Somebody is doing a lot of loud knocking. Yours fraternally, T. J. Green. We were now facing the second hard winter of the strike and making every honest effort to get sufficient money on the job to keep a few men on the picket lines for the winter, and here we were served with an injunction through our own organ- ization whose respectability and future welfare we were on strike for. The Advisory Board of the Machinist District sent Sec- retary George Preston the following resolution, which was printed in the Machinist Journal for January, 1913, page 40, and reads as follows: Whereas, The membership of the machinist organization through their local lodges have had their attention called to certain circulars issued by District 21; and Whereas, In calling attention to said circulars Bro. George Preston has used language and such phrases in his notice to local lodges, that he has caused some of the members to believe that misappropriation of funds has taken place by our district; and ‘Whereas, Some lodges have been notified that some district officers are irresponsible, such phrases as are SUPPOSEDLY ACTING and be CAREFUL WHAT YOU DO being used; and Whereas, The statement is made that Brothers Hawver, President, and Carl E. Person, Assistant Secretary, signing the circulars as Dis- trict No. 21, are the only two men who are now on strike at Clinton, Ill, which conveys the impression that they are the only ones to be benefited by their circular, and especially because this statement is COMING BACK OF THE FEDERATION = 121 followed up by the above statement, BE CAREFUL WHAT YOU DO; therefore, be it, Resolved, That Brother Preston be censured by the local lodges to whom this circular was sent for his unfair tactics, as he admits that he is not officially concerned; also admits that he has no judicial author- ity, yet he signs the circular George Preston, G. T. S.; and be it further Resolved, That Brother Preston be asked to make an apology to District No. 21 through the columns of the Journal or resign his office, as we feel that he is not fit to fill such a position as he has been entrusted with, if he is to be allowed to write such letters to our membership in the future as freely as he has in the past. (Signed) A. E. Frrrz. Endorsed by the Advisory Board of District No. 21. W. A. Newman, Secrctary. Mr. George Preston’s attitude toward the men who were on strike is easily seen. His letter to the Water Valley Lodge No. 61, I. A. of M., when they wanted to go back and scab on the organizations they went out on strike for, speaks for itself. He spoke more loudly when he refused to handle the strike funds that were sent to him for the men on strike. Tur Comine Back OF THE FEDERATION On November 15, 1912, Mr. McCreery, President of the Illinois Central Federation, who, you will remember, was in Clinton a few days prior, when Business Agent Molloy and President Hawver turned the District No. 21 into a Federa- tion, writes the following letter: Papucan, Ky., November 12, 1912. Mr. Cart E. Person, Clinton, Ill. Dear Sir and Brother: Now, Brother Person, you go ahead with the Bulletin and the other work as agreed on and as soon as I get an answer from you I will get out a notice to the rank and file on the sys- tem for you to run in the Bulletin, notifying them of the changes and what their duty will be in the future, as some advise to the secretaries of the local boards at the different points on the system. I want to advise them also that where they haven’t got a working secretary- treasurer at each point, to get busy and select one at once in order that we can do our business with each point through their official secretary-treasurer. Yours fraternally, J. F. McCreery, President of I. C. Federation. 122 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL All of the Advisory Members approved of the proposition as submitted to them by Business Agent Molloy and President L. M. Hawver of the Machinist Districts, through President McCreery of the Federation. Therefore, we now had a fed- eration movement on the Hlinois Central Railroad. The Fed- eration that was organized in Memphis, Tenn., in May, 1911, had now come to life again, as authorized and as legal as the day it was first organized. Business Agent Molloy of the district was informed by wire that his proposition had carried and Molloy writes the following letter: Curcaco, Itt., November 14, 1912. Dear Person: I received your wire this a.m. I am glad that the proposition carried. Now that it has, I will do what I can with the gang here and will go to Clinton. The chances are that I will not get to Clinton before Monday. I have a few things here that must be looked after before going away. Then it will take a little time to get this gang lined up. I had thought that Buck would be in Clinton before this and since he had not yet reported, I can’t imagine what he has in mind to do. I note from the paper this morning that Parks has been relieved of the duty of general manager. His place has been taken by Foley, who was Park’s assistant. Parks still remains with the road as vice- president and handles the transportation department. If Buck comes your way and don’t intend to come here, let me know as soon as you can. Try and persuade him to come here, at least for a little while; a day will be plenty. Hoping to see you soon, I am, with best wishes to yourself and Hawver, Yours for the revolution, H. J. Motwoy, Business Agent District No. 21, I. A. of M. (Paragraph 4 of Molloy’s letter omitted. Confidential matter.) Machinist Business Agent Molloy was glad to know that his proposition as submitted to President McCreery carried and that at least we were getting down to a federated effort in the handling of the strike. Please keep Mr. Molloy’s letter in mind, as he is also one of the “stars” in this play and we are now facing the storm where he will be put to the test. I was now determined to make the best possible effort to execute the new plans and get the co-operation of the PETE CONLON MAD WITH POWER 123 Grand Lodge officers, whose co-operation the men on strike were entitled to. If not I would drive them out in the open where I could photograph them and put them on record, where he who was not totally blind could sce that it was not the Illi- nois Central and the Harriman Lines railroads we were fight- ing, but the Grand Lodge officers of our own organizations. Petre Conton Map with Power We have now heard from Mr. Conlon of the Machinists, in which he replies to my letter of the 17th and indicates that the tail has now wagged the dog long enough. The following telegram was received: POSTAL TELEGRAPH COMMERCIAL CABLES TELEGRAM WasHincton, D. C., November 19, 1912. CARL E. PERSON, CLINTON, ILL. YOU ARE HEREBY SUSPENDED AS ASSISTANT SECRE- TARY, DISTRICT TWENTY-ONE. VICE-PRESIDENT BUCKA- LEW HAS BEEN INSTRUCTED TAKE CHARGE YOUR OFFICE. LETTER FOLLOWS. P. J. CONLON, 3:47 P. M. Vice-President I. A. of M. The letter that Mr. Conlon speaks about in his telegram arrived and reads as follows: Wasuincton, D. C., November 19, 1912. Mr. C. E. Person, District No. 21, Clinton, U1. Dear Sir and Brother: Your letter of the 17th to hand and by virtue of the powers invested in me by the International President, during his absence, as provided for in Section 2, Article 5, page 16, of the constitution, I HEREBY SUSPEND YOU FROM THE OFFICE OF ASSISTANT SECRETARY of District No. 21 of our Association for failing to carry out the instructions of this office sent you on the 4th and attempting to persuade our locals to violate Section 16, Article 2, subordinate lodge constitution, page 40. YOUR MEMBERSHIP WILL NOT BE INTERFERED WITH, 124 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL and you are at liberty to pursue any course you can see fit to set aside this decision, but because of your past attitude and the language of your letter, you are not fit to serve as an officer of our Association. Therefore, I have instructed Vice-President Buckalew to take charge of your affairs until other arrangements can be made for your successor. Fraternally yours, P. J. Conton, Acting President. It can here be understood that it was a violation of the Machinist constitution to “attempt to persuade” local lodges to send money direct to the Machinist District, inasmuch as such money to comply with the constitution should go through the Grand Lodge. However, an effort had been made, as you can fully understand, to get the money “through” the Grand Lodge, and instead of going “through,” this money was switched to the Grand Lodge treasury. To fight this condi- tion was the purpose of the district, and the intention of the war cabinet when Jack Buckalew brought it to Clinton. We have already proven our case that it was an impos- sibility to get the money “through” the Grand Lodge, and as the Grand Lodge violated the constitution by switching the money “to” the Grand Lodge, then the district was justified in violating the constitution in asking that the money be sent the men on strike “through” their district, for by routing the money this way would deprive the Grand Lodge of the con- fiscation of the money. And, therefore, Mr. Pete Conlon was now pulling his hair and had to discharge someone, just as an occasional machine side foreman has to discharge someone for reading the blueprints wrong. But it wasn’t the constitution at all; it was the October financial statement we sent Mr. Con- lon. After it was looked over they realized that we were build- ing up the organization that they had ordered the tombstones for, and therefore all this noise in Washington. The only reason that kept Mr. George Preston from doing it was, as he said, “He did not have the judicial authority,” and Mr. Conlon had, as acting president of the I. A. of M., while Mr. Johnston was resting up. PETE CONLON MAD WITH POWER 125 Mr. Conlon objects to the language used in my letter of November 17, 1912. However, it was about time to use some plain language with this aggregation in Washington, because the strike was suffering the consequence of the holdup by the Grand Lodge of the strikers’ money, and what was neces- sary to keep up the picket lines, so he was told in very plain language what my attitude was. However, the records will show that when we first called this matter to their attention we begged and prayed that in the interest of the strike they should play the game fair. After this procedure had failed it was time to get up off our knees and go after them and when this portion of the play arrived, Pete Conlon did not like it. However, he had it coming to him, and we tried to give it to him. Of course, these people in shoulder straps do not as a rule ever run across anyone that dares to talk to them in plain words and, therefore, this letter startled Pete Conlon. In Mr. Conlon’s letter of November 19, 1912, he gave as one of his reasons for my suspension the violation of Section 16, Article 2, page 40, subordinate lodge constitution for 1912, page 40, which reads as follows: All moneys sent for financial aid from one lodge for another shall be sent to the Grand Secretary-Treasurer, who will acknowledge the receipt of same in the following monthly financial statement. I was fully acquainted with the constitution, for the above quotation was given full consideration at the time Buckalew came to Clinton and organized the war cabinet of the district. Then it was discovered that the Grand Lodge was violating the constitution by failure to send the money to the “other lodge in the case,” after it arrived at the Grand Lodge. There was one time during the strike that the Grand Lodge Presidents federated in the interest of the men on strike. They were driven to this during the month of March, 1912. Let us fully observe this letter, which is also signed by President Johnston of the Machinists, and see if Johnston is complying with this part of the constitution that I was suspended for violating. It reads as follows: 126 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL JOINT FEDERATION OF STRIKING EMPLOYEES OF THE ILLINOIS CENTRAL AND HARRIMAN LINES Headquarters, 570-585 Monon Building, Chicago. Cuicaco, Int., March 11, 1912. To Att Orcanizep Worxmen, Greeting: We, the undersigned International officers, at this writing have depleted our treasuries and appeal to you for financial assistance to carry on a battle for human rights and the privilege to federate. The strike on the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines have lasted five months. After three months’ battle, President Markham of the Illinois Central made the statement to Governor Brewer of Mississippi (who stated to the under- signed and others) that it had cost the Illinois Central $17,000,000 al- ready but they had been reimbursed from other sources $15,000,000; proving the charge that the railroads were federated—a privilege they deny their employes. Undoubtedly it cost the Harriman Lines more than double that amount, and that being the case this strike is costing the railroad companies about $7,000,000 per month. If they are willing to sink that amount to fight the federated shop crafts, it means a continua- tion of the fight on the separate unions if we lost this strike. We have had resolutions from different localities that a strike be called on all western railroads. A meeting of the general officers in Kansas City, Feb. 20th, was held and these resolutions were considered, also resolutions that were presented requesting the ‘general officers to confine the strike to the Harriman Lines and IHinois Central only, and exert their utmost efforts to finance those who are now on the firing line. The latter course was deemed advisable. It has been expressed by some that a strike not won in three months is lost. Such talk is nonsense. The undersigned are thoroughly con- vinced that we are winning the strike. The motive power and car equip- ment is being kept up by means of robbing bad order cars and dead locomotives, which crowd the company’s sidetracks. Thus, with the few mechanics they have among the scabs, they have been able to worry along. We believe the company is willing to continue this strike longer if by so doing they can starve our men into submission. If we convince them that they cannot starve the men, a settlement will follow. Thirty thousand men walked out, less than five hundred of all crafts have deserted; a splendid record of loyal unionists. All they ask is dough- nuts and coffee; their wives and children must have more. We used every honorable means to avoid the strike. The managers selected the time, chose the battlefield, and forced the issue. It was either fight or submit to every indignity and discrimination they wished to heap upon us. The men would rather go down fighting an honorable battle than submit; therefore, by a vote of 97 per cent the strike was called, and one of the most gigantic railroad struggles of recent years was on. Government inspectors have condemned many locomotives after various explosions, wrecks and breakdowns, and the demands of the public and the employees, who are handling the motive power. The men, especially those who are working on railroads that would have been involved if a strike was called, we are sure will give at least a day’s pay per month, and we hope that all will assess themselves a PETE CONLON MAD WITH POWER 127 certain amount per week or month, and everybody that receives this appeal we hope will make a donation at their earliest convenience. Many things we might say in our defense, but this will conclude: The strike was forced upon us, and we are on the defensive; we intend to fight the battle to a finish. The general officers of the crafts appealed to have all expressed themselves as being in hearty sympathy with us, and some have opened their journals and made mention of this appeal and are encouraging their members to contribute. We hope the time will soon come when all American wageworkers will consider the injury of one the concern of all. The employers evi- dently have learned this and are governing themselves accordingly. Please send all remittances to WM. F. KRAMER, 570-585 Monon Bldg., No. 440 S. Dearborn St., Chicago, IL, who will promptly receipt for same and answer all questions. Thanking you in advance for a liberal contribution, and with best wishes, we remain, Yours very fraternally, J. W. Kine, General President I. B. of B. and H.; J. A. Franxuin, International President I. B. of B. M. and I. S. B. A.; Inter. President I. A. M.; _ W. H. Jounston, M. F. Ryan, General President B. R. C. of A.; M. O’Suttivan, General President A. S. M. W. I. A.; J. J. Carrican, International President Railway Clerks; G. F. Henpricx, International President Painters and Decorators; J. T. Kinsetra, International President Steam and Hot Water Pipe Fitters; Joun Firzparrick, Federal Labor Union. This appeal is hereby approved by the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor. Samvuext Gompers, President; James Duncan, First Vice President; Joun MrrcHez, Second Vice President; James O’ConneEtt, Third Vice President; D. A. Hayes, Fourth Vice President; W. D. Huser, Fifth Vice President; J. F. Vatentrine, Sixth Vice President; J. R. Aprne, Seventh Vice President; H. B. Peruam, Eighth Vice President; J. B. Lennon, Treasurer; Franx Morrison, Secretary. 128 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL We find that President Johnston has signed and endorsed a letter soliciting funds from lodges of the machinist organiza- tion, and directed such funds to be sent to Wm. F. Kramer, 570 Monon Building, Chicago, Il, who at that time repre- sented the Grand Lodge Presidents as their Federation Secre- tary. In this letter we find that President Johnston also attempted to persuade locals to violate section 16, article 2, subordinate constitution. The Grand Lodge President discovered the results through federation of efforts, such as the above federated letter, was effective even though it was in violation of their respective con- stitutions. This letter was the first and the last federated effort set forth in the interest of the men on strike. When I made an effort to apply the law of best results for the men on strike they took cover back of the very articles of the con- stitutions that they had to violate themselves in order to pro- cure the best results. Now that someone “‘had been fixed” and it was decided that the strikers were to be trimmed, I had to be suspended for violating that portion of the constitution that Johnston and other Grand Lodge Presidents violated before the “proper arrangements” for trimming the strikers had been made. The following injunction was served on every lodge in the International Association of Machinists: Wasuincron, D. C., Nov. 20, 1912. Dear Sir and Brother: This will officially notify you that Carl E. Person, Assistant Secretary of District No. 21, was suspended from that office by the Grand Lodge on Nov. 19, 1912, and is no longer a district representative of our organization. Fraternally yours, P. J. Conon, Vice President I. A. of M. No other explanation was made to the membership, and the first thought that would come to their minds after hearing the letter was that I had got away with the strikers’ funds, and the very impression the Grand Lodge wanted to leave upon them, when the fact was that all funds solicited through the PETE CONLON MAD WITH POWER 129 district were sent to W. A. Newman, the District Secretary at Mattoon, Ill. I therefore handled no funds; my business was to get the funds moving into the district instead of the Grand Lodge. The Grand Lodge knew, however, that they could put a damper on what we had accomplished in the few months that we had been at work by informing the “Worthy Brothers” of my suspension. Being suspended from any organization makes one as welcome with the membership as a cat in a canary cage. We had now put some life into the district. We were paying those who were doing actual picket duty and devoting all their time to the strike six dollars per week, and we had forced Johnston to come across with the eight dollars coming to them as Grand Lodge wages. The result was that we had quite a few men on the line who were getting fourteen dollars per week, enough to ride along on and could devote all their time to their business of “keeping the scabs moving” and advertise the strike. In addition we had got our advertising campaign well under way; several tons of postal cards and red stickers had gone all over the country. The little red sticker of “Keep off the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines—Strike on” could be seen in every little village in the country, and attracted the attention of anyone that frequented a hall of justice or a barroom annex. At many points on the system the machinists had left, therefore there was no machinist to put to work on the picket line, but if it was a terminal point it was to the best interest of the strike in general to have someone there, if it was only one man. Where we could not get a machinist on the job, we put on a striker of any other craft that we could get, who would give the movement his entire time and play ball for the cause he went on strike for. We knew that the men who had placed the money with the district wanted results for the money, and did not care whether it was a machinist, a carman, or a helper that could give them the results, and therefore we did not draw any jurisdictional lines to procure results. 130 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL So that it will be understood that the injunction to the mem- bership sent out by Pete Conlon on Nov. 20, 1912, had its desired effect insofar as the Grand Lodge of Machinists was concerned, I quote you one of the many letters received which reads as follows: 927 Frankun St, Warertoo, Iowa, Nov. 23, 1912. Mr. L. M. Hawver, Clinton, Il. Dear Friend and Brother: We are enclosing a letter signed P. J. Conlon of Noy. 20, 1912, just received from Grand Lodge and must state that it just knocked the pegs out from under us. Of course, we know why they are trying to antagonize you there at Clinton, but I am very sorry to see them get so drastic, as it is going to be the very worst thing that could happen right at this time. With best wishes, Yours fraternally, (Signed) Franx Connor, R. S. 314, I. A. of M. Jack BuckaLEW CAUGHT IN THE Crisis T had now arrived at the place I wanted to get at to find out if there was any fight in the War Cabinet and Jack Bucka- lew, who had come a couple of months before with the district dead in his little satchel. You will always find those who are strong in the fight until a cloud comes up, and it takes a little steam to face the music, and that is the most pleasant time, for the friends that will stand the test can be depended on. In this case what was the duty of Jack Buckalew? Should he stick with me after taking his district and putting some life into it, just what he wanted done and didn’t know how? The following telegram was received from Jack Buckalew: POSTAL TELEGRAPH CABLE COMPANY Night Lettergram. Torexa, Kan., Nov. 23, 1912. C. E. Person, Clinton, Ill. Unavoidably detained in Topeka. Will leave tomorrow or next day for your town via St. Louis. Do not take charge of the Federation proposition until I get there. Anything important wire me here. Hold mail. J. D. Buckatew. 8:30 A. M. JACK BUCKALEW CAUGHT IN CRISIS 181 The above telegram speaks for itself. Take particular notice of the words, “DO NOT TAKE CHARGE OF THE FEDERATION PROPOSITION UNTIL I GET HERE.” Buckalew had received his instructions from Washington and Washington had been informed that we had made an effort to get down to recognize federation, insofar as the handling of the strike was concerned. While changing the district into a federation, we had a “spotter” from the Grand Lodge on the job, who always went along, and of course Mr. Conlon and Mr. Johnston had been informed as to the recent developments and therefore it was not my letter of Nov. 17, 1912, that had shaken up Pete Conlon’s dog. It was the fact that we were getting down to federated basis of handling the strike, and this was the real cause of my suspension as District Secretary. It was, of course, figured out by the Grand Lodge of the Machinists that if they would suspend me at this time, this action would keep us from building up a Federation, and therefore my suspension, and Jack Buckalew’s instructions “TO HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH THE FEDERATED PROPOSITION UNTIL HE GETS THERE.” It is very important that you understand this part of it, for we are now in the middle of the “storm” where I am testing the preachers of the “all for one, and the one for all,’ and it must be under- stood back of my suspension was the fact that there was a danger of me building up a federated movement in the handling of a strike that they had sent with well wishes to the graveyard some time ago in the early part of 1912. President Hawver of the district sent the following letter to all points on strike concerning my suspension, which speaks for itself: Curnton, Itt., Nov. 21, 1912. To the Officers and Members of All Lodges Composing District No. 21. Brothers, as you already know, Brother Person thru his activity in behalf of our men on strike has been suspended as District Secretary. Brother Person will furnish you with a complete statement of how and why he has been suspended. He still retains his membership in the I. A. of M., but conditions may develop wherein the Grand Lodge may 132 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL expel him from the organization, on account of his determination to con- tinue his activity for the men who are on strike and for the interest of this movement. Brother Person has not been suspended because of any financial deficit; his accounts are all right and he has handled our business to the best of satisfaction. Prior to this suspension of Person as District Secretary he was selected as Strike Secretary by the Illinois Central System Federation Executive Board, and at this time he is working as Strike Secretary for the Federation. It is clearly understood by all officers and members of the System Federation Executive Board that Person is authorized to solicit funds for the Federation and as soon as possible and when the money is forthcoming it will be paid to those who are doing picket duty on the system. Brother Buckalew has placed me in charge of the district business and I will endeavor to continue the district payroll as long as we can in our handicapped condition caused by the action of the Grand Lodge in threatening to suspend anyone who will try and raise money for the men on strike. In my opinion, after associating with Brother Person for nearly four months, and in that time learning of the untiring efforts and sin- cerity and success in raising money for the men on strike, advertise the strike, edit the bulletin, I believe that you will make no mistake in co-operating with him in the future as you have in the past to make our strike still more effective. Hoping to have your continued co-operation for the future, and that you will lend every assistance to Brother Person and forward him your strike news as you have in the past, I remain, Yours in battle, (Signed) L. M. Hawver, Jr, President District No. 21, I. A. of M. Mr. Jack Buckalew drove in from Topeka, Kan., where he had been taking a “week off,” with enough telegrams and papers from Washington to draw up specifications for a battle- ship. He did not only have Washington orders for the closing up of the “rebels’ nest,” but charges of insubordination against himself if he failed to do so. Jack Buckalew was now in a position where he stood between his own job or must turn on the one that took his district as a corpse and worked on it day and night, until it was nursed back to where it could sit up and kick around a bit and make enough noise to make President Johnston walk the floor nights and make Pete Conlon want a chew of tobacco as he sat in his office and looked down over the “capitol dome” at Washington. In fact, as Pete Conlon JACK BUCKALEW CAUGHT IN CRISIS 133 stated in his letter, the tail was wagging the dog and intruding upon its peaceful slumbers. What would Buckalew do? What should he have done under the circumstances? Here was the time to find out Jack Buckalew, the man of many battles; the man who had said when he first came in with his district in a little satchel that the men on the line were “trimmed” and he was willing to declare war on the “trimmers.” But Jack was like the rest of the “rail birds”—was strong for war but short on going to war himself. Like they were before the strike, as M. F. Ryan explained it at the Davenport Convention of the Machinists in 1911, “We must go on strike for this sacred cause if we haven't a dollar to pay as strike benefits.” But you will notice M. F. Ryan, Jack Buckalew and the rest of the sky pilots always paid themselves their salary and therefore did not go to war at all. They simply played the part of that uniformed model that parades in front of the recruiting stations and when they are seen performing children think that they are the soldiers that burned up the smoke at “Valley Forge.” Jack Buckalew sat there nervous, with all his Washington documents, and stroked his thin black hair with a shaky hand. “What do you think of it, kid?” said he. ‘We beat the dips to it, Jack,” I said; “they were expecting the ship to go under in July after announcing that the strike vote did not carry, and now we shall give them a run for their money; the longer we can keep the ship afloat the more respected the federated movement will be on the roads where they have federated con- tracts, and the more attention Federated Committees will re- ceive, when they go to the managers’ doors and ask for recog- nition. We must keep the ship afloat and fight anyone or everybody to accomplish this end.” “Yes, but did you hear from Washington lately?” said Jack. “Yes, I did. Johnston had to take the rest cure after the jolt we gave him in St. Louis on the 25 per cent proposition, 134 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL and he’s sicked Pete Conlon on me. If Pete thinks that I shall give up because he’s got a headache, he'll be so busy that he won’t have time for the football games this season, and besides, this is just what makes the game worth while, Jack.” “But I am in bad with the office,” said Jack. “Yes, and I am outside of the office,” I said, as I pulled out my suspension papers from the files and handed them to him. “This is the last noise that Pete Conlon pushed in, but why worry?” “Z received copies of everything at Topeka,” said Jack, as he handed me his “Western Union” orders to take charge of the office and all property therein. “That’s a joke on Conlon, isn’t it?” was my reply. “He didn’t know that you have been in charge for three months. Washington is three months behind the time; no wonder Mark- ham and Kruttschnitt can put it over the boobs.” They could build a new line from Chicago to the Coast in that time.” “Hello, Jack; what’s the good word?” said a fellow who came in the side door. It was Hawver, the President of the district. He came in from a tour of the road. “That’s a live wire you put on the job at Cherokee,” Haw- ver said, as he turned to me, “and if there is any place on the system where we need a live one, it is there, for the hog is running drags of empties from all points on the western lines in there to touch them up on the rip track.” “Who’s the machinist at Cherokee?” said Jack. “Oh, the nutbusters all left there a couple of weeks after the ‘parade’; he’s a blacksmith helper, and I wish we had ten men like him at every point on the system, then we’d soon ‘move the yards.’ ” “Who’s buying his beans?” Jack inquired. “The Kid shoves him twelve dollars per week from the war chest,” replied Hawver. “TY won’t stand for paying anyone but machinists out of machinists’ money,” stated Jack, with an air of authority. “Why, there hasn’t been a machinist there for over a year, JACK BUCKALEW CAUGHT IN CRISIS = 185 and nobody else for the last two months; the company is tak- ing advantage of the situation and pushing the cars in there from Freeport and Waterloo; if we need a man any place it is just these deserted places, and I’m glad that we could at least make it a Federation, so that this cry of paying a machinist with machinist money, or a boilermaker with boilermakers’ money could be locked up.” “Where is the Federation?” demanded Jack, as he started to walk up and down the office floor. “We had McCreery come up from Paducah and persuaded him to get on the job; we gave him the district organization, and with this as a start we'll liven things up, and if the kid can irritate all of the ‘dips’ like Washington was spurred into motion, then some morning’s mail will bring sad news to our friends at the ‘Park Row Station,’” was Hawver’s reply. “J’]] have nothing to do with this Federation. I won’t stand for it at all,” cried Jack in a melodramatic exposition that would remind you of him in action during the good old torch- light nights as he was about to reach a striking epoch in his platform performance of the “one for all and all for one.” “There isn’t anyone on the line but machinists anyway,” he continued, “besides this has been a machinist strike for some time and it shall continue to be a machinist strike, by God! I’ve got to close her up or be pulled out of service, and a man with my reputation can’t afford to be pulled out of service.” Poor old Jack! He was now willing to throw the cause for his measly job. No principle was big enough for him to place his job in jeopardy and he was fully aware of the fact that he had to make good on the Washington orders “or be pulled out,” like the “handy man” who lived up the tracks and took his place with the boys in the parade, but was called on by the foreman in the morning and told “You better come back now or ye kin never work for the company again.” He sputtered and cried: “Oh, what shall I do? Oh, what shall I do?” and then decided to do it. Such was Jack Buckalew’s position, and after he got the shakes bad enough he also did it. 136 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL “Look here, Jack,” I said; “you yellow cur, now that you have shown yourself as small as you can get, now that we’ve learned that there is no real fight in you, and that the rehearsal you’ve made before the spotlights has been but a barnyard recital. You came here a few months ago with your organi- zation a wreck, dressed up an attitude that was both false and misleading. You may be a Grand Lodge officer with titles and reputations that are admired and welcome where folks don’t know you as we do, and have had no opportunity to take your blue prints as we have taken them. The rebel nest was here before you made the circuit, Jack, and it shall stay here until the ‘dips’ are successful in pulling down the curtain on this western drama. There is nothing in the rebel nest that belongs to either you, Johnston or Pete Conlon, and if there is any- thing that you will ever take it will be after the ‘smokeless’ has been pushed out from the Winchesters. Now you are welcome to go, but remember this, that it was a strike for federation, and if you intend to go out and interfere with our activities in the the interest of federation, you’ll lose more sleepless nights than Johnston has lost.” And so Jack Buckalew left, fully realizing that he had closed nothing up; that the little war would go on as far as the rebel nest was concerned. Hawver had slipped off his coat, and stood there in the corner with his eyes popping out like a boy who was first taken to see his new baby brother, and said: “That’s a good one, kid. That’s what these dips need to move them. The sooner they are made to realize that this is a strike instead of a playhouse, the better for all of us.” While Jack left, he left to return in the future. His first stop was at Chicago, where he dropped in to see J. W. Kline, President of the Blacksmiths, and told him what a nasty job Pete Conlon gave him, and how he hated to do it, but he just had to, and that it was his place to stick with the boys who had served him when he could not serve himself, but Washington orders were superior to everything; he had taken an oath to be subservient to the constitution. He then drove into Wash- JACK BUCKALEW CAUGHT IN CRISIS 187 ington to call on Pete and the office of President Johnston, who had recuperated sufficiently to come in and take charge. Here he informed his superior that the rebel nest still stood on the prairie and that now he could not close it up as the district officers had made a Federation out of it. Then he was cross- questioned on how the district came to life and was able to make enough noise to wag the dog in Washington. Jack was then issued new orders that if he could not break up the Fed- eration and that movement that had developed from the dis- trict he would have to send in his resignation. Mr. Buckalew realized what he was up against, but he had to make good or lose his job, and the office in Washington was more than anxious to see him make good and therefore developed mutual co-operation and a federated effort between Mr. Johnston and Buckalew. Inasmuch as we were now in the storm of organized opposi- tion, it will be well to remember that Jack Buckalew went to Washington to confer with those whom he regarded as wreck- ing the strike in June, 1912, and his date in Washington was Nov. 26, 1912. Several propositions were now developing in Washington, in which Mr. Johnston, Pete Conlon and their new recruit Mr. Jack Buckalew were interested. One of them was how to wreck the Strike Bulletin that had been started at this time. As this was regarded as the most dangerous weapon we had been able to establish while the brains of the labor move- ment were asleep on the job, you will see where they jumped on the little newspaper in the near future. Remember that the plot was hatched in Washington at this time. President Hawver of the district was under the impression that Mr. Conlon had made the suspension without the knowl- edge of President Johnston, and therefore wired him as follows: Cunton, Inu. Nov. 28, 1912. Mr. Wm. H. Jounston, 402 McGill Bldg., Washington, D. C. For the future welfare of your organization come to Clinton and make terms. I desire no reoccurrence of trouble like in District 15. L. M. Hawver, Jr. 138 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL To which President Johnston of the Machinists replied as follows: THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH CO. Day Letter. Wasuineton, D. C., Nov. 30, 1912. L. M. Hawver, Jr., Box 382, Clinton, Il. Person’s actions necessitated his suspension. Books and papers must be turned over by him. If he desires to appeal he should comply with our instructions and his case will be laid before the General Eixecu- tive Board. We cannot stand for any further temporizing with him. Wu. H. Jomnston—11:00 P. M. President Johnston’s wire will indicate that Vice President Pete Conlon was acting under the instructions of President Johnston and with his full knowledge thereof. Johnston re- fused to meet the District Board. There were no two sides to the issue as far as Mr. Johnston was concerned, so he took the same attitude the Ilmois Central and Harriman Lines took with the Federation and would grant no conference whatever. He would not even recognize the grievance of the association’s own district. Why, then, should railroads and others recog- nize Mr. Johnston or the association when they make applica- tion for a meeting to discuss grievances at issue? Such tactics as this were the cause of the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines strike. The following letter was again sent President Johnston, asking for a conference: Cuinton, Itu., Dec. 8, 1912. Mr. Wn. H. Jonnsron, 402 McGill Bldg., Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: Please set date when you can meet with our district board in Mattoon, Ill. We should have harmony at any cost. There is much dissatisfaction expressed in district at your action of notifying lodges of Person’s suspension. We believe it very important that you meet with us soon. Wire answer. (Signed) L. M. Hawver, Jr. No answer was received from the above letter. The tele- gram and letter is put in the records to show that it was an impossibility for the district to even get a conference with Mr. Johnston. McCREERY TURNS TRAITOR 139 McCreery Turns A TRAITOR FOR THE PROMISE OF A JOB Thad at this time made arrangements to open up a lecture tour and use such men as could handle themselves on the plat- form as a means of raising funds to maintain the picket lines. Mr. W. E. Bowen, the former Secretary of the Illinois Central Federation, and also an Advisory Board member of the Ilinois Central Federation, who had endorsed the proposition as sub- mitted him by President McCreery, including my election as Secretary for the Federation, was engaged to go out on the road, as the following letter will substantiate from President McCreery: Papucan, Ky., Nov. 23, 1912. Mr. Cart E. Person, Clinton, I. Dear Sir and Brother: I am in receipt of a letter from Bro. Bowen, and he is willing to start on the road as soon as he is ordered to do so, and says that he prefers a southern territory, so you can fix him up and start him out at your pleasure. Fraternally yours, F. J. McCrerry, President. Mr. W. E. Bowen writes the following letter which speaks for itself: New Orteans, La., Nov. 27, 1912. Mr. Cart E. Person, Clinton, Tl. Dear Sir and Brother: Your letter of the 23rd inst. at hand and contents carefully noted, and I must say that I was somewhat surprised at the action of the Machinists’ organization, because McCreery had informed me that the Machinists, ¢. ¢., District 21, was to turn over their meney to you and I had based my future cause to work for the benefit of THE FEDERATION. I was also under the impression that every- thing was ready to start out on the Bulletin proposition and had made arrangements to take the matter up with the Clerks and have circular letters sent out by the Grand Lodge to all members asking each lodge to contribute 10c for each member as a subscription for the Bulletin. This would have raised hundreds of dollars and if the same plan would 140 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL be adopted by all the organizations in the Federation, we could easily have raised hundreds of dollars for the benefit of the strikers, but now I find that the Machinists say they are only looking out for their own mem- bers. This is very good from one point of view, but if we are in a federation for the purpose of fighting together for a common purpose, can it be expected that ALL of the crafts will consider it a fair proposi- tion that any one organization shall HOG all of THEIR revenue for themselves? If the great majority of the money was coming in from the other organizations would not the Machinists want all moneys pro- rated? Well, there is not much use to discuss that phase of the situation at this stage of the game, but do you not think that if this 10c assessment was requested by the Grand Lodge of all working members of all organi- zations that it would have been much better than to depend upon volun- tary contributions, which does not bring in very much, comparatively speaking, and while you say that the Federation instructed you to go ahead with the work, why that sounds all right. They would instruct anyone to “go ahead” when there was a chance for any money to be made, but when I find just ONE MAN who is willing to help the cause along by putting up HIS money to try and do something for the benefit of ALL, then I feel that I would not be doing that man JUSTICE were I to use HIS money and perhaps fail in my efforts to try and do something for these men who are still fighting, and I mean by that, the men who are still out and not working; any of the strikers who have secured em- ployment can very easily say to those on the firing lines, “Sic ’em, Tige; go at ’em,” but how many of them are doing their share to give “TIGE” encouragement? When I see such actions as taken by the machinists, I naturally rebel and really dislike to go out under such conditions, but if you are willing to take the chance, then say the word and out I go, of course. I have already said that, but I wanted you to know my feelings in the matter before I would make up my mind to go; and again, you say that they have suspended you. This being the case, do you not think they will publish you and this would act against the plan with the Machinists? Of course, it would not matter with other organizations, but I would like very much to go “up against” any Machinists’ Lodge and have them to throw that up to me, so will have to steer clear of them, unless you say go to them, and Willie will go. Now, just as soon as you get the Bulletin proposition through the postoffice, let me know and I will take the matter up with the Grand Lodge of the Clerks and put the proposition through to have a 10c assess- ment made by every lodge on every member, or rather, I should say, I will try it, and I have no fear of the result. Any man who would not put up that amount every month for to assist us in this fight should turn in his card, declaring he is not fit to be a union man, and as I have said before, every Grand Lodge should do the same thing, and while you are working on the Bulletin make the subscription 10¢c per month and try to interest all the members of the Executive Board of the Federation and have them to take up the matter with the respective organizations. Write Buckalew and other V. P.’s of other organizations and explain the proposition, and if they all fall in line, it will be thousands of dollars ee ren for us and then the question of financing the strike will be settled. McCREERY TURNS TRAITOR 141 I tell you, Brother Person, when I can see how easy the thing could be done and then learn of the apathy of the powers that be and the indifference of the union men whose very existence depends upon the successful outcome of this fight, men who are now enjoying the fruits of organized labor, men who are so blind that they cannot or do not want to see that the loss of this fight will eventually mean the destruction of all of the organizations involved, it makes my blood boil when I see the future result of this apathy, and when I see such actions as MEN like you I say, “Would to God that we had a few more like you.” Some day I will tell you more, but now the question is, shall I go after I have expressed myself as I have? If I go, my first stop will be Gulfport, Miss. then Mobile, Ala. Will advise you from the latter point as to my next point. Awaiting your answer and with best wishes, I am, Fraternally yours, (Signed) W. E. Bowen. It is easy to make deductions now. Mr. Bowen states that he had been informed of the difficulty in the Machinist District and that my suspension was a reaction to the progress of the Federation. He explains that in making the different lodges, the question of my suspension would come up and _ the “worthy” brothers would refuse to have anything to do with a movement because a suspended member from their “church” was connected with it. In this, Mr. Bowen was right; it was a difficult question to meet, but it had to be met or let the ship go down at that particular time. And of course my suspension was made for this purpose: for the purpose of reacting upon the men on strike and conveying to the membership that something was wrong, and uppermost of all to kill the Federation. All available pressure was brought to bear on President McCreery of the Illinois Central Federation. The wires were burning up between Washington and Paducah, and from Kansas City, the general office of the Carmen, and Paducah. You will remember what McCreery said when he was in Clinton and the proposition that he later submitted to his District was made that he stood ready to fight, if necessary, any Grand Lodge office that would interfere with the federated movement, and as we will now put him on the stand, note the tone of his letter carefully, which reads as follows: 142 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL FEDERATION OF RAILWAY EMPLOYEES Papucan, Ky., Nov. 27, 1912. Mr. Cart E. Person, Clinton, Il. Dear Friend: I received your two letters, also the check for $50 and other matters, but have been waiting to see Buckalew before answering, as Bro. Fritz had a letter from him saying he would be here the first of the week, but so far he has not put in an appearance. Brother, I am sorry to hear of your suspension by the Grand Lodge and think that District 21 should stand behind you in this matter, and hope everything will be straightened out satisfactory. Now, about us starting out on our own hook with you as Strike Secretary without the support of the Machinists would cause friction in our ranks and prevent us from getting the support we should have, so you had better wait and see if this matter can’t be straightened out some way. I have written Molloy and asked what was the disposition of the district in the matter. No doubt the Grand Lodge has notified the differ- ent lodges of your suspension and notified them not to do business with District 21 thru you, and this would prevent us from getting the support we are bound to have. You know there are always some who are only looking for an excuse for not donating to our cause. I am returning to you the check and appreciate your spirit and loyalty to the cause, but, Brother Person, we have got to be very careful of the foundation that we build on for fear that it will crumble from under our building after we have started the building. Let me know whether you are suspended from the I. A. of M. or just suspended from the Assistant Secretary job. I expected to get all of this information from Buckalew, but he has not come and this is the cause of my delay in answering your letters. So hoping to hear from you on this matter, I am, as ever, Yours truly, J. F. McCreery, President I. C. Federation. Now, what do you think of that? This was the gentleman who, back in July, asked me to get after Ryan, the President of the Carmen, because the movement was dying in Paducah. The gentleman that laid in Clinton for three days begging me to do what he admitted he could net do himself. This was the gentleman that submitted the Federation proposition to his Executive Board and they approved of it and depended on him as President to see that it was carried out. And now, that the Machinists had engineered a proposition to kill fed- eration, he ran as a baby might run from a wild bull. McCREERY TURNS TRAITOR 143 The Federation, of course, had no money, as Buckalew took what was left of the District funds when he was sent to close up the District, but, as McCreery admits in his own let- ter, that he was returning the check for $50. This will sub- stantiate that money was sent him, and he was at that time to speak in Louisville and other cities in Kentucky. What had happened in the meantime? Several Grand Lodge officers had been to see him, Buckalew had written him and, as he states in his letter, was expected in Paducah any time. These were the kind of men that had let the Federation die and the Grand Lodge officers run away with it. This was the man who was President of the Federation before the strike and who issued strike orders because the Illinois Central would not recognize the Federation, and here he was afraid to recog- nize it himself, because the Grand Lodge officers did not like it. This is the man who, in May of 1911, was elected as Presi- dent of the Federation at Memphis, Tenn., and who asserted while in Clinton that when the storm came up he would be there with his sturdy arm of protection, and now he did not have sand enough to face a small organized opposition like this. How could he be expected to put up a fight against a railroad com- pany with brains and money? He became willing to let the Federation die, because Buck- alew, to preserve his job, had orders to tear it down. What was the cause? What was the price paid, we ask McCreery? What inducements were you offered to tear the Federation down? Was it to be made a vice president of the Carmen’s International Union at the Milwaukee convention in 1913? Did he surrender all the principles of federation to Jack Buck- alew, the Grand Lodge of the Machinists, and the Grand Lodge of the Carmen, for a measly seat on the staff of the Sky Pilots? We shall inform you in regard to this a little later as we arrive at the narration of another scene of the circus. Let us see what this gentleman said in his proposition as submitted to his Executive Board. His last paragraph of the proposi- tion reads: 144 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL Brothers, it is very plain that we cannot exist as a Federation, along the lines that have been followed out as per the constitution, and, therefore, we must devise such means and ways that is to the best interest of this movement at this time, and with this end in view I am submitting to you this proposition as outlined in this letter. If such was the fact at that time, why did Mr. McCreery take water at this time? If he had a perfect right to do so, then the Illinois Central and Harriman Lines had a perfect right to turn the Federation down in 1911. The principle is the same, regardless whether it is outside or inside of the labor movement, is it not? If one man or one organization is justi- fied to do one or many things, then should not anyone else be justified to do the same? If Mr. McCreery turned down the movement and the men he was supposed to represent at this time for the job of Vice President for the Carmen, is he not likely to let the members of that organization down at any time, if the proper inducements are made to him, judging from his weakness before? Any man who would surrender the prin- ciples and rights of the 12,000 men out on strike on the Tlli- nois Central, you are justified in believing that there is noth- ing too low for him to execute in the future. Inasmuch as Mr. McCreery stated in his letter that he was writing Business Agent Molloy of the Machinists; therefore, let us put Molloy on the stand: INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MACHINISTS DISTRICT LODGE NO, 21 Dec. 1, 1912. Dear Person: I am enclosing you a letter which I received from McCreery. You can see by same the ideas that he had in regard to the matter. I guess he and Buck talked this over since he wrote me. I guess Buck told him how the Liberator was to take the place of the Bulletins, etc. We will not wait for that. I was talking to Sam Osten of the Blacksmiths here and he was sore because he thought that we had all turned you down. He told mé today that from Buck’s talk last Sunday at the mass meeting that all the machinists turned you down and that you had been a terrible violator of the constitution. Osten also said, “I remember some of the things that Buck told us to do were not in line with the constitution.” You can count on Osten as with you and I find some others here also. Osten told me, too, that he had told Jensen that he thought we were all a lot of guitters, if we did not stick with you. McCREERY TURNS TRAITOR 145 When I write McCreery I am going to tell him that it is no more essential that we machinists stick to our part of the proposition than for all other crafts to stick to their part. I think McCreery got his instruc- tions all right, and I think that was the reason why Buck’s letter was sent there from Conlon; so they could compare things. Well, we got them on the go now. They will have to make some move to get out a Bulletin and to promote Federation or we will be after them some more. I have not heard from Johnston yet on the letter which I sent him at Rochester. Neither have I heard from the one which I sent Pete Conlon from Clinton. I can’t imagine why I have been ignored in both cases. Maybe they have had all the stenographers sending out circulars telling of your suspension. I find that none have been missed. Please return the enclosed letter, as I want to frame it. “Yours for the cause, H. J. Mortoy, Business Agent, District 21, I. A. of M. From Business Agent Molloy’s letter we can understand that Buckalew had already been in Paducah to see McCreery and that Conlon had been in touch with McCreery. We further find that Jack Buckalew had attended the mass meeting of strikers in Chicago. We further find that they had started out to put the strike bulletin out of business, and the Liberator was to be endorsed, as we shall note later on. We also note that the strikers in Chicago realize that Jack Buckalew was on a mission of destruction, do we not? Molloy further stated that in his opinion McCreery had received his instructions, did he not? As yet you can understand that Business Agent Molloy is standing firm and that he realized that there was an organized effort to tear down the federation. In the meantime Jack Buckalew was a busy man; when he left Chicago he went back to Paducah again, and there he found that in face of all organized opposition, and deserted by the spineless element, I was going ahead as if nothing had happened. While in Paducah a letter was written to W. E. Bowen and he was given instructions to lay down on the job, and these instructions were complied with, and the dates made for him in Alabama and Mississippi were not filled, as he was afraid to go out after being told not to go. 146 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL BucKALEw’s Dyitne Errort ror REVENGE The next thing Jack Buckalew undertook to do was to bring the Advisory Board of District No. 21 to Clinton and have them to sit as a jury on my suspension. In the meantime he wrote them all and laid his side of the case before them, and when they heard of it, they, of course, made up their mind that the Pinkerton Detective Agency had run away with their District, for so it appeared after hearing Jack Buckalew’s side of the case. The meeting of the District Board took place at Clinton on December 7, 1912. Buckalew arranged for suitable quarters at the “Village Inn” and at ten o’clock promptly called the court to order. Hawver, President of the District, was seated as the judge of the court, while Jack assumed the office of state’s attorney and prosecutor. James J. Meagher was the defendant’s chief coun- sel. Jack Buckalew told his tale of woe, and they were pretty well impressed with the fact that I tore down constitutional fences to question the authorities, his highness at Washington, as well as his assistant, Jack Buckalew. Among the 59 indictments that Buckalew had preferred was that of refusing to accept the dictates of my superiors and stealing the Machinists’ District and then giving it away to the Federation. The first day was absorbed in Buckalew’s opening speech, which was as flowery as spring hats at Atlantic City and as useless as an extension on a silk gown in a bar- room dance hall. Here I learned my first lesson to plead guilty to nothing under the instructions of the learned counsel, J. J. Meagher. The next day’s proceedings were opened up by Attorney Meagher’s eloquent speech, which was so penetrating that the wall paper started to crack, the curtains swung as if rocked by the northern winds that sweep the prairies, while Prosecuting Counsel Buckalew sank deeper and deeper upon his hickory chair; the colored shoe-shine performers with the village constables, as well as the citizens that had come up on the square to absorb the morning sunshine, stood listening to BUCKALEW’S DYING EFFORT FOR REVENGE 147 the penetrating voice that escaped from over the window sills and went riding on the aerial waves. Little children were jubilant over the anticipations that Barnum had come to town with his steam calliope. If Buckalew was of the impression that his lubricator would oil up the machine to the extent of accomplishing his purpose after Meagher’s opening speech, he was badly mistaken, for now some hard, cold facts had been driven home. They seemed to change the atmosphere of the situation and before the end of the second day of the trial Jack Buckalew was the man on trial instead of “yours for victory.” It developed that Jack Buckalew himself was the man that first came to the vil- lage and asked for assistance in declaring war on the Grand Lodge and the “dips” who were putting a cold blanket on the strike, and that he got more assistance than he wanted. If there was anyone guilty of violating this law of interfering with the peaceful slumbers of the dips, Jack Buckalew was guilty. But the District members found him guilty for get- ting yellow and not going the limit when the storm came up. The second indictment was the turning over of the District to the Federation and making the effort to handle the strike on a federated basis. Here the Machinist District was placed on trial instead of me. It was Molloy, the Business Agent, L. M. Hawver, the President, and the Board members that approved of this proposition and had turned it over to McCreery and begged me to serve them as the Secretary of the Federation, and my only crime was that I served them too well. When Buck- alew came around at the behest of the Grand Lodge of the Machinists to bury it, he was pulled to one side and told to put his foot on the soft, soft peddle, and when McCreery went wrong he was also put on the shelf, and in this case the Dis- trict members refused to find themselves guilty. Before the trial was over Buckalew received a telegram from Washington, D. C., signed by President Johnston, which stated that: McCreery wires that he had no connections with Person. 148 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL This, however, was the biggest joke of them all, as both Molloy and Hawver were there to substantiate the fact- that McCreery had been in Clinton and laid around there and cried until I conceded to take hold of the Federation, and I pulled out several letters received from him, as well as the $50 check he had returned to me, and Newman, Hawver, Molloy and Meagher testified to the fact that they had approved of the federation proposition submitted to President McCreery by the District officers. Like Judas Iscariot in that drama before Pilate, who sold himself for thirty pieces of silver, McCreery now turned the same trick for the promise of a cushioned seat on the staff of the sky pilots, which was presented to him at the Milwaukee convention of the Brotherhood of Railroad Carmen in 1918. And there is one thing that President Ryan of the Carmen can be admired for: he stood true to his promise here and paid McCreery off; that’s more than McCreery will do for him if Ryan ever gets caught in a tight place. The District officers again re-concurred in their former action as submitted to McCreery, and my instructions were to carry out the specifications of welding the movement together on a federated basis, with McCreery on the coffin at Paducah, and the “dips” barking like hungry wolves at every station they made. The court at Clinton adjourned and the District members left for their destination, while Buckalew took the midnight flyer for Washington to make a report on the case to his superior. The Advisory Board members of District No. 21 that were the jury in the case were A. E. Fritz, J. J. Meagher, P. J. Jensen, E. M. Young, J. A. Nortney, Wm. A. Newman, L. M. Hawver, H. J. Molloy, Vice President J. D. Buckalew, and the defendant, yours truly. In accordance with the Machinists’ constitution, the Grand Lodge has jurisdiction over a District lodge, and notice was served on President Hawver of the District, who handled that office after my suspension, that whatever funds they would receive would have to be disbursed through the District and to Machinists exclusively, and in view of the fact that the Dis- BUCKALEW’S DYING EFFORT FOR REVENGE 149 trict had all agreed to handle their end of the strike through the Federation, they did not do so after Jack Buckalew gave them the Washington orders that they could not. They put up no further fight, but laid down to satisfy Washington. Therefore, in going ahead with the Federation, starting a paper and carrying out the instructions as given by the Fed- eration Advisory Board, had to be met with the District laying down on their agreement. Mr. McCreery on the shelf in Paducah, W. E. Bowen of New Orleans carrying out Mc- Creery’s instructions to “keep hands off,” and all the organized forces of opposition against the Federation was not a pleasant situation to face. At the time Jack Buckalew had his District in Clinton for my trial, I already had several men on the road, one of whom was a gentleman by the name of G. C. Martyn, formerly of Memphis, Tenn., who made a trip over the Illinois Central Lines north of Memphis and organized the local Federations previous to the Memphis convention in May, 1911. Mr. Martyn was at this time working in Somerset, Ky., and I sent him to Atlanta, Ga., where there was a convention of different labor organizations of the South. He went to this convention to advertise the strike, solicit subscriptions for the strike bulletin and funds for the movement. I am quot- ing you a wire received from him, which is as follows: WESTERN UNION NIGHT LETTER 1 CH S 77 Paid. Atuanta, Ga., Dec. 9, 1912. C. E. Person, Clinton, Tl. Conlon says all G. L. Presidents agreed to stop bulletins. Have arranged to finance Liberator as official bulletin. Say McCreery wrote he was neither connected with or supporting bulletin. Advises me wire from McCreery agrees that I speak for funds and send to Bowen and Harriman Lines all money direct. Says I will go wrong in taking subscriptions, so I am puzzled. Prospects good one hundred present. Wire fully at once. G. C. Martyn. 8:33 A. M.—10th. 150 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL How does this connect up the situation? Of course, Buck- alew had been in Washington before he took his District to Clinton for my trial, and there it was agreed on that the strike bulletin must be killed. Note that the wire states, “Conlon says all Grand Lodge Presidents agreed to stop bulletin.” You understand at this time we had forced them to federate in order that they might put the strikers’ Federation out of business. Look up the next portion of the wire, which “states,” “Says McCreery wrote he was neither connected with or sup- porting the bulletin.” Of course, McCreery had been fixed at this time. But turn back to the proposition endorsed by the Advisory Board, and then you will see that he was con- nected with the bulletin. No doubt that President Johnston knew that Martyn was to be sent to Atlanta for this convention and therefore sent Pete Conlon there, who was up to date on the issue in question. This telegram will connect up the one received from President Johnston during my trial at Clinton a few days before, will it not? But to keep us from getting the Federation on its feet they are going to start another federation in competition, as indicated by Martyn’s telegram of December 9, 1912. Here you can see that McCreery appointed Mr. Bowen in New Orleans as Secretary again, thinking, of course, this would put a scare in us. No doubt he was told to do this, and who do you suppose gave him such instructions? I will put page 65 of the January issue for 1913 of the Machinists’ Journal on the stand, and I am sure that McCreery or Bowen never got any space in this journal before this time. It reads as follows: The following circular letter has been sent out by our brothers now on strike on the Illinois Central and tells of a means they have adopted to finance their fight, and is reproduced here so as to assist them by giving their plan as much publicity as possible. If you have not already done so, take up the matter and get someone or several to handle their time books, or at least get into communication with them through the address given in the letter which follows: “Under separate cover we are sending you souvenir time book BUCKALEW’S DYING EFFORT FOR REVENGE 151 of the Illinois Central strike of 1911 and 1912, which contains valuable information as well as being a souvenir of the strike, at the same time a useful time book which is used by every working man. “The time books are gotten out by the Illinois System Federation to raise money to carry on the strike to a successful termination. The men on the Illinois Central are putting up a noble fight and the longer it lasts the more determined the men are to win, which is plainly seen by the losses reported by the cviupany to the Commerce Commission. “The Illinois Central finds itself facing another winter with its. engines and rolling stock in far worse shape than they were a year ago, with their business falling off to such an extent that it has necessitated great reductions in the transportation departments. They are continu- ally reducing tonnage and pulling off trains and showing in every way that they are unable to overcome the effects of the strike. If we can maintain our picket lines throughout this winter we feel that we can force them to a satisfactory settlement. “We are asking you to sell these books or appoint some agent in your town to sell them at the price of ten cents apiece, and after retain- ing 25% of the receipts for your work or their work, send the balance money to W. E. Bowen, Secretary-Treasurer of the System Federation of the Mlinois Central and Allied Lines, P. O. Box 367, Paducah, Ky. Now, what do you think of that? McCreery’s new Fed- eration got space in the Machinists’ Journal, printed in the January issue of 1913, which means that the copy must have been in the hands of the printer about the 20th of December, 1912. Myr. Martyn’s telegram from Atlanta was dated the 9th of December, 1912. They even induced McCreery to start a federation in competition to the one that he let die, and then laid in Clinton for three days to persuade me to take hold of it, and it was turned over to me, not by McCreery, but by the Executive Board, as the records will show. Were any of the other circulars sent out by the Federa- tion or by the Machinists’ District given space in the Machin- ists’? Journal? Not much. This was the Machinists’ organiza- tion who started a new federation by using McCreery. You have heard Grand Lodge officers sometime express themselves about dual unions; of course, this did not apply in this case, for they started it themselves. To better understand this, you 152 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL should turn back and read Mr. Bowen’s letter of August 15, 1912, and Mr. McCreery’s letter of August 22, 1912; then you can better connect up the conspiracy. You will note that Mr. Bowen’s address was New Orleans, La., and this was his address since the inception of the strike until after November 27, as his letter to me of that date will indicate, as it was dated from New Orleans. Did Mr. Bowen move to Paducah, Ky., for the emergency to get another federation started, or did McCreery only use Bowen’s name be- cause his name was known as Secretary of the Federation in the early days of the strike, when a little money came in without having to go after it? The Grand Lodge officers wanted a federation that they could handle—a federation that would let the movement die without a protest; a federation just like McCreery had run up to August 22, the date of the letter to me when he asked me to go after President Ryan of the Carmen because the movement was dying on him in Paducah, and he knew not what was going on outside of Paducah at the time. He did not know that at that time there were 15 terminal points where there was no one on the job whatever, and he cared much less. For he thought the Federation and the strike ended outside of the city limits of Paducah, Ky. Mr. J. F. McCreery was made Vice President of the Car- men at their Milwaukee convention in 1913, so he was compen- sated for his loyalty to the machine. By betraying the inter- ests of his fellows that were depending on him for leadership he made himself a job. We will now place McCreery on the shelf, as far as this story is concerned, for we are done with him, and his name in the future will only be used as a matter of reference. Mr. W. E. Bowen did not know the situation as McCreery did ; he was a well-meaning, kind-hearted soul, who was brought up under the authority which it was a pleasure to respect. Mr. Bowen was not aware of the trap that was set, but realized it after. Mr. Bowen attended the Railway Department BUCKALEW’S DYING EFFORT FOR REVENGE 153 convention in 1914, where he was taken ill and died in Kansas City during the convention there. The following reply was sent to the wire received from Mr. Martyn at Atlanta, Ga.: Cuinton, Iut., Dec. 9, 1912. G. C. Marryn, Atlanta, Ga. Follow instructions received from Person. Don’t wire McCreery or you will be farther confused. McCreery is trying to act under Con- lon’s instructions. Conlon lacks information regarding our plan. Per- son selected as strike Secretary of System Federation with power to receive and disburse funds. This was approved by McCreery and Fed- eration Executive Committee. You will not go wrong in taking sub- we and sending funds to Carl Person. We can make good. Stand rm. H. J. Morzroy, Business Agent, District No. 21. L. M. Hawver, President, District No. 21. Mr. Jack Buckalew was in Clinton when Martyn’s wire from Atlanta was received, and he was happy to know that his comrade, Pete Conlon, was on the job in Atlanta to oppose anything that we were doing. I shall put Buckalew on the stand regarding the Atlanta matter after a-while. Mr. Buckalew was not satisfied after losing his case in Clinton, but started out to work on the members of the District that were as yet putting their efforts in the federated move- ment, and we will therefore track him up for a short while that you may understand what his efforts were, and in reply to a letter from Mr. Hawver he writes as follows: INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MACHINISTS Cuicaco, Int., Dec. 18, 1912. Me. L. M. Hawver, Clinton, Il. Dear Sir and Brother: Just read your letter with the enclosures, all of which has been given due consideration. First, permit me to advise we cannot put on any of the men you mention as pickets and pay them from the funds we have on hand, except Nauman and Stone. I believe the others are Carmen and IJ am not going to pay their men to stay on strike at any place where we are not already doing so, and going to stop that just as soon as I can get a machinist to take their places. Fraternally yours, J. D. BucxKatew, International Vice President. 154 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL Mr. Hawver had written Mr. Buckalew in regard to placing aman on the picket line at a point where there were no pickets and, as you can see, he states, “I believe the others are car- men.” Of course, a terminal point on the system had to be deserted because there was no machinist that would work for six dollars a week. Jurisdictional lines were drawn very close here, as you can see, for even the six-dollars-a-week jobs of looking after the strike at Carbondale, IIl., had to be filled by a machinist, or else have no one there to look after it. You will remember Jack Buckalew as an able “preacher of the all for one and the one for all.” Even McCreery in his letter to me of August 22, 1912, when he wanted me to get after President Ryan of the Carmen, was of the opinion that the money should be “pooled” in the interest of the strike. Of course this was before McCreery was “fixed.” Turn back and read this letter again, and then you can realize that McCreery fell for the song of those that worked in opposition to the federated movement. Let us put Jack Buckalew on the stand again and see what he is trying to do a little later: St. Louis, Mo., Dec. 20, 1912. Brotuers Hawver anp Newman, Clinton and Mattoon. Dear Sirs and Brothers: In the future you will please pay all the machinists in the payroll of District 21 by check and from the office of Secretary-Treasurer. This, I believe, is in accordance wtih the laws of both the G. L. and the District. Now, if you want to know what I think about the matter, will say this: the G. L., as well as myself, do not think it necessary to keep two offices; that is, doing business from two points that can be put into one. I am not in favor of taking the office away from Mattoon, as we have that place as well advertised as we can for the place to receive dona- tions. To make it any other place would be to our detriment and espe- cially to Clinton. I need you both in this fight, and I know the men on the firing line want you both to stay on the job; therefore, I would appreciate it very much if Brother Hawver can see his way clear to move to Mattoon and take charge of the fight from that point. Should President Hawver consent to move to Mattoon we will buy a new machine and such other material, and I rather expect that between the two of you, you can handle all the business from your respective homes. We will buy the machine anyway for the Secretary- BUCKALEW’S DYING EFFORT FOR REVENGE 155 Treasurer’s office, but I was thinking that it might be used by Hawver should he come to Mattoon. If you men only knew what I am going through with at this time, you would, I am sure, help to make as good a fight as we can with the means we have. Please give this matter your earliest consideration and write me at home, 109 Duane St., Topeka, Kan. With best wishes, I am, Fraternally yours, J. D. BucKkatew, Vice President, I. A. of M. The letter is a joke. Poor old Jack had a stormy career trying to satisfy Washington. What he wanted to do now was to get President Hawver away from Clinton, for fear that I would use some undue influence on him. Jack also plays up the economy end of it. There was no use to keep up two offices ; that’s fine, but they had no office in Mattoon; Wm. A. Newman was working and had been working for about a year, and handled the work as Secretary at his home. If Buckalew wanted to eliminate all the unnecessary offices, then he should have joined the Federation and handled all business through the Federation. This would certainly have cut out all the unnecessary offices, wouldn’t it? But it was simply Jack’s play to try and get Hawver away from Clinton. He puts up the argument to cut out an office, but as you will note he wants two offices in Mattoon, IIl., and is further willing to purchase a machine (not an automobile, just a typewriter); note the promise of a machine. Jack is playing here like some small kid, who would say, “If you come over and play I will give you some candy.” In reply to Mr. Buckalew’s letter, President Hawver wrote him as follows: Curnton, Itz, Dec. 23, 1912. Mr. J. D. BucKatew, Topeka, Kan. Dear Sir and Brother: I have your letter of the 20th; sorry to note that you have placed me in the class of J. F. McCreery. I went on strike for federation and have sacrificed 15 months, as well as my home, and here you are asking me at this time to surrender all this for a “machine.” I cannot help but think that you had to make McCreery larger promises than you made me. 156 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL J have a telegram that my father is sick in Florida, and will have to go down and look after him. If I could stay, I would stay with Carl Person, the only man in the movement that has had the nerve to whip you all into line. Fraternally, L. M. Hawver, President District No. 21, I. A. of M. To give you a better idea of Jack Buckalew’s attitude in regard to the “all for one and one for all” that he preached during the early dates of the strike, I will let you hear from Business Agent Molloy on the subject, who wrote: ~ nae Cuicaco, Dec. 29, 1912. Dear Person: I received your circular addressed to Dear Rebel and Agitator; that will get some of their goats if they get to see it. I seen Buckalew yesterday, and he said that Hawver wanted to put on three Carmen, and that he had told Hawver that hereafter “WE THE DISTRICT” would not pay any Carmen or Boilermakers, or anyone else benefits, from the Machinist funds. Some more nice big spirit for the DADDY OF THE FEDERATION. I guess he means to follow instructions from now on. I had quite a talk with Jim Kline the other day and he is not opposed to putting one of his Vice Presidents on the Tlinois Central and let him work under the Federation. He said he would do so, if the other Grand Lodge Presidents would. Some of us little fellows have big ideas, but Jim Kline is a big fellow that will listen to anything that seems right. Yours for federation, H. J. Mortoy, Business Agent District No. 21. From Business Agent Molloy we can understand that Jack Buckalew had received his instructions, can we not? And if such was the case should we allow him or others to tear down the Federation movement? Also note what Molloy says in regard to Mr. Kline, who had approved of our proposition, and would put a Vice Presi- dent from the Blacksmiths to work with us under the juris- diction of the Federation. By this method, and this method only, could we have obtained the best results, that is, by getting together and working with each other for the interest of the movement as a whole, instead of for the interest of a particular craft. Molloy also gives us some enlightenment on Buckalew’s BUCKALEW’S DYING EFFORT FOR REVENGE 157 attitude toward the Carmen. Hawver wanted to put a few pickets on at points where there was no one. There was none other than Carmen to do the work. But because they were Carmen Buckalew would have nothing to do with them, and therefore no one was on the picket lines at such places. And, as Molloy states, Buckalew was the daddy of the Federation, as he admitted himself a little later. As I promised a little while ago to put Jack Buckalew on the stand regarding the Atlanta Convention, when Pete Conlon and McCreery were on the job, to stop our man Martyn from doing anything in the interest of the men on strike at the Atlanta Convention. Therefore, let us hear from Jack Bucka- lew’s letter upon this subject, in which he says: INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MACHINISTS Topeka, Kan., Dec. 31, 1912. Mr. G. O. Martyn, Somerset, Ky., General Delivery. Dear Sir and Brother: I knew about your visit to Atlanta after you got there; I was in Clinton when it was decided you should be sent, but no one said anything to me about it. Molloy, Person and Hawver took the responsibility of diverting the funds of District 21 into the I. C. System Federation some time ago. They also took the responsibility of putting on pickets of other organizations and sending out organizers over the country at the expense of the district. They certainly realized that I was being held responsible for every nickel spent from the treasury of District 21. They also know the hard fight I have had with local lodges in getting funds to carry on this strike. Every one must know the uphill fight I have had with the heads of some of the other organizations, and, considering the upheaval in our own organization, brought about almost entirely by Person’s letters, if any action of any kind was to be taken relative to finances or changing the attitude of our district, I, as the man held responsible for these things by our Grand Lodge and membership, should have been consulted. Therefore, as soon as I learned of their action, I countermanded every order as it applied to Newman’s office relative to financing anyone at any place. Person had several hundred dollars of his own money, which he started to spend, but soon run amuck as he realized there would be no income to replenish it. I did not want him to spend his money on organ- izers and the Bulletin, and agreed to finance the Bulletin out of the district treasury, which has been and is being done at the expense of about $25 per week. Perhaps you haven't figured it out, but it will take about 400 new subscribers every week to pay for the printing alone. It the Bulletin reaches a circulation of more than five thousand it will be a curiosity. This might have been possible if Person had tried to get 158 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL along with the Grand Lodge officers instead of calling them dogs and czars. He hasn’t the backing of a single International President, and so far as our organization is concerned, I just received a letter from Washington telling me that I have jurisdiction over Person and the right to take his card and book away from him if he does not stop maligning the International officers, until such time as he can prove his statements. No one but myself knows what I have had to contend with in this strike. I never yet had to fight our own people as I have in this move- ment. I put Person on the job as statistician of the strike because I thought I could use his Bulletin with better effect than the one gotten out in New Orleans, with no intention of ignoring the other Bulletin, but because it was not giving results. Later on Molloy and Hawver appointed him Assistant Secretary, which was ratified by the district. Then my troubles commenced. I wrote Person and Hawver quite a lengthy letter, telling them how to solicit funds. This was very successful, but they did not stop at that, but launched out on their own hook without advising with me what move to make, and in a few weeks got into a letter controversy with the Grand Lodge, which developed into Johnston wiring Molloy, Person and myself to meet him in St. Louis. At that conference Johnston made us a propo- sition that he would give us 25 per cent of all donations received and would pay Molloy’s entire salary, thereby relieving the district of any responsibility of his salary or expense. This was agreed to between Wharton, Johnston, Person and Molloy and myself. Just prior to this suspension, they took hold of the Federation with- out consulting me whatever, and agrecd to spend our money on McCreery, Bowen and Pullen, which I objected to. If you only knew the letters that have gone out over the country accusing us of misappropriating our funds, you would realize why I have been so careful about how the money is spent. This is just a brief history of some of the facts in the case. Now, I have notified a great many southeastern lodges and expect to notify the rest that our Grand Lodge is paying us six and eight dollars per week, through donations sent to us thru the Grand Lodge. Any lodge desiring us to have their money can send it to Preston with instructions to send it to Newman, and we will get it. Other organizations are pay- ing their men ten dollars a week to stay on strike. Therefore, we machin- ists have got to raise the extra two or four dollars, whichever we can pay, by voluntary donations. If Person, Molloy or Hawver keep up much of their tactics we will be unable to even do this because Machin- ists will NOT donate to pay Carmen, Boilermakers and Blacksmiths when they are expected to take care of themselves. Out of 934 lodges, less than fifty are donating at the present time to the district. Perhaps about 275 to the Grand Lodge. This is a fair idea of how our members look at the situation. I trust I will not have to take any action against Person and his Bulletin, but we are paying for it entirely out of the district’s money. No organization is paying in a nickel. By getting down to business and fighting the strike under the jurisdiction of men who have been years in this work, he could be of some service to us, but a few more of his sarcastic editorials and unjust criticisms will of itself put the Bulletin out of business. Now, Brother Martin, I am a federationist first, last and all the BUCKALEW’S DYING EFFORT FOR REVENGE 159 time. I believe I taught the major portion of our organization what federation means. I have stood by it and fought for it to my own detriment and I expect in some instances to the detriment of our organi- zation. I still believe in it so much that I was responsible for the set of laws being drafted that was endorsed in Kansas City and became the Federation of Federations and later the Railway Department of the A. F. of L. By taking this stand I have lost many friends, [I still believe in it and believe it will be a power some day, but such tactics as Person has adopted will be of vast injury to what has already been accomplished. If you take my advice, you will drop him right now and do what you can to divert the money that is being raised into Newman and Alverd’s office. Write me in care of Newman’s office, 3101 Champaign Avenue, Mattoon, IIL. Fraternally yours, J.D. BucxarEw, International Vice President. To properly commert on Jack Buckalew’s history of the strike would necessitate several volumes. You have read his letter issued to the district in September, 1912, and you will best note how Jack has softened up by this time. He states that his trouble commenced when I was made Assistant Secre- tary of the district. I fancy it was about time to start some trouble with the strike breakers who were killing the movement from the inside. I did not run after Jack Buckalew or the district, but after they came and cried and as the financial report of the district for June will show they were only getting a few dollars, it was high time for some trouble, and this will be appreciated by some of the biggest men in the movement as we get further into the story. Jack’s ideas were so small that he did not think it was possible to get a circulation for the Bulletin over four or five thousand. The paper developed into a larger curiosity than he expected, as we shall see further on, as there were times when its circulation reached one million copies, and Jack’s little district did not pay one cent for its support, as he tries to convey in his letter. The district subscribed to have the paper sent to the lodges from which they were getting funds, so the district simply paid for their subscriptions, just the same as any other subscriber did. 160 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL Jack further was in favor of taking the 25 per cent of the money that the Grand Lodge was confiscating, as we can see from his letter, inasmuch as he states that we accepted the proposition in St. Louis. From all indications I made Jack Buckalew, the man of many battles, play ball for a while, and play it hard, and that is what he was drawing his wages for. I felt strong for making them all earn their money, from President Johnston down. Jack failed to make good, and therefore Washington head- quarters gave him a short time to wind up his business and resign, which he did in the early part of 1913. We were will- ing to play ball with Buckalew as long as he was willing to play the game in the direction of the path that drove home- ward. He could have remained as a Vice President of the Machinists, stayed on the line or elsewhere. I would have taken upon my own shoulders the responsibility for all that Wash- ington did not line up with and smiled at their suspensions. But when Jack went out to fight the Federation, for which the boys had crawled out of the round-house pits, then Jack, too, had outlived his usefulness as far as the strike was concerned, and he had to take the consequences from the restless children that he had helped to drive out upon the rocky roads of this cruel old world. When some people are forced to live up to their beliefs and comply with their utterances, they don’t seem to like it so much. But they made 38,000 of the boys from the parade like it, and it is good policy to give the policeman a little dose of his own medicine once in a while. President Hawver had to leave at this time for Florida, on account of sickness in his family. He stayed there for_a while, and later returned to St. Louis, Mo., where he went to work, but did everything possible in the interest of the strike. Wm. A. Newman, the Secretary of the district, was working in Mat- toon, just as he had been for nearly a year. Business Agent Molloy, who although he was on the Grand Lodge payroll stayed on the job and, as we have noted by the records, worked BUCKALEW’S DYING EFFORT FOR REVENGE 161 in the interest of the Federation, and was successful in doing so for some time to come, even at the expense of the Machin- ists’ Association, as they were paying him his salary and expenses, but of course did not know that he was one of the moving spirits responsible for what had taken place in inaugu- rating a federated effort of handling the strike. As soon as Johnston found out that Molloy was a Federationist he started to take him off the strike zone and sent him out over the country organizing. Molloy failed us here, for he should have stuck with the men on strike and told Johnston that it was his. duty to stand with the men he represented as Business Agent before and after the strike was called. Molloy occasionally dropped around to some of the terminal points on the Illinois Central after Johnston had made him an organizer for the Associa- tion and was instrumental in starting another insurrection in the Machinists’ district against Johnston and the Grand Lodge, which we shall see as we get further into the story. PART III THE DECLARATION OF WAR ON THE ILLINOIS CENTRAL SYSTEM FED- ERATION BY THE GRAND LODGE PRESIDENTS AND THE FEDERA- TION’S FIGHT FOR EXISTENCE FEDERATION’s APPEAL FOR CO-OPERATION Y the month of December, 1912, the Federation had got pretty well started, even in face of all the organ- ized opposition. A survey of the terminal points had been made, to determine how many men were devoting their time to the strike and its interest and what crafts they held membership in, as well as the amount of money they were being paid for their services. After the collection of these statistics it was time to place them before the different International officers, so that they would have a photograph of conditions as they really existed. On the 25th of December, 1912, I forwarded them the results of my discovery, as the following letter will best explain, and reads as follows: Curnton, Itt., Dec. 25, 1912. Wm. H. Jounstron, International President Machinists. J. A. Franxttn, International President Boilermakers. M. F. Ryan, International President Carmen. J. W. Kurz, International President Blacksmiths. M. O’Sutzivan, International President Sheet Metal Workers. J. T. Kensevza, International President ——————. G. F. Heapricx, International President Painters. J. J. Carzican, International President Railroad Clerks. Dear Sirs: The men on strike on the Illinois Central have created this office for the purpose of handling the strike in a federated effort. We are at this time forwarding you some information on what your organization is doing on the Illinois Central. 163 164 THE LIZARD’S TRAIL We are asking those of you who are not doing anything for this movement if you will place with us a stipulated amount of money every week for the purpose of maintaining the necessary amount of men on the system. . Would you please inform us if you will place the money you are placing or that you will place in the future into a general fund to be used for paying the men who are on the job? If not, will you inform us where you are placing your money, and how much of it you are putting out on this system? If we have made a mistake in your standing on the score sheet, we want to rectify it, and we shall hope to hear from you in the near future on this matter; also what you will do to co-operate with us in making the strike more effective, as we want to let the men who are working know just what you are doing in this strike and what you will do in the future for its best interest, and in this we do not desire to misrepresent anything. With the co-operation of all concerned results can be accomplished. Let us know how much money you are going to place on the system and where, and if the Grand Lodges are not going to place enough on the system to meet with the requirements, we will then know how much this movement will have to raise. The following will give you the number of pickets it is necessary to maintain at the different points on the Illinois Central if results are to be obtained in the strike situation: Hast Sty. Loulsicsswstieisages ae 6 Amboy ............ esata inayon elds 2 Centralia scissscnxsawecad ewes A ‘Cherokee sesesceeds simeaendaarcs 2 Waterloo: s22scadcesasenes anne 6 Ft. Dodge ciaievevoscvencaees 2 CATO: vedas tests weeds sate 3 Memphis scsnesoeverwunesacas 8 PHINGELON oi. deceieet ens 2 MickSbure weenie sa cedussias audios 6 MGUTGS: sis ie secerssercauine at ad sis 3 CMCCOMD ehiseaigtuvaniecedacs 6 Ereeports cca tauinecsmend sates 6 New Orleans ................. 6 Padueaht jsoscacigeunencni pens 8 Matt occas ca cdiecaien ae 4 Pua Ome 33 4s uamahasitnaeni ses eke Z GLINtOM. cecsciecagas cnriwsssacee 4 Central City .............625- 2. ‘CHICAGO nis asieded weewlauieidases 12 JACKSON. ise vaevenedeakres ees 2 Evansville sacsececsasawcasess 4 Champaign ................... 4 Carbondale .................. 2 Louisville ................00.. 4 Water Valley .............40. 6 Council Bluffs ................ 2 — Indianapolis ................. 2 LOtal; wala cnid marae eines 122 Birmingham ................. 2 It is necessary for this movement to get at least fifteen dollars a week for the men on the job. They will then be in a position to devote all their time to the interest of the strike. You will note that it is necessary as per the line-up to have 122 men to look after the interest of the strike, and to pay each man $15 per week. It will be necessary to spend $1,830 per week on the Illinois Central. Total number of men......... cece cece ee eee eee eee eeee 122 Amount: per week. a sos asc caacinses pene Pde wesed ys aman $15.00 610 122 Total amount for week............ cee cece cence $1,830.00 FEDERATION’S APPEAL FOR CO-OPERATION 165 You are now placing about $918 per week on the system, and in the distribution of this money you have forgotten that Amboy, Council Bluffs, Cherokee, Indianapolis, Carbondale and Birmingham are important junc- tions on the Illinois Central. YOU have done nothing at these points, and some of you have forgotten all the points on the Illinois Central and the fact that your organization is on strike on this road. Name of organizations and the amount of men on their payroll at the different points on the Illinois Central System, Dec. 25, 1912: Machin- Boiler- Black- Car- Sheet Mt. Total ists makers smiths men Clerks Wkrs. Ptrs. Pkts. East St. Louis... 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 4 Centralia ........ 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 Waterloo ........ 3 1 1 0 0 1 0 6 Calte savcaivenaes 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Princeton ........ 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Mounds ......... 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 Freeport ........ 3 0 1 0 0 0 0 4 Paducah ......... 4 2 1 3 0 1 0 11 Fulton .......... 0 0 0 1 0 (0) 0 1 Central City ..... 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 2 Jackson ......... 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 Champaign ...... 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 Louisville ........ 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Council Bluffs.... 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Indianapolis ..... 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Birmingham ..... 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Amboy .......--- 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cherokee ........ 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 0 (0) Ft. Dodge ....... 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Memphis ........ 6 0 2 0 0 1 0 9 Vicksburg ....... 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 McComb ......... 4 0 2 4 0 2 0 12 New Orleans..... 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 Matloon a.0 6 snes 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 3 CHntOn) snccssesee 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 Chicago ......... 6 2 2 0 0 1 0 ul Evansville ....... 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 Carbondale ...... 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Total: vsieiniecse 51 8 12 9 0 6 0 86 Weekly benefits Total per week paid by at all points Machinists .....00cc cece eee c cece teen enact ereeeens $12.00 $612.00 Boilermakers ...... ccs cece ee ees ee eee ence eeeeenes 10.00 80.00 Blacksmiths ....... 0. ccc cece cece eee eee eee e eens 10.00 120.00 Carmen oo cece cece cee eee eee eee eee eee eeeee 4.00 45.00 Sheet Metal Workers.......:cceeeeee cece eee eee eens 10.00 60.00 (0) Cos 9